■wf- ,, 
 
 Srom i^t £,i6rarg of 
 
 (Ret?. ^fPen Jg^^^S QBtotpn, ®. ®. 
 
 QBequeaf^^^ 6g ^im to 
 f^c feifirarp of 
 
 (Princeton C^eofo^icaf ^eminarg 
 
 V.2- 
 
^ ^*«'^/^ 
 
 aft**"*^*-^-' 
 
 C^;^^- 
 
 ^y/^ 
 

 
THE 
 
 OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 CONNECTED, 
 
 IK 
 
 THE HISTORY OF THE JEWS, 
 
 AND 
 
 NEIGHBOURING NATIONS; 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 DECLENSION OF THE KINGDOMS OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH, 
 
 TIME OF CHRIST. z:^^^"^ 7 ,"^''^^^^i 
 
 !* DEC 16 1911 
 BY HUMPHREY PRIDEAUX, D. % ^ r-^^^r^. 
 
 D£AN OF JNORWICH. 
 
 SECOND AMERICAN, FROM THE TWENTIETH LONDON EDITION. 
 
 TO WHICH IS PREFIXED, 
 
 THE LIFE OF THE AUTHOR, 
 
 CONTAINING SOME LETTERS WHICH HE WROTE IN DEFENCE AND ILLUS- 
 TRATION OF CERTAIN PARTS OF HIS CONNEXIONS. 
 
 THE WHOLE 
 
 ILLUSTRATED WITH MAPS AND PLATES. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOL. II. 
 
 NEW-YORK: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY HARPER &; BROTHERS, 
 
 «0. 82 CLIFF-STREtT. 
 
 1836. 
 
PREFACE TO PART II. 
 
 The Second Part of this History, which I now offer to the public, completes 
 the whole of what I intend. My first purpose was to have concluded at the 
 birth of our Saviour, and to have left what thenceforth ensues to the ecclesias- 
 tical historian of the Christian church, to whom it properly belongs. But since 
 what is to connect the Old Testament with the New, will there best end where 
 the dispensation of the Old Testament endeth, and that of the New begins; and 
 since that was brought to pass in the death and resurrection of our Saviour, I 
 have drawn down this history thereto. For then the Jewish church was abo- 
 lished, and the Christian erected in its stead; then the law of Moses ceased, 
 and that of Christ and his Gospel commenced, and therein the accomplishment 
 of all the prophecies of the Old Testament, relating to the person of the Mes- 
 siah, which began at his birth, was fully perfected. And therefore, here I have 
 thought it properest to fix the conclusion of this work. But, to avoid encroach- 
 ing too far upon the Christian ecclesiastical historian, I have from the time of 
 Christ's birth treated but in a very brief manner, of what afterward ensued to 
 his death; and have passed over the whole time of the public ministration both 
 of him and his forerunner. For all things that were done therein being fully 
 related in the four Gospels, which are, or ought to be, in every one's hands, 
 barely to repeat them here would be needless, and all that can be done beyond 
 a bare repetition, is either to methodise them according to the order of time, or 
 to explain them by way of inteqiretation; but the former belonging to the har- 
 monist, and the latter to the commentator, they are both out of the province I 
 have undertaken. 
 
 I having, in the Preface to the First Part of this History, recommended to 
 the reader, for his geographical guidance in the reading of it, the maps of Cel- 
 larius, the bookseller hath, in the third edition of that part, inserted into it as 
 many maps out of him as may be useful for this purpose. And there hath 
 also been added, in the same edition, a map of the temple of Jerusalem, 
 which had been drawn and published by me in a single sheet some years 
 before. All these may serve for the Second Part as well as for the First. 
 
 Perchance there may be some, who will think the history which I give 
 of the Jewish cycle of eighty-four years, and of the other cycles, which, as 
 well as that, have been made use of for the fixing of the time of Easter, 
 to be too long a digression from that which is the main subject of this work. 
 And therefore, I think it necessary to acquaint the reader, that I have been 
 led hereto by these following inducements: — First, To give him an account 
 of the controversies which happened among Christians about the time of 
 celebrating Easter, during the use of this eighty-four years' cycle among 
 them. Secondly, To explain one important part of our ancient English his- 
 tory, by showing upon what foot that dissension about Easter stood, which 
 was hei-e carried on between our British and Saxon ancestors on the ac- 
 count of the same Jewish cycle, during the whole seventh and eighth cen- 
 tuiy, which hath no where else, that I know of, had a thorough and clear 
 account given of it. And, lastly. To open the way to a better understand- 
 ing of the modern dispute, which our dissenters have here set on foot 
 among us, upon the same argument: for they allege it as one reason of 
 their dissensions, that Easter is put wTong in the calendar before the Com- 
 mon Prayer Book, and that therefore they cannot give their assent and 
 consent thereto. 
 
 It is a very odd thing that this sort of people, who are against keeping any 
 Easter at all, should raise any quarrel about the time of its observance. But 
 since they are pleased so to do, I will here apply what is written in the ensu- 
 
4 PREFACE. 
 
 ing history, about the time of this festival, to the present case, and endeavour 
 thereby to give them full satisfaction in it. In order whereto I shall lay down 
 first, The rule in the calendar, against which the objection is made: secondly, 
 The objection itself that is urged against it; and then, in the third place, I shall 
 give my answers thereto. 
 
 I. The words of the rule in the calendar, as they lie in the page next after 
 the months of the year, are these following: — " Easter day is always the first 
 Sunday after the first full moon, which happens next after the one-and-twen- 
 tieth day of March. And if the full moon happens upon a Sunday, Easter day 
 is the Sunday after." 
 
 II. The objection urged against this rule is. That if we take the common 
 almanacks, in which the new moons and full moons are set down as they are 
 in the heavens, it will seldom be found, that the first Sunday after the first full 
 moon, which happens next after the one-and-twentieth day of March, is the 
 Easter day, which is appointed to be observed, according to the tables in the 
 Common Prayer Book; and that therefore, if the rule be true, the tables must 
 be false. And this, the dissenters think, is reason enough for them to deny 
 their assent and consent to the whole book. 
 
 III. I answer hereto, first, That it must be acknowledged this objection would 
 be true, were it the natural full moon that is meant in the rule. But besides 
 the natural full moon, that is, that which appears in the heavens, when the sun 
 and moon are in direct opposition to each other, there is also an ecclesiastical 
 full moon, that is, a full moon day, so called by the church, though there be no 
 natural full moon thereon. To explain this by a parallel case, it is in the same 
 manner, as there is a political month, and a political year, different from the 
 natural. The natural month is the course of the moon, from one new moon 
 to another; the political month is a certain number of days, which constitute a 
 month according to the political constitution of the country where it is used. 
 And so a natural year is the course of the sun from a certain point in the zo- 
 diac, till it come about again to the same; but the political year is a certain 
 number of months or days, which constitute a year, according to the political 
 constitution of the country where it is used. And so, in like manner, there is 
 a natural new moon day, and an ecclesiastical new moon day. The natural 
 new moon day is that on which the natural new moon first appears, and the 
 fourteenth day after is the natural full moon day. And the ecclesiastical new 
 moon day is that which by the ecclesiastical constitutions is appointed for it, 
 and the fourteenth day after is the ecclesiastical full moon day. And the primes, 
 that is, the figures of the golden numbers which are in the first column of every 
 month in the calendar, are there placed to point out both, that is, the ecclesi- 
 astical new moon day first, and then, by consequence from it, the ecclesiastical 
 full moon day, which is the fourteenth day after. This order was first ap- 
 pointed from the time of the council of Nice;' and then the natural new moon 
 and full moon, and the ecclesiastical new moon and full moon, fell exactly to- 
 gether. And had the nineteen years' cycle, called the cycle of the moon 
 (which is the cycle of the golden numbers,) brought about all the new moons 
 and full moons exactly again to the same point of time in the Julian year, as it 
 was supposed that it would, when this order was first made, they would have 
 always so fallen together; but it failing hereof by an hour and almost a half, 
 hereby it hath come to pass, that the ecclesiastical new moon and full moon 
 have overshot the natural new moon and full moon an hour and near a half in 
 every nineteen years, which, in the long process of time that hath happened 
 since the council of Nice, hath now made the difference between them to 
 amount to about four days and a half; and so much the ecclesiastical new moons 
 and full moons do at this time, in every month, overrun the natural. However, 
 the church, still abiding by the old order, still observes the time of Easter, ac- 
 cording to the reckoning of the ecclesiastical moon, and not according to that 
 
 1 This council was held A. D. 325. 
 
PREFACE. 5 
 
 of the natural. And therefore it is of the ecclesiastical full moon, and not of 
 the natural, that this rule is to be understood, and consequently, what the dis- 
 senters object against it, from the full moon in the heavens, is nothing to the 
 purpose. But if it be still objected, that this ecclesiastical full moon, different 
 from the natural, is the product of error, for that it hath its original from astro- 
 nomical mistake in the church's falsely supposing, that the new moons and full 
 moons would, after every nineteen years, all come over again to the same point 
 of time in the Juhan year, as in the former nineteen years, whereas they do 
 not so by an hour and a half, and that, therefore, there is still an error in this 
 matter; the answer hereto is, that it would be so, were the feast of Easter, and 
 the time of observing it, appointed by divine institution: but since both are only 
 by the institution of the church, wherever the church placeth it, there it is 
 well and rightly observed. But, 
 
 Secondly, Were it truly the natural full moon, and not the ecclesiastical, 
 that is meant in the rule, yet since in this supposal it would be only an astro- 
 nomical, and not a theological error, this rule may be used without sin; and the 
 use of it is all that the declaration of assent and consent obligeth to, as it is 
 more than once plainly expressed in the act that enjoins it. 
 
 Thirdly, But it seems to me that neither the calendar, nor this rule belong- 
 ing thereto, is within that declaration, and therefore no error in either can be 
 urged as a reason against it. For the assent and consent required to be given 
 by the Act of Uniformity is, " To the book of Common Prayer, and adminis- 
 tration of the sacraments and other rites and ceremonies of the church of Eng- 
 land, together with the Psalter or Psalms of David, pointed as they are to be 
 sung or said in churches, and the form and manner of making, ordaining, and 
 consecrating, of bishops, priests, and deacons;" but neither the calendar, nor 
 this rule belonging to it, can be brought under any of these particulars; and 
 therefore cannot be contained within that declaration at all. If it be said, that 
 the words lites and ceremonies include the calendar, and with it all the rules be- 
 longing thereto, my answer is, that the astronomical calculations, and the ap- 
 pointing thereby the times of the moveable feasts, concerning which our whole 
 present dispute is, cannot be called either rites or ceremonies. If it be farther 
 urged, that both the calendar and the rule are in the book, the reply hereto is, 
 so are several acts of parliament; but no one will say, that by the declaration 
 any assent or consent is given unto them. But, 
 
 Fourthly, Supposing all to be in this case as the dissenters object, to make 
 such a trifle to be a reason of breaking communion, and separating from the 
 church, is what men of common sense or common integrity may be ashamed 
 of. They may as weU urge the errata of the press against this declaration: for 
 these afford as good a reason against it as the other. This shows how hard 
 they are put to it to find reasons for their separation, when they urge such a 
 wretched and frivolous one for it as this. 
 
 Thus much of the objection, so far as the dissenters have urged it. But there 
 being something that may be farther said on the same argument, with much 
 more plausible appearance of reason, which the dissenters have talfen no notice 
 of, I shall do it for them, that so by answering it I may clear this whole matter, 
 and thereby fully justify the usage of our church herein. For it may be ob- 
 jected, that, allowing the fuU moon in the rule of the calendar above mention- 
 ed to be the ecclesiastical full moon, and not the natural, yet the making of 
 Easter day to be the next Sunday after that full moon, is contrary to the rule 
 which all other churches have gone by till Pope Gregory's reformation of the 
 calendar,' and contrary also to the present usage of our own. For, first. It is 
 contrary to the rule which all other churches have gone by till the said reforma- 
 tion of Pope Gregory; because, till then, from the time of the council of Nice, 
 their rule hath been, that Easter day is always to be the first Sunday after the 
 first fourteenth moon which shall happen after the one-and-twentieth day of 
 1 This reformation was made A. D. 1582, and gave birth to what we call the New Style. 
 
g PREFACE. 
 
 March, which fourteenth moon is therefore termed the Paschal term: but the 
 full moon never happens till the fifteenth day of the moon; and therefore, to 
 put Easter day on the hrst Sunday after the said full moon, will be to make the 
 first iifteenth moon after the said one-and-twentieth of March to be the Paschal 
 term instead of the fourteenth, which no church in the whole Christian world 
 hath ever yet done. And, secondly, It is contrary to the present usage of our 
 own church: for in the table subjoined to the said calendar, Easter day is every 
 where put on the Sunday next after the first fourteenth moon after the one-and- 
 twentieth day of March, and never otherwise. And therefore, should Easter 
 day be always put, according to the rule above mentioned, on the next Sunday 
 after the full moon of that rule, seeing no full moon can ever happen till the 
 fifteenth day of the moon, Easter day would sometimes fall on a Sunday dif- 
 ferent from that where it is placed in the tables; as, for example, Anno 1668, 
 the placing of Easter on the first Sunday after the fifteenth day of that moon, 
 would make it fall on the twenty-ninth of March, but the tables place it on the 
 twenty-second of March, which was the Sunday before, and then it was ac- 
 cordingly observed. And, Anno 1678, the placing of Easter on the first Sun- 
 day after the fifteenth day of that moon would make it fall on the seventh of 
 April, but the tables place it on the last of March, which was the Sunday be- 
 fore, and there it was accordingly observed. And so it will be found in many 
 other instances. And therefore, if the rule by which all other churches, till 
 Pope Gregory's reformation of the calendar above mentioned, observed their 
 Easter, be right, and if the tables whereby our church keeps that festival be 
 right, then the rule which is in our Common Prayer Book must be false, and 
 consequently cannot be assented to as true. Thus far the objection. 
 
 The answer hereto is, that there is a twofold reckoning of the moon's age, 
 the astronomical and the vulgar; the astronomical reckoning is from the con- 
 junction of the moon with the sun, the vulgar from its first appearance, which 
 is never till the next day after the conjunction. The Jews followed the vulgar 
 reckoning, and, according thereto, accounted that to be the first day of the moon 
 which was the first day of its appearance,' as I have already shown in the Pre- 
 face to the First Part of this Histoiy, and by this reckoning settled the times 
 of their Paschal festival; M^hich usage the ancient Christians" borrowing from 
 them, did the same in their settling the feast of Easter, and so it hath continued 
 to be done ever since. The first day therefore of the moon, which is marked 
 out by the prime in the calendar of our Common Prayer Book, is not the day 
 of its conjunction with the sun, but the day of its first appearance, which is 
 always the day after; and the fourteenth day from thence is the fifteenth from 
 its conjunction; on which fifteenth day the full moon happens, which being 
 applied to the Paschal moon, solves the whole difficulty of this objection. For 
 the fourteenth day of that moon, as reckoned from its first appearance, will be 
 from its conjunction the fifteenth day on which the full moon happens. And 
 therefore, this fourteenth day of the moon being the same with the full moon, 
 and both the same with that which hath ever been the Paschal term, the first 
 Sunday after which is Easter day, the said Paschal term may be expressed by 
 either of them: and therefore, this rule in the calendar of our Common Prayer 
 Book, in that it expresseth it by the full moon, doth the same, as if it had ex- 
 pressed it by the fourteenth day of the moon, and consequently, it is not to be 
 charged with any fault or error in this matter. And thus having opened the 
 cause in all its points, I shall leave the further prosecution of it to those who 
 shall think fit to contend about it. All that I purpose hereby is only to give 
 such light into it, that neither side may, like the Andabatae, fight in the dark, 
 as both in the handhng of this particular seem hitherto to have done. 
 
 In the compiling of this History, I have taken all the helps that the Jewish 
 
 1 Talmud in Rosh Hashanah. Maimonides in Kiddush Hachodesh. Soliien de Anno Civili Veterum Ju- 
 dcEoruin. 
 
 2 The ancient Christians appointed their Easter by the same rule bv which the Jews appointed their Pass- 
 ever, and the Asian churches for a long while observed it on the same day with them. 
 
PREFACE. 7 
 
 writers could supply me with; but these, I must confess, are very poor ones. 
 Of the succession of the presidents and vice-presidents of their Sanhedrin, by 
 whom they say their traditions were handed down from Simon the Just, and 
 the men of the great synagogue, I have given their names as far as this His- 
 tory goes. But, besides their names, there being scarce any thing related of 
 them, but what carries with it a manifest air of improbability and fable, I have 
 forborne troubling the reader with such trash. Only about Hillel and Shammai 
 I have enlarged: for their followers constituting two opposite sects among the 
 Jews, in the same manner as the Scotists and Thomists among the schoolmen, 
 their names run through both their Talmuds and all their Talmudic writings, and 
 they are of all that have been in that station within the compass of this History, 
 of the most eminent note and fame among them, and have had more said of 
 them than all the rest. And therefore I have given as full an account of them 
 as the Jewish writers can afford me within the limits of a just credibility. 
 
 But nothing can be more jejune and empty than the histories which the rab- 
 binical Jews give of themselves. Josephus's History in Greek is a noble work; 
 but they disown and condemn it, and instead of it would obtrude upon us an He- 
 brew Josephus, under the name of Josippon Ben Gorion. This, they say, is the 
 true and authentic Josephus; but ours, that is, the Greek Josephus, a false one. 
 There is a Josephus Ben Gorion mentioned' in Josephus's History of the Jewish 
 War, who is there said to have been one of the three to whose conduct that 
 war was first committed. This person, the impostor who composed this book, 
 mistaking for Josephus the historian, set forth that spurious work under his name, 
 intending thereby to quash the credit of the true Josephus, which we have in 
 Greek, as if that were the imposture, and this in Hebrew the only true and authen- 
 tic work of that historian; but the book itself proves the fraud: for there is in it 
 mention made both of' names and things, which had no being till many hun- 
 dreds of years after the time in which it is pretended the book was written, 
 neither was it heard of, or ever quoted by any author, till above a thousand 
 years after that time. Solomon Jarchi, a French Jew, who flourished about the 
 year of our Lord 1140, is the first who makes mention of it. After that it is 
 quoted by Aben Ezra, Abraham Ben Dior, and R. David Kimchi, who all three 
 lived in the same centuiy. After this it became generally owned by the Jews, 
 and hath obtained that credit and esteem among them, as to be held, next the 
 sacred writings, a book of principal value among them; and was one of the 
 earliest of their books that hath been published in print by them: for it was 
 printed at Constantinople in the year of our Lord 1490, which was within fifty 
 years after the first invention of that art; and hereon it became so generally re- 
 ceived and valued by that people, that, twenty years after, there came out ano- 
 ther edition of it from the same place, and after that a third, at Venice, A. D. 
 1544. What Munster hath published of it is no more than an epitome of this 
 author; but the whole of it is in the Constantinopolitan and Venice editions. It 
 is divided into six books and ninety-seven chapters. The best that can be said 
 of it is, that it is written in an elegant Hebrew style, and therefore on this ac- 
 count is very fit for the use of young students in the Hebrew language. But as 
 to the subject matter, it is every where stuffed with apocryphal and Talmudic 
 fables; most of that, which is not of this sort, is taken from the true Josephus; 
 but, it is to be observed, that what the impostor takes from him is from the 
 Latin version of Ruffinus, and not from the Greek original, which leads him 
 into several blunders. But who this author was, or where or when he wrote 
 his book is uncertain. Scaliger' conjectures that he was a Jew of Tours in 
 France; but his reason for it being only, that he speaks more of the places about 
 Tours, than of any other parts of France, this doth not prove the thing. But it 
 
 1 Lib. 2. K=9. /iS. 
 
 2 For in that book there is mention made of Lombardy, France, England, Hungary, Turkey, &.C.. which 
 are all modern names, and never heard of till several hundred years after the time in which it is pretended 
 this book %vas written. 
 
 3 In Elencho Triheer. NicolaiSerarii, cap, 4. 
 
g PREFACE. 
 
 being suflSciently proved that the book is an imposture, it is of no moment to 
 know who was the true author of it, or where or when he lived. Mr. Gagnier, 
 a French gentleman, now hving in Oxford, hath lately given a very accurate 
 Latin version of this Avork, according to the best edition of it. It is to be wished 
 that his learned pains had been employed about a better author. 
 
 For several hundred years after the destruction of the temple at Jerusalem, 
 where Josephus ends, no other Jew hath written any history of the affairs of 
 that people, till about the tenth century after Christ. But the sect of the Kar- 
 raites (who, adhering only to the written word, rejected all traditions) then 
 prevailing, and often pressing the Rabbinists, their antagonists in this contro- 
 versy, to make good the succession through which they pretended to have re- 
 ceived their traditions, this did put several of their learned men upon the hunt 
 for it; and they having raked through both their Talmuds, and from them gotten 
 together some historical scraps to serve for this purpose, with these poor mate- 
 rials have endeavoured to compose something like a history of their nation, 
 giving an account therein, how their traditions were delivered down from Moses 
 to the prophets, and from the prophets to the men of the great synagogue, and 
 from the men of the great synagogue to the doctors, who afterward, in a con- 
 tinued series, handed them down from one to another, through after generations. 
 Of this sort they have some few historical composures among them, but such 
 as are very mean and contemptible. They all begin from the creation of the 
 world, and, as far as the scriptures of the Old Testament go, they write from 
 them, but often intei-pose fabulous glosses and additions of their own. From the 
 time where the Old Testament scriptures end, the two Talmuds supply them, 
 and from the time where the Talmuds end, they are supplied from the tradi- 
 tions that were afterward preserved among them. And an account of their doc- 
 tors, and the succession of them in their chief schools and academies in Judea, 
 Babylonia, and elsewhere, is the main subject which, after the scriptural times, 
 they treat of. And of these historical books there are but seven in all, that I 
 know of, among them, and they are these following: 1. Sede 01am Rabbah; 
 2. Teshuvoth R. Sherira Gaon; 3. Seder 01am Zeutah; 4. Kabbalah R. Abra- 
 Jiam Levita Ben Dior; 5. Sepher Juchasin; 6. Shalsheleth Haccabbalah; 7. Ze- 
 jnach David. The four first are the ancientest, but all of them have been 
 written since the beginning of the ninth century, and are very short. The 
 three last are much larger, but of a very modern composure, being all of them 
 written since the time of our King Henry VIII. I will here give an account of 
 each of them in their order. 
 
 I. Seder 01am Rabbah, i. e. the Larger Chronicon, is so called, in respect to 
 Seder 01am Zeutah, i. e. the Lesser Chronicon, which was afterward composed. 
 However, notwithstanding this great name, it is but a short history, and treats 
 mostly of the scriptural times. Buxtorf ' tells us it reached down to the time 
 -of Adrian the Roman emperor, and his vanquishing Ben Chuzibah the impos- 
 tor, who did then set up for the Messiah. I have not seen any copy of that 
 ^history which reacheth down so far, but no doubt that great and learned man 
 did, otherwise he would have told us so. The author is commonly said to have 
 been R. Jose Ben Chaliptha, who flourished a little after the beginning of the 
 second century after Christ, and is said to have been master to R. Judah Hak- 
 kadosh, who composed the Mishnah. But R. Azarias, the author of Meor 
 Enaim, in the third part of that book (which he calls Imre Binah,) tells us, that 
 he had seen an ancient copy of this book, in which it was written, that the au- 
 thor lived seven hundred and sixty-two years after the destruction of the temple 
 -of Jerusalem, which refers his time to the year of Christ 832. It was most 
 certainly written after the Babylonish Talmud; for it contains many fables and 
 dotages taken from thence. 
 
 II. Teshuvoth R. Sherira Gaon, i. e. the Answers of R. Sherira, Sublime 
 Doctor, is an historical tract, written by way of questions and answers by hira 
 
 I Bibliotheca Rabbinica, p. 386. 
 
PREFACE. 9 
 
 whose name it bears. It is a very short piece, and is usually inserted with 
 some other historical fragments in the editions of Juchasin. He was iEchma- 
 lotarch in Babylonia, and head of all the Jewish schools and academies in that 
 country, which dignity he obtained A. D. 967, and continued in it thirty years, 
 that is, till the year 997, when he resigned it to R. Haia his son, who was the 
 last that bore the title of Gaon, or SubUme Doctor. For in his time, i. e. Anno 
 1037, the Mahometan king that then reigned over Babylon,' expelled the Jews 
 out of all those parts, and thereon* all their schools and academies which they 
 had there were dissolved, and all the degrees and titles of honour, which on 
 the account of learning used to be conferred in them, utterly ceased; and no 
 learned man hath since that time, among the Jews, assumed any higher name 
 or title of honour in respect of his learning than that of Rabbi. 
 
 III. Seder 01am Zeutah, i. e. the Lesser Chronicon, is so called in respect 
 to Seder 01am Rabbah, or the Greater Chronicon. This book was written, as 
 it is therein expressed, one thousand and fifty-three years after the destruction 
 •of the temple at Jerusalem, that is, in the year of our Lord 1123. Who was 
 the author of it is not known. It is, agreeable to its name, a very short chroni- 
 con, and is carried down from the beginning of the world to the year 452 after 
 the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem, that is, to the year of our Lord 522. 
 Eight generations after are named in it, but nothing more than their names is 
 there mentioned of them. 
 
 IV. Sepher Kabbalah R. Abraham Levita, ^Ben Dior, i. e. the Book of Tradi- 
 tion, by Rabbi Abraham the Levite, the son of Dior, is an historical tract, chiefly 
 intended to give an account of the succession of those, by whom the traditions 
 of the Jews, as they pretend, from the time of Moses, were handed down to 
 them from generation to generation. It begins from the creation of the world, 
 and ends at the year of Christ 1160. The author of it was R. Abraham the 
 Levite, whose name it bears in the title. He flourished in the time where his 
 book ends. He writes much from Josippon Ben Gorion, and was one of the 
 first that gave credit to that spurious book. 
 
 V. Sepher Juchasin, i. e. the Book of Genealogies, is a history of the Jews, 
 much larger than all the four above mentioned put together. It begins from 
 the creation of the world, and is continued down to the year of our Lord 1500. 
 In the process and series of it an account is given of the succession of the Jew- 
 ish traditions from Mount Sinai, and of all their eminent doctors, teaching and 
 professing them, down to the time where the book ends. The author of it was 
 R. Abraham Zacuth, who first published it at Cracow, in Poland, in the year 
 .of our Lord 1580. 
 
 VI. Shalsheleth Haccabbalah, i. e. the Chain of Tradition, is an historical 
 book of the same contents with Sepher Juchasin. The author of it was Rabbi 
 Gedaliah Ben Jechaiah, who first published it at Venice in the year of our 
 Lord 1587. 
 
 VII. Zemach David, i. e. a Branch or Sprout of David, is a history treating 
 ■of the same subject as the two last preceding. It begins as they do, from the 
 creation of the world, and is continued down to the year of Christ 1592, in 
 which year it was first published at Prague in Bohemia. The author was Rabbi 
 David Gans, a Bohemian Jew. There is extant a Latin version of this book, 
 composed by William Heniy Vorstius, the son of Conrad Vorstius, and pub- 
 lished by him at Leyden, A. D. 1644. 
 
 By this it may be seen how little light into ancient times is to be gotten from 
 histories of so modern and mean a composure, neither can any thing better be 
 expected from their OAvn writings. If any thing of ancient history be found 
 any where in them more than what is scriptural, it is either taken from one of 
 
 1 On this expulsion nut of the east, they flocked into the west, and from that time Spain, France England, 
 and Germany, were filled with them. 
 
 2 The chiefestof their academies were Naherda, Sora, and Ponibeditha, towns in Babylonia. 
 
 3 Others call him R. Abraham Ben David, but by mistake, for that R. Abraham was another person. See 
 Suxtorrs Bibliotheca Rabbinica, p. 403. 
 
 Vol. II.— 2 
 
j0 PREFACE. 
 
 the histories which I have here given an account of, or from the Talmud, which 
 is the common fountain from which they all draw. For this is the best au- 
 thority they have, and how mean this is I have already shown. 
 
 My living at a distance from the press hath deprived me of the opportunity 
 of correcting the errors of it: but this defect hath been supplied by my very 
 W'orthy friend Mr. Brampton Gurdon, who hath been pleased to take on him the 
 trouble of correcting the last revise of eveiy sheet; and I know no one more 
 able to correct the errors, not only of the printer, but also of the author, wher- 
 ever I may have been mistaken in any particular contained in this book, he 
 being a person eminently knowing in all those parts of literature that are treat- 
 ed of through the whole of it, and otherwise of that worth and learning, as may 
 justly recommend him to every man's esteem. 
 
 I shall be glad if this Second Part of my History may be as acceptable to the 
 public as the former hath been. I must confess it hath been written under 
 greater disadvantages, by reason of the decays which have since grown upon 
 me. It hath always been the comfort as well as the care of my life, to make 
 myself as serviceable as I could in all the stations which I have been called to. 
 With this view it hath been, that I have entered on the writing of any of those 
 works that I have offered to the public; and I hope I have by all of them in 
 some measure served my generation. But being now broken by age, and the 
 calamitous distemper mentioned in the Preface to the former Part of this His- 
 tory, I find myself superannuated for any other undertaking, and therefore 
 must, I fear, spend the remainder of my days in a useless state of life, which 
 to me wiU be the greatest burden of it. But since it is from the hand of Gk)d, 
 I will comport myself with all patience to submit hereto, till my great change 
 shall come, and God shall be pleased to call me out of this life into a betten 
 for which I wait with a thorough hope and trust in his great and infinite mercy, 
 through Jesus Christ our Lord, to whom be glory, honour, and praise, for ever 
 and ever. 
 
 Humphrey Prideaux. 
 
 Norwich, Jan. 1, 1717-18. 
 
THE 
 
 OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 CONNECTED 
 
 IN 
 
 THE HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 JEWS AND NEIGHBOURING NATIONS, 
 
 FROM 
 THE DECLENSION OF THE KINGDOMS OP ISRAEL AND JUDAH TO THE TIME OF CHRIST. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Jin. 291. Ptolemy Soter 14.] — Eleazer, tlie brother of Simon the Just,' suc- 
 ceeded him in the high-priesthood at Jerusalem, and there executed this office 
 fifteen years.^ But whereas Simon the Just had been also president of the San- 
 hedrin, or national council of the Jews, he was in this last charge succeeded 
 by Antigonus of Socho,^ to which he was recommended by his great learning. 
 For he was an eminent scribe in the law of God, and a great teacher of righte- 
 ousness among the people. And he being the first of the Tannaim or Mishni- 
 cal doctors, from his school all those had their original who were afterward called 
 by that name. And these were all the doctors of the Jewish law from the death 
 of Simon the Just to the time that Rabbi Judah Hakkadosh composed the Mish- 
 nah, which was about the middle of the second century after Christ, as hath 
 been before observed. In the Gospels, they are sometimes called scribes, some- 
 times lawyers, and sometimes those that sat in Moses's seat. For those differ- 
 ent appellations all denote the same profession of men, that is, those who hav- 
 ing been brought up in the knowledge of the law of God, and the tradition of 
 the elders concerning it, taught it in the schools and synagogues of the Jews, 
 and judged according to it in their Sanhedrins. For out of the number of these 
 doctors were chosen all such as were members of those courts, that is, either of 
 the great Sanhedrin of seventy-two, which was for the whole nation, or of the 
 Sanhedrin of twenty-three, which was in every city of Judah. And such were 
 Nicodemus, Joseph of Arimathea, and Gamaliel: and in respect hereof it is that 
 they are called elders, counsellors, and rulers, because, being of the number of 
 those who were chosen into these councils, they did there declare and execute 
 those laws, by which they ruled and governed the people. 
 
 The Jews tell us great things of this Simon the Just, and speak of great alter- 
 ations that happened on his death in some parts of their divine worship, and 
 the signs of the divine acceptance, that had till then appeared in the perform- 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 2. Chronicon Alexaiid. Eusebii Cliroiiicon. 2 Chroiiicon Alexandrinum. 
 
 3 Juchasin, Shalslieleth Haccabbala, et Zemach David. R. A. Lcvita in Historica Cabbala. 
 
j2 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ance of them. For it is said in the Jerusalem Talmud,' that "All the time of 
 Simon the Just, the scape-goat had scarce come to the middle of the precipice 
 of the mountain, from whence he was cast down, but he was broken into pieces: 
 but when Simon the Just was dead, he fled away alive into the desert, and was 
 eaten of the Saracens. While Simon the Just lived, the lot of God in the day 
 of expiation Avent forth always to the right hand: but Simon the Just being 
 dead, it went forth sometimes to the right hand and sometimes to the left. All 
 the days of Simon the Just, the little scarlet tongue looked always white: but 
 when Simon the Just was dead, it looked sometimes Avhite and sometimes red. 
 All the days of Simon the Just, the west light always burnt;^ but, when he was 
 dead, it sometimes burnt and sometimes went out. All the days of Simon the 
 Just, the fire upon the altar burnt clear and bright, and, after two pieces of wood 
 laid on in the morning, they laid on nothing else the whole day after; but when 
 he was dead, the force of the fire languished in such a manner that they were 
 forced to supply it all the day. All the days of Simon the Just, a blessing was 
 sent upon the two loaves,^ and the shevz-bread;'* so that a portion came to every 
 priest, to the quantity of an olive at least; and there were some who did eat, 
 and there w^ere others to whom something remained after they had eaten their 
 fill: but when Simon the Just was dead, that blessing was withdrawn; and so 
 little remained to each priest, that those who were modest withdrew their hands, 
 and those who were greedy still stretched them out." For the explication here- 
 of, it is to be observed, that, on the great day of expiation, w^hich was a most 
 solemn fast among the Jews, kept by them every year on the tenth day of their 
 month Tizri (which answers to our September,*) two goats were brought into 
 the inner court of the house of the Lord, and there, on the north side of the 
 altar, presented before the high-priest, the one to be the scape-goat, and the 
 other to be sacrificed unto the Lord. And in order to determine which of them 
 should be for each purpose,^ lots were cast to decide the matter; the manner of 
 which was as followeth. The goats being put one before the right hand of the 
 high-priest,' and the other before the left hand, an urn was brought, and placed 
 in the middle between them, and two lots were cast into it (they might be of 
 wood, silver, or gold, but under the second temple they were always gold.) On 
 the one of these was written For the Lord, and on the other For the scape-goat; 
 which being well shaken together, the high-priest put both his hands into the 
 urn, and with his right hand took out one lot, and with his left hand the other, 
 and according to the wa-iting on them were the goats appointed, as they stood 
 on each hand of the high-priest, either for the Lord, to be sacrificed to him, or 
 to be the scape-goat, to be let escape into the wilderness: that is, if the right 
 hand lot were For the Lord, then the goat that stood before him at the right 
 hand was to be sacrificed, and the other to be the scape-goal; but if the left 
 hand lot were For the Lord, then the goat that stood at the left hand was to be 
 sacrificed, and the other to be the scape-goat, and therefore, whereas it is said, 
 that the lot of God, till the death of Simon the Just, went forth always to the 
 riglit hand, the meaning is, that till then the high-priest always drew out with 
 his right hand the lot For the Lord, and with his left, that For the scape-goat; 
 but afterward with each hand sometimes one lot, and sometimes the other. As 
 soon as the goats were thus appointed each to their proper use, the high-priest 
 bound upon the head of the scape-goat a long piece (they call it a tongue) of 
 scarlet. And this is that scarlet tongue, which, the Talmud saith, looked al- 
 ways white till the death of Simon the Just, but afterward sometimes white and 
 sometimes red. And the change of red into white being here spoken of as a 
 
 1 Mistina et Onmara Hierosol. in Ynma. 
 
 2 That is, the most western of the seven lamps of the golden candlesticks, which stood in the holy place 
 in the temple. 
 
 .3 That is, the two wave-loaves offered in the feast of Pentecost, of which see Lev. xxiii. 1.5—21. 
 
 4 That is, the twelve loaves of sliewbread, which were placed upon the sliewbread table in the holy 
 place every sahhath, and talteii away the next sabbath after, and divided among the priests that then 
 officiated. See Lev. sxiv. 5— 10. 5 Mishnah in Yoina. Mainionides in Tom. Haccipurim. 
 
 6 Lev. xvi. 8. 7 Mishnah et Maimonides, ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 13 
 
 sign of God's accepting of the expiation of that day, hither may be referred 
 what is said in Isaiah, (ch. i. ver. 18,) "Though your sins be as scarlet, they 
 shall be as white as snow; though they be red like crimson, they shall be as 
 wool;" or rather to this text may be referred the foundation of aU that they say 
 of this matter. After the goat for the Lord was offered up in sacrifice to him, 
 the scape-goat was brought before the high-priest, who, laying both his hands 
 upon his head, confessed over him all the iniquities of the children of Israel, 
 and all their transgressions, and all their sins; by that ceremony putting them 
 all upon the head of that goat: and then sent him away by a fit person into the 
 wilderness. The place where they led him was a rock or precipice at the dis- 
 tance of twelve miles from Jerusalem, where he was to be let escape, to carry 
 away the sins of the children of Israel with him far out of sight. Till the time 
 of Simon the Just, the Talmud saith, this goat was always dashed in pieces, in 
 the fall, on his being let loose over the precipice; but that afterward he always 
 escaped, and flying into Arabia, was there taken and eaten by the Saracens. 
 
 An. 288. Ptolemy Soter 17.] — Demetrius having, as he thought, thoroughly 
 settled his affairs in Greece and Macedon,' made great preparations to recover 
 his father's empire in Asia; for which j^urpose he got together an army of a 
 hundred thousand men, and a fleet of five hundred sail of ships, which was a 
 greater force, both by sea and land, than had been gotten together by any prince 
 since the time of Alexander the Great. 
 
 An. 287. Ptolemy Soter 18.] — This alarming Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Se- 
 leucus,^ they all three entered into a confederacy togetiier for their mutual de- 
 fence against his designs, and also drew in Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, to join with 
 him herein. And, therefore, while Lysimachus invaded Macedonia on the one 
 side, Pyrrhus did the same to the other. This drew Demetrius out of Greece 
 (where he was then attending his preparations for the Asian expedition) back 
 into Macedonia, for the defence of that country. But before he could arrive 
 thither, Pyrrhus having taken Bercea, a great city in Macedonia, where many 
 of Demetrius's soldiers had their families, friends, and effects, the news hereof 
 no sooner got into the army, but it put all into disorder and mutiny, many de- 
 claring, that they would follow him no farther, but return home to defend their 
 friends, families, and fortunes, in their own country; whereon Demetrius, see- 
 ing his interest absolutely lost among them, fled in the disguise of a private sol- 
 dier into Greece, and all his army revolted to Pyrrhus, and made him their 
 king. Demetrius on his return into Greece, having there ordered his affairs in 
 the best manner his present circumstances would admit, committed the care of 
 all he had in those parts to Antigonus his son, and with all the remainder of 
 his forces that could be spared from thence (which amounted to about eleven 
 thousand men,) went on board his fleet, and sailed into Asia, there in a desperate 
 manner to seek his fortunes. On his arrival at Miletus, he took that city, and 
 there married Ptolemais, the daughter of Ptolemy. She was brought to him 
 thither by Eurydice her mother, the wife of Ptolemy, and sister of Phila, De- 
 metrius's former wife, who died a Httle before of a dose of poison, which she 
 desperately took on her husband's flight out of Macedonia, to avoid the calamity 
 which she thought would follow that declension of his fortune. However, this 
 did not hinder Ptolemy from marrying his daughter to him, and of this marriage 
 was born Demetrius, who afterward reigned in Gyrene. 
 
 From Miletus, Demetrius invaded Caria and Lydia,' and having taken many- 
 cities from Lysimachus, in those provinces, and there much augmented his 
 forces with new recruits, at length made himself master of Sardis. But on the 
 coming of Agathocles, the son of Lysimachus, with an army against him, he 
 was forced again to quit all that he had taken, and marched eastward. His in- 
 tentions in taking this rout were to pass into Armenia and Media, and seize 
 those provinces. But Agathocles, having coasted him all the way in his march, 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Deraetrioet Pyrrho. Justin, lib. 16, c. 2. 2 Plutarch, et Justin, lib. 16. c. 2. 
 
 3 Plutarch, in Demetrio. 
 
J4 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 reduced him to great distress for want of provisions and forage, which brought 
 a sickness into his army, that destroyed a great number of them, and, when he 
 attempted to pass Mount Taurus with the remainder, he found all the passes 
 over it seized by Agathocles: whereby being obstructed from proceeding any 
 farther that way, he marched backward to Tarsus in Cilicia, a town belonging 
 to Seleucus, and from thence signified to that prince the calamitous condition 
 he was reduced to, earnestly prayed relief and assistance from him for the sub- 
 sisting of himself and the forces that followed him. Seleucus, being moveci 
 with this representation of his doleful case, at first took compassion on him 
 and ordered his lieutenants in those parts to furnish him and his forces with aSil 
 things necessary. But afterward being put in mind of the valour and enter- 
 prising genius of this prince, and of his great abilities in the arts and strata- 
 gems of war, and his undaunted boldness for the attempting of any design he 
 should have an opportunity for, he began to think that the setting up of such a 
 man again might tend to the endangermg of his own affairs, and therefore, in- 
 stead of helping him any farther, he resolved to lay hold of this opportunity 
 absolutely to crush him, and accordingly marched against him with an army for 
 this purpose: of which Demetrius having received intelligence, he seized on 
 those fastnesses of Mount Taurus where he could best defend himself, and from 
 thence sent again to Seleucus, entreating him that he would permit him to pass 
 into the east, that there seizing some country of the barbarous nations, he might 
 therein pass the remainder of his life in quiet and repose; or otherwise, if he 
 liked not this, that he would at least allow him quarters for that winter, and not 
 in the rigorous season of the year, drive him out in a naked and starving con- 
 dition into the very jaws of his enemies, to be devoured and destroyed by them. 
 But Seleucus not at all liking his design of going into the east, this first part of 
 his request served only to increase his jealousy, and therefore all that he would 
 grant him was, to take winter-quarters in Cataonia (a province confining upon 
 Cappadocia) for two months during the severity of the winter, and after that to 
 be gone. And then he immediately put guards on all the passes of the moun- 
 tains leading from Cilicia into Syria, to obstruct his coming that way. Deme- 
 trius finding himself hereby pent up and beset, that is, by Agathocles on the 
 one side, and by Seleucus on the other, was necessitated to betake himself to 
 force for the extricating of himself, and therefore falling upon Seleucus's forces, 
 that guarded the passes of the mountains into Syria, he drove them thence and 
 entered through them into that country. 
 
 An. 286. Ptolemy Soter 19.] — But when he was ready to have proceeded far- 
 ther on some bold enterprise for the restoring of affiiirs,' he was taken with a 
 dangerous sickness, which lasted forty days. In the interim most of his men 
 deserted: whereby finding himself, on his recovery, reduced to the utmost ne- 
 cessity, he resolved to make a desperate attempt upon Seleucus, by storming 
 his carnp in the night, with that small handful of his forces that still remained 
 with him. But his design being discovered by a deserter, and thereby disap- 
 pointed just as he was ready to have put it in execution, and many more of 
 his soldiers deserting from him hereon, he attempted to make a retreat back 
 over the mountains, and if possible that way again reach his fleet. But finding 
 all the passes there seized against him, he was forced to take shelter in the 
 woods; but^ being there ready to be starved, he was brought at length to the 
 necessity of surrendering himself into the hands of Seleucus, who having caused 
 him, under a strong guard, to be carried to the Syrian Chersonesus near Laodi- 
 cea, there kept him a prisoner till he died. He allowed him there the freedom 
 of a park to hunt in, and all other accommodations both for the pleasures as 
 well as the necessaries of life. Whereon giving himself wholly up to eating, 
 drinking, gaming, and laziness, he passed away the remainder of his life in 
 those voluptuous and idle enjoyments, till at length, having fed up his body 
 hereby to an excessive fatness, and filled it with gross and noxious humours, 
 
 1 Pliuarch. in Demelrio. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 13 
 
 he fell into that sickness, of which he died in this confinement, after he had 
 passed in it three years, and had lived to the fifty-fourth year of his age. 
 
 All the time of his confinement, vSeleucus frequently sent him kind messages, 
 with promises of a release from his captivity, assuring him, that as soon as An- 
 tiochus and Stratonice should be returned again to court, the articles of his re- 
 storation should be settled by them to his content. This Stratonice was the 
 daughter of Demetrius, and had been first married to Seleucus (as hath been 
 above related,) but was then, by an unparalleled example, become the wife of 
 Antiochus his son. The manner how it come to pass is thus related: Strato- 
 nice being a very beautiful lady,' Antiochus fell in love with her; but not dar- 
 ing to own his passion, he silently languished under it, and at length, through 
 the violence of it, fell desperately sick. Erasistratus, an eminent Greek physi- 
 cian, having the care of him in his sickness, soon found out what the distemper 
 was, but to discover who was the person that had kindled this flame in him, 
 was the difficulty; for the finding of this out, he carefully attended his patient 
 when visited by any of the court ladies, and observing, that whenever Strato- 
 nice came into his chamber, great alterations were made in his pulse, in his 
 countenance, in his behaviour, and in every thing else about him, which the 
 passion of love could reach; and that nothing of this happened when any other 
 lady came to make him a visit, he thereby fully discovered that Stratonice was 
 the sole object of that violent love which caused his sickness; and finding that 
 nothing else could cure him of it, but the enjoyment of the person beloved, for 
 the bringing of this about, he thus craftily managed the matter: The next time 
 that Seleucus inquired of him about his son's sickness, he told him that his dis- 
 ease was love, and that he must necessarily die of it, because he could not have 
 the person he loved, and he could not live without her. Seleucus being sur- 
 prised at this account, asked why he should not have the person he loved; " be- 
 cause (saith the physician) he is in love with my wife, and I cannot part with 
 her." — "How! not part w-ith her (replied Seleucus,) to save my beloved son's life; 
 how then can you pretend to be my friend?" — "Sir (said the physician,) pray 
 make it your owui case: would you, I pray, part with your wife Stratonice for 
 the sake of Antiochus? And if you, who are his most tender father, will not 
 do it for a most beloved son, how can you expect it from any other?" — " Oh (re- 
 plied Seleucus,) would to God the safety of my son were put upon this issue, I 
 would then gladly part with Stratonice, or any thing else to effect his recovery!" 
 "Why then (said Erasistratus,) you are the only physician that can cure him, 
 for it is the love of Stratonice that hath cast him into this disease, which 
 he languisheth with, and nothing can restore him but the giving of her to him 
 to wife." Hereon Seleucus having easily enough prevailed with Stratonice to 
 accept of a young prince for her husband instead of an old king, she was given 
 to him to wife, after she had borne children to his father, and they being thereon 
 crowned king and queen of Upper Asia, were sent thither to govern those pro- 
 vinces, and there they were all the time that Demetrius was in his confinement 
 in Syria. And from this abominable incestuous marriage (the like whereof was 
 not heard of among the Gentiles in St. Paul's time)^ sprung all that race of Sy- 
 rian kings, who so grievously persecuted, vexed, and oppressed God's people 
 in Judah and Jerusalem, as will be hereafter related. 
 
 An. 285. Ptolemy Soter 20.] — Ptolemy Soter having reigned in Egypt twenty 
 years from the time of his assuming the title of king, and thirty-nine from the 
 death of Alexander,' placed Ptolemy Philadelphus, one of the sons which he 
 had by Berenice, on the throne, and made him king in copartnership with him. 
 He had several sons by other wives, one of which was Ptolemy, surnamed Ce- 
 raunus, or the Thunderer, who being born to him by Eurydice, the daughter 
 of Antipater, and the elder of the tv\o, expected the crown after his father, as 
 
 1 Pint, in Demetrio. Appian. in Syriacis. Valerius Maximus, lib. 5. c. 7. Lucianus de Deu Syria. Juli- 
 anus in Misopogne. 
 
 2 1 Cor. V. 1. 
 
 3 Pausan. in Atticis. Justip. ib. ifi f. 2. Dio«. Laert. *" t*'-^-' ^'S% 
 
 . rotrepUco. 
 
26 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 due to him before the other by virtue of his birthright. But Berenice, who 
 came tirst into E^ypt only as companion to Eurydice, when she first married 
 Ptolemy, havino- also become his wife, and by reason of her beauty been ex- 
 ceedino-ly beloved by him,' she gained hereby such an ascendant over him 
 above all his other wives, that she carried it for her son. And therefore being 
 now past eighty, and apprehending the day of his death not to be far off, he 
 determined to put the crown upon his head, while he yet lived, that so there 
 might be no war nor contention about it after his death. Whereupon Ptolemy 
 Ceraunus,^ not bearing this preference of his younger brother before him, fled 
 first to Lysimachus, whose son Agathocles had married Lysandra his sister by 
 the same mother, and after that on the death of Agathocles went to Seleucus, 
 who received him with great kindness, which he repaid with the most villanous 
 treachery, as will be hereafter related. 
 
 Jin. 284. Piolemij Philadelph. 1.] — In the first year of the reign of Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus (which was the first year of the one hundred and twenty-fourth 
 Olympiad) was finished the great tower or light-house in the island of Pharus 
 over against Alexandria,^ commonly called the tower of Pharus, which hath 
 been reckoned among the seven wonders of the world. It was a large four- 
 squai-e pile of building, all built of white marble, and had always fires main- 
 tained on the top of it for the direction of seamen. It cost in the building eight 
 hundred talents. This, if computed by Attic talents, amounts to one hundred 
 and sixty-five thousand pounds of our sterling money: but if by Alexandrian 
 talents, it will come to twice as much. The architect who built it was Sostra- 
 tus of Cnidus, who craftily endeavoured to usurp the honour of it with poste- 
 rity to himself by his fraudulent device. The inscription ordered to be set on 
 it being "King Ptolemy to the gods the saviours, for the benefit of those who 
 pass by sea," instead of Ptolemy's name he craftily engraved his own in the 
 solid marble, and then filling up the hollow of the engraved letters with mor- 
 tar, wrote upon it what was directed. So the inscription, which was first read, 
 was according as it was ordered, and truly ascribed the work to King Ptolemy 
 its proper founder; but in process of time, the mortar being worn off, the in- 
 scription then appeared to be thus: " Sostratus, the Cnidian, son of Dexiphanes, 
 to the gods the saviours, for the benefit of those who pass by sea," which,, 
 being in lasting letters deeply engraved into the marble stones, lasted as long 
 as the tower itself. This tower hath been demolished for some ages past- 
 There is now in its place a castle called Farillon,'' where a garrison is kept to 
 defend the harbour, perchance it is some remainder of the old work. Pharus 
 was at first wholly an island, at the distance of seven furlongs from the conti- 
 
 1 Vide Theocriti Iflyllium 17. 2 Appian. in Syriacis. Memnonis Excerpta apud Photium. 
 
 3 Plin. lib. 3(). c. Vi. Strabo, lib. 17. p. 791. Eustathii Comment, in nionysii Periegesin. Suidas in ^apoj 
 Ensebii Chronicon, p. (i6. Stephanus Byzantinus. Gcographia, Nubiensis, Vetiis Scholiastes in Lucianum. 
 Tliia old Oreek scholiast is at the end of Grsvius's edition of Lucian's works, published at Amsterdam, Anno 
 1687. That which I quote it for, is a passage taken out of it by Nicholas Lloyd in his Geographical Lexi- 
 con, where, under the word Pharus, he tells us in the words of that scholiast, that this tower was TErpzytuvo; 
 ff-TaJaio? mv TTKtvft^v E.Ti TToXu Tou uifif a.viX'>v »i T ' 3.7Ta''^ apxT(xi y.tiKfjiii, i. e. " That it was a square of a fur- 
 long (i. e. six hundred feet) on every side, and ascended up so high into the air, that it might be seen at the 
 distance of a hundred miles." Though this determines the breadth to a certain measure, yet it doth not the 
 height, but in an uncertain manner. But this defect is supplied by Eben Adris, an Arabic author, in his book 
 called, by the Latin translator, Geograpliia Nubiensis. For there he tells us (Clim. 3. part 3,) that this tower 
 or lighthouse of Pharus, was three hundred cubits (i.e. four hundred and fifty feet) high. But both these ac- 
 counts are very improbable, and the former is contradicted by what Josephus tells us of it (De Bello Judaico, 
 lib. 6. p. 914,) for, sjieaking of the tower of Phasajlus at Jerusalem, which he describes to be a square building 
 of forty cubits (i. e. sixty feet,) on every side, and ninety cubits (i. e. a hundred and thirty-five feet) highv 
 saith of it, that it was like the lower of Pharus near Alexandria; t>i TEpio^i) Si ttokv ^tiiTxjv ni/, i. e. " But as 
 to- its circumference it was much larger." And Josephus, having often seen both these towers, could not be 
 mistaken herein. Were the tower of Pharus of the breadth of six hundred feet on every side, and of the 
 height of four hundred and lifty feet, it would within thirty feet be as high as the great pyramid, and stand 
 upon altogether as much ground, in a direct perpendicular building, as that doth in a pyramidal; which would 
 render it, beyond all other buildings in the world, very prodigious; and were it so, Josephus could not have 
 ^h"' ■!•' "^^'^'^^'"'^''- ^" "' 'he words above recited. But against Josephus, as to this matter, it may be objected, 
 that if the tower of Pharus were .so much less than the tower of Phasselus at Jerusalem, how came it ever to 
 be reckoned one of the seven wonders of the world? It would b6 an answer to this objection if we could 
 say the words of Josephus, as above recited, were to be referred to the tower of Pharus, and not to that of 
 Phasailiis, but the grammatical construction will not admit it. And Josephus in another place describeth 
 Fhastelus to have been ^upyov ovXtv sx^ttu, tou x.xrx r^v (p«pv, i. e. " a tower not less than that of Eharus,'> 
 wnich utterly cxcludeth this last interpretation. See Josephus Antiq. lib. 16. cap. 9. p. 560. 
 
 4 Thevenot's Travels, part 1, book 2, chap. 1. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 17 
 
 Bent, and had no other passage to it but by sea. But it hath many ages since 
 been turned from an island into a peninsula,' by being joined to the land in the 
 same manner as Tyrus was, by a bank carried through the sea to it, which was 
 anciently called in Greek the Meplastndium, i. e. the seven furlong bank, because 
 seven furlongs was the lengtli of it. This work Avas performed by Dexiphanes, 
 the father of Sostratus, about the same time tliat Sostratus finished the tower, 
 and seems to have been the more difficult undertaking of the two. They being 
 both very famous architects, wei'e both emploj^ed by Ptolemy Soter in the 
 works which he had projected for the beautifying, adorning, and strengthening 
 the city of Alexandria: the father having undertaken the Heptastadium at the 
 same time that his son did the tower, they finished both these works at the 
 same time, that in the beginning of the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus. Those 
 who attribute the making of the Heptastadium to Cleopatra follow Ammianus 
 Marcellinus,'' whose relation concerning it cannot be true; for it contradicts 
 Caesar's Commentaries, and many other authors, that are better to be ci-edited. 
 in this matter. 
 
 Toward the end of this year died Ptolemy Soter," king of Egypt, in the second 
 year after his admitting of his son to sit on his throne with him, being at the 
 time of his death eighty-four years old.^ He was the wisest and best of his 
 race, and left an example of pfudence, justice, and clemency, behind him, 
 which none of his successors cared to follow. During the forty years in which 
 he governed Egypt, from the death of Alexander he had brought that country 
 into a very flourishing condition, which administering great plenty to his suc- 
 cessors, this administered to as great luxury in them, in which tliey exceeded 
 most tl^at lived in their time. 
 
 A little before his death, this very same year, was brought out of Pontus to 
 Alexandria the image of Serapis, after three j-ears sedulous endeavour made 
 for the obtaining of it: concerning which we are told, that while Ptolemy,* the 
 first of that name that reigned in. Egypt, was busying himself in fortifying 
 Alexandria with its walls, and adorning it with temples and other public build- 
 ings, there appeared to him in a vision of the night a young man of great beauty, 
 and of more than human shape, and commanded him to send to Pontus, and 
 fetch from thence his image to Alexandria, promising him that he should make 
 that city famous and happj'', and bring great prosperity to his whole kingdom; 
 and then, on his saying this, ascended up into heaven in a bright flame of fire 
 out of his sight. Ptolemy, being much troubled hereat, called together the 
 Egyptian priests to advise with them about it; but they being wholly ignorant 
 of Pontus, and all other foreign countries, could give him no answer concern- 
 ing this matter; whereon, consulting one llmotheus an Athenian, then at Alex- 
 andria, he learnt from him, that in Pontus there was a city called Sinope, not 
 far from which was a temple of Jupiter, which had his image in it, with ano- 
 ther image of a woman standing nigh him, that was taken to be Proserpina. 
 But, after awhile, other matters putting this out of Ptolemy's head, so that he 
 thought no more of it, the vision appeared to him again in a more terrible man- 
 ner, and threatened destruction to him and his kingdom, if his commands were 
 not obeyed; — which Ptolemy being much terrified, immediately sent away am- 
 bassadors to the king of Sinope to obtain the image. They being ordered in 
 their way to consult Apollo at Delphos, were commanded by him to bring away 
 the image of his father, but to leave that of his sister. Whereon they pro- 
 ceeded to Sinope, there to execute their commission in the manner as directed 
 by the oracle. But neither they, with all their solicitations, gifts, and presents, 
 nor other ambassadors that were sent after them with greater gifts, could obtain 
 what they were sent thither for, till this last year. But then the people of 
 Sinope, being gricA'ously oppressed by a famine, were content, on Ptolemy's 
 
 1 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 792. Plin. lib. 5. c. 31. et lib. 13. c. 11, Ciesaris Comment, de Bello Civil!, lib. 3. Pora- 
 poniiis Mela, lib. 2. c. 7. 2 Lib. 22. cap. iG. 
 
 3 Pausanias in Atticis. Eiisebii Chronicon. 4 Lucianus in Macrobiis. 
 
 A Tacitus Histor. lib. i. cap. 83, 84. Plutarchus de Iside el Osixide. Clemens Alei.mdrinus in Protrepticw. 
 
 Vol. n.— 3 
 
18 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 relieving them with a fleet of corn, to pail with their god for it, which they 
 could not be induced to do before. And so the image was brought to Alexan- 
 dria, and there set up in one of the suburbs of that city called Rhacotis, where 
 it was worshipped by the name of Serapis; and this new god had in that place, 
 awhile after, a very famous temple erected to him, called the Serapeum: and 
 this was the first time that this deity was either worshipped or known in Egypt; 
 and therefore it could not be the patriarch Joseph that was worshipped by this 
 name, as some would have it. For, had it been he that was meant hereby, 
 this piece of idolatry must have been much ancienter among them, and must 
 also have had its original in Egypt itself, and not been introduced thither from 
 a foreign country. Some of the ancients indeed had this conceit, as Julius 
 Firmicus,' Ruffinus,^ and others; but all the reason they give for it is, that Se- 
 rapis was generally represented by an image with a bushel on its head, which 
 they think denoted the bushel wherewith Joseph measured out to the Egyptians 
 his corn in the time of the famine; whereas it might as well denote the bushel 
 with which Ptolemy measured out to the people of Sinope the corn with which 
 he purchased this god of them. However, this same opinion is embraced by 
 several learned men of the moderns,^ and for the support of it against what is 
 objected from the late reception of Serapis among the Egyptian deities, they 
 will have Serapis to have been an ancient Egyptian god, and the same with 
 their Apis, and that Serapis was no other than Apis £v ioo.»^ that is, Jlpis in his 
 coffin, and for this they quote some of the ancients.'' Their meaning is, that 
 while the sacred bull, which the Egyptians worshipped for their great god, was 
 alive, he was called Apis, and that, v/hen he was dead and salted up in his cof- 
 fin, and buried, he was called Serapis, that is, ^'Ipis in soro (i. e. in Ms coffin,) 
 from whence they say, his name was at first Soroapis, made up of the compo- 
 sition of these two words, Soros and Apis put together, and that, by corruption 
 from thence it came to be Serapis. But what is there, that, after this rate, 
 learned men may not tenter any thing to? But the worst of it is, the ancient 
 Egyptians did not speak Greek. The Ptolemies first brought that language 
 among them; and, therefore, had Serapis been an ancient god worshipped in 
 that country before the Ptolemies reigned there, his name could not have had 
 a Greek etymology. Much more might be said to show the vanity of this con- 
 ceit, were it worth the reader's while to be troubled with it. It is certain Se- 
 rapis was not originally an Egyptian deity anciently worshipped in that country 
 (as he must have been, had it been Joseph that was there worshipped under 
 that name,) but was an adventitious god, brought thither from abroad about the 
 time which we now treat of. The ancient place of his station, Polybius tells 
 us,* was on the coast of the Propontis, on the Thracian side, over-against Hie- 
 rus, and that there Jason, when he went on the Argonautic expedition, sacri- 
 ficed unto him. From thence, therefore, the people of Sinope had this piece 
 of idolatry, and from them the Egyptians, in the manner as I have related; 
 and till then this deity was wholly unknown among them. Had it been other- 
 wise, Herodotus, who is so large in his account of the Egyptian gods, could 
 not have escaped taking notice of him; but he makes not the least mention of 
 him as worshipped in that country, neither doth any other author that wrote 
 before the times that the Ptolemies reigned in Egypt. And, when Vis image 
 was first set up in Alexandria, Nicocreon, then king of Cyprus, is having 
 never heard of him before,* sent to know what god he was, which he would 
 not have done had he been a deity anciently worshipped by the Egyptians. 
 For then Nicocreon, who was a very learned prince, must necessarily before 
 that time have liad full knowledge of him. And Origen,' who was an Egyp- 
 tian, speaks of him as a god not long before received in that country. And it 
 is to be observed, that as he was a new god, so he brought in with him among 
 
 1 In I.ihrodp Krmrf Prnplinnnriiin TJ<^'ligioncm. 2 Hist. lib. 2. c. 23. 
 
 3 Vossiiis, Oiizclius.i^peiicHrus, aliiipie. 
 
 4 Nympliiodorus. Clem. Alexatnlr. Eiisph. Prjpp. Evanp. lib. 10. c. 12. Riiffin. ihidrm. 
 
 5 lab. 4. p. 307. 6 Macrob. Saturnal, lib. 1. c. 20. 7 Contra Celsum lib 5. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 19 
 
 Hie Egyptians a new way of worship. For, till the time of the Ptolemies, the 
 Egyptians' never offered any blood}' sacrifices to their gods, but worshipped 
 them only with their prayers and frankincense. But the tyranny of the Ptole- 
 mies having forced upon them the worship of the two foreign gods, that is, Sa- 
 turn and Serapis, they in this Avorship first brought in the use of bloody sacrifi- 
 ces among that people. However, they continued always so averse hereto, that 
 they would never suffer any temple to be built to either of those gods within 
 any of the Avails of their cities; but, AvhercATer they were in that country, they 
 were always built Avithout them in their suburbs. And they seem only to have 
 been the Egyptians of the Greek original Avho comforted hereto, and not those 
 of the old race. For they still retained their old usage in all their old temples, 
 and could ncA'er be induced to offer the blood of beasts in any of them; for this 
 Avas ahvays an abomination unto them from the beginning. And therefore, 
 Avhen the children of Israel desired leave of Pharaoh to go three days' journey 
 into the AA'ilderness, to offer sacrifices unto the Lord,^ they gave this for the 
 reason of it, that their religion obliging them to offer to tlseir god the bloody sa- 
 crifices of sheep and oxen,^ and other living creatures, they durst not do this 
 in the sight of the Egyptians, lest they should stone them, because such sort 
 of sacrifices were an abomination to that people;* and, therefore, they desired 
 that they might go to the distance of three days' journey from them to perform 
 this part of their Avorship unto their god, that being thus far out of their sight 
 and observation, they might give them no offence, nor provoke them by it to 
 any mischief against them. 
 
 In that place, in the suburb Rhacotis, where the image of Serapis, which 
 Ptolemy brought from Sinope, was set up, Avas afterward built a A'ery famous 
 temple to that idol, called the Serapeum, Avhich Ammianus Marcellinus tells us 
 'did,'* in the magnificence and ornaments of its buildings, exceed all other edifi- 
 ces in the world, next that of the capital at Rome. Within the verge of this 
 temple there Avas also a library," Avhich Avas of great fame in after-ages, both 
 for the number and value of the books it was replenished with. Ptolemy Soter 
 being a learned prince, as appeared by the History of the Life of Alexander, 
 written by him (which Was of great repute among the ancients, though not noAV 
 extant,®) out of the affection he had for learning; founded at Alexandria' a 
 museum or college of learned men for the improving of philosophy, and all 
 
 1 Macrob. Saturnal, lib. 1. cap. 7. His vvor<is arc: "Niinquam fas fiiit .^gyptiis pecudibus atit sanguine, 
 secl precibus et thure solo placare deos.'' This was trim nf the ancient Egyptians. For, among the ancients. 
 Porphyry tells iis, (De Abslinentia, lib. 2. s. 59,) that the sacrifices with which they worshipped their gods, 
 were cakes and fruits of the earth; and he tells us in the same book (lib. 4. s. 13,) of the Syrians, who were 
 next neighbours to the Egyptians, and agreed in many things with them, that they offered no living creatures 
 in sacrifice to their gods. But thi.s could not be true of the Egyptians in Herodotus's time. For it appears 
 from him, that they then offered some animals in sacrifices to their gods, but those were very few; much the 
 greatest number of them were excepted, till the Ptolemies with the Grecian gods brought in the Grecian way 
 of worshipping them with all manner of sacrifices; and of this, perchance, may be understood what Macro- 
 bius tells us of this matter. Alexander Sardus, in his book De Moribns et Ritibus Gentium, (lib. 3. cap. 15,) 
 hath these words: " Dicehat Pythagoras se aliquando conciliodeorum interfuisse.et didicisse eos^gypliorum 
 sacrificia probare, quae libationibus constant, thure, et laudibus; non placere, animantium cffides; qua; tameu 
 postea immolarunt ^^Igyptii, ut soli gallum, cygnum, taurum; Veueri Columbam; et sj'deribus, qus cum Sy- 
 fleribus similitudinein habent." This makes fully for what I have said. Sardus had it from ancient authority, 
 but doth not name his author. 
 
 2 Exod. viii. 26, 27. 
 
 3 The chief cause of this abomination was, that many of those living creatures which the Jews offered in 
 sacrifice were worshipped as gods by the Egyptians, and therefore were never slain by them, nor could they 
 be.Tr the slaying of them by others; of which Diodorus Siculus gives us a sufficient instance (lib. 1. p. 75. 
 edit. Hanov.,) where liis words are as follow: " Such a superstition toward those pacred animals was ingene- 
 rated in their minds, and every one of them was in his afiections so obstinately bent to pay honour aiid ve- 
 neration to them, that, at a time when Ptolemy their king was not yet declared a friend of the Romans, and 
 all the people studied to court ajid pay observance to all that came out of Italy, out of fear of the Romans, 
 that they might not give them any cause of displeasure, or reason for war against them, a Roman then in 
 Egypt happening to have slain a cat, the multitude immediately running together, beset the house where the 
 Roman was, and neither the nobles sent by the king to deprecate their rage, nor the fear of the Romans, 
 could withhold them from punishing this man with death, though it was by chance, and not wilfully, that he' 
 did the fact. Thus far Diodorus. But sheep and cows, which the Jews sacrificed, were in a higher degree 
 sacred among the Egyptians thart their cats; and for this reason they could not have borne the Jewish sacl-ifi- 
 ces among them. 
 
 •J Lib. 22. cap. IG. p. 343. 
 
 5 Marcellinus, ibid. Epiplianius de Ponderibna et Mensuris. Tertullianus in Apologetico, cap. 18. 
 
 6 Arrianus in Praefatione ad Historiam de Expeditione Alexandri. Plutarchusin Alexandre. Q. Curtius. 
 Jib. 9. c. 8. 
 
 7 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 793. Plutarchas in libro quo probat non posse jucundc Titani agi ex Epicuri prieccptis. 
 
20 CONKTEXION- OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 other knowledge, like that of the Royal Society at London, and the Royal Acs^ 
 demy of Sciences at Paris. And, for this use he got together a library of books,' 
 which, being augmented by his successors, grew afterward to a very great bulk. 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus, the son of Soter, left in it, at the time of his death, ^ a hun- 
 dred thousand volumes. Those that reigned after him of that race still added 
 more to them,^ till at length they amounted to the number of seven hundred 
 thousand volumes. Their method in the collecting of them was thus: They 
 seized all the books that were by any Greek or other foreigner brought into 
 Egypt,'' and, sending them to the museum, caused them there to be written out 
 by those of that society w^hom they there maintained, and then sent the tran- 
 scripts to the owners, and kept the originals to lay up in the library. And 
 particularly it is said of Ptolemy Euergetes, that having thus borrowed of the 
 Athenians the works of Sophocles, Euripides, and iEschylus, he sent them back 
 the copies, which he had caused very fairly to be transcribed, and retained the 
 originals for his library, giving them hfteen talents over and above for the same.* 
 The museum being placed in the region of the city called Bruchium/ near the 
 king's palace, there the library was at first placed also, and had gi-eat resort 
 made to it: but afterward, when it was filled with books to the number of four 
 hundred thousand volumes, the other library within the Serapeum was erected 
 by way of supplement to it,^ and it was therefore called the daughter of the 
 former;* and that grew up to have three hundred thousand volumes placed in it: 
 and these two put together made up the number of seven hundred thousand 
 volumes in the whole, of which the royal libraries of the Ptolemean kings at 
 Alexandria were said to consist. When Julius Ctesar w^aged war against the 
 Alexandrians," it happened that the library in Bruchium was burned, and the 
 four hundred thousand volumes that were laid up in it were all consumed.'* 
 But that in the Serapeum still remained," and there we may suppose it was that 
 Cleopatra laid up the two hundred thousand volumes of the library of Pergamus 
 "which Antony gave unto her:'^ with which, and other books there reposited, the 
 latter Alexandrian library, being much augmented, soon grew up to be larger, 
 and of more eminent note, than the former; and although it had sometimes been 
 rifled on the commotions and revolutions that happened in the Roman empire 
 (as Orosius particularly complains it had been in his time,'^) yet it was as often 
 repaired and replenished again with its full number of books, and continued for 
 many ages to be of great fame and use in those parts, till at length it underwent 
 the same fate with the other, and was also burned and finally destroyed by the 
 Saracens, on their making themselves masters of that city. This happened in 
 the year of our Lord 642'^ in the manner as foUoweth: Johannes Grammaticus, 
 the famous Aristotelian philosopher, being then living at Alexandria, when 
 the city was taken, and having much ingratiated himself with Amrus Ebnol 
 As, the general of the Saracen army, and by reason of his great learning made 
 himself acceptable unto him, he begged of him the royal library of Alexandria: 
 to this Amrus replied, that this was not in his power, but was wholly in the 
 disposal of the caliph or emperor of the Saracens; but he promised that he would 
 send to him his request; and accordingly he wrote to Omar, the then caliph, 
 about it. His answer hereto was. That if those books contained what was 
 agreeing with the Alcoran, there was no need of them, for the Alcoran alone 
 
 L Constat ex Stiida Zenodotum Ephesium pracfiisse BibliothecEB Alexandrinee sub Ptotemeeo primo. 
 
 2 Eiiseb. in Clironico, p. 66. Syncellus, p. 271. Cedrenus. 
 
 3 Amm. Marcfillinus, lib. 2-2. cap. 16. A.Gellius, lib. 6. cap. 17. Tsidor. Grig, lih.6. cap. 3. 
 
 4 Galenus in Cbmnient. secundo in tertiiiin librum Hippocratis de niorbis vnlgaribus. 
 
 5 Tliis amounts to thrpo thousand and ninety-three pounds fifteen shillingsof our money. 
 
 6 Epiphaniusde Pondcribuset Mensuris. Strabo, lib. 17. 
 
 7 Epiphan. ibid. TertuUian. in Apologetico.cap. 18. Chrysostomus contra JudiEOS, lib. 1. 
 
 8 Epiphan. ibid. 
 
 9 Plutarchus in Julio Ctesarn. Ammianns Marcellinus, lib. 22. c. IG. Dion. Cassius, lib. 42. p. 202. 
 
 10 Living apud Senecam de Tranqnillitate. Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 15. 
 
 11 Tertnllian, Chrysnstoinus, Epiphanius, Orosius, and others of the ancients, speak of this library in the 
 Serapeum as still renialnius,' in their time. 
 
 12 Plutarchus in Antonio. 
 
 13 Oro.suis, lib. 6. cap, 1.5. This author wrote his history about the year of our Lord 417. 
 U Abulpharagius in Ilistoria Dynastise nonie, p. 114. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 21 
 
 was sufficient of Itself for all truth; but if they contained what was disagreeing 
 with the Alcoran, they were not to be endured; and therefore he ordered, that 
 whatsoever the contents of them were, they should all be destroyed: whereon 
 being distributed among the public baths, they served as fuel, for six months, 
 to heat all the baths of Alexandria, which shows how great the number of them. 
 And in this manner was that inestimable treasure of learning wholly destroyed. 
 According to TertulUan' and St Chrysostom,^ the Alexandrian library, in which 
 the Greek translation of the Hebrew scriptures, called the Septuagint, was laid 
 up, was that of the Serapeum; but, according to Epiphanius,' it was that in the 
 Bruchium, and they were only the translations of Aquila, Symmachus, and 
 Theodotion, that were reposited in the Serapeum. The museum, which stood 
 in Bruchium, still lasted, after the library adjoining it had been consumed, till 
 at length that whole quarter of the city was destroyed in a war which they had 
 with Aurelian the Roman emperor. For Ammianus Marcellinus tells us,* that, 
 till then it had been for a long time the habitation of excellent men, meaning the 
 society of those learned men who had been there maintained for the advance- 
 ment of human knowledge. Strabo, in the description of this museum,* tells 
 «s, that it was a large building adjoining to the palace, and standing near the 
 port; that it was surrounded with a portico or piazza, wherein the philosophers 
 walked and conversed together; that the members of the society, which were 
 there admitted, were under the government of a president, whose office was of 
 that consideration and dignity, that during the reign of the Ptolemies, he was 
 always appointed by those kings, and afterward by the Roman emperors; and 
 that they had within this building a common hall, where they did eat together, 
 being there plentifully provided for, at the public charge. For this museum, 
 from its first erection, had been endowed with large revenues for this purjrose; 
 and therefore Timon the Phliasian, who was contemporary with Ptolemy, the 
 first founder of it,* called it rxK-^p.v, because there the philosophers were main- 
 tained with plenty of food, like birds, as he said, fatted in a coop; for that word 
 in Greek signified a vessel used to put victuals into. However, to this museum 
 it was owing that Alexandria, for a great many ages together, was the greatest 
 school of learning in all those parts of the world, and a great many men of very 
 excellent literature were -bred in it, and particularly, the Christian church re- 
 ceived out of it some of the most eminent of its doctors, as Clemens Alexan- 
 drinus, Ammonius, Origen, Annatollus, Athanasius, and others; for all these 
 had their education in that city. 
 
 Demetrius the Phalerean seems to have been the first president of this mu- 
 seum. For the library being a part of that college, and instituted chiefly for the 
 use of it, it is most likely that he that had the government of the college had 
 the government of the library also, and that they always went thus both toge-" 
 ther. And therefore, since, according to Aristeas, Demetrius had the latter, it 
 is very obvious to infer, that he had the former also. But if, where Aristeas 
 saith this, he be understood as if he meant thereby, that Demetrius was made 
 the king's library -keeper, to look after and take care of the books, they who 
 argue from hence against the authority of that author, argue right; for that was 
 too mean an office for so gieat a man: for he had been prince of Athens, and 
 governed that state with absolute authority ten years together, and was also a 
 great lawgiver, and a great philosopher, and in tliese respects was reputed one 
 of the most eminent men of the time in which he lived. The emperor Anto- 
 nius' ranks him with the greatest princes of that age, even with Philip and 
 Alexander the Great. And therefore to tend the king's library as his library- 
 keeper, and there look after and take care of the books in it, was an office be- 
 low the ^minency and dignity of such a person. Besides, we find another in 
 it, Zenodotus of Ephesus. For he,* it was said, was library-keeper to Ptolemy 
 
 1 In Apologetico, cap. 18. 2 Contra Juda-os, lib. 1. 3 Do PoiKleribus et Mensuris. 
 
 4 Lib. 2-2. c. IC. p. 343. 5 Lib. 17. p. 703, 6 Attienaus, lib. 1. p. 22. 
 
 7 AthensBUS, lib. 9. c. 29. dc seip30.i 8 Suidas in ZijvoooTOf, 
 
22 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Soter, and also to Philadelphus his son, and, being by profession a grammarian, 
 he was the most proper for this work, such being usually employed in the keep- 
 ing and looking after libraries. However, it might not be below Demetrius, 
 when received by Ptolemy among his friends and counsellors, to assist him in 
 what he did so much set his heart upon, that is, the setting up of his museum, 
 and the library belonging to it. Demetrius being a great philosopher, and as 
 eminent for his learning as he Avas for his dignity and other great qualifications, 
 it is most likely it was he that did first put Ptolemy upon both these projects; 
 and who then could be more proper to assist him, in the carrying on of both, 
 by taking upon him the superintendency and direction of the wliole matter? 
 That he first directed Ptolemy Soter to get together a collection of books rela- 
 ting to policy and government, is well attested; for Pkitarch tells us so:' his 
 words are: — "Demetrius Phalereus persuaded King Ptolemy to get together 
 books which treated of the government of kingdoms and states, and read them: 
 for in those he would find such good advice as none of his friends would dare 
 to give him." And when the king, upon having this good counsel given him, 
 and approving thereof, was upon the pursuit of getting all such books together, 
 it is easy to suppose, this might lead him farther, to the collection of all other 
 sorts of books for the making of the library mentioned: and it was not below 
 the dignity of any of his counsellors to be assisting to him herein: and to be 
 one of his prime counsellors was the highest station that Demetrius could be in 
 about him; and in this station we are told he was. And this, we acknowledge, 
 must have put him above the mechanical employment and servile attendance 
 of keeping and looking after a library, but not above that of having the super- 
 intendency and chief direction over it. For we find at Rome one of the prime 
 cardinals always in this office, as to the pope's library. And lately in France, 
 the archbishop of Rheims, who is by his place primate of the Gallican church, 
 and first peer of the whole realm, thought it an honour to be in the same office, 
 as to the king's library. That, therefore, which we may suppose in this case, 
 and which I think was the truth of the matter, is, that Demetrius being a great 
 scholar, as well as a great statesman and politician, did, on his coming to Ptolemy, 
 put him upon the founding of the museum at Alexandria, for the advancement of 
 learning, and the erecting of his great library there for the use of it, and that, on 
 his prevailing with the king to hearken to these two projects of his proposal, he 
 undertook the charge of carrying on both of them under him. How this great 
 man came to Ptolemy hath been above related in the former part of this history. 
 After he had been driven out of Athens by the prevailing power of Demetrius,* 
 the son of Antigonus, he retired to Cassander his friend, and lived under his 
 protection till his death; but after that, fearing the brutal ferity of Antipater his 
 son, who had murdered his own mother, he withdrew into Egypt, where he 
 was received with great favour and honour by King Ptolemy Soter,* and be- 
 came his chief counsellor, whom he advised with above all others concerning 
 his most important affairs, as especially he did in the matter of settling the suc- 
 cession of his crown. For he had sons by two wives, who were then both 
 alive. Eurydice, the daughter of Antipater, and Berenice, an inferior Mace- 
 donian lady, who came into Egypt in the retinue of Eurydice, but having 
 gotten to be his wife also, and by reason of her beauty gained the first place in 
 his affection, and the greatest ascendant over him, she prevailed with him to 
 disinherit the sons of Eurydice, who were the first-born, and place the crown 
 on the head of Philadelphus her son, as hath been already said. Demetrius, on 
 Ptolemy's proposing this to him for his advice,'' earnestly dissuaded him from 
 it, being moved hereto, not only by what he thought was in justice due to the 
 children of Eurydice, by reason of their birthright, but also by the affection 
 which he bore to them, for the sake of Cassander, his deceased friend, whose 
 
 i Apnpiuhegm. Repiim. 2 Dio<renes Laortius in Demetrio. Plutarch, in Deinet. Poliorcete. 
 
 3 Uiosfups Laertiiis, ibiil. Cicero de Finibus, lib, 5, Strabo, lib. 9. 398. ^lian. Pistor. Var. lib.3.c. 17. 
 
 4 Pingenes Laertius in Demetrio. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 23 
 
 sister Eurydice was. This exceedingly provoked Berenice, and her son Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus, against him; and therefore, when he came to be king, although 
 he expressed not his displeasure against him as long as his father lived, yet he 
 was no sooner dead, but he let loose all his wrath against him, for the ill offices 
 he knew he had endeavoured to do him in respect of the succession. And 
 therefore, having ordered him to be taken into custody, he sent him under a 
 strong guard to a remote fortress of his kingdom, there to be kept in prison, till 
 he should determine what farther to do with him. But in the interim, being 
 bitten by an asp, while he slept in prison, he there died of it:' and so ended the 
 life of this great man. But this did not put an end to those laudable designs, 
 which he had put Ptolemy Soter upon, either as to the museum or the library. 
 For King Ptolemy Philadelphus carried on both of them, especially that of the 
 library, which he very much augmented. And his successors after him con- 
 tinued to do the same, till it at length grew up to the bulk I have mentioned. 
 
 An. 283. Ptolemy PhiladeJph. 2.]— After the death of Ptolemy, two of Alex- 
 ander's captains still survived, Lysimachus and Seleucus. But they in their 
 old age (being each of them about eighty) making war upon each other opened 
 thereby a way to both their destructions. The occasion of it was thus: after 
 Lysimachus had married his son Agathocles to Lysandra,^ one of Ptolemy's 
 daughters, he took another of them, called Arsinoe, to wife to himself, and had 
 several children by her. Hei-eon great emulation happened between the two 
 sisters, each striving to secure the best interest they could for themselves and 
 families, against the death of Lysimachus, whenever that should happen; and 
 they being sisters by different mothers (for Lysandra was born of Eurydice, and 
 Arsinoe of Berenice,) this conduced to heighten the contention that was be- 
 tween them. On the coming of Ptolemy Ceraunus to the court of Lysimachus, 
 who was brother to Lysandra by both parents, Arsinoe feared his conjunction 
 with Agathocles and Lysandra might make them too strong for her, and enable 
 them to destroy her and her children's interest on the death of Lysimachus, 
 and therefore to prevent this, she plotted tlie death of Agathocles, and effected 
 it. For having infused jealousies into the head of the old king her husband, as 
 if Agathocles were laying plots against his Ufe and croAvn, she induced him by 
 these false accusations to cast him into prison, and there put him to death. 
 Hereon Lysandra with her children, and Ptolemy Ceraunus her brother, fled to 
 Seleucus, and excited him to make war against Lysimachus, and many of Ly- 
 simachus's captains and chief followers did the same. For revolting from him 
 out of the abhorrence they had of him for the death of his son, and other cruel- 
 ties, which he had committed upon it, they went over to Seleucus, and joined 
 with Lysandra, for the persuading of Seleucus to this war; and they the easier 
 prevailed herein, because on other accounts he was then of himself inclined to it. 
 
 An. 282. Ptolemy PhiladeJph. 3.] — And therefore Seleucus having prepared a 
 great army, marched with it out of the east into Lesser Asia, and having there 
 brought all under him, that belonged to Lysimachus, as far as Sardis, he laid 
 siege to that city,' and, having taken it, made himself master of all the treasure 
 of Lysimachus that was laid up in that place. 
 
 All. 281. Ptolemy Philadelph. 4.] — Lysimachus, on his having an account of 
 this invasion, made ready an army to repel it, and, passing over the Hellespont,'* 
 came to a battle with Seleucus at a place called Corupedion in Phrygia, in 
 which he was vanquished and slain; whereby Seleucus became master of all 
 his dominions. But that which most pleased liim was, that he was now the 
 survivor of all Alexander's captains, and had made himself by this victory the 
 conqueror of the conquerors, and in this he much vaunted himself; and upon 
 this account may he seem to have acquired the best title to the name of Nicator 
 (z. e. the conqueror,) though he had assumed it before, and is commonly called 
 
 1 Cicero in Oratione pro C. Rabirio. 2 Justin, lib. 17. Appianis in Syriacis. Pausanias in Atticis. 
 
 3 Polva;niis, lib. 4- c. 9. s. 4. 
 
 4 Justin. lib. 17. c. 2. Appian. in Syriacis. Memnonis E.Ycerpta apud Fhotium, c. 9. Pausanias in Attj. 
 CIS. Oroaius, lib. 3. c. 23. 
 
$>| CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 so by historians, to distinguish him from others of the same nanae who after- 
 ward reigned in Syria. 
 
 An. 280. Ptolemy Philadelph. 5.] — But this triumph of his did not last long, 
 for within seven months after/ as he was marching into IMacedonia to take pos- 
 session of that kingdom, where he purposed to pass the remainder of his life, 
 he was in the march treacherously slain by Ptolemy Ceraunus. whom he had 
 received with great kindness into his court on his flight thither, and there main- 
 tained him in a princely manner, and carried him in this expedition, with pur- 
 pose, on having finished it with success, to have employed his forces for the 
 restoring of him to his father's kingdom. But this wicked traitor, having no 
 sense of gratitude for these favours, conspired against his benefactor, and basely 
 murdered him. The manner of it is thus told. Seleucus having passed the 
 Hellespont in his way to Macedonia, as he marched on from thence toward 
 Lysimachia (a city which Lysimachus had built near the isthmus of the Thra- 
 cian Chersonesus,) he stopped at a place where he observed an old altar had 
 been erected, and being told that it was called Argos, this made him very in- 
 quisitive about it. For he had been warned, it seems, by an oracle, to have a care 
 of Argos, which he understood of the city of Argos in Peloponnesus, But while 
 he was asking several questions about it, and how it came to be called by that 
 name, the traitor came behind him, and thrust him through, and then getting the 
 army to declare for him, seized the kingdom of Macedon. Those who were the 
 soldiers and friends of Lysimachus, looking on him as a revenger of his death, on 
 this account at first had a kind liking unto him, and stuck by him; but he soon 
 gave reason to make them otherwise afiected to him. For his sister Arsinoe, with 
 her children still surviving,^ he thought himself not safe in the possession of Ly- 
 simachus's dominions, as long as any of his children remained alive, and there- 
 fore, pretending to take Arsinoe to be his wife, and to adopt her two sons which 
 she had by Lysimachus, and having by this means gotten them into his power, he 
 murdered them both on the very feast of the nuptials, and after that, having 
 stripped Arsinoe of all that she had, he sent her to Samothracia, into banishment, 
 with two maids only to wait upon her. But Providence did not suffer all those 
 wickednesses to go long unpunished. 
 
 Jin. 279. Ptolemy Philadelph. 6.] — For the next year after,^ Ptolemy waging 
 war against the Gauls, who had invaded Macedonia, he was taken prisoner in 
 the battle, and afterward, on being known, was torn by them in pieces, which 
 was a death he sufficiently deserved. For what is above related of him fully 
 shows him to have been a man of most perfidious and wicked temper of mind, 
 and the knowledge which his father had of this, no doubt, was that which most 
 prevailed with him to exclude him from the succession of his crown, and setde 
 it on his younger brother. After his death, Arsinoe retired into Egypt to 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus her brother, who falling in love with her, after he had 
 divorced another Arsinoe,^ the daughter of Lysimachus,* whom he had married 
 immediately on his first accession to the throne, took the sister of this to be his 
 wife, according to the corrupt usage of the Persians and Egyptians, who from 
 the time of Cambyses had these incestuous marriages in practice among them; 
 and we have frequent instances of it among the Ptolemean kings, as well as 
 among those that succeeded Cyrus in the kingdom of Persia. How Cambyses 
 first gave the ill example for it, hath been before related in the former part of 
 this history. The reason why Ptolemy divorced Arsinoe his first wife, was, he 
 had convicted her of being in a plot against his life. For, on the coming of 
 Arsinoe his sister to him, Arsinoe the wife finding that he was fallen in love 
 with her, and that she was therein neglected, out of a furious jealousy, and 
 passion of revenge together, she entered into a conspiracy with Chrysippus her 
 physician, and others, to cut him off. But this treason being discovered, she 
 
 1 JiiRtin. lib. 17. c. 2. Appian.in Syriacis. Memnnnis Excerpta apud Photium, c. 13. Pausanias in Atticis. 
 
 2 Justin, lib. 24. c. 2. Memiionis Excerpta apud Pliotiuni, c. 15. 
 
 3 Jiislin. lib. 24. c. 5. Memnonis Escerpta, c. 15, Pausanias in Phociis. Eclogse Diodori Siculi, lib, 22, 
 
 4 Theocriti Scholiastes. 5 Pausanias in Atlicis, 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 25 
 
 was thereon sent into the Upper Egypt as far as the confines of Ethiopia, there 
 to end her days in banishment, after she had brought him two sons and a daugh- 
 ter, the eldest of which was that Ptolemy, who, by the name of Euergetes, suc- 
 ceeded him in the throne. And after this removal of her was it, that Ptolemy 
 took the other Arsinoe, his sister, to be his wife in her stead. And although 
 she was now past child-bearing, yet she had such charms to engage his affec- 
 tions, that he never took any other wife as long as he lived, and when she died 
 did not long survive her. In the epistle, which, according to Aristeas, Eleazar 
 the high-priest of the Jews wrote to him, she is named as his queen and 
 his sister. 
 
 On the death of Seleucus,' Antiochus, surnamed Soter, his son by Apama, 
 the daughter of Artabazus, a Persian lady, succeeded him in the empire of Asia, 
 and reigned over it nineteen years. As soon as he had heard of his father's 
 death, and secured himself of his dominions in the east, where he then was, he 
 sent Patrocles,^ one of his generals, with an army over Mount Taurus into Lesser 
 Asia, to take care of his afiairs in those parts. On his first arrival he marched 
 against the Heracleans, a colony of the Greeks lying on the Euxine Sea, in the 
 country of Pontus, and then a potent state. But matters between them being 
 made up by a treaty, he turned all his force against the Bithynians, and in- 
 vaded that country; but being drawn into a snare by a stratagem of the enemy's, 
 he and his whole army were there all cut off to a man. Zipaetes was then king 
 of Bithynia,^ an aged prince that had reigned there forty-eight years, and was 
 then seventy-six years old, who being overborne with the joy of this victory, 
 soon after died, leaving behind him four sons, the eldest of which was Nicome- 
 des, who succeeding him in the kingdom, to secure himself the better in it, 
 forthwith caused two of his brothers to be cut off; but the youngest,"* called also 
 Zipaetes from his father's name, escaping his power, seized on some part of his 
 father's dominions, and there maintained a long war with his brother. From 
 this Nicomedes were descended the Bithynian kings, of whom we find so fre- 
 quent mention in the Roman histories. At the same time that he had war with 
 his brother,^ being threatened with another from Antiochus, who was preparing 
 a great army, to be revenged of him for the death of Patrocles, and the loss of 
 his army with him, he called in the Gauls to his assistance, and on this occasion 
 was it that the Gauls first passed into Lesser Asia. The whole history of this 
 expedition of those barbarous people into those parts is thus related. 
 
 In the beginning of this year, it being (as Polybius tells us") the next year 
 after Pyrrhus's first passing into Italy, '^ the Gauls being overstocked at home, 
 sent out a vast number of their people to seek for new habitations. These 
 dividing themselves into three companies, took three several ways. The first 
 company, under the command of Brennus and Acichorius, marched into Pan- 
 nonia, the country now called Hungary. The second, under the command of 
 Cerethrius, went into Thrace; and the third, under the command of Belgius, 
 invaded Illyrium and Macedonia; and by these last it was that Ptolemy Cerau- 
 nus was slain. But after this victory, they having dispersed themselves to 
 plunder the country, Sosthenes a Macedonian, getting forces together, took the 
 advantage of this disorder to fall upon them, and having cut off great numbers 
 of them forced the rest to retreat out of the country; whereon Brennus and his 
 company came into Macedonia in their stead. This Brennus (being of the same 
 name with him that some ages before sacked Borne) was the chief author of 
 this expedition, and therefore was one of the prime leaders in it. On his hear- 
 ing of the first success of Belgius, and the great prey which he had got by it, 
 he envied him the plunder of so rich a country, and therefore resolved to hasten 
 
 1 Appian. in Syriacis. Eusebii Chronicon. 2 Memnonis Excerpta, c. 16. 3 Ibid. c. 21. 
 
 4 Ibid. c. 18. Llvius, lib. 38. 5 Memnon. cap. 19— 21. Livius, lib. 38. Justin, lib. 25. cap. 2. 
 
 6 Lib. 1. p. 6. 
 
 7 Paiisanias in Phocicis. Justin, lib. 24, 25. Memnonis Excerpta apud Photium. EclogK Diodori Siculi, lib. 22. 
 Livius, lib. 38. Callimachi Hymnus in Deliim, et Scholiastes ad eundem. Snidas in T»a.s.t«.. From these 
 authorities is collected all that is said under this and the following years, of the inundation of those barbarous 
 people, made at this time upon Greece, Macedon, Thrace, and the adjacent countries. 
 
 Vol. XL— 4 
 
26 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 thither to take a part in it; which resohition, after his hearing of the defeat of 
 Belgius, he was much more eagerly excited to, out of a desire of being revenged 
 for it. What became of Belgius and his companions is not said, there being 
 after this no more mention made of either. It is most iikely he was slain in 
 the overthrow given by Sosthenes, and that his company after that joined them- 
 selves to those that followed Brennus. But however this matter was, Brennus 
 and Acichorius, leaving Pannonia, marched with one hundred and fifty thousand 
 foot, and one thousand five hundred horse, into Illyrium, in order to pass from 
 thence into Macedonia and Greece. But there a sedition happening in the 
 army, twenty thousand of their men deserted from them, and under the com- 
 mand of Leonorius and Lutarius, two prime leaders in this expedition, marched 
 into Thrace, and there joining those whom Cerethrius had led there before, 
 seized on Byzantium and the western coasts of the Propontis, and there made 
 all the adjacent parts tributary to them. 
 
 Jin. 278. Ptolemy Philculelph. 7.] — However, Brennus and Acichorius were 
 not discouraged by this desertion from proceeding in their intended expedition, 
 but having, by new recruits, raised among the Illyrians, as well as by others 
 sent them from Gallia, made up their army to the number of one hundred and 
 fifty-two thousand foot, and sixty-one thousand two hundred horse, marched 
 directly with them into Macedonia, and having there overborne Sosthenes with 
 their great number, and ravaged the whole country, passed on to the Straits of 
 Thermopylae, to enter through them into Greece. But, on their coming thither, 
 they were stopped for some time by the forces which they found the Grecians 
 had posted there for the guard and defence of that pass, till they were shown 
 the same way over the mountains by which the forces of Xerxes had passed 
 before; whereon the guards retiring to avoid being surrounded, Brennus marched 
 on with the gross of the army toward Delphos, to plunder the temple in that 
 city of the vast riches which were there laid up, ordering Acichorius to follow 
 after with the remainder. But he there met with a wonderful defeat. For, 
 on his approaching the place, there happened a terrible storm of thunder, light- 
 ning, and hail, which destroyed great numbers of his men, and, at the same 
 time, there was as terrible an earthquake, which, rending the mountains in 
 pieces, threw down whole rocks upon them, which overwhelmed them by 
 hundreds at a time; by which the whole army being dismayed, they were the 
 following night seized with such a panic fear, that every man supposing him 
 that was next to him to be a Grecian enemy, they fell upon each other, so that, 
 before there was daylight enough to make them see the mistake, one half of 
 the army had destroyed the other. By all this the Greeks, who were now 
 come together from all parts to defend their temple, being much animated, fell 
 furiously on them; and, although now Acichorius was come up with Brennus, 
 yet both their forces together could not stand the assault, but great numbers of 
 them w^ere slain and great numbers were wounded; and among these last was 
 Brennus himself, who had received several wounds, and although none of them 
 were mortal, yet seeing all now lost, and the whole expedition which he had 
 been the author of thus ending in a dismal ruin, he was so confounded at the 
 miscarriage, that he resolved not to outlive it. And therefore caUing to him as 
 many of the chief leaders as could be got together amidst that calamitous hurry, 
 he advised them to slay all the wounded, and with the remainder make as good 
 a retreat backward as they could; and then, having guzzled down as much wine 
 as he could drink, he run himself through, and died. After his death, Aci- 
 chorius taking on him the chief command, made as good a retreat as he could 
 toward Thermopylfe, in order to repass those straits, and cany back what re- 
 mained of this broken army into their own country; but being to make a long 
 march thither all the way through enemies' countries, they were, as they passed, 
 so distressed for want of provisions, which they were every where to fight for, 
 so incommoded at night, by lodging mostly upon the ground in a winter-season, 
 and in such manner harassed and fallen upon wherever they came by the 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 27 
 
 people of those countries tlirough which they passed, that what with famine, 
 cold, and sickness, and what with the sword of their enemies, they were all 
 cut off and destroyed; so that of the numerous company which did first set out 
 on this expedition, not so much as one man escaped the calamitous fate of 
 miserably perishing in it. Thus was God pleased in a very extraordinary 
 manner to execute his vengeance upon those sacrilegious wretches, for the sake 
 of religion in general, how false and idolatrous soever that particular religion 
 was, for which that temple at Delphos was erected. For to believe a religion 
 true, and offer sacrilegious violence to the places consecrated to the devotion of 
 that religion, is absolute impiety, and a sin against all religion; and there are 
 many instances of very signal judgments with which God hath punished it, 
 even among the worst of heathens and infidels, and much more may they ex- 
 pect it, who having the truth of God established among them, shall become 
 guilty thereof. 
 
 In the interim, Leonorius and Lutarius parting from the other Gauls, who 
 had settled themselves on the Propontis, marched down to the Hellespont, and 
 seizing- on Lysimachia, made themselves masters of all the Thracian Chersone- 
 sus; but there another sedition arising among them, the two commanders part- 
 ed their forces, and separated from each other; Lutarius continuing on the Hel- 
 lespont, and Leonorius with the greater number returned again to Byzantium, 
 from whence he came. 
 
 An. 277. Ptolemy Philadelph. 8.] — But afterward Leonorius passing the Bos- 
 phorus, and Lutarius the Hellespont into Asia, they both there again united 
 their forces by a new confederacy, and jointly entered into the service of Ni- 
 comedes, king of Bithynia, who, having by their assistance, the year following, 
 conquered Zipsetes, his brother, and fixed himself thereby in the thorough 
 possession of all his father's dominions, he assigned them that part of Lesser 
 Asia to dwell in, which from them was afterward called by some Gallo-Grsecia, 
 and by others Galatia; which last name afterward obtaining above the other, 
 those people, instead of Gauls, were there called Galatians, and from them 
 were descended those Galatians to whom St. Paul wrote one of his canonical 
 epistles. 
 
 The rest of those Gauls that remained in Thrace afterward making war upon 
 Antigonus Gonatas, who, on the death of Sosthenes, reigned in Macedonia, 
 they were almost all cut off and destroyed by him. The few that escaped 
 either passed into Asia, and there joined themselves to their countrymen in 
 Galatia, or else scattered themselves in other parts, where tliey were no more 
 heard of. And thus ended this terrible inundation of those barbarous people, 
 which threatened Macedonia, and all Greece, with no less than an absolute 
 destruction. 
 
 Within the compass of this year Archbishop Usher' placeth the making of 
 that Greek translation of the Hebrew scriptures, which we call the Septuagint. 
 And here all else must place it, who with him believe that history to be gen- 
 uine, which is written of it under the name of Aristcas, and will hold what is 
 consistent with it herein. For, according to that author, they cannot place it 
 later, because then it would not fall within the time of Eleazar, who is therein 
 said to have been the high-priest of the Jews, that sent the seventy-two elders 
 to Alexandria to make this translation; for he died about the beginning of the 
 next year after. And they cannot place it sooner, because then it would be 
 before Ptolemy Philadelphus married Arsinoe, his sister, whom Eleazar in his 
 epistle, which that author makes him to have written to this prince, calls his 
 queen and his sister. Without entering into long critical discourses concerning 
 this translation, I shall first historically relate the different accounts which are 
 given of it, and then, as briefly as I can, lay down that which appears to me 
 io be the truth of this whole matter. 
 
 The ancientest account we have hereof is from a book still extant, under the 
 
 1 In Annalibus sub A. M. 3727. 
 
28 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 name of Aristeas, which is professedly written to give us the whole history of it. 
 He is said therein to have been a prime officer in the guards of Ptolemy Phila- 
 delphus, king of Egypt, at the time when this affair was transacted. What we 
 are told of it by him is as foUoweth: — Ptolmey Philadelphus, king of Egypt, 
 beino- intent on making a great library at Alexandria, and being desirous of get- 
 ting all manner of books into it, committed the care of this matter to Deme- 
 trius Phalereus, a noble Athenian, then living in his court, directing him to pro- 
 cure from all nations whatsoever books were of note among them. Demetrius 
 in the search he made pursuant to these orders, being informed of the book of 
 the law of Moses among the Jews, acquainted the king hereof, whereon he 
 signified his pleasure, that the book should be sent for from Jerusalem with in- 
 terpreters from the same place to render it into Greek; and ordered him to lay 
 before him in writing what was proper to be done herein, that accordingly he 
 might send to the high-priest about it. Aristeas, the pretended author of this 
 History of the Seventy-two Inteipreters, Sosibius of Tarentum, and Andreas, 
 three nobles of King Ptolemy's court, having great favour for the Jew^s, took 
 this opportunity to move the king in the behalf of those of that nation, who 
 had been taken captive by King Ptolemy Soter in those invasions made by him 
 upon Judea which are above mentioned, and were then in bondage in Egypt, 
 telling him, that it w^ould be in vain to expect from the Jews either a true copy 
 of their law, or a faithful translation of it, as long as he kept so many of their 
 countrymen in slavery; and therefore, they proposed to him first to release all 
 those Jews, before he should send to Jerusalem about this matter. Hereon the 
 king asked, what the number of those captive Jews might be? Andreas an- 
 swered, that they might be somewhat above one hundred thousand. " And 
 do you think (said the king) that this is a small matter which Aristeas asketh?" 
 To this Sosibius repUed, That the greater it was, the more it would become so 
 great a king to do it. Whereon King Ptolemy complying with the proposal, 
 published a decree for the release of all the Jewish captives in Egypt, 
 and ordered twenty drachms a head to be paid out of his treasury to those 
 that had them in servitude for the price of their redemption; and this was 
 computed to amount to four hundred talents, which shows the number of 
 the redeemed to have been one hundred and twenty thousand; for four hun- 
 dred talents, at twenty drachms a head, would redeem just so many. 
 But afterward the king having ordered the children that were born to those 
 Jews, while in their servitude, and the mothers that bore them, to be also re- 
 deemed, this made the whole expense to amount to six hundred and sixy talents; 
 which proves the w^hole number of the redeemed, that is, men, women, and 
 children, to have amounted to one hundred and ninety-eight thousand: for so 
 many six hundred and sixty talents, at the price of twenty drachms a head 
 would have redeemed. When this was done, Demetrius, according as he was 
 ordered, laid before the liing, in a memorial, the whole method which he 
 thought was proper to be followed for the obtaining from the Jews the book of 
 the law of Moses, which he desired. What he proposed in this memorial was, 
 that a letter should be written to Eleazar, the high-priest of the Jews at Jerusa- 
 lem, to send from thence a true copy of the Hebrew original, and with it six out 
 of each of the twelve tribes of Israel, to translate it into the. Greek language. 
 And, according to this proposal, a letter was written in the king's name to Elea- 
 zar, the high-priest, to send the book, and with it, for the rendering of it into 
 Greek, six elders out of every tribe, which he should judge best able to perform 
 the work. And Aristeas, the pretended author of this history, and Andreas 
 above mentioned, were sent with this letter to Jerusalem; who carried with him 
 also from the king several gifts for the temple, in money for sacrifices there to 
 be offered, and other uses of the sanctuary, one hundred talents; in utensils of 
 silver seventy talents, and in utensils of gold fifty talents, and precious stones 
 in the adornments of the said utensils, of five times the value of the gold. On 
 their coming to Jerusalem, they were received with great respects by the high- 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 29 
 
 priest, and all the people of the Jews, and had all readily granted them what 
 they went thither for. And therefore having received from the high-priest a 
 true copy of the law of Moses, all written in golden letters, and six elders out 
 of every tribe, that is seventy-two in all, to make a version of it into the Greek 
 language, they returned with them to Alexandria. On their arrival, the king 
 calling those elders to his court, made trial of them by seventy-two questions 
 proposed to them, to each one in their order; and from the answers which they 
 made, approving of their "wisdom, he gave to each of them three talents, and 
 sent them into the island of Pho.rus adjoining to Alexandria, for the performing 
 of the work which they came for: where Demetrius, having conducted them 
 over the Heptastadium (a bank of seven furlongs in length, which joined that 
 island to the continent) into a house there provided for them, they forthwith 
 betook themselves to the business of the interpretation, and as they agreed in 
 tiie version of each period by common conference together, Demetrius wrote it 
 down; and thus, in the space of seventy-two days, they performed the whole 
 Avork; whereon the whole being read over, and approved of in the king's pre- 
 sence, the king gave to each of them three rich garments, two talents in gold, 
 and a cup of gold of a talent weight, and then sent them all home into their 
 own country. Thus far Aristeas. 
 
 Aristobulus, an Alexandrian Jew, and a Peripatetic philosopher, is the next 
 that makes mention of this version. He flourished in the one hundred and 
 eighty-eighth year of the era of contracts (that is, in the one hundred and 
 twenty-fifth year before Christ,) for then a letter was written to him by the Jews 
 of Jerusalem and Judea, as we have it' in the second book of the Maccabees. This 
 Aristobulus^ is said to have written a comment on the five books of Moses, and 
 to have dedicated it to King Ptolemy Fhilometer, to whom he had been precep- 
 tor, and therein to have spoken of this Greek version made under the care and 
 direction of Demetrius Phalereus, by the command of Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
 king of Egypt. The book is not now extant. All that remains of it are some 
 few fragments quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus^ and Eusebius'' in which having 
 asserted that Pythagoras, Plato, and other Grecians, had taken most of their phi- 
 losophy from the Hebrew scriptures, to make this seem the more probable, he 
 teUs us, those scriptures had been for the most part translated into Greek, before 
 the times of Alexander and the Persian empire; but that under Ptolemy Phila- 
 delphus, a more perfect translation was made of the whole, by the care of 
 Demetrius Phalereus. 
 
 The next that makes mention of this version is Philo, another Alexandrian 
 Jew, who was contemporary with our Saviour. For it was but a little after the 
 time of his crucifixion that he was sent in an embassy from the Jews of Alex- 
 andria, to Caius CjEsar the Roman emperor.^ In this account of it he tells us 
 the same that Aristeas doth," of King Ptolemy Philadelphus's sending to Jeru- 
 salem for elders to make this version; of the questions proposed to them on the 
 first arrival, for the trial of their wisdom; and of their retiring into the island 
 of Pharus, for the accomplishing of this work, and of their finishing it there, in 
 that retirement; and thus far he plainly whites after Aristeas. But he farther 
 adds, what Aristeas gives him no foundation for, that in their interpretations, 
 they all so exactly agreed, as not to differ so much as in a word; but to have 
 rendered every thing not only in the same sense, but also in the same phrases 
 and words of expression, so as not to vary in the least from each other, through 
 the whole Avork. From whence he infers, that they acted not herein as com- 
 mon interpreters, but as men prophetically inspired and divinely directed, who 
 had every word dictated to them by the Holy Spirit of God through the whole 
 version. And he adds farther, that in commemoration of this work, the Jews^ 
 of Alexandria kept a solemn anniversary, one day in every year, when they 
 
 1 Chap. 1. ver. 10. Eiisoh. Pr.Tp. Evanp. lib. 3. r. JO. 
 
 2 Eiiseb. Prtep. Evang. lib. 13. c. 12. Clemens Alex. Strom, lib. 1. 3 Strom, lib. 1. el lib. 5. 
 
 4 Canon Chron. p. 187. Prap. Evang. lib. 7. c. 13. lib. 8. c. 9. lib. 13. c. 12. 
 
 5 Philo de Legations and Caiuin Caesarem. 6 De Vita Mosis. lib. 2. 
 
30 CONNEXION OF THE -HISTORY OF 
 
 went over into the island of Pharus, and there spent that day in feasting, and 
 rejoicing, and giving praise to God for his divine assistance, in so wonderful a 
 manner given by him in the making of this version. 
 
 Josephiis, who wrote his Antiquities of the Jews toward the end of the first 
 century after Christ, agreeth with Aristeas in his relation of this matter,' Avhat 
 he writes of it being no more than an abridgement of that author. And Euse- 
 bius, who flourished about two hundred and twenty years after him, doth the 
 samc,^ gi^'hig us of it no other account but what he found in Aristeas, and is 
 now extant in him; only, as to Josephus, it must be acknowledged, there is a 
 variation in his account concerning the price paid by Ptolemy for the redemp- 
 tion of the captive Jews: for whereas Aristeas saith, it was twenty drachms a 
 head, and that the sum total amounted to six hundred and sixty talents; Jose- 
 phus lays it at one hundred and twenty drachms a head, and the sum total at 
 four hundred and sixty talents; in all other things they exactly agree. 
 
 The next author after Josephus who makes mention of this version, and the 
 manner of making it, was Justin Martyr, a Christian writer, who flourished in 
 the middle of the second century,^ about one hundred years after Philo. He 
 having been at Alexandria, and there discoursed with the Jews of that place 
 concerning this matter, tells us what he found there related, and was then firmly 
 believed among them concerning it. Whereby it appears, that what Philo tells 
 us of the wonderful agreement of the interpreters, in the making of that ver- 
 sion, M^^as much farther improved by his time. For they had then added to the 
 story distinct cells for the interpreters, and the fiction of their being shut up all 
 in them apart from each other, one in each cell, and of each of them therein 
 making a distinct version by himself, and all agreeing together to a word, on the 
 comparing of what each had done; which the good man swallowing with a 
 thorough credulity, writes of it in the words following: — 
 
 " Ptolem}'," king of Egypt, having a mind to erect a library at Alexandria, 
 caused books to be brought thither from all parts to fill it; and being informed, 
 that the Jew^s kept with great care ancient histories written in the Hebrew, and 
 being desirous to know what these writings contained, sent to Jerusalem for 
 seventy learned men, who understood the Hebrew and the Greek languages, 
 and ordered them to translate those books; and to the end they might be the 
 more at quiet and free from noise, and thereby be enabled the sooner to make 
 this translation, he would not have them stay in the city, but caused to be built 
 for them in the island of Pharus, seven furlongs from Alexandria, as many little 
 houses or cells as there were interpreters, that each might there apart by him- 
 self make his version. And he enjoined those, who served them, to do them 
 all sorts of good offices, but to prevent their conferring together, that he might 
 know, by the conformity of their versions, whether their translation was true 
 and exact. And finding afterward, that these seventy persons did not only 
 agree in the sense, but also in the same terms, so that there was not one word 
 in any one of their versions which was not in all the other, but that they all 
 wrote, word for word, the same expressions, he was surprised with admiration, 
 and not doubting but that this version was made by the Spirit of God, he heap- 
 ed honours upon the intei-preters, whom he looked on as men dear unto God, 
 and sent them home laden with presents to their own country. And, as to the 
 books, he received them with that veneration which was due to them, looked 
 on them as divine books, and placed them in his library." And then the holy 
 man adds, for the confirming of this story, which he himself thoroughly be- 
 lieved as true: " These things, which we now relate unto you, Greeks, are 
 not fables and feigned stories. For we ourselves, having been at Alexandria, 
 did there see the ruins of those little houses, or cells, in the island of Pharus, 
 there still remaining; and what we noAv tell you of them we had from the in- 
 
 1 Antiq. lib. 12. c. 2. 2 Euseb. Prsep. Evang. lib. 8. c. 2—5. 
 
 3 He wrote his first Apology for the Christians, A. D. 140. 
 
 4 Cohort, ad Gentes, p. 14. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAxMENT. 31 
 
 Habitants of the place, Avho had received it from their forefathers by undoubted 
 tradition." And in another place/ he saith of the same matter; " When Ptole- 
 my king of Egypt was preparing a library, in which he purposed to gather to- 
 gether the writings of all men, having heard of the •writings of the prophets 
 among the Jews, he sent to Herod, then king of the Jews, to desire him to 
 transmit to him those books of the i^rophets. Whereon King Herod sent them 
 unto him, written in the Hebrew language. But whereas those books, as writ- 
 ten in this language, were wholly unintelligible to the Egyptians, he sent a se- 
 cond time to Herod to desire him to send interpreters to translate them into the 
 Greek language; which being done, these books thus translated, are still re- 
 maining among the Egyptians, even to this day, and copies of them are now 
 in the hands of the JeM's, in all places wheresoever they arc." 
 
 Irena^us,* Clemens Alexandrinus,^ Hilary,'' Austin,* C3'ril of Jerusalem," Phi- 
 lastrius Brixiensis,^ and the generality of the ancient fathers that lived after 
 Justin, follow him in this matter of the cells, and the wonderful agreement of 
 all the versions made in them. And some also of the moderns are zealous con- 
 tenders for the truth of this story, being fond of a miracle which would so much 
 conduce to the confirming of the divine authority of the holy scriptures against 
 all gainsayers; and it is much to be wished, that it were built upon such autho- 
 rity as would not admit of any of those objections which are urged against it. 
 
 By the time of Epiphanius, who was made bishop of Salamine, in Cyprus, 
 A. D. 308, false traditions had farther corrupted this story. For he gives a re- 
 lation of the matter which differs from that of Justin, as well as of Aristeas, and 
 yet he quotes Aristeas even in those particulars which he relates otherwise than 
 that author doth; which shows, that there was another Aristeas in his time, 
 different from that which we now have, though it be plain, that the author 
 which is now extant with us under that name is certainly the same which Jo- 
 sephus and Eusebius used. What Epiphanius Avrites hereof would be too long 
 to be all here inserted. The sum of it is, that Ptolemy Philadelphus,® designing 
 to make a library at Alexandria, sent to all countries to procure copies of their 
 books to put into it, and committed it to the care of Demetrius Phalereus to 
 manage this whole matter; by whom being informed of the books of the holy 
 scriptures, which the Jews then had at Jerusalem, he sent an embassy thither, 
 with a letter to the high-priest to procure a copy of the said books. That hereon 
 the Jews sent twenty-two canonical books, and seventy-two apocrj^phal, all 
 written in Hebrew. But Ptolemy not being able to read them in that language, 
 he sent a second embassy to Jerusalem for interpreters to make a version of 
 them into Greek: for which purpose a second letter was written to the high- 
 priest; and that the Jews, on the receipt of this last letter, sent him seventy- 
 two interpreters, six chosen out of every tribe, who made the version according 
 as was desired. The manner in which he saith this was done will best appear 
 from his own w'ords: they are as follow: — "The seventy-two interpreters were 
 in the island of Pharus* (which lieth over against Alexandria, and in respect of 
 it is called the Upper-land,) shut up in thirty-six little houses, or cells, by two 
 and two in a cell, from morning till night, and were every night carried in 
 thirty-six boats, to King Ptolemy's palace, there to sup with him, and then 
 Avere lodged in thirty-six bed-chambers, by two and two in a chamber, that 
 they might not confer together about the said version, but make it faithfully 
 according to what appeared to them to be the true meaning of the text. For 
 Ptolemy built in that island over against Alexandria those thii-ty-six cells, 
 which I have mentioned of that capacity, as that they were sufficient to con- 
 tain each of them two of the said interpreters; and there he did shut them up 
 by two and two, as I have said, and two servants with them in each cell, to 
 provide them with food, and minister unto them in all things necessary, and 
 
 1 Apolooia secunda proChristianis. 2 Adversus Ha:rpses, lib. 3. cap. J5. 3 Strom, lib. 1. 
 
 4 rn P.valm ii. 5 Be Civilate Dei, lib. 18. c. 43. 6 Catechism. 4. p. 37. 7 Ha;res. 90. 
 
 8 Epiphanius in libro de Ponderibus et Mensuris. 9 Ibid, p, 101. 
 
32 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF 
 
 also writers, to write down the versions as they made them. To these cells he 
 made no windows in the walls, but only opened for them above such lights in 
 the roofs of the said cells as we call skylights. And thus continuing from morn- 
 ing till night, there closely shut up, they made the version in manner as foUow- 
 eth: — To each pair of interpreters one book was given; as, for example, the 
 book of Genesis was given to one pair, the book of Exodus to another pair, the 
 book of Leviticus to a third, and so of all the rest, a book to each pair in their 
 order; and in this manner all the twenty-seven books above mentioned, which 
 are now, according to the number of the Hebrew letters, reduced to tw^enty-two, 
 were translated out of the Hebrew into the Greek language." And then, a little 
 after, he farther saith: "And therefore these twenty-seven books,' now num- 
 bered to be twenty-two, with the Psalter, and what is annexed to Jeremiah, that 
 is, the Lamentations, and the Epistles of Baruch (though those epistles are not 
 found in the Hebrew Canon of the holy scriptures; for in that the Lamenta- 
 tions only are annexed to Jeremiah,) were in this manner distributed among 
 the thirty-six pairs of interpreters, and afterward were sent every one of them 
 round to them, that is, from the first pair to the second, and from the second to 
 the third, and so on, till each book had been translated into Greek once by each 
 pair, and the whole of it by all of them thirty-six times, as common tradition 
 reports the matter; and to them were added twenty-two apocryphal books. And 
 when all was finished, the king, sitting on high on his throne, thirty-six readers 
 came before him with the thirty-six translations, and another reader stood there 
 also, who had the original Hebrew copy in his hand; and, while one of those 
 readers did read his copy aloud, the rest diligently attended, and went along 
 with him, reading to themselves in their copies, and examining thereby what w'as 
 written in them: and no variety or difference was found in any one of them." 
 Thus far having given an account of all that is related by the ancients con- 
 cerning the manner of the making this version, which we call the Septuagint, 
 I shall now lay down what appears to me to be the truth of the whole matter 
 of these following positions. 
 
 I. That there was a translation of the Hebrew scriptures into Greek, made in 
 the time that the Ptolemies reigned in Egypt, is not to be doubted: for we still 
 have the book, and it is the same which was in use in our Saviour's time; for 
 most of those passages which the holy penmen of the New Testament do, in 
 the Greek original of it, quote out of the Old Testament, are now found verba- 
 tim in this version. And, since the Egyptian princes of the Ptolemean race 
 were so fond, as the writers of those times tell us, of replenishing their library 
 at Alexandria with all sorts of books, there is no reason but to believe, that a 
 copy of this translation, as soon as it was made, was put into it. 
 
 II. The book going under the name of Aristeas, which is the groundwork 
 and foundation of all that is said of the manner of making this translation, by 
 seventy-two elders sent from Jerusalem to Alexandria for this purpose, in the 
 time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, is a manifest fiction, made out of design thereby 
 to give the greater authority to this translation. The Jews, after their return 
 from the Babylonish captivity to the time of our Saviour, were much given to 
 religious romances, as appears from their apocryphal books still extant, many of 
 which are of this sort; and that the book which we now have under the name 
 of Aristeas was such a romance, and written by some Hellenistical Jew, plainly 
 appears from these following reasons. For, 
 
 1. The author of that book, though pretended to be a heathen Greek, every 
 where speaks as a Jew, and delivers himself in all places, where he makes men- 
 tion either of God or the Jewish religion, in such terms as none but a Jew could; 
 and he brings in Ptolemy, Demetrius, Andreas, Sosibius, and others, speaking 
 after the same manner, which clearly proves, that no Aristeas, or heathen Greek, 
 but some Hellenistical Jew under his name, was the author of that book. 
 
 2. He makes Ptolemy advance an incredible sum of money for the obtaining 
 
 1 Epiphaniusin libro de Ponderibua etMensuris, p. 163. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 33 
 
 of this version. For, according to him, Ptolemy expended, in redeeming the 
 captive Jews that were in his kingdom, six hundred and sixty talents; in ves- 
 sels of silver sent to the temple, seventy talents; in vessels of gold, fifty talents; 
 and in precious stones to adorn and embellish these vessels, to the value of five 
 times the gold, that is, two hundred and fifty talents; in a gift for sacrifices, and 
 other uses of the temple, a hundred talents; and then he gave to each of the 
 seventy-two interpreters, at their first coming, three talents a piece in silver, 
 that is, two hundred and sixteen talents in the whole; and lastly, to each of 
 them, at their parting, two talents in gold, and a gold cup of a talent weight; 
 all which put together make in the sum total, one thousand and forty-six talents 
 of silver, and five hundred and sixteen talents in gold, which being reduced to 
 our sterling money, amounts to one million nine hundred and eighteen thousand 
 five hundred and thirty-seven pounds ten shillings;' and, if we add hereto the 
 value of other gifts, which according to Aristeas were bestowed on these seven- 
 ty-two elders by the bounty of the king, and the charges which it cost him in 
 fetching them to Alexandria, maintaining them there, and sending them back 
 again to Jerusalem, this may be computed to mount that sum to near two mil- 
 lions sterling, which may well be reckoned to be above twenty times as much 
 as that whole library was ever worth. And who can then believe that this nar- 
 rative, which makes Ptolemy expend so much for one single book in it, and 
 which neither he nor any of his court, as long as they continued heathens, 
 could have any great value for, can be a true and genuine history? 
 
 3. The questions proposed to the seventy-two intei-preters, and their answers 
 to them, manifestly carry with them the air of fiction and romance. If it should 
 appear likely to any (as I confess it doth not unto me,) that Ptolemy should 
 trouble himself to propose to them such questions, he must be a person of great 
 credulity, that will believe those answers to have been given extempore to them. 
 Whoever will judge rationally of this matter, must necessarily acknowledge 
 that they were framed by artifice and premeditation to the questions, and that 
 both were the inventions of him that made the book. 
 
 4. The making of seventy-two elders to be sent to Alexandria from Jerusa- 
 lem on this occasion, and these to be chosen by six out of eveiy tribe, by the 
 advice of Demetrius Phalereus, all looks like a Jewish invention, framed with 
 respect to the Jewish Sanhedrin, and the number of the twelve tribes of Israel; 
 it not being likely, that Demetrius, a heathen Greek, should know any thing of 
 their twelve tribes, or of the number of the seventy-two elders, of which their 
 Sanhedrin did consist. The names of Israel, and the twelve tribes, were then 
 absorbed in that of the Jews, and few knew of them in that age by any other 
 appellation. Although some of the other tribes joined themselves to the Jews, 
 on their return from the Babylonish captivity, as I have before observed, and 
 thereby the names of those tribes might still be preserved amongst their de- 
 scendants; yet, it is not to be supposed that all were so, but that some of the 
 names of those other tribes were wholly lost, and no more in being, in the time 
 of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and that therefore no such choice could then be made 
 out of them for the composing of this version. But, if it were otherwise, yet 
 that there should be six of every tribe, or indeed seventy-two of the whole na- 
 tion, then living in Judea, fu31y qualified for this work, seems by no means likely. 
 Till the time of Alexander the Great, the Jews had no communication with the 
 Greeks, and from his having been at Jerusalem (from which time only this 
 communication first began) there had now passed only fifty-five years. During 
 this time, no doubt, some of them might have learnt the Greek tongue, especially 
 after so many of them had been planted by Ptolemy at Alexandria, and by Se- 
 leucus at Antioch, in both which cities the prevailing number of the inhabit- 
 ants were of the Greek nation. But that six of every tribe should then be 
 found thus skilful in the land of Judea, where there was then no reason for 
 
 1 That is, computing these talents bv Attic talents, and valuing them according to Dr. Bernard. If they be 
 computed by the talents of Alexandria, where the scene of action is laid, they will amount to twice as rauclL 
 
 Vol. II.— 5 
 
34 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 them to learn this language, is not to be imagined. But this is not all the diffi* 
 culty of the matter. Those who were to do this work must have been thoroughly 
 skilled also in the Hebrew, which was the language of the original text, as well 
 as in the Greek, into which they Avere to translate it. But at this time the He- 
 brew was no longer among them their common speech. The Chaldee, since 
 their return from Chaldea, was become their mother tongue, and the knowledge 
 was thenceforth confined only to the learned among them: and those learned 
 men being such as taught and governed the people at home, they had no op- 
 portunity, by converse with the Greeks, to learn their language, nor indeed had 
 they any occasion for it. So that, for the making out of this story, we must 
 suppose, 1st, That there were many of every tribe of Israel then living in Judea; 
 2dly, That there were several in each of these tribes well learned in the He- 
 brew text; and 3dly, That there Avere in each of them, of this last sort, so many 
 thoroughly skilled in the Greek language, as that out of them a choice might 
 be made of six for each tribe fully qualified for this work; each particular hereof 
 at this time seems utterly improbable; but the whole doth much more so, when 
 all is put together. 
 
 5. Neither can any probable reason be given, why seventy- two should be 
 sent from Jerusalem to Alexandria for this purpose, when seven were more than 
 enough for the work. Some of the ancientest of the Talmudists say, that there 
 were only five that Avere employed in it;' and this is by much the more likely of 
 the two. 
 
 6. There are several particulars in this book which cannot accord vf'ith the 
 histories of those times. 1st, In none of them is there any mention of the vic- 
 tory which Aristeas makes Ptolemy Philadelphus to have obtained against Anti- 
 gonus at sea. If by this Antigonus he means Antigonus the father of Demetrius 
 Poliorcetes, he was dead seventeen years before Ptolemy Philadelphus was king 
 of Egypt; and if he means the son of that Demetrius, called Antigonus Gona- 
 tus, who reigned in Macedon, there is no author who speaks of any such victory 
 obtained by Ptolemy Philadelphus over him. And 2dly, Whereas Menedemus 
 the philosopher is said in this author to have been present, when the seventy- 
 two intei-preters answ^ered the questions proposed to them by Ptolemy, it is 
 manifest, by what is written of him by authors of undoubted credit, that he 
 could not have been at this time in Egypt, if he were then alive, which it is most 
 likely he was not.^ But, 3dly, What doth evidently convict of falsity this whole 
 story of Aristeas is, that he makes Demetiius Phalereus to be the chief actor in 
 it, and a great favourite of the king's at this time; whereas he was so far from 
 being in any favour with him, that none was more out of it, or was likely to be 
 ti-usted or employed in any matter by him, and that for good reason. For he 
 had earnestly dissuaded Ptolemy Soter his father from settling the crown upon 
 him; for which reason Philadelphus^ looking on him as his greatest enemy, as 
 soon as his father was dead (under whose favour he had till then been protect- 
 ed,) he cast him into prison, where he soon after died, in the manner as hath 
 been already related, and therefore he could bear no part in the transacting of 
 this matter. 
 
 Many other arguments there are which prove the spuriousness of this book. 
 They w^ho would farther examine hereinto, may read what hath been written 
 of it by Du-Pin,'' Richard Simon the Frenchman,^ and by Dr. Hoddy, the late 
 worthy professor of the Greek language at Oxford; whose account of this, and 
 other matters relating to the holy scriptures, in his learned and accurate book, 
 De Bibliorum Textibus Originalibus, Versionibus Graecis et Latina Vulgata, is 
 very worthy of any man's reading. 
 
 III. As to Aristobulus, what he saith of this version's being made by the com- 
 
 1 Tract. Sopherim, c. 1. 
 
 2 It appears, by what is written of him by Diogenes Laertius, Ub. 2, that he died soon after the end of the 
 Gallic war in Greece, being very aged at the time of his death. 
 
 3 Diogenes Laertius in Vita Demetri PhalereL 
 
 4 History of the Canon and Writers of the Books of the Old and New Testament, part. 1. c. 6. 9. 3. 
 
 5 Critical History of the Old Testament, book 2. c. 2. 
 
"THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 35 
 
 mand of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and under the care and direction of Demetrius 
 Phalereus, is no more than what is taken out of Aristeas; that book, it seems, 
 having been forged before his time, and then gotten into credit among the Jews 
 of Alexandria, when he took this out of it. For the one hundred and eighty- 
 eighth year of the era of contracts, the time in which he is said to flourish,' be- 
 ing one hundred and fifty-two years after that in which we place the making of 
 this version, that was long enough for this fiction concerning it to have been 
 formed, and also to have grown into such credit among the Jews as to be be- 
 lieved by them. For if we allow one hundred years for the former, that is, for 
 the framing of this fiction, by that time all persons might have been dead, and 
 all things forgotten, that might contradict it; and fifty-two years after might have 
 been sufficient for the latter, that is, for its growing into the credit of a true his- 
 tory among the Jews. As to other things related of this Aristobulus, that is, that 
 he was preceptor to the king of Egypt, and that he wrote commentaries on the 
 five books of Moses, and dedicated them to Ptolemy Philometor, they are all 
 justly called in question by learned men. As to his being King Ptolemy's mas- 
 ter, this is said of him (-2 Maccab. i. 10,) in the one hundred and eighty-eighth 
 year of the era of contracts, when it was by no means likely he could have been 
 in that office: for the Ptolemy that then reigned in Egypt was Ptolemy Physcon; 
 and the one hundred and eighty-eighth year of the era of contracts, was the 
 twenty-first year of his reign, '^ and the fii'ty-sixth after his father's death; and 
 therefore he must then have been about sixty years old, if not more; which is 
 an age past being under the tuition of a master. If it be said he might still re- 
 tain the title, though the office had been over many years before, the reply 
 hereto will be, that he must then have been of a very great age, when mentioned 
 with this title; for men use not to be made tutors to princes, till of eminent note, 
 and of mature age; forty is the least we can suppose him of, when appointed to 
 this office, if he ever was at all in it: and supposing he was first called to it, 
 when Ptolemy Physcon was ten years old, he must have been ninety at least at 
 the time when this title was given him in the place above cited. And if he 
 had been preceptor to Ptolemy Physcon, how it came to pass that he should 
 dedicate his book of commentaries on the law of Moses to Ptolemy Philometor, 
 who reigned before Physcon? If any such book had been at all made by him, it 
 is most likely that he would have dedicated it to that Ptolemy, who had been 
 his pupil, and not unto tlie other, whom he had no such especial relation to. 
 And as to what he is said to have written in these commentaries, of their hav- 
 ing been a Greek version of the law before that of the Septuagint, and that the 
 Greek philosophers borrowed many things from thence, it looks all like fiction. 
 The light of reason, or else ancient traditions, might have led them to the say- 
 ing of many things, especially in moral matters, which accord with what is 
 found in the writings of Moses; and, if not, yet there were other ways of com- 
 ing at them without such a version. Converse with the Jews might suffice for 
 it, and particular instruction might be had from some of their learned men for 
 this purpose; and such,^ Clearchus tells us, Aristotle had from a learned Jew in 
 the Lower Asia. That there ever was such a version, no other writing besides 
 these fragments quoted from Aristobulus do make the least mention. Neither 
 is it likely that there should ever have been any such: for till the Jews settled 
 among the Greeks at Alexandria, and there learned their language, and forgot 
 their own (which was not done till some time after the death of Alexander.) 
 there was no use of such a Greek version of the law among them. And, if it 
 had thus been translated before, what need was there of having it done again 
 in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus? All these things put together create a 
 suspicion among learned men, that the commentaries of Aristobulus came out 
 of the same forge with Aristeas, that is, were written under the name of Aristo- 
 bulus by some HeUenistical Jew, long after the date which they bore. And it 
 augments this suspicion, that Clemens Alexandrinus is the first that makes men- 
 
 1 2 Maccab. i. 10. 3 It was bo according to Ptolemy "s Canon. 3 See part 1, book 7, under the rear 348. 
 
36 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF' 
 
 fion of them. For had there been any such commentaries on the law of Moses?, 
 and written, in the time when said, by so eminent a Jew, and so famous a phi- 
 losopher, as Aristobulus is related to be, Philo-Judaeus and Josephus could not 
 have escaped making use of them: but neither of these writers makes the least 
 mention of any such commentaries; which is a strong argument, that there were 
 none such extant in their time; and those who mention them afterward, speak 
 very inconsistently of this Aristobulus, whom they make to be the author of 
 them. Sometimes they tell us, that he dedicated his book to Ptolemy Philome- 
 tor;' at other times they say it was Ptolemy Philadelphus and his father toge- 
 ther.^ Sometimes they will have it that he was the same that is mentioned in 
 the first chapter of the second book of Maccabees;^ and sometimes they make 
 him to have been one of the seventy-two interpreters one hundred and fifty-two 
 years before;^ which uncertainty about him, makes it most likely that there was 
 never any such person at all. That passage, where he is spoken of in the se- 
 cond book of the Maccabees, is no proof for him; for the letter, which is made 
 mention of in it, being there said to have been sent to him from the people that 
 were at Jerusalem, and in Judea, and the council, and Judas: this plainly proves 
 that whole passage to be of the same nature with most other things written in 
 the two first chapters of the second book of Maccabees, that is, all fable and 
 fiction. For, by the Judas there mentioned, the writer of that book can mean 
 no other Judas than Judas Maccabseus. But he was slain in battle thirty-six 
 years before the date of this letter.^ Whatsoever these commentaries were, 
 they seem not to have been long-lived; for as Clemens Alexandrinus M^as the 
 first of the ancients, so Eusebius was the last, that makes mention of them. 
 
 After that time, it is most likely they grew out of the reputation, and were 
 no more heard of Upon the whole, they that hold this book to have been spu- 
 rious, and all that is said of the author of it to be fable and fiction, seem to say 
 that, which, in all likelihood, is the truth of the matter. 
 
 IV. What Philo adds to the story of Aristeas, was from such traditions as had 
 obtained among the Jews of Alexandria in his time, which had the same ori- 
 ginal with all the rest, that is, were invented by them, to bring the greater 
 honour and credit to themselves, and their religion; and also to gain among the 
 vulgar of their own people the greater authority and veneration to that version 
 of the holy scriptures which they then used. And when such things had once 
 obtained belief, it was easy to introduce an anniversary commemmoration of 
 them, and continue it afterward from year to year, in the manner as Philo relates. 
 
 V. Where Josephus differs from Aristeas in the price paid by Ptolemy for the 
 redemption of the captive Jews, there is a manifest error; for the sum total doth 
 not agree with the particulars. The number of the Jews redeemed, Josephus 
 saith,^ were one hundred and twenty thousand: the redemption of these, at 
 twenty drachms a head, at which Aristeas lays it, would come to just four 
 hundred talents, which is the sum also which he reckons it to amount to. 
 But Josephus saith, the redemption money was one hundred and twenty 
 drachms a head, which is six times as much, and yet he makes the sum total 
 to be no more than four hundred and sixty talents. The error is in the numeri- 
 cal letters; for either the particulars must be less, or the sum must be more: 
 but whether it was the author or the transcribers that made this error, I cannot 
 say. Those who hold Josephus^ to have put the price at one hundred and 
 twenty drachms a head (which was just thirty Jewish shekels,) that so it might 
 answer what was paid for a Hebrew servant according to the law of Moses, ^ do 
 fix the error on the author; but then they make him guilty of a great blunder, 
 in not altering the sum total as well as the particulars, so as to make them both 
 agree with each other. 
 
 1 Clemena Arexandrinus. Strom, lib. 1. Eiipobii Chronicoii. p. 187. ct Prirp. Evang. lib. 13. c. 12. 
 
 2 Clemens Alexandrrniis. Strom, lib. 5. Euseb. Praep. Evang. lib. 8. c. 9. 
 
 3 Clemens Ale.\andriniis et Eusebius, ibid. 4 Anatolius apud Etisebium in Hist. Ecclesiast. lib. 7. 32. 
 5 1 Maccab. ix. 18. 6 Antiq.lib. 12. c. 2. 
 
 7 Usseriusin Annalibus veroris Testamenti. sub Anno J. P. 4437. Hodius de Bibliorum, Textibus Origi- 
 nalibus, lib. 1, c. 17. 8 Exod. xxi. 32, 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 37 
 
 VI. As to Justin Martyr, and the rest of the Christian writers that followed 
 him, it is plain they too greedily swallowed what they wished might be true. 
 Had the seventy-two interpreters, who are said to have made this version of the 
 Hebrew scriptures into Greek, been all separated into so many different cells, 
 and had all there apart, every one by himself, made so many versions as there 
 were persons, and all these versions had exactly agreed with each other, with- 
 out any difference or variation in any one of them from all the rest, this would 
 have been a miracle, which must have irrefragably confirmed the truth of those 
 scriptures, as well as the authority or the version which Avas then made of them, 
 against all gainsayers. And for both these the Christians of those times were 
 altogether as much concerned as the Jews; for the foundations of our holy 
 Christian profession are laid upon the Old Testament as well as on the New. 
 And this part of the holy scriptures was, out of Judea, no where else, in those 
 times, read among Christians, but in this Greek version, or in such other ver- 
 sions as were made into other languages from it, excepting only at Antioch, and 
 in the Syrian churches, depending upon that see, where they had a Syriac ver- 
 sion from the beginning, immediately translated from the Hebrew original. 
 And therefore Justin Martyr, finding these traditions among the Jews at Alex- 
 andria, on his being in that city, was too easily persuaded to believe them, and 
 made use of them in his writings against the heathens of his time, in defence 
 of the religion he professed. And upon this authority it was that Irenseus, and 
 the other Christian writers above mentioned, tell us the same thing, being 
 equally fond of the argument, by reason of the purpose it would serve to. But 
 how little the authority of Justin was to be depended upon in this matter, may 
 sufficiently appear from the inaccurate account which he gives us of it; for he 
 makes Ptolemy, when intent upon having the Hebrew scriptures for his library, 
 to send to King Herod first for a copy of them,' and afterward for interpreters to 
 turn them into the Greek language; whereas, not only Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
 but all the other Ptolemies who reigned after him in Egypt, were all dead be- 
 fore Herod was made king of Judea. So great a blunder in this narrative is 
 sufficient to discredit all the rest. And it is farther to be taken notice of, that, 
 though Justin was a learned man and a philosopher, yet he was a very credu- 
 lous person, and, when he became a Christian, was carried on, by the great zeal 
 he had for his religion, too lightly to lay hold of any story told him which he 
 thought would any way make for it. An instance hereof is, that being at 
 Rome,^ and there finding a statue consecrated to Semon Sancus,^ an old semi- 
 god of the Sabines, he was easily persuaded to believe it to be the statue of 
 Simon Magus; and therefore, in his second apology, upon no better foundation 
 than this, he upbraids the people of Rome for the making of such a wretch and 
 impostor to be one of their gods. And it was from the like easiness and credu- 
 lity, that, being shown by the Jews at Alexandria, the ruins of some old houses 
 in the island of Pharus, he was by them made believe, that they were the re- 
 mains of the cells in which, they told him, the seventy-two interpreters made 
 their version of the Hebrew scriptures into Greek by the command of Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus, king of Egypt; and hereon he gives us that account of it which I 
 have related. But Jerome, who was a person of much greater learning, and fai* 
 more judicious, rejects this story of the cells with that scorn and contempt 
 which it seems to deserve. His words are, " I know not what author he was,* 
 that, by his lying, first built seventy cells at Alexandria, in which the seventy 
 elders being divided, wrote the same things; seeing neither Aristeas, who was 
 one of the same Ptolemy's guards, nor Josephus, who lived long after him, says 
 any such thing; but write, that they conferred together in one and the same 
 
 1 Justin in Apologia eecunda pro Christianis. 
 
 2 Justin in Apologia prima pro Christianis. Euseb. in Hist. Ecclesiasl. lib. 2. c. 13. 
 
 3 This very statue was lately dug up at Rome, with this inscription on it, Semoni Sango Deo Fidio. See 
 Valesius's notes on the thirteenth chapter of the second book of Eusebius'i Ecclesiastical History. 
 
 4 Prafat. at Pentateuchum, et in Apologia secunda contra Ruffinum. 
 
38 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 room, and did not prophesy; for to be a prophet is one thing, and to be an in- 
 terpreter is another." 
 
 VIL Epiphanius's account of the making of this version differing from all 
 the rest, seems to have been taken from some other history of it than that which 
 Josephus and Eusebius wrote from. It is probable some Christian writer, after 
 the time of Justin Martyr, might have collected together all that he found written 
 or said of this matter, and grafting the whole upon the old Aristeas, with such 
 alterations as he thought fit to make in it, composed that book, which, under 
 the name of Aristeas, fell into Epiphanius's hands, and that from thence he 
 took all that he writes of this matter. It is certain, that the Aristeas which 
 Epiphanius makes use of was not written till many years after the pretended 
 author of that book must have been dead; for the second letter which Epipha- 
 nius out of him tells us Ptolemy Philadelphus sent to Eleazar, begins with this 
 sentence: " Of a hidden treasure, and a fountain stopped up, what profit can 
 there be in either of them?" which is taken out of the book of Ecclesiasticus:' but 
 that book was not published by Siracides" till the year before Christ 132, which 
 was one hundred and fifteen years after the death of Ptolemy Philadelphus, by 
 whose command, according to that author, this version was made. And it also 
 seems to me as certain, that it could not be written till after the time of Justin 
 Martyr; for all that is said of the cells, it is plain, had its original from that re- 
 port which he brought back from Alexandria concerning tliem, on his return 
 from his travels to that city.^ Epiphanius retains this tale of his of the cells, 
 but contracts them to half the number; for he makes them to be but thirty-six, 
 and puts two interpreters together into each of them. By this means thirty-six 
 copies are made to suffice for all that laboured in this work; whereas, according 
 to Justin, they being shut up each one singly by himself in his separate cell, there 
 must have been as many copies as intei-preters. But in this they do not so 
 much differ from each other as both do from Aristeas: for he saith that they 
 brought with them from Jerusalem but one copy in all, and that out of this alone 
 they made the version by common consult, sitting together in one common haU, 
 and there cariying on and finishing the whole work. And this one copy, 
 Aristeas saith, was written in letters of gold; which contradicts an ancient con- 
 stitution of the Jews, whereby it is ordained among them,'' that the law is never 
 to be written otherwise than wdth ink only. Epiphanius moreover saith, that, 
 besides the canonical books, there were sent from Jerusalem, on this occasion, 
 seventy-two apocryphal books; which none of the rest that write of this matter 
 before him make any mention of. And of these seventy -two books he makes 
 twenty-two only to have been translated; whereas he seems elsewhere to iniply, 
 that all were translated that were sent. These contradictions, uncertainties, and 
 various accounts, overthrow the credit of the whole story, and plainly prove all 
 that hath been delivered to us concerning it by Aristeas, Philo, Justin Martyr, 
 Epiphanius, and their followers, to be no more than fable, fiction, and romance, 
 without any other foundation for it, save only, that in the reign of Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus, such a version of the law of Moses M^as made by the Alexandrian 
 Jews into the Greek language, as those authors relate. For, 
 
 VIII. Alexander, on his building of Alexandria, brought a great many Jews 
 thither to help to plant this his new city, as hath been already mentioned;* and 
 Ptolemy Soter, after his death, having fixed the seat of his government in that 
 place, and set his heart much upon the augmenting and adorning of it,® brought 
 thither many more of this nation for the same purpose; where, having granted unto 
 them the same privileges with the Macedonians and other Greeks, they soon 
 grew to be a great part of the inhabitants of that city; and their constant inter- 
 
 1 Ecclesiasticiis xx.30. xli. 14. 
 
 1 It appears by the preface of Siracides to his book of Ecclesiasticus, that he came not into Egypt (where 
 he published that book,) till the thirty-eigiilh year of Ptolemy Euergetes II. which was the year before 
 Christ 1:12. 
 
 .S In libro (le Poiideribus et Mensuris. 4 Vide Schickardi Mishpat Hammelec, c. 2. 
 
 5 Pari 1, book 7, under the year 332. C Joseph. .'Vntiq. lib. lii. c. 1. et contra Apionem, lib. 2. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 39 
 
 course with the other citizens, among whom they were there mingled, having 
 necessitated them to learn and constantly to use the Greek language, that hap- 
 pened to them here as had before at Babylon on the like occasion, that is, by 
 accustoming themselves to a foreign language, they forgot their own; and 
 therefore, no longer understanding the Hebrew language, in which they had 
 been hitherto first read, nor the Chaldee, in which they were after that inter- 
 preted in every synagogue, they had them translated into Greek' for their use, 
 that this version might serve for the same purpose in Alexandria and Egypt, 
 as the Chaldee paraphrases afterward did in Jerusalem and Judea. And this 
 was the original and true cause of the making oi that Greek version, which hath 
 since, from the fable of Aristeas, been called the Septuagint; for that fable, 
 from the first broaching of it, having generally obtained, first among the Jews, 
 and afterward among the Christians, soon caused that this name was given to 
 that version. At first the law only was translated: for then they had no need 
 of the other books in their public worship, no other part of the holy scriptures, 
 save the law only, having been in those times read in their synagogues,^ as hath 
 been before taken notice of. But afterward, when tlie reading of the prophets 
 also came into use in the synagogues of Judea, in the time of Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes, upon the occasion already mentioned,^ and the Jews of Alexandria 
 {who in those times conformed themselves to the usages of Judea and Jerusalem 
 in all matters of religion,) were induced hereby to do the same, this caused a 
 translation of the prophets also to be there made into the Greek lauguage, in 
 like manner as the law had been before. And after this other persons trans- 
 lated the rest for the private use of the same people: and so the whole version 
 was completed which we now call the Septuagint; and, after it was thus made, 
 it became of commcwi use among all the churches of the Hellenistical Jews, 
 wherever they were dispersed among the Grecian cities. 1st, That the law 
 only was at first translated into Greek in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, all 
 that first speak of this version, ?'. e. Aristeas, Aristobulus, Philo, and Josephus, 
 directly tell us.^ 2dly, That it was done at Alexandria, the Alexandrian dialect, 
 which appears through the whole version, is a manifest proof. 3dly, That it 
 was made at different times, and by different persons, the different styles in 
 which the different books are found written, the different ways in which the 
 same Hebrew words and the same Hebrew phrases are translated in different 
 places, and the great accuracy with which some of the books are translated above 
 others, are a full demonstration. 
 
 IX. Ptolemy Philadelphus having been very intent upon the augmenting of 
 his library, and replenishing it with all manner of books, it is not to be doubted, 
 but that as soon as this Greek version was made at Alexandria, a copy of it was 
 put into that library, and there continued, till that noble repository of learning 
 was accidentally burnt by Julius Caesar in his wars against the Alexandrians. 
 However, it seems to have lain there in a very obscure manner, none of the 
 Grecian authors now extant, nor any of the ancient Latins, having ever taken the 
 least notice of it; for all of them, in what they write of the Jews,'' give accounts 
 of them so vastly wide of what is contained in the holy scriptures, as sufficiently 
 show, that they never perused them, or knew any thing of them. There are, 
 indeed, out of Eupolemus, Abydenus, and other ancient writers, now lost, some 
 
 1 After the time of Ezra, the scriptures were read to the Jews in Hebrew, and interpreted into the Chaldee 
 language; but at Alexandria, after the making of this version, it was interpreted to them in Greek; which 
 was afterward done also in all other Grecian cities where the Jews became dispersed. And from hence those 
 Jews were called Hellenists, or Grecizing Jews, because they used the Greek language in their synagogues; 
 and by that name they were distinguished from the Hebrew Jews, who used only the Hebrew and Chaldee 
 languages in their synagogues. And this distinction we find maxle between them. Acts vi. 1.; for the word, 
 ■which we there translate Grecians, is, in the original, E>.x>)v»(r».v, ;. e. not Grecians, but Hellenists, that is, 
 Grecizing Jews, such as use the Grecian language in their synagogues. And, because herein theydiflered 
 from the Hebrew Jews, this created some differences between them, and made a sort of schism among them. 
 
 2 Part 1, book 5. 
 
 3 Aristeas, Aristobulus, and Philo, say the law only was translated by the lxx; and Josephus more expressly 
 tells us in the preface to his Antiquities, that they did not translate for Ptolemy the whole scriptures, but the 
 law only. 
 
 4 Diodor. Sic. in Eclogis, lib. 34 et 40. Justin, ex Trogo, lib. 36. c. 2. Strabo, lib. 16. Tacitus Hist. lib. 5* 
 e. 2. aliique. 
 
40 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 fragments still preserved in Josephus, Eusebius, and other authors, which speak 
 of the Jews more agreeably to the scriptural history, but still with such varia- 
 tions and intermixtures of falsity, that none of those remains, excepting only 
 what we find taken out of Demetrius, in the ninth book of Eusebius de Praepa- 
 ratione Evangelica, do give us any ground to believe, that the writers of them 
 ever consulted those books, or knew any thing of them. This Demetrius* was 
 an historian that wrote in Greek, and an inhabitant of Alexandria, where he 
 compiled a history of the Jews, and continued it down to the reign of the fourth 
 Ptolemy, who was Ptolemy Philopator, the grandson of Philadelphus. How 
 much longer after this it was that he lived is not any where said. He having 
 written so agreeably to the scripture, this seems to prove him to have been a 
 Jew. However, if he were otherwise, that is, not a Jew, but a heathen Greek, 
 that no heathen writer, but he only, should make use of those scriptures, after 
 they had been translated into Greek, sufficiently shows, how much that copy of 
 them which was laid up in the king's library at Alexandria was there neglected, 
 and also how carefully the Jews, who were the first composers of this version, 
 kept and confined all other copies of it to their own use. They had the stated 
 lessons read out of it in their synagogues, and they had copies of it at home 
 for their private use, and thus they seem to have reserved it wholly to them- 
 selves till our Saviour's time. But after that time the gospel having been pro- 
 pagated to all nations, this version of the Hebrew scriptures was propagated 
 with it among all that used the Greek tongue, and it became no longer locked 
 up among the Hellenistical Jews, but copies of it were dispersed into all men's 
 hands that desired it; and hence it came to pass, that, after our Saviour's time, 
 many of the heathen writers, as Celsus, Porphyry, and others, became well 
 acquainted with the Old Testament scriptures, though we find scarce any, or 
 rather none of them, wx5re so before. 
 
 X. As Christianity -grew, so also did the credit and use of the Greek version 
 of the Old Testament scriptures. The evangeUsts and apostles, who were the 
 holy penmen of the New Testament scriptures, all quoted out of it, and so did 
 all the primitive fathers after them. All the Greek churches used it,^ and the 
 Latins had no other copy of those scriptures in their language, till Jerome's 
 time, but what was translated from it. Whatsoever comments were written on 
 any part of them, this was always the text, and the explications were made 
 according to it; and when other nations were converted to Christianity, and 
 had those scriptures translated for their use into their several languages, these 
 versions were all made from the Septuagint, as the lUyrian, the Gothic, the 
 Arabic, the Ethiopic, the Armenian, and the Syriac. There was, indeed, an 
 old Syriac version' translated immediately from the Hebrew original, which is 
 still in being, and at this time made use of by aU the Syrian churches in the 
 east. But, besides this, there was another Syriac version of the same scriptures, 
 which was from the Septuagint. The former was made, if not in the apostles' 
 time, yet very soon afi;er, for the use of the Syrian churches, and it is still used 
 in them; but this latter Avas not made till about six hundred years after the 
 other, and is at this time extant in some of those churches, where they are both 
 used promiscuously together, that is, as well the one as the other. Of the an- 
 tiquity of the old Syriac version, the Maronites, and other Syrian Christians, do 
 much brag; for they will have it, that it was made, one part of it, by the com- 
 mand of Solom.on, for the use of Hirom, king of Tyre, and the other part (that 
 is, that part whereof the original was written after the time of Solomon) by the 
 command of Abgarus, king of Edessa, who lived in our Saviour's time. The 
 chief argument which they bring for this is, that St. Paul, in his Epistle to the 
 Ephesians (chap. iv. ver. 8,) quoting a passage from Psalm Lxviii. ver. 18, 
 makes his quotation of it, not according to the Septuagint, nor according to the 
 
 1 Clemens Alexandrinus Strom, lib. 1. Hieroiiynius in Catalogo lUustrium Scriptorum, c, 38. Vossiuade 
 Historicis Groscis, lib. .3, sub litera D. 
 
 2 Vide Waltoni Prolegom. c. 9. s. 1. Hodi'ini, lib. 3, part 1. 
 
 3 Vide Waltoni Prolegom. c. 13. DuPiu, Sinionium, aliosque. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 41 
 
 Hebrew original, but according to the Syriac version; for in that only is it found 
 so as he quotes it; and therefore, say they, this quotation was taken out of it, 
 and consequently, this version must have been made before his time. The 
 words of that passage, as quoted by St. Paul, are, "He led captivity captive, 
 and gave gifts unto men." But the latter part of it is neither according to the 
 Septuagint version of that Psalm, nor according to the Hebrew original, but ac- 
 cording to the Syriac version only. For, according to the two former, the quo- 
 tation must have been, "And received gifts for men;" and according to the 
 latter only is it in that text of the Psalmist so as St. Paul quotes it. But this 
 rather proves, that the Syriac version in that passage of the Psalmist was formed 
 according to St. Paul's quotation, than that St. Paul's quotation was taken from 
 that version. It is certain this version was very ancient.^ It was in all likeli- 
 hood made within the first century after Christ, and had for its author some 
 Christian of the Jewish nation that was thoroughly skilled in both languages, 
 that is, in the Hebrew, as well as in the Syriac: for it is very accurately done, 
 and expresseth the sense of the original with greater exactness than any other 
 version which hath been made of those scriptures (I am speaking of the Old 
 Testament,) at any time before the revival of learning in these last ages; and 
 therefore, as it is (excepting only the Septuagint, and the Chaldee paraphrases 
 of Onkelos on the Law, and Jonathan on the Prophets) the oldest translation 
 that we have of any part of those scriptures, so is it the best, without any ex- 
 ception at all, that has been made of them by the ancients into any language 
 whatsoever. And this last character belongs to it, in respect of the New Tes- 
 tament as well as of the Old. And therefore, of all the ancient versions which 
 are now consulted by Christians, for the better understanding of the holy scrip- 
 tures, as well of the New Testament as of the Old, none can better serve this 
 end, than this old Syriac version, when carefully consulted, and weU under- 
 stood. And to this purpose the very nature of the language much helpeth; tor 
 it having been the mother-tongue of those who wrote the New Testament, and 
 a dialect of that in which the Old was first given unto us, many things of both 
 are more happily expressed in it through this whole version, than can well be 
 done in any other language. But to return to the Septuagint. 
 
 XL As this version grew into use among the Christians, it grew out of credit 
 with the Jews: for they being pinched in many particulars, urged against them 
 by the Christians out of this version, for the evading hereof they entered into 
 the same design against the Septuagint version, that, in the last age, the Eng- 
 lish papists of Doway and Rheims did against our English version,^ that is, they 
 were for making a new one that might better serve their purpose. The person 
 who undertook this work was Aquila, a proselyte Jew of Sinope, a city of Pon- 
 tus. He had been bred up in the heathen religion,^ and had much addicted 
 himself, while of it, to magic and judicial astrology; but being very much af- 
 fected with the miracles which he saw the professors of the Christian religion 
 did work in his time, he became a convert to it, upon the same foot as Simon 
 Magus had formerly been, that is, out of an expectation of obtaining power 
 thereb)'- of doing the same works. But not being able to attain thereto, as not 
 having sufficient faith and sincerity for so great a gift he went on with his magic 
 and judicial astrology, endeavouring, thereby, to bewitch the people, and make 
 himself thought some great one among them; which evil practices of his, com- 
 ing to the knowledge of the governors of the church, they admonished him 
 against them, and, on his refusal to obey their admonitions, excommunicated 
 him; at which being very much exasperated, he apostatized to the Jews, was 
 circumcised, and became a proselyte to their religion: and, for his better in- 
 
 1 See Dr. Pocock's Preface to his Commentary on Micali. 
 
 2 The Rheiinish Testament was published A. D. 1600; the Doway version of the OKI Testament, 4to. 1C09; 
 both in opposition to the English Bible used in Queen Elizabeth's time. 
 
 3 EpiphHnius de Ponderibus et Mensuris. Synopsis Sacrs Scripture Athanasio ascripla. Euthymius in 
 Prffifatione ad Comment, in Psalmos. Vide etiam de eo Usserii Syntagma de Versioae lxx. Interprelum, c. 
 5, et 6. Waltoni Prolegomena, c. 9, et Hodium, lib. 4. c. 1. 
 
 Vol. H.— 6 
 
42 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 struction herein, got himself admitted into the school of Rabbi Akiba,' the most 
 celebrated doctor of the Jewish law in his time; and under him he made such 
 a proficiency in the knowledge of the Jewish language, and those holy scrip- 
 tures that were written in it, that he was thought sufficient for this work, and 
 accordingly undertook it, and made two editions thereof;'^ the first he published 
 in the twelfth year of the reign of Adrian,^ the Roman emperor, which was 
 the year of our Lord 128. But afterward, having revised it, and made it more 
 correct, he published the second edition of it. And this the Hellenistical Jews 
 received,'' and afterward used it every where instead of the Septuagint; and 
 therefore this Greek translation is often made mention of in the Talmud, but the 
 Septuagint never.'* And in this use of it they continued till the finishing and 
 publishing of both the Talmuds. After that time the notion grew among them, 
 that the scriptures ought not to be read in any of their synagogues but in the 
 old form, that is, in the Hebrew first, and then, by way of interpretation, in the 
 Chaldee, according to the manner as I have already described it; and the de- 
 crees of the doctors are urged for this way. But the Hellenistical Jews, after 
 so long use of the Greek version, not easily coming into this, it caused great 
 divisions and disturbances among them; for the quieting of which, Justinian 
 the emperor published a decree,^ which is still extant among his novel consti- 
 tutions, whereby he ordained, that the Jews might read the scriptures in their 
 synagogues, either in the Greek version of the Lxxir., or in that of Aquila, or 
 in any other language, according to the country in which they should dwell. 
 But the Jewish doctors having determined otherwise, their decrees obtained 
 against the emperor's; and, within a little while after, both the Septuagint 
 and the version of Aquila became rejected by them: and ever since, the 
 solemn reading of the scriptures among them in their public assemblies hath 
 been in the Hebrew and Chaldee languages.'' 
 
 Not long after the time of Aquila, there were two other Greek versions made 
 of the same scriptures;® the first by Theodotion, who lived in the time of Com- 
 modus, the Roman emperor, and the other by Symmachus,® who flourished a 
 little after him, in the reign of Severus and Caracalla. The former, according 
 to some," was of Sinope in Pontus; but according to others,"^ of Ephesus. They 
 who would reconcile this matter, say he was of the former by birth, and of the 
 other by habitation. The latter was a Samaritan," and bred up in that sect, but 
 afterward he became a Christian of the sect of the Ebionites;'^ and Theodotion 
 having been of the same profession before him, hence it came to pass, that they 
 were by some said to have been both of them proselytes to Judaism, for the 
 heresy of the Ebionites approached nearer the religion of the ^ews than that 
 of the orthodox Christians. They professed, indeed, to believe in Christ as the 
 true Messiah,'^ but held him to be no more than a mere man, and thought them- 
 selves still under the obligation of the law of Moses, and therefore were cir- 
 cumcised, and observed all the other rites and ceremonies of the Jewish reli- 
 gion; and, for this reason, they had commonly the name of Jews given them 
 by the orthodox Christians: and hence it is, that we find both these persons as 
 having been of that heretical sect, sometimes branded with the name of Jews 
 by the ancient writers of the church. They both of them undertook the making 
 of their versions with the same design as Aquila did, although not whoUy for 
 the same end: for they all three entered on this work for the perverting of the 
 Old Testament scriptures; but Aquila did it for the serving of the interest of 
 the Jewdsh religion, the other two for the serving of the interest of that heretical 
 
 1 Hieronymus in Comment, ad Esaicc, cap. 8. 2 Hieronymus in Comment, ad Ezek. cap. 4. 
 
 3 Epiphariiiis in libro de Ponderibus et Mensuris. 
 
 4 Philastriug Hferes. 90. Origen. in Epistola ad Afiicanum. 
 
 5 Lightfoot. in Priniam Epistolani ad Corinthios, c. !). 6 Novel, 146. Pliotii Nomocanon XIU'3. 
 
 7 The Chaldee is used in some of their synagogues even to this day, as particularly at Frankfort in 
 Germany. • 
 
 8 Epiphanius in Libro de Ponderibus et Mensuris. 9 Ibid. 
 
 10 Trenffius Haereg. lib. 3. c. 24. Synopsis Sacrs Scripturae, Athanasio ascripta. 11 Epiphanius, ibid. 
 
 12 Eusebius in Hist. Eccles. lib. 6. c. 17. et Demonstrat. Evang. lib. 7. c. 1. 13 Eusebius, ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 43 
 
 sect which they were of; and all of them wrested those holy writings, in their 
 versions of them, as much as they could, to make them speak for the different 
 ends which they proposed. There is some dispute, which of the two latter ver- 
 sions was first made. Symmachus's version is first in the order of columns in 
 the Hexapla of Origen; and this hath made some think, that it was first also in 
 the order of time. But if this were an argument of any force, it would prove 
 his version, and Aquila's also, to have been made before the Septuagint; for 
 they are both, in the order of those column*, placed before it. Irenaeus quotes 
 Aquila,' and also Theodotion, but says nothing of Symmachus; which sufficiently 
 proves, that both their versions were extant in his time, but not that of the other. 
 
 These three interpreters took three different ways in the making of their ver- 
 sions. Aquila^ stuck closely and servilely to the letter, rendering word for 
 word, as nearly as he could, whether the idioms and properties of the language 
 he made his version into, or the true sense of the text would bear it or no. 
 Hence his version is said to be rather a good dictionary to give the meaning of 
 the Hebrew words, than a good interpretation to unfold unto us the sense of the 
 text; and therefore Jerome commends him much in the former respect, and as 
 often condemns him in the latter. Symmachus^ took a contrary course, and, 
 running into the other extreme, endeavoured only to express what he thought 
 was the true sense of the text, without having much regard to the words; 
 whereby he made his version rather a paraphrase than an exact translation. 
 Theodotion* went the middle way between both, without keeping himself too 
 servilely to the words, or going too far from them; but endeavoured to express 
 the sense of the text in such Greek words as would best suit the Hebrew, as 
 far as the different idioms of the two languages would bear. And his taking 
 this middle way between both these extremes, is, I reckon, the chief reason 
 why some have thought he lived after both the other two, because he corrected 
 that in which the other two have erred. But this his method might happen to 
 lead him to, without his having any such view in it. Theodotion's version had 
 the preference with all, except the Jews, who adhered to that of Aquila as long 
 as they used any Greek version at all. And therefore, when the ancient Chris- 
 tians found the Septuagint version of Daniel too faulty to be used in their 
 churches,* they took Theodotion's version of that book into their Greek Bibles 
 instead of it; and there it hath continued ever since. And for the same reason, 
 Origen," in his Hexapla where he supplies out of the Hebrew original what was 
 defective in the Septuagint, doth it mostly according to the version of Theodotion. 
 
 All these four different Greek versions Origen collected together in one vol- 
 ume,^ placing them in four distinct columns, one over against the other, all in 
 the same page; and from hence this edition was called the Tetrapla, i. e. the 
 fourfold edition. In the first column of this edition was placed the version of 
 Aquila, in the second that of Symmachus, in the third that of the Septuagint, 
 and in the last that of Theodotion. Sometime after he published another edi- 
 tion, wherein he added two other columns in the beginning, and two others 
 also in the end of the same page, and this was called the Hexapla, ?". e. the six- 
 fold edition, and sometimes the Octapla, that is, the eightfold. In the first col- 
 umn of this edition was placed the Hebrew text in Hebrew letters,^ in the 
 second the same Hebrew text in Greek letters, in the third the Greek version 
 of Aquila, in the fourth that of Symmachus, in the fifth that of the Septuagint, 
 in the sixth that of Theodotion, in the seventh that which was called the fifth 
 
 1 Lib. 3. c. 24. 
 
 2 Epiphanius de Ponderibus et Mensuris. Origen. in Epist. ad Africanum. Hieronymus in PrEEfat. ad 
 Chronica. Eiisebiana, et in Prsefat. ad Librum Job, et in Tractat. de optimo Genere interpretandi. 
 
 3 Hieronymus in Praefatione ad Chronica Eusebiana, et in Comment, ad Amos, c. 3. 
 
 4 Hieronymus in Prfefatione. ad Chronica Eusebiana, et in Pr^fatione ad Librum Job, et alibi ssepius. 
 
 5 Hieronymus in Praefatione ad Versionem Danielis, etin Praefatione ad Comment, in Danielem, et alibi. 
 
 6 Hieronymus in Pra:fatione ad Pentat. et in Praefatione ad Libros Paralipom, et in Epistola ad Augusti- 
 lium, et alibi in operibus snis. 
 
 7 Epiplianius de Ponderibus et Mensuris. Hieronymus in Praefatione ad Libros Paralipom. Eusebius, 
 Hist. Eccles. lib. 6. c. IG. 
 
 8 Eusebius et Epiphanius, ibid. Hieronymus in Comment, in Epistolam Pauli ad Titum, et in Epistola ad 
 Vincentium et Galiienum, et alibi, Videas etiam de bac re Waltonum, Hodium, et Simonium. 
 
44 
 
 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Greek version, and in the eighth the sixth Greek version; and after all these 
 columns, in some parts of this edition, was added a ninth, in which was placed 
 that which they call the seventh version. The fifth and sixth were not of the 
 whole Old Testament, but only of some parts of it. The law, and several other 
 of the books of these scriptures, were wanting in both these versions: and there- 
 fore this edition began only with six columns, and the other columns were added 
 there only where these other versions began. And hence it is, that this edition 
 is called sometimes the Hexapla, in respect of that part of it where there were 
 only six columns, and sometimes the Octapla, in respect to that part of it where 
 there were eight columns: for the Hexapla and the Octapla were one and the 
 same work, which, in some parts of it, had only six columns, and in others 
 eight, and in some nine. In respect of the two former, it was called Hexapla 
 and Octapla, but never Enneapla (i. e. the ninefold,) in respect of the last: for 
 that last containing only a small part, and, as some say, no more than the 
 Psalms, no regard was had to it, in the name given to the whole work. In this 
 edition, Origen' altered the order of several parts of the Septuagint, where it 
 differed from the Hebrew original: for whereas several passages in that version, '^ 
 especially in Jeremiah, were inverted, transposed, and put into a different order 
 from what they are in the Hebrew, it was necessary for him to reduce them 
 again to the same order with it for the making of this edition answer the end 
 he proposed; for this end herein being, that the differences between all the ver- 
 sions and the original might be the more easily seen, in order to the making of 
 that version the more correct and perfect which was in use through the whole 
 Greek church, he found it necessary to make the whole answer line for line in 
 every column, that all might appear the more readily to the view of the reader; 
 which could not be done without reducing all to the same uniform order; and 
 that of the original, in which all was first written, was the properest to be 
 followed. 
 
 The fifth and sixth edition above mentioned were found,' the one of them at 
 Nicopolis, a city near Actium in Epirus, in the reign of Caracalla, and the other 
 at Jericho in Judea, in the reign of Alexander Severus. Where the seventh 
 was found, or who was the author of this, or of the other two, is no where said. 
 The first of these three contained the minor prophets, the Psalms, the Canticles, 
 and the book of Job; the second, the minor prophets,'' and the Canticles; and 
 the third, according to some, only the Psalms. But very uncertain, and in some 
 particulars, very contradictory accounts being given of these three last versions, 
 and the matter being of no moment, since they are now all lost, it will be of no 
 use to make any farther inquiry concerning them. How the whole was dis- 
 posed in this edition of Origen's will be best understood by the subjoined scheme. 
 
 Col. 1. 
 
 Col. 2. 
 
 Col. 3. 
 
 Col. 4. 
 
 Col. 6. 
 
 Col. 6. 
 
 Col. 7. 
 
 Col. 8. 
 
 Col. 9. 
 
 The 
 
 The 
 
 Tlie 
 
 The 
 
 The 
 
 The 
 
 Tlie 
 
 The 
 
 The 
 
 Hebrew 
 
 Hebrew 
 
 Greek 
 
 Greek 
 
 Greek 
 
 Greek 
 
 fifth 
 
 sixth 
 
 seventh 
 
 Text 
 
 Text 
 
 Version 
 
 Version 
 
 Version 
 
 Version 
 
 Greek 
 
 Greek 
 
 Greek 
 
 in 
 
 in 
 
 of 
 
 of 
 
 of the 
 
 of 
 
 Version. 
 
 Version. 
 
 Version. 
 
 Hebrew 
 
 Greek 
 
 Aquila. 
 
 Symma- 
 
 LXX. 
 
 Theodo- 
 
 
 
 
 letters. 
 
 letters. 
 
 
 chus. 
 
 
 tion. 
 
 
 
 
 All the three last versions, as well as the other three, of Aquila, Symma- 
 chus, and Theodotion, Origen published in this edition as he found them. 
 But the Septuagint, which was in the fifth column, being that for the sake 
 of which he published all the rest, he bestowed much more pains upon it, to 
 make it as correct and perfect as he could: for the copies of it,^ which in 
 
 1 Vide de hac re tlsseiii Syntagma de Grseca Lxx. interpretum versione, c. 9. Morini Exercitationes Bibli- 
 cas, pan ]. et Ilodium de Textibiis Biblinruin Orif;irialibiis, lib. 4. c. 2. s. 15. 
 
 2 Origen in Epistola ad Africaniim. Hieronyiniis in Priefatione ad Jeremiam. 
 
 3 Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. G. c. 11. Epiphaniiis de f onderibus et Mensuris. Hioronymus. Author Synop. 
 sis Sacrae Scriptnra;, aliique. 4 Hieronymus citat earn versionem in his libris, nemo in aliis. 
 
 5 Origen in Mattbseum editionis Huetianee, torn. 1. p. 381. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 45 
 
 his time went about for common use among the Hellenistical Jews and Chris- 
 tians, and were then read by both in their public assemblies, as well as in pri- 
 vate at home, where then very much corrupted, through the mistakes and negli- 
 gence of transcribers, whose hands, by often transcription, it had now long gone 
 through: and therefore to remedy this evil, he applied himself, with great care, 
 by examining and collating of many copies, to correct all the errors that had 
 this way crept into this version, and restore it again to its primitive perfection. 
 And that copy which he had thus restored he placed in his Hexapla, in the 
 fifth column; which being generally reputed to bfe the true and perfect copy of 
 the Septuagint, the other that went about in common use was, in contradistinc- 
 tion to it, called the common or vulgar edition.' And his labour rested not 
 here: for he not only endeavoured, by comparing many different copies and 
 editions of it, to clear it from the errors of transcribers, but also, by comparing 
 it with the Hebrew original, to clear it from the mistakes of the first composers 
 also; for many such he found in it, not only by omissions and additions, but 
 also by wrong interpretations made in it by the first authors of this version. 
 The law, which was the most exactly translated of all, had many of these, but 
 the other parts a great many more. All which he endeavoured to correct in 
 such manner, as to leave the original text of the Septuagint still entire, as it 
 came out of the hands of the first translators, without any alterations, additions, 
 or defalcations in it; in order whereto he made use of four marks, ^ called obe- 
 lisks, asterisks, lemnisks, and hypo-lemnisks, which were then in use among the 
 grammarians of those times, and put them into that edition of his corrected 
 version of the Septuagint which he placed in his Hexapla. The obelisk was a 
 straight stroke of the pen, resembling the form of a small spit, or the blade of 
 a rapier, as thus ( — ); and thence it had the name of c3i^«rxo;, in Greek, which 
 signifieth, in that language, a small spit, and also the blade of a sword: the as- 
 terisk was a small star as thus (*), and was so called, because in Greek that 
 Avord thus signifieth; the Lemnisk was a straight line drawn between two points, 
 as thus ( hf-): and the hypolemnisk, a straight line with one point under it, as- 
 thus ( ^T-). By the obelisk he pointed out what was in the text of the Septua- 
 gint to be expunged, as that which was redundant over and above what was in 
 the text of the Hebrew original. By the asterisk he showed what was to be 
 added to it, to supply those places where he found it deficient of what was in 
 the original. And these supplements he made to it mostly according to the 
 version of Theodotion,^ and only where that could not serve to this purpose did 
 he make use of the other versions. The lemnisks and hypolemnisks he seem- 
 eth to have used to mark out unto us where the original interpreters were mis- 
 taken in the sense and meaning of the Avords. But how these marks served to 
 this end, the accounts which we have of them are not sufficient to give us a 
 clear notion. To show how far the redundancies Avent that Avere marked Avith 
 obelisks, and hoAv far the additions that Avere marked Avith tho asterisks, another 
 mark was made use of by him in this edition,^ Avhich in some copies AA^ere two 
 points, as thus (:), or else in others the head of a dart iuA-erted," as thus (v); 
 and by these marks was pointed out where the said redundancies and additions 
 ended, in the same manner as by the obelisks and asterisks Avas AA'here they 
 begun, as * *■" ^^t's, or thus — %«. xji-c; ;>. But all this he did Avithout making any 
 alteration in the original version of the Septuagint; for taking out all these 
 marks, ^ with those supplements Avhich Avere added under the asterisks, there 
 remained the true and perfect edition of the Septuagint, as published by the 
 first translators; and this Avas that which Avas called Origen's edition, as being 
 corrected and reformed by him in the manner as I have said. This Avas a Avork 
 
 1 Hieronymus in Epistola ad Suniam et Fretelam. 
 
 2 Epiphaiiius de Ponderibus et Mensuris. Hieronymus in Prologo ad Genesin, et in Pra;fatione ad librum 
 Psalniorum. et in Prsfalione ad libros Paralipom, et in Prafatione ad libros Solomonis, et in libro secando 
 adversus Riiffinum. 
 
 3 Hieronymus in Prolngo ad Genesin, et in Prtefatione ad librum Job, et in libro secundo adversus Ruffinuin, 
 et in Epistola 74, ad Augustinum. 4 Hieronymus in Prrefatione ad librum Psalmorum. 
 
 5 Vide GfEcam versioneni libri Joshua? a Masio ed'itam. 6 Hieronymus in Epistola 74 ad Augustinum. 
 
46 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 of infinite labour, which gained him the name of Adamantius,' and was also 
 of as great benefit to the church. It is not certainly said when he finished it; 
 but it seems to have been in the year of our Lord 250, which was four yeara 
 before his death. The original copy, when completed, was laid up in the li- 
 brary of the church of Cesarea in Palestine, where Jerome," many years after 
 consulted it, and wrote out a transcript from it. But the troubles and persecu- 
 tions which the church fell under in those times, seem to have been the cause 
 that, after it was placed in that library, it lay there in obscurity about fifty years 
 Avithout being taken notice of; till at length, being found there by Pamphilus 
 and Eusebius, they wrote out copies of it: and from that time, the use and ex- 
 cellency of it being made known, it became dispersed to other churches, and 
 was received every where with great applause and approbation by them.* 
 But the voluminousness of the work, and the trouble and charges it would have 
 cost to have it entirely transcribed, became the cause that it was not long-lived: 
 for it being very troublesome and expensive to have so bulky a book wrote out, 
 which consisted of several volumes, and also very difficult to find scribes among 
 Christians in those times sufficiently skilled to write out the Hebrew text, many 
 contented themselves with copying out the fifth column only, that is, the Sep- 
 tuagint, with those marks of asterisks, obelisks, lemnisks, and Hypolemnisks, 
 with which Origen placed it in that column, that part thus marked seeming 
 to comprehend an abridgement of the whole, whereby it came to pass, that few 
 transcripts of this great work were made, but many of the other. In the tran- 
 scribing of which, the asterisks being often left out, through want of due care 
 in the writers, this occasioned that, in many copies of the Septuagint which 
 were afterward made, several particulars were taken into the text of the Septu- 
 agint, as original parts of it, which had only, under this mark, been inserted 
 there by way of supplement out of other translations. However, several copies 
 of the whole work, both of the Tetrapla and Hexapla, still remained in libra- 
 ries, and were consulted there on all occasions, tiU, at length, about the middle 
 of the seventh century, the inundation of the Saracens upon the eastern parts 
 having destroyed all libraries wherever they came, it was after this no more 
 heard of; for there hath never since been any more remaining of it, than some 
 fragments that have been gathered together by Flaminius, Nobilius, Drusias, 
 and Bernard de Montfaucon. The latter, in a book lately pubhshed, almost as 
 bulky as the Hexapla, and a very pompous edition of it, hath made us expect 
 concerning this matter much more than is performed. 
 
 Pamphilus and Eusebius having, about the conclusion of the third century, 
 found the Hexapla of Origen in the library of Cesarea (or, according as some 
 relate, brought it from Tyre, and placed it there, ■*) corrected out of it the Sep- 
 tuagint version then in common use; and having caused to be written out seve- 
 ral copies of it thus corrected according to the fifth column in Origen's Hex- 
 apla, communicated them to the neighbouring churches; and from hence this 
 edition became of general use in them, from Antioch to the borders of Egypt, 
 and was called the Palestine edition, because it was there first pubhshed and 
 used; and sometimes it is also called the edition of Origen, because it was made 
 according to his corrections. 
 
 About the same time two other editions of the same Septuagint Bible were 
 made: the first by Lucian, a presbyter of the church of Antioch;* which being 
 found after his death at Nicomedia in Bithynia,** where he suffered martyrdom 
 in the tenth persecution, it became afterward used through all the churches 
 
 1 Hieroiivmus in Epistola ad Marcellam. For Adamantius, as applied to him, signified the indefatigable, 
 who was not to be overcome with labrmr; and it was not without indefatigable labour that he completed 
 this and the other works which he published. 
 
 2 Hieronymus in Psalmum secundum, et in Comment, in Epistolam ad Titum, c. 3. 
 
 3 Hieronymus in Prsemio ad Comment, in Danielem, et in Epistola 74 ad Augustinum. 
 
 4 Hieronymus in Prsefatione ad Paralipomena. 
 
 5 Hieronymus in Prafatione ad Paralipom. et in Catalogo Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum. et in Epistola ad 
 Suniam et Fretelam. Suidas ex Simone Metaphrasta in voce Aouxiifos, et in voce NoSeuu. 
 
 6 Auctor Synopsis Sacra; Scripturae. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 47 
 
 from Constantinople to Antioch. The other was made by Hesychius, a bishop 
 of Egypt; which being received by the church of Alexandria,' was from that 
 time brought into use in that and all the other churches of Egypt. Both these 
 two latter correctors understood the Hebrew text, and in many places corrected 
 their editions from it. 
 
 All the authors of these three editions suffered martyrdom in the tenth per- 
 secution, which gave their editions that reputation, that the whole Greek church 
 used either the one or the other of them. The churches of Antioch and Con- 
 stantinople, and of all the intermediate countries lying between them, made 
 use of the edition of Lucian: all from Antioch to Egypt, that of Pamphilusr 
 and all the churches of Egypt, that of Hesychius. So that Jerome saith, the 
 whole world^ was divided between them in a threefold variety; because, in his 
 time, no Greek church through the whole world made use of any other edition 
 of those scriptures, than one of these three; but every one of them received 
 either the one or the other of them for the authentic copy which they went by. 
 But, if we may judge by the manuscript copies which still remain, these three 
 different editions, bating the errors of scribes, did not, by variations that were 
 of any great moment, differ the one from the other. 
 
 As thus the ancients had three principal editions of the Septuagint, from 
 whence all the rest were copied, so hath it happened also among the moderns: 
 for, since the inventing of printing, there have been also three principal edi- 
 tions of this Septuagint version, from which all the rest have been printed that 
 are now extant among us; the first, that of Cardinal Ximenes, printed at Com- 
 plutum, or Alcala, in Spain; the second, that of Aldus, at Venice; and the 
 third, that of Pope Sixtus V. at Rome. 
 
 That of Cardinal Ximenes was printed A. D. 1515,' in his Polyglot Bible of 
 Complutum; which contained, 1st, The Hebrew text; 2dly, The Chaldee para- 
 phrase of Onkelos on the Pentateuch; 3dly, The Greek Septuagint version of 
 the Old Testament, and the Greek original of the New; and 4thly, The Latin 
 version of both. It was prepared for the press by the study and care of the di- 
 vines of the university of Alcala,* and others called thither to assist in this 
 work. But the whole being carried on under tife direction, and at the costs 
 and charges of Cardinal Ximenes, it hath the name of his edition. The method 
 proposed herein, as to the Septuagint, having been, out of all the copies they 
 could meet with, to choose out that reading which was nearest the original, 
 they seem rather thereby to have given us a new Greek translation of their 
 own composure, than that ancient Greek version, which, under the name of 
 the Septuagint, was in so great use among the primitive fathers of the Chris- 
 tian church. From this edition hath been printed the Septuagint which we 
 have in both the Polyglots of Antwerp and Paris; the former of which was pub- 
 lished A. D. 1572, and the other A. D. 1645; and also the Septuagint of Com- 
 mehn, printed at Heidelberg, with Vatablus's Commentary, A. D. 1599. 
 
 2dly, Aldus's edition was published at Venice, A. D. 1518.^ It was by the 
 collation of many ancient manuscripts, prepared for the press by Andreas Asu- 
 lanus, father-in-law of the printer. And from this cop}^ have been printed all 
 the German editions, excepting that of Heidelberg by Commelin, already 
 mentioned. 
 
 3dly, But the Roman edition hath obtained the preference above the other 
 two in the opinion of most learned men, though Isaac Vossius condemns it as 
 the worst of all. The printing of this edition was first set on foot by Cardinal 
 
 1 Hieronymus in Apologia ad versus Ruffinum, lib. 2. et in Prsfatione ad Paralipomena. 
 
 2 In Prsefatione ad Paralipomena sic scribit. Alexandria et /Egyptiis in Lxx suis Hesychium. Laiidat 
 Authorem. Constantinopolis usque ad Antinchiam Luciani Martyris exemplaria probat. Medire inter has 
 provincis Palestinos, codices legunt, quos ab Origene elaboratos Eusebius et Pamphilus vulgaverunt. Totus- 
 que orbis hac inter se trifaria vai-ietate cnmpugnat. 
 
 3 Waltoni Prolegomena ad Biblia Polyglotta, c. 9. s. 28. Hodius de Bibliorum Textibus Originalibus, lib. 
 4. C.3. Usserii Syntagma de Grieca lxx Interpretum Versione.c. 8. Grabii Prolegomena ad Octateuchuni, c. 3. 
 
 4 Alcala is the Spanish name of the same town which in Latin is called Complutum. 
 
 5 Usserii Syntagma de Grseca i.xx Interpretum Versione, c. 8. Waltoni Prolegomena ad Biblia Polyglotta 
 Anglicana, C.9. s. 29. Hodius, ibid. Grabius, ibid. 
 
48 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Montalto;' and he having been afterward pope, by the name of Sextus Quinlus, 
 at the time when it was pubUshed, A. D. 1587, it therefore came out under his 
 name. He first recommended the work to Pope Gregory XIII. as being that 
 which had been directed to be done by a decree of the council of Trent;^ and, 
 by his advice, the work was committed to the care of Antony CarafFa, a learned 
 man of a noble family in Italy, who was afterward made a cardinal and library- 
 keeper to the pope. He by the assistance of several other learned men em- 
 ployed under him, in eight years' time, finished this edition. It was, for the 
 most part, according to an old manuscript in the Vatican library, which was 
 written aU in capital letters, without the marks of accents or points, and also 
 without any distinction either of chapters or verses, and is supposed to be as 
 ancient as the time of Jerome; only where this was defective (for some leaves 
 of it are lost,) they supplied the chasm out of other manuscripts; the principal 
 of which were one that they had from Venice, out of the library of Cardinal 
 Bessarion, and another that was brought them out of Magna Grsecia, now called 
 Calabria; which last so agreed wdth the Vatican manuscript, that they supposed 
 them either to have been written the one from the other, or else both from the 
 same copy. The next year after was j)ublished at Rome a Latin version of this 
 edition, with the annotations of Flaminius Nobilius. Morinus reprinted both 
 together at Paris, A. D. 1628; and according to that edition have been published 
 all those Septuagints that have been printed in England, that is, that of Lon- 
 don, in 8vo. A. D. 1653, that in Walton's Polyglot, published 1657, and that of 
 Cambridge, A. D. 1695; which last hath the learned preface of Bishop Pearson 
 before it, and doth much more exactly give us the Roman edition than that of 
 1653, though both, in some particulars, differ from it.^ 
 
 But the ancientest and the best manuscript of the Septuagint version now 
 extant, according to the judgement of those who have thoroughly examined 
 it, is the Alexandrian copy, which is in the king's library at St. James's. 
 It is written all in capital letters, without the distinction of chapters, verses, 
 or words. It w^as sent for a present to King Charles I.^ by Cyrillus Lucaris, 
 then patriarch of Constantinople. He had been before patriarch of Alexan- 
 dria, and, being translated from thence to the patriarchate of Constantinople, 
 he brought thither this manuscript with him, and from thence sent it thither 
 by Sir Thomas Roe, then ambassador from England to the Grand Seignior; 
 and with it he sent this following account of the book, in a schedule an- 
 nexed to it, written with his own hand. 
 
 " Liber iste Scripturte Sacrte Novi et Veteris Testamenti, prout ex tradi- 
 tione habemus, est scriptus manu Thecls, nobilis foeminse ^gyptise, ante mille 
 et trecentos annos circiter, paulo post concilium Nicaenum. Noraen Theclae in 
 fine libri erat exaratum: sed extincto Christianismo in ^Egypto a Mahometanis, 
 et libri una Christianorum in similem sunt redacti conditionem; extinctum enim 
 est Theclse nomen et laceratum; sed memoria et traditio recens observat. 
 
 " Cyrillus, Patriarcha Constantinopolitanus." 
 
 Which being rendered into English is as foUoweth: 
 
 " This book of the holy scriptures of the Old and New Testament, as we 
 have it by tradition, was written by the hand of Thecla, a noble Egyptian lady, 
 about one thousand three hundred years since, a little after the council of Nice. 
 The name of Thecla was formerly written at the end of the bock: but the 
 Christian religion being by the Mahometans suppressed in Egypt, the books of 
 Christians were reduced to the like condition; and, therefore, the name of The- 
 cla is extinguished, and torn out of the book: but memory and tradition do still 
 observe it to have been hers. 
 
 " Cyril, Patriarch of Constantinople." 
 
 1 Usseriug, Wallonus, Horlius, et Grabius, ibid. Anlonius Caraffa in Praefatione ad editionem Romanam. 
 Morinus in Praefatione ad editionem suam Parisianam Graecae versionis tiuv l.xx. 
 
 2 Antonius Caraffa, ibid. 
 
 3 Vide Prolegomena Lamberti Bos ad editionem suam t..v i.xxii. Franequerae publiratam A. D. 1709. 
 
 4 Grabius in Prolegomenis ad Octateuchum. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 4Q 
 
 Br. Ernestus Giabe, a learned Prussian, who had lived many years in Eng- 
 land, did lately, under the government of her late majesty, Queen Anne, who 
 gave him a pension for this purpose, undertake to pubhsh an edition of the 
 Septuagint according to this copy; and he hath accordingly given us two parts 
 of it, and would have published the rest in two parts more, but that his death 
 prevented him from proceeding any farther. Would some other able hand, 
 with the like accuracy and care, finish what he hath left undone, this might 
 then be justly reckoned among us a fourth edition of the Septuagint; and it is 
 not doubted, but that, when so completed, it will be approved as the most per- 
 fect and best of them all. 
 
 And thus far I have given an account of this ancient translation of the holy 
 scriptures of the Old Testament, and all the editions it hath gone through, both 
 ancient and modern, so far as it belongs to an historian to relate. If any are 
 desirous to know all the critical disputes and observations which have been 
 made about it, and what learned men have written of this nature concerning 
 it, they may consult Archbishop Usher's Syntagma de Graeca lxx Interpretura 
 Versione; Morinus's Exercitationes Biblicse, part 1., and his Preface before his 
 Paris edition of the Septuagint; Wouwer de Graeca et Latina Bibliorum Inter- 
 pretatione; Walton's Prolegomena ad Biblia Polyglotta, c. 9. Vossius de lxx In- 
 terpretibus; Simon's Critical History of the Old Testament; Du Pin's Histoiy 
 of the Canon of the Old Testament; Grabe's Prolegomena before those two 
 parts of the Septuagint which were published by him; and especially Dr. Hody's 
 learned book above cited, where he hath written the fullest and the best of all 
 that have handled this argument. And here having coiicluded this long histo- 
 rical account of it, I shall with it conclude this book. 
 
 BOOK 11. 
 
 ^n. 276. Ptolemy Philadelph. 9.] — Sosthenes (who on defeating the Gauls 
 had for some time reigned in Macedon) being dead, Antiochus, the son of Se* 
 leucus Nicator, and Antigonus Gonatus, the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes,' each 
 claimed to succeed there as in their father's kingdom, Demetrius first, and af- 
 terwards Seleucus, having been kings of that country. But Antigonus who 
 had now, from the time of his father's last expedition into Asia, reigned in 
 Greece ten years, being nearest, first took possession; whereon Antiochus re- 
 solving to march against him, and the other to keep what he had gotten, each 
 raised great armies, and made strong alliances for war. On this occasion, Ni- 
 comedes, king of Bithynia, having confederated with Antigonus, Antiochus, in 
 his march toward Macedonia, not thinking it fit to leave such an enemy behind 
 him in Asia, instead of passing over the Hellespont to attack Antigonus, led 
 his army against Nicomedes, and carried the war into Bithynia. But there 
 both armies having for some time lain against each other, and neither of them 
 having courage enough to assault the other, it at length came to a treaty," and 
 terms of agreement between them; by virtue of which, ^ Antigonus having 
 married Phila, the half-sister of Antiochus, as being the daughter of Stratonice 
 by Seleucus, Antiochus quitted to him his claim to Macedonia, and Antigonus 
 became quietly settled in that kingdom, where his posterity reigned for several 
 descents,* till at length Perseus, the last of that race, being conquered by Pau- 
 lus ^milius, that kingdom became a province of the Roman empire. 
 
 Jin. 275. Ptolemy Philadelph. 10.] — Antiochus, being thus freed from this war, 
 marched against tlie Gauls (who having gotten a settlement in Asia, by the 
 favour of Nichomedes, in the manner as hath been above related, overran and 
 harassed all that country,^ and having, after a short conflict, overthrown thera 
 
 1 Memnon, c. 19. 2 Justin, lib. 25. c. 1. 3 lu Vita Arati Astrononii operibus ejus prafisa- 
 
 4 Plutarchu3inDemetrio. 5 Appian. in Syriacis. 
 
 Vol. n.— 7 
 
50 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 in battle, he thereby delivered those provinces from their oppressions, from 
 whence he had the name of Soter, or the Saviour, given unto him. 
 
 An. 271. Ptolemy Philadelph. 11.] — The Romans having forced PyiThus,' after 
 a six years' war, to leave Italy, and return again into Epirus, with baffle and 
 disappointment, their name began to grow of great note and fame among foreign 
 nations; whereon Ptolemy Philadelphus sent ambassadors to them,' to desire 
 their friendship; with which the Romans were well pleased, thinking it no 
 small reputation to them that their friendship was sought for by so great a king. 
 
 An. 273. Ptolemy Philadelph. 12.] — And therefore, to make a return of the 
 like respects, the next year after they sent a solemn embassy into Egypt unto 
 that king.^ The ambassadors were Q. Fabius Gurges, Cn. Fabius Pictor, and 
 Q. Ogulinus, whose conduct in this employment was very remarkable: for, 
 with a mind as great as self-denying, they put off every thing from themselves 
 that might tend to their own proper interest: for when King Ptolemy, having 
 invited them to supper with him, presented them, in the conclusion of the en- 
 tertainment, with crowns of gold, they accepted of the crowns for the sake of 
 the honour that was done them thereby, but the next morning after, crowned 
 with them the statues of the king, which stood in the public places of the city; 
 and being presented, on their taking their leave, with very valuable gifts from 
 the king, they accepted of them, that they might not disgust him by the refusal; 
 but as soon as they were returned to Rome, they delivered them all into the 
 public ti-easury, before they appeared in the senate to give an account of their 
 embassy, declaring thereby that they desired no other advantage from the 
 service of the public, than the honour of discharging it well. And this was the 
 general temper and inclination of the Romans in those times; which made them 
 prosper in all their undertakings. But afterward, when the service of the 
 public was only desired in order to plunder it, and men entered on the em- 
 ployments of the state with no other view or intent than to enrich themselves, 
 and advance their own private fortunes, no wonder then that eveiy thing be- 
 gan to go backward with them. And so it must happen with all other states 
 and kingdoms, when the public interest is sacrificed to that of private men, and 
 the offices and employments of the state are desired only to gratify the ambition 
 and glut the avarice of them that can get into them. But the Romans, although 
 they received into their treasury Avhat their ambassadors thus generously de- 
 livered into it, yet were not wanting in what was proper for them to do for the 
 encouraging so good an example, and the rewarding of them that gave it: for 
 they ordered to be given to them, for their service done the state in this em- 
 bassy, such sums out of their treasmy, as equalled the value of what they thus 
 delivered into it. So that the liberality of Ptolemy, the abstinence and self- 
 denial of the ambassadors, and the justice of the Romans, were all signally 
 made appear in the transactions of this matter. 
 
 An. 268. Ptolemy Philadelph. 17.] — After the death of Pyrrhus,* who was 
 slain at Argus, in an attempt made upon that city, Antigonus Gonatus, king of 
 Macedon, having much enlarged his power, and made himself thereby veiy 
 formidable to the Grecian states,* the Lacedemonians, and the Anthenians 
 entered into a confederacy against him, and gained Ptolemy Philadelphus to 
 join with them herein. Whereon Antigonus besieged Athens: for the rehef of 
 which Ptolemy*^ sent a fleet under the command of Patroclus, one of his chief 
 officers; and Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, led thither an army by land 
 for the same purpose. Patroclus, on his arrival with his fleet, sent to Areus to 
 persuade him forthwith to engage the enemy, promising him at the same time, 
 to land the forces which he had on board the fleet, and fall on them in the rear. 
 But the provisions of the Lacedemonians being all spent, Areus thought it better 
 to retreat, and march home; whereon Patroclus was forced to do the same, and 
 
 I Plutarchus in Pyrrho. 2 Livius, lib. 14. Eatrop.lib.2. 
 
 3 Ibid. Valerius Maximns, lib. 4. c. 3. Dio in Excerptis ab Urstno editis. 
 
 4 Plutarchus in Pyrrho. 5 Justin. lib* 26. c. 2. Pau3anias in Laconicis. 6 PausanSas, ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 51 
 
 sail back with his fleet again into Egypt, without accomplishing any thing of 
 the design for which he was sent; and Athens being thus deserted by its allies, 
 fell into the hands of Antigonus, and he placed a garrison in it. 
 
 Jin. 267. Ptolemy Philadelph. 18.] — Patroclus, in his return into Egypt, having 
 found Sotades at Caunus, a maritime city of Caria, there seized on him,' and 
 wrapping him in a sheet of lead, cast him into the sea. He was a lewd poet, 
 who having written some satirical verses against King Ptolemy, and in them 
 bitterly reflected on him for his marriage with Arsinoe his sister, was fled from 
 Alexandria, to avoid the indignation of that prince. But Patroclus, having thus 
 met him in his flight, thought he could not better recommend himself to the 
 favour of his prince, than by taking this vengeance on the person who had 
 thus abused him. And it was a punishment which he well deserved; for he 
 was a very vile and flagitious wretch, and was commonly called Sotades CincBdus, 
 i. e. Sotades the Sodomite; which name was given him by way of eminence, not 
 only for his notorious guilt in that monstrous and abominable vice, but especially 
 for that he had written in Iambic verses,* a very remarkable poem in commen- 
 dation of it, which was in great repute among those who were given to that 
 unnatural and vile lust. Hence Sodomites were called, from him, Sotadici 
 Cincedi. i. e. Sotadic Sodomites, as in Juvenal,^ Inter Sotadicos notissima fossa 
 Cincedos; for so it ought to be read, and not Socraticos, as in our printed books; 
 for this latter was an alteration made in the text of that author by such as were 
 wickedly addicted to this beastly vice, thinking they might acquire some credit, 
 or at least some excuse to this worst of uncleanliness, if they could make it 
 believed that Socrates, who was one of the best of men, had also been addicted 
 to it. 
 
 jSn. 265. Ptolemy Philadelph. 20.] — Magas, governor of Cyrene and Libya for 
 King Ptolemy,* rebelled against him, and made himself king of these provinces. 
 He was half-brother to him, being son of Berenice by Philip, a Macedonian, 
 who had been her husband before she married King Ptolemy Soter; and there- 
 fore, by her intercession, she prevailed with that prince to make him his lieu- 
 tenant, to govern those provinces, on his again recovering them after the death of 
 Ophelias, Anno -307; where having strengthened himself by a long continuance 
 in that government, and also by the marriage of Apame, the daughter of Anti- 
 ochus Soter, king of Asia, he, in confidence hereof, rebelled against his brother, 
 and, not being contented to deprive him of the provinces of Libya and Cyrene, 
 where he now reigned, sought to dispossess him also of Egypt; and therefore, 
 having gotten together an army, marched toward Alexandria for this purpose, 
 and seized Partetonium, a city of Marmarica, in his way thither. But as he 
 was proceeding farther, a message being brought him, that the Marmarides, a 
 pepole of Libya, had revolted from him, he was forced to march back again for 
 the suppressing of this defection. Ptolemy being then with a great army on 
 the borders of Egypt, to defend his country against this invader, had a good 
 opportunity, by falling on him in his retreat, utterly to have broken him. But 
 he was hindered by a like defection at home, as Magas had been; for having 
 for his defence in this war hired several mercenaries, and among them four 
 thousand Gauls, he found they had entered into a conspiracy against him_ to 
 take possession of Egypt, and drive him thence; for the preventing of which 
 he marched back into Egypt, and having led the conspirators into an island in 
 the Nile, he there pent them up, till they all persihed of famine, or, to avoid it, 
 had slain each other with their own swords. 
 
 ^n. 264. Ptolemy Philadelph. 21.] — Magas, as soon as he had removed the 
 
 difficulties at home which called him thither, was again for renewing his 
 
 designs upon Egypt; and for the carrying of them on with the better success,* 
 
 engaged Antiochus Soter, his father-in-law, to engage with him herein; and 
 
 project concerted between them was, that Antiochus should attack the ter- 
 
 Athenaeus, lib. 14. p. 620. 2 Strabo.lib. 14. p. 648. Anthenaus.Iib. 14. p.620. Suidas in voce i:^T;«(r>i«, 
 i Satyr, 2. 10. 4 Pausanias in Atticis. 5 Ibid. 
 
52 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ritories of Ptolemy on one side, and Magas on the other. But while Antiochus 
 was providing an army for this pui-pose, Ptolemy, having full notice of what 
 was intended, sent forces into all the maritime provinces which were under the 
 dominion of Antiochus; whereby having caused great ravages and devastations 
 to be made in them, by this means he necessitated that prince to keep at home 
 for the defence of his own territories, and Magas, without his assistaince in the 
 war thought not fit to move any farther in it. 
 
 An. 263. Ptolemy Philadelph. 2-2.] — The next year after died Philetserus, the 
 first founder of the kingdom of Pergamus,' being eighty years old:'- he was a 
 eunuch, and served Docimus, who was one of the captains of Antigonus, and 
 on his revolt from that prince to Lysimachus, passed with him into the same 
 service; and Lysimachus finding him to have had a liberal education, and to be 
 a person of great capacity, made him his treasurer, and thereon put the city of 
 Pergamus into his hands, where, in a strong castle, his treasure was kept. And 
 here he served Lysimachus many years with gi-eat fidelity; but being particu- 
 larly attached to the interest of Agathocles, the eldest son of Lysimachus, and 
 therefore having expressed great grief at his death, which was brought about 
 by the contrivance of Arsinoe, the daughter of King Ptolemy Soter (whom 
 Lysimachus had married in his old age, as hath been already related,) he grew 
 suspected to that lady; and finding thereon that designs were laid for his life 
 also, he revolted from Lysimachus, and under the protection of Seleucus, set 
 up for himself: and, having converted the treasure of Lysimachus to his own 
 use, among the distractions that after followed, first on the death of Lysimachus, 
 and then on that of Seleucus, within seven months after, and the unsettled 
 state of them that succeeded them, he managed his affairs with that craft and 
 subtlety that he secured himself in the possession of his castle, and all the 
 country adjacent, for the term of twenty years, and there founded a kingdom, 
 which lasted for several descents in his family after him, and was one of the 
 most potent sovereignties in all Asia. He had, indeed, no children of his own, 
 as being a eunuch; but he had two brothers, Eumenes and Attalus; the elder of 
 which, Eumenes, had a son of the same name, who succeeded his new acquired 
 kingdom, and reigned in it twenty-two years. This same year began the first 
 Punic war between the Romans and Carthaginians, which lasted twenty-four 
 years. 
 
 Toward the end of the same year died Antigonus of Socho,^ who was presi- 
 dent of the Sanhedrin at Jerusalem, and the great master and teacher of the 
 Jewish law in their prime divinity school in that city, and had been in both 
 these offices, say the Jews, from the death of Simon the Just, who was of the 
 last of those who were called the men of the great synagogue. These taught 
 the scriptures only to the people. They who after succeeded, added the tradi- 
 tions of the elders to the holy scriptures, and taught them both to their scholars, 
 obliging them to the observance of the one as well as the other, as if both had 
 equally proceeded from Mount Sinai. These were called the Tanaim, or Mish- 
 nical doctors, for the reason already mentioned:^ and the first of them was this 
 Antigonus of Socho, who being now dead, was succeeded by Joseph the son 
 of Joazer, and Joseph the son of John. The first of these was Nasi, or the pre- 
 sident of the Sanhedrin, and the other Ab-Beth-Din, or vice-president; and 
 both jointly taught together in the chief divinity school at Jerusalem. 
 
 In the time of this Antigonus began the sect of the Sadducees, to the rise of 
 which he gave the occasion; for having, in his lectures,* often inculcated to his 
 scholars, that they ought not to serve God in a servile manner with respect to 
 the reward, but out of the filial love and fear only which they owed unto him. 
 Sadoc and Baithus, two of his scholars, hearing this from him, inferred from 
 
 1 Lucianuain Macrobiis. 
 
 2 Pausanias in Atticis. Strabo, lib. 12. p. 543. lib. 13. p. 623, 624. Appian. in Syriacis. 
 
 3 Juchasin. Zemach David. Shalsheleth Haccabala. 4 Part 1, book 5. 
 
 5 Pirke Avotli Juchasin. Zemach David. Shalsheleth Haccabala. R. Abraham Levita in Cabbala Ilis- 
 torica. See Lightfoot's Works in English, vol. 1. p. 457. 655, 656, and vol. 2. p. 125—12*. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 53 
 
 hence, that there were no rewards at all after this life; and therefore, separating 
 from the school of their master, they taught that there was no resurrection nor 
 future state, but that all the rewards which God gave to those that served him 
 were in this life only. And, many being perverted by them to this opinion, 
 they began that sect among the Jews, which, from the name of Sadoc, the first 
 founder of it, were called the Saducees; who differed from Epicurus only in 
 this, that although they denied a future state, yet they allowed the power of 
 God to create the world, and his providence to govern it; whereas the Epicu- 
 reans deny both the one and the other. A fuller account of them and their 
 tenets shall be hereafter given, in the place where I shall treat of all those 
 sects of the Jews together, which arose among them between this time and that 
 of our Saviour. 
 
 An. 262. Ptolemy Philadelph. 23.] — Nicomedes, king of Bithynia,' having 
 built a new city in the place where Astachus before stood (which had been de- 
 stroyed by Lysimachus,) or very near it,* as others say, caused it from his own 
 name to be called Nicomedia; of which place frequent mention is made in 
 the histories of the latter Roman emperors, several of them having made it the 
 seat of their residence in the east. 
 
 Antiochus Soter, on hearing of the death of Philetserus; thought to possess 
 himself of his territories, whereon Eumenes marched with an army against 
 him for his defence, and having encountered him near Sardis^ overthrew him 
 in battle, and thereby not only secured himself in the possession of what his 
 uncle had left him, but also, augmented it by several new acquisitions. 
 
 Jin. 261. Ptolemy Philadelph. 24.] — Antiochus, after this defeat, returning to 
 Antioch, there put to death one of his sons,^ who had raised some disturbances 
 in his absence, and made the other, who was named also Antiochus, king, and, 
 a little after dying, left him in the sole possession of all his dominions. He 
 was bom to him by Stratonice, the daughter of Demetrius, who had been first 
 his mother-in-law, and afterward his wife, as hath been already related. 
 
 An. 260. Ptolemy Philadelph. 25.] — This Antiochus, on his first coming to the 
 crown, had for his wife Laodlce* his sister by the same father: he afterward 
 took the title of Theus, or the Divine; and by this he is usually distinguished 
 from the other kings of that name who reigned in Syria. It was first given lum 
 by the Milesians,^ on his delivering them from the tyranny of Timarchus:^ for 
 this Timarchus, being governor of Caria for Ptolemy Philadelphus (who at this 
 time had, besides Egypt, Ccele-Syria, and Palestine,* the provinces of Cilicia, 
 Pamphylia, Lycia, and Caria, in Lesser Asia,) rebelled against him, and setting 
 up for himself fixed the chief seat of his tyranny at Miletus. The Milesians, 
 to be freed from him, called in Antiochus, who having vanquished and slain 
 Timarchus, was, for this reason, honoured by them as a god, and had the title 
 of Theus there given unto him; which was an impious flattery, the people of 
 those times were frequently guilty of toward the princes then reigning: for the 
 Lemnians^ had a little before consecrated his father and grandfather to be gods, 
 and built temples to them; and the Smymians did the same for Stratonice his 
 mother.'* 
 
 In the beginning of this king's reign lived Berosus, the famous Babylonish 
 historian; for he dedicated his history to him: so saith Tatian. His words are — 
 "Berosus, the Babylonian, who was a priest of Belus at Babylon, and lived 
 in the time of Alexander, dedicated to Antiochus, who was the tnird after him, 
 his history, which he wrote in three books, of the affairs of the Chaldeans, and 
 
 1 Pausanias in Eliacorum libro primo. Euseb. Chron. Trebellius Pollio in Gallienia. Aramianus Mar- 
 cellinus, lib. 22. 
 
 2 Memnon. cap. 21. 
 
 3 Strabo, lib. J3. p. G24. For the Antiochus who was beaten at Sardis could be none other than Antiochus 
 the son of Seleucus, according to this author; for he here calls him tov Ssxuxou, t. e. the son of Seleucus, 
 that Greek phrase in that place not bearing any other interpretation. 
 
 4 Trogus in Prologo. lib. 26. 
 
 5 Polyeenus Stratagem, lib. 8. c. 50. Appian. in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 37. c. 1. 6 Appian.in Syriacis. 
 7 Trogus in Prologo, lib. 26. 8 Theocritus, Idyll. 17. 9 Athenans, lib. 6. c. 16. 
 
 10 Marmora Oxoniensia, p. 5, C. 14. 
 
54 CONNEXION OF THE fflSTORY OF 
 
 the actions of their kings." The third after Alexander was certainly Antlo- 
 chus Theus: for Seleucus Nicator was the first, Antiochus Soter the second, 
 and Antiochus Theus the third; and therefore, according to Tatian, it must be 
 to him that this dedication was made. But it being also said by Tatian, that he 
 lived in the time of Alexander, who died sixty-four years before the first year 
 of Antiochus Theus, the age of the historian makes it necessary to place this 
 dedication to Antiochus as early as possible, that is, in the first year of his reign. 
 For, supposing Berosus to have been twenty at the death of Alexander, in 
 whose time he is said to have lived, he must have been eighty-four in the first 
 year of Antiochus Theus; and so great an age makes it probable he could not 
 have lived long beyond it: and therefore below this year we cannot weU place 
 this dedication. And the account which Pliny' gives us of this history, brings 
 down tlie ending of it to have been hereabout; for he saith that it contained 
 astronomical observations for four hundred and eighty years. Learned men, 
 with good reason,^ begin the computation of these four hundred and eighty 
 years from the beginning of the era of Nabonassar, and the four hundred and 
 eightieth year of that era ended about six years before Antiochus Theus began 
 his reign. And that he should end his history at a term six years before he 
 pubhshed it, is not hard to conceive, though perchance it might be deduced 
 down to the death of Antiochus Soter, and the odd number be left out in the 
 computation, it being usual in the reckoning of such long sums to end them at 
 a full number. After the Macedonians had made themselves masters of Babylon, 
 he learned from them the Greek language; and, passing from Babylon into 
 Greece, first settled at Cos,^ a place famous for the birth of Hippocrates, the 
 father of physicians, and did there set up a school for the teaching of astrono- 
 my and astrology; and afterward from Cos he went to Athens, where he grew 
 so famous for his astrological predictions, that they there erected to him in their 
 gymnasium,'' the public place of their exercises, a statue with a golden tongue. 
 Many noble fragments of his history are preserved by Josephus and Eusebius, 
 which give great light to many passages in the scriptures of the Old Testament, 
 and without which the series of the Babylonian kings could not have been well 
 made out. Of the counterfeit Berosus, published by Annius of Viterbo,* I have 
 already spoken, and therefore need not here again repeat it. 
 
 Jin. 259. Ptolemy Philculelph. 26.] — Ptolemy, being intent to advance the 
 riches of his kingdom, contrived to bring all the trade of the east that was by 
 sea into it. It had hitherto been managed by the Tyrians, and they carried it 
 on by sea to Elath, and from thence by the way of Rhinocorura to Tyre. These 
 were both sea-port towns, Elath on the east side of the Red Sea, and Rhino- 
 corura at the bottom of the Mediterranean, between Egypt and Palestine, near 
 the mouth of that river which the scriptures call the river of Egypt: of both 
 which places, and the trade carried on through them by the Tyrians, I have 
 already spoken in the first part of this history.*^ To draw this trade into Egypt, 
 Ptolemy contrived to build a city on the western side of the Red Sea, from 
 whence he might set out his shipping for the carrying of it on. But observing 
 that the Red Sea toward the bottom of the gulf was of very ditficult and dan- 
 gerous navigation, by reason of its rocks and shelves.'' he built his city at as 
 great distance from that part of this sea as he could, placing it almost as far 
 down as the confines of Ethiopia, and called it Berenice, from the name of his 
 mother. But that not having a good harbour, Myos Hormus, in the neighbour- 
 hood, was afterward found to be a more convenient port; and therefore all the 
 wares of Arabia, India, Persia, and Ethiopia, being brought thither by sea, they 
 were carried from thence, on camels' backs, to Coptus on the Nile, and from 
 thence down that river to Alexandria, from whence they were dispersed all 
 over the west, and the wares of the west were carried back the same way into 
 
 1 Lib. 7. c. 56. 
 
 2 Vide Usserii Annales Veleris Testamenti sub anno J. P. 4453. et Vos.«ium de Histoiici.s GriEcis, lib. 1. c. 13. 
 
 3 Vitruviiis, lib. 9. c. 7, 4 Pliiiius, lib. 7. c. 37. 5 Part 1, bonk 8, under the year 293. 
 6 Part 1, book 1, under the year 74. 7 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 815. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 65 
 
 the east; by which means the Tyrians being deprived of this profitable traffic, 
 it became thenceforth fixed at Alexandria; and this city from that time continued 
 to be the prime mart of all the trade that was carried on between the east and 
 the west for above seventeen hundred years after, tiU, a little above two centu- 
 ries since, another passage from the west into those countries was found out by 
 the way of the Cape of Good Hope. But the road from Coptus to the Red 
 Sea being through deserts, where no water was to be had, nor any convenience 
 of towns or houses for the lodging of passengers, Ptolemy, for the remedying 
 of both these inconveniences,' drew a ditch from Coptus, which carried the 
 Avater of the Nile all along by that road, and built it on several inns, at such 
 proper distances, as to afford every night lodgings and convenient refreshments, 
 both for man and beast, to all that should pass that way. And, as he thus pro- 
 jected to draw all the trade of the east and west into this kingdom, so he pro- 
 vided a very great fleet for the protecting of it,^ part of which he kept in the 
 Red Sea, and part in the Mediterranean. That in the Mediterranean alone was 
 very great, and some of the ships of it of a very unusual bigness: for he had 
 in it two ships of thirty oars on a side,' one of twenty oars, four of fourteen, 
 two of twelve, fourteen of eleven, thirty of nine, thirty-seven of seven, five of 
 six, seventeen of five; and of four oars and three oars of a side, he had double 
 the number of all these already mentioned; and he had, over and above, of the 
 smaller sort of vessels a vast number. And by the strength of this fleet, he 
 not only maintained and advanced the trade of his country, but also kept most 
 of the maritime provinces of Lesser Asia,* that is, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, 
 and Caria, and also the Cyclades, in thorough subjection to him as long as 
 he lived. ^ 
 
 An. 258. Ptolemy Philadelph. 27.] — Magas, king of Cyrene and Libya, grow- 
 ing old and infirm, expressed a desire of composing all differences with King 
 Ptolemy his brother, and, in order hereto, purposed to marry his only daughter 
 Berenice to King Ptolemy's eldest son,* and with her to give the inheritance of 
 his kingdoms after him; which being accepted of by Ptolemy, peace was made 
 between them on these terms. 
 
 An. 257. Ptolemy Philadelph. 28.] — But Magas, in the year following, died 
 before the treaty was executed,® after he had reigned fifty years over Lybia and 
 Cyrene," from the time that these provinces were first committed to his govern- 
 ment, on the death of Ophelias. In the latter end of his life, he gave himself 
 much to ease and luxury, eating and drinking beyond all temperance and mea- 
 sure; whereon he grew so corpulent,** that at length he weighed himself down 
 into the grave by the load of his own fat. After his death, Apame his wife' 
 (whom Justin calls Arsinoe,) setting herself very violently to break the match 
 contracted for her daughter with the son of King Ptolemy, as being agreed 
 without her consent, sent into Macedonfor Demetrius, the half-brother of King 
 Antigonus Gonatus (for he was the son of Demetrius PoLiorcetes,'° by his last 
 wife Ptolemais, the daughter of Ptolemy Soter,) promising him her daughter in 
 marriage, and the kingdoms of Libya and Cyrene with her. This invitation 
 soon brought Demetrius thither. But Apame, on his arrival, finding him a 
 very beautiful young man, fell in love with him herself; which Demetrius com- 
 plying with, neglected the young princess, and gave himself wholly up to this 
 scandalous amour with the mother; and being hereon thoroughly possessed of 
 her favour, in confidence of it, began to carry himself with great pride and in- 
 solence, not only toward the princess, but also toward the ministers and soldiers 
 that served her father; whereon they all conspired against him. And Berenice 
 herself, having led the conspirators to the door of her mother's bedchamber, 
 when he was there accompanying with her, they fell upon him, and slew him 
 
 1 Strabo. lib. 17. p. 815. 2 Theocritus in Idyllio, 17. Appianus in Pr.Tefatione. 
 
 3 Athenaeus, lib. 5. p. 203. 4 Tlieocritus in Idyllio, 17. 
 
 5 Justin, lib. 2(i. c. 3. ubi pro Magas, ex errore scribarum, legitur Agas. 6 Justin, lib. 26. c. 3. 
 
 7 Athenaeus ex Agatharcide, lib. 12. p. 550. 8 Athaenus, ibid. 9 Justin, ibid. 
 
 10 Plutarchns in Demetrio. Here it is to be observed, that Apame was the grand-daughter of the same De- 
 Oietrius, by Stratonice his daughter, for she was the daughter of Antiochus Soter by that lady. 
 
66 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 in her bed, notwithstanding she did all she could, by intei*posing her body be- 
 tween him and the swords of the conspirators, to save him from this assassina- 
 tion. After this, Berenice went into Egypt, and there consummated the mar- 
 riage with the son of King Ptolemy which her father had contracted for her, 
 and Apame was sent into Syria to King Antiochus Theus her brother. 
 
 An. 256. Ptolemy Pkiladelph. "29.] — But on her arrival at his court, she so ex- 
 asperated him against King Ptolemy, as to engage him to enter into a war with 
 him, which lasted long,' and was carried on with great violence, to the very 
 great damage of King Antiochus, and at last administered the occasion of a 
 cruel tragedy in his family, in which he himself perished, as will be hereafter 
 related. 
 
 An. 255. Ptolemy Pkiladelph. 30.] — For the carrying on of this war, Ptolemy 
 employed his lieutenants, without appearing in it himself, by reason of the ten- 
 der state of his health, which would not permit him to bear the hardships of a 
 camp,^ or the fatigues of a campaign. But Antiochus, being in the vigour of 
 his youth, headed his armies himself, and drew after him all the strength of 
 Babylon and the east,^ for the more vigourous prosecuting of the war. But 
 what were the successes of it on either side we have no account, through want 
 of their being recorded in history; only we may presume, there were no great 
 advantages gotten, nor any signal events brought to pass, on either side, because, 
 if there had, they could not have escaped being told us, in an age when there 
 lived so many able historians and learned men to commit them to writing. 
 
 An. 254. Ptolemy Philadelph. 31.] — But, amidst this war, Ptolemy did not 
 omit his search for books for his library, and also for pictures and drawings 
 which were the works of eminent artists. And for this Aratus, the famous 
 Sicyonian,* being one of his agents in Greece, he so far gained his favour by 
 his service to him herein, that, on his applying to him for his help toward the 
 restoring of his city to liberty and peace, he gave him for this purpose one hun- 
 dred and fifty talents. The case was thus: — Aratus having expelled Nicocles,* 
 the tyrant of Sicyon, and brought back the exiles again to their city, great dis- 
 turbances did there arise hereon about the restoration of their lands, which had 
 like to have put all into confusion among them, by reason most of those lands 
 had been transferred to other proprietors, and, by purchase and sale for valuable 
 considerations, gone through several hands before the exiles were restored, who 
 thought it hard to be deprived of what they had paid for; and there being no 
 other way to satisfy them, but by refunding their money again, for this reason 
 Aratus applied to King Ptolemy, and, with the money he gave him, satisfied 
 every body, and restored peace to Sicyon. 
 
 An. 250. Ptolemy Philadelph. 35.] — While Antiochus was carrying on the war 
 in which he was engaged against King Ptolemy, there happened a great defec- 
 tion from him in the eastern provinces of his empire; and, by reason of his 
 embarrassments in this war, he not being at leisure immediately to suppress it, 
 the revolt at length grew to a head too hard for him to master; and this gave 
 beginning to the Parthian empire. The occasion of it was thus: — Agathocles,* 
 who was governor of Parthia for King Antiochus, being sodomitically given, 
 fell in love with a beautiful young man called Teridates, and attempted a force 
 upon him for the gratifying of his unnatural lust. Whereupon Arsaces, the 
 brother of the youth, to rescue him from this violence, with some other of his 
 friends joining with him, fell upon the governor, and slew him; and, after that, 
 drawing a company together after him for the vindication of the fact, he, in a 
 little time, while neglected by Antiochus, grew strong enough to expel the 
 Macedonians out of the province, and there set up for himself. And about the 
 same time Theodotus revolted in Bactria,** and, from being governor of that pro- 
 vince, declared himself king of it. And that country having one thousand 
 
 1 Hiei-onymus in Danielcm xi. 5. 2 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 789. 3 Hieionymus in Daiiielemxi. 5. 
 
 4 Plutarcliiis in Arato. 
 
 5 Arrianus in Parthicis apuil Photiiiin,cod.08. Syncellus, p. 284. Justin, lib. 41. c. 4. Strabo, lib. 11. p. 515. 
 
 6 Strabo et Justin, ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 57 
 
 cities in it, he got them all under his obedience; and, while Antiochus delayed 
 to look that way, by reason of his wars with Egypt, made himself too strong in 
 them to be afterward reduced; which example being followed by other nations 
 in those parts, they all there generally revolted at the same time; and Antio- 
 chus lost almost all those eastern provinces of his empire that lay beyond the 
 Tigris. This happened, Justin tells us', while L. Manlius Vulso and M. Attilius 
 Regulus were consuls at Rome. 
 
 This same year, on the death of Manasseh, high-priest of the Jews, Onias,'' 
 the second of that name, succeeded him in his office. He was the son of Simon 
 the Just; but, having been left an infant at his father's death, Eleazer, the bro- 
 ther of Simon, was then made high-priest in his stead; and he also dying be- 
 fore Onias was of an age capable for the executing of the office, Manasseh, the 
 son of Jaddua, and uncle of Simon the Just, was called to it; and now, he be- 
 ing dead, Onias came into the office. But being a man of a heavy temper, and 
 a very sordid spirit, he behaved himself very meanly in that station, to the en- 
 dangering of the whole Jewish state, by the illness of his conduct; as will 
 hereafter be related in its proper place. 
 
 An. ^9. Ptolemy Philadelph. 36.] — The commotions and revolts which hap- 
 pened in the east, making Antiochus weary of his war with King Ptolemy,^ 
 peace was made between them on the terms, that Antiochus, divorcing Lao- 
 dice, his former wife, should marry Berenice, the daughter of Ptolemy, and 
 make her his queen instead of the other, and entail his crown upon the male 
 issue of that marriage. And this agreement being ratified on both sides, for the 
 full performance of it, Antiochus put away Laodice, though she were his sister 
 by the same father,* and he had two sons born to him by her; and Ptolemy, 
 carrying his daughter to Pelusium, there put her on board his fleet, and sailed 
 with her to Selucia, a sea-port town near the mouth of the River Orontes in 
 Syria; where having met Antiochus, he delivered his daughter to him, and the 
 marriage was celebrated with great solemnity. And thus " the king's daughter 
 of the south came, and was married to the king of the north;" and, by virtue 
 of that marriage, " an agreement was made between those two kings," accord- 
 ing to the prophecy of the prophet Daniel, xi. 5, 6. For in that place, by the 
 king of the south, is meant the king of Egypt, and by the king of the north, 
 the king of Syria; and both are there so called in respect of Judea, which lying 
 between these two countries, hath Egypt on the south, and Syria on the north. 
 For the fuller understanding of this prophecy, it is to be observed, that the holy 
 prophet, after having spoken of Alexander the Great (ver. 3,) and of the four 
 kings among whom his empire was divided (ver. 4,) confines the rest of his 
 prophecy in that chapter to two of them only, that is, to the king of Egypt, and 
 the king of Syria; and first he begins with that king of Egypt who first reigned 
 in that country after Alexander, that is, Ptolemy Soter, whom he calls king of 
 the south, and saith of him that he should be strong. And that he was so, all 
 that write of him do sufficiently testify; for he had under him Egypt, Libya, 
 Cyrene, Arabia, Palestine, Coele-Syria, most of the maritime provinces of Lesser 
 Asia, the island of Cyprus, several of the isles of the ^gean Sea, now called 
 the Archipelago, and some cities also in Greece, as Sicyon, Corinth, and 
 others. And then the prophet proceedeth to speak of another of the four suc- 
 cessors (or princes, as he calls them) of Alexander, and he was Seleucus Nica- 
 tor king of the north; of whom he saith, that he " should be strong above the 
 king of the south, and have great dominion also above him;" that is, greater 
 than the king of the south. And that he had so, appears from the large territo- 
 ries he was possessed of; for he had under him all the countries of the east, 
 from Mount Taurus to the River Indus, and several of the provinces of Lesser 
 Asia, also from Mount Taurus to the ^Egean Sea: and he had moreover added 
 
 1 Lib. 41. c. 4. Joseph. Ant. lib. 12. c. 3. 
 
 3 Hieronymus in Danielem xi. Polyaenus Stratagem, lib. 8. c. 50. Athenseus, lib. 2. c. 6. 
 
 4 Polyffinus, lib. 8. c. 50. dicit earn fuisse Antiochi o^osvKrpov «J:^.q:i)v, i. e, sororem ex patre,quia scilicit 
 Antiochus Soter erat utriusque pater. 
 
 Vol. IL— 8 
 
58 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 to them, before his death, Thrace and Macedon. And then, in the next place 
 (ver. 6,) he tells us of "the coming of the king's daughter of the south, after 
 the end of several years, to the king of the north, and the agreement, or treaty 
 of peace, which should thereon be made between those two kings:" which 
 plainly points out unto us this marriage of Berenice, daughter to Ptolemy Phi- 
 ladelphus king of Egypt, with Antiochus Theus king of Syria, and the peace 
 whichwas thereon made between them: for all this was exactly transacted ac- 
 cording to what was predicted by the holy prophet in this prophecy. After this 
 the holy prophet proceeds, through the rest of the chapter, to foreshow all the 
 otlier most remarkable events that were brought to pass in the transactions of 
 the succeeding times of those two races of kings, till the death of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes, the great persecutor of the Jewish nation: all which I shall take 
 notice of in the following series of this history, and apply them to the prophecy 
 for the explication of it, as they come in my way. 
 
 An. 248. Ptolemy Philadelph. 37.] — Ptolemy being a curious collector of sta- 
 tues, drawing, and pictures, that were the works of eminent artists, as well as 
 of books, while he was in Syria the last year, saw there a statue of Diana, in 
 one of her temples, which he was much taken with; and therefore, desiring it 
 of Antiochus,' carried it with him into Egypt, But he had not been long re- 
 turned thither, ere Arsinoe, falling sick, dreamed that Diana appeared to her, 
 and told her, that the cause of her sickness was, that Ptolemy had taken away 
 her statue from the temple where it had been consecrated to her. Whereon 
 the statue was sent back again into Syria, and there replaced in the temple 
 fiom whence it had been taken, and many gifts and oblations were added to 
 appease the wrath of the goddess. But this did not at all help the sick queen; 
 for she soon after died of the sickness she had languished under, and left Pto- 
 lemy in great grief for her loss: for though she was much older than he, and 
 past child-bearing when he married her, yet he doated on her to the last; and 
 after her death, did all that he could for her honour, caUing several cities, 
 which he had built, by her name, and erecting obelisks to her memory, and 
 doing many other unusual things to express the great affection and regard which 
 he had for her: the most remarkable of which was, his attempting to erect a 
 temple to her at Alexandria, in which it was projected to build a dome,^ whose 
 vault, being all arched with loadstone, should cause an image of hers, made of 
 steel, there to hang in the air in the middle of the dome, by virtue of the at- 
 tractive quality of the loadstones. This design was the contrivance of Dino- 
 crates, a famous architect of those times: and Avhen it was laid before King 
 Ptolemy, he was so pleased with it, that the work was forthwith begun, under 
 the direction of him that projected it. But whether it would take or no, never 
 came to the trial; for both Ptolemy and the architect soon after dying, this 
 put an end to the design; so that no experiment was made of what the load- 
 stones could do in this case. It hath long gone current among many, that the 
 body of Mahomet, after his death, being laid in an iron coffin, was thus hung 
 in the air by virtue of loadstones in the roof of the room where it was reposited; 
 but how fabulous this story is, I have already shown in the life of that impostor. 
 
 Jin. 247. Ptolemy Philadelph. 38.] — Ptolemy, after the death of Arsinoe, did 
 not long survive her: for being originally of a tender constitution, and having 
 farther weakened it by a luxurious indulgence,^ he could not bear the approach 
 of age, nor the grief of mind which he fell under on the loss of his beloved wife; 
 but sinking away under these burdens, died in his great climacteric, the sixty- 
 third year of his life, after having reigned over Egypt thirty-eight years.* He 
 left behind him two sons and a daughter, which he had by Arsinoe the daugh- 
 ter of Lysimachus, his first wife. The eldest of the two sons was Ptolemy 
 Euergetes, who reigned after him; the other was called Lysimachus, which 
 was the name of his maternal grandfather. He was put to death by his brother 
 
 1 Libaiijus Oral. xi. 2 Plinius, lib. 34. c. 14. 3 Alhenseus, lib. 12. c. 10, 
 
 4 Canon Ptoleniaei Aetronomi. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 59 
 
 for some insurrection which he had made against him. The daughter was Be- 
 renice, who was lately married to Antiochus Theus, king of Syria. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus having been a very learned prince,' and a great patron 
 of learning, as well as a great collector of books, many of those who were emi- 
 nent for any part of literature resorted to him from all parts, and partook of his 
 favour and bounty. Seven celebrated poets^ of that age are especially said to 
 have lived in his court; four of which, Theocritus, Callimachus, Lycophron, 
 and Aratus, have of their works still remaining, and among these the first of 
 them hath a whole Idyllium, and the second part of two hymns written in his 
 praise.^ Manetho, the Egyptian historian, dedicated his history to him, of 
 which we have already spoken." And Zoilus, the snarling critic, came also to 
 his court;^ he had written against Homer,'' whom all besides highly valued and 
 admired; and he had also criticised upon the works of other eminent writers in 
 a very biting and detracting style; and from hence his name grew so infamous, 
 that it was afterward given by way of reproach to all detractors; and carping 
 Zoilus became a provervial expression of infamy upon all such. Although his 
 eminency this way was so remarkable, that he excelled all men in it, yet this 
 could not recommend him to King Ptolemy. How great soever his wit was he 
 hated him for the bitterness and ill-nature of it, and therefore would give him 
 nothing; and, for the same reason, having drawn on him the odium and aver- 
 sion of all men, he at length died miserably; some say he was stoned, others 
 that he was burned to death, and others that he was crucified by King Ptolemy 
 for a crime he had committed deserving of that punishment. 
 
 This king had also been a great builder of new cities, and many old ones he 
 repaired, and gave new names to them; and particularly two of this last sort were 
 in Palistine: for there he rebuilt, on the west side of that country, Ace,^ a fa- 
 mous port on that coast; and, on the eastern side, that ancient city which is so 
 often mentioned in scripture by the name of Rabbah of the children of Ammon. 
 Ace he called, from one of his names, Ptolemais, and Rabbah, from the other 
 of his names, ^ Philadelphia. The former of these is still in being, and having 
 recovered its old name, is called Aeon; by which it is often mentioned, and is 
 of very famous note in the histories of the holy war. The Turks at present name 
 it Acre.' And he left so many other monuments of his magnificence behind 
 him, in cities, in temples, and in other public edifices built by him, that it 
 afterward grew into a proverb, when any work was erected with more than or- 
 dinary sumptuousness, to call it Philadelphian. 
 
 But notwithstanding the great expense he must have been at in all this, he 
 died possessed of vast riches; for although he had two great fleets,'" one in the 
 Mediterranean, and the other in the Red Sea, and maintained constantly in pay 
 an army of two hundred thousand foot, and forty thousand horse, and had also 
 three hundred elephants, and two thousand armed chariots, besides arms in his 
 magazines for three hundred thousand men more, and all other necessary im- 
 plements and engines for war, yet he left in his treasury seven hundred and 
 forty thousand Egyptian talents in ready money, which being reduced to our 
 money, makes a prodigious sum: for every Egyptian talent contained seven 
 thousand five hundred Attic drachms," which is one thousand five hundred 
 drachms more than an Attic talent. This shows how vast his revenues must 
 have been, which he had tire art to make the most of: for it is Appian's cha- 
 racter of him,'^ that, as he was the most splendid and magnificent of all the 
 kings of his time in the laying out of his money, so was he of all the most in- 
 tent and skilful in the gathering of it in. 
 
 I AtheniBiis, lib. 12. c. 10. Strabo, lib. 17. p. 789. 2 VideVossium de Historicis GroBcis lib. I.e. 12. 
 3 In liynmo in Jovem et in liymno in Deluin. 4 Part 1, book 7, under the year 350. 
 
 5 Vitruviusin Praefatione ad libruin 7. Architecturae sueb. 
 
 6 Deeo vide Vossiuni de Historicis Grsecislib. 1. c. 15. 7 Vide Relandi Palestinain Illnstratam. 
 
 8 Ibid. 9 See Sandy's Thevenot, and other travellers. 
 
 10 Appianus in Pro'ftitione. Hieronymus in Comment, in Daniel, xi. Athenceus, lib. 5. p. 203. 
 
 II Vide BarnardumdeMensuris et Ponderibus Antiquorum, p. 186. 
 i2 In PrEEfaiione ad Opera Historica. 
 
go CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 An. 246. Ptol. Euergetes 1.] — Antiochus Theus, as soon as he heard of the 
 death of Kino- Ptolemy Philadelphus, his father-in-law, removed Berenice' from 
 his bed, and a^-ain recalled unto him Laodice and her children.' But she know- 
 ino" the unsteady and fickle humour of Antiochus, and therefore fearing that he 
 might, upon as light change of mind, again recall Berenice, as he had her, re- 
 solved to make use of the present opportunity to secure the succession of her son. 
 For, by the late treaty with Ptotemy, her children were to be disinherited, and 
 the crown to be settled on the children which Berenice should bear unto him; 
 and she already had one son by him. For the effecting of this design, she pro- 
 cured Antiochus to be poisoned by his servants, '^ and then, on his death, did 
 put one Artemon, that was very much like him, into his bed, to personate him 
 as sick, till she should have brought her matters to bear; who acting his part 
 well, the death of the king was not known, till by orders forged in his name, 
 her eldest son by him, Seleucus Callinicus, was secured of the succession; and 
 then, the death of the king being publicly declared, Seleucus ascended the 
 throne without any opposition, and sat in it twenty years. But Laodice not 
 thinking him safe in' the possession which he had thus taken of it, as long as 
 Berenice and her son lived,* designs were laid to cut them both off; which Be- 
 renice being informed of, she fled with her son to Daphne, and there shut her- 
 self up in the asylum which was built in that place by Seleucus Nicator. But 
 she being circumvented by the fraud of those who, by the appointment of Lao- 
 dice, did there besiege her, first her son, and afterward she herself, were villa- 
 nously slain, with all the Egyptian attendants that came with him. And hereby 
 was exactly fulfilled what was foretold by the prophet Daniel concerning this 
 marriage (ch. xi. ver. 6,) that is, that " Neither he (that is, Antiochus king of 
 the north) nor she (that is, Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy king of the south) 
 should continue in their power; but that he (that is. King Antiochus) should 
 fall, and that she (that is, Berenice,) being deprived of him that strengthened 
 her (that is, of her father who died a little before,) should be given up with 
 those that brought her (that is, that came with her out of Egypt,) and her son,* 
 whom she brought forth to be cutoff and destroyed." And so it happened to 
 them all, in the manner as I have related. 
 
 While Berenice continued shut up and besieged in Daphne,* the cities of 
 Lesser Asia, hearing of her distress, commisserated her case, and immediately, 
 by a joint association, sent an army toward Antioch for her relief; and Ptolemy 
 Euergetes,^ her brother, hastened thither with a greater force out of Egypt for 
 the same purpose. But both Berenice and her son were cut off before either 
 of them could arrive for their help: whereon both armies turning their desire 
 of saving the queen and her son into a rage for the revenging of their death, 
 the Asian forces joined the Egyptian for the effecting of it, and Ptolemy, at 
 the head of both, carried all before him; for he not only slew Laodice, but also 
 made himself master of all Syria and Cilicia,' and then passing the Euphrates, 
 brought all under him as far as Babylon, and the River Tigris, and would have 
 subjugated to him all the other provinces of the Syrian empire, but that a se- 
 dition arising in Egypt during his absence called him back to suppress it.^ 
 And therefore, having appointed Antiochus and Xantippus," two of his generals, 
 the former of them to command the provinces he had taken on the west side 
 of Mount Taurus, and the other to command the provinces he had taken on 
 the east side of it, he marched back into Egypt, carrying with him vast trea- 
 sures, which he had gotten together, in the plunder of the conquered provinces: 
 for he brought from thence with him forty thousand talents of silver,'" a vast 
 number of precious vessels of silver and gold, and images also to the number 
 
 1 Hieronymy Comment, in Danielem xi. 
 
 2 Hieronymus, ibid. Plinius, lib. 7. c. 12. Valerius Maxiinus, lib. 9. c. 14. Solinus, c. 1. 
 
 3 Hieronymus, ibid. Appianus in Svriacis. Justin, lib. 27. c. 1. Polyaenus Stratagem, lib. 8. c. 50. 
 
 4 So it is in the margin of our English Bible, and this is the truer version. 5 Justin, lib. 27. c. 1. 
 
 6 Justin, lib. 27. c. 1. Appianus in Svriacis. Hieronymus in Danielem xi. Polysenus, lib. 8. c. 50. 
 
 7 Justin. Appian. et Hieronymus, ibid. Polybius, lib. 5. Polyainus, lib. 8. c. 50. 
 
 5 Justin, lib. 27. c. 1. 9 Hieronymus in Dan. xi. 10 Ibid. Monumentum Aduhtanum. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. Qt 
 
 of two thousand fiA'e hundred, among which were many of the Egyptian idols, 
 which Cambyses, on his conquering Egypt, had carried thence into Persia 
 These Ptolemy having restored to their former temples, on his return from this 
 expedition, he thereby much endeared himself to his people; for the Egyptians 
 being then of all nations the most bigoted to their idolatrous worship, they 
 highly valued this action of their king in thus bringing back their gods again 
 to them. And in acknowledgment hereof it was, that he had the name of 
 Euergetes (^. e. the Benefactor) given unto him by them. And all this hap- 
 pened exactly as it was foretold by the prophet Daniel (chap. xi. 7 — 9.) For 
 in that prophecy he tells us, that, af\er the king's daughter of the south should, 
 with her son and her attendants, be cut oif, and he that strengthened her in 
 those times, that is, her father, who was her chief support, should be dead, 
 " there should one arise out of a branch of her roots in his estate," that is, 
 Ptolemy Euergetes, who springing from the same root with her, as being her 
 brother, did stand up in the estate of Ptolemy Philadelphus his father, whom 
 he succeeded in his kingdom; and that " he should come with an army, and 
 enter into the fortress of the king of the north, and prevail against him, and 
 should carry captive into Egypt the gods of the Syrians, with their princes, 
 and with their precious vessels of silver and gold; and so should come, and 
 return again into his own kingdom." And how exactly all this was fulfilled, 
 what is above related doth sufficiently show. It is said also in the same pro- 
 phecy (ver. 8,) " That the king of the south, on his return into his kingdom, 
 should continue more years than the king of the north:" and so it happened; 
 for Ptolemy Euergetes outlived Seleucus Callinicus four years, as will be here- 
 after shown. 
 
 When Ptolemy Euergetes went on this expedition into Syria,' Berenice his 
 queen, out of the tender love she had for him, being much concerned, because 
 of the danger which she feared he might be exposed to in this war, made a 
 vow of consecrating her hair (in the fineness of which, it seems, the chief of 
 her beauty consisted,) in case he returned again safe and unhurt; and there- 
 fore, on his coming back again with safety and full success, for the fulfilling of 
 her vow, she cut off her hair, and offered it up in the temple which Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus had built to his beloved wife Arsinoe, on the promontory of Ze- 
 phyrium in Cyprus, by the name of the Zephyrian Venus. But there, a litUe 
 after, the consecrated hair being lost, or perchance contemptuously flung away 
 by the priests, and Ptolemy being much offended at it, Conon of Samos, a flat- 
 tering mathematician then at Alexandria, to salve up the matter, and also to in- 
 gratiate himself with the king, gave out that this hair was catched up into 
 heaven; and he there showed seven stars near the tail of the lion, not till then 
 taken within any constellation, Avhich he said were the queen's consecrated 
 hair: which conceit of his, other flattering astronomers following with the same 
 view, or perchance not daring to say otherwise, hence Coma Berenices, i. e. 
 the hair of Berenice, became one of the constellations, and is so to this day. 
 Callimachus the poet, who, as I have before shown, lived in those times, made 
 a hymn upon this hair of Queen Berenice, a translation of which being made 
 by Catullus, is still extant among his poetical works. 
 
 On King Ptolemy Euergete's return from this expedition," he took Jerusalem 
 in his way, and there, by many sacrifices to the God of Israel, paid his acknow- 
 ledgements for the victories he had obtained over the king of Syria, choosing 
 rather to offer up his thanks to him, than to the gods of Egypt for them: the 
 reason of which very probably might be, that, being shown the prophecies of 
 Daniel concerning them, he inferred from thence, that he owed them only to 
 that God whose prophet had so fully predicted them. 
 
 Jjn. 245. Ptol. Euergetes 2.] — As soon as Ptolemy was returned into Egypt, 
 Seleucus prepared a great fleet on the coasts of Syria,^ for the reducing of the 
 
 1 Hygini Poetica Astronomica. Nonnus in Historiarum Synagoga. 
 
 2 Josephus contra Apionem libro secundo. 3 Justin, lib. 27. c.2. Trogi Prologus, 27. Polybius, lib. 5. 
 
63 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 revolted cities of Asia. But he was no sooner put to sea, but, meeting with a 
 very violent storm, he lost aU his ships in it, scarce any thing remaining of so 
 great a preparation, besides himself, and some few of his Ibllowers, that escaped 
 naked with him, to land from this calamitous wreck. But this blow, how ter- 
 rible soever it might at first appear, by a strange turn of affairs, did all, in the 
 result, prove to his advantage: for the revolted cities of Asia (who, out of the 
 abhorence th^y had of him for the murder of Berenice and her son, had gone 
 over to Ptolemy,) on their hearing of this great loss, thinking that murder to be 
 sufficiently revenged by it, took compassion of him, and returned again to him. 
 
 An. 244. Ptol. Euergetes 3.] — By which fortunate revolution, being again re- 
 stored to the best part of his dominions, he prepared a great army against Ptol- 
 emy for the recovering of the rest.' But in this attempt he had no better suc- 
 cess than in the former: for, being overthrown in battle by Ptolemy, he lost the 
 greatest part of his army, and escaped to Antioch from this misadventure with 
 as few of his followers as from the former; whereon, for the restoration of his 
 broken affairs, he invited Antiochus his brother to join him with his forces, 
 promising him all the provinces in Lesser Asia, that belonged to the Syrian 
 empire on this condition. He was then at the head of an army in those pro- 
 vinces; and although then he was but fourteen years old, yet being of a for- 
 ward and very aspiring spirit, or else, as is most probable, being conducted by 
 others who were of this temper, he readily accepted of the proposal, and ac- 
 cordingly prepared for the accomplishing of it; but not so much out of a de- 
 sign of saving any part of the empire to his brother, as to gain it all to himselfj 
 for he was a very rapacious and greedy disposition, laying his hands on all that 
 he could get, right or wrong; whereon they called him Hierax, that is, the hawk, 
 because that bird flies at all that comes in his way, and takes every thing for 
 prey that it can lay its talons upon. 
 
 After this second blow received by Seleucus,* the cities of Smyrna and Mag- 
 nesia in Lesser Asia, out of the affection which they bore unto him, entered 
 into a league to join all their power and strength for the support of his interest 
 and royal majesty; which they caused to be engraven on a large column of 
 marble. This very marble column is now standing in the theatre yard at Ox- 
 ford, with the said league engraven on it in Greek capital letters, still very legi- 
 ble; from whence it was published by me among the Marmora Oxoniensia 
 about forty years since. It was brought out of Asia by Thomas, Earl of Arun- 
 del, in the beginning of the reign of King Charles L and was given, with other 
 marbles, to the University of Oxford, by Henry, Duke of Norfolk, his grandson, 
 in the reign of King Charles IL 
 
 An. 243. Ptol. Euergetes 4.] — Ptolemy, on his heai'ing that Antiochus was 
 preparing to join Seleucus against him, that he might not have to do with both 
 at the same time, came to agreement with Seleucus;^ and a peace was conclu- 
 ded between them for ten years. 
 
 An. 242. Ptol. Euergetes 5.] — However, Antiochus desisted not from his pre- 
 parations, which Seleucus now understanding to be made against himself, 
 marched over Mount Taurus to suppress him.'' The pretence for the war on 
 Antiochus' s part was the promise that Seleucus had made him of all his pro- 
 vinces in Lesser Asia for his assistance against Ptolemy. But Seleucus being 
 delivered from that war without his assistance, thought himself not obliged to 
 any thing by that promise. But Antiochus persisting in his demand, and the 
 other in his refusal, this brought the controversy to the decision of a battle be- 
 tween them. It was fought near Ancyra in Lesser Asia;" in which Seleucus 
 being overthrown, hardly escaped with his life; and it fared very little better 
 with Antiochus: for having won this victory chiefly by the assistance of the 
 Galatians, or Gauls of Asia, whom he had hired into his service, these barba- 
 
 1 Justin, lib. 27. c. 2. 2 Marmora Oxoniensia, p. 5, 6, &c. 3 Justin, lib. 27. c. 2. 
 
 4 Trogus in Prologo 27. Strabo, lib. 16. p. 750. Justin, lib. 27. c. 2. 
 
 5 Polyanus Jib. 8. c. Gl. Justin, lib. 27. c. 2. Atheuseus, lib. 13. Plutarchus, t--< ~.) «T£X = .«c, 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 63 
 
 nans, on a rumour spread that Seleucus was slain in the battle, plotted the 
 death of the other brother also, reckoning that, in case both were cut off, all 
 Asia would be theirs; whereon Antiochus, having no other way to save him- 
 self, redeemed his hfe, by giving them all the treasure he had for the ransom of it, 
 Eumenes, king of Pergamus,' making his advantage of these divisions, 
 marched against Antiochus and the Gauls with all his forces, purposing to sup- 
 press them both at once. This forced Antiochus to a new treaty with the 
 Gauls; wherein he was content instead of being their master, to become their 
 confederate, for the mutual defence of both; but Eumenes falling on them be- 
 fore they could recruit themselves after the losses sustained in the late battle at 
 Ancyra, had an easy victory over both, and thereon overran all Lesser Asia. 
 
 An. 241. Ptol, Euergetes 6.]— Eumenes, after this victory, giving himself up 
 to much drinking, died in the excess of it,^ after he had reigned twenty-two 
 years. He having no children of his own, was succeeded in his kingdom by his 
 cousin-german Attains, the son of Attains, his father's younger brother; who 
 being a wise and valiant prince,^ maintained himself in the acquisitions of his 
 family; and, having wholly subdued the Gauls, he found himself so firmly es- 
 tabhshed in his dominions by it, that he thenceforth openly assumed the title 
 of king; for his predecessors, though they had the thing, yet abstained from the 
 name. Attains was the first of that family that took it, upon the occasion that 
 I have mentioned; and it was enjoyed by his posterity, with the dominions be- 
 longing to it, to the third generation after him. 
 
 While Eumenes, and Attains after him, thus curtailed the Syrian empire on 
 the west side, Theodotus and Arsaces did the same on the east. For it being 
 reported, that Seleucus had been slain in the battle of Ancyra, Arsaces, think- 
 ing this an opportunity for him to enlarge himself, seized on Hyrcania, and 
 adding that to Parthia, established his kingdom over both: and a little after, 
 Theodotus dying, he made a league with his son of the same name, who suc- 
 ceeded him in Bactria, for their mutual defence, and thereby they both strength- 
 ened themselves in the possession of what they had gotten. But, notwithstand- 
 ing all this," the two brothers still went on with their wars against each other, 
 without regarding that, while they were thus contending between themselves 
 for their father's empire, they lost it by piecemeals to others, who were enemies 
 to both. 
 
 This war in the course of it was at length carried into Mesopotamia;'* and 
 then most likely happened the battle in Babylonia, which Judas Maccabaeus- 
 makes mention of in his speech to his army (2 Maccab. viii. 20,) in which he 
 saith eight thousand of the Babylonish Jews, joined with four thousand Mace- 
 donians, vanquished the Galatians, and slew of their army one hundred and 
 twenty thousand men. For Babylonia, or the province of Babylon, was a part 
 of Mesopotamia, and Antiochus Hierax had the Galatians in confederacy with 
 him; and at this time they are said to have come in such great sAvarms into the 
 east,^ as to fill all Asia with their numbers; and that they did usually let them- 
 selves to hire in all wars, which in those times the eastern kings had one with 
 another, these princes thinking themselves best strengthened for victory when 
 they had most of them in their armies; and that this Antiochus was assisted by 
 them in this war, hath been already said. 
 
 An. 240. Ptol. Euergetes 7.] — But whether it were by this, or some other 
 victory, Seleucus had at length the advantage in this war; so that Antiochus, 
 being vanquished and broken,^ was forced to shift from place to place with the 
 
 1 Justin, lib. 27. c. 3. He there calls him king of Bithynia by mistake; for there was no king of Bithynia 
 of that name at this time, as appears from Menaion in the Excerptions ofPhotiiis, cod. 234. 
 
 2 Athenseus, lib. 10. c. 16. 
 
 3 Livius, lib. 33. Strabo, lib. 13. p. 624. Valesii Excerpta ex Polybii, lib. 18. Suidas in voce Attx?.o;. 
 Polyaeniis, lib. 4. c. ID. 
 
 4 Justin, lib. 27. c, 3. 
 
 5 Trogusin Proiogo, 27. Polya^nns, Stratagem, lib. 4. c. 17. 
 
 6 Justin, speaking of the Gauls, or Galatians, hath these words: " Gallorum ea tempestate tants foecunditati 
 juveutus fuit, nt Asiam omnem velut examine aliquoimplerent. Denique neque Reges Orientis sine Merce- 
 nario Gallorum exercitu uUa bella gesseruiit, lib. 25. c. 2. 7 Justin, lib. 27. c. 3. Polyainus, ibid. 
 
64 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 few remains of his baffled party, till at last being driven out of Mesopotamia, and 
 finding no other place where he could be safe within the Syrian empire, he fled 
 to Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, whose daughter he had married. But that 
 king, notwithstanding the alliance and affinit}^ he had contracted with him, 
 soon growing weary of maintaining an exile, who could bring no advatage to 
 him, ordered him to be cut off. But while measures were taking for the ex- 
 ecuting hereof, Antiochus, getting notice of the design, escaped from hence 
 into Egypt, choosing rather to put himself into the hands of Ptolemy, the pro- 
 fessed enemy of his family, than trust himself upon any terms with his brother, 
 whom he was conscious he had so much offended: and he fared not at all the 
 better for it; for, as soon as he arrived in Egypt, Ptolemy caused him to be 
 clapped up in safe custody, in which he kept him confined several years, till at 
 length having broken out of prison, by the assistance of a courtizan, whom he 
 was familiar with, as he was making his escape out of Egypt, he fell among 
 thieves and was slain by them. 
 
 An. 239. Ptol. Euei-getes 8.] — In the interim King Ptolemy Euergetes enjoy- 
 ing fuU peace, applied himself to the cultivating of learning in his kingdom, 
 and the enlarging of his father's library at Alexandria, with all manner of books 
 for the service of this design. The method which he took for the collecting of 
 them hath been already mentioned;' and the care of an able library-keeper be- 
 ing very necessary, both for the making of a good choice of books in the col- 
 lection, and also for the preserving of them for the use intended, on the death 
 of Zenodotus, who from the time of Ptolemy Soter,- the grandfather of the pre- 
 sent king, had the keeping of the royal library at Alexandria, Euergetes in- 
 vited Eratosthenes from Athens^ (where he was in great reputation for his learn- 
 ing) to take this charge upon him. He was, by his birth, a Cyrenian, and had 
 been scholar to Callimachus his countryman, and was a person of universal 
 knowledge, and is often quoted as such by Pliny, Strabo, and others. And 
 therefore they are mistaken, who, finding him called Beta (^. e. the second,) 
 think he had that name to denote him a second-rate man among the learned. 
 By that appellation was meant no more, than that he was the second library- 
 keeper of the royal library of Alexandria after the first founding of it."* As to 
 his skill in all manner of learning, he was second to none of his time,* as the 
 many books he wrote did then sufficiently make appear, though not now extant. 
 That which at present we are most beholden to him for, is a catalogue which 
 he hath given us of all the kings that reigned at Thebes in Egypt, with the 
 years of their reigns from Menes, or Misraim, who first planted Egypt, after 
 the flood, down to the time of the Trojan war. It contains a series of thirty- 
 eight kings reigning in a direct line of succession one after the other; and is 
 stiU extant in SynceUus.^ Our learned countryman, Sir John Marsham,'^ hath 
 luade good use of it in settling the Egyptian chronology. It is one of the no- 
 blest and most venerable monuments of antiquity that is now extant; for it was 
 extracted out of the ancientest records of that country at the command of Ptole- 
 my Euergetes;^ and there is nothing in profane histoiy that begins higher. It 
 is probable this extract was made to supply the defect of Manetho, whose cata- 
 logue of the Theban kings in Egypt doth not begin but where this of Eratos- 
 thenes ends. 
 
 Jin. 2-36. Ptol. Euergetes 11.] — Seleucus, being delivered from the troubles 
 created him by his brother, and having repaired the disorders at home which 
 that war had occasioned,^ marched eastward to reduce those that had revolted 
 from him in those parts. But he had very lame success in this undertaking; 
 
 1 Part 2, book ], under the year 284. 2 Siiidas in ZsvoJoto;. 3 Suidas in 'A^i-o^^.iui'.j? et'Ef,zToa-5iv>,!. 
 
 4 Marcianus Heracliotes, who tells us of this name given to Eratosthenes, saith, he was called so by the 
 president of the museum at Alexandria, which is a manifest argument, that he was called so only in respect 
 of the office vs liich he bore in that museum, in being the second library-keeper of the library belonging to it in 
 succession after Zenodotus, who was the first. 
 
 5 De libris ab eo scriptis, vide Vossium de Historicis Grsecia, lib. 1. c. 17. 6 A pagina 91. ad paginam 147. 
 7 In Canone Chronico. 8 Syncellus.p. 91. 147. 9 Justin, lib. 41. c. 4. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 65 
 
 for ArsaceSj having now had a long time allowed him to settle himself in his 
 usurpations, and made himself too strong in them to be again easily dispossess- 
 ed; and therefore Seleucus, having in vain attempted it in this expedition, was 
 forced to return with baffle and disappointment. Perchance a longer stay in 
 those parts might have opened him a way to better success: but, some commo- 
 tions arising at home during his absence,' he was forced to suppress them. In 
 the interim Arsaces made use of the farther respite hereby given him so to 
 strengthen and establish himself in his usurped dominions, that he became 
 superior to all attempts that were afterward made to disturb him. 
 
 An. 230. Pol. Eaergetes 17.] — However, Seleucus, as soon as he had leisure 
 from his other affairs, made a second expedition against him; but with much 
 worse success than he had in the former: for his usual ill fortune here pursuing 
 him, he was not only overthrown by Arsaces in a great battle, but was also 
 himself taken prisoner in it." The day on which Arsac-es gained this victory, 
 was long after annually observed by the Parthians with great solemnity,' as be- 
 ing, in their opinion, the first day of their freedom; whereas in truth it was the 
 first of their slavery; for there was never any greater tyranny in the world, 
 than that of the Parthian kings, under which they thenceforth fell. The Ma- 
 cedonian yoke would have been much easier to them, had they still continued 
 under it. From this time Arsaces took on him the title of king, and founded 
 that empire in the east, which afterward grew up to be so great and powerful, 
 as to become a terror even to the Romans, who were a terror to all else. From 
 him aU that reigned after him in that empire,* in honour of him, took the name 
 of Arsaces, in the same manner as all the kings of Egypt after Ptolemy Soter 
 took the name of Ptolemy, as long as those of his race continued to reign in 
 that country. 
 
 Jin. 2-26. Ptol. Euergetes 21.] — Onias* the high-priest of the Jews at Jerusa- 
 lem growing very old, and increasing in covetousness with his age, and being 
 also a very weak and inconsiderate man, neglected to pay King Ptolemy Euer- 
 getes the usual tribute of twenty talents, which had constantly been paid by 
 the former high-priests his predecessors, as the stated tribute annually due to 
 the kings of Egypt from them. And the arrears now growing high, the king 
 sent Athenion, one of his court, to Jerusalem, to demand of the Jews the 
 money, and to require full payment of it forthwith to be made; threatening, 
 that in case this were not immediately complied with, he would send his sol- 
 diers to dispossess them of their country, and divide it among them. On the 
 arrival of Athenion at Jerusalem with this message, the whole city was put into 
 a great fright, as not knowing what course to take for the appeasing of the 
 king's wrath, and the delivering of themselves from the danger that was threat- 
 ened. At this time there was a young man of great reputation among the 
 Jews" for his prudence, justice, and sanctity of life, called Joseph, who was 
 nearly related to Onias; for he was the son of Tobias, a prime man of that na- 
 tion, by a sister of his. Joseph being absent at his seat in the country, when 
 this messenger came to Jerusalem, his mother took care to send him an account 
 of what had happened; whereon coming immediately to Jerusalem, he very 
 severely upbraided his uncle with his ill management of the public interest of 
 the people, as thus, for the saving of his money, to expose them to such danger 
 (for in those times the high-priest was the chief governor in all the temporal 
 affairs, as well as the ecclesiastical, of that nation:) and he farther told him, 
 that things being brought to this pass by his ill conduct, there was no other way 
 to be taken for the remedy, but for him to go to the Egyptian court, and there 
 endeavour, by his application to the king, to make up the matter. But Onias, 
 
 ■ 1 Justin. lib. 41. c. 4, 5. 
 
 2 AtheruEus, lib. 4. c. 13. That it was in a second expedition that Seleucus was taken prisoner by Arsaces, 
 appears from this, that Justin tells us lie returned from the first expedition to quell insurrections at homCr 
 raised there against him in his absence, lib. 41. c. 5. 
 
 3 Justin. lib. 41. c. 4. 4 Ibid. c. 5. 5 Josephus Antiq. lib. 12. c. 5. 
 6 Josephus Antiq. lib. 12. c. 4. 
 
 Vol. II.— 9 
 
66 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORV OF 
 
 by the dulness of his temper, as well as by his age, wanting vigour for such an 
 undertaking, utterly declined it, telling his nephew, that he would quit hia 
 station both in church and state, rather than put himself upon that journeys 
 whereon Joseph desired that the matter might be committed to him, and he 
 would go to the king in his stead: which Onias readily consenting to, Joseph 
 went up into the temple, and there called together the people (for the outer 
 court of the temple was the usual place for the assembling of the people on all 
 occasions,) and acquainted them of his having undertaken by the appointment 
 of Onias, to go ambassador from them to the king on their behalf; and if they 
 thought fit to approve hereof, he desired them no longer to disturb themselves 
 with fears; for he doubted not, but that, on his access to the king, he should be 
 able to set all right again with him. At which the people much rejoicing, gave 
 him great thanks for what he had proposed to do for them, and earnestl}' de- 
 sired him to proceed in it. Hereon he immediately went to find out Athenion^ 
 and, having gotten him to his house, and there entertained him, as long as he 
 tarried at Jerusalem, with a very kind and splendid hospitality, and having; 
 also, at his departure, presented him with several very valuable gifts, he sent 
 him away fully engaged to make as fair a representation to the king as the 
 case would bear, and at the same time assured him, that he would forth- 
 with follow after him to the Egyptian court, there to give the king full sa- 
 tisfaction as to the matter which he had sent him about. Athenion returned 
 to Alexandria exceedingly well pleased with the kind and obliging enter- 
 tainment which he had from Joseph, and so much taken with the prudent 
 behaviour and noble deportment which he observed in him, that on his making 
 his report to the king of his embassy, and his telling him of the intentions 
 of Joseph, the high-priest's nephew, speedily to attend him, for the giving 
 of him full satisfaction, he took occasion to set forth his character with so 
 great advantage, as made the king very desirous of seeing him, and fully 
 prepared to receive him with all manner of favour and respects. As soon 
 as the ambassador was gone from Jerusalem, Joseph, having taken up of the 
 bankers of Samaria twenty thousand drachms, which amounted to about seven 
 hundred pounds of our money, and thereby provided himself with an equipage 
 to appear at the Egyptian court, he set out for Alexandria, and having on the 
 way thither chanced on the road to fall in with several of the chief nobility of 
 Ccele-Syria and Phoenicia, who were travelling to the same place, he joined 
 company with them in the remaining part of the journey. Their business, 
 thither was to farm of the king his revenues of those provinces, and having 
 provided themselves with very splendid equipages, to make the better appear- 
 ance at Ptolemy's court, they laughed at Joseph for the meanness of his, and 
 made it the subject of their sport for the most part of the way as they went, 
 Joseph bore all this with patience, but, in the meantime, accurately observing 
 the discourse which they had with each other about their business, he got there- 
 by such an insight into it, as put him in a condition to laugh at them ever after. 
 On their arrival at Alexandria, they found the king was gone to Memphis: Jo- 
 seph alone hastened thither after him, and had the good fortune to meet him 
 on the road returning to Alexandria, while Athenion was with him and his 
 queen in the same chariot. As soon as Athenion had espied him, he pointed 
 him out to the king, telling him, that this was the young man, Onias's nephew, 
 of whom he had spoken so much to him. Whereon the king called him to 
 him, and took him into his chariot; and, having talked to him of the ill usage 
 of Onias toward him, in not paying him his tribute, Joseph excused his uncle, 
 by reason of his age and weakness, in so handsome a manner, as not only 
 satisfied the king, but also raised in him so good an opinion of the advocate, 
 that he took him into his particular favour, and, on his arrival at Alexandria, 
 ordered him to be lodged in the palace, and to be there maintained at his own 
 table. And Joseph afterward did him that service, as made him sufficient re- 
 compense for it: for when the day was come, whereon the king used annually 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 67 
 
 to let to farm the revenues of the several provinces of his empire, and they 
 were set up in their order, by way of auction, for the highest bidder; and the 
 highest which the Syrians and Phcenicians, who had been Joseph's fellow-tra- 
 vellers into Egypt, would bid for the provinces of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, Judea, 
 and Samaria, amounted to no more than eight thousand talents, Joseph know- 
 ing, from the discourse which they had with each other on the road while he 
 travelled with them, that they we're worth more than twice as much, blamed 
 them for beating down the king's revenues to so low a price, and offered upon 
 them double as much, bidding sixteen thousand talents for those provinces over 
 and above the forfeitures: for he proposed to give so much for the ordinary re- 
 venues only, and to return all the forfeitures besides into the king's treasury, 
 which used before to belong to the farmers. Ptolemy liked very well the ad- 
 vancing of his revenues by so large an augmentation; but, doubting the ability of 
 the bidder to make good his proposal, asked him, what security he would give him 
 for it? Joseph very facetiously replied, that he would give him the security of per- 
 sons beyond all exception; and, when bid to name them, he named the king and 
 queen to be bound to each other for the faithful performance of what he under- 
 took: the king, laughing at the pleasantness of the answer, was so taken with 
 it, that he trusted him upon his own word, without any other securities. Where- 
 on Joseph, having borrowed five hundred talents at Alexandria, and satisfied 
 the king as to his uncle's arrears, was admitted to the trust of being the king's 
 receiver-general of all his revenues in the provinces above mentioned; and 
 having received a guard of two thousand men, at his desire, for the supporting 
 of him in the execution of his office, he immediately left Alexandria to enter 
 on it. On his arrival at A.skelon, and there demanding the king's duties, they 
 not only refused payment, but also affronted him with rude and opprobious lan- 
 guage; whereon, having commanded his soldiers to take up twenty of the rmg- 
 leaders, he executed exemplary justice upon them, and sent their forfeited es- 
 tates to the king, amounting to one thousand talents; and he having done the 
 like at Scythopolis, another city in Palestine, where he was resisted in the same 
 manner, the example which he made of these two places so terrified all the 
 rest, that, after this, every where else the gates were opened to him, and all 
 paid him the king's dues without any more refusal or opposition: of which he 
 having given the king a full account, the prudence and steadiness of his con- 
 duct met with such thorough approbation, that he continued in this office under 
 Ptolemy Euergetes, and Ptolemy Philopator, his son, twenty-two years, till 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes, the son of Philopator, lost those provinces to Antiochus the 
 Great, king of Syria, in the first year of his reign: for there I place the end of 
 the twenty-two years which Josephus assigns him for his continuance in this 
 office, and not in the end of his life, as most others do. For the same Josephus 
 tells us, that he was a young man when he first undertook it;' and, in another 
 place, that he was very old when he sent Hyrcanus his son into Egypt,^ which 
 was some time before "his death. But twenty-two years was too short a time 
 from being young to grow very old; for, supposing him to have been thirty 
 when he first became tax-gatherer for the king of Egypt in Syria and Palestine, 
 twenty -two more would make him but fifty-two; and he could not be said to be 
 old at' that age, and much less at any time before it. Coele-Syria and Palestine 
 had been again restored to Ptolemy Epiphanes, on his marrying Cleopatra, the 
 daughter of Antiochus the Great; and after that it was that Joseph, having been 
 again restored to his office of tax-gatherer in those provinces, sent Hyrcanus 
 into Egypt to congratulate the king on the birth of his eldest son, he being then 
 too old, as Josephus tells us,' to go himself. Allowing the twenty-two years of 
 Joseph's office of tax-gatherer in Ccele-Syria and Palesfine, for the king of Egypt, 
 to end on Antiochus's taking those provinces from Ptolemy Epiphanes, and 
 
 1 Josephns's words are, that he thnn was 11?; ^si- £T.T<v>;>.ixi»v. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 4. _ 
 
 2 Being hindered, saith Josephus, from going himself into Egypt on that occasion, «»« yfii, i. «. t)y reason 
 ef his old age. Antiq. ibid. 3 Antiq. lib. 12. c. 4. 
 
68 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 that, on their being again restored to him, Joseph was again restored to his offices:, 
 and died in it, about the beginning of the reign of Seleucus Philopator in Syria, 
 this will solve all difficulties in the history which Josephus gives us of this 
 matter. That his life could not end with these twenty-two years hath been al- 
 ready shown, for he was an old man before he died; and where then can the 
 end of these twenty-two years of his office be better placed, than where ended 
 in those provinces the authority of the king of Egypt, under which he held it? 
 and this ending of these twenty-two years tells us where they did begin; and 
 that they could not begin sooner than where I have said, the age of Onias suffi- 
 ciently proves, for the history of Josephus tells us,' it was when he was grown 
 very old, which must determine us to the latter end of his life; and it was but 
 eight years before his death where I placed it. They who put the beginning of 
 these twenty-two years higher up, or end them with the end of Jeseph's Ufa (a& 
 most chronologers do both,) can never make Josephus consistent with himself 
 in that relation which he hath given us of this whole matter. 
 
 Seleucus, having continued a prisoner in Parthia till this time,'' there died of 
 a fall from his horse, as he was riding abroad. Athenseus tells us,^ that Arsa- 
 ces maintained him royally during his captivity; but that he released him (as 
 some will have it,) doth not any where appear. Justin tells us, that he died in 
 the mannei- as I have related, being then in banishment,* and having lost his 
 kingdom; which can be understood no otherwise than of the banishment and 
 loss of reigning which he sustained, by being held in captivity by this Parthian 
 king, till he died in it. His wife was Laodice, the sister of Andromachus, one 
 of the generals of his armies. By her he had two sons and a daughter; the 
 sons were Seleucus and Antiochus; the daughter he married to Mithridates, 
 king of Pontus, with whom he gave Phrygia to him in a dowry. 
 
 An. 225. Ptolemy Euergetes 22.] — Seleucus, being the eldest of the sons,* 
 succeeded him in the throne, and took the name of Ceraunus, i. e. the Thun- 
 derer, a title which very little became him; for he was a very weak prince, in 
 body, mind, and purse, and never did any thing worthy of that name. His 
 reign w^as very short, and his authority low, both in the army and the provinces; 
 and that he was supported in either, was owing to his kinsman Achfeus, the son 
 of Andromachus, his mother's brother,^ who, being a wise and valiant man, 
 regulated and guided his affairs, as well as the shattered state his father left 
 them in, would admit. As to Andromachus, he having been taken prisoner by 
 Ptolemy in the wars which he had with Callinicus, was detained a prisoner at 
 Alexandria during all this reign, and some part of the next; till at length the 
 Rhodians, to gain favour with Achaeus, got him released, and sent him to him, 
 while he reigned in Lesser Asia. 
 
 An. 224. Ptolemy Euergetes 23.] — Attalus, king of Pergamus,'' having pos- 
 sessed himself of all Lesser Asia, from Mount Taurus to the Hellespont, Seleu- 
 cus marched with an army against him, leaving Hermias, a Carian, his lieu- 
 tenant in Syria, during his absence. Achteus his kinsman accompanied him 
 in this expedition, and served him in it, as well as the circumstances of his 
 affairs would admit. 
 
 An. 223. Ptolemy Euergetes 24.] — But money being wanting to pay the army, 
 and the Aveakness of the king rendering him contemptible to the soldiers,* Ni- 
 canor and Apaturius, two of his chief commanders, conspired against him, 
 while he lay in Phrygia, and, by poison, put an end to his life. But Achaeus, 
 being then in the army, revenged his death, by cutting off the traitorous authors 
 of it, with all that were concerned with them in the treason; and afterward 
 managed the army with that prudence and resolution, that he not only kept all 
 there in order, but also prevented Attalus from reaping any advantage from this 
 
 1 Antiq. lib. 12. c. 4. 2 Justin, lib. 27. c. 3. 3 Lib. 4. c. 13. 
 
 4 Seleucus, amisso regno, equo prsecipitatiis finitur. Sic fratrcs quasi germauis casibus exules ambo post 
 regnascelerum suorum pcenas lueruiit. Justin, lib. 27. c. 3. 
 
 5 Polybius, lib. 4. p. 315. lib. .5. p. 38(5. Appian in Syriacis. 6 Polybius, lib. 4. p. 317. 7 Ibid. p. 315. 
 8 Polybius, ibid. Appian. in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 29. c. 5. Hieronymus in cap. xi. Danielis. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 69 
 
 accident, which otherwise might have ruined the whole interest of the Syrian 
 empire in those parts. Seleucus dying without children, the army offered 
 Achaeus the crown:' and several of the provinces concurred with them herein. 
 But he then generously refused it, though he was afterward, in a less favourable 
 juncture, forced to assume it in his own defence, having then no other way 
 left to secure himself against the designs Avhich the ministers at court had con- 
 trived for his ruin. At present, instead of taking it to himself, he carefully 
 preserved it for the next lawful successors, Antiochus, the brother of the late 
 deceased king, who was then a minor not exceeding the fifteenth year of his 
 age. When Seleucus marched into Lesser Asia, he sent him to Babylonia to be 
 there educated;* and there he was at the time of Seleucus's death: from whence 
 being sent for to Antioch,^ he there ascended the throne after his brother, and 
 sat on it thirty-six years. By reason of the many great actions done by him, 
 he had the surname of Magnus (i. e. the Great,) Achaeus, the better to secure 
 him in the succession, sent part of the army which followed Seleucus to him 
 into Syria, under the command of Epigenes, one of the most exi^erienced com- 
 manders of the late king; the rest he retained with him in the Lesser Asia, for 
 the support of the Syrian interest in those parts. 
 
 jin. 23-2. Ptolemy Euergetes 25.] — Antiochus,'* on the first settling of his king- 
 dom, sent Molon and Alexander, two brothers, into the east, making the former 
 governor of Media, and the other governor of Persia. All the provinces of 
 Lesser Asia he committed to the charge of Achaeus. Epigenes he made gene- 
 ral of the forces which he kept about him, and retained Hermias the Carian to 
 be his chief minister of state, in the same station which he held under his bro- 
 ther. Achfeus soon recovered all that Attalus had wrested from the Syrian em- 
 pire,^ and reduced him within the narrow limits of his own kingdom of Perga- 
 mus. But Alexander and Molon, "^ despising the youth of the king, as soon as 
 they were settled in the provinces which they were sent to govern, rebelled 
 against him, and set up for themselves, each declaring himself sovereign of the 
 country he had taken possession of. 
 
 While these things were doing, there happened a very violent earthquake in 
 the east, which made great devastations in those parts especially in Caria and 
 the island of Rhodes. In the latter it threw down not only the walls of the city 
 of Rhodes," and their houses, but also the great colossus there erected in the 
 mouth of their harbour, which was one of the seven wonders of the world. It 
 was a prodigious statue of brass,* there erected to the sun, of seventy cubits, or 
 a hundred and five feet in height, and every thing else of it was in proportion 
 hereto. Demetrius Poliorcetes, having for a whole year besieged the city of 
 Rhodes, without being able to take it, at length being wearied out with so long 
 lying there, was content to make peace with them as I have already related in 
 the eighth book of the first part of this history. On his departure thence, he 
 left the Rhodians all his engines and other preparations of war, which he had 
 there provided for the carrying on of that siege. These the Rhodians afterward 
 sold for three hundred talents, with which money, adding other sums thereto, 
 they erected this colossus. The artificer that made it was Chares of Lindus,' 
 who was twelve years in completing the work; and sixty-six years after, it was 
 thrown down by this earthquake. It was begun, therefore, to be made in the 
 year before Christ 300; it was finished in the year 288, and overthrown in the 
 year 222. On this accident, the Rhodians'" sent abroad ambassadors a begging 
 to all the princes and states of the Grecian name or original, who, exaggerating 
 their losses, procured vast sums for the repairing of them, especially from the 
 
 1 Polybius, lib. 4. p. 315. 
 
 2 At Seleucia, which stood in the province of Babylonia, and was then the metropolis of all the eastern 
 parts, instead of Babylon, which was now desolated. 
 
 3 Polvbius, ibid, lib, 5. p. 386. Hieronyniiis in cap. xi. Danielis. Appian. in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 29. c. 1. 
 
 4 Polybius, Hb. 5. p. 386. 5 Idem, lib. 4. p. 315. 6 Idem, lib. 5. p. 386. 
 
 7 Eusebii Chronicon. Oroisus, lib. 4. c. 13. Polybius, lib. 5. p. 428, 429. 
 
 8 Phnius, lib. 34. c. 7. Strabo, lib. 14. p. 6.52; vide etiam Scaligeri Animadversiones in Eusebii Chronicon. 
 No. 1794. p. 137. 9 Plinius, ibid, 10 Polybius, lib. 5. p. 428, 429, 
 
70 COiVNEXION OF THE HISTORV OF 
 
 kings of Egypt, Macedon, Syria, Pontus, and Bithynia, which above f^ve times 
 exceeded the value of their damages. And, when they had got the money, 
 instead of setting up the colossus again (for which most of it was given,') they 
 pretended that an oracle from Delphos forbade it, and put the whole sum into 
 their own pockets; whereby they very much enriched tliemselves. So this 
 colossus lay where it fell, without being any more erected, and there was let 
 lie eight hundred and ninety-four years; till at length, in the year of our Lord 
 672,- Moawias, the sixth caliph or emperor of the Saracens, having taken 
 Rhodes, sold the brass to a Jewish .merchant, who loaded with it nine hundred 
 camels; and, therefore, allowing eight hundred pounds weight to every camel's 
 burden, the brass of this colossus, after the waste of so many years by the rust 
 and wear of the brass itself, and the purloinings and embezzlements of men, 
 amounted to seven hundred and twenty thousand pounds' weight. 
 
 Toward the end of this year died Ptolemy Euergetes,^ king of Egypt, after 
 he had reigned over that kingdom twenty-five years. He was the last king of 
 that race that governed himself with any temper or virtue,^ all that after suc- 
 ceeded being monsters of luxury and vice. After having made peace with 
 Syria, he mostly applied himself to the enlarging of his dominions southward; 
 and he extended them a great way down the Red Sea,* making himself 
 master of all the coasts of it, both on the Arabian as well as the Ethiopian side, 
 even down to the straits through which it dischargeth itself into the Southern 
 Ocean. 
 
 An. 2-21. Ptol. Philopnfor 1.] — On his death, he was succeeded by Ptolemy 
 Philopator his son,*^ a most profligate and vicious young prince.' He was sup- 
 posed to have made away with his father by poison;* and he had not been long 
 on the throne ere he added to that parricide the murder of his mother," and of 
 Magas his brother: and a little after followed the death of Cleomenes, king of 
 Sparta, occasioned by the same measures of wickedness and barbarity. He 
 having been vanquished and driven out of Greece by Antigonus,'" king of Mace- 
 don, fled to Ptolemy Euergetes, and was kindly received by him; but that king 
 a little after dying, he had not that favour from his successor. However, being 
 looked upon as a person of great wisdom and sagacity, Sosibius, who was Philo- 
 pator's chief minister of state, thought fit to communicate to him his master's 
 design of cutting off Magas, his brother, and to ask his advice about it; which 
 Cleomenes, having dissuaded him from, and given some reasons for it which 
 much displeased Sosibius, occasion was taken, from another matter, to cast him 
 into prison: fiom whence having gotten loose, and gathered his friends and fol- 
 lowers together, who came with him from Sparta, he took the advantage of 
 Ptolemy's being absent from Alexandria, to call and excite the people to as- 
 sume their liberty, and free themselves from the tyranny which they were then 
 under: but not succeeding in this attempt, he slew himself in the streets of the 
 city, as did also all the rest that were with him. Plutarch, in his life of Cleo- 
 menes, hath given us a full narative of this matter; and so also hath Polybius in 
 the fifth book of his history. 
 
 Antiochus taking the advantage of Euergetes's death,'' and the succession of 
 so voluptuous and profligate a prince after him, thought it a proper time for 
 him to attempt the recovery of Syria; and Hermias, his prime minister, pressed 
 hard for his going in person to this war, contrary to the opinion of Epigenes, 
 his general, Avho thought it chiefly concerned him to suppress the rebellion of 
 Alexander and Molon in the east; and therefore advised him to march imme- 
 
 I Pnlyl), ibid. Strabo, lib. 14. p. 652. 
 
 52 Znnaras sub regno Constantis Imperatoris Heraclii Nepofis, et Cedrenus. Vide etiam Scaligerum loco 
 modocitalo. 
 
 3 PolybiiKs, lib. 2. p. 155. Justin, lib. 29. c . 1. Plutarch, in Cleomene. Ptolemaius Astronomus in Canone. 
 
 4 Strabi), lib. 17. p. 796. 5 Monunientuni Adulitanuni. 
 C PtnleniJBus Astrnnoiniis inCanone. Eusebiiis in Chronico. 
 
 7 Pliitarchiis in Clemone. Strabo, ibid. Polybius, lib. 5. p. 380, 381. 8 Justin, lib. 29. c. 1. 
 
 9 Plutarchus in Cleomene. Polybius, lib. 5. p. .380. 382. 10 Plutarchus in Cleomene. Polybius, lib. 5. 
 
 II Polybius, lib. 5. p. 387. Justin, lib. iJO.c. 1. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 71 
 
 ddately in person with the main of his army for the subduing of those rebels, 
 before they should gather greater strength in the revolted provinces against him. 
 But the opinion of Hennias taking place, Antiochus marched toward Ccfile- 
 Syria with one part of his army, and sent Zeno and Theodotus Hermiolius, two 
 of his generals, with the other to suppress the rebels, While he was on his 
 march toward Coele-Syria, being arrived at Seleucia near Zeugma, there was 
 brought thither to him Laodice,' the dauo-hter of Mithridates, king; of Pontus, 
 to be his wife, which caused his stay for some time in that place to celebrate 
 the nuptials. But the joy of his marriage was soon interrupted by ill news 
 from the east: for his generals being there overpowered by the joint forces of 
 Alexander and Molon,^ were forced to retire and leave them masters of the 
 field. Hereon Antiochus, inclining to the advice given by Epigenes, resolved 
 to desist from his expedition in Ccele-Syria, and march directly with all his 
 forces into the east for the suppressing of this rebellion, before it should grow 
 to any greater head- But Hermias persisting in his former opinion,^ for the 
 sake of some private views of his own which he had therein, overbore all oppo- 
 sition to it and prevailed with the king to send another general with more forces 
 into the east, and proceed himself in his former intended expedition into Ccele- 
 Syria. The general sent into the east was Xinsetas an Achfean, whose com- 
 mission was to join the forces which were there before under the two former 
 generals, and take upon him the chief command of the whole army. But he 
 came off with worse success than those whom he succeeded; for passing the 
 Tigris,'' he was there drawn into a snare, and circumvented by a stratagem of 
 the enemy's, and he, and all the forces that passed with him, were cut off and 
 destroyed; whereon the rebels made themselves masters of the province of Baby- 
 lonia, and almost all IMesopotamia, without any opposition. In the interim,* 
 Antiochus, proceeding in his expedition in Coele-Syria, penetrated as far as the 
 valley which lieth between the two ridges of mountains called Libanus and 
 Antilibanus; but there he found the passes of those mountains so well fortified, 
 and such resistance made in them by Theodotus, an ^'Etolian, who was there 
 governor for Ptolemy, that he was forced to retreat without making any farther 
 progress that way: and the ill news, which he had by this time received of the 
 loss of Xinsetas and his army in the east, hastened his return; for now being 
 fully convinced that he had nothing else to do but to follow the advice which 
 Epigenes had at first given him,*^ and march in person against the rebels, and 
 all else about him being of the same opinion, he fully resolved on it; and Her- 
 mias durst not say any more against it. But to be revenged on Epigenes, for 
 thwarting his designs herein, he did, by forged letters, fix a plot of treason upon 
 him, and caused him to be cut off for it. In the interim Antiochus, though 
 the year was now far spent, passed the Euphrates, and having there joined his 
 other forces, that he might be nearer at hand for action, the next spring he put 
 his army into winter-quarters in those parts, and there waited the proper season 
 for the beginning of the war. 
 
 Jin. 220. PtoL Philopator 2.] — And, as soon as that approached, he marched 
 directly to the Tigris,' and having passed that river, forced Molon to a battle, 
 wherein he got such an entire victory over him, that the rebel, finding his cause 
 absolutely lost, out of despair slew himself. Alexander was then absent in Per- 
 sia; but Nicolas, another brother, escaping from the battle, brought him the ill 
 news thither: whereon they slew first their mother, then their wives and chil- 
 dren, and lastly themselves, that so they might avoid falling into the hands 
 of the conqueror. And thus ended this rebellion (as it is to be wished aU 
 rebellions might end,) in a most calamitous destruction of all that were con- 
 cerned in it. 
 
 After this victory, the remains of the conquered army submitted to the king,* 
 
 1 Poly bius. lib. 5. p. 388. 2 Idem, lib. 5. p. 389. 3 Idem, p. 300. 
 
 4 Idem, p. 3D1— 393. 5 Idem, p. 390. 6 Idem, lib. 5. p. 393,394. 
 
 7 Idem, lib. 5. p. 395, 396. &.c. 8 Idem, p. 398, 399. 
 
72 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 who, after a severe reprimand upon them for their rebelHon, received them to 
 pardon, and ordered them into Media, under the command of those whom he 
 sent to regulate the affairs of that province; and then returning to Seleucia on 
 the Tigris, there continued, for some time, to give his orders for the resettHng 
 of his authority in the revolted provinces, and the reducing of all things again 
 in them to their former order; which having effected by such proper instru- 
 ments as he thought fit to employ herein, he marched against the Atropatians, 
 a people inhabiting on the west of Media, in the country now called Georgia: 
 Artabazes,' their king, being then a very old man, and grown decrepit with 
 age, was so terrified on the approach of Antiochus with his victorious army, 
 that he sent ambassadors to make his submission, and agreed to peace with him 
 on his own terms. 
 
 By this time Hermias, through his insolence and haughty conduct, growing 
 intolerable to his master,^ as well as to all else, ApoUophanes, the king's physi- 
 cian, who had at all times his ear on the occasions of his health, took the ad- 
 vantage of it to represent unto him the danger he was in from this minister, 
 telling him, that it was time for him to look to himself, and take care that he did 
 not meet with the same fate as his brother did in Phrygia, and be cut off by those 
 he most confided in; that it was manifest Hermias was laying designs for him- 
 self; and that no time was any longer to be lost for the preventing of them. 
 Antiochus, who had the same sentiments with his physician, but had hitherto 
 suppressed them, out of diffidence to whom to communicate them, very gladly 
 received the proposal, and immediately entered on measures for the ridding 
 himself of this odious and dangerous minister; and accordingly, as it had been 
 concerted, having drawn off from the army to accompany him on a walking 
 abroad to take the air, as was pretended, for his health, as soon as he had thus 
 decoyed him, at a convenient distance from all that might give him any assist- 
 ance, he ordered him to be cut off by those that attended him; which was 
 much to the satisfaction of all the provinces of the Syrian empire: for he being 
 a man of great cruelty, pride, and insolence, managed all things with severity 
 and violence, bearing no contradiction to his sentiments, or opposition to any 
 thing he would have done, or suffering any person or thing to stand in his way 
 to what he intended; which drew on him a general odium every where. But 
 no where was there a more signal instance of it, than at Apamea in Syria; for 
 there they no sooner heard of his death, but they fell on his wife and children, 
 whom he had left in that city, and stoned them all to death. 
 
 After this Antiochus having thus successfully managed his affairs in the east, 
 and settled all the provinces there under such governors as he thought he 
 might best confide in,^ he marched back into Syria, and there put his army into 
 winter-quarters; and at Antioch spent the remaining part of the year in con- 
 sulting with his ministers and the officers of his army, about the operations of 
 the next year's war. 
 
 For he had still two dangerous enterprises to undertake for the restoring of 
 the Syrian empire; the first against Ptolemy, for the recovery of Syria, and the 
 other against Achceus, who had made himself master of all Lesser Asia. For 
 Ptolemy Euergetes having, in the beginning of the reign of Seleucus Callini- 
 cus, seized all Syria, as hath been above related, a great part of it was stiU held 
 by his successor the present Egyptian king; and Antiochus had reason to be 
 very uneasy in having him so near a neighbour. And as to Achceus, it hath 
 been already related how he refused the crown, when offered him, on the death 
 of Seleucus Ceraunus; and instead of putting it on his own head, faithfully pre- 
 served it for Antiochus, the next rightful heir. Hereon Antiochus committed 
 to him the government of all his provinces in Lesser Asia; which charge he 
 having managed with that valour and wisdom of conduct, as to recover them all 
 out of the hands of Attalus king of Pergamus, who had in a manner made him- 
 self absolute master of them, this success made him envied by the chief minister 
 
 1 Polybius, lib. 5. p. 400. " 2 IJem. p. 400, 401. 3 Mem. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 73 
 
 and others who had the king's ear at court; and therefore, resolutions being 
 taken to suppress him, forged letters were produced to prove him to have en- 
 tertained traitorous designs for the usurping of the crown, and to hold corres- 
 pondence with Ptolemy, and to be in league with him for this purpose; which 
 Achseus having notice of,' found he had no other way to secure himself against 
 the mischievous machinations of those men, than by doing what he was 
 charged with. And therefore, being necessitated for his own defence to set up 
 for himself, he assumed the crown, which he had before refused, and declared 
 himself king of Asia. So that Antiochus having these two dangerous wars upon 
 his hands, which of these two he should first undertake, either that against 
 Ptolemy for the recovery of Syria, or that against Achajus for the recovery of 
 Lesser Asia, was the matter which was under debate in the king's council. 
 
 ./?7i. 219. Ptolemy Philopator S-l — But, at length, upon full consideration, it 
 being resolved first to reduce all that belonged to the Syrian empire on that 
 side Mount Taurus," before they marched over it against Achteus, the opera- 
 tions of the ensuing campaign were concerted and ordered accordingly. For 
 the garrisons, which the Egyptians had in Syria, being the deepest thorn in 
 their side, and which they were most sensible of, it was thought the best 
 course to remove this first; and therefore, at present, only threatening letters 
 were sent to Achsus, and the whole army rendezvoused at Apamea, to cany 
 the war into Ccele-Syria. But, in a council there held before the march of the 
 army from thence, Apollophanes, the king's physician, having represented how 
 preposterous a thing it was for him to pass into Ccele-Syria, and leave Seleucia, 
 a place so near his capital, in the enemy's hands behind him, he drew all over 
 to him by the reason of the thing: for this city stood upon the same river with 
 Antioch, at the distance only of fifteen miles below it, near the mouth of that 
 river. On Ptolemy Euergetes having invaded Syria in the cause of Berenice 
 his sister, which hath been above related, he seized this city; and a garrison 
 of Egyptians having been then placed in it, they had held the place ever since, 
 now full twenty-seven years; which was not only a constant annoyance to the 
 Antiochians, but also intercepted their communication with the sea, and spoiled 
 all their trade that way: for Seleucia, lying near the mouth of the River 
 Orontes, was the sea-port to Antioch; and they suffered much by being de- 
 prived of it. All which being set forth by Apollophanes, in his representation 
 of this matter, it fully determined the king, and all his council, to follow the 
 measures he proposed, and began the campaign with the siege of Seleucia; and 
 accordingly the whole army marched thither,^ and invested that place; and 
 having carried it by a general assault, drove the Egyptians thence. 
 
 After this Antiochus hastened into Ccele-Syria, ■* being called thither by Theo- 
 dotus, the ^tolian, Ptolemy's governor of that province, with offer of putting 
 the whole country into his hands. It hath been already related, how valiantly 
 he repulsed Antiochus in his last eruption into tlnat country. But this was not 
 enough to please those who governed at court; they expected more from him, 
 which they imagined was in his power to have done, and therefore called him 
 to Alexandria, to answer for it at the peril of his head. And although he was 
 acquitted, on the hearing of his cause, and sent back to his government, yet he 
 did not acquit them of the wrong they did him by this injurious accusation, but 
 returned into Ccele-Syria with such resentment and indignation, for this ill usage 
 and affront, that he resolved to be revenged for it. And, while he attended his 
 cause at court, having observed in how vile and dissolute a manner all lived 
 there, this augmented his indignation, he not being able to bear, with any pa- 
 tience his being made obnoxious to so despicable a set of men; for nothing 
 could be more lewd and abominable than the conduct of Philopator, during all 
 the time of his reign; and his whole court was formed after his example. He 
 is said to have poisoned his father; and he made this the more believed, that, 
 after his decease, he openly and avowedly put to death Berenice his mother, 
 
 1 Polybius, lib. 5. p. 401. 2 Mem. p. 402. 3 Idem. p. 404, 405. 4 Wem. 405, 406. 
 
 Vol. II.— 10 
 
74 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 and Magas his only brother: and then, thinking himself free from all control 
 and tear of danger, he gave himself up to the vilest entertainments of lust, luxu- 
 ry, and bestiality, minding little else than the glutting of himself in all the 
 pleasures which these most detestable vices could afford him. His chief minis- 
 ter was Sosibius,' a man bad enough to suit the service of such a master, and 
 crafty enough to know and use all the means whereby best to secure his interest 
 under him. But those that most governed him were Agathocles, Agathoclea 
 his sister, and CEnanthe their mother.^ The first was his pathic, the second his 
 concubine, and the last his bawd, to serve in providing for the worst of his lusts. 
 Agathoclea was at first a public woman and a common strumpet; but having 
 engaged Philopator's affection, she had an absolute ascendant over him all his 
 life after, and his love to her was the foundation on which was built his favour 
 to the other two. Theodotus, on his being at Alexandria, having observed all 
 this, could not but abhor so vile a conduct, and being a gallant man, scorned to 
 be any longer under it; and this, with his resentments for his ill usage, put upon 
 him a resolution of seeking for a new master, that might be more worthy of his 
 service. And therelore, on his return to his province, having seized Tyre and 
 Ptolemais, he declared for King Antiochus, and sent him the message I have 
 mentioned, to call him into those parts, and, on his arrival, delivered to him 
 these two cities; whereby he put him in a fair way of becommg master of all 
 the rest of that country. Nicolas, one of Ptolemy's generals in those parts, 
 made some opposition to him in this invasion, although not sufficient to obstruct 
 his progress; for although he were a countryman of Theodotus's, as being an 
 ^tolian, yet he would not join with him in this defection, but still adhered to 
 the interest of King Ptolemy, according to his first engagements to him; and 
 therefore, as soon as Theodotus had seized Ptolmais, he besieged him in it; and 
 on Antiochus marching thither to raise the siege, he seized the passes of Mount 
 Libanus against him, and defended them to the utmost; but being overborne by 
 the superior power of Antiochus, he was forced to recede, and Antiochus had 
 thereon Tyre and Ptolemais put into his hands by Theodotus; where having 
 found great magazines of war which Ptolemy had in these two places prepared 
 and laid up for his army, and also a fleet of forty sail of ships, he seized both 
 for his service. The ships he delivered to Diognetus, his admiral, with orders 
 to sail to Pelusium, purposing, at the same time, to march thither by land with 
 all his army, and invade Egypt. But being informed, that at that time of the 
 year the banks of the Nile used to be cut, and all the country laid under water, 
 and that therefore in invading of that realm was then impracticable, he altered 
 his purpose, and turned all his force for the reducing of the rest of Ccele-Syria; 
 and having taken some places in it by surrender, and others by force, he at 
 length made himself master of Damascus, the chief city of the province, having 
 taken it by a stratagem,^ with which he overreached Dinon, who had the com- 
 mand of it for King Ptolemy. His last attempt in this campaign was upon 
 Dora,'' a maritime town near Mount Carmel, called Dor,* in the holy scriptures; 
 but the place being strongly situated, and well fortified and provided for by the 
 care of Nicolas, he could make no impression upon it; and therefore was glad 
 to accept of a proposal, which was there offered him, of making a truce with 
 Ptolemy for four months; and thereon drawing off under the credit of it, he 
 marched back to Seleucia on the Orontes, and there put his army into winter- 
 quarters, leaving those places which he had taken in this year's war under the 
 care and government of Theodotus the iEtolian. 
 
 During this truce," a treaty was set on foot between the two contending 
 princes, but without any other design on either side than to gain time. Ptolemy 
 lacked it to make preparation for the ensuing war and Antiochus to look after 
 
 1 Plntarcli. in Cleomene. Valesii Excerpta ex Polybio, p. 64. 
 
 2 Plutarch, ibid. AthcMi. lib 13. p. 577. Justin, lib. 30. c. 1, 2. 
 
 3 Polysnus, lib. 4. c. 15. 4 Polybius lib. 5. p. 409. 
 
 5 Joshua xi. 3. xvii. II. Judges i. 27. 1 Kings iv. 11. 1 Chron. vii. 29. 6 Polybius, lib. 5. p. 409—411. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 75 
 
 AchffiUS; for he having now manifest designs of usurping Syria from him, as 
 well as Lesser Asia, he wanted to be at home to provide against them. In this 
 treaty, the chief point in debate was, to whom Coele-Syria, Phcenicia, Samaria, 
 and Judea, did belong, by virtue of the partition that was made of Alexander's 
 empire between Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus, after the death 
 of Antigonus, slain in the battle of Ipsus. Ptolemy claimed these provinces, 
 as having been by that treaty assigned, as he said, to Ptolemy Soter, his great 
 grandfather. On the other side, Antigonus alleged, that they had in that parti- 
 tion been assigned to Seleucus Nicator, and therefore he claimed thera to 
 belong to him, as the heir and successor of that king in the Syrian empire. 
 
 ^n. 218. Pto], Philopator 4.] — While these pretences were alleged on both 
 sides, and neither yielded to the other, the time of the truce wore out; and no- 
 thing being eifected by the treaty," both parties again provided for the war. 
 Nicolas the ^Etolian, having given sufEcient proof of his valour and fidelity in 
 his last year's service for King Ptolemy, was this year made his generalissimo 
 for this war, and had the whole care of his interest in the contested provinces 
 committed to his charge; and Perigenes, his admiral, was sent with a fleet to 
 carry on the war by sea. Nicolas, having rendezvoused his forces at Gaza, and 
 being there furnished from Egypt with all necessary accoutrements and provi- 
 sions for the war, marched directly from thence for Mount Libanus, and seized 
 the straits which lay between that ridge of mountains and the sea, through 
 which it was necessary for Antiochus to pass, resolving to expect him there, 
 and, by the advantge of the place, obstruct his farther progress that way. In 
 the interim Antiochus was not idle; but having made all due preparations for 
 the war, both by sea and land, committed his fleet to the command of Dlogne- 
 tus, his admiral, and then marched himself with his army by land. The fleets 
 on both sides coasting the armies, as they marched by land, they all met at 
 those straits where Nicolas had posted himself; and while Antiochus there as- 
 saulted Nicolas by land, the fleets encountered at sea, and the battle was begun 
 on both sides both by sea and land at the same time, and in sight of each other. 
 At sea, the fight ended upon equal terms on both sides, neither party getting 
 the better of the other. But at land, Antiochus having gotten the advantage, 
 Nicolas was forced to retire to the Sidon, with the loss of four thousand of his 
 men slain and taken; and thither also Perigenes followed him with the Egyptian 
 fleet. Antiochus pursued them hither both by sea and land, with intention to 
 besiege the place; but finding it too strongly provided with men, and all other 
 necessaries to be easily taken, he thought not fit to sit down before it; but, 
 having sent his fleet to Tyre, he marched with his army into Galilee, and, having 
 taken Philoteria, on the north end of the sea of Tiberias, and Scythopolis, or 
 Bethsan, on the south end, he marched to Attabyrium, a city situated on Mount 
 Tabor, the mountain afterward made famous by the transfiguration of our Sa- 
 viour on it, and by a stratagem soon made himself master of the place: and, 
 by taking these cities, having brought all Galilee under him, he marched over 
 the River Jordan into the land of Gilead, and took possession of all that coun- 
 try, which formerly had been the inheritance of the tribes of Reuben and Gad, 
 and the half tribe of Manasseh, on that side of the river. After that he took 
 Rabbah of the children of Ammon. Polybius calls it Rabbatamany {i. e. Rab- 
 bath-Ammon.-) I have shown before, how Ptolemy Philadelphus, having re- 
 built this city, called it Philadelphia. It being strong and populous, it made a 
 vigorous resistance against Antiochus and all his army; but at length he brought 
 them to a surrender, by stopping their water-course. On his making himself 
 master of this place, he forced all the neighbouring Arabs to submit to him. 
 But, by this time, the year being far spent, he repassed the River Jordan, and 
 having placed Hippolochus and Kerseus (who lately revolted to him from King 
 
 1 Polybius, lib, 5. p. 411, 412, &c. 
 
 2 So Rabbah of Ammon is written in the Hebrew language; see the Hebrew text, Deut. iii. II. 2 Sam. xii. 
 86. Jer. xlix. 2. 
 
76 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Ptolemy) in the government of Samaria, with five thousand men, to keep that 
 part of the country in quiet, he led back all the rest of his forces to Ptolemais, 
 and there put them into winter-quarters. 
 
 An. 217. Ptol. Philopator 5.] — As soon as the spring begun,' both parties 
 again took the field. Ptolemy, having gotten together an army of seventy thou- 
 sand foot, five thousand horse, and seventy-three elephants, ordered them to 
 rendezvous at Pelusium; where, putting himself at the head of them, as soon 
 as all was got ready for the march, he led them over the deserts that parted 
 Egypt and Palestine, and encamped at Raphia, a town lying between Rhino- 
 corura and Gaza: and there Antiochus met him with an army little inferior to 
 his; for he had sixty-two thousand foot, six thousand horse, and a hundred and 
 two elephants; and there he encamped, first within ten furlongs, and afterward 
 within five of the enemy. While they lay thus near to each other, many bick- 
 erings happened between parties, as they went out on each side, either for 
 watering or forage, and many bold adventures were made by particular persons 
 from both armies. But that of Theodotus the iEtolian was the most remarka- 
 ble: for, being well acquainted with the Egyptian usages,^ as having long served 
 Ptolemy, till he revolted from him to Antiochus, he took the advantage of a 
 dusky evening, when his face could not be well discerned, to enter into the 
 enemy's camp with two companions, and, being there taken for one of them, 
 went in Ptolemy's tent with design to have killed him, and with that one stroke 
 to have put an end to the war. But not finding him there, he slew his chief 
 physician instead of him, wounded two others, and then, amidst the hurry and 
 tumult raised hereon, escaped safe back again into his own camp. At length 
 both kings drew out all their forces for a decisive battle,^ and both rode before 
 the front of their respective armies, to excite and encourage their men for the 
 fight. Arsinoe, who was sister and wife to King Ptolemy, accompanied him in 
 this action, and not only exerted herself in the encouraging of the soldiers be- 
 fore the fight, but also continued with her husband in the battle throughout all 
 the heat and dangers of it. The event of the battle was, Antiochus, command- 
 ing the right wing, routed the opposite wing of the enemy; but, pursuing them 
 too far, in the interim, the other wing of the enemy: having beaten his left 
 wing, fell upon the main body, then left naked, and utterly broke them, before 
 he could return to their assistance. An old officer of Antiochus's army, ob- 
 serving which way the cloud of dust went, concluded from thence that the 
 main body was routed, and showed it to the king. But although he immedi- 
 ately returned, he came too late to recover this fault, finding all the rest of his 
 army put to flight on his coming back to them. Hereon he was forced to re- 
 treat, first to Raphia, and next to Gaza, with the loss of ten thousand of his 
 men slain, and four thousand taken prisoners: after which, being no more able 
 to make head against Ptolemy in those parts, he quitted them to the conqueror, 
 and, having- gathered together the remains of his broken forces, he returned 
 with them to Antioch. This battle at Raphia was fought at the same time that 
 Hannibal vanquished Flaminius, the Roman consul, at the lake of Thrasimenus, 
 in Hetruria. 
 
 On the retreat of Antiochus,^ the cities of Ccele-Syria and Palestine were at a 
 strife which of them should first yield themselves again to Ptolemy: for having 
 been long under the government of the Egyptians, they were in their affections 
 inclined rather to their old masters than to Antiochus. It was only by force that 
 they had submitted to the latter; and therefore, tliat force being now removed, 
 they returned again to their former bent, and Ptolemy's court was thronged with 
 ambassadors from them to make their submissions, and ofler presents unto him; 
 among whom were ambassadors from the Jews, who were all kindly received. 
 Ptolemy, having thus regained these provinces, made a progress through them; 
 
 1 Polibius, lib. 5. p. 421, 422, &c. Hieronymus in cap. xi. Danielis. 2 Polyb. lib. 5. p. 423. 3 Maccab. c 1, 
 
 3 Polybius, lib. 5. p. 423—427. 3 Maccab. c. 1. Hieronymus, ibid. Justin, lib. 30. c. 1. 
 
 4 Polybius, lib. 3. p. 427, 428. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 77 
 
 and, among other cities which he visited in this perambulation,' Jerusalem was 
 one that had this favour from him. On his arrival thither, he took a view of the 
 temple, and there offered up many sacrifices to the God of Israel, and made 
 many oblations to the temple, and gave several very valuable donatives to it. 
 But, not being content to view it only from the outer court, beyond which it was 
 not lawful for any gentile to pass, he would have pressed into the sanctuary it- 
 self, and into the holy of holies in the temple, where none but the high-priest 
 only, once a year, on the great day of expiation, was to enter. This made a 
 great uproar all over the city. The high-priest informed him of the sacredness 
 of the place, and the law of God which forbade his entrance thither. And the 
 priests and Levites gathered together to hinder it, and all the people to depre- 
 cate it; and great lamentation was made every where among them on the ap- 
 prehension of the great profanation which would hereby be offered to their holy 
 temple, and all hands were lifted up unto God in prayer to avert it. But the 
 king, the more he was opposed, growing the more intent to have his will in this 
 matter, pressed into the inner court; but, as he was passing farther to go into the 
 temple itself, he was smitten from God with such a terror and confusion of mind, 
 that he was carried out of the place in a manner half dead. On this he departed 
 from Jerusalem, filled with g^reat wrath against the whole nation of the Jews, for 
 that which happened to him in that place, and venting many threatenmgs against 
 them for it. 
 
 The high-priest who withstood Ptolemy in this attempt upon the temple was 
 Simon," the son of Onias, the second of that name: for, his father dying towards 
 the end of the former year, he succeeded him in his office; and this was the first 
 year of his pontificate: and it was well that a wiser man was then in that office 
 when this difficulty happened; for, during the whole time of Onias's ministra- 
 tion, all the affairs of the Jews were, both in church and state, very negligently 
 and supinely managed; for he being a very weak man, and withal exceedingly 
 covetous, minded little else but how to heap up money. The Samaritans,^ ob- 
 serving this, took the advantage of it to be very vexatious to the Jews, and, out 
 of their old enmity to them, did them many and great damages, plundering 
 and ravaging their country, and carrying many of the inhabitants into captivity, 
 and selling them for slaves; and this they had in some measure practised 
 ever since the contention arose between Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator 
 about the provinces of Ccele-Syria and Palestine, screening themselves some- 
 times under the one side, and sometimes under the other, according as they 
 found they might be the most vexatious to the Jews; and, during all the time 
 that this war lasted, the Jews suffered very much by it from both parties, as did 
 all the rest of the inhabitants of Palestine: for Palestine, of which Judea was a 
 part, being one of the countries in contest, while these two potent princes thus 
 strove for it, it happened to those that dwelt in it (as usually it doth to all others- 
 in this case,) that they were ground between both; for, as sometimes the one 
 side, and sometimes the other, were masters of the country, they were sure to 
 be harassed by each in their turns: and this continued to be their case as long 
 as that contest lasted, and they suffered exceedingly by it. 
 
 Antiochus, as soon as he was returned to Antioch,* sent ambassadors to Ptolemy 
 to move for peace. That which induced him to this was, he mistrusted the 
 fidelity of his own people, finding, on his return, both his interest and his au- 
 thority much sunk by his late misfortune at Raphia: and another reason for it 
 was, it was time for him to look after Acheeus; for he having, by his victories 
 over Attalus, made himself absolute master of all Lesser Asia, should he be let alone 
 to settle his authority there, Antiochus well saw it would not be long ere he 
 must expect him in Syria, there to push for the whole empire: to prevent this, 
 he thought it his best course to make peace with Ptolemy, lest, having two such 
 
 2 3 Maccab. c. 2. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 4. Eusebius in Cronicon. Chronicon Alexandrinum. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antjq. lib. 12. c. 3, 4 Polybius, lib. 5. p. 428. Justin, lib. 30. c. 1. Hieronymus in cap. xi. Dan. 
 
78 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 powerful enemies, one on each hand of him, to deal with at the same time, he 
 should be crushed between them; and therefore he empowered his ambassadors 
 to yield to Ptolemy all those provinces which were in contest between them, 
 that is, all Ccele-Syria and Palestine. I have before shown that Ccele-Syria 
 contained that part of Syria that lay between the mountains Libanus and Anti- 
 Libanus; and Palestine, all that country which was formerly the inheritance of 
 the children of Isi-ael, and that the maritime parts of both were what the Greeks 
 called Phoenicia. All this Antiochus was willing to part with to the king of 
 Egypt, for the obtaining of peace with him in the present juncture, choosing ra- 
 ther to quit his claim to all these countries, than for the sake of them to run the 
 risk of losing all the rest. And accordingly a truce being agreed on for a year, 
 before that was expired, a peace was made upon the terms proposed: and hereby 
 Antiochus was left wholly at leisure to attend the recovery of Lesser Asia, and 
 the suppressing of Achaius, which was a matter of much greater moment unto 
 him at this time; and Ptolemy, that he might be again fully at liberty to follow 
 his voluptuous enjoyments, was as fond of being rid of this war as the other. 
 And therefore, as soon as the truce was concluded, after having tarried three 
 months in those provinces to settle his affairs in them, he committed the chief 
 command over them to Andromachus of Aspendus, and returned again to Alex- 
 andria; and, on his arrival thither, immersed himself again deeper than ever in 
 all the beastly pleasures of his former life; and, that he might not be interrupted 
 in his enjoyment of them, he sent Sosibius, his chief minister, to Antioch, to 
 turn the truce into a peace, which Avas accordingly done on the terms I have 
 mentioned. And thus Ptolemy, for the sake of his lusts, contenting himself with 
 the recovery of the provinces of Coele-Syria and Palestine, made no other ad- 
 vantage of his victory at Raphia: but this did not content his people, who ex- 
 pected much more from it. It is certain, had he pursued that blow, he might 
 have deprived Antiochus not only of Palestine and Coele-Syria, but of all the 
 rest of his empire; and this was what the Egyptians would have had done, and 
 were very angry when they found themselves disappointed of it by so disadvan- 
 tageous a peace. The discontent which followed herefrom gave rise to those 
 disorders in Egypt, which soon after broke out into a rebellion; and thus Ptolemy, 
 by avoiding a war abroad, caused one at home in his own kingdom. 
 
 An. 2 J 6. Piol. Philopntor 6.] — Ptolemy, on his return to Alexandria, carry- 
 ing thither with him his anger against the Jews for their obstructing his en- 
 trance into their temple at Jerusalem, resolved to be revenged for it on all of 
 that nation who were then at Alexandria. And therefore he published a de- 
 cree,' and caused it to be engraven on a pillar erected at the gates of his pa- 
 lace, whereby he forbade all to enter thither that did not sacrifice to the gods 
 which he worshipped; whereby he excluded the Jews from all access to him, 
 either for the suing to him for justice, or the obtaining of his protection, in what 
 case soever they should stand in need of it. And whereas the inhabitants of 
 Alexandria were of three ranks;'^ 1st, The Macedonians, who were the original 
 founders of the city, and had the first right in it; 2dly, The mercenary soldiers, 
 who came thither to serve in the army; and, 3dly, The native Egyptians; and, 
 by the favour of Alexander the Great and Ptolemy Soter, the Jews were en- 
 rolled among the first rank,^ and had all the privileges of original Macedonians 
 confered on them, Philopator resolved to deprive them of this right; and there- 
 fore, by another decree," ordered that all of the Jewish nation that lived in 
 Alexandria should be degraded from the first rank, of which they had hitherto 
 always been from the first founding of the city, and be enrolled in the third 
 rank, among the common people of Egypt; and that all of them should come 
 thus to be enrolled, and, at the time of their enrolment, have the mark of an 
 ivy leaf,* the badge of his god Bacchus, by a hot iron impressed upon them; 
 and that all those who should refuse to be thus enrolled, and stigmatized with 
 
 1 3 Maccab. c. 2. 2 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 797. 3 Josephu8 Antiq. lib. 12. c. 1. et contra Apionem, lib. 2. 
 
 4 3 Maccab. c. 2. 5 2 Maccab. vi. 7. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 79 
 
 the said mark, should be made slaves; and that, if any of them should stand 
 out against this decree, he should be put to death. He would have them 
 marked with the badge of his god Bacchus, not only in that, by his drunken- 
 ness, he had made himself a great devotee of his, but most especially in that 
 the Ptolemies of Egypt pretended to derive their pedigree from him, and there- 
 fore he himself was marked with this badge;' for which reason they gave him 
 the nickname of Gallus,^ because the priests called Galli were so marked. So 
 saith the author of the Greek Etymologicon: his words are,'' " Ptolemy Philo- 
 pator was called Gallus, because he was stigmatized or marked with the leaf of 
 an ivy, in the same manner as the priests called Galli; for in all the Bacchanal 
 solemnities they were crowned w^ith ivy." But that he might not seem an 
 enemy to all of that nation, he ordained, that as many of them as would be ini- 
 tiated into the heathen religion, and sacrifice unto his gods, should retain their 
 former privileges, and remain still in the same rank, which they were of be- 
 fore. But, of the many thousands of the Jewish race which then dwelt at 
 Alexandria, there were found only three hundred who accepted of this condi- 
 tion, and forsook their God to gain the favour of their king. The rest stood all 
 firm to their religion, rather choosing to suffer any thing than depart in the 
 least from it; and those of them that had riches freely parted with them to the 
 king's officers, to get themselves excused from being thus enrolled and stigma- 
 tized; but others were forced to submit hereto. But all of them so abhorred 
 those that apostatized from their God, to please the king on this occasion, that 
 they thenceforth excluded them from all manner of communication with them, 
 none of them vouchsafing after that to converse, or, on any occasion whatso- 
 ever, to have any more to do with such impious wretches: which being inter- 
 preted as done by them in opposition to the king's authority, this so enraged 
 him against them,'' that he took a resolution of destroying them all; that is, not 
 only those Jews that were of Alexandria, but all the other of that nation, where- 
 soever they lived, Avithin his dominions, purposing first to begin with those of 
 Egypt, and then to proceed, in the next place, against the inhabitants of Ju- 
 dea and Jerusalem, and extirpate the whole nation. And therefore, in the first 
 place, he sent out his orders to command that all the Jews, who lived any where 
 in Egypt, should be brought in chains to Alexandria; and having them accord- 
 ingly thus brought thither,^ he shut them up in the Hippodrome (a large place 
 without the city, where the people used to assemble to see horse-races, and 
 other shows,) purposing there to expose them for a spectacle to be destroyed by 
 his elephants. But when they were all met,*^ at the day appointed, to see the 
 sight, and the elephants were brought forth ready prepared for the execution, 
 they were disappointed of the show for that day by the king's absence; for, 
 being late up the night before at a drunken carousal, he slept so long the next 
 day, that the time for the show was over before he awoke, whereon it was put 
 off to the next day following; and then the same cause made another disap- 
 pointment: for another such fit of drunkenness had so drowned his thoughts, 
 that, when called up the next morning then to see the show, he remembered 
 nothing of it, but thought those out of their wits who spoke to him of it; which 
 caused that the show was put off again to the third day. All this while the 
 Jews continuing shut up in the Hippodrome, ceased not, with lifted up hands 
 and voices, to pray unto God for their deliverance, which he accordingly vouch- 
 safed unto them; for, on the third day, when the king was present, and the 
 elephants were brought forth, and made drunk with wine mingled with frank- 
 incense (as they had been the two days before,) that they might with the more 
 rage execute what was intended upon those people, and were accordingly let 
 loose upon them, instead of falling upon the Jews, they turned their rage all 
 upon those who came to see the show, and destroyed great numbers of them; 
 
 1 Theopliilus Antiochenus ex Satyri Historia. 
 
 2 'E" "E^'Tc/ji, Xpov*", a Scaligero edita, p. 254. Cliron. Alezandrin. 
 
 3 Tx\Ko; *i>.ojraTuj(> llrciKi/ixitif Six to <fu^\x mu-a-au %.xioltt i%^xi m{ oi TstWoi, fee. 
 
 4 3Maccab. c. 3. S Ibid. c. 4. C Ibid. c. 5. 
 
so CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 and besides, several appearances were seen in the air, which much frighted the 
 king and all the spectators. AU which manifesting the interposal of a divine 
 power in the protection of those people, Phiiopator durst not any longer prose- 
 cute his rage against them, but ordered them to be all again set free; and fear- 
 ing the divine vengeance upon him in their behalf, for the appeasing and divert- 
 ing of it, he restored them to all their privileges, rescinding and revoking all 
 his decrees which he had published against them: and he added over and above 
 many gifts and favours unto them; among which one was, that he gave them 
 liberty to put to death all those Jews who had apostatized from their religion; 
 which they accordingly executed, not sparing a man of them. Josephus gives 
 us no account, in his Antiquities, of all this matter; but there is mention of it 
 in his second book against Apion. But it is to be observed, that we have this 
 only in the Latin edition of Ruffinus: for the Greek text is there wanting; and 
 also there this whole matter is said to be transacted in the reign of Ptolemy 
 Physcon, many years after the time where I have here placed it, according to 
 the third book of the Maccabees; for there the whole history of this persecution, 
 and the deliverance of the Jews from it, is at large related, it being the whole 
 subject of that book; and therein it is said to have been all transacted in the 
 reign of Ptolemy Phiiopator, immediatel}" on his return from Syria, after the 
 victory obtained by him at the battle of Raphia; and when that battle was fought, 
 Polybius and other authors have told us. 
 
 The name of Maccabees was first given to Judas and his brethren, for the 
 reason v.'hich will be hereafter mentioned; and, therefore, the first book and 
 the second book which give us an account of their actions, are called the first 
 book and the second book of the Maccabees. But, because they were sufferers 
 in the cause of their religion, hence others, who were like sufferers in the same 
 cause, and by their sufferings bore witness to the truth, were in after-times call- 
 ed also Maccabees by the Jews. And for this reason it is that Josephus, having 
 written apart by itself the history of those who suffered martyrdom under the 
 persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, gives it the title of the Maccabees; and, 
 for the same reason, this history of the persecution of Ptolemy Phiiopator 
 against the Jews in Egypt, and their sufferings under it, is called the third 
 book of Maccabees, although, as to the subject-matter of it, it ought to be called 
 the first book; for the things which it relates were first in order of time, as be- 
 ing transacted before ever those Maccabeec, of whom we have the history in 
 the first and second books of the Maccabees, were at all in being. But this 
 book, being of less authority and repute than the other two, it hath, for this 
 reason, been reckoned after them, according to the order of dignity, though it 
 is before them in the order of time. It seems to have been written by some 
 Alexandrian Jew, in the Greek language, not long after the time of Siracides. 
 What is related in the beginning of it, concerning the exploit of Theodotus, 
 the battle of Raphia, and Arsinoe's accompanying her husband in it, is mani- 
 festly taken from Polybius; and, therefore, it must have been written after the 
 publication of that history. It is extant in Syriac; but the author of that ver- 
 sion seems not well to have understood the Greek original; for, in some places, 
 he varies from it through manifest ignorance of the Greek language. It is in 
 most of the ancient manuscript copies of the Greek Septuagint; as particularly 
 it is in the Alexandrian manuscript, in the king's library at St. James's, and in 
 the Vatican manuscripts at Rome, which are two of the ancientest manuscripts 
 of the Septuagint now in being; but was never inserted into the Vulgar Latin 
 version of the Bible, or is it to be found in any manuscript of it. And that 
 version being only in use through the whole western church till the Reforma- 
 tion, the first translations which we have of the Bible into English were made 
 from thence; and, for that reason, none of those having the third book of Mac- 
 cabees among the apocryphal books, it hath never since been added, though it 
 deserves a place there much better than some parts of the second book of Mac- 
 cabees: for though it comes to us in a romantic dress, with some enlargements 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 81 
 
 and embellishments of a Jewish invention, yet it is not to be doubted but the 
 ground-work of it is true; and that there really was such a persecution raised 
 against the Jews of Alexandria by Ptolemy Philopator as that book relates, 
 there are accounts of other persecutions' they there underwent, altogether as 
 bad, which no one doubts of. The first authentic mention we have of this 
 book is in Eusebius's Chronicon.^ It is also named with the other two books 
 of the Maccabees in the eighty-fifth of the apostolic canons. But when that 
 canon was added is uncertain. Some manuscript Greek Bibles have not only 
 this third book of the Maccabees, but also Josephus's history of the martyrs, 
 that suffered under Antiochus Epiphanes,^ inserted after it by the name of the 
 fourth book of the Maccabees. 
 
 In the interim Antiochus, after the peace made with Ptolemy, turning all his 
 thoughts to the making of war against Achaius, and having made great prepa- 
 rations for it,* marched over Mount Tavu'us into Lesser Asia for the suppress- 
 ing of him; where, having joined himself in league with Attalus, king of Per- 
 gamus, by virtue of this conjunction he so distressed Achaeus, that he drove 
 him out of the field, and shut him up in Sardis, and thereon sitting down before 
 that place, he besieged him in it with his whole army. 
 
 An. 215. Ptol. Philopator 7.] — Achaeus* there held out above a year against 
 him. In the interim many sallies were made, and many skirmishes were 
 fought under the walls; till, at length, in the second year of the siege, by the 
 craft of Ligoras, one of Antiochus's commanders, the city was taken; whereon 
 Achaeus retreated into the castle, and there defended himself for some timCj 
 till at last he was, by the treacherous contrivance of two crafty Cretans, de- 
 livered into the hands of Antiochus. The manner of it was thus:^ Ptolemy 
 Philopator, having entered into a strict alliance with Achseus, was much con- 
 cerned on his hearing of his being' so closely shut up in the castle of Sardis, 
 and therefore committed it to the care of his chief minister Sosibius, by any 
 means possible, to get him out of this- danger. There being at that time in 
 Ptolemy's court a crafty Cretan called Bolis, who had long resided there, Sosi- 
 bius consulted with him about this matter, and asked his advice for the finding 
 out of proper means for the accomplishing of what his master desired. Bolis 
 asking time to consider of it, at the next conference undertook the matter, and 
 communicated to him the way which he thought of whereby to accomplish it; 
 for he told him that he had an intimate friend, who was also a near relation of 
 his, called Cambylus, that was captain of the Cretan mercenaries in Antiochus's 
 army, and had then the keeping of a fortress behind the castle at Sardis: that 
 him he would deal with to permit Achceus to make his escape that way. Sosi- 
 bius approving of the project, forthwith sent Bolis to Sardis to put it in execu- 
 tion, and gave him ten talents to bear him through in it. Bolis having com- 
 municated the matter fo Cambylus, they, hke two crafty knaves,'' consulted 
 together how to make the most of it, agreed to discover the whole to Antiochus; 
 and, on his promise of a suitable reward to turn the plot for the betraying of 
 AchfEus into his hands, and then divide that reward, and also the ten talents 
 which Bolis had from Sosibius between them. Antiochus, on his receiving of 
 this proposal, was much pleased with it, and promised rewards large enough to 
 encourage the undertakers to go on with the plot. Bolis, by the means of Cam- 
 bylus, having got into the castle, and by virtue of his credentials from Sosibius, 
 and other friends, gained full credit with the unfortunate prince; so that he was 
 hereby induced to put himself into the hands of these two false Cretans: they; 
 as soon as they had gotten him out of the castle, seized his person and deliver- 
 ed him to Antiochus; who having caused him forthwith to be beheaded, did 
 thereby put an end to the Asian war: for as soon as the death of Achaeus was 
 
 1 See Philo's book against Flaccus, and the history of.Iiis embassy to Caligula. 
 
 2 Pacp 185. 3 Vide Horiiumde ISibliorum Textibus Originalibiis, 649. ■ 
 
 4 Poiybius, lib. 5. p. 444. 446. .'i Ibid. lib. 7. p. 506, 507. 6 Ibid. lib. 8. p. 522, 523, tc 
 
 7 Tlie Cretans wore aUvays infamous for falseness and knavery. Hence St. Paul to Titus, chap. i. 13. 
 " The Cretans are always liare." 
 
 Vol. II.— 11 
 
&i CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 known, they that were in the castle forthwith surrendered; and soon after, aU 
 the other places through the Asian provinces did the same: and therefore An- 
 tiochus, having received them all again under his obedience, left such governors 
 over them as he might best confide in, and then returned again to Antioch. 
 
 j^n. 213. Pfol. Philopator 9.] — About this time the discontents of the Egyp- 
 tians against Philopator, which I have above mentioned, broke out into a civil 
 war. Polybius' tells us, that there was such a war; but neither he nor any other 
 author gives us any account of the event of it. But Philopator still retaining 
 his royal dignity and power, without any diminution of either, this sufficiently 
 proves that he mastered this difficulty. Which side the Jews (who now made a 
 considerable part of the bulk of the people of Egypt) took in this war is not 
 said; but it seems most likely that they were of that party which came by the 
 worst: for Eusebius" tells us, that about this time forty thousand of them were 
 cut off and destroyed. 
 
 An. 21*2. Ptol. Philopator 10.] — Antiochus, having settled his affairs in Lesser 
 Asia,' made an expedition into the east for the reducing of those provinces which 
 had revolted from the Syrian empire; and the Parthians having lately seized 
 Media, his first attempt was upon that province. There reigned at that time over 
 the Parthians, Arsaces, the son of that Arsaces who first founded the Parthian 
 empire. He, taking the advantage of Antiochus's being otherwise engaged in his 
 wars with Ptolemy and Achseus, had entered Media, and made himself master 
 of that country, and added it to his former dominions. On Antiochus's approach 
 that way, he endeavoured to hinder his passage, by stopping up all the wells in 
 the deserts through which he was to march, no army being able there to be sub- 
 sisted without them. But Antiochus, being aware of the design, sent a party of 
 horse before him to secure those wells; who having driven away the party that 
 was sent to destroy them, Antiochus safely passed those deserts, with all his 
 army, and entering Media, drove Arsaces thence: and having recovered all that 
 country, spent the remainder of the year in settling of it again in its former or- 
 der under his dominion, and in providing for the farther operations of the war. 
 
 An. 211. Ptol. Philopator 11.] — Early the next spring'' he marched into Par- 
 thia; and there having obtained the same success as in Media, Arsaces was 
 forced to retreat into Hyrcania, where, thinking to secure himself behind the 
 mountains which parted that country from Parthia, he placed guards in all the 
 passes through which the Syrian army was to march, hoping thereby to obstruct 
 their farther progress that way. 
 
 An. 210. Ptol. Philopator 12.] — But Antiochus, as soon as the season would 
 admit, took the field to drive them thence; and by dividing his army into several 
 parties,* and assaulting those guards all at the same time in their several stations, 
 he soon made himself master of all those passes, and therefore marching securely 
 through them over those mountains, he descended from them with all his army 
 into the country of Hyrcania, and there laid siege to Syringis, the capital of the 
 province; and after some time having, by undermining the walls, made a great 
 breach in them, he took the place by storm, and all the inhabitants surrendered 
 themselves to his mercy. In the interim Arsaces was not idle; but all the way 
 as he I'etreated, having gathered forces, at length made up an army of one hun- 
 dred thousand foot,*^ and twenty thousand horse, with which being strong enough 
 to face the enemy, he made a stand against him, and with great valour opposed 
 his farther progress, which drew out the war into a great length. But after many 
 conflicts that happened between the two armies, no farther advantage being 
 gained on the part of Antiochus, he found it would be no easy matter for him to 
 vanquish so valiant an enemy, and wholly dispossess him of the provinces which 
 he had been so long settled in. 
 
 An. 208. Ptol. Philopator 14. J — And therefore he became inclined to hearken 
 to terms, of accommodation for the ending of so troublesome a war:'' and accor- 
 
 1 Lib. 5. p. 444. 2 In Gliionico, p. 185. 3 Polybius, lib. 10. p. 598—602. Appian. in Syriacis. 
 
 4 Polybius, lib. 10. p. 599. 5 Ibid. p. 600, 601. 6 Justin, lib. 41. c. 5. 7 Ibid. . 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. ^ 
 
 Singly a treaty being set on foot, it was agreed that Arsaces should hold Parthia 
 and Hyrcania, on the terms of becoming a confederate of Antiochus's, and as- 
 sisting him in his wars for the recovery of other provinces which had revolted 
 from him. 
 
 Jin. 207. Piol. Philapator 15.] — Antiochus having thus made peace with Ar- 
 saces,' carried the war in the next place against Euthydemus king of Bactria. 
 It hath been above related how Theoditus first usurped Bactria from the empire 
 of the Syrian kings, and left it to his son of the same name. Him Euthy- 
 demus having vanquished and driven out reigned in his stead; and being a very 
 valiant and wise prince, he maintained a long war against Antiochus in defence 
 of the country which he had made himself master of, and every where made 
 good his ground against him; so that Antiochus only wasted his army in this 
 country, without gaining any advantage by it. 
 
 In the interim Philopator went on in his old course of life, giving himself 
 wholly up to his lusts and voluptuous delights. Agathoclea, his concubine, and 
 Agathocles, her brother, who was his catamite, governed him absolutely. Drink- 
 ing, gaming, and lasciviousness, were the whole employments of his life. Sosi- 
 bius, being an old crafty minister, who had now served in the court under three 
 kings, did, as far as the favourites would permit, manage the affairs of the state, 
 in which, by his long experience, he was thoroughly versed, but was wicked 
 enough to serve such a Icing and such his favourites in all their vilest purposes. 
 While things were thus managed,^ Arsinoe, who was sister and wife to Philopa- 
 tor, was little regarded, which she, not having patience enough to bear, spared 
 neither her complaints nor her clamours on all occasions; which much offending 
 the king, and also the whore and the catamite who governed him, orders were 
 given to Sosibius to put her to death, which he accordingly executed by the 
 hands of one Philammon, whom he employed for the effecting of this cruel 
 and barbarous murder. Justin^ calls her Eurydice, and Livy,'' Cleopatra; but ac- 
 cording to Polybius, who writeth with the most exactness of these matters, her 
 name was Arsinoe. 
 
 An. 206. Ptol. Phihpator 16.] — These things^ very much displeasing the peo- 
 ple, they forced Sosobius, during the life-time of the king, to quit his office of 
 chief minister, and called to it Tlepolemus, a young nobleman of great note in 
 the army for his valour and military prowess and skill; and, by a general votfe 
 in the grand council, appointed him to succeed therein. And accordingly Sosi- 
 bius resigned to him the king's signet, which was the badge of his office; and, 
 by virtue hereof, Tlepolemus managed all the pubUc affairs of the kingdom dur- 
 ing the remainder of the king's life; but in that short time he abundantly 
 showed, that he was no way equal to the charge he undertook, having neither 
 the experience, craft, nor application of his predecessor to qualify him for it. 
 
 In the meanwhile Antiochus carried on the war against Euthydemus in Bactria; 
 but, after his utmost efforts for the dispossessing him of that country,** finding that 
 he made but little progress herein, by reason of the valour and vigilancy of those 
 he had to deal with, he grew weary of the war, and therefore admitted ambas- 
 sadors from Euthydemus to treat of an accommodation. By them Euthydemus 
 complained of the injustice of the war which Antiochus had made against him, 
 telUng him that he was not of those who had revolted from him, and that there- 
 fore he had not on this account any right of war against him; that the revolt of 
 the Bactrians from the Syrian empire had been made under the leading of others 
 before his time; that he was possessed of that country by having vanquished and 
 driven out the descendants of those revolters, and held it as a just price of his 
 victory over them. He farther ordered it to be suggested to Antiochus, that the 
 Scythians, taking the advantage of the war in which they were now wasting each 
 other, were preparing a great army to invade Bactria; and that therefore, if they 
 corttinued any longer- their contention about it, a fair opportunity would be given 
 
 1 Polybius, lib. ]0. p. G20. 2 Idem, lib. 1.5. p. 719. Valosii Excerpt.i, p. 65. Justin. lib, 30. c. 1. 
 
 3 Just. lib. 30. c.l. 4 Idem, lib. 27. 5 Valesii Excerpta ex Polybio, lib. IG. 6 Polybius, lib. 11. p. 651. 
 
84 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 those barbarians to take it from both. This consideration, added to the desire 
 which Antiochus before had to get rid of this tedious and troublesome war, 
 brought him to agree to such terms as produced a peace; for the confirming and 
 ratifying of which, Euthydemus sent his son to Antiochus, who took such 
 liking to the young man, that he gave him one of his daughters in marriage, and 
 for his sake allowed the father to take the title and style of king of Bactria. And 
 then, having received from him all his elephants (which was one of the terms 
 of the peace,) he marched over Mount Caucasus into India; where having re- 
 newed his league with Sophagasenus, the king of that country, and received so 
 many elephants from him, as, when added to those which he had from Euthy- 
 demus, made up their number to a hundred and fifty, he marched from thence 
 to Arachosia, and from that country into Drangiana and from thence into Car- 
 mania, settling, as he went, all those countries in due order vmder his obedience. 
 
 An. 205. Piol. Philopator 17.] — After having wintered in Carmania,' he re- 
 turned through Persia, Babylonia, and Mesopotamia, again unto Antioch, after 
 having been seven years absent from thence on this expedition. By the bold- 
 ness of his attempts, and the wisdom of his conduct through this whole war, he 
 gained the reputation of a very wise and valiant prince; which made his name 
 terrible through all Europe as well as Asia; and thereby he kept all the provinces 
 of his empire in thorough subjection to him: and thus far his actions might well 
 have deserved the name of the Great, which was given unto him, and he might 
 have carried it with fuU glory and honour to his grave, but that he unfortunately 
 engaged in a war with the Romans. Being blown up with vanity and conceit 
 on the reputation he had gained, he thought none could now stand before him, 
 and this made him project the conquest of Greece and Italy; but failing in the 
 attempt, he fell low by the ill success of it; and afterward concluded his reign 
 in a very unfortunate and dishonourable death, as will be hereafter related. 
 
 Jin. 204. Ptol. Epiphanes 1.] — He had not been long returned to Antioch, ere 
 he had an account of the death of Ptolemy Philopator, king of Egypt, This 
 prince* having worn out a very strong body by his intemperance and debauche- 
 ries, ended his life, as it usually happens to others in this case, before he had 
 lived out half its course. He was very-little above twenty when he first came 
 to the throne, and he sat on it only seventeen years. After him succeeded 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes,' his son, a child of five years old. None but Agathocles, 
 Agathoclea, and their creatures, being about him at the time of his death,'' they 
 concealed it as long as they could, and, in the interim, plundered the palace of 
 all the treasure and riches there left by the deceased king that they could lay 
 their hands upon; and, at the same time, were framing projects for their con- 
 tinuing in the same power which they had under the deceased king, by usurp- 
 ing the regency during the minority of his successor: and, vainly imagining 
 that the}'' could carry this point, if Tlepolemus Avere out of the way, they laid 
 a plot to have him cut off; and therefore, when the king's death was known,* 
 they called together the Macedonians to a general council:^ and, when they 
 were met, Agathocles and Agathoclea came out to them; and Agathocles, having 
 the young king in his arms, after much weeping, spoke to them. The efiect 
 of this speech was to implore their protection for the young king, whom, he 
 said, his father at his death had delivered (pointing at Agathoclea) into her 
 hands; and that at the same time he had recommended him to the fidelity of 
 his Macedonian subjects; and therefore he implored their aid and assistance 
 against Tlepolemus, of whom, he told them, he had certain information that he 
 was preparing to seize the crown: and then he would have produced several 
 witnesses, whom he had then present, to prove his charge. He foolishly hoped, 
 by this weak artifice, to have stirred up the Macedonians to cut him oiF, and 
 
 I Polybius, lib. 11. p. 651. 2 Justin, lib. 30. c. 1, 2. 
 
 3 Ptol. in Caiione, Blusehius, Hieronynius, aliique. 4 Justin, lib. 30. c. 2. 
 
 5 Polybius, lib. 15. p. 71:2, 713. 
 
 6 Those Alexandrians who were of the Macedonian race, and the descendants of those who were the first 
 founders of Alexandria, or such as had been admitted to their privileges. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 85 
 
 then to have established himself, upon his death, in the regency. But the folly 
 of this contrivance being easily seen through, it at first provoked the laughter, 
 and afterward the rage, of all that heard it; and the ruin of him and his sister, 
 and all their creatures, followed immediately after. For, on this occasion, all 
 their misdemeanors being called to remembrance, all the people of Alexandria 
 arose in a general uproar against them. And therefore, having first taken from 
 them the young king, and placed him on the throne in the public hippodrome, 
 they there brought before him, first Agathocles, and next Agathoclea, and 
 (Enanthe, their mother, and caused them there, as by the king's order, to be all 
 put to death in his presence; and then proceeded in the same manner against 
 the sisters and kindred of Agathocles and Agathoclea, and all other their crea- 
 tures, till they had cut them all off. And such reckonings wicked favourites 
 are often brought to, when deprived of that power whereby they have abused 
 the people. The power alone in this case is apt enough to create envy, but is 
 much more so w^hen employed for unjust and wicked purposes: the only method 
 to make any one safe in such stations, is to do nothing else in them but what 
 shall be in all times justifiable. About three days before this uproar happened, 
 Philammon,' Avho had been employed in the murdering of Arsinoe, being come 
 from Cyrene to Alexandria, the ladies who had been of her attendance hearing 
 of it, took the advantage of this disorder to revenge on him the death of their 
 mistress: for, breaking in his house, they fell upon him wath stones and clubs, 
 till they had beaten him to death; a punishment which he well deserved, by 
 becoming the instrument of so wicked an act. After this, the guardianship of 
 the young king was for the present committed to the charge of Sosibius, the 
 son of that Sosibius who had been the ruling minister of the court during the 
 three last reigns. Whether he were then living or no is not said; it is certain 
 he lived to a very great age; his continuance for above sixty years in the min- 
 istry is a sufficient instance of it; and for this reason he was called^ no^u^povo;, 
 i. e. the long liver. And, no doubt, by the Sosibius who is said in the history 
 of Aristeas to be one of the chief promoters of the Greek version of the He- 
 brew scriptures, called the Septuagint, is meant none other than this Sosibius 
 by the writer of that apocryphal book. But whether he were brought so early 
 upon the stage, the distance of the time gives us reason to doubt. For we have 
 placed the makmg of that version in the year 277, which was seventy-one years 
 before the time that he left the ministry. He was as crafty and as wicked a 
 minister as ever governed the public affairs of any kingdom,^ not caring how 
 wicked and vile any means were, so that they conduced to the effecting of the 
 end he proposed, which is exactly that scheme of politics which Machiavel hath 
 since, with a bare face, recommended to the world, and so many in our time 
 have practised after him. But that which is most remarkable in this old Egyp- 
 tian politician is, that he continued so long in prosperity, and was permitted at 
 last so easily to retire, which hath scarce ever happened to any other that has 
 acted by his principles. 
 
 An. 203. Ptol. Epiphanes 2. — Antiochus, king of Syria, and Philip, king of 
 Macedon, thinking to serve themselves of the advantage they had by the death 
 of Philopator, and the succession of an infant king after him,'* entered into a 
 league to divide his dominions between them, agreeing that Philip should have 
 Caria, Libya, Cyrene, and Egypt, and Antiochus all the rest. And accordingly 
 Antiochus forthwith marched into Ccele-Syria and Palestine, and partly this 
 year, and partly in the next, made himself master of those provinces, and all 
 the several districts and cities in them. 
 
 Jin. 202. Ptol. Epiphanes 3.] — Scipio having beaten Hannibal in Africa, and 
 thereby put an end to the second Punic war with victory and honour, the name 
 of the Romans began to be every where of great note; and therefore the Egyp- 
 
 1 Polybius, lib. 15. p. 712, 713. 2 Valesii Excerpta ex Polybio, p. 65. 3 Ibid, Plutarch, in Cleomene. 
 4 Pnlybius, lib. 3. p. 159. lib. 15. p. 707. Livius, lib. 31. Justin, lib. 13. c. 3. Hieronyraus in cap. xi. 
 Danielis. 
 
66 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 tian court finding themselves much distressed by the league made between 
 Philip and Antiochus against their infant king, and the usurpations which had 
 thereon been made by them on his provinces,' sent an enbassy to Rome to pray 
 their protection, offering them the guardianship of their king, and the regency 
 of his dominions, during his minority; and, to induce them to accept hereof, 
 alleged that the deceased king had recommended both to them at his death. 
 The Romans thinking this would enlarge their fame, complied with what was 
 desired, and took on them the tuition of the young king. 
 
 This year being the three thousand five hundred and sixtieth year of the 
 Jewish era of the creation,' the writers of that nation tell us, that Joshua, the 
 son of Perachia, was admitted president of the Sanhedrin, and Nathan, the Ar- 
 belite, his vice-president, and that both together had the charge of being rectors 
 of the divinity school at Jerusalem. They tell us nothing in particular of the 
 latter; neither is what they say of the other consisting with the time in which 
 they place him, or of any truth as to the matters related. For they tell us of 
 him, that when Alexander, the Asmonean, king of Judea, slew the doctors of 
 the law at Jerusalem, for telling him that he ought to be contented with the 
 crown, and not hold that and the high-priesthood together, Joshua, then escap- 
 ing from his wrath, fled into Egypt, and that Jesus Christ, being his scholar, 
 accompanied him thither. But the year of the Jewish era above-mentioned, 
 under which they place the first entering of this Joshua on his presidentship, 
 was two hundred years before Christ's birth, and many years also before the 
 reign of Alexander the Asmonean in Judea; but to be out two or three hun- 
 dred years in their chronology is nothing with the Jews. They are certainly 
 the worst historians, and the worst accounters of times, that ever pretended to 
 he either. 
 
 An, 201. Piol. Epiphanes 4.] — The Romans, having complied with the re- 
 quest of the Egyptian embassy to them, which I have mentioneel,' sent three 
 ambassadors to Philip, king of Macedon, and Antiochus, king of Syria, to let 
 them know that they had taken on them the tuition of Ptolemy, king of Egypt, 
 during his nonage; and to require them, that they therefore desist from invading 
 the dominions of their pupil, and that otherwise they should be obliged to make 
 war upon them for his protection. After they had delivered this embassy to 
 both kings, "* M. iEmilius Lepidus, who was one of them, according to the in- 
 structions he had received from the senate at his first setting out, went to Alex- 
 andria, to take on him, in their names, the tuition of the young king; where, 
 having regulated his affairs as well as the then circumstances of them would 
 admit, he appointed Aristomenes," an Acarnanian, to be his guardian and chief 
 minister, and then returned again to Rome. This Aristomenes was an old ex- 
 perienced minister of that court, who had long been conversant in all the affairs 
 of it; and having undertaken this charge, he managed it with great prudence 
 and fidelity. 
 
 ^re. 200. Ptol. Epiphanes 5.] — The first thing that he did was to provide 
 against the invasions of the two confederated kings; in order whereto, he took 
 care to recruit the army with the best soldiers he could get: for which purpose 
 he sent Scopas into jEtolia,** with vast sums of money, to raise as many men 
 there as he could, they being then reputed the best soldiers of the age. This 
 Scopas had formerly been the chief governor of that country, and w^as a person 
 of great note in his time for his military skill and prowess: when the time of 
 his ministry was expired, and he missed of being continued in it as he desired, 
 he left iEtolia, and went into the service of the king of Egypt; and being 'em- 
 ployed to make this levy, he brought to him from iEtolia six thousand stout 
 men, which was a very considerable reinforcement to the army. 
 
 An. 199. Ptol. Epiphanes 6.] — At this time Antiochus having passed into 
 
 1 Justin, lib. 30. c. 2. 
 
 2 R. Abraham Zaciitiis in Juchasin. David Gantzin Zemach David. Shalsheleth Haccabbalah, 
 
 3 Livius, lib. 31. Justin, lib. 30. c. 3. 4 Justin, ibid. Valerius Ma^imus, lib. 6. c. G.. 
 5 PolybiuB, lib. 15. p. 717. 6 Livius, lib. 31. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 87 
 
 Lesser Asia, and there engaged himself in a Avar with Attalus, king of Perga- 
 mus, the ministry at Alexandria took the advantage hereof to send Scopas with 
 an army into Palestine and Ccele-Syria, for the recovery of those provinces; 
 where he managed the war with that success/ that he took several cities, and 
 reduced all Judea by force, and put a garrison into the castle at Jerusalem; 
 and, on the approach of winter, returned to Alexandria with full honour for the 
 victories he had obtained, and with as great riches, which he had gathered from 
 the plunder of the country. But it soon appeared, that his successes in this 
 campaign were mostly owing to the absence of Antiochus, and the want of 
 that opposition thereon which otherwise would have been made against him. 
 
 Jin. 198. PtoL EjAjihanes 7.] — For after Antiochus^ had on the interposition 
 of the Romans, desisted from his war against Attalus, and Avas come in person 
 into Ccele-Syria, this soon turned the scales, and brought the victory absolutely 
 over on the other side. For, although Scopas came again with a great army 
 into those parts, yet being encountered by Antiochus, at Paneas, near the foun- 
 tains of the River Jordan, he was there overthrown with a great slaughter,^ and 
 forced to flee to Sidon; where being shut up with ten thousand of his men, he 
 was there besieged by Antiochus, till at length he was forced by famine to sur- 
 render on terms of life only; and he and his men were sejit thence stripped and 
 naked. The regency at Alexandria were not wanting to do the utmost for his 
 relief; for on their hearing of his being besieged in Sidon, they sent three of 
 their best generals with the best of their forces to raise the siege. But Antio- 
 chus having disposed all matters, so that they could find no way to effect it, 
 Scopas and his men were forced to submit to the dishonourable conditions I 
 have mentioned, and to return to Alexandria, to be there provided with new 
 clothes and new arms for future service. 
 
 After this Antiochus* marched to Gaza; and finding there a resistance that 
 provoked his anger, he gave up the place, when taken, to be plundered and 
 ravaged by his soldiers; and then, having secured the passes there against the 
 march of any new forces out of Egypt to disturb him in his conquests, he 
 marched back,* and took in Betania, Samaria, Abila, Gadera, and all other re- 
 maining parts of Palestine and Coele-Syria, and made himself wholly master of 
 both the countries and all the cities in them." 
 
 The Jews were at this time very much alienated in their affections from the 
 Egyptian king: whether it were by reason of the former ill treatment of their 
 nation by his father, or for some fresher ill usage they had received, is not said. 
 It is most likely it was because of the ravages and roberies of Scopas, on 
 his taking Jerusalem the former year: for he was a very covetous and rapa- 
 cious man,^ laying his hands every where on all that he could get; and there- 
 fore, on Antiochus's marching that way,*^ they willingly rendered all places 
 unto him, and on his coming to Jerusalem, the priests and elders went out in 
 a solemn procession to meet him, and received him with gladness, and enter- 
 tained him and all his army in their city, provided for his horses and elephants, 
 and assisted him with their arms for the reducing of the castle, where Scopas 
 had left a garrison. In acknowledgment hereof, Antiochus,' in a decree directed 
 to Ptolemy, one of his lieutenants, granted them many privileges and favours; 
 and, in another decree published in their favour, he particularly ordained, that 
 no" stranger should enter within the'" sept of the temple; which seems to have 
 been provided against with respect to the attempt v^'hich Philopator made to 
 put a force upon them as to this matter, and which, I doubt not, was no small 
 part of the reason that made them so disaffected to the Egyptian cause, contrary 
 to their former inclinations toward it. And it is to be remarked, that Antiochus, 
 
 1 Hveronymus in eap. xi. Danielis. Joseph. Aiitiq. lib. 12. c. 3. 2 Liviiis, lib. ."^a. 
 
 3 Valesii "Excerpta ex Pol ybin, p. 77, 78, &c. Hieronymus in cap. xi. Danielis. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 3. 
 
 Valesii Excerpta ex Polybio, p. 87. 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 3. 
 
 6 Justin, lib. 31. c. 1. Liviiis, lib. 33. Polvb. Legat. 72. p. 893. 7 Polybius, lib. 17. p. 773. 
 
 S Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 3. 9 Ibui. 
 
 10 i. e. Within the sept, called the chel, within which no uncircumcised person was to pass. See Lightfoot 
 •n the Temple, c. 17. 
 
88 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 by former favours granted by him to their brethren who were settled in Baby- 
 lonia and Mesopotamia, had declared himself a friend to their nation, in such a 
 manner as had made them much more desirous of having him for their sove- 
 reign, than the Egyptian king, who had used them ill; and therefore, they 
 gladly laid hold of this opportunity to revolt from him. For Antiochus, in his 
 eastern expeditions, having found the Jews of Babylonia and Mesopotamia very 
 serviceable to him, and very steady to his interest, entertained a great opinion 
 of their fidelity to him; and therefore,' on some commotions that happened in 
 Phrygia and Lydia, by a decree directed to Zeuxis, an old commander of his, 
 and then his lieutenant in those provinces, he ordered two thousand families 
 of the Jews of Babylonia and Mesopotamia to be sent thither for the suppressing 
 of those seditions, and the keeping of those parts in quiet, commanding that 
 they and aU that they had should be transported thither at the king's charges; 
 and that, on their arrival thither, they should be placed in the strongest for- 
 tresses for guards of the country, and have lands and possessions there divided 
 out unto them for a plentiful subsistence; and that till they should receive the 
 fruits of those lands, they should be maintained out of the king's stores. All 
 which was a great argument of the opinion he had of their fidelity, and of the 
 confidence which, on the account hereof, he placed in them. And fr6m those 
 Jews who were on this occasion transplanted from Babylonia into those parts, 
 were descended most of the Jews whom we find afterward scattered in great 
 numbers all over the Lesser Asia, especially in the times of the first preaching 
 of the gospel. 
 
 Antiochus having thus brought all Coele-Syria and Palestine in subjection to 
 him, projected the doing of the same in Lesser Asia, his grand aim being to 
 restore the Syrian empire to the full extent in which it had been held by any 
 of his ancestors, especially by Seleucus Nicator the founder of it. But, to quiet 
 the Egyptians, that they might not renew the war in Palestine and Coele-Syria 
 in his absence, he sent Eucles of Rhodes^ to Alexandria, with proposals of a 
 marriage between Cleopatra his daughter and King Ptolemy, to be consum- 
 mated as soon as they should be of an age fit for it, promising the restoration 
 of those provinces, on the day of the nuptials, by way of dower with the 
 young princess; which offer being accepted of, and the contract fully agreed to 
 on these terms, the Egyptians acquiesced in Antiochus's engagements for the 
 performance of them, and no more renewed the war upon him, but left him 
 ■wholly free to pursue his other designs. This, Jerome tells us,^ was done 
 in the seventh year of the reign of Epiphanes. 
 
 An. 197. Tlol. Epiphanes 8.] — Antiochus, therefore, having thus secured all 
 in peace behind him, early the next spring did set forward with a great fleet 
 for the carrying on of his designs upon Lesser Asia;^ and at the same time 
 sent thither Ardyes and Mithridates, two of his sons, with a great army by 
 land, ordering them to march to Sardis, and there tarry his coming to them. 
 At this time, T. Quintius Flaminius, the Roman general, Avas in Greece, 
 with a great army, making war with Philip king of Macedon. Attains, king 
 of Pergamus, and the Rhodians, were confederates with the Romans in this 
 war; and Antiochus having been in league with King Philip ever since the 
 death of Ptolemy Philopator, was well understood to have come into those parts 
 to give him all the assistance he was able. Thus stood the state of affairs in 
 those parts when Antiochus first set out on this expedition; but he had not pro- 
 ceeded far in it, before they received a considepable change in two particulars, 
 that is, in the death of Attains king of Pergamus, and the overthrow of Philip, 
 king of Macedon, by the Romans. 
 
 For Attalus,"* having at Thebes made an oration to the BcEotians, to persuade 
 them to join with the Romans against Philip, spoke it with that vehemence, 
 that his soul in a manner expiring with his voice, he swooned away, and fell 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 3. 2 Hieronymus in cap. xi. Dan. 3 Livius, lib, 33. 
 
 3 Ibid. Polyb. Legal. 25. p. 820. Plutarch. inT. auintio Flarainio. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 89 
 
 down as dead in the middle of it: after this, having lain sick awhile at Thebes, 
 he was carried to Pergamus, and there died, after having Uved seventy-two 
 years,' and reigned forty-four. He having left behind him four sons, Eumenes, 
 Attains, Philetaerus, and Athenseus, Eumenes, the eldest of them, succeeded 
 him in his throne, and was the founder of the famous library that was at Per- 
 gamus.^ His three brothers carried it with that fidelity to him, and he with 
 that affection to them, that they seemed all of them to have one and the same 
 interest; and continuing in this concord and unanimity all their life after,^ they 
 became a rare example of brotherly love to each other. 
 
 As to Philip king of Macedon,* he having come to a battle with the Romans 
 at a place called Cynocephalus in Thessaly, was there overthrown with the loss 
 of eight thousand men slain, and five thousand taken prisoners; whereon, being 
 brought to distress, he sued for peace, which was granted him barely on this 
 consideration,^ that the Romans understanding that Antiochus was coming into 
 those parts with great forces, both by sea and land, they might not have to do 
 with two of such potent and warlike princes at the same time. 
 
 In the interim, Antiochus,® having with his fleet sailed along the coasts of 
 Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, and Caria, took in a great many of the maritime 
 cities of those provinces and the islands adjoining; and at length coming round 
 to Ephesus, seized that city, and there set up for his winter-quarters; spending- 
 the remainder of the year in projecting and concerting those measures which 
 might be most proper for the accomplishing of the designs that brought him 
 into those parts. But Smyrna,' Lampsacus, and other Greek cities in Asia 
 which then enjoyed their liberties, finding his scheme was to reduce them all 
 to be in the same subjection to him as they had formerly been to his ancestors, 
 resolved to stand out against him, and sent to the Romans for their protection; 
 which they readily undertook in their behalf. For, they being resolved to put 
 a stop to Antiochus's farther progress westward, as fearing to what the power 
 of so great a king might grow, should he establish himself in those parts of 
 Asia, according to his designs, gladly laid hold of this opportunity to oppose 
 themselves against him; and therefore, forthwith sent ambassadors to him, to 
 require of him that he should restore to King Ptolemy all the cities of Lesser 
 Asia that he had taken from him; that he should quit those that had been King 
 Philip's; and, that he should permit all the Grecian cities in those parts to enjoy 
 their hberties, and not pass into Europe; and to declare, that, in case they had 
 not satisfaction in all these particulars, they would make war against him. 
 
 An. 196.Ptol. Epiphanes 9.] — But, before these ambassadors came to him, he- 
 had caused one part of his forces to lay siege to Smyrna,'^ and another to Lamp- 
 sacus, and with the rest he passed over the Hellespont, and seized all the Thra- 
 cian Chersonesus; where, miding the city Lysimachia (which lay in the neck 
 of the isthmus leading into that Chersonesus or Peninsula) lying in its ruins 
 (it having a few years before been reduced to this condition by the Thracians,) 
 he set himself to rebuild it, designing there to lay the foundation of a kingdom 
 for Seleucus his second son, and subject the neighbouring country to him, and 
 make this the prime seat for his residence. While he was busying himself in 
 these projects, the ambassadors sent to him from Rome, came into Thrace,^ and 
 finding him at Selymbria, a city of that country, they there had audience of 
 him, and communicated their commission to him. On their debating with him 
 the particulars of it, which are above mentioned, the Romans argued, how un- 
 reasonable a thing it was, that, when they had vanquished King Philip, Antio- 
 chus should reap the fruits of their victory by seizing his cities in Asia; that, 
 they having undertaken the guardianship of King Ptolemy during his minority, 
 
 1 Polybius in Exr.erptis Valesii, p. 102. Lhius, lib. 33. Suidas in voce 'Attxxoj. 
 
 2 Plinius, lib. 13. c. 11. 
 
 3 Plutarch, ^-v eif.^ai\Qix.i. E.xcerpta Valesii ex Polybio, p. 168. Suidas in voce 'Attk>.3;. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in T. anintio Flaminio. Livius, lib. 33. 5 Polyb. Legal. 6. p. 792. 
 
 6 Livius, lib. 33. Hieronymus in cap. si. Danielis. 7 Livius, ibid. Appianus in Syriacis. 
 
 8 Livius et Appianus, lib. 33. 
 
 9 Polybius, lib. 17. p. 769. et Legal, 10. p. 800. Livius et Appianus, ibid. 
 
 Vol. II.— 12 
 
90 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 it was incumbent on them to demand restitution of all those cities that were 
 taken from him; and that, they having decreed the restoration of all the Greek 
 cities to their liberties, it became them to see that what they had decreed should 
 be made good; that they required his not passing into Europe, because they 
 could not see with what other intent he should make that passage, and now 
 build Lysimachia on that side, as they found him then doing, than to be as a 
 step to a farther war which must light upon them. To this Antiochus answered, 
 That, as to Ptolemy, full satisfaction would be given him, on that king marrying 
 his daughter, which was then agreed on; that, as to the Greek cities, he intended 
 them their freedom, but that they should owe it to him, and not to the Romans; 
 that, as to Lysimachia, he built it to be a residence for his son Seleucus; that 
 Thrace, and the Chersonesus, as a part of it, belonged all to him, as having 
 been conquered by Seleucus Nicator his ancestor, on his vanquishing of Lysima- 
 chus, and therefore he passed over into it as his just inheritance. As to Asia, 
 and the cities in it, he told them, that they had no more to do there than he 
 had in Italy; and that, since he meddled not with any of the affairs of the lat- 
 ter, he wondered that they concerned themselves with what was done in the 
 former. Hereon the Romans having desired, that the ambassadors from Smyr- 
 na and Lampsacus might be called in, and they, on their being admitted, hav- 
 ing spoken very freely as to their cause, Antiochus could not bear it, but fell 
 into a passion, and cried out. That the Romans were not to be his judges in 
 these matters; whereon the assembly broke up in confusion, and no satisfaction 
 was given on either side, but all things tended toward a breach between them. 
 
 While these matters were thus treating of, there came a rumour that Ptolemy 
 Epiphanes was dead in Egypt,' whereon Antiochus, reckoning Egypt to be his 
 own, made haste on board his fleet to sail thither to take possession of it, and, 
 having left Seleucus his son with his army at Lysimachia, to finish what was 
 there intended, he first called in at Ephesus, and, having joined to his fleet such 
 other ships as he had in that port, from thence made all the sail he could for 
 Egypt: but, on his arrival at Paterae in Lycia, finding the report of Ptolemy's 
 death to be there, upon good evidence, contradicted, instead of steering for 
 Egypt, he shaped his course directly for Cyprus, purposing to sieze that island; 
 but, in his way thither, meeting with a violent storm, in which he lost a great 
 many of his ships and men, he was glad, after having gathered up the remain- 
 ders of this ruinous wreck, to put in at Seleucia to repair his shattered ships, 
 and then wintered at Antioch, without doing any thing more this year. 
 
 That which occasioned the rumour of Ptolemy's death was a treasonable plot 
 then laid against his life: which, being first supposed, was afterwards reported 
 to have taken effect. Scopas the J^tolian was the author of this conspiracy, 
 who being general of the mercenaries,- most of which were ^Etolians, and, by 
 virtue of that command, having under him a numerous and strong band of ve- 
 teran soldiers, thought he had hereby an advantage now in the infancy of the 
 king to make himself master of Egypt, and usurp the sovereignty over it. 
 And accordingly he had formed his scheme for the attempt, and no doubt he 
 would have succeeded in it, had he executed his treason with the same bold- 
 ness and resolution as he first contrived it. But, although he was a very valiant 
 man, yet, when it came to the point of execution, his heart failing him, instead 
 of immediately falling on, as such a desperate case required, he sat at home 
 consulting and debating with his friends and partisans how best to manage the 
 matter; and, while he was thus doubting and delaying, the opportunity was 
 lost. For Aristomenes, the chief minister, having in the interim gotten infor- 
 mation of the whole matter, took such care to prevent it, that Scopas was seized, 
 and, being brought before the council, was there convicted of the treason, and 
 thereon he and all his accomplices were put to death for it: and, as to the rest 
 of his iEtolians, they having, on this occasion, forfeited the confidence which 
 the government had before in them, were most of them hereon cashiered out 
 
 1 Appianus in Syrjacis. Livius, lib. 33. 2 Polybius, lib. 17. p. 771, 772. Valesii E.xcerpta, p. til. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 91 
 
 of the king's service, and sent home into their own country. Thus ended the 
 treason of Scopas: and he is not the only villain that, having with great resolu- 
 tion entered on wicked designs, hath failed of courage at the time of execution, 
 and defeated his own treason for want of it; for few men are so entirely wicked, 
 as to be thorough proof against that horror and confusion of mind which very 
 wicked actions usually create whenever they come to be executed. At his 
 death, he was found to be possessed of vast riches, which he had gotten in the 
 king's service by plundering those countries where he commanded as general; 
 and he having, while he was victorious in Palestine, recovered Judea and Jeru- 
 salem to the king of Egypt, no doubt a great part of his plunder was gotten 
 from thence. One of the chiefest of his accomplices in this treason was 
 DicEerchus,' who had formerly been admiral under Philip, king of Macedon; 
 and, being sent by him to make war upon the Cyclades, on a very unjust arid 
 wicked account, to show how little he regarded either piety or justice, before 
 he sailed out of the port on that expedition, he erected two altars, one to ini- 
 quity, and the other to impiety, and sacrificed on them both. And do not all 
 else do the same, who engage in such horrid designs of assassination and trea- 
 son as that was in which this man perished? He having so signally distin- 
 guished himself by his wickedness, Aristomenes very justly distinguished him 
 from all the rest of the conspirators in his punishment; for all the others he 
 poisoned, but him he tormented to death. 
 
 When this conspiracy was fully mastered, the king,^ being now fourteen 
 years old, was according to the usage of that country, declared to be out of his 
 minority, and his enthronization (which the Alexandrians called his anacla- 
 teria) was celebrated with great pomp and solemnity; and hereby the govern- 
 ment was put into his hands, and he actually admitted to the administration of 
 it. And as long as he managed it by Aristomenes, his former minister, all 
 things went well; but when he grew weary of that able and faithful servant, 
 and put him to death to get rid of him, the remainder of his reign was all turned 
 into disorder and confusion, and his kingdom suffered the same, or rather more 
 by it than in the worst times of his father. 
 
 An. 195. Ptol. Epiphanes 10.] — Early the next spring, Antiochus set out from 
 Antioch to return to Ephesus. He was no sooner gone,^ but Hannibal came 
 thither to put himself under his protection. He had lived six years quietly at 
 Carthage since the late peace with the Romans; but being now under a sus- 
 picion of holding secret correspondence with Antiochus, and plotting with him 
 for the bringing of a new war upon Italy, and some that maligned him at 
 home having sent to Rome clandestine information to this effect, the Romans 
 sent ambassadors to Carthage to make inquiry into the matter; and to demand 
 Hannibal to be delivered to them, if they found reason for it. Hannibal, hear- 
 ing of their arrival, suspected their business; and therefore, before they had 
 time to deliver their message, got privately away to the sea-shore, and putting- 
 himself on board a ship which he had there ready provided, escaped to Tyre, 
 and from thence went to Antioch, hoping to find Antiochus there; but he being- 
 gone for Ephesus before his arrival, he made thither after him. Antiochus 
 was there at that time in debate with himself on the point of making war with 
 the Romans, being very doubtful and fluctuating in his mind whether he should 
 enter on it or no. But Hannibal's coming to him soon determined his resolu- 
 tions for the war, he being hereon excited to it, not only by the arguments 
 which this great adversary of the Romans pressed upon him for it, but especially 
 because of the opinion he had of the man. For he having often vanquished the 
 Romans, and thereby justly acquired the reputation of having exceeded all other 
 generals in military skill, this created in Antiochus a confidence of being able 
 to do all things with him on this side. And, therefore, thinking of nothincr 
 thenceforth but of victories and of conquests, he became fixed for the war; and 
 
 1 Polybius, lib. 17. p. 772. 2 Ibid. p. 773. 
 
 3 Corn. Nepos in Hannibale. Livius, lib. 33. Appianus in Synacis. Justin, lib. 31. c. 2, 3. 
 
92 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 all this year and next were spent in making preparations for it. In the mean 
 time, however, ambassadors were sent from both sides, on pretence of accom- 
 modating matters, but, in reality, only to spy out and discover what each other 
 was doing. 
 
 This year Simon the high-priest of the Jews being dead,' his eldest son Onias, 
 the third of that name, succeeded in his stead, and held that office, reckoning 
 it to the time of his death, twenty-four years. He had the character of a very 
 worthy good man, but falling into ill times, he perished in them, in the manner 
 as will be hereafter related. 
 
 An. 194. Ptol. Epiphanes ll.]-^About this time died Eratosthenes,^ the second 
 library-keeper at Alexandria, being eighty-two years old at the time of his death, 
 and was succeeded in his office by ApoUonius Rhodius,* the author of the 
 Argonautics. This Apollonius had been a scholar of Callimachus; but having 
 afterward very much offended him,* Callimachus wrote a very bitter invective 
 against him, which he called Ibis, from the name of a bird in Egypt, which 
 used to foul his bill by cleansing his breech, intimating thereby, as if the of- 
 fence given him by his scholar was by foul words against him, and that he 
 therefore gave him this name, to express thereby that he was a foul-mouthed 
 person. Hence Ovid, writing an invective against one that had in a like 
 manner offended him, calls him, in imitation of Callimachus, by the same name 
 of Ibis. Although this Apollonius was called Rhodius,* it was only for that he 
 had long lived at Rhodes, not that he was born there: for he was a native of 
 Alexandria, and there at length he ended his days, being called thither from 
 Rhodes to take upon him this office in the king's library. 
 
 An. 193. Ptol. Epiphanes 12.] — Antiochus being eagerly set in his mind 
 for a war with the Romans, after having made the preparations I have men- 
 tioned, he endeavoured farther to strengthen himself, by making alliances with 
 the neighbouring princes. To this intent he went to Raphia,*' the place on the 
 confines of Palestine and Egypt which hath been above mentioned, and there 
 married his daughter Cleopatra to King Ptolemy Epiphanes, agreeing to give 
 with her, by way of dower, the provinces of Coele-Syria and Palestine,^ upon 
 'the terms of sharing the revenues equally between them, according as he had 
 been before promised. And, on his return from thence to Antioch, he married 
 Antiochis,* another of his daughters, to Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia; and 
 would have given a third to Eumenes,^ king of Pergamus. But that king re- 
 fused his alliance, contrary to the opinion of his three brothers: for they thought 
 it would be a great strengthening of his interest to be son-in-law to so great a 
 king, and therefore advised him to it. But Eumenes soon convinced them, by 
 the reasons which he gave for the refusal, that he had much better considered 
 the matter: for he told them, that if he married Antiochus's daughter, he should 
 be obliged thereby to engage with him in his war against the Romans, which 
 he saw he was at that time entering on; and then, if the Romans were con- 
 querors, as he had reason to think they would, he must partake of the misfor- 
 tunes of the conquered, and be undone by it: and, on the other hand, if 
 Antiochus should have the better, he should have no other advantage by it, 
 but, under the notion of being his son-in-law, the easier to become his slave; 
 for, whenever he should gain the upper hand in the war, all Asia must truckle 
 to him, and every prince therein become his homager: that much better terms 
 were to be expected from the Romans, and that therefore he would stick to 
 them: and the event sufficiently proved the wisdom of his choice. 
 
 An. 192. Ptol. Epiphanes 13.] — After these marriages were over, Antiochus 
 hastened again into Lesser Asia, and came to Ephesus in the depth of the winter."* 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq.Iib, 12. c. 4. Euseb. in Chron. Chron. Alexandriniim. 
 
 2 Luciaiuis in Macrobiis. 3 Suiilas in An-oXA.anos. 4 Suidasin Ka;.Xi/i=t%o;, 
 
 5 Anonymus Vitre Apnllonii Rhodii Scriptor. 
 
 6 Hieronymus in cap. xi. Danielis. Liviiis, lib. 35. Appian. in Syriacis. 
 ■^ 7 Joseph. Antir|. lib. 12. c. 3. 8 Appianu.? in Svriacis. 
 
 \ 9 Appianus, ibid. Polyb, Legal. 35. p. 820. Livius, lib. 37. 10 Liviua, lib. 35. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 93 
 
 From thence, in the beginning of the spring, he marched'against the Pisidians, 
 who stood out against him. But he had not long been engaged in this war,' 
 ere he had the news of the death of Antiochus his eldest son. This brought 
 him back again to Ephesus, there to mourn for this loss; and a great show of 
 sorrow was there made by him on this account. But it was commonly said, 
 that it was all show only; that, in reality, he himself procured his son's death,'' 
 and made him fall a sacrifice to his jealousy: for he was a prince of great hopes, 
 and had given such proofs of his wisdom, goodness, and other royal virtues, that 
 he became the idol of all that knew him. This, they say, made the old king 
 jealous of him; and therefore, on his last arrival at Ephesus, having sent him 
 back into Syria, on pretence that he might there take care of the eastern pro- 
 vinces, caused poison to be there given him by some of the eunuchs of the 
 court, and so did rid himself of him. But scarce any prince hath died an un- 
 timely death, whose life was desirable, but suspicions have been raised, and 
 rumours spread about of poison, or some other violence, for the cause of it; and 
 perchance such a bare suspicion was all that was in this case. 
 
 As soon as the solemnity of this mourning was somewhat over, and Antiochus 
 began again to betake himself to business, great consultation was had between 
 him and those of his council about his passing into Greece,' and there beginning 
 the war which he had resolved on with the Romans. Hannibal, who was for 
 making Italy, and not Greece, the seat of the war, was not called to any of 
 these councils: for, being then under suspicion with Antiochus, he had no more 
 of his confidence. This was effected by the craft of Publius Villius, who thereby 
 overreached the craftiest and most cautious of men:* for this Villius, being am- 
 bassador from the Romans to Antiochus, took all opportunities to converse with 
 Hannibal. This had the effect he intended, which was to bring him into sus- 
 picion with Antiochus; and hereon his council being no more regarded, Greece 
 was made the seat of the war, and not Italy, as he advised. This saved Italy 
 from having Hannibal again with another war in its bowels, which might have 
 been as dangerous to the Roman state as when he was there in the former war. 
 
 But that which pinned down his resolution for the beginning of the war in 
 Greece, was an embassy from the ^Etolians to invite him thither. The iEtolians, 
 from being late confederates with the Romans, being now, on some disgust, be- 
 come their enemies,* sent this embassy to Antiochus, to draw him into Greece 
 against them; not only promising him the assistance of all their forces, but also 
 giving him assurances, that he might depend on the joining of Philip, king of 
 Macedonia, Nabas, king of Lacedemonia, and other of the Grecian principahties 
 and states with him; who having conceived as they told him, great enmity against 
 the Romans, waited only his coming to declare against them. Thoas, who was 
 at the head of this embassy, pressed all this upon him with great earnestness, 
 telling him, that the Romans, being gone home with their army, had left Greece 
 empty; that now was the time for him to take possession of it; that if he laid 
 hold of this opportunity, he would find all things, as it were, prepared for the 
 putting of the whole country into his hands; and that he had nothing more to 
 do but to come over thither to make himself master of it. Which representa- 
 tion prevailed so far with him, that he immediately passed over into Greece, 
 and thereby rashly precipitated himself into a war with the Romans, without 
 duly concerting the measures proper for such an undertaking, or carrying a 
 sufficient number of men with him to support it. For he left Lampsacus, Troas, 
 and Smyrna, three powerful cities in Asia, behind him, unreduced; and his 
 forces that were coming to him from Syria and the eastern countries having not 
 yet reached him, he passed over with no more than ten thousand foot and five 
 hundred horse, which were scarce enough to take possession of the country, 
 were it wholly naked, and he to have no war with the Romans in it. With 
 
 1 Livius, lib. 35. Appianus in Syriacis. 2 Livius, lib. 35. 
 
 3 Ibid. Appianus in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 31. c. 4. 
 
 4 Julius Frontinus Stratagem, lib. 1. c. 8. I.ivius, lib. 34, 35. Justin, et Appianus, ib. 
 
 5 Justin, lib. 30. c. 4. et lib. 32. c. 1. Appian. in Syriacis. Polybius, lib. 3. p. 159. Livius, lib. 36. 
 
94 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 these forces he arrived in the island of Eubcea about the end of the summef, 
 and from thence passed to Demetrius, a town in Thessal}^ where he called all 
 his officers and chief commanders of his army together/ to consult with them 
 about the future operations of the war: and Hannibal, being again restored to 
 the king's favour and confidence, had his place among them; and being asked 
 his opinion in the first place, he insisted on what he had often declared, that 
 the Romans were not to be overcome but in Italy, and that therefore it had 
 been his constant advice to begin the war there. But since other measures had 
 been taken, and the king Avas then in Greece, there to begin the war, his advice 
 in the present state of affairs was, that the king should immediately send for 
 all his other forces out of Asia, without depending any longer either on the 
 ^tolians or other Grecian confederates, who he foresaw would deceive him; 
 and that as soon as they were arrived, he should march with them toward those 
 coasts of Greece that were over against Italy, and there have his fleet with him 
 on the same coasts, one half of which, he advised, should be employed to ravage 
 and alarm the coasts of Italy, and the other half kept in some port near him, to 
 make a show of his passing over, and accordingly to be ready to pass over for 
 the taking of all such advantages as occasion might offer. This, he said, would 
 keep the Romans at home to defend their own coasts, and would be the proper- 
 est method which could then be taken of carrying the war into Italy, where 
 alone, he persisted, the Romans could be conquered. And this was the best 
 advice which could then be given Antiochus. But he followed it only in that 
 particular which related to the fetching over his forces out of Asia: for he im- 
 mediately sent to Polyxenidas, his admiral, to transport them into Greece. But 
 as to all other particulars, his courtiers and flatterers diverted him from heark- 
 ening to him. They blew him up into a conceit, that victory was certain on 
 his side; that if he made his way to it by the methods which Hannibal had 
 advised, then he, as the adviser and director, would have the glory of it, which 
 the king ought to reserve wholly to himself; and therefore they advised him to 
 follow his own counsels, without hearkening any more to the Carthaginian. 
 After this the king went to Lamia;^ and there being invested with the chief 
 command of the iEtolians, and having received thereon the applause and ac- 
 clamations of that people, he returned to Eubcea, and having made himself 
 master of Chalcis in that island, there took up his winter-quarters for the ensuing 
 winter. In the interim, Eumenes, king of Pergamus, sent Attalus his brother 
 to Rome, to acquaint the senate of Antiochus's passage into Greece; w^hereon 
 they immediately prepared for the war, and sent Acilius Glabrio, their consul, 
 into Greece, with an army for the managing of it. 
 
 An. 191. Ptol. Epiphanes 14.] — Antiochus, while he lay in his winter-quar- 
 ters,^ fell in love with the daughter of his host, in w^hose house he lodged; and 
 although now past fifty, was so desperately enamoured of this young girl, who 
 was under twenty, that nothing could satisfy him, but he must marry her: and 
 thereon he spent the remaining part of the winter in nuptial feastings, and in 
 love dalliances with his new bride, instead of making those preparations which 
 were necessary for the carrying on of that dangerous war he was then engaged 
 in; which created a great loose and thorough relaxation of discipline in all else 
 about him, till at length he was roused up by the news,'' that Acilius the Ro- 
 man consul was on a full march into Thessaly against him. AU that he could 
 do on this alarm, was to seize the straits of Therm opylfe, and sent to the iEto- 
 lians for more forces; for Polyxenidas having not been able to transport his 
 Asian forces, by reason of contrary winds and ill weather, he had no other 
 forces then with him, but those whom he first brought over. But, before any 
 
 1 Living, lib. 36. Appian. in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 31. c. 5, 6. 2 Livius, lib. 35. 
 
 3 Ibid. lib. 36. Appianus in Syriacis. Athenaeus, lib. 10. c. liJ. Excerpta Valesii,p.297. 609. Plularchus 
 in PhilopoBmene. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in M. Cstone. Appianus in Syriacis. Livius, lib. 36. Athenseus, lib. 10. c. 12. Frontin. 
 Stratagem, lib, 3. c. 4. Tullius de Senectute. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 95 
 
 of the JEtolians could come to him,' Cato, one of the Roman generals then with 
 the consul, having with a strong detachment gotten over the mountains, by the 
 same path in which Xerxes, and after him Brennus, had formerly forced a pas- 
 sage over them, his men, seeing themselves hereby ready to be encompassed, 
 threw down their arms and fled; whereon, being pursued by the Romans, they 
 were all cut in pieces, excepting only five hundred, with whom Antiochus made 
 his escape to Chalcis. On his arrival thither, he made all the haste he could 
 from thence to his fleet, and having gotten on board it with this poor remainder 
 of his forces, passed over to Ephesus, carrying with him his new-married wife; 
 and there thinking himself safe from the Romans, neglected every thing that 
 might make him so, and again relapsed into his former dotage on that woman, 
 indulging himself in it to a total neglect of all his affairs, till at length Hannibal 
 roused him out of it,^ by laying before him his danger, and representing to him 
 what was necessary for him forthwith to do, for the securing of himself from 
 it. Hereon he sent to hasten the march of those forces from the eastern pro- 
 vinces which w'ere not yet arrived; and having fitted out his fleet, sailed with 
 it to the Thracian Chersonesus; and having there reinforced Lysimachia, and 
 farther fortified and strengthened Sestus and Abydus, and all other places there- 
 about, for the hindering of the Romans from passing the Hellespont into Asia 
 he returned again to Ephesus, where, in a grand council, it oeing resolved to 
 tiy their fortune by sea,^ Polyxenidas, Antiochus's admiral, was ordered out with 
 a fleet to fight C. Livius, the Roman admiral, then newly come into the ^Egean 
 Sea. Near Mount Corycus, in Ionia, both fleets meeting, a sharp fight ensued 
 between them, wherein Polyxenidas being beaten, with the loss of ten ships 
 sunk and thirteen taken; was forced to retire with the remainder to Ephesus; 
 and the Romans putting in at Cans;, a port in ^olis, did there set up their fleet 
 for the ensuing winter, fortifying the place, where they drew it to land, with a 
 ditch and rampart. 
 
 In the interim Antiochus was at Magnesia, busying himself in drawing toge- 
 ther his land army. On his hearing of this defeat of his fleet at Corycus,'' he 
 hastened to the sea-coasts, and applied himself with his utmost care to repair 
 the loss, and set a new fleet that might keep the mastery of those seas. In order 
 whereto, he refitted those ships that had escaped from the late defeat, added 
 others to them, and sent Hannibal into Syria, to bring from thence the Syrian 
 and Phoenician fleets for their reinforcement: and then having ordered Seleucus, 
 his son, with one part of the army, into ^olus, to watch the Roman fleet, and 
 keep all there in subjection to him, he with the rest took up his quarters in 
 Phrygia for the ensuing winter. 
 
 An. 190. Ptol. Epiphanes 15.] — The next year the Romans sent Lucias Scipio/ 
 their consul, and Scipio Africanus, his brother, as his lieutenant, to carry on the 
 war against Antiochus by land, in the place of Acilius Glabrio, and L. Emilius 
 RhegeUus to command their fleet at sea, in the place of C. Livius. 
 
 In the beginning of the year, Polyxenidas,® Antiochus's admiral, having by a 
 stratagem overreached Pausistratus, who commanded the Rhodian fleet that was 
 sent to the assistance of the Romans, sui-prised him in the port of Samos, and there 
 destroyed twenty-nine of his ships, and him with them. But the Rhodians, instead 
 of being discouraged by this loss, were enraged for the revenging of it; and imme- 
 diately set out another fleet more powerful than the former: with which, in con- 
 junction with Emilius, the Roman admiral, they sailed to Elea,'' and there relieved 
 Eumenes, king of Pergamus, when almost swallowed up by Antiochus, and after- 
 ward, being sent to meet Hannibal, on his coming with the Syrian and Phoenician 
 fleet to the king,"* they alone encountered him on the coasts of Pamphylia, and by 
 
 1 Plutarch, in IW. Catone. Appianus in Syriacis. Livius, lib. 36. AthenaMis, lib. 10. c. 12. Frontin. 
 Stratagem, lib. 2. c. 4. Tullins de Senoctute. 
 
 2 Appiaims in Syriacis. Livius, lib, 36. 3 Livius et Appianus, ibid. 
 
 4 Livius, lib. 36, 37. Appianus in Syriacis. 5 Livius, lib. 37. Appianus in Syriacis. 
 
 G Liviiis et Appianus. ibid. 7 Elea was the sea-port to Pergamus, and but a ^hort distance from it, 
 
 8 Livius, lib. 37. Appian. in Syriacis. Corn. Nepos in Hannibale. 
 
96 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 the goodness of their ships, and the skilfulness of their mariners, overthrew that 
 great warrior, and having driven him into port, there pent him up, so that he 
 could stir no farther for the assistance of the king. 
 
 Antiochus, hearing of this defeat, and, at the same time, having received an 
 account, that the Roman consul was with a great army on his full march through 
 Macedonia, in order to pass the Hellespont into Asia,' he could think of no better 
 course for the hindering of his passage and the keeping of the war out of Asia, 
 than to recover again the mastery of the seas, which he had in a great measure 
 lost by the two late defeats: for then he might have his fleets at leisure, and in 
 full power, to cut off all possibility of passing an army into Asia, either by the 
 Hellespont, or any other way. And therefore, resolving to attempt this at the 
 hazard of another battle, he came to Ephesus, where his fleet lay, and having 
 there, on a review, put it into the best posture he was able, and furnished his 
 marines with all things necessary for another encounter, he sent them forth, un- 
 der the command of Polyxenidas, his admiral, to fight the enemy. And they 
 having met Emilius,^ with the Roman fleet, near Myonnesus, a maritime town 
 in Ionia, they there fell upon him, but with no better success than in the former 
 engagements; for Emilius having gained an entire victory, Polyxenidas was 
 forced to flee back again to Ephesus, with the loss of twenty-nine of his ships 
 sunk, and thirteen taken. This did put Antiochus into such a consternation, 
 that, being frighted, as it were, out of his wits, he very absurdly sent to recall 
 all his forces out of Lysimachia, and the other towns on the Hellespont, for fear 
 lest they should fall into the enemy's hands, who were approaching those parts 
 to pass into Asia; whereas the only way left him to have hindered that passage 
 was to have continued them there. But he did not only thus absurdly withdraw 
 them from thence, when he most needed them there, but did it with such pre- 
 cipitation, that he left all the provisions, which he had laid up there for the war, 
 behind him; so that, when the Romans came thither, they found all necessaries 
 for their army in such plenty stored up in those places, as if they had been of 
 purpose provided for them, and the passage of the Hellespont left so free to 
 them, that they transported their army over it without any opposition, where 
 only, with the best advantage, opposition could have been made against them. 
 When Antiochus heard of the Romans beino^ in Asia,^ he began to grow diffident 
 of his cause, and would gladly have got rid of the war with them, which he had 
 so rashly run himself into; and therefore sent ambassadors to the two Scipios to 
 desire peace; and to make his way the easier to it, he restored Scipio Africanus 
 his son (who had been taken prisoner in this war) without ransom. But, not- 
 withstanding this, being able on no other terms to obtain peace, than on the 
 quitting of all Asia on this side Mount Taurus, and paying the Romans all the 
 expenses of the war, he thought he could suffer nothing by the war more grie- 
 vous than such a peace, and therefore prepared to decide the matter by battle;* 
 and the Romans did the same. Antiochus's army, according to Livy, consisted 
 of seventy thousand foot, twelve thousand horse, and fifty-four elephants; whereas 
 all the Roman forces amounted to no more than thirty thousand. Both armies 
 met near Magnesia, under Mount Sipylus; and there it came to a decisive stroke 
 between them, in which Antiochus, receiving a total overthrow, lost fifty thou- 
 sand foot, and four thousand horse slain upon the field of battle, one thousand 
 four hundred more taken prisoners, and he himself difficultly escaped to Sardis, 
 gathering up in his way such of his forces as survived this terrible slaughter. 
 From Sardis he passed to CelsenEe in Phrygia, where he heard his son Seleucus 
 had escaped from the battle; and, having there joined him, made all the haste 
 he could over Mount Taurus into Syria. Hannibal and Scipio Africanus were 
 both absent from this battle; the former being with the Syrian fleet pent up in 
 Pamphylia by the Rhodians, and the other detained by sickness at Elea. As 
 
 1 Polyb. Legal. 22. p. 812. Livius, lib. 37. 2 Livius, ibid. Appianus in Syriacis. 
 
 3 Polyb. Legat. 23. p. 813. Appianus in Syriasis. Justin. lib. 31. c. 7. Livius, lib. 37. 
 
 4 Livius et Appian. ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 97 
 
 soon as Antlochus was arrived at Antioch,' he sent from thence Antipater his 
 brother's son, and Zeuxis, who had been governor of Lydia and Phrygia under 
 him, to desire peace of the Romans. They found the consul at Sardis; and there 
 Scipio Africanus, who was now recovei-ed from his sickness, being come, they 
 first apphed themselves to him, and he introduced them to the consul, his bro- 
 ther: whereon a council being held on the subject of their embassy, after full 
 consultation therein had about it, the ambassadors were called in, and Scipio 
 Africanus, delivering the sense of the council, told them, that as the Romans 
 used not to sink low when vanquished, so neither would they carry themselves 
 too high when conquerors; and that therefore they would require no other terms 
 of peace after the battle than those which were demanded before it; that is, that 
 Antiochus should pay the vdiole expenses of the war, and quit all Asia on that 
 side Mount Taurus: which being then accepted of, and the expenses of the war 
 estimated at fifteen thousand talents of EubcEa,- it was agreed that it should be 
 paid in manner following; that is to say, five hundred talents present, two thou- 
 sand five hundred when the senate should ratify what was then agreed, and the 
 rest in twelve years' time, at the rate of one thousand talents in each of those 
 years. And L. Cotta was sent from the consul with the ambassadors to Rome, 
 to acquaint the senate of the agreement, and there fully conclude and ratify the 
 same. And, a little after, the five hundred talents were paid the consul at Ephe- 
 sus, and hostages were given for the payment of the rest, and the performance 
 of aU other articles that were agreed on; among whom, one was Antiochus, one 
 of the king's sons, who afterward reigned in Syria, by the name of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes. Hannibal, the Carthaginian, and Thoas, the ^EtoUan, who were the 
 chief incentors of this war, were also demanded by the Romans to be delivered 
 up unto them on the making of the peace. But as soon as they heard that a 
 treaty was entered on, foreseeing what would be the result of it, fliey both took 
 care to get out of the way before it came to a conclusion. 
 
 An. 189. Ptol Epiphanes 16.]— The next year' Cn. Manlius Vulso, who suc- 
 ceeded L. Scipio in the consulship, coming into Asia to succeed him in that 
 province, Scipio delivered to him the army, and with Scipio Africanus his bro- 
 ther returned to Rome, where the peace which they made with Antiochus 
 being ratified and confirmed, and all Asia on this side Mount Taurus delivered 
 into the hands of the Romans,^ they restored the Grecian cities to their liber- 
 ties, gratified the Rhodians with the provinces of Caria and Lycia, and gave all 
 
 1 Polyb. Legal. 24. p. 816. Livius, lib. 37. Appianus in Syriacis. Jastin. lib. 31. c. 8. Diorior. Sic. Le- 
 gal. 9. Ilieroiiymus in cap. xi. Danielis. 
 
 2 Herodotus, lib. 3, speaking of a Babylonic talenl, saith, Ihat it contained seventy Euboic minje. .^lian, 
 speaking of the same Babylonic talent (Hist. Var. lib. 1. c. 22,) saith, it contained seventy two Attic rainaw 
 from hence it follows, that seventvtwo Attic min» are equa^ to seventy Euborc mins: and sixty of each 
 making a talent, this shows the difference that is between an Euboic talent and an Attic. But there were 
 two other sorts of Euboic talents, or authors give us disagreeing accounts concerning it. Festus saith, 
 ■"Euboicum talentum nummo Grseco septem mJllium, nostro quatuor millium denariorum (in voce Eiiboi- 
 •cum,")i. e. a Euboic talent consists in Greek money of seven thousand drachms, and in our Latin money of 
 four thousand Roman pennies. But here is a manifest error in the copy, as all agree, instead of four thou- 
 sand it ought to be seven thousand Roman pennies; for, according to Festus, a drachm and a Roman penny 
 were equal. For, in the word talentum, he saith, that an Attic talent (which consisted of six thousand drachms,) 
 contained si,K thousand Roman pennies. According to Festus, therefore, a Roman penny and an Attic 
 drachm were equal; and seven thousand of these made Festus's Euboic talenl. But the Euboic talent, by 
 which Antiochus was to pay this sum of one thousand five hundred talents to the Romans, was much higher. 
 For Polybius tells us (Legal. 24. p. 817,) and so also doth Livy (lib. 27, and 38,) that they were to contain 
 each eighty libra>or Roman pounds. But every librse, or Roman pound, containing ninety-six Roman peniuesj 
 eighty of those librae must contain seven thousand six hundred and eighty Roman pennies, i. e. two hundred 
 and forty pounds of our money. But here it is to be observed, that, in the treaty of this peace made- with 
 Antiochus, there is a difference between Polybius and Livy in the copies which they give us of it. For, al- 
 though Livy, as well as Polybius, doth in the protocol of the treaty (lib. 37,) say, that the fifteen thousand 
 talents to be paid the Romans were to be Euboic talents; yet Livy, in the treaty itself, saith, they were to 
 lie Attic talents. But here Liw, writing from Polybius, is mistaken in the version he made of this treaty 
 from the Greek copy of it, which hefounB in him. For, whereas in Polybius the words are, that the money 
 to be paid the Romans should be 'Ap^^up.ou 'Attixou apinou, Livy, mistaking the meaning of the Greek 
 phrase, rendered it of Attic talents; whereas, what is there said, is meant only of the Attic standard. For, 
 as the Euboic talent was of the greatest weisht, so the Attic money was of the finest silver of any in 
 Greece; and, by the treatv, the money was to'lne paid according to both; that is, the Romans having con- 
 quered Antiochus. not only obliged hiai to pay this vast sum for this peace, but also made him pay it in ta- 
 lents of the highest weight, and in silver of the best and finest standard in all Greece. So that the Romans 
 might in this case say the same to him, as formerly Brenus did to them; Fa: vktis, i. e. Woe be to the con- 
 quered. 
 
 3 Livius, lib. 37. Appian. in Syriac. . 
 
 4 Livius, hb. 37. 38. Polyb. Legal, p. 818, 819, &c, el p. 845. Diodov. Sic. Legal. 10. Appian. ibid. 
 
 Vol. IL— 13 
 
08 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY GF 
 
 the rest of it, that had before belonged to Antiochus, to Eumenes king of Per* 
 gamus. For Eumenes and the Rhodians having been their confederates through 
 this whole war, and much assisted them in it, they had these countries given 
 them for the reward of their service. 
 
 jln. 188. Ftol Epiphanes 17.] — Manlius, after the time of his consulship was 
 out, being continued still in the same province, as pro-consul,' he there waged 
 war against the Gauls who had planted themselves in Asia; and having sub- 
 dued them in several battles, and reduced them to live orderly within the 
 limits assigned to them, he thereby delivered all that country from tl>e terror 
 of those barbarous people, who lived mostly hitherto by harassing and plun- 
 dering their neighbours; and so quieted all things in those parts, that thence- 
 forth the empire of the Romans became thoroughly settled in aU that country, 
 as far as the River Halys on the one side, and Mount Taurus on the other; and 
 the Syrian kings became thenceforth utterly excluded from having any thing 
 more to do in all Lesser Asia. Whereon Antiochus is said to have expressed 
 himself. That he was much beholden to the Romans," in that they had here- 
 by eased him of the great care and trouble which the governing of so large a 
 country must have cost him. 
 
 An. 187. Ptol. Epiphanes 18.} — Antiochus being at great difficulties how to 
 raise the money which he was to pay the Romans, he marched into the eastern 
 provinces,^ to gather the tribute of those countries to enable him to it, leaving 
 his son Seleucus (whom he had declared his successor) to govern in Syria 
 during his absence. On his coming into the province of Elymais, hearing that 
 there was a great treasure in the temple of Jupiter Belus in that country, he 
 seized the temple by night, and spoiled it of th^ riches that were laid up in it; 
 whereon the people of the country ri-sing upon him for the revenging of this 
 sacrilege, slew him and all that were with him. So Diodorus Siculus, Justin, 
 Strabo, and Jerome, relate the manner of his death; but Aurelius Victor tella 
 us,'* that he was slain by some of his own followers, whom he did beat in a 
 drunken fit while at one of his carousals. 
 
 . He was a prince of a laudable character for humanity, clemency, and benefi- 
 cence, and of great justice in the administration of his government; and, till 
 the fiftieth year of his life, managed all his affairs with that valour, prudence, 
 and application, as made him to prosper in all his undertakings; which deservedly 
 gained him the title of Great, But after that age, declining in the wisdom of 
 his conduct, as well as in the vigour of his application, every thing that he did 
 afterward lessened him as fast as all his actions had aggrandized him before, 
 till at length, being vanquished by the Romans, he was driven out of the best 
 part of his dominions, and forced to submit to very hard and disgraceful terms 
 of peace; and at last, ending his life in a very ill and impious attempt, he went 
 out in a stink, like the snuff of a candle. 
 
 The prophecies of Daniel (chap, xi,) from the tenth verse to the nine- 
 teenth inclusive, refer to the actions of this king, and were all fulfilled by 
 him. What we find foretold in the tenth verse, was exactly accomplished 
 in the war which Antiochus made upon Ptolemy Philopator, for the con- 
 quering of Ccele-Syria and Palestine, as it is above related, Annis 221, 220, 
 219, and 218. In the eleventh and twelfth verses are foretold the expedition 
 whpch Philopator made into Palestine against Antiochus, Anno 217, and the 
 victory which he then got over him at Raphia. For there, the great multitude, 
 that is, the great army which Antiochus brought thither against him, was given 
 into his hands; and Ptolomy did cast down, that is, slew many thousands of 
 them, and dissipated and put to flight all the rest; and yet, the same prophecy 
 tells us, that notwithstanding all this, he should be strengthened by it; and so it 
 
 1 Livius, lib. 38. 2 Cicero pro Deiotaro Rege. Val. Maximus, lib. 4. c. 1. 
 
 3 Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 292. 298. Hieronymua in cap. xi. Danielis, Justin, lib. 33. c. 2i 
 Strabo, lib. 16. p. 744. 
 
 4 De Viris Illustribus, c. 54. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 99 
 
 happened. For Ptolemy being wholly given up to luxury, sloth, and voluptu- 
 ousness, made haste back again into Egypt, there to enjoy his fill of them after 
 this victory, without taking the advantages which it gave him. By which ill 
 conduct he stirred up some of his people to sedition and rebellion, and weak- 
 ened himself in the affection and esteem of all the rest, as is above related 
 under the years 216 and 215. What follows, to the end of the seventeenth 
 verse, foretells the renewal of that war by Antiochus " after certain years; 
 that is, Anne 203, fourteen years after the ending of the former war; when on 
 the death of Philopator, and the succeeding of his infant son Ptolemy Epipha- 
 nes in his stead, Antiochus, " king of the north, returned and came again" 
 into Ccele-Syria and Palestine, for the recovering of those provinces, bringing 
 with him " a greater multitude than in the former war," that is, that "great 
 army" which he brought with him out of the east on his late return from 
 thence. What is said in the fourteenth verse, that " in those times" (that is, 
 in the first years of the reign of Epiphanes the king of the south) " many 
 should stand up against him," was fully verified by the leaguing of the kings 
 of Macedon and Syria togeth-er against him, to seize all his dominions, and 
 divide them between them; by the sedition of Agathocles, Agathoclea, and 
 Tlepolemus, to invade his royal power, and by the conspiracy of Scopas utterly 
 to extinguish it, and seize the kingdom for himself; all which are above related 
 to have happened in these times. And the same prophecy tells us, that in 
 those times, many " violators of the law among the people of the prophet," 
 that is, the Jews apostatizing from the law, should " exalt" themselves, that is, 
 under the favour of the king of the south; for the pleasing of whom, they 
 should forsake their God and their holy religion; but that " they should fall" 
 and be cut off, i. e. by Antiochus; and so it came to pass: for Antiochus, having, 
 Anno 198, made himself master of Judea and Jerusalem, did cut off or drive 
 from thence aU those of Ptolemy's " party" who had thus far given themselves 
 up to him, but showed particular favour to those Jews, who, persevering in the 
 observance of their law, would not comply with any proposals of the king of 
 Egypt to apostatize from it. In the fifteenth verse, the holy prophet foreshows 
 the victory, by which Antiochus, " the king of the north," should malce him* 
 self again master of Ccele-Syria and Palestine, that is, how he should " come" 
 again into those provinces, " and cast up mounts against the most fenced cities 
 in them, and take them;" and this he did in the year 198. For having then 
 vanquished the king of Egypt's army at Paneas, he besieged and took, first 
 Sidon, and next Gaza, and then all the other cities of those provinces; and 
 made himself thorough master of the whole country. For although the king 
 of Egypt sent an army against him of " his chosen people." that is, of his 
 choicest troops, and under the command of his best generals, yet they could 
 not prevail, or " have any strength to withstand him," but were vanquished 
 and repulsed by him; so that, as the prophet proceeds to tell us in the sixteenth 
 verse, " he did according to his will" in all Coele-Syria and Palestine, and 
 " none could there stand before him." And, on the subjecting of these pro- 
 vinces to him, the same prophetic text goes on to tell us, "that he should 
 stand in the glorious land," and that it should be consumed by his hand; and 
 so accordingly it came to pass. For, on his subduing Palestine, he entered 
 into Judea, " the glorious land;" which was a part of Palestine, and there 
 established his authority, and made it there firmly " to stand," after he had 
 expeUed out of the castle of Jerusalem the garrison which Scopas had left 
 there. But, that garrison having made such resistance, that Antiochus was 
 forced to go thither with all his army to reduce it; and the siege continuing 
 some time, it happened hereby, that the country was eaten up and consumed 
 by the foraging of the soldiers: and Jerusalem suffered such damage during the 
 siege of the castle, both from the besieged and the besiegers, that it was nearly 
 ruined by it; which fully appears from the degree which Antiochus afterward 
 granted the Jews for repairing of their demolished city, and the restoring of it 
 
100 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 from the ruinous condition into which it was then reduced. This decree waa 
 directed to Ptolemy, one of Antiochus's lieutenants, and who then seems to 
 have been his deputy-governor in that province: and it is still extant in Jose- 
 phus.' In the seventeenth verse is foretold, how that when Antiochus was 
 ready to have " entered" Egypt, " with the strength of his whole kingdom, 
 he made an agreement with Ptolemy to give him his daughter in marriage, 
 coiTupting her," that is, with ill principles, to betray her husband to him, and 
 thereby made him master of Egypt, For Jerome tells us,^ this match was 
 made with this fraudulent design. But, " she did not stand on his side, neither 
 was for him," but when married to King Ptolemy, forsook the interest of her 
 father, and wholly embraced that of her husband: and therefore we find her 
 joining with him in an embassy to the Romans,^ for the congratulating of their 
 victory gained by Acilius at the straits of ThermopylcB over her own father. 
 The eighteenth verse tells us of Antiochus's " turning of his face unto the isles, 
 and his taking of many of them;" and so accordingly it was done. For, after 
 having finished the war in Coele-Syria and Palestine, Anno 197, he sent two of 
 his sons with his army by land to Sardis, and he himself, with a great fleet, at 
 the same time sailed into the ^gean Sea, and there took in many of the islands 
 in it, and extended his power and dominion much in those parts, till at length 
 " the prince of the people to whom he had offered reproach" by that invasion, 
 that is, Lucius Scipio the Roman consul, " made the reproach turn upon him," 
 by overthrowing him in the battle at Mount Sipylus, and driving him out of all 
 Lesser Asia. This forced him, according to what is foretold in the nineteenth 
 verse, " to return to the fort of his own land," that is, to Antioch, the chief 
 seat and fortress of his kingdom. From whence, going into the eastern pro- 
 vinces to gather money to pay the Romans, " he stumbled and fell, and was 
 no more found," as the sacred text expresseth it; that is, on his attempting to 
 rob the temple in Elymais, he failed in his design, and was cut off and slain in 
 it; so that he returned not into Syria, or was any more found there. 
 
 In the year that Antiochus died, Cleopatra his daughter, queen of Egypt, 
 bore unto Ptolemy Epiphanes her husband a son,* who reigned after him in 
 Egypt by the name of Ptolemy Philometor. Hereon aU the great men and 
 prime nobility of Ccele-SjTia and Palestine hastened to Alexandria,* to con- 
 gratulate the king and queen, and make those presents which were usual on 
 such an occasion. But Joseph (who, on the restoration of these provinces to 
 the king of Egypt, was again restored to his office of collecting the king's reve- 
 nues in them) being too old to take on him such a journey himself,** sent Hyr- 
 canus his son to make his compliment in his stead. This Hyrcanus was the 
 youngest of his sons, but, being of the quickest parts and best understanding 
 of them all, was best qualified for this employment. The history of his birth 
 is very remarkable; it is told at large by Josephus in the twelfth book of his 
 Antiquities,' in manner as followeth: — 
 
 Joseph, in the time of the former Ptolemy, father of Epiphanes, going to 
 Alexandria on his occasions (as he frequently had such there, while collector 
 of the king's revenues in Ccele-Syria and Palestine,) Solymius his brother ac- 
 companied him in the journey, and carried with him a daughter of his, with 
 intent, on his coming to Alexandria, to marry her to some Jew of that place 
 whom he should find of quality suitable for her. Joseph, on his arrival at 
 Alexandria, going to court, and there supping with the king, fell desperately in 
 love with a young beautiful damsel whom he saw dancing before the king, and 
 not being able to master his inordinate passion, he communicated it to his bro- 
 
 1 Antiq. lib. 12. c. 3. 2 In Commeiit. ad cap. xi. Danielis. 3 Livius, lib. 37. 
 
 4 He was six years old when his father died; and therefore must have been born this year. 
 
 5 Joseph. lib, ii. c. 4. 
 
 6 For supposing Joseph to have been thirty years old, when he first went to the court of King Ptolemy 
 Eaergetes (and older he could not then be according to Josephus; for he saith he was then iso? ts-i t>iv >|Xixiaf, 
 ». e. ae yet a young man,) he would now have been si.\tynine. This also proves, that it could not be earlier 
 that Hyrcanus was sent on this embassy: for then Joseph would not have been past the age of going himself 
 arid all things else prove it could not be later, 7 Cap. 4. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 101 
 
 ther, and desired him, if possible, to procure for him the enjoyment of this 
 young woman, and in as secret a manner as he could, because of the sin and 
 shame that would attend such an act; which Solymius undertaking, put his own 
 daughter to bed to him. Joseph having drunk well over-night, perceived not 
 that it was his niece; and having in the same secret manner accompanied with 
 her several times without discovering the deceit, and being every time more 
 and more enamoured with her, still supposing her to be the dancer, he at length 
 made his moan to his brother, lamenting that his love had taken such deep root 
 in his heart, that he feared he should never be able to get it out, and that his 
 grief was, that the Jewish law would not permit him to marry her,' she being 
 an alien; and if it would, the king would never grant her unto him.- Hereon, 
 his brother discovered to him the whole matter, telling him, that he might take 
 to wife the woman with whom he had so often accompanied, and was so much 
 enamoured of, and lawfully enjoy her as much as he pleased: for she whom he 
 had put to bed to him was his own daughter: that he had chosen rather to do 
 this wrong to his own child, than suffer him to do so shameful and sinful a thing, 
 as to join himself to a strange woman, which their holy law forbade.^ Joseph, 
 being much surprised at this discovery, and as much affected with his brother's 
 kindness to him, expressed himself with aU the thankfulness which so great an 
 obligation deserved, and forthwith took the young woman to wife; and of her 
 the next year after was born Hyrcanus. For, according to the Jewish law, an 
 uncle might marry his niece, though an aunt could not her nephew;' for which 
 the Jewish writers give this reason, that the aunt being, in respect of the 
 nephew, in the same degree with the father or mother in the line of descent, 
 hath naturally a superiority above him; and, therefore, for him to make her his 
 wife, and thereby bring her down to be in a degree below him (as all wives 
 are in respect of their husbands,) would be to disturb and invert the order of 
 nature: but, that there is no such thing done where the uncle marries the niece; 
 for in this case, both keep the same degree and order which they were in before^ 
 without any mutation in it. 
 
 Joseph had by another wife seven other sons, all elder than Hyrcanus, to 
 each of which he offered this commission of going from him to the Egyptian 
 court, on the occasion mentioned: but they having all refused it, Hyrcanus un- 
 dertook it, though he was then a very young man, not being above twenty, if 
 so much. And, having persuaded his father not to send his presents from Ju- 
 dea, but to enable him, on his arrival at Alexandria, to buy there such curiosi- 
 ties for the king and queen, as when on the spot he should find would be most 
 acceptable to them, he obtained from him letters of credit to Arion his agent at 
 Alexandria, by whose hands he returned the king's taxes into his treasury; to 
 furnish him with money for this purpose without limiting the sum, reckoning 
 that about ten talents would be the most he would need. But Hyrcanus, on his 
 arrival at Alexandria, taking the advantage of his father's unlimited order, in- 
 stead of ten talents, demanded one thousand; and having forced Arion (who 
 had then three thousand talents of Joseph's money in his hands,) to pay him 
 that whole sum, which amounted to above two hundred thousand pounds of our 
 money, he bought one hundred beautiful boys for the king, and one hundred 
 beautiful young maids for the queen, at the price of a talent a head: and when 
 he presented them, they carried each a talent in their hands, the boys for the 
 king, and the young maids for the queen; so that this article alone cost him four 
 hundred talents. Some part of the rest he expended in valuable gifts to the 
 courtiers and great officers about the king, keeping the remainder to his own 
 use. By which means having procured in a high degree the favour of the king 
 and queen, and their whole court, he returned with a commission to be collector 
 of the king's revenues in all the country beyond Jordan. For having thus 
 
 1 Exod. xxxiv. 16. Deut. vii. 3. lKinesxi.2. Ezra ix. 10. Neiieni. x. 30. xiii. 2.5. 
 
 2 Perchance this dancer was that AgalUoclea which that king, i. e. Ptolemy Philopater, so much doted upon. 
 .3 Levit. xviii. 12, 13. xx, 19. 
 
102 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 overreached his father, he made all the interest which Joseph formerly had in 
 the Egyptian court, to devolve from him upon himself, and got into his hands 
 also the best of his estate; which exceedingly angering his brothers, who were 
 before ill-affected toward him, they conspired to way-lay him, and cut him off 
 as he returned, having their father's connivance, if not his consent, for the 
 game; so much was he angered against him by what he had done in Egypt. 
 But Hyrcanus coming well attended with soldiers, to assist him in the execu- 
 tion of his office, got the better of them in the assault which they made upon 
 him; and two of his brothers were left dead upon the spot; but, on his coming 
 to Jerusalem, findirtg his father exceedingly exasperated against him, both, for 
 his conduct in Egypt, and the death of his brothers on his return, and that for 
 this reason no one there would own him, he passed over Jordan, and there en- 
 tered on his office of collecting the king's revenues in those parts. A little 
 after this Joseph died, and thereon a war commenced between Hyrcanus and 
 the surviving brothers about their father's estate: which for some time disturbed 
 the peace of the Jews at Jerusalem. But the high-priest and the generality of 
 the people taking part with the brothers, he was forced again to retreat over 
 Jordan, where he built a very strong castle, which he called Tyre; from whence 
 he made war upon the neighbouring Arabs, infesting them with incursions and 
 depredations for seven years together. This was while Seleucus Philopator, the 
 son of Antiochus the Great, reigned in Syria. But when Antiochus Epiphaness 
 succeeded Seleucus, and had instated himself in Ccele-Syria and Palestine, as 
 well as in the other provinces of tlie Syrian empire, Hyrcanus being threatened 
 by him with his wrath for his conduct in this and other matters, for fear of him, 
 fell on his own sword and slew himself. Some time before his death, he seems 
 to have recovered the favour- of Onias the high-priest, and to have had him 
 wholly in his interest: for he took his treasure into his charge,' and laid it up 
 in the treasury of the temple, there to secure it for him; and in his answer to 
 Heliodorus, he saith of him, that he was a man of great dignity.^ And Onias's 
 favouring him thus far, might perchance be the true cause of that breach,^ which 
 happened between him and Simon the governor of the temple; who, upon good 
 reason, is supposed to have been the eldest of his brothers of Hyrcanus, and 
 the head of the family of the Tobiadfe (or sons of Tobias.*) And, it is most 
 likely, this provoked him to lay that design of betraying the treasury of the 
 temple into the hands of the king of Syria, which we shall by and by speak of, 
 that so Hyrcanus might lose what he had deposited in it. 
 
 An. 186. Ptol. EpipJiunes 19.] — ^After the death of Antiochus the Great, Se- 
 leucus Philopater, his eldest son, whom he left at Antioch on his departure 
 thence into the east, succeeded him in the kingdom,* but made a very poor 
 figure in it, by reason of the low state which the Romans had reduced the Sy- 
 rian empire to, and the heavy tribute of one thousand talents a year, which, 
 through the whole time of his reign, he was obliged to pay them, by the treaty 
 of peace lately granted by them to his father. 
 
 Ptolemy had hitherto managed his government with approbation and ap- 
 plause,* being till now directed in all things by the council and advice of Aris- 
 tomenes, his chief minister, who was as a father unto him. But at length the 
 flatteries of his courtiers prevailing over the wise counsels of this able minister, 
 he began to deviate into all the vicious and evil courses of his father: and, not 
 being able to bear the freedom with which Aristomenes frequently advised him 
 to a better conduct, he made him away by a cup of poison, and then gave him-, 
 self up with a full swing into all manner of vicious pleasures; and this led him 
 into as great miscarriages in the government: for thenceforth, instead of that 
 clemency and justice with which he had hitherto governed the kingdom, he 
 
 1 2 Maccab. iii. 11. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid, ui.4, 5, &c. 
 
 4 This Tobias was the father of Joseph, and grandfather of Hyrcanus. 
 
 5 Appian. in Syriacis. Qui de eo dicit, quod erat otios.us, nee adinodum potens propter cladem, quam pater 
 •Qceperat. 
 
 6 JHodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 394. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 103 
 
 turned all into tyranny and cruelty, conducting himself in all things that he 
 did, by nothing else but by corrupt will and arbitrary pleasure. 
 
 An. 185. Ptol. Epiphanes 20.] — The Egyptians,' not being able to bear the 
 grievances which they suffered under this great maleadministration of their king, 
 began to combine and make associations against him; and, being headed by 
 many of the greatest power in the land, formed designs for the deposing of him 
 from his throne, and had very nearly succeeded in it. 
 
 An. 184. Ptol. Epiphanes 21.] — For the extricating himself out of these trou- 
 bles, he made Polycrates his chief minister,'^ who was a wise and valiant man, 
 and long experienced in all the affairs both of war and peace; for he had been 
 one of his father's generals in the battle of Raphia; and much of that victory 
 which was there gained was owing unto him. After that he had been governor 
 of Cyprus, and coming from thence to Alexandria, just upon the breaking out 
 of the conspiracy of Scopas, he had a great hand in the suppressing of it. 
 
 An. 183. Ptol. Epiphanes 22.] — By this means Ptolemy,^ having subdued the 
 revolters, brought many of their leaders (who were of the chief nobility of his 
 kingdom) upon terms of accommodation to submit to him; but, when he had 
 gotten them into his power, he broke his faith with them: for, after having 
 treated them with great cruelty, he caused them all to be put to death; which 
 base action involved him in new difficulties, but the wisdom of Polycrates 
 extricated him out of all. 
 
 Agisipolis, who, on the death of Cleomenes, had been in his infancy declared 
 king of Lacedemon, being slain by pirates in a voyage which he was making 
 to Rome, Archbishop Usher thinks that Areus,^ a noble Lacedemonian, much 
 spoken of in those times, had the title of king of Lacedemon after him, and that 
 from him was sent that letter to Onias the high-priest of the Jews,** in which the 
 Lacedemonians claimed kindred with the Jews, and desired friendship with 
 them on this account. Josephus, indeed, saith,^ that this letter was written to 
 Onias the son of Simon, who was the third of that name that was high-priest 
 at Jerusalem; but it is hard in his time to tind an Areus king of Lacedemon. 
 For Archbishop Usher's conjecture will not do; that Areus, on whom he would 
 fix the title of king of Lacedemon, for the fathering of this letter to Onias, is 
 no where said to be so, neither is it any way likely that he ever had that title; 
 for before his time both the royal families of the kings of Lacedemon had failed 
 and become extinct; and the government there, which had for some time 
 before been invaded by tyrants, was tlien turned into another form. And be- 
 sides Jonathan in his letter to the Lacedemonians (1 Maccab. xii. 10,) wherein 
 he makes mention of this letter of Areus, saith, that " there was a long time 
 passed since it had been sent unto them," which could not have been said by 
 Jonathan in respect of the time in Avhich Onias the third was high-priest; since, 
 from the death of that Onias, to the time that Jonathan was made prince of the 
 Jews, there had passed no more than twelve years. It is most likely Josephus 
 mistook the Onias to whom this letter was directed, and ascribed that to Onias 
 the Third, which was done only in the time of Onias the First. For, whUe 
 Onias, ^ the first of that name, the son of Jaddua, was high-priest of the Jews, 
 there was an Areus king of Lacedemon, and from him most likely it was that 
 this letter was written. But the greatest difficulty as to this letter is to know 
 on what foundation the Lacedemonians claimed kindred with the Jews. Areus 
 saith in his letter, that "it was found in a certain writing, that the Lacedemo- 
 nians and the Jews were brethren, and that they were both of the stock of 
 Abraham." But what this writing was, or how this pedigree mentioned in it 
 was to be made out, is not said. No doubt it^was from some old fabulous story 
 now lost; learned men have been offering several conjectures for the making 
 out of this matter, but all so lame as not to be worth relating. 
 
 1 Dindor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 294. 2 Polybius in Kxcerptis Valesii, p. 113. 
 
 3 Annales Veteris Testaraenti.sub anno J. P. 4531. 4 1 Maccab. xii. Joseph, lib. 12. c. 5. 
 
 5 Lib. 12. c. 4. 
 .6 Vide Scaligeri Animadversionesin Eusebii Chronicon, p. 139. et Canonum Isagog. lib. 3. p. 3tt. 
 
104 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 An. 180. T'iol. Philometor 1.] — Ptolemy having suppressed his rebellious sub- 
 jects at home, projected a war abroad against Seleucus king of Syria. But, as 
 he was laying his designs for it," one of his chief commanders asked him, 
 Where he would have money to carry it on? To this he answered, That his 
 friends Avere his money; from whence many of the chief men about him infer- 
 ring, that he intended to take their money from them for carrying on of this war: 
 for the preventing of it, procured poison to be given him, which did put an end 
 to this project and his life together, after he bad reigned twenty-four years, and 
 lived twenty-nine. Ptolemy Philometor his son, an infant of six yeai's old, suc- 
 ceeded him in the kingdom, under the guardianship of Cleopatra his mother. 
 
 Jin. 177. Piol. Philometor 4.] — Perseus, having succeeded his father Philip 
 in the kingdom of Macedon,^ married Laodice the daughter of Seleucus king of 
 Syria; and the Rhodians, with their whole fleet, conducted her from Syria into 
 Macedon. In their way thither they stopped at Delus, an island in the ^Egean 
 Sea sacred to Apollo, where he had a temple erected to him, which, next that 
 at Delphos, was reckoned to be of the greatest note in aU Greece. While the 
 fleet lay there, Laodice having made many offerings to the temple, and given 
 many gifts to the people of the place, they, in acknowledgement hereof, there 
 erected a statue to her, on the pedestal whereof was engraven this inscription, 
 
 'O A>)/^35 A>iX*ujv BatriXio-fl-xv A«oJixiji' B*(ri\su>5 ££>.£uxou, yuvccixx J£ BjttrtXEa)? Hi^o-gai^-, ac^srii^ evexsv x:6t £u(r£. 
 
 /3=<«; T„,- !r£f< TO .apov x«< £u.o<:«; ^f-s -^'v '^i^/.jv tu,w A„>.<c«r:«. e. " Thc pcople of Dclus Brcctcd 
 this for Queen Laodice, the daughter of King Seleucus, and the wife of King 
 Perseus, because of her virtue, and of her piety to the temple, and her benefi- 
 eence to the people of Delus." The marble whereon this inscription was en- 
 graven is still extant among the Arundel marbles at Oxford, from whence it 
 was published by me among the Marmora Oxoniensia, No. 14-2, p. 276. 
 
 Jin. 176. Ptol. Philometor 5.] — Simon, a Benjamite, being made governor or 
 protector of the temple at Jerusalem^ (which office he seems to have had from 
 the death of Joseph, and was most probably one of his sons,)* differences arose 
 between him and Onias the high-priest; and when he found that he could not 
 prevail against Onias, he, with the rest of the sons of Tobias, fled from Jerusa- 
 lem, and went to Apollonius, Avho was governor of Ccele-Syria and Palestine 
 for Seleucus king of Syria, and told him of great treasures which, he said, were 
 laid up in the temple at Jerusalem; whereon Apollonius informing the king, 
 Heliodorus his treasurer was sent to make seizure of it, and bring it to Antioch. 
 How the hand of God appeared in a very miraculous manner against Heliodo- 
 rus in this sacrilegious attempt, is at large related in the third chapter of the 
 second book of Maccabees. However, Simon" still carrying on his malice 
 against Onias, and murders having been thereon committed by those of his fac- 
 tion, and Apollonius encouraging him herein, Onias went to Antioch to make 
 complaint to the king of these violences; but he had not been there long ere 
 the king died. 
 
 It hath been above related, that when Antiochus the Great, the father of Se- 
 leucus, made peace with the Romans after the battle of Mount Sipylus, among 
 other hostages which were then given for the observance of that peace, one 
 was Antiochus the king's son, and younger brother to Seleucus. He having 
 been now thirteen years at Rome," Seleucus had a desire to have him home; 
 and therefore, for the redeeming of him, he sent Demetrius, his only son, then 
 about twelve years old, to be there in his stead by way of exchange for him. 
 Whether he did this, as some moderns think, ^ that his son might have the bene- 
 fit of a Roman education, or that he might make use of Antiochus for the exe- 
 cuting of some designs he might then have upon Egypt, during the minority of 
 Philometor, as is conjectured by others,^ or for some other reason different from 
 
 1 Hieronymusin cap. xi. Danielis. 2 Polyb. Legal. 60. p. 882. Livius, lib. 42. 
 
 3 2 Maccab. iii. 4. 4 Vide Grotiuni in Annotationibus ad tertium, cap. 2. Libri Maccab. ver. 4. 
 
 5 2 Maccab. iv. 6 Appian. in Syiiacis. 7 Salianus sub Anno IVIundi3878. 
 
 8 VaiUant in Hist. Regum Syri^. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 105 
 
 both, is not said in any authentic history of those times. While both the next 
 heirs of the crown were thus absent (Demetrius being gone for Rome, and An- 
 tiochus not yet returned from thence,) Heliodorus the king's treasurer, the same 
 tliat had been sent to rob the temple at Jerusalem, thinking this a tit opportu- 
 nity for him to usurp the crown, were Seleucus out of the way,' caused poison 
 to be treacherously given him, of which he died. 
 
 It appears from the third and fourth chapters of the second book of Macca- 
 bees, and also from Josephus,* that Seleucus had been in possession of Ccele- 
 Syria, Phoenicia, and Judea, some time before his death. For Apollonius was 
 governor of those provinces for him, and Heliodorus was sent to Jerusalem by 
 his commission, when he would have there seized the treasure of the temple for 
 his use; and Onias, when oppressed by Simon the Benjamite and his faction, 
 apphed himself to Seleucus king of Syria, and not to Ptolemy king of Egypt, 
 for redress of his grievances: all which plainly proves, that Seleucus was then 
 in possession of the sovereignty of those provinces; but how he came by it is 
 no where said in history. After the battle of Paneas it is certain Antiochus the 
 Great made himself master of all Coele-Syria and Palestine, and utterly ex- 
 cluded Ptolemy from the sovereignty, which till then the Egyptian kings had 
 in those provinces. But, when the same Antiochus married his daughter Cleo- 
 patra to Ptolemy Epiphanes, he agreed to restore them to him by way of dower 
 with her, reserving to himself one-half of the revenues of those provinces. 
 And, if they were then restored to Ptolemy, the question ariseth herefrom, 
 How then came Seleucus to be possessed of them? By what we find in Poly- 
 bius,^ it may be inferred, that this agreement was never faithfully executed 
 either by Antiochus or by Seleucus his son: but that both of them held these 
 provinces, notwithstanding that article of the marriage, whereby it w'as agreed 
 to surrender them to the Egyptian king. For that author tells us,' That, from 
 the time of the battle of Paneas, where Antiochus vanquished Scopas and the 
 Egyptian army, all parts of the above mentioned provinces were subject to the 
 king of Syria. And he also tells us, That Antiochus Epiphanes (who succeeded 
 Seleucus,) in an answer which he gave to the ambassadors that came to him 
 from Greece to compose the differences that were between him and King Pto- 
 lemy Philometor,* denied that Antiochus his father ever agreed to surrender 
 Coele-Syria to Ptolemy Epiphanes on his marrying of his daughter to him: 
 Avhich may seem to infer, that Coele-Syria and Palestine, notwithstanding the 
 said agreement, were still retained in the possession of the Syrian kings. But 
 what Josephus^ saith of Hyrcanus's journey, to congratulate King Ptolemy Epi- 
 phanes, and Cleopatra his queen, on the birth of Philometor their son, and the 
 flocking of the nobles of Coele-Syria thither on the same account, is a clear 
 proof of the contrary; that is, that Ccele-Syria and Palestine w^ere then in the 
 possession of the Egyptian king, by what means soever it afterward became 
 that he was put out of it. It is most likely, that Seleucus, having just cause of 
 war given him by the preparations that Ptolemy Epiphanes was making against 
 him at the time of his death, took the advantage of the minority of Philometor 
 his son,^ to prosecute this war against him which his father had begun, and 
 therein seized these provinces; for it is certain, both from the Maccabees and 
 from Josephus, that Seleucus was in possession of them at the time of his death. 
 
 The whole of this king's reign is expressed in Daniel xi. HO. For in that 
 text it is foretold, that after Antiochus the Great, who is spoken of in the fore- 
 going verses, " there should stand up in his estate a raiser of taxes." And Se- 
 leucus was no more than such all his time, for the whole business of his reign 
 was to raise the thousand talents every year; which, by the treaty of peace 
 that his father made with the Romans, he was obliged, for twelve years toge- 
 ther, annually to pay that people; and tlie last of those years was the last of 
 his life. For, as the text saith. That "within a few years after he should be 
 
 1 Appian. in Syriacis. 2 In Libro de Maccab. c. 4. 3 Legal. 72. p. 893. 4 Polyb. Legal. 82. p. 908. 
 S Antiq. lib. 12. c. 4. 6 He was but six years old at the time of his father's death. 
 
 Vol. II.— 14 
 
106 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 destroyed/ and that neither in anger, nor in battle;" so accordingly it happened. 
 For he reigned only eleven years, and his death was neither in battle nor in 
 anger; that is, neither in war abroad, nor in sedition or rebellion at home, but 
 by the secret treachery of one of his own friends. His successor was Antio- 
 chus Epiphanes his brother, of whom we shall treat in the next book. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 An. 175. Ptoh Philometor 6.] — On the death of Seleucus Philopator, Helio- 
 dorus,* who had been the treacherous author of his death, endeavoured to seize 
 the crown of Syria. Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, was then on his re- 
 turn from Rome. While at Athens in his journey,' he there heard of the death 
 of his brother, and the attempt of Heliodorus to usurp the throne; and finding 
 that the usurper had a great party with him to support him in his pretensions, 
 and that there was another party also forming for Ptolemy,'' (who made some 
 claim to the succession in right of his mother, she being sister to the deceased 
 king,) and that both of them were agreed* "not to give unto him (though the 
 next heir in the absence of Demetrius) the honour of the kingdom," as the 
 holy prophet Daniel foretold, ° he applied himself to Eumenes,** king of Perga- 
 mus, and Attains his brother, and "by flattering speeches," '^ and great pro- 
 mises of friendship, prevailed with them to help him against Heliodorus. And 
 by their means that usurper being suppressed,* he was quietly placed on the 
 throne, and all submitted to him, and permitted him, without any further oppo- 
 sition, peaceably to obtain the kingdom, as had been predicted of him in the 
 same prophecy. Eumenes and Attains, at this time having some suspicions of 
 the Romans, were desirous of having the king of Syria on their side, in case a 
 war should break out between them, and Antiochus's promises to stick by them, 
 whenever such a war should happen, were the inducements that prevailed with 
 them to do him this kindness. 
 
 On his being thus settled on the throne, he took the name of Epiphanes,* 
 tliat is, The Illustrious; but nothing could be more alien to his true character 
 than this title. The prophet Daniel foretold of him that he should be " a vile 
 person," '" so our English version hath it; but the word nibzeh in the original 
 rather signifieth despicable than vile. He was truly both in all that both these 
 words can express, which will fully appear from the character given of him by 
 Polybius," Philarchus,'- Livy,'' and Diodorus Siculus,'^ who were all heathen 
 writers, and the two first of them his contemporaries. For they teU us, that he 
 would get often out of the palace and ramble about the streets of Antioch, with 
 two or three servants only accompanying him; that he would be often conver- 
 sing with those that graved in silver, and cast vessels of gold, and be frequently 
 found with them in their shops, talking and nicely arguing with them about the 
 mysteries of their trades; that he would very commonly debase himself to the 
 meanest company, and on his going abroad would join in with such as he hap- 
 pened to find them met together, although of the lowest of the people, and 
 enter into discourse with any one of them whom he should first light on; that 
 lie would, in his rambles, frequently drink with strangers and foreigners, and 
 «ven with the meanest and vilest of them; that, when he heard of any young 
 company met together to feast, drink, or any otherwise to make merry together, 
 he would, without giving any notice of his own coming, intrude himself among 
 
 1 The Hebrew word yamim, which in the English Bible is rendered days, signifieth also years, and is put 
 as often for the one as the other, 
 
 2 Appian. in Syriacis. 3 Ibid. 4 Hieronymus in Dan. xi. 21. 5 Dan. xi. 21. 
 6 Appian. in Syriacis. 7 Dan. xi. 21. 8 Appian. ibid. 
 
 9 Appian. in Syriacis. Eiisebiua in Chroaicon. AtheiiKus, lib. 5. p. 193. 10 Dan. xi. 21. 
 
 11 Apud Athena-um, lib. 5. p. 193. 12 Ibid. lib. 10. p. 438. 13 Lib. 41. 
 
 •14 In Excerptjs Valesii, p, 304. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 107 
 
 them, and revel away the time with them in their cups and songs, and other 
 frolics, without any regard had to common decency, or his own royal character; 
 so that several, being surprised with the strangeness of the thing, would, on his 
 coming, get up and run away out of the company. And he would sometimes, 
 as the freak took him, lay aside his royal habit, and putting on a Roman gown, 
 go round the city, as he had seen done in the election of magistrates at Rome, 
 and ask the votes of the citizens, in the same manner as used to be there prac- 
 tised, now taking one man by the hand, and then embracing another, and would 
 thus set himself up, sometimes for the office of sedile, and sometimes for that 
 of tribune; and, having been thus voted into the office he sued for, he would 
 take the curule chair, and sitting down in it, hear petty causes of contracts, 
 bargains, and sales, made in the market, and give judgment in them with that 
 serious attention and earnestness, as if they had been matters of the highest 
 concern and importance. It is said also of him, that he was much given to 
 drunkenness;' and that he spent a great part of his revenues in revelling and 
 drunken carousals; and would often go out into the streets while in these frolics, 
 and there scatter his money by handfuls among the rabble, crying out. Let him 
 take to whom fortune gives it. Sometimes he would go abroad with a crown 
 of roses upon his head, and wearing a Roman gown, would walk the streets 
 alone, and carrying stones under his arms, would throw them at those who fol- 
 lowed after him. And he would often wash himself in the public baths among 
 the common people, and there expose himself by many absurd and ridiculous 
 actions. Which odd and extravagant sort of conduct made many doubt how 
 the matter stood with him; some thinking him a fool, and some a madman;* 
 the latter of these, most thought to be his truest character, and therefore, instead 
 of Epiphanes, or the Illustrious, they called him Epimanes,^ that is, the Mad- 
 man. Jerome'' tells us also of him. that he was exceedingly given to lascivi- 
 ousness, and often by the vilest acts of it debased the honour of his royal dig- 
 nity; that he was frequently found in the company of mimics, pathics, and 
 common prostitutes, and that with the latter he would commit acts of lascivi- 
 ousness, and gratify his lust on them publicly in the sight of the people. And 
 it is further related of him, that having for his catamites two vile persons, called 
 Timarchus and Heraclides,* who were brothers, he made the first of them go- 
 vernor of Babylonia, and the other his treasurer in that province, and gave him- 
 self up to be governed and conducted by them in most that he did. And hav- 
 ing, on a very whimsical occasion,'' exhibited games and shows at Daphne, near 
 Antioch, with vast expense, and called thither a great multitude of people from 
 foreign parts, as well as from his own dominions, to be present at the solemnity; 
 he there behaved himself to that degree of folly and absurdity, as to become 
 the ridicule and scorn of all that were present: which actions of his are suffi- 
 ciently abundant to demonstrate him both despicable and vile, though he had 
 not added to them that most unreasonable and Ma eked persecution of God's 
 people in Judea and Jerusalem; which will be hereafter related. 
 
 As soon as Antiochus was settled in the kingdom, Jason, the brother of Onias, 
 being ambitious of the high-priesthood, by underhand means applied to him 
 for it;'' and, by an offer of three hundred and sixty talents, besides eighty more 
 which he promised on another account, obtained of him, that Onias was dis- 
 placed from the office, and he advanced to it in his stead. And at the same 
 time procured, that Onias was called to Antioch, and confined to dwell there. 
 For Onias, by reason of his signal piety and righteousness,® being of great esteem 
 among the people throughout all Judea and Jerusalem, the intruder justly feared, 
 that he should have but little authority in his newly-acquired office, as long as 
 
 1 Athenaeus, lib. 10. p. 4:)8. 2 Diodor. Sic. in E.xcerptis Valcsii, p. 306. Athenaeus, lib. 5. p. 193. 
 
 3 Athenaeus, lib. 5. p. 193. 4 In Comment, ad Dan. xi. 37. 
 
 5 They are taken to be the same, who, in Athenaeus, p. 438, are called Aristus and Themison; though that 
 author there seems to speak of Antiochus Magnus, and not of Antiochus Epiphanes. 
 
 6 Polyb. apud Athensum, lib. 5. p. 194. et lib. 10. p. 439, Diod. Siculus in Excerptis Valesii, p. 320. 
 
 7 8 jViaccab. iv. 7. Joseph, de Maccab, c. 4. 8 2 Maccab. iii. 1. iv. 37. 
 
108 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 this o-ood man, from whom he usurped it, should continue at Jerusalem: and 
 therefore he procured from the king an order for his removal from thence to 
 Antioch, and his confinement to that place; where he accordingly continued 
 till he was there put to death/ as will be hereafter shown in its proper place. 
 Antiochus coming poor to the crown, and finding the public treasury empty, by 
 reason of the heavy tribute paid the Romans for the twelve years last foregoing, 
 was greedy of the money which Jason offered; and therefore, for the obtaining 
 of it, readily granted what he desired of him, and would have been glad to 
 have granted more on the same terms; which Jason perceiving, proposed to 
 advance a hundred and fifty talents over and above what he had already offered,^ 
 if he might have license to erect at Jerusalem a gymnasium, or a place of ex- 
 ercise, and an ephebeum, or a place for the training up of youth, according to 
 the usage and fashion of the Greeks; and moreover have authority of making 
 as many of the inhabitants of Jerusalem freemen of Antioch as he should think 
 fit: which proposal being as readily accepted of as the former, all this was also 
 granted him; and, by these means, he doubted not he should be able to make 
 a party among the Jews, to overbear all that might stand for Onias; and accord- 
 ingly, on his return to Jerusalem with these grants and commissions, he had all 
 the success herein which he proposed. For at this time, there were many 
 among the Jews fondly inclined to the ways of the Greeks, whom he gratified, 
 by erecting his gymnasium for them to exercise in; and the freedom of the city 
 of Antioch being a privilege of great value, while the Syrio-Macedonian king 
 flourished there, by his power of granting that freedom he drew over many 
 more to his bent; so that putting down the governments that were according to 
 law,' he brought up new customs against the law, drawing the chief young 
 men of the Jewish nation into his ephebeum, and there training them up after 
 the manner of the Greeks; and in all things else, he made as many of them as 
 he could apostatize from the religion and usages of their forefathers, and con- 
 form themselves to the manners, customs, and rites, of the heathens; whereon 
 the service of the altar became neglected, and the priests, despising the temple, 
 ^omitted there the public worship of God, and hastened to partake of the games 
 and divertisements of the gymnasium, and all other the unlawful allowances of 
 "that place: whereby it came to pass, that all those privileges which, at the soli- 
 citation of John, the father of Eupolemus, were by special favour obtained of 
 King Seleucus Philopater, for the securing of the observance of the Jewish law 
 in Judah and Jerusalem, were aU overborne and taken away. And from hence 
 was propagated that iniquity among the Jews, which drew after it, for its pun- 
 ishment, one of the greatest calamities, next the two terrible destructions ex- • 
 ecuted upon their temple and country by Nebuchadnezzar and Titus, that ever 
 befel that nation. Of all which mischief, the ambition of this wicked man was 
 the original cause; for, sacrificing to his religion and his country, he betrayed 
 both to procure his own advancement. And, to render himself the more ac- 
 ceptable to those from whom he obtained it, he changed not only his religion, 
 but also his name. For his name was at first Jesus;'* but, when he went over 
 the ways of the Greeks, he took also a Greek name, and called himself Jason; 
 and having thus given himself up to the heathen superstition, he laid hold of 
 all opportunities to distinguish himself in expressing his zeal for it. 
 
 Jin. 174. Piol. Philometor 7.] — And therefore,^ the next year being the time 
 of the quinquennial games, ^ that were celebrated at Tyre, in honour of Her- 
 cules, the patron god of that country, and Antiochus being present at them, he 
 sent several Jews of his party, whom he had enfranchised, and made freemen 
 of Antioch, to be spectators of those games,'' and to offer from him a donative 
 
 ] 2 Maccah. i v. 3:!, "U. 2 2 Maccab. i v. 8, 9. 
 
 3 Ibid. iv. 10— 1'2, &c. 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 6. 5 2 Maccab. iv. J8, 19. 
 
 6 These qiiinqiipnnial games at Tyre were in imitation of the quinquennial games in Greece, called the 
 Olympics. They are called quinquennial, because they were celebrated in the beginning of the fifth year, 
 though from one Olympic to another no more than four years intervened. 
 
 7 The original calls them ©s/jpou;; which word among the Greeks signified such as were sent from one city 
 to anotlior in the name of the community, to be present at their sacred solemnities, and bear a part in theni. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 109 
 
 of three thousand three hundred drachms,' to be expended in sacrifices to that 
 heathen deity. But the bearers, being afraid of involving themselves in the 
 guilt of this idolatry, gave the money to the Tyrians to be employed in the re- 
 pairing of their fleet; and so the -apostate was defeated of what he intended by 
 this impious gift. 
 
 ^n. 173. Ptol. Philometor 8.] — In Egypt, from the death of Ptolemy Epi- 
 phanes,^ Cleopatra his queen, sister of Antiochus Epiphanes, had taken on her 
 the government of the kingdom, and the tuition of her infant son, who had 
 succeeded him in it, and managed it with great care and prudence; but she 
 dying this year, the management of affairs there fell into the hands of Lennseus, 
 a nobleman of that court, and Eulaeus, a eunuch, who had the breeding up of 
 the young king. As soon as they had entered on the administration, they made 
 demand of Coele-Syria and Palestine from Antiochus Epiphanes,^ which gave 
 origin to the war that afterward ensued between Antiochus and Philometor. 
 As long as Cleopatra lived, she, being mother to the one, and sister to the other, 
 kept this matter from making a breach between them. But, after her death, 
 those into whose hands the government next fell, made no longer scruple to 
 demand of Antiochus, in behalf of their master, what they thought his due. 
 And, it must be owned, that those provinces were always in the possession of 
 the kings of Egypt, from the time of the first Ptolemy, till Antiochus the Great 
 wrested them out of the hands of Ptolemy Epiphanes; and by this title only 
 Seleucus his son came to be in full possession of them, and, on his death, was 
 succeeded in the same by Antiochus Epiphanes, his brother. The Egyptians, 
 in defence of their claim, argued that,'' in the last partition of the empire of 
 Alexander, made after the battle of Ipsus, among those four of his successors 
 who then survived, these provinces were assigned to Ptolemy Soter; that he 
 and the succeeding kings of his race had held them ever after, till Antiochus 
 the Great wrested them out of the hands of Ptolemy Epiphanes after the battle 
 of Paneas: and that the same Antiochus had agreed on the marrying of his 
 daughter to the same King Ptolemy, and made it the main article of that mar- 
 riage, again to restore to him these provinces, by way of dower with her. But 
 Antiochus denied both these allegations,^ pleading, in answer to them, that by 
 virtue of the last partition of the empire of Alexander above mentioned, all 
 Syria, including Ccele- Syria and Palestine, was assigned 'to Seleucus Nicator, 
 and therefore it belonged to him as his rightful heir in the Syrian empire. And 
 as to the article of marriage, whereby a restoration of those provinces to King 
 Ptolemy was claimed, he utterly denied that there was any such thing. And 
 having thus declared on both sides their pretensions, they joined issue hereon, 
 and referred it to the sword to decide the matter. 
 
 Ptolemy Philometor, being now fourteen years old, he was declared to be out 
 of his minority; and thereon^ great preparations were made at Alexandria for 
 
 1 In the English version it is three hundred drachms; and so it is also in the common printed books of the 
 Greek original; but in the Arundel manuscript, it is rpiirx'^ixa Tpny.oJix;, i. e. "three thousand three hun- 
 dred," which is the truer reading. For three hundred drachms, at the highest valuation, making no more 
 than seventy-five Jewish shekels, that is, of our money, eleven pounds five shillings, it was too little to be 
 sent on such an occasion (vide Annales Usserii sub Anno Mundi 3S30.) But it is to be here observed, that 
 the Tyrian god, to whom this oblation was sent, is, in the place of the second book of Maccabees here cited 
 called Hercules, according to the style of the Greeks. Among the Tyrians themselves this name was not 
 known. There his name "was Melcarthus; which, being compounded of the two Phoenician words Melee and 
 Kartha, did, in that language, signify the King or Lord of the city. The Greeks, from some similitude which 
 they found in the worship of this god at Tyre, with that wherewith they worshipped Hercules in Greece, 
 thought them to be both the same; and therefore called this Tyrian god Herculus; and hence came the name 
 of Hercules Tyrius among them. This god seems to be the same wifh the Baal of the holy scriptures, whose 
 worship Jezebel brought Yrom Tyre into the land of Israel: for Baal, with the addition of Kartha, signifieth 
 the same as Melee with the same addition. For as the latter in the Phoenician language is king of the city, 
 the other, in the same language, is lord of the city. And as Baal is put alone to signify this Tyrian god in 
 scripture, so do we find Melee also put alone to signify the same god: for Hesychius tells us, MJ\ixx -rSv 
 MlfiazX'x 'AuxSo-jJioi,i. e. "Malic is the name of Hercules among the Amalhusians. And these Amathusi- 
 ans were a colony of the Tyrians in Cyprus. Vide Sanchoniathonem apud Eusebium de Praep. Evang. lib. 1. 
 Bocharti Phaleg. part 2. lib. 1. c. 34. et lib. 2. c. 2. Seldenum de Diis Syris, Syntag. 1. c. 6. et Fuller! Miscel- 
 Ian. lib. 3. c. 17. 
 
 •2 Hieronvmus in Dan. xi. 21. 3 Polybius Legal. 82. p. 908. 4 Ibid. 72. p 893. 
 
 ■ 5 Polybius et Legal. 82. p. 908. 6 Polybius Legal. 78. p. 902. 2 Maccab. iv. 21. 
 
110 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 the enthronization,' as was usual there on this occasion. Hereon AntiochuSj^ 
 sent ApoUonius, one of the prime nobles of his court, in an embassy thither, 
 to be present at the solemnity, and to congratulate the young king thereon. 
 This he did in outward pretence, to express his respects to his nephew, and 
 show him honour on that occasion; but in reality it was only to spy out how 
 that court stood affected to him, and what measures they were proposing to take 
 in reference to him, and the contested provinces of Ccele-Syria and Palestine; 
 and, on the return of this ambassador to him, finding by his report that war w^as 
 intended against him, he came by sea to Joppa,' to take a view of the frontiers 
 toward Egypt, and to put them into a thorough posture of defence against any 
 attempts which the Egyptians might make upon them: and in this progress he 
 came to Jerusalem, where he was received with great pomp and solemnity by 
 Jason and all the city, and treated with great magnificence. But this operated 
 nothing for the averting of that great mischief and calamity which he afterward 
 brought upon that place, and the whole nation of the Jews. From Jerusalem 
 he marched into Phoenicia; and, having there settled all matters, he returned 
 again to Antioch. 
 
 Jin. 172, Ptol. Philometor 9.] — The next year Jason* sent Menelaus, his bro- 
 ther, to Antioch, there to pay the king his tribute-money,, and also to treat with 
 him about other matters which he thought necessary to be done. But on hia 
 admission to audience, instead of pursuing his commission in behalf of his bro- 
 ther, he treacherously supplanted him, and got into his place. For having first 
 recommended himself to the favour of this vain prince by a flattering speech, 
 wherein he greatly magnified the glorious appearance of his power, he took 
 the opportunity of petitioning him for the .high-priesthood for himself, ofFeririg 
 more than Jason gave for it by three hundred talents. Which offer being readily 
 accepted, Jason was deposed, after he had been as high-priest in the govern- 
 ment of that nation three years, ^ and Menelaus was advanced in his stead. 
 This Menelaus, the author of the second book of Maccabees saith,*^ was brother 
 to Simon the Benjamite, who was of the house of Tobias, but this could not be; 
 for none but such as were of the house of Aaron were capable of this office: 
 and therefore, in this particular, Josephus is rather to be credited, '^ who posi- 
 tively tells us, that he was the brother of Onias and Jason, and the son of Si- 
 mon, the second of that name, high-priest of the Jews, and that he was the 
 third of his sons that had been in that office. His name at first was Onias, the 
 same with that of his eldest brother: but, running as fast as Jason into the ways 
 of the Greeks, in imitation of him, he took a Greek name also, and called him- 
 self Menelaus. His father and his eldest brother were both of them holy and 
 good men: but he chose rather to imitate the example of wicked Jason than 
 theirs; for he followed him in all his ways of fraud,* wickedness, and apostacy, 
 and outdid him in each of them. Jason's being supplanted by him in the same 
 manner as he supplanted Onias, was a just retaliation of Providence; but Mene- 
 laus was a much more wicked instrument therein than the other, since he prac- 
 tised this fraud against Jason while he was under his confidence, and had on 
 him the character of his ambassador, and by virtue of that character got that 
 access to the king whereby he effected it. As soon as his mandate for the office 
 was despatched at the Syrian court, Menelaus went with it to Jerusalem; and 
 although, on his coming,® the sons of Tobias, who then made a very potent fac- 
 tion in the Jewish state, joined with him, yet such a party stood for Jason, that 
 Menelaus was forced, with his friends of the house of Tobias, to quit the place, 
 and return again to Antioch; where they having declared that they would no 
 longer observe their country's laws and institutions, but would go over to the 
 religion of the king, and the worship of the Greeks; this so far gained them the 
 
 1 This the Alexandrian Greeks called ai'«x>.i)Ti)pia, or " the solemnity of salvation;" because they then first 
 saluted him as a king. This the author of the second book of Maccabees calls ^ptoTox^^Hirix, iv. 21; for so it 
 ought to be read, according to the Alexandrian manuscript, and not ^pjjTt>::cxi(r<x, as in the printed books. 
 
 2 2 Maccab. iv. 21. 3 Ibid. 4 2 Maccab. iv. 23—2.^. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 Antiq. lib. 12. c. C. 
 8 2 Maccab. iv. 5. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 6. 9 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 6. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. Ill 
 
 favour of Antiochus, that he sent them back, assisted with such a power as Ja« 
 son could not resist; and therefore, being forced to leave Jerusalem,^ he fled 
 into the land of the Ammonites, and Menelaus took possession of his office 
 without any farther opposition; and thereon he proceeded to make good all that 
 he and his part}'^ had declared at Antioch,^ by apostatizing from the law of Mo- 
 ses to the religion of the Greeks, and all other their rites and usages, and draw- 
 ing as many others after him into the same impiety as he was able. For he did 
 not desire the office of high-priest at Jerusalem for the sake of the Jewish reli- 
 gion, or that he intended to practise any part of the Jewish worship in it. That 
 which made this office so desirable to him and Jason, and induced them both 
 to give so much money for it, was the temporal authority that went with the 
 ecclesiastical. For at that time, and for some ages past, the high-priest of the 
 Tews had, first under the Persian, and afterward under the Macedonian kings, 
 the sole temporal government of that nation. This last most certainly was de- 
 rived from the king, and this gave him the handle to dispose of both, though the 
 priesthood itself was derived only from that divine authority under which it 
 acted. And the case is the same in respect of the Christian priesthood. For 
 to instance in episcopacy, the first order of it, besides the ecclesiastical office, 
 which is derived from Christ alone, it hath in Christian states annexed to it (as 
 with us,) the temporal benefice (that is, the revenues of the bishopric,) and 
 some branches of temporal authority, as the probate of wills, causes of tithes, 
 causes of defamation, &c.; all which latter most certainly is held under 
 the temporal state, but not the former. Were this distinction duly considered, 
 it would put an end to those Erastian notions which now so much prevail 
 among us. For the want of this is the true cause that many, observing some 
 branches of the episcopal authority to be from the state, wrongfully from hence 
 infer, that all the rest is so too; whereas, would they duly examine the matter, 
 they would find, that besides the temporal power and temporal revenues with 
 which bishops are invested, there is also an ecclesiastical or spiritual power, 
 which is derived from none other than Christ alone. And the same distinction 
 may also serve to quash another controversy, which was much agitated among 
 us in the reign of his late majesty King William III. about the act which de- 
 prived the bishops who would not take the oaths to that king. For the contest 
 then was, that an act of parliament could not deprive a bishop. This we ac- 
 knowledged to be true in respect of the spiritual office, but not in respect of the 
 benefice, and other temporal advantages and powers annexed thereto. For 
 these every bishop receiveth from the state, and the state can again deprive any 
 bishop of them upon a just cause: and this was all that was done by the said 
 act. For the bishops that were then deprived by it had still their episcopal 
 office left entire to them, they being as much bishops of the church universal 
 after their deprivation as they were before. 
 
 ^^n. 171. Ptol. Philometor 10.] — Menelaus, after he had got into the high- 
 priesthood, by outbidding his brother,^ took no care to pay the money; where- 
 on the king calling upon Sostratus, the captain of the castle at Jerusalem ('who 
 was also receiver of the king's revenues in Judea,) and he upon Menelaus for 
 the money, they were both summoned to appear before the king at Antioch, to 
 give an account hereof; but on their arrival there, they found the king was 
 gone from thence, to quell an insurrection which had been made against him 
 at Mallus and Tarsus, two cities of Cilicia. For the revenues of these cities hav- 
 ing been assigned to Antiochis, one of the king's concubines, for her mainten- 
 ance, the inhabitants, either out of indignation for this thing, or because the 
 concubine exacted upon them, rose up in an uproar, and Antiochus was then 
 hastened thither to appease it, leaving Andronicus, one of the prime nobles of 
 his court, to govern Antioch during his absence. Menelaus, taking the advan- 
 tage of the time thus gained by the absence of the king, made the best use of 
 it he could to raise the money he owed him before his return; in order whereto, 
 
 1 2 Maccab. iv. 26. 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 6. 3 2 Maccab. iv. 27, 28. 
 
112 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 having, by the means of Lysimachus,' whom he left his deputy at Jerusalem, got- 
 ten many of the gold vessels out of the temple, he sold them at Tyre, and the cities 
 round about; and thereby raised money enough, not only to pay the king, but 
 also to bribe Andronicus and other courtiers to procure favour for him. Onias,'' 
 who then hved at Antioch, as being confined to that place by the order of the 
 kino", having notice of this sacrilege, reproved Menelaus very severely for it; 
 which the apostate not being able to bear, for the revenging of himself upon him 
 for it, applied to Andronicus, and engaged him for a sum of money to cut 
 Onias off; of which Onias having gained intelligence, fled to the asylum at 
 Daphne, and there took sanctuary for the safety of his life. But Andronicus 
 having,^ by fair words and false oaths, persuaded him to come forth out of that 
 place, immediately put him to death, that thereby he might earn the money 
 \\fhich Menelaus had promised him. But Onias having, by his laudable car- 
 riage while he lived at Antioch, gained much upon the affection and esteem of 
 the inhabitants of the place, as well Greeks as Jews, they took this murder so 
 ill,'' that they both joined in a petition to the king, on his return, against An- 
 dronicus for it; whereon cognizance being taken of the crime, and the wicked 
 murderer convicted of it, Antiochus" caused him with infamj- to be carried to 
 the place where the murder was committed, and there put to death for it in 
 such manner as he deserved. For Antiochus, as wicked a tyrant as he was, 
 had sorrow and regret upon him for the death of so good a man; and therefore, 
 in his thus revenging of it, he executed his own resentments, as well as those 
 of the persons who had petitioned for it. 
 
 This Onias was high-priest of the Jews twenty-four years. Eusebius men- 
 tioneth not at all the time of his being in the office, though he doth it of all the 
 rest, from the time of the Babylonish captivity. But the Chronicon Alexandri- 
 num doth assign him twenty-four years,** which are to be reckoned to the time 
 of his death. This Chronicon, in the assigning of the years of each pontificate 
 from the time mentioned to the death of this Onias, much better agreeing both 
 with the scriptures and the history of Josephus, than either Africanus or Euse- 
 bius, I have rather chosen to follow that author in this matter than either of the 
 other two, excepting only in the pontificate of Simon the Just. For, whereas 
 the Chronicon Alexandrinum assigns to it fourteen years, and Eusebius only 
 nine, I choose rather to follow Eusebius in this particular, that I might not 
 carry down the last year of the high-priesthood of Manasseh too far from the 
 death of his father. For allowing Simon the Just fourteen years to his pontifi- 
 cate, it will carry down the time of the death of Manasseh to seventy-six years 
 after the death of Jaddua his father, and make him to be near a hundred, if not 
 more, at the time of his disease; and every year deducted from so great an age 
 makes the account the more probable; and nothing can be deducted elsewhere 
 to lessen it by the authority of either of those two authors (and there is no other 
 authority but theirs to be recurred to in this matter.) For all the years of the 
 other pontificates, from the death of Jaddua to that of Manasseh, do, in both 
 these authors, either equal or exceed the years of the said Chronicon; and, 
 therefore, there is no where else where they can be lessened by the authority 
 of either of them. And, unless they be thus lessened, another inconvenience 
 would happen worse than the other. For, otherwise, the last year of Onias 
 would be carried down beyond what is consistent either with the history of Jo- 
 sephus, or that of the two books of the Maccabees. From the death of Onias, 
 the pontificates following will be taken from the said books of the Maccabees as 
 far as they go; and from the history of Josephus, who hath them all to the end. 
 
 In the interim, there happened a great mutiny at Jerusalem, by reason of the 
 
 1 2 Maccab. iv. 32. 39. 2 Ibid. iv. 33. 34. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 25, 2G. 5 Ibid. 27, 28. 
 
 6 This Chronicon had first the nan)e of Fasti Siculi, becanse first found in an old library in Sicily, and 
 from thence conveyed to Rome, where Sigonius and Onufriiis made use of it, and quote it under the name 
 of Fasti Siculi. But Sylburfriu.s having gotten another copy of it, presented it to Hceschelius, who gave it to 
 the library at Augsburg, in Germany, from whence Rader the Jesuit published it with a Latin version, A. D. 
 1624, under the title of Chronicon Alexandrinum. He gave it this title, because in the manuscript from 
 whence he printed it, there was a short preface premised under the name of Peter, patriarch of Alexandxia. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 113 
 
 vessels of gold that were carried out of the temple by the order of Menelaus. 
 When he went to Antioch, he left Lysimachus,' another of his brothers, as bad 
 as himself, to execute his office during his absence, and by his means those ves- 
 sels of gold were carried out of the temple,^ which Menelaus sold at Tyre, 
 and other places, to raise the money above mentioned. When this came to be 
 known, and the bruit hereof was spread abroad among the people,* the multi- 
 tude, taking great indignation hereat, gathered themselves together against Ly- 
 simachus; whereon he got together about three thousand men of his party, 
 under the command of one Tyrannus, an old soldier, to resist their rage, and 
 defend himself against them; but the multitude fell on them Avith that fury, 
 that, wounding some, and killing others, they forced the rest to flee; and then, 
 falling on Lysimachus the sacrilegious robber, they slew him beside the trea- 
 sury, within the temple, and thereby, for that time, put an end to this sacrilege. 
 
 Antiochus,"* having, ever since the return of Apollonius from the Egyptian 
 court, been preparing for the war which he found he must necessarily have with 
 Ptolemy about the provinces of Ccele-Syria and Palestine, and being now ready 
 for it, resolved to defer it no longer; but instead of expecting the war in his 
 own territories, determined to carry it into those of his enemy. The youth of 
 Ptolemy (he being then but sixteen years old,) and the weak conduct of the 
 ministers into whose hands he was fallen, made him despise both; and the Ro- 
 mans (under whose protection Egypt then was) were not at leisure to afJbrd 
 them any help, by reason of the war which they were at that time engaged in 
 with Perseus king of Macedon; and therefore, thinking he could not have a 
 more favourable juncture for the bringing of this controversy to a successful 
 decision, he resolved forthwith to begin the contest. However, to keep as fair 
 with the Romans as the case would admit, he sent ambassadors* to lay before 
 the senate the right he had to the provinces of Ccele-Syria and Palestme, then 
 in his possession, and to justify the war which he was forced to enter on in de- 
 fence of them; and then forthwith marched his army toward the frontiers of 
 Egypt, where, being met by the forces of Ptolemy,'' between Mount Casius and 
 Pelusium, it there came to a battle between them; in which Antiochus having 
 gotten the victory, he took care on the advantage of it well to fortify that border 
 of his dominions, and to make the barrier in that quarter as strong as he could 
 against any future attempt that Ptolemy might make upon these provinces; and 
 then, without attempting any thing farther this year, returned to Tyre; and 
 there, and in the neighbouring cities, put his army into winter-quarters. 
 
 An. 171. Ptol. Pkilometor 11.] — While he lay at Tyre, there came thither to 
 him three delegates from the Sanhedrin,' or senate of the Jews, to complain of 
 the sacrileges of Menelaus, and the violences and disorders which, by Lysi- 
 machus his deputy, he had lately caused at Jerusalem; and having, on the hear- 
 ing of the cause, plainly convicted him before the king of all that they had laid 
 to his charge, Menelaus, to avoid the sentence which he deserved, and which 
 he saw was ready to be pronounced against him, bribed Ptolemy Tvlacron, the 
 son of Dorymenes, with a great sum of money, to befriend him with the king; 
 whereon Ptolemy, taking the king aside, prevailed with him, contrary to what 
 he intended, not only to absolve Menelaus, but also to put to death the three 
 delegates of the Jews, as if they had unjustly accused him, which was so mani- 
 fest a piece of oppression and injustice in the eyes of all in that place, that the 
 Tyrians pitying their case, caused them to be honourably buried. 
 
 Thi-s Ptolemy Macron,* having been formerly governor of Cyprus for King 
 Ptolemy Philometor, had, during his minority, reserved all the king's revenues 
 of that island in his hands, refusing to pay it to the ministers, notwithstanding 
 their earnest call for it. But as soon as the king was enthroned, he brought \i 
 
 1 2 Maccab. iv. 20. 2 Ibid. . 3 Ibid. 40—42. 
 
 4 Livius, lib. 42. c. 29. Polyb. Legal. 71. p. 892. Justin. lib. 34. c. 2. Diodor. Sic. Legal. 18. Joseplk 
 Anliq. lib. 12. c. 6. Hieronymiis in Dan. xi. 2. . 
 
 5 Polyb. Legal. 72. p. 893. Diodorus Siculus, Legal. 18. 6 Hieronymus, m Dan. xi. 22. 
 7 2 Maccab. i v. 44—50. 8 Valesii Excerpla e.x Polyb. p. 126. 
 
 Vol. XL— 15 
 
}14 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 all to Alexandria, and there paid the whole into the royal treasuiy; which be- 
 ing a supply which at that time came very conveniently to answer the exigen- 
 cies of the government, he then obtained great applause for his good conduct 
 in this matter; but afterward being disgusted, either by some ill treatment from 
 the ministry, or for that his service was not rewarded according to his expecta- 
 tion,' he revolted from King Ptolemy, and went over to Antiochus, and delivered 
 the island of Cyprus into his hands. Whereon Antiochus received him with 
 great favour, admitted him into the number of his principal friends,^ and made 
 him governor of Ccele-Syria^ and Palestine, and sent Crates,'' who had been be- 
 fore deputy-governor of the castle at Jerusalem under Sostratus, to be chief 
 commander of Cyprus in his stead. Thus much is proper to be said of him in 
 this place, because there will be other occasions to make mention of him in the 
 future series of this history. 
 
 About this tirne,^ for forty days together, there were seen at Jerusalem, in the 
 air, very strange sights of horsemen and footmen armed with shields, spears, 
 and swords, and in great companies, fighting against and charging each other, 
 as in battle array; which foreboded those calamities of war and desolation which 
 soon after happened to that city and nation. And the like were seen at the 
 same place before the destruction of that city by the Romans. So Josephus tells 
 us," who lived in that time, and attests it to have been vouched to him by such 
 as had been eye-witnesses of the same. 
 
 Antiochus, having been making preparations during all the winter for a se- 
 cond expedition into Egypt, as soon as the season of the year would permit,' 
 again invaded that country both by sea and land; and having on the frontiers 
 gained another victory over the forces of Ptolemy,* that were sent thither to op- 
 pose him, took Pelusium, and from thence made his way into the heart of the 
 kingdom. In this last overthrow of the Egyptian array," it was in his power to 
 have cut them all off to a man; but instead of pursuing;- this advantage, he took 
 care to put a stop to the executing of it, riding about the field in person after 
 the victory, to forbid the putting of any more to death; which clemency of his 
 so far reconciled and endeared him to the Egyptians, that, on his farther march 
 into the country, they all readily yielded to him,'" and he made himself, with 
 very little trouble, master of Memphis and all the other parts of Egypt, except- 
 ing Alexandria, which alone held out against him. 
 
 While Antiochus carried on his last invasion, Philometor came into his hands: 
 whether he were taken prisoner by him, or else voluntarily came in unto him, 
 is not said; the latter seems most likely. For Antiochus took not from him his 
 liberty, but they did eat at the same table," and conversed together as friends; 
 and for some time Antiochus pretended to take care of the interest of this young 
 king his nephew, and to manage the affairs of the kingdom as tutor and guardian 
 to him. But when he had, under this pretence, made himself master of the coun- 
 try, he seized all to himself; and, having miserably pillaged all parts where he 
 came, vastly enriched himself and his army with the spoils of them.'- Durino- 
 all this time Philometor'-* conducted himself with a very mean spirit, keeping 
 himself, while in arms, at as great a distance from all danger as he was able, 
 and never showing himself in the army that was to fight for him; and afterward 
 in a slothful cowardice submitting to Antiochus, and suffering himself to be de- 
 prived by him of so large a kingdom, without attempting any thing for the pre- 
 serving of it: which was not so much owing to his want of natural courage or 
 capacity (for he afterward gave many instances of both,) as to the effeminate 
 education in which he was bred up by his tutor E ulceus. For that wicked 
 eunuch being also his prime minister of state, by corrupting him with all man- 
 
 I 2 Maccab. x. 13. 2 1 Maccab. iu. 38. 3 2 Maccab. viii. 8. 4 Ibid, iv.29. 5 Ibid. v. 2 3. 
 6 De Bello Judaico, lib. 7. c. 12. 7 2 Maccab. v. 1. 
 
 8 1 Maccab. i. 17, 18. Hieronymus in Comment, ad Danielis cap. xi. 34. 
 
 9 Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 311. 10 Hieronynwis inDan. xi. 23. 
 
 II Hieronymus ad Dan. xi. 25. 12 1 Maccab. i. ]9. 
 13 Justin. lib. 34. c. 2. Diodor. Sic. in E.\cerptis Valesii, p. 310. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 115 
 
 ner of luxury and effeminacy, to make him as unfit for government as he was 
 able, that when he was grown up, he might still be as necessary to him, and 
 have the same power in the kingdom, as he before had in the time of his mi- 
 nority; which is a policy that hath often been practised by wicked ministers 
 toward their princes in their minority, to the vast damage always of the country 
 where it hath happened. 
 
 While Antlochus was in Egypt,' a false rumour having been spread through 
 all Palestine that he Avas dead, Jason, thinking this a fit opportunity for him 
 again to recover his station at Jerusalem, which he formerly had there as high- 
 priest, marched thither with about one thousand m'^'^•, and having, by the as- 
 sistance of the party he had there, taken the city, and driven Menelaus to flee 
 for shelter into the castle, he acted all manner of cruelties upon his fellow-citi- 
 zens, putting to death, without mercy, as many of those whom he thought his 
 adversaries, as he could light upon. 
 
 Antiochus, on his being informed of all this in Egypt, supposed that the 
 Avhole Jewish nation had revolted from him, and therefore marched with all 
 haste out of Egypt into Judea to quell this rebelhon;" and being told, that the 
 people of Jerusalem made great rejoicings on the news which came to them of 
 his death, he was very much provoked thereat; and therefore, in a great rage, 
 laying siege to Jerusalem, and taking the city by force,' he slew of the inhabi- 
 tants in three days' time forty thousand persons; and having taken as many 
 more captives, sold them for slaves to the neighbouring nations. And, not con- 
 tent with this, he impiously forced himself into the temple, and entered into 
 the inner and most sacred recesses of it, polluting by his presence both the holy 
 place, and also the holy of holies, the wicked traitor Menelaus being his con- 
 ductor, and showing him the way into both. And to offer the greater indignity 
 to this sacred place, and to affront in the highest manner he was able the reli- 
 gion whereby God was worshipped in it, he sacrificed a great sow upon the 
 altar of burnt-offerings; and broth being by his command made, with some part 
 of the flesh thereof boiled in it, he caused it to be sprinkled all over the temple 
 for the utmost defiUng of it; and after this, having sacrilegiously plundered it, 
 taking thence the altar of incense, the shew-bread table, the candlestick of 
 seven branches that stood in the holy place, which were all of gold, and seve- 
 ral other golden vessels, utensils, and donatives of former kings, to the value 
 of one thousand eight hundred talents of gold, and made the like plunder in 
 the city, he returned to Antioch, carrying thither with him the spoils of Judea 
 as Avell as of Eg3"pt; which, both together, amounted to an immense treasure 
 of riches. On his departure from Jerusalem, for the farther vexation of the 
 Jews, he appointed Philip, a Phrygian,^ who was a man of a very cruel and 
 barbarous temper, to be governor of Judea, and Andronicus, another of the like 
 disposition, to be governor of Samaria, and left Menelaus to be still over them 
 in the office of high-priest, who was worse to them than all the rest. 
 
 As to Jason, ^ on the return of Antiochus out of Egypt, he durst not tarry his 
 coming to Jerusalem, but, on his approach to that place, fled thence for fear of 
 him back again into the land of the Ammonites; but being there accused before 
 Aretas, king of the Arabians, whose kingdom reached into that country, he fled 
 
 1 1 Maccab. i. 20—25. 2 Maccab. v. 5, 6. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 8. 
 
 2 1 Maccab. i. 20—28. 2 Maccab. v. 11—20. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 7. lib. 13. c. 16. De Bello Judaico, 
 lib. I. c. 1. Contra Apioneni, lib. 2. et in Libro de Maccab. c. 4. Diodor. Sic. lib. 34. Ecloga prima, p, 901. 
 Hieronymus in Dan. si. 27. 
 
 3 That Antiochus at this time took Jerusalem by force, is said by the author of the second book of the 
 Maccabees (v. 11,) and so also by DiodorusSiciiIus in the place above cited: but Josephus, in the twelfth book 
 of his Antiquities, chap. 7, contrary hereto, tells us, that Antiochus entered the city «,uxx>iti, j. e. " without 
 force," those of his party within opening the ffates to him; but herein he is also contrary to himself: for, in 
 his History of the Jewish War, book 1, chap. 1, he saith, Antiochus took it y.^rx up ^jtc;, i. c. " by force," and 
 there represents him as enraged by what he had suffered in the siege; and, in the sixth book of the same His- 
 tory, chap. 11, he speaks of those who were slain in this siege, fighting against Antiochus in defence of the 
 place. And this is not the only place where Josephus is inconsistent with himself, many other instances may 
 be shown of his giving different accounts of the same matter in different places. Behaving written his His- 
 tory of the Jewish war and his Antiquities at different times, between those two are most of these differ- 
 ences to be found. 
 
 4 2 Maccab. v. 22, 23. 5 Ibid. 7—10. 
 
X16 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORV OF 
 
 from thence also; and after that being forced to shift from place to place, pur- 
 sued of all men, and hated every where, for his wickedness toward God, his 
 country, and his religion, and finding safety no where in those parts, he was 
 cast out from thence, first into Egypt, and from thence again into Lacedemonia, 
 where he peri&hed in exile and misery, without having any one to give him 
 a burial. 
 
 An. 169. Tiol. Philometor 12.] — The Alexandrians,' finding Philometor to be 
 fallen under the power of Antiochus, and by him in a manner wholly deprived 
 of the crown, looked on him as altogether lost to them; and therefore, having the 
 younger brother with them, they put him on the throne, and made him their 
 king instead of the other: from which time he took the name of Ptolemy of 
 Euergetes the Second, but afterward they gave him the name of Physcon, i. e. 
 the fat guts, or great bellied, by reason of the great and prominent belly which, 
 by his luxury and gluttony, he afterward acquired; and by this name he is most 
 commonly mentioned by those who have written of him. On his thus ascend- 
 ing the throne," Cineas and Cumanus were made his prime ministers, and to 
 them was committed the care of again restoring the broken affairs of that 
 kingdom. 
 
 Antiochus, on his hearing of this laid hold of the occasion for his making of 
 a third expedition into Egypt,^ under pretence of restoring the deposed king, 
 but in reality to subject the whole kingdom to himself; and therefore, having 
 vanquished the Alexandrians in a sea-fight near Pelusium,'' he again entered 
 the country with a great army, and marched directly toward Alexandria to lay 
 siege to the place. Whereon the young king,* consulting with his two minis- 
 ters, agreed to call a council of the chief commanders of the army, and, upon 
 advice had with them, pursue such methods for the stemming of the present 
 difficulties as they should direct him unto; who, having accordingly been called 
 and met together, and having thoroughly considered the state of the then pre- 
 sent affairs, advised to endeavour an accommodation with Antiochus; and that 
 the ambassadors who were then at Alexandria, on embassies from several of 
 the Grecian states to the Egyptian court, should be desired to interpose their 
 mediation for the eflecting it: who, having readily undertaken the matter,® forth- 
 with sailed up the river to meet Antiochus, with the proposals of peace which 
 they were intrusted with, taking with them two ambassadors from Ptolemy him- 
 self for the same purpose. On their coming to his camp, he received them 
 very kindly; and, having the first day entertained them at a splendid treat, ap- 
 pointed the next day to hear what they had to propose. The Achfeans having 
 then first opened the cause on which they were, sent, all the rest spoke to it in 
 their turns, and they all agreed in laying the blame of making the war on Eu- 
 Iffius's ill conduct, and the nonage of King Ptolemy Philometor; and on these 
 two heads they apologized as much as they could for the present kino^, in order 
 to mollify Antiochus, and bring him to terms of peace with him; and much 
 urged the relation which was betv,een them for a motive to induce him to it. 
 Antiochus, in answer to them, acknowledged all to be true that they had said 
 concerning the cause of the war; and then took the opportunity of setting forth 
 his title to the provinces of Ccele-Syria and Palestine, alleging all the argu- 
 ments for it which have been above mentioned,' and producing instruments for 
 the proof of all that he alleged; which he did in such a manner as fuUy con- 
 vinced all that were present of his right to those provinces. And then, as to the 
 proposals of peace, he referred them to a future treaty, which he said he should 
 be ready to enter into with them about this matter, when two persons then ab- 
 sent, whom he named, should come to him, without whom, he told them, he 
 could do nothing herein; and then went to Naucratis, and from thence to Alex- 
 andria, and there laid siege to the place. Ptolemy Euergetes and Cleopatra his 
 
 1 Porphyrius in Grscis Eiiaeb. Scalig. p. 60. 68. 2 Polyb. Legal. 81. p. 907. 
 
 3 Ibid. 80—82. p. 906, 907. Livius, lib. 44. c. 19. 4 Livius, ibid. 5 Polyb. Legat. 81. p. 907. 
 
 fi Ibid. 82. p. 908. 7 Supra, sub anno 173. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 117 
 
 ^ster, who were then shut up in the town, being hereby much distressed, sent 
 ambassadors to the Romans to represent their case,' and pray reUef. And, a 
 little after, there came ambassadors from the Rhodians, to endeavour to make 
 peace between the two kings, who having landed at Alexandria,^ and received 
 what instructions the ministers of that court would intrust them with, went 
 thence to the camp in which Antiochus lay before the town, and used the best 
 of their endeavours with him to bring him to an accommodation with the Egyp- 
 tian king, insisting on the long friendship and alliance which they had hitherto 
 enjoyed with both crowns, and the obligations which they thought themselves 
 under on this account, to do the best offices they were able for the making of 
 peace between them. But while they were proceeding in long harangues on 
 these topics, Antiochus interrupted them, and in few words told them, that 
 there was no need of long orations as to this matter; that the kingdom belonged 
 to Philometor the elder brother, with whom he had some time since made peace, 
 and was now in perfect friendship with him; that, if they M^ould recall him 
 from banishment, and again restore him to his crown, the war w^ould be at 
 an end. This he said, not that he intended any such thing, but only out of 
 craft farther to embroil the kingdom, for the better obtaining of his own ends 
 upon it; for, finding he could make no work of it at Alexandria,^ but that he 
 must be forced to raise the siege, the scheme which he had now laid for the 
 compassing of his designs, was to put the two brothers together by the ears, and 
 engage them in a war against each other, that, when they hid by intestine broils 
 wasted and spent their strength, he might come upon them, while thus weak- 
 ened and spent, and swallow both. And, with this view having withdrawn 
 from Alexandria,^ he marched to INIemphis, and there seemingly again restored 
 the whole kingdom to Philometor, excepting only Pelusium, which he retained 
 in his hands, that, having this key of Egypt still in his keeping, he might thereby 
 again enter Egypt, when matters should there, according to the scheme which 
 he had laid, be ripe for it, and so seize the whole kingdom: and, having thus 
 disposed matters, he returned again to Antioch. 
 
 Ptolemy Philometor, now roused from his luxurious sloth by the misfortunes 
 which he had suffered in these revolutions, had penetration enough to see into 
 what Antiochus intended. His keeping of Pelusium,* was a sufficient indica- 
 tion unto him, that he held this gate of Egypt still in his power, only to enter 
 through it again when he and his brother should have wasted themselves so far 
 by their domestic feuds, as not to be able to resist him, and so make a prey of 
 both. And therefore, for the preventing of this, as soon as Antiochus was gone, 
 he sent to his brother to invite him to an accommodation; and by the means 
 of Cleopatra, who was sister to both, an agreement was made upon terms that 
 the two brothers should jointly reign together. Whereon, Philometorreturning 
 to Alexandria, peace was restored to Egypt, much to the satisfaction of the 
 people, especially of the Alexandrians, who greatly suffered by the war; but, 
 the two brothers, being aware that Antiochus would return again upon them,* 
 sent ambassadors into Greece to get auxiliary forces from thence for their de- 
 fence against him: and they had reason enough so to do; for Antiochus hear- 
 ing of this agreement of the two brothers, and finding his fine-spun schem'e of 
 policy, whereby he thought to have made himself master of Egypt, wholly 
 baffled by it,^ he fell into a great rage, and resolved to carry on the war against 
 both the brothers with greater force and fury than he had against either of 
 them before. 
 
 ^71. 168. Pfol. Philometor 13.]— And therefore, very early the next spring,' 
 he sent a fleet to Cyprus to secure that island to him; and, at the same tinie, 
 in person marched by land with a numerous army to make another invasion 
 upon Egypt; in which he purposed, without owning the interest of either of 
 
 1 Polyb. Legal. 90. p. 915. Livius, lib. 44. c. 19. Justin, lib. 34. c. 2. 2 Polyb. Legat. 84- p. 909. 
 
 3 Liv'iiis, lib. 45. c. 11. . „ , .. „, . eo 
 
 4 Ibid. Justin, lib. 34. c. 0. Porphyrius in Graecis Enseb. Scalig. p. 60. et ni Eusebu Chronico, p. 68. 
 
 5 Folybius, Legat. 89. p. 912, 6 Livius, lib. 45, c. 11. 7 Ibid, 
 
Jig CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 his nephews, to suppress them both, and make an absolute conquest of the 
 whole kino-dom. On his coming to Rhinocorura, he was there met by ambas- 
 sadors from Philometor, by whom that prince, having acknowledged his restora- 
 tion to his kinf^dom to be owing to him, desired him that he would not destroy 
 his own work, but permit him peaceably to enjoy the crown which he wore by 
 his favour. But Antiochus not at all regarding the compliment, but waiving all 
 those pretences of favour and affection for either of his nephews which he had 
 hitherto made show of, now plainly declared himself an enemy to both, telhng 
 the ambassadors, that he demanded the island of Cyprus, and the city of Pe- 
 lusium, with all the lands that lay on the branch of the Nile on which Pelusium 
 stood, to be yielded to him in perpetuity; and that he would on no other terms 
 give peace to either of the brothers; and, having set them a day for their giving 
 him an answer to this demand, as soon as that day was over, and no answer 
 returned to his satisfaction, he again invaded Egypt with a numerous army; 
 and, having subdued all the country as far as Memphis, and there received the 
 submission of most of the rest, he marched toward Alexandria for the besieging 
 of that city, the reduction of which would have made him absolute master of 
 the whole kingdom; and this most certainly he would have accomplished, but 
 that he met a Roman embassy in his way, which put a stop to his farther pro- 
 gress, and totally dashed all the designs which he had been so long carrying on 
 for the making of himself master of that country. 
 
 I have mentioned before, how Ptolemy Euergetes, the younger of the two 
 brothers, and Cleopatra his sister, being distressed by the former siege which 
 Antiochus had laid to Alexandria, sent ambassadors to the Romans to pray their 
 relief. These being introduced into the senate,^ did there, in a lamentable 
 habit, and with a more lamentable oration, set forth their case, and in the 
 humblest manner prostrating themselves before that assembly, prayed their 
 help; with which the senate being moved, and having considered also,^ how 
 much it was their own interest not to permit Antiochus to grow so great, as the 
 annexing of Egypt to Syria would make him, decreed to send an embassy into 
 Egypt to put an end to this war. The persons they appointed for it were Caius 
 PopiUius Laenas (who had been consul four years before,) Caius Decimius, and 
 Caius Hostilius. Their commission was first to go to Antiochus, and after that 
 to Ptolemy, and to signify to them, that it was the desire of the senate that they 
 should desist from making any farther war upon each other; and that, if either 
 of them should refuse so to do, him the Roman people would no longer hold to 
 be either their friend or their ally. And that these ambassadors might come 
 soon enough to execute their instructions before Antiochus should make him- 
 self master of Egypt, they were despatched away in that haste, that within 
 three days after they left Rome; and taking with them the Egyptian ambassa- 
 dors, hastened to Brundusium, and there passing over to the Grecian shore, 
 from thence by the Avay of Chalcis, Delos, and Rhodes, they came to Alexan- 
 dria, just as Antiochus was making that second march to besiege this city, which 
 I have mentioned. On his arrival at Lcusine, a place within four miles of 
 Alexandria, the ambassadors there met him. On the sight of Popillius (with 
 whom he had contracted an intimate friendship and familiarity wliile he was a 
 hostage at Rome) he put forth his hand to embrace him as his old friend and 
 acquaintance; but Popillius, refusing the compliment, told him, that the public 
 interest of his country must take place of private friendship; that he must first 
 know whether he were a friend or an enemy to the Roman state, before he 
 could own him as a friend to himself; and then delivered into his hands the 
 tables, in Avhich were written the decree of the senate which they came to 
 communicate to him, and required him to read it, and forthwith give his answer 
 thereto. Antiochus having read the decree, told Popillius he would consult 
 with his friends about it, and speedily give him the answer they should advise; 
 
 1 Livius. lib. 44. c. 19. -2 Poljb. Legal. TO. p. 015. Livius, ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 119 
 
 but PoplUlus,' insisting on an immediate answer, forthwith drew a circle round 
 him in the sand with the statF which he had in his hand, and required him to 
 give his answer before he stirred out of that circle: at which strange and pe- 
 remptory way of proceeding Antiochus being startled, after a little hesitation, 
 yielded to it, and told the ambassador, that he would obey the command of the 
 senate; whereon Popillius, accepting his embraces, acted thenceforth according 
 to his former friendship with him. That which made him so bold as to act 
 with him after this peremptory manner, and the other so tame as to yield thus 
 patiently to it, was the news which they had a little before received of the 
 great victory of the Romans, which they had gotten over Perseus, king of Ma- 
 cedonia. For Paulus ^milius having now vanquished that king, and thereby 
 added Macedonia to the Roman empire, the name of the Romans after this 
 carried that weight with it, as created a terror in all the neighbouring nations; 
 so that none of them after this cared to dispute their commands, but were glad 
 on any terms to maintain peace, and cultivate a friendship with them. After 
 Popillius had thus sent Antiochus back again into Syria,'^ he returned with his 
 c^jUeagues to Alexandria; and having there ratified and fully fixed the terms 
 of agreement which had been before, but not so perfectly, made between the 
 two brothers, he sailed to Cyprus; and having sent from thence Antiochus's 
 fleet, as he had him and his army before from Egypt, and caused a thorough 
 restoration of that island to be made to the Egyptian kings, to whom it of right 
 belonged, he returned home to relate to the senate the full success of his em- 
 bassy; and ambassadors followed him from the two Ptolemies to thank the se- 
 nate for the great benefit they had received from it: for to this embassy they 
 owed their kingdom, and that peaceable enjoyment whereby they were now 
 settled in it. 
 
 Antiochus returning out of Egypt in great wrath and indignation,^ because 
 of the baffle which he had there met with from the Romans of all his designs 
 upon that country, he vented it all upon the Jews, who had no way offended 
 him. For, on his marching back through Palestine he detached off from his army 
 twenty-two thousand men,** under the command of Apollonius, who was over 
 the tribute, and sent them to Jerusalem to destroy the place. 
 
 It was just two years after Antiochus had taken Jerusalem,^ that Apollonius 
 came thither with his army. On his first arrival he carried himself peaceably, 
 concealing his purpose, and forbearing all hostilities till the next sabbath; but 
 then, when the people were all assembled together in their synagogues'' for the 
 celebrating of the rehgious duties of the day, thinking this the properest time 
 for the executing of his bloody commission, he let loose all his forces upon 
 them, with command to slay all the men, and take captive the women and chil- 
 dren to sell them for slaves; which they executed with the utmost rigour and 
 cruelty, slaying all the men they could light on, without showing mercy to any, 
 and filling the streets with their blood. After this, having spoiled the city of 
 all its riches, they set it on fire in several places, demolished the houses, and 
 pulled down the walls round about it; and then, with the ruins of the demol- 
 ished city, built a strong fortress on the top of an eminence in the city of David, 
 which was over against the temple; and overlooked and commanded the same, 
 and there placed a strong garrison; and making it a place of arms against the 
 •whole nation of the Jews, stored it with all manner of pro-\-isions of war, and 
 there also they laid up the spoils which they had taken in the sacking of the 
 city. And this fortress, by the advantage of its situation, being thus higher 
 than the mountain of the temple, and commanding the same, from thence the 
 garrison soldiers fell on all those that went up thither to worship, and shed their 
 blood on every side of the sanctuary, and defiled it with all manner of pollu- 
 
 1 Polyb. Legat. 92. p 916. LiWus, lib. 45. c. 11, 12. Justin, lib. 34. c. 3. Appian. in Syriacis. Valerius 
 Masimus, lib. 6. c. 4. Velloiiis Paterciiliis, lib. I.e. 10. Plutarcli. in Apophtli. c. 32. HieronymusinDan. xi.274 
 
 2 Polvb. Legat. 92. p. 916. et Lavius, lib. 45. c. 11, 12. 
 
 3 Polyb. Legal. 92. p. 916. 4 1 Maccab. i. 29—40. 2 Maccab. v. 24—26. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. C.7.. 
 2 I Maccab. i. 29.. 6 Ibid. 30—40. 2 Maccab. v. 24—26. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 7. 
 
J20 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 tions- so that from this time the temple became deserted, and the daily sacri- 
 fices omitted; and none of the true servants of God durst any more go up thither 
 to the worship,' till Judas, after three years and a half, having recovered it out 
 of the hands of the heathens, purged the place of its pollutions, and, by a new 
 dedication, restored it again to its pristine use. For all that escaped this car- 
 nage^ beino- fled from Jerusalem, left that place wholly in the hands of stran- 
 gers; so that the sanctuary was laid waste, and the whole city desolated of its 
 natural inhabitants. At this time Judas Maccabseus,^ with some others that ac- 
 companied him, fled into the wilderness, and there lived in great hardship, sub- 
 sisting themselves upon herbs, and "what else the mountains and the woods 
 could afford them, till they gained an opportunity of taking up arms for them- 
 selves and their country, in manner as will be hereafter related. Josephus* 
 makes Antiochus himself to be present at this execution, and confounds what 
 was now done by ApoUonius with what he himself did in his own person two 
 years before: but the books of the Maccabees rightly distinguished these two 
 actions as done at two different times, the one by Antiochus himself after his 
 second expedition into Egypt, and the other by ApoUonius his lieutenant, sent 
 by him for this purpose on his return from his fourth and last expedition into 
 that country two years after, and hereby both are put in their true light. 
 
 This was done about the time of the year in which our Whitsuntide now 
 falls. Livy tells us,* that Antiochus made this his last expedition into Egypt 
 primo vere, i. e. in the first beginning of the spring; and that the Roman ambas- 
 sadors met him before he could in that march reach Alexandria, which could 
 not be above a month or six weeks after his first entering into that country in 
 this expedition; and, immediately on his meeting those ambassadors, he was 
 forced to march back again, and in that march might reach Palestine about the 
 end of May; and then ApoUonius, being sent with his commission for the deso- 
 lating of the city and temple of Jerusalem, there executed it, as above related, 
 in the beginning of June following. For that desolation of the temple hap- 
 pened just three years and six months before it was again restored by Judas 
 Maccabffius," as hath been alread}'- said; and therefore, that restoration having 
 been made on the twenty-fifth day of the ninth month of the Jews/ called 
 Cisleu, in the 148th year of the era of the Seleucidfe, it must follow, that the 
 time of this desolation must have been on or about the twenty-fifth day of their 
 third month, called Sivan, in the era of the Seleucidfe 145, which answers to 
 the era before Christ 168, under which I have placed it. And the Jewish 
 month Sivan answering in part to the month of May, and in part to the month 
 of June, in the Julian calendar, the twenty-fifth day of that month must hap- 
 pen near or about the time of our Whitsuntide, as I have said; and then it was, 
 that by the command of Antiochus, and the wicked agency of ApoUonius, the 
 daily sacrifices, whereby God was honoured every morning and evening at Je- 
 rusalem, were made to cease, and the temple turned into desolation. 
 
 And this was not all the mischief that was done that people this year. For 
 as soon as Antiochus was returned to Antioch,* he issued out a decree, that all 
 nations within his dominions, leaving their former rites and usages, should con- 
 form to the religion of the king, and worship the same gods, and in the same man- 
 ner as he did; Avhich, although couched in general terms, was levelled mainly 
 against the Jews, that thereby a handle might be affbrded for the farther oppres- 
 sing of that people; and it seems for no other end to have been extended to all 
 the nations of the Syrian empire, but that thereby it might reach all of the Jew- 
 ish worship, wherever they were dispersed among them, it being resolved by 
 Antiochus, through the advice of Ptolemy Macron," to carry on this persecu- 
 
 1 Josepliiis in Pra;fatione ad Hist, de Bello Judaico, et ejusJem Hist. lib. 1. c. 1. ct lib. 6. c. 11. 1 Maccab. 
 iv. 2 Maccab. x. 
 
 2 1 Maccab. i. 38, 30. 3 2 Maccab. v. 27. 4 Antiq. lib. 12. c. 7. 5 Lib. 45. e. II. 
 
 6 JosephuR in Priefationp nd Historian! de Bello Judaico, et in ejusdem Historiae, lib. 1. c. Let lib. 6. c. 11. 
 
 7 1 Maccab. i. 59. iv. 52. .54. 2 Maccab. x. 5. 
 
 8 1 Maccab. i.41— 64. 2 Maccab. vi. Josepb. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 7. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1.0. 1. el lib. de 
 Maccab. c. 4. Hieronymus in Dan. cap. viii. .xi. 9 2 Maccab. vi. 8. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 121 
 
 tlon, not only against the Jews of Palestine, but against all others of that reli- 
 gion who were settled any where else within his dominions. And this indeed 
 was most conformable to his intention, his design being to cut off all of them, 
 wherever they were, within his reach, that would not conform to his decree, by 
 apostatizing from their God, and his law, that so he might, as far as in him lay, 
 extinguish both the Jewish rehgion and the Jewish name and nation at the same 
 time. And for the more effectual executing of this decree,' he sent overseers 
 into all the provinces of his empire, to see to the observance of it, and to instruct 
 the people in all the rites which they were to conform to. And all the heathen 
 nations readily obeyed his commands herein,* one sort of idolatry being to them 
 as acceptable as another; and none did more readil}?- run into this change than 
 the Samaritans. As long as the Jews were in prosperity,^ it was their usage to 
 challenge kindred with them, and profess themselves to be of the stock of Israel, 
 and of the sons of Joseph. But when the Jews were under any calamity or 
 persecution, then they would say, that they had nothing to do with them, that 
 they were of the race of the Medes and Persians (as in truth they were,) and 
 not of the Israelites, and would thus utterly disown all manner of relation to 
 them; of which they gave a very signal instance at this time. For finding the 
 Jews under so severe a persecution, and fearing lest they also might be involved 
 in it, they addressed themselves to the king by a petition; wherein having set 
 forth, that though their fore-fathers had formerly, for the avoiding of frequent 
 plagues that happened in their country, been induced to observe the sabbaths 
 and other religious rites of the Jews, and had on Mount Gerizim a temple like 
 theirs at Jerusalem, and therein sacrificed to a God without a name,^ as they did, 
 and through the superstition of an ancient custom, they had ever since gone on 
 in the same way, yet they were not of that nation, or were any way related to 
 them, but were descended from the Sidonians, and were ready to conform to all 
 the rites and usages of the Greeks, according as the king had commanded; they 
 therefore prayed, that seeing the king had ordered the punishing of that wicked 
 people, they might not be involved with them therein as guilty with them of 
 the same crimes. And they farther petitioned, that their temple, which had 
 hitherto been dedicated to no especial deity, might henceforth be made the 
 temple of the Grecian Jupiter, and be so called for the future. To which peti- 
 tion Antiochus having given a favourable answer, sent his order to Nicanor,* 
 the deputy-governor of the province of Samaria, to dedicate their temple to the 
 Grecian Jupiter, according to their desire, and no more to give them any 
 molestation. 
 
 And the Samaritans were not the only apostates that forsook their God and 
 his law on this trial. Many of the Jews,** either to avoid the persecution, or to 
 c\irry favour with the king and his officers by their compliance, or else out of 
 their own wicked inclinations, did the same thing. And there were hereon great 
 fallings away in Israel, and many of those who were guilty herein, joining with 
 the king's forces then in the land, became much bitterer enemies' to their bre- 
 thren than any of the heathen themselves who wer^e sent on purpose to perse- 
 cute them. 
 
 The overseer, who was sent to see this decree of the king's executed in Judea 
 and Samaria, was one Athenaeus,^ an old man, who being well versed in all the 
 rites of the Grecian idolatry, was thought a very proper person to initiate those 
 people into the observance of them. On his coming to Jerusalem, and there 
 executing his commission," all sacrifices to the God of Israel w^ere made to cease, 
 all the observances of the Jewish religion were suppressed, the temple itself was 
 
 1 J Macf-ab. i. 51. 2 Il)id. i. 42. 3 Josejth. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 7. 
 
 4 For .Tchovah, which was the proper n.nrne of the Cod of Israel, was amonj; them avfu-ptuviiTiiv, that is, 
 never to be spo.ken. unless once in a year by the higli-priest, on his entering into the holy of holies on tile 
 great day of expiation; and hence he is said to bo a God without a name. 
 
 5 One Apollonius was then governor of Samaria, and Nicanor was his deputy. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 
 10. 1 Maccab. iii. 10. 6 1 Marcab. i. 43—52. vi. 21—27. 
 
 7 Ibid. vi. 21—24. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 7. 8 2 Maccab. vi. 1. 
 
 9 1 Maccab. i. 44.— 64. 2 IMaccab. vi. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 7. de Bello Jiidaico, lib. 1. c, 1. de Maccab. c. 4. 
 
 Vol. II.— 16 
 
122 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 polluted, and made unfit for God's worship, their sabbaths and festivals were pro- 
 faned, their children forbidden to be circumcised, and their law, wherever it 
 could be found, was taken away or destroyed, and the ordinances which God 
 commanded them were wholly suppressed throughout the land, and every one 
 was put to death that was discovered in any of these particulars to have acted 
 against what the king had decreed. The Syrian soldiers under this overseer 
 were the chief missionaries, and by them this conversion of the Jews to the 
 king's religion was effected in the same manner as a late neighbouring prince 
 converted his Protestant subjects to the idolatrous superstition of Rome, which 
 falls very little short of being altogether as bad. Having thus expelled the 
 Jewish worship out of the temple, they introduced thither the heathen in its 
 stead, and consecrating it to the chief of their false gods, called it the temple of 
 Jupiter Olympius;' and having erected his image upon one part of the altar of 
 holocaust, that stood in the inner court of the temple, upon another part of it, 
 just before that image, they built another lesser altar, whereon they sacrificed to 
 him. This was done on the fifteenth day of the Jewish month Cisleu,^ which 
 answers in part to November and in part to December in our calendar; and on 
 the twenty-fifth day of the same month they there began their sacrifices to him.* 
 And they did the same to the Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim,* consecrating 
 it to the same Grecian god Jupiter, by the name of Jupiter the Protector of 
 strangers. That it was the request of the Samaritans themselves to have their 
 temple consecrated to the Grecian Jupiter hath been already shown; and it was 
 also at their desire that it was consecrated to him under this additional title of 
 Protector of strangers,* that thereby it might be expressed, that they were stran- 
 gers in that land, and not of the race of Israel, who were the old inhabitants of 
 it. And whereas two women were found at Jerusalem to have circumcised 
 their male children,® of which they had been lately delivered, they hanged those 
 children about their necks, and having- led them in this manner through the 
 city, and cast them headlong over the steepest part of the walls, and also slew 
 all those who had been accessary with them in the performance of this forbidden 
 rite. And with the same severity they treated all others who were found in the 
 practice of any one of their former religious usages, contrary to what the king 
 had commanded. And, the more to propagate among that people that heathen 
 worship, which was enjoined, and to bring all to conform thereto," they did set 
 up altars, groves, and chapels, of idols in every city: and officers were sent to 
 them,® who, on the day of the king's birth, in every month, forced all to offer 
 sacrifices to the Grecian gods, and eat of the flesh of swine," and other unclean 
 beasts then sacrificed to them. And when the feast of Bacchus, the god of 
 drunkenness, came, and processions were made as usual among the heathen 
 Greeks, to the honour of that abominable deity, the Jews'" were forced to join 
 therein, and earry ivy," as the rest of the heathens did, according to the idola- 
 trous usage of the day. 
 
 When these officers were thus sent to make all Judea conform to the king's 
 religion, and sacrifice to his gods, '^ one of them, called Apelles, came to Modin, 
 where dwelt Mattathias, a priest of the course of Joarib,''' a very honourable 
 person, and one truly zealous for the law of his God. He was the son of John,'* 
 the son of Simon, the son of Asmonaeus, from whom the family had the name 
 of Asmona^ans, and he had with him five sons, all very valiant men, and equally 
 with himself zealous observers of the law of their God; Johanan called Kaddis, 
 Simon called Thassi, Judas called Maccabseus, Eleazar called Avaran, and Jona- 
 than, whose surname was Apphus. Apellus,'* on his coming to this city, having 
 
 1 2 Mai-cal). vi. 2. 2 1 Maceab. i. 54. 3 rbiil, 39. iv. 54. 2 Maccab. x. 5. 
 
 Chron. xxjv 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 123 
 
 called the people together, and declared unto them for what Intent he was come, 
 addressed himself in the first place to Mattathias, to persuade him to comply 
 with the king's commands, that by the example of so honourable and great a 
 man, all the rest of the people of the place might be induced to do the same; 
 promising him, that thereon he should be taken into the number of the king's 
 friends, and he and his sons should be promoted to honour and riches. To this 
 Mattathias answered, with a loud voice, in the hearing of all the people of the 
 place, that no consideration whatsoever should induce him, or any of his family, 
 ever to forsake the law of their God; but that they would still walk in the cove- 
 nant which he had made with their forefathers, and observe all the ordinances 
 of it, and that no commands of the king should make any of them to depart here- 
 from. And when he had said thus much, seeing one of the Jews of the place 
 presenting himself at the heathen altar which was there erected, to sacritice on 
 it, according to the king's commands, he was moved hereat with a religious zeal, 
 like that of Phineas, and ran upon the apostate and slew him; and then, in the 
 heat of his wrath, fell also on the king's commissioner, and by the assistance of 
 his sons, and others that joined with them, slew him and all that attended him. 
 And after this, getting together all of his family, and calling all others to follow 
 who were zealous for the law, he retired with them to the mountains; and many 
 others followed the same example,' whereby the deserts of Judea became filled 
 with those who fled from this persecution. One company of them, to the num- 
 ber of one thousand persons, being gotten into a cave in the desert that lay 
 nearest to Jerusalem, Philip the Phrygian, whom Antiochus had left governor 
 of Judea and Jerusalem,^ on his last being there, went out against them with 
 his forces.^ At first, he endeavoured to persuade them to a submission to the 
 king's commands, promising them, on this condition, a thorough impunity for 
 what was past: but they all resolutely ansAvering, that they would ralher die 
 than forsake the law of their God, he thereon laid siege to the cave which they 
 had possessed themselves of, omitting all other hostilities till the next sabbath, 
 expecting then to master them without resistance; and so it accordingly hap- 
 pened: for they then refusing, out of an over-scrupulous zeal for the observance 
 of that day, to do any thing for their own defence, when fallen on b}- the enemy, 
 were all cut off, men, women, and children, without one being spared of the 
 whole company. IMattathias and his followers being much grieved at the hear- 
 ing of this, and considering that, if the}^ should follow the same example, they 
 must all of them in the same manner be destroyed, on full debate had among 
 them of the matter, they all came into this resolution,^ that the law of the sab- 
 bath in such a case of necessity did not bind; and therefore they unanimously 
 decreed, that whenever they should be assaulted on the sabbath-day, they w^ould 
 fight for their lives; and that it was lawful for them so to do: and having ratified 
 this decree, by the consent of all the priests and elders among them, they sent 
 it to all others w-ho stood out in the observance of the law% wherever dispersed 
 through the land; by whom it being received with the like consent and appro- 
 bation, it was made their rule in all the wars which they afterward waged against 
 any of their enemies. 
 
 An. 167. Ptol. Philometor 14.] — Antiochus,* hearing that his commands did 
 not meet with such a thorough conformity to them in Judea as in other places, 
 came thither in person farther to enforce the observance of them; and for the ac- 
 complishing hereof, executed very great cruelties on all non-apostatizing Jews 
 that fell into his hands, hoping thereby to terrify all the rest into a compliance; 
 and on this occasion happened the martyrdom of Eleazar, and of the mother and 
 her seven sons, which we have described to us by the author of the second book 
 of the Maccabees,* and by Josephus;' by both of which a full account having 
 been given of this matter, especially by the latter, who hath written a book par- 
 
 a Ibid. 29, 30. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 1-3. c.9. 2 2 Alaecab. v. 22. 
 
 3 i Maccab. ii. .11—^8. 2 .\Iaccab. vi. 11. Joseph ibid. 4 1 Marcab. ii. 40, 41. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 8 
 
 S Josephus de Maccab. c. 4, J. ("> Chap v'- vii 7 In libro de .Alaccab iivc de Uiiperio Satioiiis. 
 
124 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ticularlj hereof, I refer the reader to them. Ruffinus, in his Latin paraphrase of 
 this book of Josephus concerning the Maccabees, gives us the names of the seven 
 brothers and their mother,' and tells us, that as well they as Eleazar were car- 
 ried from Judea to Antioch, and that it was there that they were judged by An- 
 tiochus, but without any authority that we know of for either, except his own in- 
 vention. The reason of the thing, as well as the tenor of the history, which is 
 given us of it by both the authors I have mentioned, make it much more likely 
 that Jerusalem, and not Antioch, was made the scene of this cruelty; and that 
 especially, since it being designed for an example of terror unto the Jews of 
 Judea, it would have lost its force if executed any where else than in that country. 
 
 In the interim, Mattathias and his company lay close in the fastnesses of the 
 mountains,^ where no easy access could be made to them; and as soon as Anti- 
 ochus was again returned to Antioch, great numbers of such as were adherents 
 to the law, there resorted to him to fight for the law of their God,' and the li- 
 berties of their country. Among these, there were a company of Asidseans,* 
 men mighty in valour, and of great zeal for the law, as having voluntarily de- 
 voted themselves to a more rigid observation of it than other men, from whence 
 they had the name of Chasidim, or Asidseans. For, after the settling of the 
 Jewish church again in Judea, on their return from the Babylonish captivity, 
 there were two sorts of men among the members of it:* the one who contented 
 themselves with that only which was written in the law of Moses, and these 
 were called zadikim, i. e. the. righteous; and the other, who, over and above the 
 law, superadded the constitutions and traditions of the elders,* and other rigor- 
 ous observances, Vvhich, byway of supererogation, they voluntarily • devoted 
 themselves to; and these, being reckoned in a degree of holiness above the 
 other, Avere called chmidim, i. e. the jnous. From the former of them were de- 
 rived the sects of the Samaritans, Sadducees, and Karatis, and from the latter 
 the Pharisees and the Essenes; of all which a fuller account will be given in the 
 place proper for it. Of these chasidim were those Asidseans (or Chasidsans, 
 for so' it ought to be written'^) who joined Mattathias on this occasion, and he 
 was much strengthened by them: for to fight zealously for their religion, and the 
 defence of the temple and its worship, was one of those main points of piety 
 which they had devoted themselves to. 
 
 Mattathias having thus gotten such a company together, as made the appear- 
 ance of a small army, came out of his fastnesses,^ and took the field with them; 
 and, going round the cities of Judah, he pulled down the heathen altars, caused 
 all male children whom he found any where without circumcision to be circum- 
 cised, cut off all apostates that fell into his hands, and destroyed all the perse- 
 cutors wherever he came. And thus going on, he prospered in the work of 
 purging the land of the idolatry which the persecutors had imposed upon it, and 
 again re-establlsl^ed the true worship of God' in its former state in all the places 
 where he prevailed. For, having recovered several copies of the law out of 
 the hands of the heathen,'" he restored the service of the synagogue, and caused 
 it again to be read therein, as before used to be done. When Antiochus issued 
 out his decree for the suppressing of the Jewish religion, one main instruction 
 given his agents for this purpose, was, every where to take away and suppress 
 the law of Moses:" for that being the rule of their religion, were that taken 
 away, he thought the religion itself must necessarily cease with it. And there- 
 fore orders were issued out, commanding all that had any copies of the law to 
 
 1 Their names, acrordins to Ruffinus, were Maccabneiis, Aber, Machir, Judas, Aclias, Arcth, and Jacob, and 
 their mother's name Soloniona, but the latter Je\vi,-h historians call her Hanna. 
 
 2 1 Maccab. ii. 28, 20. 3 tbid. 43, 44. 4 Ibid. 42. 5 VirteGrotiuni in Comment, ad 1 Maccab. ii. 42. 
 
 6 Vide Jnsephi Scaligeri Elenchiim Trihaeresii Nicolai Perarii, c. 22. 
 
 7 For the word in the Hebrew is written with the letter Cheth, which answers to ourch; and, by the trans- 
 lators of the Hebrew te.xt, is sometimes expressed in Greek by an aspirate, and iu Latin by the letter H, and 
 sometimes is left wholly out, as in the word Asidaans, 
 
 8 1 Maccab. ii. 44, 4.< &;c. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 8. 
 
 9 Tliat is, the synagogue worship; for the temple worship was still obstructed, by reason that the temple 
 was still in the hands of the heathen. 
 
 10 1 Maccab. ii. 48. 11 Ibid. 56, 07. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 7. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 125 
 
 deliver them up; and the punishment of death was severely inflicted upon all 
 who were afterward found retaining any of them. And by this means the per- 
 secutors got into their hands all the copies of the law which were in the land, 
 excepting only such as those who fled into the deserts carried with them hither. 
 For all others were forced to deliver them up unto them; and, when they had 
 gotten them, some they destroyed, and the others, which they thought fit to 
 preserve, they polluted' by painting on them the pictures of their gods, that so 
 Ihey might no more be of use to any true Israelite: for their pictures were for- 
 bidden by the law of God,- as much as their images, and to have either of them 
 Avas equally esteemed an abomination among that people. But this order of per- 
 secution extending only to the five books of Moses, and not to the writings of the 
 prophets, those who persisted still in the Jewish worship, instead of the lessons 
 which had hitherto, from the lime of Ezra, been read out of the law on every 
 sabbath, did read like portions out of the prophets; and, upon this occasion, the 
 tublic reading of the prophets was first introduced into their synagogues; and, 
 t being thus introduced, it continued there ever after. And therefore, when 
 ilie persecution was over, and the reading of the law was again restored in their 
 synagogues, the prophets were also there read with it; and instead of the one 
 iesson which Avas there read before, they thenceforth had two, the first out of 
 the law, and the second out of the prophets, as hath been already observed in 
 the first part of this History. All those copies of the law which the heathens 
 had gotten into their hands on this occasion, and had not destroyed, Mattathias, 
 wherever he came, made diligent search for, and thereby recovered several of 
 Ihem. Those which the heathen had not polluted were restored to their pristine 
 use; the others might serve for the writing out of other copies by them, but were 
 judged unfit for all other uses, by reason of the idol pictures painted on them, 
 the Jews being as scrupulous of avoiding all appearances of idolatry after the 
 Babylonish captivity, as they were prone to run into it before. 
 
 An. 166. Jvidas Maccabceus 1.] — But Mattathias, being very aged, was worn 
 out with the fatigues of this warfare, and therefore died the next year after he 
 had first entered on it. The author of the first book of the Maccabees placetb 
 his death in the 146th year of the kingdom of the Greeks,^ that is, of the era of 
 the Seleucidfe, the latter end of which was the beginning of the 166th Julian 
 year before Christ. For the Julian year beginning from the first of January, 
 and the years of the era of the Seleucidee, according to the first book of the 
 Maccabees, from the first of Nisan, which fell in our March, the months inter- 
 vening were in the latter end of the one, and in the beginning of the other. 
 Before his death, he called his five sons together;* and having exhorted them to 
 stand up valiantly for the law of God, and, with a steady constancy and courage, 
 to fight the battles of Israel against their present persecutors, he appointed Judas, 
 lo be their captain in his stead, and Simon to be their counsellor; and then 
 giving up the ghost, was buried at Modin, in the sepulchre of his forefathers, 
 and great lamentation was made for him by all the faithful in Israel. 
 
 But this loss was sufficiently compensated by the succession of Judas Macca- 
 bseus, his son, in the same station. For, as soon as his father's funeral was over, 
 he stood up in his stead;* and, according as appointed by him, took on him the 
 chief command of those forces which he had with him at his death; and his bro- 
 thers, and all others that were zealous for the law, resorted to him, till they had 
 made up the number of an army: whereon he erected his standard, and led 
 them forth under it to fight the battles of Israel against their common enemies, 
 the heathens that oppressed them. His motto, in that standard being this He- 
 brew sentence, taken out of Exodus xv. 11, Mi Camo-ka Baclim Jehovah, i, e. 
 
 1 1 Maccab. iii. 48. 
 
 2 Levit. ixvi. 1. Numb, xxxiii.52. For, whereas, in the place in Leviticus here cited, the English trans- 
 lators render it any image of stone, the Hebrew original is any stone of picture; and so it is noted in the 
 margin at that place, by which the Jews understand stones painted with pictures. 
 
 3 1 Maccab. ii. 70. 4 Ibid. 49— 70. Joseph. Aiitiq. lib. 12. c. 8. 
 5 1 Maccab. iii. 1. 2 Maccab, viti, 1. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 9. 
 
126 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 " Who is like unto thee among the gods, Jehovah?" and it not being Avrote 
 thereon in words at length, but by an abbreviation formed by the initial letters 
 of these words put togef her, which made the artificial word Maccabi,' hence all 
 that fought under that standard were called Maccabees," or Maccabseans; and 
 he, in an especial manner, had that name above the rest by way of eminence,' 
 who was the captain of them; and thus to abbreviate sentences, and names of 
 many words, by putting together the initial letters of those words, and making 
 out of them an artificial word to express the whole, hath been a common prac- 
 tice among the Jews. Thus among them Rambam' is the name of Rabbi Moses 
 Ben Maimon, and Ralbag^ is the name of Rabbi Levi Ben Gerson, because the 
 initial letters of the four words, of which these names do consist, when put to- 
 gether, make these artificial words; and it is common to call these persons by 
 them. And abbreviations made this way, both of whole sentences as well a^' of 
 names, do so frequently occur in all their books, that there is no understanding 
 of them without a key to explain these abbreviations by; and therefore Buxtorf, 
 for the help of students in the Hebrew learning, hath written a book on pur- 
 pose to explain those abbreviations, which is entitled De Abbreviaturis Hebrai- 
 cis, wherein hundreds of instances may be seen of this kind. Ruffinus having 
 given names to the seven brothers that suffered martyrdom together under An- 
 tiochus, as hath been above mentioned, calls the eldest of them Maccabseus; and 
 therefore from him some would derive this name of the Maccabees to all that 
 are called by it. But with how little authority Ruffinus gives to those brothers 
 the names which he mentions, hath been already observed. It is most probable 
 this name had no other original than that which I have mentioned. But in its 
 use it did not rest only on those to whom it was first given. For not only Judas 
 and his brethren were called Maccabees, but the name was extended in after- 
 times to all those who joined with them in the same cause; and not only to 
 them, but also to all others who suffered in the like cause under any of the 
 Grecian kings, ^ whether of Syria or Egypt, although some of them lived long 
 before them. For those who suffered under Ptolemy Philopator at Alexandria, 
 fifty years before, were afterward called Maccabees; and so were Eleazar, and 
 the mother and lier seven sons, though they suffered before Judas erected his 
 standard with the motto above mentioned. And therefore, as those books which 
 give us the history of Judas and his brothers, and their wars against the Syrian 
 kings, in defence of their religion and their liberties, are called the first and 
 second books of the Maccabees; so that book which gives us the history of 
 those, who in the like cause, under Ptolemy Philopator, were exposed to his 
 elephants at Alexandria, is called the third book of the Maccabees, and that 
 which is written by Josephus of the martyrdom of Eleazar, and the seven bro- 
 thers and their mother, is called the fourth book of the Maccabees. Of the two 
 latter I have already given an account. The two others are those which we 
 have in our Bibles among the Apocrypha. 
 
 The first of them, which is a very accurate and excellent history, and comes 
 the nearest to the style and manner of the sacred historical writings of any ex- 
 tant, was written originally in Chaldee language of the Jerusalem dialect; which 
 was the language spoken in Judea, from the return of the Jews thither from the 
 Babylonish captivity. And it was extant in this language in the time of Jerome, 
 for he tells us' that he had seen it. The title which it then bore was Sharbit 
 Sar Bene El,* i. e. The sceptre of the prince of the sons of God; a title which 
 
 1 Thus Senatus Populusque Romanus, was expressed on the Roman standards and ensigns by the initial 
 letters of these words, S. P. a. R. 
 
 2 Vide Grotiiini in Prafatione ad Conimnient. in Prinium Libruin Maccab. et Buxtorfium de Abbrevia- 
 turis. p. 132. aliosque. 
 
 D 1 Maccab. ii. 4. 4 Buxtorf. de Abbreviaturis, p. ]86. 5 Idem in eodeni Libro, p. 185. 
 
 C Scalitfer in Animadversiouibus in Chronologica Euseb, Nn. 1853. p. 143. ubi dicit, " Omnes qui ob Icgis 
 observationem excruciali, ca;si, et male tractati sunt, a veteribus Christianis dicuntur Maccab<ei, ut qui 
 propter Christum, dicti martyres." 
 
 7 In Prologo Galeato. 
 
 8 Originea in Comment, ad Psalmos, vol. 1. p. 47. ecMtionis Huetiane. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. 6. c. 25. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT 127 
 
 ■well suited Judas, who was so valiant a commander of God's people then under 
 persecution. The author of it, some conjecture, was John Hyrcanus the son of 
 Simon, who was prince and high-priest of the Jews near thirty years, and be- 
 gan his government at the time where his history ends. It is most likely it was 
 composed in his time, when those wars of the Maccabees were over, either by 
 him, or else by some others employed by him. For it reacheth no farther than 
 where his government begins; and therefore, in the time immediately following, 
 it seems most likely to have been composed; and public records being made use 
 of, and referred to in this history, this makes it very probable that it was com- 
 posed under the direction of some public authority^ From the Chaldee it was 
 translated into Greek, and after that a translation was made of it from the Greek 
 into Latin; and we have our English version from the same Greek fountain. 
 Theodotion is conjectured to have first translated it into Greek; but it seems 
 most probable that this version was ancienter, because of the use made of it by 
 authors as ancient, as by TertuUian,' Origen," and others. 
 
 The second book of the Maccabees consists of several pieces compiled toge- 
 ther; by what author is utterly uncertain. It begins with two epistles sent from 
 the Jews of Jerusalem to the Jews of Alexandria and Egypt, to exhort them to 
 the observing of the feast of the dedication of the new altar erected by Judas, 
 on his purifying of the temple, which was celebrated on the twenty-fifth day of 
 their month Cisleu. The first of them was written^ in the 169th year of the era 
 of the Seleucidce (i. e. in the year before Christ 144,) and, beginning at the first 
 verse of the first chapter, endeth at the ninth verse of the same chapter inclu- 
 sively. And the second was written^ in the 188th year of the same era (i. e. 
 in the year before Christ 125,) and beginning at the tenth verse of the same 
 chapter, endeth with the eighteenth verse of the second chapter. Both these 
 epistles seem to be spurious, wherever the compiler of this book picked them 
 up. The first of them calls the feast of the dedication, s^^-v^^y.y:^ " Kxtr.^fj, that 
 is, "the feast of making tabernacles, or booths, in Cisleu," which is very im- 
 proper. For although they might, during that solemnity, carry some winter- 
 greens in their hands to express their rejoicing, yet they could not then make 
 such booths as in the feast of tabernacles; because, the month Cisleu falling in 
 the middle of winter, they could not then lie abroad in such booths, nor find 
 green boughs enough to make them. And as to the second epistle, it is not 
 only written in the name of Judas MaccabiEu.';, who was slain thirty-six years 
 before, but also contains such fabulous and absurd stutf, as could never have 
 been written by the great council of the Jews assembled at Jerusalem for the 
 whole nation, as this pretends to be. What followeth after this last epistle, to 
 the end of the chapter, is the preface of the author to his abridgement of his 
 history of Jason, which beginning from the first verse of the third chapter, is 
 carried on to the end of the thirty seventh verse of the last chapter; and the 
 two next verses that follow to the end, are the author's conclusion of the whole 
 work. This Jason, the abridgement of whose history makes the main of this 
 book, was an Hellenist Jew of Cyrene, of the race of those Jews* whom Ptole- 
 my Soter sent thither, as hath been before related." He wrote in Greek" the 
 history of Judas Maccabseus and his brethren, and of the purification of the 
 temple at Jerusalem, and the dedication of the altar, and the wars against An- 
 tiochus Epiphanes, and Eupator his son, in five books. These five books the 
 author abridged;'' and of this abridgement, and the other particulars above men- 
 tioned, compiled the whole book in the same Greek language, and this proves 
 that author to have been a Hellenist also, and most likely he was of Alexan- 
 dria; which one expression in the book, and there more than once occurring, 
 seems very strongly to prove. For there, in speaking of the temple of Jerusa- 
 lem, he calls it the great temple,* which cannot there be understood to be said 
 
 1 Adversus JudsBOS, p. 210. Edit. Rigalt. 2. 2 Origenes, ibid, et alibi. 3 2 Maccab. i. 7. 
 
 4 Ibid. 10. 5 See part 1, book 8, under the year 320. 6 2 Mac. ii. 19—33. 7 Ibid. 23, 34. 
 
 5 Ibid. 19. xiv. 13. 
 
128 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 otherwise than by way of contradistinction from another temple which was les- 
 ser;' and that could be none other than the temple built in Egypt by Onias, 
 which will be hereafter spoken of. This the Jews of Egypt did acknowledge 
 as a dauo-hter temple to that of Jerusalem, still retaining the prime honour to 
 that as the mother temple; and therefore very properly the temple at Jerusa- 
 lem might be called the great temple by them, in that they had a lesser, but 
 not by any other Jews. For none others of them acknowledged this teniple in 
 Egypt at all, or any other but that at Jerusalem only, but looked on all those 
 as schismatics that sacrifice any where else. And therefore none but an Egyp- 
 tian Jew, who acknowledged the lesser temple in Egypt, as well as the greater 
 temple at Jerusalem, could thus express himself, as is above mentioned: and 
 consequently none but an Egyptian Jew could be the author of this book. And 
 of all the Egyptian Jews, the Alexandrian being the most polite and learned, 
 this makes it most likely that there this book was composed. But this secona 
 book of the Maccabees doth by no means equal the accurateness and excellen- 
 cy of the first. There are, in the Polyglot Bibles both of Paris and London, 
 Syriac versions of both these books, but they are both of them of a later date, 
 and made from the Greek, though they are observed in some places to differ 
 from it. And from the same Gi-eek are also made the English versions of both, 
 these books which we have among the apocryphal writers in our Bibles. 
 
 Antiochus,* hearing that Paulus iEmilius, the Roman general, after having 
 conquered Perseus king of Macedon, and subdued that whole realm, had cele- 
 brated games at Amphipolis, on the River Strymon, in that country, in imita- 
 tion hereof, proposed to do the same at Daphne near Antioch; and therefore, 
 having set a day for it, sent out emissaries into all parts to invite spectators to the 
 place, whereby he drew great numbers thither to see the shows, which he there 
 celebrated with great pomp and prodigious expense for several days together: 
 through all which, to verify the character prophetically given of him by the 
 holy prophet Daniel,^ he acted the part of a most vile and despicable person, 
 agreeable to what hath been before mentioned of him, exposing himself before 
 that numerous assembly, by the meanest and most indecent actions of beha- 
 viour, to the contempt, scorn, and ridicule, of all that were present; and to that 
 degree, that several not being able to bear the sight of so absurd and profligate 
 a conduct, fled from his feasts to avoid it. Polybius wrote a full description of 
 all this, and* Atheneeus hath copied it from him at large; and the same may be 
 seen'' in epitome out of Diodorus Siculus among the Excerpta published by 
 Valesius. 
 
 But while Antiochus was thus playing the fool at Daphne, Judas was acting 
 another kind of part in Judea. For, having gotten together such an army as 
 is mentioned,^ he went round the cities of Judea in the same manner as his 
 father had begun to do, destroying every where all utensils and implements of 
 idolatry, and cutting off, in all places, the heathen idolaters, and all others who 
 had apostatized to them; and hereby having delivered the true lovers of the 
 laws, wherever he came, from all those that oppressed them, for the better se- 
 curing of them from all such for the future, he fortified their towns, rebuilt their 
 fortresses, and placed strong garrisons in them for their protection and defence; 
 and hereby made himself strong and powerful in the land. Whereon ApoUo- 
 nius,** who was governor for Antiochus in Samaria, thinking to put a stop to his 
 future progress, got an army together, and marched against him. But Judas,' 
 having vanquished and slain him in battle, made a great slaughter of his forces, 
 
 1 It is in Greek, tou i-pou tcu /4sya\ou, 2 Maccab. ii. 19. 
 
 2 Polyb. apud. Athenseum, lib. 5. c. 4. p. 194, 195. et lib. 10. c. 12. p. 439. Diodor. Sic. in E.xcerptis Va- 
 lesii, p. 321. 
 
 3 Dan. xi. 21. 
 
 4 Polyb. apud AthentEUm, lib. 5. c. 4. p. 194, 195. et lib. 10. c. 12. p. 439. Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Va- 
 lesii, p. 321. 
 
 5 1 Maccab. iii. 8. 2 Maccab. viii. 5—7. 1 Maccab. iii. 10. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c, 10. 
 
 6 Ibid. 10—12. Ibid. 7 1 Maccab. iii. 13. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 129 
 
 and took their spoils; among which finding the sword of Apollonius, he took it 
 to his own use, and fought with it all his life after. 
 
 Seron,' who was a deputy-governor of some part of Coele-Syria under Ptole- 
 my Mucron (for this Ptolemy was then chief goA'ernor of that province,-) hear- 
 ing of the defeat of Apollonius, got all the forces together that were under his 
 command, and marched with them into Judea,^ with hopes of revenging this 
 blow, and gaining thereby great honour to himself on Judas, and those that fol- 
 lowed him; but, instead hereof, he met with the same fate that Apollonius did, 
 being vanquished by Judas, and slain in battle in the same manner as the other 
 had been. 
 
 When Antiochus^ heard of these two defeats, he was moved with great fury 
 and indignation; and therefore, in his rage, forthwith sent and gathered toge- 
 ther all his forces, even a very great army, resolving in his wrath to march im- 
 mediately with them into Judea, and there utterly destroy the whole nation of 
 the Jews, and give their lands to others to be .divided among them: but, when 
 he came to pay his army, he found his treasury so exhausted, that there was not 
 money therein sufficient for it; which forced him to suspend his revenge upon 
 the Jews for the present, and put a stop to all those violent designs which he 
 had formed in his mind for the speedy executing of it. He had expended vast 
 sums in his late shows, and, besides, he was on all occasions very magnificent 
 and profuse in his gifts and donatives,* frequently dealing out to his followers 
 and others vast sums with both hands, sometimes to good purposes, but oftener 
 to none at all; which made good what the prophet Daniel foretold of him, that' 
 ''he should scatter among his fbllowei's the prey, and the spoil, and riches;® 
 and from hence he had the character of the Magnanimous and the Munificent.' 
 For, in the liberal giving of gifts, we are told in the Maccabees,^ that he abounded 
 above all the kings that were before him. And besides at the same time he 
 was farther perplexed, according to the predictions of the same holy prophet,' 
 "by tidings that came to him out of the east, and out of the north, that troubled 
 him." For in the north, Artaxias king of Armenia, his tributary, had revolted 
 from him, and in Persia, which was in the east, his taxes were no more duly 
 paid; for there, as well as in other parts of his empire,''' a failure herein was 
 caused by reason of the dissension and plague which he had brought upon them, 
 by taking away the laws which had been of old time among them, out of a 
 fond desire of bringing all to a uniformity with the Greeks. For, had it not 
 been for these disturbances, such payments, from so large and rich an empire, 
 would regularly have come into his treasury, as would constantly have made 
 amends for all his goings out of it; but, when the goings out of it continued, 
 and the flowings in failed, had his treasure been as the ocean, it must have 
 grown empty at last; and this now was his case. 
 
 And therefore, for the remedying of this, as well as other inconveniences 
 which then perplexed his affairs,'' he resolved to divide his army into two parts, 
 and to leave one of them with Lysias, a nobleman of the royal family, to subdue 
 the Jews, and with the other to march himself, first into Armenia, and afterM'^ard 
 into Persia, for the restoring of his affairs in those countries. And accordingly, 
 having left the same Lysias governor of all that part of his empire which lay on 
 this side oflhe Euphrates, and committed to his care the breeding up of his son, 
 who was then a minor but of seven years old;'" he passed oyer Mount Taurus into 
 Armenia, and having vanquished Artaxias,'' and taken liim prisoner, marched 
 
 1 2 Maccab, viii. 8. ,-. • 
 
 2 1 Maccab. iii. 13— '24. Joseph. Aiitiq. lib. 12. c. 10. 3 1 Maccab.-iii. 27, 28, &.c. Tbiil. c. Jl. 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 11. Athen. lib. 5. p. 194. etlib. 10. p. 438. . 5 Dan. xi. 24. 
 
 6 How be came by these riches, spoil, and prey, Athenseus tells in these followinf: words: " All'lheSfi.- ex- 
 penses were made partly out of the prey, which, contrary to his faith ffivcn, he took in Egypt from Kin^'Phi- 
 !ometor, then a minor, and partly out of the gifts of his friends: b^it the greatest part was from the" spails of 
 the many temples which he sacrileiriouslv robbed." Deipnosnph. lib. 5. p. I'J.i. 
 
 7 Miyx>.o-:^<jX=i y.xi ^>K-.>i^j!f,ii. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 1 1. S 1 Maccab. iii. 30. 
 9 Dan. xi. 44. Vide Hieronymum in Comment, ad ilium locum. 10 1 Maccab. iii. 29. 
 
 11 Ibid. 31, 32, &c. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 11. 
 
 12 He was, when h.° succeeded his father, two years after, a youth offline years oKI. 
 
 13 Appian. in Syriacis. Porphyrins apud Hieronynum in Dan. xi. 44. 
 
 Vol, IL— 17 
 
130 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 thence into Persia, hoping that, by taking the tribute of that rich country, and ihe 
 other provinces of the east, for which they were in arrear to him, he should ga- 
 ther money sufficient wherewith to repair all the deficiencies of his treasury, and 
 thereby restore all his other affairs to their former order and prosperity. 
 
 While he was on these projects abroad, Lysias was intent on the executing of 
 his orders at home, especially in reference to the Jews; concerning whom the 
 king's command left with him was,' utterly to extirpate that people out of their 
 country, and to place strangers in all its quarters, and divide the land by lot 
 among them. And the progress which Judas made with his forces, in bringing 
 all places under him wherever he came, hastened Lysias to a s])eedy execution 
 of what the king had commanded in reference to them. For Philip,^ whom An- 
 tioclius had left at Jerusalem in the government of Judea, seeing how Judas 
 grev/ and increased,^ wrote hereof to Ptolemy Macron, then governor of the 
 provinces of Ccele-Syria and Phoenicia, to which the government of Judea was 
 an appendant, pressing him to a speedy care of the king's interest in this mat- 
 ter, and Ptolemy communicated it to Lysias: whereon it be rng- resolved forthwith 
 to send an- army into Judea,* Ptolemy Macron was appointed to have the chief 
 conduct of the war; who choosing Nicanor, one of his especial friends, for hh 
 lieutenant,^ sent him before with twenty thousarfd men,* joining with him Gror- 
 gias, an old soldier, greatly experienced in matters of war, foi- his assistant. 
 These having entered the country, were speedily followed thither by Ptolemy, 
 with the rest of the forces designed for this expedition; which, when all joined 
 together," encamped at Emmaus near Jerusalem, and there made up an army 
 of forty thousand foot,' and seven thousand horse; and thither resorted to them 
 another army of merchants for the buying of the captives which they reckoned 
 would be taken in this war. For Nicanor,' proposing to raise great sums of 
 money this way, even as much as would be sufficient to pay the debt of two 
 thousand talents, which the king then owed the Romans for arrear of tribute 
 due to them, by the treaty of peace made with them by his father, after the bat- 
 tle of Mount Sipylus, he caused the sale to be proclaimed in all the neighbour- 
 ing countries, promising to sell no fewer than ninety Jews tor every talent. For 
 it was resolved to slay all the full-gi-own men, and sell all the rest for slaves; 
 and one hundred and eighty thousand of the latter at the |)rice promised, would 
 raise the sum proposed. Hereon, the merchants," promising themselves great 
 gains from so cheap a market, flocked thither with their silver and gold in great 
 numbers, they being no fewer than one thousand principal merchants that came 
 to the Syrian camp on this occasion, besides a much greater number of servants 
 and assistants, whom they brought thither with them, to help them in carrying 
 off the slaves they should purchase. 
 
 Judas and his brethren,'" seeing the great danger which they were threatened 
 with from this numerous army (for they knew that they came with orders to de- 
 stroy and utterly abolish the whole Jewish nation,) resolved to stand to their de- 
 fence, and fight for their lives, their law, and their liberties, and either conquer 
 or die in the attempt. And six thousand men" being gathered together after 
 them for this intent,'- Judas divided them into four bands, each consisting of one 
 thousand five hundred men; one of these Judas himself took the command of, 
 and committed that of the other three to three of his brothers, and then led them 
 all to Mizpa,''' there to offer up their prayers to God for his merciful assistance 
 to them in the time of this great danger. For Jerusalem being at that time in 
 the hands of the heathens, and the sanctuary trodden under foot, they could not 
 assemble there for this purpose; and therefore Mizpa being the place where men 
 prayed aforetime in Israel,'* there they met together, and addressed tliemselves 
 
 ] 2 Maccab. iii.34— 30. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. Jl. 2 2 Maccab. v. 22. 3 Ibid. vHi. 8. 
 
 4 1 Maccab. iri. 38. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. p. 11. ' .5 2 Maccab. viii. 9. 
 
 6 1 Maccab. zii. 40. Joseph. Ibid. 7 Ihid. 39. Ibid. 8 2 Maccab. viii. 10, II. 
 
 9 1 Maccab. iii. 41. 2 Maccab. viii. 34. Joseph. Amiq. lib. 12. c. 11. 
 
 JO 1 Maccab. iii. 42—44, &c. 2 Mac. viii. 12, &c. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 11. 11 2 Maccab. viii. IG. 
 
 32 lbid.21, 22. 13 1 Maccab. iii. 40, &c, 14 Judges xx. 1. 1 Saijm«l vii. 5. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 131 
 
 to God in solemn fasting and prayer, for the imploring of his mercy upon them 
 in this their great distress, and then marched forth to fight the enemy. But 
 when proclamation was made, according to the law,' that aU such as had that 
 year built houses,- betrothed wives, or planted vineyards, or were fearful, should 
 depart, the six thousand men, Avhich Judas had at first,^ were reduced to three 
 thousand. However, that valiant captain of God's people resolving even with 
 tliese to fight this numerous army, and commit the event to God,'* led forth this 
 small company into the field, and pitched his camp very near that of the enemy; 
 and there, having encouraged them with what Avas proper to be spoken to them 
 on such an occasion, did let them know that he pui-posed the next morning to 
 join battle with the Syrians, and ordered them to provide for it accordingly. But, 
 having gotten intelligence that evening,^ that Gorgias was marched out of the 
 Syrian camp, with five thousand chosen foot, and one thousand of their best 
 horse, and was leading them through by-wa3's, under the guidance of some 
 apostate Jews, upon a design of falling on him in the night, for the cutting of 
 him off, and aU there with him, by a sudden surprise, he countermined his plot 
 by another of the same kind, and executed it with much better success. For 
 immediately quitting his camp, and leaving it quite empty, he marched toward 
 that of the enemy, and fell upon them, while Gorgias was absent on his night- 
 project with their best men, by which they being surprised, and put into great 
 confusion, soon fled, and left Judas master of their camp, and three thousand of 
 their men dead upon the spot.'^ But Gorgias and his detachment being still 
 entire, Judas withheld his men from the spoil and the pursuit till these were 
 also vanquished,^ and this was done without any farther fighting. For Gorgiasj 
 after having in vain sought for Judas in his camp, and also in the mountains 
 where he thought him fled, returning back, and finding on his return the camp 
 on fire, and the main army broken and fled, he could no longer keep his men 
 together, but they all flung down their arms, and fled also; whereon Judas, with 
 all his men, put himself on the pursuit, and therein slew great numbers more of 
 the Syrian host, so that the slain, in the whole, amounted to nine thousand men;* 
 and most of the rest were sore wounded and maimed that escaped from the bat- 
 tle. After this, Judas" led back his men to take the spoils of the camp, where 
 they found great riches, and got all that money for a prey which the merchants 
 brought thither to buy them wdth, and several of them they sold for slaves who 
 came thither, as to a market, to have bought them for such. And the next day 
 after being their sabbath,'" they solemnized it with great devotion, rejoicing and 
 giving praise to God for this great and merciful deliverance which he had now 
 given unto them. 
 
 Judas and his followers being flushed with this victory, and being also by the 
 reputation of it much increased in their strength, through the numbers of those 
 that resorted to them hereon, resolved to pursue the advantage they had gotten 
 for the suppressing of all other their enemies; and therefore, understanding that 
 Timotheus," governor of the country beyond Jordan, and Bacchides, another of 
 Antiochus's lieutenants in those parts, w^ere drawing forces together to annoy 
 them, they marched forthwith against them, and, having overthrown them in a 
 great battle, slew above twenty thousand of their men; and having taken their 
 spoils, they thereby not only enriclied themselves, but also got provisions and 
 arms, and many other necessaries, for the ftitujrS' carrying on of the war. And 
 in this victory they had the satisfaction of executing their just revenge on two 
 very signal enemies of theirs, the one called Philarches,'- who, with Timotheus, 
 had done them much mischief, and" the other Callisthenes,'^ wjio was the person 
 that put fire to the gates of .the temple, whereby they were ^rnt down. The 
 first they slew in battle, and the other being driven in the pui-s,irit into a little 
 house, they set it on fire over his head, and there made him die in it such a 
 
 1 Deut. XX. 5. 2 1 Maccab. iii. 56. 3 Ibid. iv. C. 4 Ibid. iii. 57, 58. 
 
 5 Ibic). iv. 1, &c. 2 Maccab. viii. 16, &c. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 11. 6 1 jVIaccab. iv. 15. 
 
 7 Ibid. 18, &c. 8 Ibid, viii 24. 9 Ibid. iv. 23, &.C.. Joscpb. Aiiiiq. lib. 12. c. 11. 
 
 10 2 Maccab. viii. 26, 27. 11 Ibid. 30, 31. 12 Ibid. 32. " 13 Ibid. 33. 
 
J32 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 death as well suited the crime whereby he deserved it. And as to NicanoT, 
 thouo-h he escaped with life, yet it was in a very ignominious manner. For 
 findino- the army broken, and the expedition thereby defeated, he changed his 
 glorious apparel for that of a servant,' and in this disguise made his escape 
 throuo-h the midland to Antioch, where he was in great dishonour and disgrace, 
 by reason of his miscarriage in this enterprise, and losing thereby so great an 
 army. For the excusing of himself in this case, he was forced to acknowledge 
 the great power of the god of Israel; alleging, that he fought for his people, be- 
 cause they kept his law; and that as long as they did so, they would always have 
 him for their protector, and no hurt could be done unto them. It is most likely 
 Ptolemy Macron was not present in any of these battles, there being no mention 
 made of him in any of them. Perchance the affairs of Syria, of which he was 
 governor, then kept him otherwise employed. And therefore, though he came 
 at first to the camp of Emmaus, yet he was not present when the battle was 
 there fought with Judas, but left it wholly to be conducted by Nicanor his de- 
 puty. And therefore the whole of it is in the history attributed to Nicanor, 
 without naming Ptolemy at aU, unless only in the fijst appointment of that ex- 
 pedition. 
 
 Jin. 165. Judas Maccabcsus 2.] — Lysias, on the hearing of the ill success of 
 the king's army in Judea, and the great losses s,ustained thereby,* was much 
 confounded at it. But knowing how earnest the king's commands were for the 
 executing of his wrath upon that people, he made great preparations for another 
 expedition against them; and having gotten together an army of sixty thousand 
 foot and five thousand horse, all choice men, he put himself at the head of them, 
 and marched Avith them in person into Judea, purposing no less than the utter 
 destruction of that country, and all the inhabitants of it. With this design, be- 
 ing entered into it, he pitched his camp at Bethsura, a town lying to the south 
 of Jerusalem, near the confines of Idumaja. There Judas met him with ten 
 thousand men; and having, through his gi-eat confidence in God's assistance, 
 with this much inferior force, engaged the numerous army of Lysias, and hav- 
 ing slain five thousand of them, he put aU the rest to flight; whereby Lysias 
 being much dismayed, and also equally astonished at the valour of Judas's sol- 
 diers, who fought as men ready prepared either to live or die valiantly, returned 
 with his baffled army to Antioch, purposing to come again with greater force 
 against them another year. 
 
 Upon this retreat of Lysias, Judas, being left master of the country,^ proposed 
 to his followers their going up to Jerusalem for the recovery of the sanctuary 
 out of the hands of the heathen, and to cleanse and dedicate it anew for the ser- 
 vice of the Lord their God, that his worship might be there again restored, and 
 daily carried on as in former times; to which all consenting, he led them up 
 thither, where they found all things in a very lamentable state; for the city was 
 in rubbish, the sanctuary desolated, the altar profaned, the gates of the temple 
 burnt up, shrubs were in its courts ?fe in a forest, and the priests' chambers pulled 
 down. At the sight hereof, the whole assembly fell into great lamentation, and 
 pressed earnestly to have all these desolations and profanations removed out of 
 the house of God, that so his worship might be again performed in it as in for- 
 mer times. And accordingly, in order hereto, Judas having chosen priests of 
 unblameable conversation, appointed them to the work; who, having cleansed 
 the sanctuary, pulled down the altar which the heathens had there erected, 
 borne out all the defiled stones of them into an unclean place, taken down the 
 old altar which the heathens had profaned, built a new one in its stead of un- 
 hewn stones,'' according to the law, and hallowed the courts, made thereby the 
 whole temple in all things again fit for its former service. But whereas Anti- 
 Gchus had,' in his sacrilegious pillage of it, taken away the golden altar of in- 
 
 J 2 Maccab. viii. 34— 3G. 2 1 Mancab. iv. 2G, &c. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 11. 
 
 3 1 Maccab. iv. 36, &c. 2 Maccab. x. 1—3, &c. Joseph, ibid. 
 
 4 Exodus XX. 25. Deut. xxvii. 5. Joshua viii. 3i. 5 1 Maceab„ i. 21—23. 2 Maccab. v. 1C» 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. I33 
 
 cense, the shew-bread table, which was all overlaid with gold, and the golden 
 candlestick (which all three stood in the holy place,) and had also robbed it of 
 all its other vessels and utensils, and the service of the temple could not be per- 
 fectly performed without them, Judas took care that all these defects should be 
 suppUed. For,' out of the spoils which he had taken from the enemy, he caused to 
 be made a new altar of incense, and a new candlestick all of gold, and a new 
 shew-bi-ead table all overlaid with gold, all three formed in the same manner as 
 they were before. And, by his care, all other vessels and utensils, both of gold 
 and silver, that were necessary for the divine service, were again provided, and 
 a new veil was also made to separate between the holy place, and the holy of 
 holies, and there hung in its proper place. And, when all these things were 
 made ready, and all placed according to their former order, each in the particu- 
 lar place, and each for the particular use which they were ordained for, a new 
 dedication of the altar was resolved on. The day appointed for it was the twenty- 
 fifth day of their ninth month, "^ called Cisleu, which fell about the time of the 
 winter solstice. This was the very same day of the year on which, three years 
 before,^ it had been profaned in the manner as above related, just three years 
 and a half after the city and temple had been desolated by Apollonius,"* and tw^o 
 years after Judas had taken on him the command of the Jews,* ozi his father's 
 death. They began the day early,® by oifering sacrifices, according to the law, 
 upon the new altar which they had made, having first struck fire for it," by dash- 
 ing two flints against each other, and from the same fire having lighted the seven 
 lamps on the golden candlestick that stood in the holy place, beside the altar of 
 incense, they went on in all the other service, restoring it, according to their 
 former rule, in all the particulars of the divine worship which were there used 
 to be performed; and so it continued to be there ever after celebrated, without 
 any other interruption, till the Romans finally destroyed the temple, and thereby 
 put an end to all the ritual worship of that place. 
 
 The solemnity of this dedication was continued for eight days together,* 
 which they celebrated with great joy and thanksgiving, for the deliverance 
 which God had given unto them. And, for the more solemn acknowledgement 
 hereof, they decreed the like festival to be ever after annually kept in com- 
 memoration of it. This was called the feast of dedication. It begun every 
 year on the said twenty-fifth day of Cisleu, and was continued to the eighth 
 day after, in the same manner as were the passover and the feast of tabernacles; 
 ■during all which time they all illuminated their houses,^ by setting up of can- 
 dles at every man's door; from whence it was called the feast of lights.'" 
 
 This festival Christ honoured with his presence at Jerusalem," coming thither 
 on purpose to bear a part in the solemnizing of it, which implies his approba- 
 tion of it; and therefore, from hence, Grotius very justly infers,'- that festival 
 days in memorial of public blessings may piously be instituted by persons in 
 authority without a divine command, or (it may be added) the example of a 
 person divinely directed observing the same. For the institution of this festi- 
 val was without either, there being neither any divine precept, nor the exam- 
 ple of any prophet, for the observance of it. Neither can it be said, that it was 
 the feast of any other dedication that Christ was present at, save this only, 
 which was instituted by Judas Maccaboeus. As to the two former dedications 
 of the temple which were had before, first that of Solomon, and afterward that 
 of Zerubbabel, though they were solemnly celebrated at the time on which 
 they were performed, yet there was no anniversary feast in commemoration of 
 
 1 1 Maccab. iv. 49. 2 1 Maceab. iv.52. 2 Mnccah. x. 5. 3 I Maccab. i. 59. iv.54. 2 Maccab. x. 5. 
 
 4 Jost'plius in Prsfatione ad libnim de Be!lo Judaico, et rn ipso libro de Bello Judaico, lib. I.e. 1. et lib. 
 6. c. 11. 5 2 Maccabees .x. 3. 6 1 Maccab. iv. 52, &c. 2 Maccab. x. 1.2, &c. 
 
 7 2 Maccab. x. 3. N. B. The sacred fire which came down from heaven at the dedication of Solomon's temple, 
 was extinguished in the destruction of the temple by the Babylonians, till which time it had there been con- 
 stantly kept binning. After that, thev used no other than common fire in the temple; but still they avoided 
 the bringing thither of any culinary fire which had been profaned by other uses, and therefore kindled it by 
 dashing two stones one against the other, as is here said. 
 
 8 1 Maccab. iv. .59. 2 Maccab. x. 6. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 11. 9 Maimonides in Chanucah. 
 
 10 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 11. 11 John x. 22. 12 In Comment, ad Evangelium St. Johan. x. 22. 
 
J34 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 either of them celebrated afterward, as there was of this of Judas Maccabffius. 
 And if there had, yet the text in the gospel clearly pins down the dedication 
 mentioned in it to the dedication of Judas only: for it tells us, that the time of 
 its celebration was in the winter; which could be said only of this, and not of 
 either of the other two: for that of Solomon was in the seventh month,' then 
 called Ethanim, afterward Tizri, which fell about the time of the autumnal 
 equinox; and that of Zerubbabel was in their twelfth month, called Adar,* which 
 fell in the beginning of the spring; but that of Judas Maccabsus being on the 
 twenty-fifth day of the month Cisleu, which fell in the middle of winter, this 
 plainly demonstrates, that the feast of dedication, which Christ was present at 
 in Jerusalem, could be no other feast than that which was celebrated in com- 
 memoration of the dedication performed by Judas Maccabseus, and instituted by 
 him for this purpose. 
 
 When the old altar, which the heathens had polluted, was pulled down, a 
 dispute arose how the stones of it were to be disposed of. The heathens having 
 sacrificed on this altar to their idol gods, and some of those sacrifices having 
 been of unclean beasts, the worshippers of the true God then looked on it, and 
 all the stones of which it was built, as doubly polluted thereby, and therefore 
 no more to be made use of in his service. And, on the other side, they having 
 been for many ages sanctified by the sacrifices which had been offered thereon 
 to the true God, they were afraid, after this, of applying them to any profane 
 or common use. And therefore, being in this doubt,' they resolved to lay up 
 these stones in some convenient place within the mountain of the house,* till 
 there should a prophet arise, who should show them what was to be done with 
 them; so scrupulous were they in this case. The place in which, according to 
 the Mishnah, those stones Avere laid up, was one of the four closets of the belh- 
 moked,^ or the common fire-room of the priests attending the service, that is, 
 that closet which lay on the north-west corner of that room. But that closet, 
 according to the description of it in the same Mishnah, could not be large 
 enough to hold the tenth part of those stones. I cannot take upon me to solve 
 this difficulty. 
 
 But though the Jews had recovered their temple, and restored it again to its 
 former sacred use, yet still there remained one great thorn in their sides; for 
 the fortress was still in the hands of the enemy, and strongly garrisoned by 
 them, partly with heathen soldiers, and partly with apostate Jews,*^ which were 
 the worse of the two, from whence they much annoyed those that went up to 
 the temple to worship, '^ often sallying from thence upon them, and slaying seve- 
 ral of them. This fortress was built by Ap)oUonius when he sacked and de- 
 stroyed Jerusalem,* as hath been above related, and stood upon an eminence 
 over against the mountain of the temple; for which reason the place was called 
 Mount Acra, from the Greek word ="«=« which signifiethan eminence, or fortress 
 on the top of a hill; which eminence overtopping the mountain of the temple, 
 as being then the higher of the two, had thereby the command of it, which 
 gave the soldiers there in garrison the advantage which I have mentioned, of 
 annoying all those who went up thither to worship. For the preventing of this, 
 Judas at first appointed part of his army to shut them up within their fortress,® 
 and to fight against all such as should sally out of it upon any of the people. 
 But, finding he could not spare so many of his men as were necessary for this 
 blockade, he caused the mountain of the house to be fortified with strong walls 
 and high towers built round about it,'" and placed there a strong garrison to de- 
 
 1 1 Kings viii. 2. 2Chron. v. 3. 2 Ezra vi. 15—17. 3 1 Maccab. iv. 46. 
 
 4 All within the outer wall of the temple, which made the preat square five hui^dred cubits on every side, 
 was called Har Hahhcth, i. e. the Mountain of the House. All that was within the vvall, that included the court 
 of the women, and the inner court in which the temple stood, was called Mikdash, i. e. the Sanctiiarij.- And 
 the temple itself, incUiding the porch, the holy place, and the holy of holies,,,was called Ilecal, i. e. the Temple. 
 This is to be understood strictly speaking; for often all these words are used promiscuously for the temple in 
 general. 
 
 5 Middoth. c 1. s. fi. fi Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 7. 7 1 Maccab. i. 38, 37. 
 8 Ibid. 33 — 35. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 7. " 9 1 jVlaccab. iv. 41. Joseph, ibid. 
 
 10 1 Maccab. iv. CO. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 11. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. ]35 
 
 fend it, and secure those that went up thither to worship from all future insults 
 that might be made upon them, either from the fortress or any other place. 
 
 And whereas the Idumajans were at that time great enemies to the Jews, to 
 secure Jerusalem from all insults from that quarter,' he fortified Bethsurato be abar- 
 rier against them. I have formerly shown, ^ that the Idumaa, or land of Edom, in 
 which those people now dw^lt, was not the Idumsea, or land of Edom, which is 
 mentioned in th-e scriptures of the Old Testament. Wherever this name occurs 
 in any of those ancient holy writings, it is to be understood of that Idumoea, or 
 land of Edom, only, which lay between the lake of Sodom and the Red Sea, 
 and was afterward called Arabia Petraea; nor are any other Edomites spoken of 
 in them, than those which inhabited in that country, excepting only in one pas- 
 sage in the prophet Malachi.'' But these Edomites, '' being driven from thence 
 by the Nabatheans, v/hile the Jews were in the Babylonish captivity, and their 
 land lay desolate, they then took possession of as much of the southern part of 
 it as contained what had formerly been the whole inheritance of the tribe of 
 Simeon, and also half of that which had been the inheritance of the tribe of 
 ludah, and there dwelt ever after, till at length, going over into the religion of 
 the Jews, they became incorporated with them into the same nation. And this 
 only is the IdumEea, and the inhabitants of it the only Edomites, or Idumaeans, 
 which are any where spoken of after the Babylonish captivity. After their 
 coming into this country, Hebron, which had formerly been the metropolis of 
 the tribe of Judah, thenceforth became the metropohs of Idumaea; and in the 
 road between that and Jerusalem lay Bethsura, at the distance of five furlongs 
 from the latter, saith the author of the second book of Maccabees;" but others 
 put it at a much greater distance, and these seem to be nearest to the truth of 
 the matter, 
 
 Jin. 164. Judas MaccahcRxts 3.] — When the neighbouring nations round about 
 heard that the Jews had again recovered the city and temple of Jerusalem, new 
 dedicated the sanctuary, erected a new altar in it, and again restored the Jewish 
 worship in that place, ^ they were much moved with envy and hatred against 
 them hereon; and therefore, taking counsel together against them, resolved to 
 ■act in concert for their utter extirpation, and began to execute this resolution, 
 by putting all of them to death who were found sojourning any where among 
 them, purposing to join with Antiochus for the eifecting of all the rest iji the 
 utter destruction of the whole race of Israel. 
 
 But Antiochus dying in the interim, this broke all the measures which they 
 had concerted together for this mischief, For, on his passing into Persia, to ga- 
 ther up the arrears of tribute which wer€ there due to him, being told that the 
 city of Elymais' in that country was greatly renowned for its riches both of gold 
 and silver, and that there was in it a temple of Diana,** in which were vast trea^ 
 sures, he marched thither, with intent to take the city, and spoil that and the 
 temple in it, in the same manner as he had done at Jerusalem. But on fore- 
 notice had of this design, the people of the country round about, as well as the 
 inhabitants of the city, joining together in defence of their temple, beat him off 
 with shame and confusion; whereon he retired to Ecbatana in Media,^ greatly 
 grieved for this baffle and disappointment. On his arrival thither,'" news came 
 to him of what had happened to Nicanor and Timotheus in Judea; at which 
 
 1 1 Maccab. iv. 61. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. II. 2 Part ], liook 1. 
 
 3 Mai. i. 3, 4. There God speaks (ver. .3,) of his having " laid the mountains and heritage of Esau waste;'" 
 ■which was done on their expulsion by the Nabatheans out of that mountainous country, lying between the 
 iled Sea and the lake of Sodom, where they formerly had their inheritance. The fourth verse contains their 
 brag, " that they would return again into this their ancient country, rehuild the desolated cities, which they 
 formerly there possessed, and again dwei! in them." But hereunto God, by the mouth of his holy prophet, 
 denies them success, telling them, '■ that as fast as they should build he would pull down again:" and so il 
 accordingly happened; for the Edomites could never again recover that country. 
 
 4 See aii account hereof in the first part of this history, book 1, under the year 740. 
 
 5 Chap. ii. 5. 6 1 Maccab. v. ], 2. 7 Ibid. vi. 1, &:c. 
 
 8 Polybius saith, it was a temple of Diana (in Exccrptis Valesii, p. 144,) and so saith Josephus, Antiq. lib. 
 12. c. 13. But Appian (in Syriacis) saith thai it was a temple of Venus. 
 5 2 Maccab. i.x. 3 10 Ibid. 
 
]36 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 being exceedingly enraged, he hastened back, with all the speed he was able, 
 to execute the utmost of his wrath upon the people of the Jews, breathing no- 
 thing else but threats of utter destruction and utter extirpation against them all 
 the way as he went. As he was thus hastening toward the country of Baby- 
 lonia,' through which he was to pass in his return, he met on the road with other 
 messengers,'- which brought him an account how the Jews had defeated Lysias, 
 recovered the temple of Jerusalem, pulled down the images and altars which he 
 had there erected, and restored that place to its former worship: at which being 
 enraged to the utmost fury, he commanded his charioteer to double his speed, 
 that he might be the sooner on the place to execute his revenge upon this people, 
 threatening, as he went, that he would make Jerusalem a place of sepulture for 
 the Jews, wherein he would bury the whole nation, destroying them all to a 
 man. But while these proud words were in his mouth, the judgments of God 
 overtook him:^ for he had no sooner spoken them, but he was smitten with an 
 incurable plague, a great pain seizing his bowels, and a grievous torment follow- 
 ing thereupon in his inward parts, which no remedy could abate. However, he 
 would not slacken his speed;'' but still continuing in the same wrath, he drove 
 on the same haste to execute it, till at length, his chariot overthrowing, he was 
 cast to the ground with such violence, that he was sorely bruised and hurt in all 
 the members of his body; whereon he was put into a litter; but not being able 
 to bear that, he was forced to put in at a town"" called Tabaj,^ lying in the moun- 
 tains of Parsetacene,^ in the confines of Persia and Babylonia, and there betake 
 himself to his bed,* where he suffered horrid torments both in body and mind. 
 For in his body a filthy ulcer broke out in his secret parts," wherein were bred 
 an innumerable quantity of vermin continually flowing from it; and such a 
 stench" proceeded from the same, as neither those that attended him nor he him- 
 self could well bear; and in this condition he lay languishing and rotting till he 
 died.'" And all this while the torments of his mind were as great as the tor- 
 ments of his body," caused by the reflections which he made on his former ac- 
 tions. Polybius tells us of this, '^ aaweU as Josephus, and the authors of the first 
 and second books of Maccabees; and adds hereto, that it grew so far upon him 
 as to come to a constant delirium, or state of madness, by reason of several spec- 
 tres and apparitions of evil spirits, which he imagined were continually about 
 him, reproaching and stinging his conscience with accusations of his past evil 
 deeds which he had been guilty of. Polybius saith, this was for the sacrilegious 
 attempt which he made upon the temple of Diana in Elymais, overlooking that 
 which he had actually executed upon the temple at Jerusalem. Josephus re- 
 proves him for this,'^ and, with much more reason and justice, lays the whole 
 cause of his suffering in this sickness, as did also Antiochus himself,'^ to what he 
 did at Jerusalem, and the temple of God in that place, and the horrid persecu- 
 tion which he thereon raised against all that worshipped him there. For the 
 sacrilege at Elymais was only attempted, that at Jerusalem was fully committed, 
 with horrid impiety against God, and with as horrid cruelty against all those that 
 served him there: and the former sacrilege, if it had been committed, had been 
 only against a false deity; but the latter was against the true God, the great and 
 almighty Creator of heaven and earth. However, it is a great confirmation of 
 what is above related out of Josephus, and the two books of the Maccabees, of 
 the signal judgment of God which was executed upon this wicked tyrant, that 
 Polybius, an heathen author, doth agree with them herein as to the matter of 
 fact, though he differs from them in assigning a wrong cause for it. It seems 
 Antiochus, being at length awakened by his afflictions, became himself fully 
 sensible, that all his sufferings in them were from the hand of God upon him 
 
 1 1 Maccab. vi. 4. 2 Ibid. G. 3 2 Maccab. ix. 5, 6. 4 Ibid. 7. 
 
 5 Potyb. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 141. 6 a. Curtius, lib. 5. c. 13. 7 Strabo, lib. 11. p. 522. 524. 
 
 8 1 Maccab. vi. 8. u -2 Maccab. ix. 9. 
 
 10 Appian. in Syriacis. 1 Maccab. vi. 9, 10. 2 Maccab. ix. 9— 11. 11 1 Maccab. vi. 8— 13. 
 
 12 In Excerptis Valesii, p. 144. 13 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 13. 
 
 14 1 Maccab. vi. 12, 13. 2 Maccab. ix. 11—17. Joseph, ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 137 
 
 for what he had done against the temple at Jerusalem, and his servants that 
 worshipped him there. For he acknowledged all this before his death,' with 
 many vows of what he would do for the repairing of all the evil which he had 
 there done, in case he should again recover. But his repentance came too late; 
 God would not then hear him: and therefore, after having languished out awhile 
 in this miserable condition, and under these horrid torments of body and mind,^ 
 he at length, being half consumed with the rottenness of his ulcer, gave up the 
 ghost and died, after he had reigned full eleven years.' And I cannot forbear 
 here remarking, that most of the great persecutors have died the like death, by 
 being smitten of God in the like manner in the secret parts. Thus died Herod, 
 the great persecutor of Christ and the infants at Bethlehem; and thus died Ga-. 
 lerius Maximianus, the author and the great persecutor of the tenth and greatest 
 persecution against the primitive Christians; and thus also died Philip II. king 
 of Spain, as infamous for the cruelty of his persecutions, and the numbers de- 
 stroyed by it, as any of the other three. As to the manner of Herod's death, 
 I shall have occasion to speak of it hereafter in its proper place; and as to the 
 death of the other two, that of Galerius is described by Eusebius,'' and Lactan- 
 tius,^ and that of Philip II. by Mezeray:'' and to these authors I refer the reader 
 for an account of them. 
 
 Antiochus the Great, having attempted the like sacrilege in the country of 
 Elymais as Antiochus his son did in the city of Elymais, and perished in it, as 
 hath been above related/ this hath made some think, that the parity of names 
 hath been the cause of this parity of facts being attributed to both, and that only 
 one of them was guilty of this sacrilegious attempt which is related of both. 
 And, on this supposition, Scaliger chargeth Jerome with a blunder,^ for saying, 
 in his Comment on the eleventh chapter of Daniel, that Antiochus the Great, 
 fighting against the Elymseans, was cut off by them with all his army. For he 
 will have it, that this was not true of Antiochus the Great, but only of Antio- 
 chus Epiphanes: and yet many other authors attest the same thing with Jerome, 
 that Antiochus the Great was thus cut off in the sacrilegious attempt, and none 
 say it of Antiochus Epiphanes; for he escaped from the battle, though he lost 
 many of his men in it, and died afterward. So saith Appian;" and so saith 
 Polybius,'° as well as Josephus, and both the authors of the first and second books 
 of the Maccabees. And although both the sacrileges were attempted in the 
 country of the Elymseans, yet it was not upon the same temple that the attempt 
 was made. That of Antiochus the Great was upon the temple of Belus, the 
 great god of the east; and that of Epiphanes was upon the temple of Diana; 
 and that there was a Persian Diana, Tacitus tells us," that this goddess had a 
 temple among the Elymsans, is attested by Strabo,'' who tells us also of it, that 
 it was very rich; for he saith, that it being afterward plundered by one of the 
 Parthian kings, he took from it ten thousand talents.'^ This temple, Strabo tells 
 us, was called Azara, or rather, as Casaubon corrects it,"* Zara. Hence Diana 
 was called Zaretis'^ among the Persians. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes having been a great oppressor of the church of God, 
 under the Jewish economy, and the type of antichrist, which was to oppress it 
 in after-ages under the Christian, more is prophetically said of him in the pro- 
 phecies of Daniel, than of any other prince which these prophecies relate to; 
 the better half of the eleventh chapter, that is, from the twentieth verse to the 
 forty-fifth, which is the last of that chapter, is v.' holly concerning him; and there 
 
 1 Maccab. vi. 12, 13. 2 Maccab. ix. 11—18. Joseph. Ibid. 
 
 2 1 Maccab. vi. 10. 2 Maccab. i,x. 28. Josepli. ibid. Appian. in Syriacis. Polybiusin Excerptis Valesii, p. 
 144 Hieronymus ad Dan. xi. 36. Eusebius in Chion. 
 
 3 So saith Porphyry, Eusebius, Jerome, and Sulpitius Severis. But the author of the first book of Macca- 
 bees saith, he began his reign in the 137th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, and died the 149th year, which 
 makes him reign twelve years. For the reconciling of this it must be said, tliat he began his reign in the 
 ending of the i37th year, and ended it in the beginning of the 14Uth year of that era. 
 
 4 Hist. Eccl. viii. 16. 5 De Mortibus Persecutorum, c.33. 6 Hist, of France, under the year 1598. 
 7 Part 2, book 2, under the year 187. 8 In Animad. ad Eusebii Chronicon, sub No., 1825. p. 140. 
 
 9 In Syriacis. 10 In Excerptis Valesii, p. 144. 11 Annalium, hb. 3. c. 62. 12 Lib. 16. p. 744. 
 
 3 Strabo, ibid. 14 In noiis ad p. 744. ' 15 Hesychius ia voce Zxp>iTis. 
 
 Vol. 11.-18 
 
138 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 are several passages also in the eighth and twelfth chapters which relate to hirn. 
 The whole may be divided into two parts, whereof the first is concerning hia 
 wars with Eo-ypt, and the second is concerning the persecutions and oppressions 
 brouo-ht by him upon the Jewish church and nation, and these were aU fulfilled 
 in the actions of his reign. 
 
 And first, as to his wars with Egypt, what is said, chap. xi. ver. 25. 40. 42, 
 43, was accomplished in his second expedition into that country, and the ac- 
 tions done by him therein, which are above related. What is in the twenty- 
 sixth verse was fulfilled by the revolt of Ptolemy Macron from King Philome- 
 tor, and the treachery and maleadministration of Len«us, Eulaeus, and other 
 ministers and officers employed under him. What is in the twenty-seventh 
 verse, had its completion in the meeting of Antiochus and Philometor at Mem- 
 phis, where the two kings, both in the time of the second and of the third ex- 
 pedition of Antiochus into Egypt, did frequently eat at the same table, and con- 
 ferred together seemingly as friends; Antiochus pretending to take upon him 
 the care of the kingdom, for the interest of Philometor his nephew, and Phi- 
 lometor pretending to confide in Antiochus, as his uncle, in all that he was thus 
 doing. But both herein spoke lies to each other; for, in reality, they both in- 
 tended quite the contrary; Antiochus's design being under the pretence above 
 mentioned, to seize all Egypt to himself, and Philometor's to take the first op- 
 portunity to disappoint him of it, as accordingly at length he did by his agree- 
 ment with his brother and the Alexandrians, as is above related. Whereon 
 followed what is foretold in the twenty-ninth and thirtieth verses of the same 
 chapter. For Antiochus, on his hearing of this agreement, pulled off his vizard, 
 and openly owned his design for the usurping of Egypt to himself, and for the 
 fuU executing of it, " returned and came again toward the south," that is, into 
 Egypt, in his expedition into that country. " But he did not then prevail, as 
 in the former and the latter" {i. e. in his tv\'o preceding attempts upon that coun- 
 try,) because of the ships that came from Chittim (i. e. the countiy of the 
 Grecians) against him, which brought Popillius Laenas and the other Roman 
 ambassadors to Alexandria, who made him, "to his great grief, return out of 
 Egypt, and quit all his designs upon that country. However, what is foretold 
 in the forty-second and forty-third verses, "of his stretching forth his hand 
 upon the land of Egypt, and his having power over the treasures of gold and 
 silver, and all other the precious things of that country," had its thorough 
 completion; for he miserably harassed and wasted the whole land of Egypt in 
 all his expeditions into it, carrying thence vast treasures of gold and silver,' and 
 other riches, in the prey and spoils taken in it by him and his followers. And 
 here ended all the prophecies of Daniel which relate to the wars that were be- 
 tween the kings of Syria and the kings of Egypt: for, in those prophecies, the 
 kings of the north were the kings of Syria, and the kings of the south the 
 kings of Egypt, as hath been above related. 
 
 As to the other part of Daniel's prophecies of this king, which relate to the 
 persecutions and oppressions which he brought upon the Jewish church and 
 nation; what is said chap. xi. ver. 22, of the "prince of the covenant being 
 broken before him," foreshowed what he did to Onias the high-priest, who was 
 deposed and banished by him, and at- length murdered by one of his lieuten- 
 ants: for the high-priest of the Jews was the prince of the Mosaic covenant. 
 What is said in the twenty-eighth verse, of "his heart being set against the 
 holy covenant, on his returning from Egypt," and "of the exploits which he 
 did thereon," foreshowed what he did to Judah and Jerusalem, on his return 
 from his second expedition into the said country of Egypt, when, without a 
 cause, he murdered and enslaved so many of the Jewish nation, and robbed 
 the city and temple of Jerusalem of all their riches and treasure. What is said 
 in the thirtieth verse foretold the " grief Avith which he returned" from his 
 fourth and last expedition into Egypt, by reason of the baffle which he then 
 
 1 Vide Atheiisum, lib. 5. p. 195. F. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 139 
 
 met with from the Romans of all his designs upon that country, and " the in- 
 dignation" and wrath which then, in his irrational fury, he vented upon the 
 Jewish church and nation, in sending ApoUonius to destroy Jerusalem, and 
 make to cease the Jewish worship in that place. What is contained in the 
 thirty-first verse, and those that follow to the fortieth, agreeable toAvhat was be- 
 fore prophesied, chap. viii. ver. 9 — 1'2, and ver. 2^3 — 25, foretold "his taking 
 away the daily sacrifice," and all else that he did for the suppressing of the 
 Jewish worship, and the destroying of the whole Jewish nation, which is above 
 related. The forty-fourth verse, and the forty-fifth of the same eleventh chap- 
 ter, foretold his last expedition which he made, first into Armenia, and from 
 thence into the east, and "his their coming to an end," and perishing in that 
 miserable manner, as hath been related, having first "planted the tabernacles 
 of his palace," that is, his absolute regal authority, " in the glorious holy moun- 
 tain between the seas," that is, in Jerusalem, which stood in a mountainous 
 situation between the Mediterranean Sea and the sea of Sodom; for it was 
 built in the midway betwixt both, on the mountains of Judea. 
 
 Never were any prophecies delivered more clearly, or fulfilled more exactly, 
 than all these prophecies of Daniel were. Porphyry, who was a great enemy 
 to the holy scriptures, as well of the Old Testament as of the New, acknow- 
 ledged this.' And therefore, he contends, that they were historical narratives 
 written after the facts were done, and not prophetical predictions foretelling 
 them to come. This Porphyry'^ was a learned heathen, born at Tyre in the 
 year of Christ 233, and there called Malchus;^ which name, on his going 
 among the Greeks, he changed into that of Porphyry, that signifying the same 
 in the Greek language which Malchus did in the Phcenician, the language then 
 spoken at Tyre. He being a bitter enemy to the Christian religion, wrote a 
 large volume against it,'* containing fifteen books, whereof the twelfth was 
 wholly against the prophecies of Daniel. These concerning the Persian kings 
 and the Macedonian that reigned as well in Egypt as in Asia, having been all, 
 according to the best historians, exactly fulfilled, he could not disprove them 
 by denying their completion; and therefore, for the overthrowing of their au- 
 thority, he took the quite contrary course, and laboured to prove their truth; and 
 from hence alleged,* that being so exactly true in all particulars, they could not 
 therefore be written by Daniel so many years before the facts were done, but 
 by some one else under his name, who lived after the time of Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes. For the making out of which, his main argument was, that all con- 
 tained in the prophecies of Daniel relating to the times preceding the death of 
 Antiochus Epiphanes was true, and that all that related to the times which fol- 
 lowed after was false. The latter proposition he belaboured, thereby to over- 
 throw all that Christians alleged from these prophecies for the Messiah, which 
 he would have thought to be all false; and the other propositions he endeavoured 
 to clear, thereby to make out that the whole book was spurious, not written by 
 Daniel, but by some one else, after the facts therein spoken of were done, as if 
 that could not be prophetically foretold which was so exactly fulfilled. And for 
 this reason was it, that he took upon him to prove those facts to be so exactly 
 true as in those prophecies contained. For which purpose, he made use of the 
 best Greek historians then extant.'^ Such were Callinlcus Sutorius, Diodorus 
 Slculus, Hieronymus, Polybius, Posidonius, Claudius Theon, and Andronicus 
 Alypius; and from them made evident proof, that all that is written in the 
 eleventh chapter of Daniel, was truly in every particular acted and done in the 
 order as there related; and from this exactness of completion endeavoured to 
 infer the assertion mentioned, that these prophecies Avere written after the facts 
 were done, and therefore are rather historical narratives relating things past, 
 
 1 Apud Hieronymum in Proremio art Comment. inDanielem. 
 
 2 Vide Holsteniuin in Vita Porpliyrii, et Vossium de Hist. Graecis, lib. 0. c. 10. ■ 
 
 3 Malchiis, from the Plioenician or IJebrew word melee, signifietli kin^, and n^p^upio; did the same in 
 Greek, that 'is, one that wore purple, which none but kings and royal persons then did. 
 
 4 Hieronymus in Prooemio ad Comment, in Danielem. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 
 
1 40 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 than prophetical predictions, foreshowing things afterward to come. But Jerome 
 turns the argument upon him, and with more strength of reason infers, that 
 this way of opposing these prophecies gives the greatest evidence of their truth,* 
 in that what the prophet foretold is hereby allowed to be so exactly fulfilled, 
 that he seemed to unbelievers not to foretell things to come, but to relate things 
 past. Jerome, in his Comments on Daniel, makes use of the same authors that 
 Porphyry did; and what is in these Comments are all the remains which we 
 now have of this w^ork of that learned heathen, or of most of those authors 
 which he made use of in it. For this whole work of Porphyry is now lost, as 
 are also most of the histories above mentioned which he quotes in it; and the 
 histories of Callinicus Sutorius, Hieronymus,^ Posidonius,* Claudius Theon,* 
 and Andronicus Alypius,'' are wholly perished; as is also the greatest part of 
 Polybius and Diodorus Siculus. Had we all these extant, w-e might from them 
 be enabled to make a much clearer and fuller explication of these prophecies, 
 especially from Callinicus Sutorius,^ who lived in the time of Antonius Pius," 
 the Roman emperor; and having, in ten books,^ written a history of the affairs 
 of Alexandria, included therein much of the Jewish transactions. And it is to 
 be lamented, that not only these authors, and this work of Porphyry, in which 
 he made so much use of them, are now lost; but that also the books of Eusebius, 
 ApoUinarius, and Methodius, which they wrote in answer to this heathen ad- 
 versary,* have all undergone the same fate, and are, in like manner, to the great 
 damage both of divine and human knowledge, wholly lost, excepting only 
 some few scraps of Methodius, preserved in quotations out of him by John Da- 
 macen and Nicetas. For, were these still extant, especially that of ApoUina- 
 rius,'' who wrote with the greatest exactness of the three, no doubt, much more 
 of those authors W'ould have been preserved in citations from them than we now 
 have of them, there being at present no other remains of those ancient histo- 
 rians (excepting Polybius and Diodorus Siculus,) but what we have in Jerome's 
 Comments on Daniel, and his Proem to them. 
 
 Jerome and Poi-phyry exactly agree in their explication of the eleventh chap- 
 ter of Daniel,'" till they come to the twenty-first verse. For w^hat follows from 
 thence to the end of the chapter was all explained by Porphyry to belong to 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, and to have been all transacted in the time of his reign. 
 But Jerome here differs from him, and saith, that most of this, as well as some 
 parts of the eighth and twelfth chapters of the same book, relate principally to 
 antichrist; that, although some particulars in these prophecies had a typical com- 
 pletion in Antiochus Epiphanes, yet they were all of them wholly and ulti- 
 mately to be fulfilled only in antichrist; and this, he saith, w^as the general 
 sense of the fathers of the Christian church in his time. And he explains it 
 by a parallel taken from the seventy -first Psalm (i". e. the seventy-second, ac- 
 cording to the Septuagint,) which in some parts of it was typically true of So- 
 lomon, and therefore it is called a Psalm for Solomon, but was wholly and ulti- 
 mately only so of Christ. And therefore he would have these prophecies 
 which are in Dan. viii. 9— l::i. 23—26. xi. 21—45. xii. 6—13, to be fulfilled in 
 the same manner, that is, in part and typically in Antiochus, but wholly and 
 ultimately only in antichrist. The truth of the matter seems to be this, that as 
 much of these prophecies as relate to the wars of the king of the north and the 
 king of the south, that is, the king of Syria and the king of Egypt, was wholly 
 and ultimately fulfilled in those wars: but as much of these prophecies as rela- 
 
 1 Jerome, speaking of Porphyry as to this matter, Wa'th these words "CuJHS impugnatio testimonium veri- 
 tatis est. Tanla enim dictoniin fides fuit, ut prophet'd iflt;Vediilis hominibus non videatur futura dixisse, 
 sed iiafrasse prjeterita." In Prncemin ad comment, in DanjoJem. 
 
 2 Thi.s Hieronyinus wrote a history of the successors of Alexander. See of him above, part 1, book 8, 
 under the year311. 
 
 3 Posidoniijs was of Apamea in Syria, and wrote, in fifty-two tooks, a continuation of Polybius down to 
 the wars of Cccsar and Pompey, in which time he flourished. 
 
 4 Who Claudius Theon and Andronicus Alypius were, or of what times they wrote, we have no accuunt. 
 
 5 Hieronymus in Dan. xi. 22, &c. 
 
 6 For he was contemporary wi'lh Galen, who lived in that time. Suidas in Kyx^^nixoc. 
 
 7 Suidas, ibid. 8 Hieronymus in Prooemio prsdicto. 9 Philostorgius, lib. 8. c. 14. 
 10 Hieronymus in Comment, ad Dan. xi. 21. et in ProcBmio ad Comment, praedict. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 141' 
 
 ted to the profanation and persecution which Antiochus Epiphanes brought 
 upon the Jewish church was all typically fulfilled in them; but they were to 
 have their ultimate and thorough completion only in those profanations and per- 
 secutions which antichrist was to bring upon the church of Christ in aftertimes. 
 
 One particular mentioned in these prophecies of Daniel, and fulfilled under 
 Antiochus, is especially taken notice of, as typifying in him what was to hap- 
 pen under antichrist in after-times, that is, the profanation of the temple at Je- 
 rusalem, and the ceasing of the daily sacrifices in it. This Daniel' said was to 
 continue "for a time, and times, and a half of times," that is, three years 
 and a half; a time in that place signifying a year, and time-s two years, and 
 a half of a time a half year, as all agree: and so long,' Josephus tells us, 
 the profanation of the temple and the interrupting of the daily sacrifices in 
 it lasted, that is, from the coming of ApoUonius,^ and his profanation of the 
 said temple, to the purifying of it, and the new dedication of that and the new 
 altar in it by Judas Maccabfeus.'' This prophecy, therefore, was primarily and 
 typically fulfilled in that profanation and new dedication of the altar and tem- 
 ple at Jerusalem: but its chief and ultimate completion was to be in that profa- 
 nation of the church of Christ which it was to suffer under the reign of anti- 
 christ for the space of those one thousand two hundred and sixty days mention- 
 ed in the Revelations.^ For those days there signify so many years, and three 
 years and a half, reckoning them by months of thirty days' length, made just 
 one thousand two hundred and sixty days. These days therefore, literally un- 
 derstood, make the three years and a half, during which the profanation and 
 persecution of Antiochus remained in the church of the Jews; and the same, 
 mystically understood, make the one thousand two hundred and sixty years, 
 during which the profanation and persecution of antichrist was to remain in the 
 church of Christ, at the end whereof the church of Christ is to be cleansed and 
 purified of all the profanations and pollutions of antichrist, in the same manner 
 as at the end of three years and a half the temple of Jerusalem was cleansed 
 and purified from all the profanations and pollutions of Antiochus. One objec- 
 tion against this is, that Daniel (chap. xii. 11,) reckons the duration of this pro- 
 fanation by the number of one thousand two hundred and ninety days, which 
 can neither be applied to the days of the profanation of Antiochus, nor to the 
 years of the profanation of antichrist, for it exceeds both by the number of thirt}% 
 Many things may be said for the probable solving of this difficulty, but I shall 
 offer at none of them. Those that shall live to see the extirpation of antichrist, 
 which will be at the end of those years, will best be able to unfold this matter, 
 it being of the nature of such prophecies not thoroughly to be understood, till 
 they are thoroughly fulfilled. 
 
 But in the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, all the prophecies of Daniel that 
 were concerning him, or any other of the Macedonian kmgs that reigned either 
 in Egypt or Asia, having, as far as they related only to them, a full ending, I 
 shall here also end this book. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 Jin. 164. Judas Maccabceus 3.] — Antiochus Epiphanes being dead, was suc- 
 ceeded in the kingdom by Antiochus his son,^ a minor of nine years old. Be- 
 fore his death, he called to him Philip, a favourite of his, and one of those who 
 had been brought up with him, and constituting him regent of the Syrian em- 
 pire, during the minority of his son, delivered to him his crown, his signet, and 
 all his other ensigns of royalty, giving him in especial charge carefully to bring 
 
 1 Dan. xii. 7. 2 In Prsfatione ad Historiam deBello Jndaico, etin ipsa Historia, lib. I.e. Let lib. 6. c. 11. 
 3 1 Maccab. i. 29— 40. 2 Maccab. v. 24— 26. 4 1 Maccab. iv. 41—60. 5 Revelations xi. 3. xii. 6. 
 
 6 AppianusinSyrJatis. Eusebiusin Chroii. 1 Maccub. vi. 17. 2 Maccab. ix, 29. .t. 10, 11. Joseph. Antiq. 
 lib. 12. c. 14. 
 
J4g CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 vip his son in such manner as should best qualify him to reign. But when Phi- 
 lip came to Antioch, he found this office there usurped by another. For Ly- 
 sias ' as soon as he heard of the death of Epiphancs, took Antiochus his son, 
 who was then under his care, and placed him on the throne, giving him the 
 name of Antiochus Eupator, and assumed to himself the tuition of his person, 
 and the government of his kingdom, without any regard had to the appoint- 
 ment of the dead king. And Philip, finding himself too weak to contend with 
 him about it fled into Egypt,^ hoping there to have such assistance as should 
 enable him to make good his claim to that which Lysias had usurped from him. 
 At this time Ptolemy Macron,^ governor of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, from 
 beino" a great enemy to the Jews, becoming their friend, remitted of the rigour 
 of his persecutions against them, and, as far as in him lay, endeavoured to have 
 peace made with them; which handle being laid hold of by some of the cour- 
 tiers to accuse him before the king, they sat very hard upon him, calling him 
 traitor at every word, because, having been trusted by Ptolemy Philometor with 
 the government of Cyprus, he had gone over to Antiochus Epiphanes, and 
 treacherously delivered up that island unto him: for it seems, how beneficial 
 soever the treason Avas, the traitor was still odious unto them for it. Whereon 
 he was deprived of his government, and Lysias was placed in it in his stead: 
 and, no other station being assigned him where he might be supported with 
 honour or sufficiency of maintenance suitable to his degree, he could not bear 
 this fall, and therefore poisoned himself and died. And this was an end which 
 his ti-eachery to his former master, and the great hand he had in the cruel and 
 unjust persecutions of the Jews, sufficiently deserved. 
 
 In the interim, Judas Maccabaeus was not idle: for hearing how the neigh- 
 bouring nations of the heathens had confederated to destroy the whole race of 
 Israel," and had already begun it by cutting off as many of them as were within 
 their power (as hath been already mentioned,) he marched out with his forces 
 to be revenged on them: and whereas the Edomites had been the forwardest in 
 this conspiracy,^ and, having joined with Gorgias, who was governor for the 
 king of Syria in the parts thereabout, had done them much mischief, he began 
 first with them, and, having fallen into that part of their country which was 
 called Acrabattene,* he there slew of them no fewer than twenty thousand men. 
 From thence he led them against the children of Bean,' another tribe of the 
 Edomites that had been very troublesome to thejn; and, having beaten them out 
 of the field, shut them up in two of their strongest fortresses; and, after having 
 besieged them there for some time, at length took them both, and put all he 
 found in them to the sword, who were above twenty thousand more. Some 
 few were saved from this carnage by bribing some of the soldiers to let them 
 escape; but Judas,^ having gotten knowledge of it, convicted them of the 
 treachery before the rest of the people of the Jews that were with him, and 
 caused them to be put to death for it. 
 
 After this, Judas^ passed over Jordan into the land of the Ammonites, where 
 he had many conflicts with the enemies of the Jews; and, having slain great 
 numbers of them, took Jazar, with the vill-ages belonging thereto, and then re- 
 turned again into Judea. - ■ .. . 
 
 Timotheus, who was governor for the king of Syria in tho^e parts, the same 
 whom Judas had overcome two years before, being much exasperated by this 
 inroad made upon his province,'" gathered together all the forces he was able, 
 even a very great army both of horse and foot, and with them invaded Judea, 
 purposing no less than utterly to destroy the whole nation of the Jews. Where- 
 on Judas went forth with his army to meet him, and having all, with humble 
 supplication and earnest prayer, recommended their cause to God, in confi- 
 dence of his merciful assistance, engaged these numerous forces with such 
 
 1 1 MnccHl). vi. 17. 2 Maccab. x. 11. Appian. ct Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 14. 2 1 Maccab. ix. 29. 
 
 3 Ibid. X. 11—13. 4 1 Maccab. v. I, 2. .5 2 Maccab. x. 14, 1.5. 
 
 R 1 Maccab. v. 3. 2 Mac. x. Ifi, 17. 7 1 Maccab. v. 4, 5. 2 Mac. x. IS— 23. 8 2 Maccab. x. 21, 22. 
 
 9 1 Maccab. v. 6—8. 10 2 Maccab. x. 21—38. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TEgtAMENf. 14^ 
 
 courage and vigour, that they overthrew them with a great slaughter, there be- 
 ing then slain of them twenty thousand five hundred foot, and six hundred 
 horsemen. Whereon Timotheus fled to Gazara, a city of the tribe of Ephraim, 
 near the field of battle, where Cha^reus his brother was governor. Judas, pur- 
 suing them thither, beset the place; and, having taken it on the fifth day, there 
 slew Timotheus Chaereus his brother, and ApoUophanes, another prime leader 
 of the army. 
 
 Tlie heathen nations that lived about the land of Gilead hearing of this over- 
 throw,' and the death of so many of their friends that were slain in it, for the 
 revenging hereof, gathered together, with purpose to cut off and destroy all the 
 Jews in those parts: and falling first on those that dwelt in the land of Tob, 
 which lay to the east of Gilead, slew one thousand men of them, took their 
 goods for a spoil, and carried their wives and children into captivity. Whereon 
 most of the other Jews that dwelt in those parts, for the avoiding of the like 
 ruin, fled to a strong fortress in Gilead, called Dathema, and there resolved to 
 defend themselves: which the heathens hearing of, forthwith drew thither in a 
 great body, under the command of another Timotheus, the successor, and most 
 likely the son of the former Timotheus that was slain at Gazara, to besiege them. 
 At the same time the inhabitants^ of Tyre, Sidon, Ptolemais, and the other 
 heathens thereabout, were drawing together to cut off and destroy all the Jews 
 of Galilee, in the same manner as had been attempted in Gilead. Judas being 
 hereon sent to for help both from Gilead and Galilee on this exigency,^ by the 
 advice of the Sanhedrin, or general council of the Jews, whom he consulted on 
 this occasion, divided his army into three parts. With the first part, consisting 
 of eight thousand men," he and Jonathan his brother marched for the relief of 
 the Gileadites; with the second,"* consisting of three thousand, Simon, another 
 of his brothers, was sent into Galilee; and the rest were left at Jerusalem,* un- 
 der the command of Joseph and Azarias, two prime leaders for the defence of 
 that place and the country adjacent, to whom Judas gave strict charge not to 
 engage with any of the enemy, but to stand wholly on the defensive, till he 
 and Simon should be again returned. 
 
 Judas and Jonathan passing over Jordan," in their way from thence to Gilead, 
 marched through some part of the country of the Nabathseans; with whom 
 having peace, they learned from them the great distress which their friends 
 were then in; for not only those in Dathema were hardly pressed by a strict 
 siege, but all the rest of the Jewish nation that were in Bossora, Bosor, Casphon, 
 Maked, and the other cities of Gilead, were there closely shut up and impri- 
 soned, with intention, on the taking of the fortress of Dathema, to have them all 
 put to death in one day. Whereon Judas and Jonathan Immediately falling on 
 Bossora, surprised the city, and having slain all the males, taken their spoils, 
 and freed their brethren who were there Imprisoned for slaughter, set the city 
 on fire; and then, marching all night from thence toward Dathema, came thither 
 the next morning, just as Timotheus and all his forces were storming the place; 
 whereon falling on them behind, they put them all to the rout: for being sur- 
 prised with this sudden and unexpected assault, and terrified with the name of 
 Judas, they were seized with a panic fright, and therefore immediately flung 
 down their arms and fled; and Judas slew of them in the pursuit about eight 
 thousand men. After this, Judas took Maspha, Casphon, Maked, Bosor, and 
 all the other cities of Gilead where the Jews were oppressed; and having there- 
 by delivered them from the destruction designed for them, he treated all those 
 places in the same manner as he had Bossoi-a, that is, slew all the males, took 
 their spoils, and set the cities on fire, and then returned to Jerusalem. 
 
 And Simon's success in Galilee was not much inferior:^ for on his coming into 
 that country, he had there many conflicts and encounters with the enemy, in 
 all which carrying the victory, he at length drove all those oppressors out of the 
 
 1 1 Maccah. v. 9—13. 2 Ibid. 13, 14. 3 Ibid. 16, 17. 4 1 Maccab. v. '2Q. 
 
 5 Ibid. 18, 19. 6 Ibid. 24— 3G. 7 Ibid. v. 21—23. 
 
144 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 country, and having pursued them to the very gates of Ptolemais, slew of them 
 in that pursuit about three thousand men, and took their spoils. But, finding 
 that the Jews of those parts could not well be any longer there protected, by 
 reason of the great number of their enemies in the regions round about them, 
 and the difficulty of succouring them at so great a distance from Jerusalem, he 
 o-athered them all together, men, women, and children, with their stuff", and all 
 other their substance, to carry them with him into the land of Judah, where 
 being nearer to the protection of their brethren, they might live under it in 
 better security. And he having accordingly, on his return, brought them 
 thither with him, they were disposed of for the repeopling those places which 
 had been desolated by the enemy during the persecution of Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes. 
 
 Thus the two parties, that were sent forth on the two expeditions mentioned, 
 had both full success in them, and returned with honour and triumph. But it 
 did not so happen to the third party that was left at home. For Joseph and 
 Azarias,' who w^ere intrusted with the command of them, hearing of the noble 
 exploits w^hich Judas and Jonathan did in Gilead, and Simon in Galilee, thought 
 to get them also a name by doing the like; and therefore, contrary to the orders 
 that had been strictly given them by Judas on his departure, not to fight with 
 any till he and Simon should be again returned, led forth their forces in an ill- 
 projected expedition against Jamnia, a sea-port on the Mediterranean, thinking 
 to take the place. But Gorgias, who commanded in those parts for the king of 
 Syria, falling upon them, put their whole army to flight, and slew of them in 
 the pursuit about two thousand men. Thus this rash attempt, made contrary to 
 orders given, ended in the confusion of those that undertook it. But Judas and 
 his brothers,^ for their noble deeds and many valiant exploits, grew greatly re- 
 nowned in the sight of all Israel, and also among the heathens wherever their 
 names were heard of. 
 
 Demetrius, the son of Seleucus Philopater, who had, from the year in which 
 his father died, been a hostage at Rome, and was now grow'n to the twenty- 
 third year of his age, hearing of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, and the suc- 
 cession of Eupator his son in the kingdom of Syria, which of right belonged 
 to him, as son of the elder brother of Epiphanes,^ moved the senate for the re- 
 storing of him to his father's kingdom; and for the inducing of them hereto, al- 
 leged, that having been bred up in that city from his childhood, he should al- 
 ways look on Rome as his country, the senators as his fathers, and their sons as 
 his brothers. But the senate, having more regard to their own interest than to 
 the right of Demetrius, judged it would be more for the advantage of the Ro- 
 mans to have a boy reign in Syria than a thorough grown man, and one of ma- 
 ture understanding, as Demetrius was then known to be; and therefore decreed 
 for the confirming of Eupator in the kingdom, and sent Cn. Octavius, Sp. Lu- 
 cretius, and L. Aurelius, ambassadors into Syria, there to settle his affairs, and 
 regulate them according to the articles of the peace which they had made with 
 Antiochus the Great, his grandfather. 
 
 An. 163. Judas Maccahceiis 4.] — Lysias having received an account of the ex- 
 ploits of the Jews in Gilead and Galilee, was thereby much exasperated against 
 thein;"' and therefore, for the revenging hereof, havmg gotten together an army 
 of eighty thousand men, with all the horse of the kingdom, and eighty ele- 
 phants, marched with all this power to invade Judea, purposing to make Jeru- 
 salem a habitation for the Gentiles, and to make a gain of the temple as of the 
 other temples of the heathens, and to set the high-priesthood to sale; and being 
 entered the country, he began the war with the siege of Bethsura, a strong 
 fortress lying between Jerusalem and Idumaea, which hath been before spoken 
 of. But there Judas falHng upon him, slew of his army eleven thousand foot, 
 and one thousand six hundred horsemen, and put all the rest to flight. Whereon 
 
 1 1 Maccah. 2. 55—62. 2 Ibid. 03. 
 
 3 Polyb. Legal. 107. p. 937. Justin, lib. 34. c. 3. Appian. in Syriacis. 4 SMaccab xi. 1—38. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 145 
 
 lijsias, growing weary of so unprosperous a war, came to terms of peace with 
 Judas and his people, and Antiochus ratified the same, in which matter the 
 Jews found Q. Memmius and T. Manlius, who w^ere then ambassadors from the 
 Romans in Syria, to be very friendly and helpful unto them. By the terms of 
 this peace, the decree of Antiochus Epiphanes for the obliging of the Jews to 
 conform to the rehgion of the Greeks was wholly rescinded, and liberty was 
 granted them every where to live according to their own laws. This treaty was 
 managed, on the part of Judas, by two Jews, named John and Absalom, whom 
 he sent to Lysias with his demands. The letter which Lysias wrote back in 
 answer hereto,' bore date in the month Dioscorinthius (or, as in the Vulgar La- 
 tin, Dioscorus,) in the year 148. But there is no such name of a month to be 
 found either in the Syro-Macedonian, or in any other calendar of those times. 
 Scaliger^ and Archbishop Usher^ conjecture, that it was an intercalary month 
 cast in between the months Dystrus and Xanthicus in the Chaldean calendar, 
 in the same manner as the month Veadar was cast in between the month Adar 
 and Nisan in the Jewish calendar. And they are the more confirmed in this 
 opinion, because the month Xanthicus, which seems to have followed immedi- 
 ately after the said month called Dioscorinthius, or Dioscorus (for all the other 
 letters and instruments that after followed relating to this peace are dated in the 
 month Xanthicus in the same year,) answered to the Jewdsh month Nisan, and 
 beginning about the same time wdth it, w^as the first month of the spring among 
 the Syrians, as Nisan was among the Jews. But neither the Syrians, Macedo- 
 nians, nor Chaldeans, having any such intercalary month in the year, it seema 
 more likely, that Dioscorinthius, or Dioscorus, was a corrupt WTiting for Dystrus 
 (the month immediately preceding Xanthicus in the Syro-Macedonian calen- 
 dar,) made by the error of the scribes. If any one will say, that the month Dius 
 among the Corinthians did answer to the month Dystrus of the Syro-Macedo- 
 nians, because Dius* among the Bithynians did so, and that for this reason it is 
 in the place above-cited called a. 35 xopaSio;, I have nothing to say against it, be- 
 cause it is not any w^here said, that I know of, what form the Corinthians framed 
 their year by. And it is farther to be taken notice of, that whereas the dates 
 of aU the instruments concerning this peace, as registered in the places cited,* 
 are in the 148th year of the Seleucidae, this is to be understood according 
 to the style of Chaldea, and not according to the style of Syria. For the 
 style of Chaldea began one year after the style of Syria," as hath been before 
 observed; and therefore, what is here said to have been done in the 148th 
 year of the Chaldean reckoning, was in the 149th year of the Syrian. And 
 whereas in the chronological table at the end of this book, the 150th year, and 
 not the 149th year, of the era of the Seleucidee, is put over against the 163d 
 year before Christ, under which 1 place this treaty, it is not to be understood 
 that these two years run parallel with each other from beginning to end, so as 
 exactly to answer each other in every part, but only, that the said 150th year 
 had its beginning in the said 163d year before Christ, though not at the same 
 time with it; for the Julian year, by which 1 reckon the years before Christ, be- 
 gins from the first of January; but the years of the era of the Seleucidae, accord- 
 ing to the reckoning of the first book of Maccabees, did not begin till about the 
 time of the vernal equinox, three months after, and according to the reckoning 
 of the second book of Maccabees, not till about the time of the autumnal equi- 
 nox, nine months after. And therefore the said three months of the 163d year 
 before Christ, which precede the beginning of the 150th year, according to the 
 reckoning of the first book of Maccabees, and the said nine months of the same 
 163d year before Christ, w^hich precede the beginning of the same 150th year, 
 according to the reckoning of the second book of Maccabees, are not to be ac- 
 counted to the said 150th year, but to the year preceding, that is, to the 149th 
 
 1 2 Maccab. xi. 21. 2 De Emendatione Temporum, lib. 2. c. de Periodo Syria-Macedonum, p. 94. 
 
 3 In Analibus sub anno J. P. 4551. 
 
 4 Vide Jacnbum Usserium Armachanum de Macedonum et A*iaiioriiiii Anno Solari, c. -1. 
 
 5 2 Maccab. ix. 21. 33. .TS. 6 Part i. book 8. sub annis 312 et 311. 
 
 Vol. II.— 19 
 
14Q CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 year, according to the style of Syria, which was the 148th year according to the 
 style of Chaldea. And what is said in this place of this 163d year before Christ, 
 and of the said 150th year of the era of the Seleucidse, is to be understood of ali 
 the rest of the years of the said two eras as placed against each other in the said 
 tables, for they no otherwise answer each other than is here expressed. 
 
 But this peace granted the Jews was not long-lived. Those who governed in 
 the neighbouring places round about them,' not being pleased with it, broke it 
 as soon as Lysias was gone again to Antioch, and took all opportunities to re- 
 new their former vexations against them, among whom Timotheus, Nicanor, 
 and ApoUonius, the son of Gennseus, were the most forward and active in 
 troubling them. But that war was first begun by the men of Joppa;^ for they 
 having there drowned in the sea two hundred of the Jews that dwelt among 
 them in that city, Judas, for the revenging of this cruelty, fell upon them by 
 night, and burnt their shipping, slaying all those whom he found therein; and 
 then turning upon the Jamnites,^ who intended to do the like, he set fire to their 
 haven, and burnt all their navy, that was there laid up in it. 
 
 After this, he was called again to help the Jews of Gilead against Timotheus.'' 
 In his march thither, he was encountered by some of the Nomad, ^ or wander- 
 ing Arabs; but he having vanquished them, they were forced to sue for peace; 
 "which Judas having granted to them, marched on against Timotheus; but meet- 
 ing with obstructions in his march from the men of Caspis,*' a city that lay in 
 his way, he fell upon them, and, having taken their city, slew the inhabitants, 
 took their spoils, and destroyed the place. After this he came to Caraca in the 
 land of Tob;^ but finding that Timotheus was gone from thence, leaving strong 
 garrisons in the fenced places of that country, he sent Dositheus and Sosipater, 
 two of his captains, w^ith a detachment against those garrisons, and he himself 
 marched with the main army to find out Timotheus. Dositheus and Sosipater 
 soon made themselves masters of those fenced places which they were sent 
 against, and slew those that were garrisoned in them, to the number of ten thou- 
 sand men. In the mean while Timotheus having drawn all his forces together,® 
 to the number of a hundred and twenty thousand foot, and two thousand five 
 hundred horse, sent the women and children that followed the army, with the 
 baggage, into Camion, a strong city in Gilead, and then pitched his camp not 
 far from it, at a place called Raphon, lying on the River Jabboc. There Judas 
 having found him, with his numerous army, passed over the river, and fell upon 
 him, and having gained the victory, slew of his army thirty thousand men; and 
 Timotheus himself,^ as he fled, falKng into the hands of Dositheus and Sosipa- 
 ter, then returning from their conquests in the land of Tob to the rest of the 
 army, was taken prisoner by them. But having promised, for the saving of his 
 life, the release of many Jews, then captives in the places under his command, 
 who were several of them parents or brothers to some then present in the Jew- 
 ish army, upon this condition they gave him both his life and his liberty, and 
 permitted him to go freely off. A great part of the rest of the vanquished army 
 fled to Carnion,"* where Judas pursuing them, took the place: and whereas many 
 of them thereon fled to the temple of Atargatis," which was in that city, think- 
 ing there to find safety,"^ he set fire to it, and burnt it with all that were therein, 
 and then, with fire and sword desolating the rest of the city, there slew in the 
 whole twenty-five thousand more of Timotheus's forces that had taken refuge 
 in it. And then gathering together all of the race of Israel'^ that were in 
 the land of Gilead, or any of the parts adjoining, he carried them with him, 
 
 I 2 Maccab. xii. 2—4. 2 Ibid. 5. 6. 3 Ibid. 8, 9. 4 Ibid. 10. 5 Ibid. 11, 12. 
 fi Ibid. 13—10. 7 Ibid. 17—19. 8 1 Maccah. v. 37—43. 2 Maccab. xii. 20—23. 9 Ibid. 24, 2.5. 
 
 10 This city, in the first book of Maccabees, is called Carnaini. Strabo and Ptolemy make mention of it 
 hy the name of Carno, a city in Arabia. 
 
 II This deity is hy Strabo"(lib. 16. p. 748.") said to be a Syrian goddess. Pliny (lib. 5. c. 23,) saith, that she 
 was the same with Derceto; and he tells ns (c. 13.) that she was worshipped at Joppa in Phoenicia. Diodor^ 
 Sic. lib. 2, saith, that she was worshipped at Ascalon, and was there represented by an image having the 
 form of a woman in the upper part, and that of a fish in the lower part. Hence this deity is conjectured lo 
 bave been the same with Dagon of the Philistines. See Selden de Diis Syria, syntap. 2. c. 3. 
 
 12 1 Maccab. v. 44. 2 Maccab. xii. 2G. 13 1 Maccab. v, 45. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 147 
 
 HI his return to Judea, in the same manner, and for the same reason, that Simon 
 had the Israelites of Galilee the year before, and, for the same end as he did, 
 planted them in the desolate places of the land of Judah. But being in his 
 way thither to pass through Ephron, which lay directly in the road, so as not to 
 afford any other passage either to the right hand or the left, through which he 
 might march his army, he was necessitated to take his way through the city 
 itself:' but it being a great and strong city, and well garrisoned by Lysias, they 
 refused him passage, though he prayed it of them in a peaceable manner: 
 whereon he assaulted the place, and having taken it by storm, put all the males 
 to the sword, to the number of twenty-five thousand persons, took their spoils, 
 and razed the city to the ground, and then, marching over the bodies of the 
 slain^ repassed Jordan into the plains of Bethsan, then called Scythopohs; and 
 from thence returning to Jerusalem,' he and all his company went up to the 
 temple in great joy to give thanks unto God for the great success with which he 
 had been pleased to prosper this expedition, and especially for that they were all 
 of them returned in safety, without losing any one man of all their whole number, 
 notwithstanding the hazardous march and the many dangerous enterprises they 
 had been engaged in, which was a ver}^ extraordinary instance of God's merciful 
 protection over them. This their return happened about the time of Pentecost/ 
 
 After that festival was over, Judas* led forth his forces again to make war upon 
 Gorgias and the Idumseans, who had been very vexatious to the Jews. In the 
 battle which he fought with them several of the Jews were slain;^ but in the 
 result Judas got the victory, and Gorgias, difficultly escaping, fled to Marisa. 
 The next day after being the sabbath,' Judas withdrew his forces to OdoUam, a 
 city near the field of battle, there to keep the day in aU the duties of it. The 
 next day following,^ going forth to bury such of their brethren as were slain in 
 the battle, they found about every one of them some of the things that had been 
 dedicated to the idols of the heathens; which, though taken by them among the 
 spoils of that war, were forbidden by the law to be kept by them;* whereby per- 
 ceiving for what cause God had given them up to be slain, Judas and all his 
 company gave praise unto him, and humbly offered up their prayers for the 
 pardon of the sin. And then making a collection through the whole camp, 
 which amounted to two thousand drachms, sent it to Jerusalem to provide sin- 
 offerings there to be offered up for the expiating of this offence, that wrath for 
 it might not fall upon the whole congregation of Israel, as formerly it had in the 
 case of Achan. 
 
 After this, Judas,'" carrying the war into the southern parts of Idumrea, smote 
 Hebron and all the towns thereof; and, after having dismantled this city, then 
 the metropolis of Idumgea, he passed from thence into the land of the Philis- 
 tines; and, having taken Azotus, formerly called Ashdod, he pulled down their 
 heathen altars, burnt their carved images, and took the spoils of the place; and, 
 having done the same to the rest of the cities of that country over which he 
 had prevailed, he led back his men, loaded with the spoils of tlieir enemies, 
 again into Judea. 
 
 But the garrison of the Syrians still holding the fortress of Acra in Jerusa- 
 lem, they were a great thorn in the sides of the Jews, often sallying out upon 
 them as they passed up to the temple to worship, and cutting several of them 
 off as often as they had the advantage so to do. Wherefore Judas, for the re- 
 moval of this mischief," called all the people together, and laid siege to the 
 place, purposing to destroy it; and,-in order hereto, having provided- all manner 
 of engines of war fit for the purpose, he pressed on hard all the methods of as- 
 sault whereby he might take it. Hereon some of the apostate Jews'* who had 
 listed themselves in the garrison, knowing they were to have no mercy, should 
 the place be taken, found means to get forth, and, flying to Antioch, there 
 
 I 1 Maccab. 46-51. 3 Mac. xii. 27, 23. 2 1 Maccab. v. 52. 2 Maccab. xii. 29—31. 3 1 Maccab. v. 51. 
 4 2 Maccab. xii. 31. 5 1 Maccab. v. 65. 2 Maccab. xii. 32, 33. 6 2 Maccab. xii. 33—37. 
 
 7 Ibid. 38. 8 2 Maccab. xii. 39—45. 9 Deut. vii. 25, 26. 10 1 Maccab. v. 65—65. 
 
 II 1 Maccab. vi. 19, 20. 12 Ibid. 21—27. 
 
148 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 made known to the king and his council the distress which this garrison at Je- 
 rusalem was in, and moved so effectually for their relief, that forthwith an arniy 
 was drawn together of a hundred thousand foot,^ and twenty thousand horse, 
 with thii-ty-two elephants, and three hundred armed chariots of war; and the 
 kino- in person, with his tutor Lysias, having put himself at the head of them, 
 marched with them into Judea, and, passing on to the borders of Idumae, there 
 beo-an the war with the siege of Bethsura. Judas,' having gotten his forces 
 together, though far inferior to those of the enemy, there fell on them in the 
 night, and, having slain four thousand of them before they had light enough to 
 see Avhere to oppose him, and thereby put the whole camp into confusion, he 
 retreated on break of day, without suffering any loss in the attempt. But, as 
 the morning was up, both sides prepared for an open battle, ■' and Judas and his 
 men, with great fierceness, began the onset; but, after having slain about six 
 hundred of the king's men, finding they must be overpowered at length by so 
 great a number, they withdrew from the fight,^ and made a safe retreat to Jeru- 
 salem. In this fight Eleazar'* surnamed Averan, one of Judas's brothers, was 
 lost by a very rash and desperate attempt which he made upon one of the king's 
 elephants. For seeing it to be higher than all the rest, and armed with royal 
 harness, he supposed that the king himself was upon it; and therefore think- 
 ing, that, by slaying this elephant, he might with the fall of it cause the death 
 of the king also, and thereby deliver his people, and gain to himself a perpetual 
 name, he ran furiously to the beast, slaying on each hand all that stood in his 
 way, till, being gotten under its belly, he thrust up his spear and sIcav him; 
 whereon the beast falling dead upon him, crushed him to death with the weight 
 thereof. After this Antiochus returned to the siege of Bethsura;^ and, although 
 the besieged defended themselves with great valour, and in several salhes beat 
 back the enemy, and burnt their engines of battery, yet at length, their provi- 
 sions failing them, they were forced to yield, and surrendered the place upon 
 articles of safety to their persons and effects 
 
 From thence Antiochus marched to Jerusalem,' and there besieged the sanc- 
 tuary: and, when they within were almost reduced to the same necessity of 
 surrendering that those of Bethsura had been, by reason of the like failure of 
 provisions, they Avere relieved by an unexpected accident. For Lysias,^ having 
 received an account, that Philip, whom Antiochus Epiphanes had at his death 
 appointed guardian of his son, had, in his absence, seized Antioch, and there 
 taken upon him the government of the Syrian empire, he found it necessary to 
 make peace with the Jews,^ that he might thereby be at liberty to return into 
 Syria for expelling of this intruder; and accordingly peace being granted to 
 them upon honourable and advantageous conditions, and sworn to by Antiochus, 
 he was admitted within the fortifications of the sanctuary; but when he saw how 
 strong they were,'" he caused them, contrary to the articles he had sworn to, to 
 be all pulled down and demolished, and then returned toward Syria. 
 
 Menelaus, the high-priest," in expectation not only of recovering his station 
 at Jerusalem, but also of being made governor there, accompanied the king in 
 this expedition, and was very forward and busy in offering him his service in 
 it against his own people. But Lysias, when he found what great inconve- 
 niences attended this war, and was, by the iU consequences of it, forced to 
 make the peace I have mentioned, being much exasperated against this wretch, 
 as the true and original author of all this mischief, accused him to the king for 
 it; whereon he was condemned to death, and, being carried to Berhcea, a city 
 of Syria,'^ was there cast headlong into a tower of ashes which was in that 
 place, and there miserabl}-- perished. This was a punishment then used for sa- 
 crilege, treason, and such other great crimes which this wretch was very signally 
 guilty of: in what manner it was executed hath been before described. On his 
 
 1 2 Maccab. vi. 28—31. 2 Maccab. xiii. 1, 2. 9. 2 I Maccab. vi. 32. 2 Maccab. xiii. 15—17. 
 
 3 1 Mac. vi. 33—42. 4 Ibid. 47. 5 Ibid. 43—46. G 1 Maccab. vi. 49, 50. 2 Maccab. xiii. 18—22. 
 
 7 1 Maccab. vi. 48. 51—54. 8 Ibid. 55, 5C. S Maccab. xiii. 23. 9 1 Maccab. vi. 57—61 
 
 10 Ibid. 02. 11 2 Maecab. xiii. 3—8. 12 Tho same that is now called Aleppo. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTARIENT. 149 
 
 death/ the office of high-priest was granted to Alcimus,^ who was called also 
 Jacimus, a man altogether as wicked. Whereon Onias,^ the son of that Onias 
 who by the procurement of Menelaus was slain at Antioch, whose right it was 
 to have succeeded in this office, not being able to bear the injustice whereby 
 he was disappointed of it, fled from Antioch, where he had hitherto resided 
 since his father's death, and went into Egypt; where, having insinuated him- 
 self into the favour of Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his queen, he lived 
 there all the rest of his life, and will hereafter more than once be again spoken 
 of in the future series of this history. 
 
 This expedition into Judea is said, in the** second book of Maccabees, to have 
 been begun in the 149th year, i. e. of the era of the Selucidae, and, in the first 
 book of Maccabees,* its beginning is placed in the 150th of the same era. But 
 what hath been before observed, that the first book of Maccabees reckons the 
 beginning of these years from the time of the vernal equinox, and the second 
 book of Maccabees from the time of the autumnal equinox, easily reconciles 
 this difference: for the six months of this very same year which were between 
 these two equinoxes will be in the 150th year, according to the reckoning of 
 the first book of Maccabees, and the 149th, according to the reckoning of the 
 second. And therefore all that can be inferred from hence is, that this expedi- 
 tion was first made within the time of these six months, and I reckon it was so 
 toward the latter end of them. 
 
 On the king's return to Antioch, Philip was driven thence and suppressed.* 
 I have before mentioned the flight of this Philip into Egypt, in expectation 
 there to be assisted against Lysias. But the two brothers, who there jointly 
 reigned at this time, being then fallen out, and at great variance with each 
 other, he found nothing could be there done for him; and therefore returning 
 again to the east, and having there gathered together an army out of Media and 
 Persia,' took the advantage of the king's absence on this expedition into Judea 
 to seize the imperial city, but, being on the king's return again expelled thence, 
 he failed of success in this attempt, and perished in it. 
 
 The variance between the two Ptolemies in Egypt, which I have last above 
 mentioned, running to a great height, the senate of Rome' wrote to their ambas- 
 sadors, Cneius Octavius, Spurius Lucretius, and Lucius Aurelius, whom they 
 had a little before sent into Syria, to pass from thence to Alexandria for the 
 composing of it. But, before they could go thither, Physcon, the younger bro- 
 ther, prevailing over Philometor, the elder, had driven him out of the kingdom.' 
 Whereon taking shipping for Italy, '° he landed at Brundusium, and from thence 
 travelled to Rome on foot in a sordid habit, and, with a mean attendance, there 
 to pray the help of the senate for his restoration. Demetrius,'" the son of Seleu- 
 cus Philopator, late king of Syria, who was then a hostage at Rome, as above 
 mentioned, having gotten notice hereof, provided a royal equipage, and royal 
 robes for him, that he might appear at Rome as a king, and rode forth to carry 
 all this to him: but, on his meeting him on the road, at twenty-six miles' dis- 
 tance from Rome, and presenting him with it, Ptolemy, though he very much 
 thanked him for the kindness and respects hereby offered unto him, yet was so 
 far from accepting any thing of it, that he would not permit him so much as to 
 accompany him the remainder of the journey, but entered Rome on foot, with 
 no other than the same mean attendance, and the same sordid habit with which 
 he first put himself on this journey, and took up his lodging in the private 
 house of an Alexandrian painter then living at Rome. Thus he chose to do, 
 that, by his coming in so low and mean a manner, he might the better express 
 the calamity of his case, and the more effectually move the compassion of the 
 Romans toward him. As soon as the senate heard of his arrival, they sent for 
 
 1 Part J, book G. 2 2 Maccab. xiv. 3. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 15. et lib. 20. c. 8. 3 Jos$pfau9,ibid. 
 
 4 Chap. xiii. ver. 1. 5 Chap. vi. ver. 20. G 1 Maccab. vi. 63. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 15. 
 
 7 1 Maccab. vi. 56. 8 Polyb. Legal. 107. p. 938. 9 Porphyrius in Graecis Euseb. Scalig. p. 60. 68. 
 
 10 Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 332. Val. Maximus, lib. 5. c. 1. 11 Ibid. 
 
150 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 him to the senate-house, and there excused themselves to him, that they had 
 not provided him with lodgings, nor received him with those ceremonies which 
 Avere usual in this case, telling him, that this was not from any neglect of theirs, 
 but merely that his coming was so sudden and private, that they knew not of 
 it till his arrival. And then, having exhorted him to lay aside his sordid habit, 
 and ask a day to be publicly heard concerning the matter he came thither about, 
 they, by some of their body, conducted him to lodgings suiting his royal dig- 
 nity, and appointed one of their treasurers there to attend him, and provide him 
 with all things fitting at the public charge, as long as he should stay in Rome. 
 And when he had a day of audience, and made known his case, they imme- 
 diately decreed his restoration, and sent Quintus and Canuleius, two of their 
 body, ambassadors with him to Alexandria, there to see it executed; who, on 
 their arrival thither, compounded the matter between the two brothers, by as- 
 signing to Physcon the country of Libya and Cyrene,' and to Philometor Egypt 
 and Cyprus, there to reign apart, without interfering with each other in the 
 government. 
 
 An. 162. Judas Maccabccus 5.] — Cn. Octavius, Sp. Lucretius, and L. Aurelius, 
 the Roman ambassadors above mentioned, being come into Syria, and finding 
 that the king had more ships in his navy, and more elephants in his army, than 
 the treaty made with Antiochus the Great, after the battle of Mount Sypilus, 
 allowed him to have,^ they caused those ships to be burnt, and those elephants 
 to be slain, that exceeded the number allowed, and settled all other things 
 there according as they thought would best be for the Roman interest; which 
 many not being able to bear, and gi-eat heartburning and discontents being 
 thereby caused among the people, one of them, called Leptines, out of a more 
 than ordinary indignation which he had conceived hereat, fell upon Octavius, 
 while he w^as anointing himself in the gymnasium at Laodicea, and there slew 
 him. This Octavius had been a little before consul of Rome, and was the first 
 that brought that dignity into his family.^ From him was descended Octavius 
 Cfesar, who, under the name of Augustus, w^as afterward made emperor of 
 Rome. Lysias was thought underhand to have excited this act. However, as 
 soon as it was done, he took care that ambassadors were sent to Rome, to purge 
 the king with the senate from having had any hand in it. But the senate, after 
 having heard those ambassadors, sent them away without giving them any an- 
 swer, seeming thereby to express their resentments for the murder of their am- 
 bassador by an angry silence, and to reserve their judgment as to the authors 
 of it to a future inquiry. 
 
 Demetrius, thinking this murder of Octavius might so far have alienated the 
 senate from Eupator, as that they would no longer for his sake retard his dis- 
 mission,* addressed himself the second time to them for it. ApoUonius, a young 
 nobleman of Syria, who was bred up with him, and son of that ApoUonius* 
 who was governor of Ccele-Syria and Phcenicia in the reign of Seleucus Philo- 
 pater, advised him in this address, contrary to the advice of his other friends, 
 whose opinion it was, that he had nothing else to do for his getting away but 
 to make his escape as privately as he could. And the second repulse which 
 he had from the senate (for they still having the same reason, from their inter- 
 est, to detain him, persisted still in the same resolution so to do) soon convinced 
 him, that this last was the only course he had to take for his return into his 
 country, and the recovering of the crown which was there due unto him. And 
 Polybius the historian, who was then at Rome, and Avith whom Demetrius con- 
 sulted in all this matter, earnestly pressed him to the attempt. Whereon hav- 
 ing, by the help of Menithyllus of Alabanda, hired passage in a Carthaginian 
 ship, then lying at Ostia, and bound for Tyre, he sent most of his retinue with 
 
 1 Polyb. Leg. 113, 114. p. 941. 943. Epit. Livii, lib. 46. Zonaras, lib. 2. 
 
 2 Appian in Syriacis. Polyb. Legal. 114. p. 944. et Legat, 122. p. 954. Ciceronie Philippic. 9. 
 
 3 Ciceronis Philippic. 9. 4 Polyb. Legat. 114. p. 943. Appian. in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 34. c, 3, 
 5 3 Maccab. iii. 3—5. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 151 
 
 his hunting equipage to Anagnia, making show of following them the next day 
 thither to divert himself in that country for some time in hunting. But, as soon 
 as he was risen from supper, getting privately that night to Ostia, he there went 
 on board the Charthaginian ship, and, causing it forthwith to set sail, made his 
 escape therein. For, it being thought that he had been at the place where he 
 had appointed his hunting, it was the fourth day after he had sailed from Ostia, 
 before his escape was known at Rome; and when, on the fifth day, the senate 
 was met about it, they computed, that by that time he had passed the straits of 
 Messina, and got on from thence in his voyage too far to be overtaken, and 
 therefore took no farther notice of it. Only some few days after, they appoint- 
 ed Tiberius Gracchus, L. Lentulus, and Servilius Glaucias, their ambassadors^ 
 to pass into Syria, to observe what effect the return of Demetrius into that coun- 
 try would there produce. 
 
 The occasion which brought Menithyllus of Alabanda to Rome at this time, 
 was an embassy' on which he was thither sent by Ptolemy Philometor to de- 
 fend his cause before the senate against Physcon his brother: for Physcon, not 
 being content with the share allotted him in the partition of the Egyptian em- 
 pire between him and his brother, desired that, besides Libya and Cyrene, he 
 might have Cyprus also assigned to him. And, when he could not obtain this 
 of the ambassadors, he went himself to Rome, there to solicit the senate for it. 
 When he appeared before the senate with his petition, Menithyllus made it out, 
 that Physcon owed not only Libya and Cyrene, but his life also, to the favour 
 and kindness of his brother. For he had made himself so odious to the peo- 
 ple, by his many flagitious maleadministi-ations in the government, that they 
 would have permitted him neither to reign nor live, had not Philometor inter- 
 posed to save him from their rage. And Quintus and Canuleius, who were the 
 ambassadors that made the agreement between the two brothers, being then 
 present in the senate, did tliere attest all this to be true; yet, notwithstanding, 
 the senate, having more regard to their own interest than the justice of the 
 cause, decreed Cyprus to be given to Physcon, because they thought Philome- 
 tor would be too potent with that and Egypt together: and therefore they ap- 
 pointed Titus Torquatus and Cneius Merula to go with him as their ambassa- 
 dors for the putting him in possession of it, according as they had decreed. 
 
 While Physcon was at Rome on this occasion,'^ he courted Corneha, the mo- 
 ther of the Gracchi, desiring to have her for his queen: but she being the daugh- 
 ter of Scipio Africanus, and the widow of Tiberius Gracchus, who had been 
 twice consul, and once censor of Rome, she despised the offer, thinking it to 
 be a greater honour to be one of the prime matrons of Rome, than to reign 
 with Physcon in Libya and Cerene. 
 
 In the interim, Demetrius,^ landing at Tripolis in Syria, made it believed, 
 that he was sent by the Roman senate to take possession of the kingdom, and 
 that he would be supported by them in it. Whereon Eupator's cause being in 
 the general opinion given for lost, all deserted from him to Demetrius; and Eu- 
 pator, and Lysias his tutor, being siezed by their own soldiers, in order to be 
 delivered up to the new comer, w^ere, by his order, both put to death. And so 
 without any farther opposition he became thoroughly settled in the whole 
 kingdom. 
 
 As soon as Demetrius was fixed on the throne,'' one of the first things be did 
 was to deliver the Babylonians from the tyranny of Timarchus and Herachdes. 
 These being the two great favourites of Antiochus Epiphanes, he made the first 
 of them governor, and the other treasurer of that province. Timarchus having 
 added rebellion to his other crimes, Demetrius caused him to be put to death, 
 and the other he drove into banishment. This was so acceptable a deliverance 
 to the Babylonians, whom these two brothers had most grievously oppressed, 
 
 1 Polyb. Legal. 113. p. 941. et Le^t. 117. p. 950. 2 Plutarch. inTiberio Graccho. 
 
 3 1 Mac. vii. 1^4. 2 Mac. xiv. 1, 2. Joseph. Antici. lib. 12. c. 16. Appian. in Syriaeis. Justin, lib. 34. c. 3. 
 
 4 Appian. in Syriaeis. 
 
J52 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 that they from hence called him Soter, i. e. the Saviour; which name he ever 
 afterward bore. 
 
 Alcimus, who, on the death of Menelaus, was by Antiochus Eupator ap- 
 pointed high-priest of the Jews/ not being received by them, because he had 
 polluted himself, by conforming to the ways of the Greeks in the time of An- 
 tioch Epiphanes," got together all the other apostate Jews, then living at An- 
 tioch, who had for their apostacy been expelled Judea, and went at the head 
 of them to the new king to pray his relief against Judas and his brethren, ac- 
 cusing them of slaying many of the king's friends, and driving others out of 
 the country, as particularly they had them his petitioners, for no other reason, 
 but that they had obeyed the royal edicts of Antiochus Epiphanes his uncle, 
 who had reigned before him. And hereby he so exasperated Demetrius against 
 Judas and the people with him, that he forthwith ordered Bacchides, governor 
 of Mesopotamia, with an army,^ into Judea, and having confirmed Alcimus in 
 the office of high-priest, joined him in the same commission with Bacchides for 
 the carrying on of this war. On their first coming into Judea, they thought to 
 have circumvented Judas and his brethren, and by fair words under the show 
 of making peace with them, to have drawn them into their power, and so have 
 taken them. But they being aware of the fraud, kept out of their reach: which 
 others not being so cautious of, fell into their snare, and being taken in it, were 
 all destroyed by them; among whom were sixty of the Asidians, and several 
 of the scribes or doctors of their law. For being fond of having a high-priest 
 again settled among them, and thinking they could suffer no wrong from one 
 that was of the sons of Aaron, they took his oath of peace, and trusted them- 
 selves with him. But he had no sooner gotten them within his power, but he 
 put them all to death; with which the rest being terrified, durst no more con- 
 fide in him. After this Bacchides returned to the king, leaving with Alcimus 
 part of his forces, to secure him in the possession of the country; with which 
 prevailing for a while,'' and drawing many deserters to him, he much disturbed 
 the state of Israel. For the remedy whereof, Judas, after Bacchides was fully 
 gone,^ coming out with his forces again into the field, went round the country, 
 and took vengeance of those that had revolted from him, so that Alcimus and 
 his party were no more able to stand against him. Whereon that wicked dis- 
 turber of his people went again to the king,*^ and having presented him with a 
 crown of gold and other gifts, renewed his complaints against Judas and his 
 brethren, telling him, that as long as Judas lived, his authority could never be 
 quietly settled in that country, or matters be there ever brought to a lasting 
 state of peace; and all that were there about the king, out of hatred to the Jews, 
 saying the same thing, Demetrius was hereby so incensed, that he sent another 
 army against the Jews,'' under the command of Nicanor their old enemy, com- 
 manding him, that he should cut off Judas, disperse his followers, and tho- 
 roughly establish Alcimus in his office of high-priest. But Nicanor, knowing 
 the prowess of Judas, as having been vanquished by him in a former expedi- 
 tion,'^ was loath to make another trial of it for fear of another defeat; and there- 
 fore endeavoured to compose matters b}^ a treaty: and accordingly articles of 
 peace were agreed on between them. And after this Judas and Nicanor conversed 
 in a friendly manner together: but Alcimus not liking this peace,® as thinkino- 
 his interest not sufficiently provided for in it, went the third time to the king, 
 and so possessed him against it, that he refused to ratify what was agreed, and 
 sent his positive orders to Nicanor to go on with the war, and not to cease pro- 
 secuting it, till he should have slain Judas, or taken him prisoner, and sent 
 him bound to Antioch. Whereon Nicanor was forced, much against his will, 
 again to renew his former hostilities against Judas and his brethren. 
 
 I 2 Maccab. xiv. 3. 2 1 Maccab. vii. 5—7. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 16. 3 1 Maccab. vii. 8. 20. 
 
 4 1 Maccab. vii. 21, 22. 5 Ibid. 23, 24. 6 Ibid. 25. 2 Maccab. xiv. 3—11. 
 
 7 1 Maccab. vii. 2(3. 2!i. 2 Mac. xiv. 12— 25. 8 1 Tdaccab. iv. 2 Maccab viii. 
 
 3 Maccab. xiv. 26--ao. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 153 
 
 Ptolemy Physcon/ having had the island of Cyprus assigned to him by the 
 determination of the senate of Rome, returned thitherward with the two Roman 
 ambassadors, Cneius Merula and Titus Torquatus, who were sent to see him put 
 in possession of it. On his coming into Greece,^ in his way to it, he hired a 
 great number of mercenaries, thinking by them forthwith to possess himself of 
 the island. But the ambassadors, having acquainted him, that they were sent 
 to introduce him into it, only by way of treaty with his brother, and not by 
 arms, persuaded him again to dismiss all his forces. Whereon, taking Merula 
 with him, he returned into Libya, and Torquatus went to Alexandria. The pur- 
 pose of these two ambassadors was to bring the two brothers to meet on the 
 borders of their dominions, and there agree the matter between them according 
 to the sentiments of the Roman senate. But when Torquatus came to Alexan- 
 dria, he found Philometor not easily to be brought to comply with what the 
 senate had decreed concerning this matter. He insisted upon the former agree- 
 ment made between him and his brother by Quintus and Canuleius the former 
 ambassadors, which assigned Cyprus to him; and therefore thought it very 
 hard, that it should, contrary to the tenor of that agreement, be now taken 
 from him, and given his brother. However, he did not at first peremptorily 
 refuse to yield to the decree of the senate, but wiredrew the treaty to a great 
 length; and between promising as to some things, and excusing himself as to 
 others, he did artfully beat the bush at a distance, and so wasted away the time, 
 without coming to any determination about the m.atter in hand. In the interim, 
 Physcon, with the other ambassador, lay at the port of Apis in Lybia, there ex- 
 pecting the result of Torquatus's agency: after long waiting, receiving no intel- 
 ligence from him to his content, he sent Merula also to Alexandria, thinking 
 that both the ambassadors together might act the more effectually with Philo- 
 metor to bring him to their bent. But Philometor still observed the same con- 
 duct, treating them both with all manner of kindness and complaisance, flatter- 
 ing them with courtly words, and endeavouring in all things to please them 
 with as courtly actions; and by this means drilled on the matter with them for 
 forty days together, without coming to the point, which was the end of their 
 embassy to him, detaining them all this while at his court rather by force than with 
 their good liking, tiU. at length finding they could be put off no longer, he plainly 
 declared, that he would stand by the first agreement, and would not yield to 
 the making of any other. And with this answer Merula returned again to Phys- 
 con, and Torquatus to Rome. In the interim, the Cyrenians understanding how 
 ill Physcon had behaved himself while he reigned at Alexandria, entertained 
 from hence such an aversion against having him for their king, that they rose in 
 arms to keep him out of their country. Whereon Physcon, fearing lest while 
 he tarried at Apis, in expectation of the investiture of Cyprus, he should lose 
 Cyrene, he hastened thither with all his forces which he had then with him; 
 but he had the misfortune at first to be overthrown by his rebel subjects; and it 
 IS not to be doubted, but that Philometor had a hand in the raising of this com- 
 bustion, and that it was with a view hereto that he had delayed so long to give 
 an answer to the Roman ambassadors, that thereby he might give scope for these 
 designs to ripen to execution. Physcon being hereby involved in great difficul- 
 ties, Merula found him under the pressures of them on his return to him; and 
 they were not a little aggravated by the account, which he brought him of his 
 brother's final refusing to yield any more to him, than what was given him by 
 the first agreement. He durst not himself go again to Rome to renew his com- 
 plaint against his brother about this matter, till the troubles raised against him 
 in Cyrene were again appeased. All therefore that he could at present do,^ was 
 to send two ambassadors with Merula in his stead, to solicit his cause with the 
 senate. These and Merula meeting with Torquatus on his return from Alexan- 
 dria, they went all four together to Rome, and there all made their report of 
 the case, much to the disadvantage of Philometor; so that when the cause came 
 
 1 Polyb. Legal. 113. p. 942. 2 Ibid. 115. p. 948. 3 Ibid. 116. p. 950. 
 
 Vol. II.— 20 
 
154 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 to be heard in the senate,' though Menithylus, Phllometor's ambassador, spoke 
 much in his behalf, he was not heard with any regard, the senators being gene- 
 rally prepossessed against him, because of his refusal to submit to their decree 
 about Cyprus. And therefore, to express the anger they had conceived against 
 him on this account, they renounced all friendship and alliance with him, and 
 ordered his ambassador to depart Rome within five days, and sent two ambassa- 
 dors from them to Cyrene, to acquaint Physcon with what they had done. 
 
 In this year,^ Bucherius placeth the beginning of the cycle of eighty-four 
 years, by which the Jews settled the times of their new moons, full moons, and 
 festivals. I have before shown, in the preface to the first part of this history, 
 how they anciently went by the phases or appearance of the new moon for all 
 this matter: and according hereto the new moons and festivals were then con- 
 stantly settled by the Sanhedrin at Jerusalem. Toward the end of every 
 month they sent out persons into places of the greatest height and eminence 
 about Jerusalem,' to observe the appearance of the new moon; and as soon as 
 they saw it appear, they returned and made report thereof to that assembly; 
 and according thereto they appointed their new moons, or first days of every 
 month: and immediately by signs from mountain to mountain, gave notice 
 thereof through the whole land of Judea: according to their new moons and 
 full moons were all their other festivals fixed. And all this might well enough 
 be done as long as the Jews lived within the narrow bounds of Judea. But 
 when, after the time of Alexander the Great, they became dispersed through 
 all the Grecian colonies in the east, and had in great numbers settled at Alex- 
 andria, Antioch, and other cities of Egypt, Libya, Cyrene, Syria, and Lesser 
 Asia, under the Syro-Macedonian and Egypto-Macedonian kings; this method 
 grew impracticable as to them. And therefore from that time they were neces- 
 sitated to come to astronomical calculations, and the use of cycles, iox the set- 
 tling of this matter, that so they might know at all distant places when to begin 
 their months, when to make their intercalations, and when to solemnize their 
 festivals, all in a uniform manner at the same time. How the eastern Jews, 
 who had, ever since the Assyrian and Babylonish captivities, been settled in 
 Babylonia, Persia, Media, and other eastern provinces beyond the Euphrates, 
 ordered this matter is uncertain. But since they had in Babylonia,'* a prince 
 of the captivity for the governing of them in all things according to their law, 
 and a Sanhedrin there to assist him herein, no doubt they had fixed methods 
 for the settling of this matter according to the truest rules of astronomy, espe- 
 cially since that science was in those parts cultivated beyond what it was in 
 any other country. Most likely it is, that they had an astronomical cycle by 
 which they fixed the new moons, and according to them regulated all the rest. 
 But as to the other Jews, that they all made use of the cycle of eighty-four 
 years for this purpose is certain. For several of the ancient fathers of the 
 Christian church make mention of it,* as that which had been of ancient use 
 among the Jews, and was afterward borrowed from them by the primitive Chris- 
 tians for the fixing of the time of their Easter, and was the first cycle which 
 was made use of by them for this purpose. It seems to have been made 
 up of the Calippic cycle and the Octoeteris joined together. For it contains 
 just so many days as both these cycles do when added to each other, reckoning 
 the eight years of the Octoeteris and the seventy-six years of the Calippic cycle 
 by Julian years. For eight Julian years contained two thousand nine hundred 
 
 1 Polybius Lejrat. 117. p. 950, 951. 2 De Antiqua JiidseOrum Paschali Cyr.Io, c. 5. p. 377. 
 
 3 Mishnah in Rosh Hashatia. Maimonides in Kiddiish Hachodesh. Liffhtfoot's Temple Service, c. 11. 
 
 4 The Jews anciently had, in most countries of their dispersion, a chief magistrate over them of their 
 own, by wlioin they were governed in all matters relating to their law, and for whose superintendency they 
 usually purchased a commission from the kings under whom they lived. The magistrate in Babylonia was 
 called, in the Jewish language, Rosfi Go/ah, i. e. The Head of the Captiviti/; in Greek, ^chmalolarc/ia, which 
 is a name of the same signification; and it is pretended that all that bore this office there were of the seed of 
 David. And so in like manner the Jews of Alexandria had their Alaharcha, and the Jews of Antioch their 
 Ethnarcha; and after this they had in most places of their dispersions their patriarchs for the same purpose; 
 and there are in the imperial laws edicts concerning them. 
 
 i Aoatoliui Cyrillus Alexandrinus Epiphanius, Prosper, Victorius, Beda, aliique. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 155 
 
 and twenty-two days, and seventy-six Julian years twenty-seven thousand seven 
 hundred and fifty-nine days, and these being added together, make thirty thou- 
 sand six hundred and eighty -one; which is exactly the number of days that are 
 contained in eighty -four Julian years, which was the number of this cycle. 
 And therefore it is most likely that the Jews first began with the use of the 
 Calippic cycle, or, more properly speaking, of the Calippic period (for, in the 
 language of chronologers, a cycle is a round of several years; and a period a 
 round of several cycles;) and afterward added to Octoeteris to it, both to render 
 it the more proper for their purpose, and also to make it look as wholly their 
 own. And it is possible so much might have been this year done: but that the 
 Jews at this time, when, after having newly recovered their temple, and re- 
 stored the true worship of God in it, they were most zealously employed in extir- 
 pating all heathen rites from among them, should first introduce this cycle bor- 
 rowed from the heathens, and employ it to a religious use, that is, for the fixing 
 of the times of their new moons and festivals, seems utterly improbable. That 
 which seems most probably to be conjectured concerning this matter (for no- 
 thing but conjecture can be had in it,) is, that when the Jews, in the dispersions 
 after the time of Alexander the Great, through the countries I have mentioned, 
 saw a necessity of coming to astronomical calculations, and settled rules for the 
 fixing of their new moons and festivals, that so they might observe them all on 
 the same day in all places, they borrowed from the Greeks the cycle or period 
 of Calippus, which they found used among them for the same purpose. For 
 the Greeks, reckoning their months by the course of the moon, and their years 
 by that of the sun, and thinking themselves also obliged, for the reason which 
 I have already mentioned, annually to keep all their festivals on the same day 
 of the month, and on the same season of the year, in like manner as the Jews 
 were, had long been endeavouring to find out such a cycle of years, in which, 
 by the help of intercalations, the motions of the sun and the moon might be so 
 adjusted to each other, that both luminaries setting forth together at the same 
 point of time, might come round again exactly to the same, and all the new 
 moons and full moons come over again in every cycle in the same manner as 
 they had in the former. For could such a cycle be once fixed, the observing 
 how the new moons and full moons happened in any one of them, would be 
 sufficient to direct where to find them for ever in aU cycles after, and there 
 would need no more to be done than to know what year of the cycle it is, in 
 order to know and discover the very moment of time when every new moon 
 and full moon should happen therein through each month in it; because, in 
 every year of the said cycle, the new moons and full moons would all come 
 over again at the same points of time as they had in the same year of the for- 
 mer cycle, and so on in all following cycles for ever. Of the attempts which 
 had been made to come at such a cycle by the Dieteris, Tetraeteris, Octoeteris, 
 and Enneadecaeteris, and how they all failed hereof, mention hath been already 
 made. The last came nearest to it of any: the author whereof was Meto, an 
 Athenian, who published it at Athens in the year before Christ 432, which was 
 in the year immediately preceding the Peloponnesian war, where I have at 
 large treated of it. But Meto having reckoned, that nineteen years of his cycle 
 contained just six thousand nine hundred and forty days, it was found, after one 
 hundred years' usage of it, that in this computation he had overshot what he 
 aimed at by a quarter of a day. For nineteen Julian years contain no more 
 than six thousand nine hundred and thirty-nine days and eighteen hours; and 
 therefore, to mend this fault, Calippus invented his cycle, or period of seventy- 
 six years, which consisting of four Metonic cycles joined together, he thought 
 to bring all to rights, by leaving out one day at the end of this cycle, making it 
 to consist of no more than twenty-seven thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine 
 days, whereas four Metonic cycles joined together make twenty-seven thousand 
 seven hundred and sixty days. This Calippus was a famous astronomer of Cyzi- 
 cus in Mysia, and published his cycle in the year before Christ 330, beginning 
 
156 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 it from the summer solstice of that year, which was the same year in which 
 Alexander overthrew Darius at the battle of Arbela. And this being the cycle 
 which was most in reputation among the Greeks, for the bringing of the reck- 
 onings of the sun and moon's motions to an agreement at that time, when the 
 Jews wanted such a cycle for the settling the time of their new moons and full 
 moons and festivals by certain rules of astronomical calculations, it is most likely 
 they then borrowed it from them for this use; and that they might not seem to 
 have any thing among them relating to their religion which was of heathen 
 usage, they added the Octoeteris to this period of seventy-six years; and thereby, 
 making it a cycle of eighty-four years, by this disguise rendered it wholly their 
 own. For no other nation but the Jews alone used this cycle, till it was bor- 
 rowed from them by the primitive Christians for the same use, that is, to settle 
 the time of their Easter. But the Jews by this addition rather marred than 
 any way mended the matter. For, although the period of Calippus fell short of 
 w^hat it intended, that is, of bringing the motions of the two greater luminaries 
 to an exact agreement, yet it brought them within the reach of five hours and 
 fifty minutes of it. But the addition of the Octoeteris did set them at the dis- 
 tance of one day, six hours, and fifty-one minutes. However, this they used 
 till Rabbi Hillel's reformation of their calendar, which was about the year of 
 our Lord 360; during all which time they must necessarily have made some 
 interpolations for the correcting of those excesses whereby one of those lumi- 
 naries did overrun the other according to that cycle: for otherwise the phases or 
 appearances of the new moons and fuU moons would have contradicted the cal- 
 culations of it to every man's view. But what these interpolations were, or 
 how or when used, we have no account any where given us. Prosper placeth 
 the beginning of the first of those cycles which was used by the Christians, in 
 the year of our Lord 46; and if we reckon backward from thence, we shall find 
 one of them to have its beginning in the year before Christ 291, which was the 
 first year of the pontificate of Eleazer at Jerusalem, and the seventh before the 
 reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt. And then it seems most pro- 
 bable that the Jews began the use of this cycle. For about this time their dis- 
 persions, especially in Egypt, made it necessary for them to settle the times of 
 their new moons, full moons, and festivals, by astronomical calculations; be- 
 cause at such distances they could not have the order of the Sanhedrin at Je- 
 rusalem for the directing of them in this matter. But had they then taken the 
 period of Calippus, without disguising it by the adding of the eight years of 
 the Octoeteris, to make it look as their own, it would much better have served 
 their purpose. Though I have above said, it is possible that the eight years 
 might have been added where Bucherius placeth the first use of this cycle, yet 
 I mean no more thereby than a bare possibility, and not but that I think it most 
 probable that it was otherwise. For it seemeth to me most likely, that as the 
 Jews first began the use of this cycle at the time I have mentioned, that is, 
 Anno ante Christum 291, so also doth it, that from that very beginning they fixed 
 it to be a cycle of eighty-four years, and no otherwise used the Calippic, but 
 with the addition of eight years after it to make up that number. If we place 
 the beginning of the first cycle of these eighty-four years, at the year before 
 Christ 291, the second cycle will begin, anno 207; the third cycle, anno 123; 
 the fourth cycle, anno 39; and the fifth cycle, at the year after Christ 46; and 
 there it will meet with the beginning of the first cycle of Prosper; that is, the 
 first of these eighty-four years' cycles, which was used by the primitive Chris- 
 tians for the finding out and settling the time of their Easter. The second of 
 these cycles, according to the same Prosper, began A. D. 130; the third, anno 
 214; the fourth, anno 298; "the fifth, anno 382 (which was the last of these cy- 
 cles mentioned by Prosper;) the sixth, anno 466; the seventh, anno 550; the 
 eighth, anno 634; the ninth, anno 718; and the tenth, anno 802; and about that 
 time the use of it wholly ceased. 
 
 In the first age of the church, Christians generally followed the Jews in the 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 157 
 
 settling the time of their Easter, some beginning their observance of it at the 
 same time the Jews did their Passover,' that is, on the fourteenth day of their 
 first vernal moon or month called Nisan, on what day of the week soever it 
 happened to fall, but others not till the Sunday after. Those who were for 
 the first way, alleged, that they followed therein St. John and St. Philip the 
 apostles; and those who followed the other way, urged for it the practice' of 
 St. Peter and St. Paul; who, they said, always begun this festival, not on the 
 fourteenth day of the first vernal moon, as the Jews did their Passover, but on 
 the Sunday after. And as long as those who came out of the circumcision 
 into the church of Christ, and observed the law of Moses with that of the gos- 
 pel, held communion with the church, this made no difference in it. But when 
 they separated from it, then the church began to think it time to separate from 
 them in this usage; and, after several meetings and councils held about it, they 
 came to this resolution, that Easter should always be kept, not on the fourteenth 
 day of the moon as the Jews did their Passover, but every where on the Sun- 
 day after: and all conformed hereto except the Asian churches; who, pretend- 
 ing for the other usage the example of St. John and St. Philip the apostles, 
 and the holy martyr St. Polycarp, would not recede from it. Whereon Victor, 
 bishop of Rome, sent out a libel of excommunication against them for it. So 
 early did the tyranny of that see begin: for this happened in the year of our 
 Lord 197. But Irenseus, and most other Christians of that time, condemned 
 this as a very rash and unjustifiable act in Victor. However the controversy 
 still went on, and the Christians of the Asian way being thenceforth called 
 Quarto-decimani, for their observing of the festival at the same time with the 
 Jews' quarta decima luna, i. e. on the fourteenth day of the moon, persisted in 
 their former practice, tiU at length, in the Nicene council, A. D. 325, they all 
 gave up into the other way, and an end was put to this controversy. And from 
 that time the first day of the week, in commemoration of the resurrection of 
 Christ thereon, hath been among all Christians every where the first day of 
 their Easter solemnity. But, in the interim, both parties still made use of the 
 eighty-four years' cycle, till that also was put under another regulation by the 
 same council of Nice. In the year of Christ 2-22, this eighty-four years' cycle 
 being found faulty,^ Hippolytus, bishop of Portus in Arabia, invented a new 
 one, by joining two Octoeteris's together; but this soon appearing more faulty 
 than the other,^ Anatolius, bishop of Laodicea in Syria, did, in the year 276, 
 propose another way. AU that was commendable in it was, that he first intro- 
 duced the use of the nineteen years' cycle for this purpose; but he applied it 
 so wrong, that it was in his method by no means useful to the end intended. 
 In the year 325 sat the Nicene council, wherein as to Easter* these following^ 
 particulars were agreed: 1st, That Easter should every where be begun to be 
 observed on the first day of the week, that is, Sunday. 2dly, That it should 
 be on the Sunday that should follow next, immediately after the fourteenth of 
 the moon that should follow next after the vernal equinox (w^hich was then on 
 the twenty-first of March.) And, 3dly, That it should be referred to the bishop 
 of Alexandria, to calculate every year, on what day, according to these rules, 
 the festival should begin. 
 
 The Alexandrians being then of aU others most skilful in astronomy, for this 
 reason the making of this calculation* was referred to the bishop of that place. 
 And they having applied the nineteen years' cycle in a much better method to 
 this purpose than Anatolius had before done, found it the best rule that could 
 be made use of for the settling of this matter; and accordingly went by it for 
 the discharge of what was referred to them by the council.^ And therefore, they 
 having every year hereby fixed the day, the custom was for the bishop of that 
 
 1 Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. lib 5. c. 23, 24. Socrates Hist. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 22. 
 
 2 Anatolius in Prologo ad Canon. Pascbalem. "Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. 6. c. 22. Isiiiorus Originum, 
 )ib. 6. c. 17. 
 
 3 Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. 7. c. 32. 4 Socrates Schol. Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. c. 9. 
 
 5 Leo Magnus Papa in Epistola 94. 6 AinbroeluE in Epistola ad Episcopos .^milianos. 
 
158 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 church to write of it to the bishop of Rome; who having the day thus signifie<3 
 unto him, first caused it by his deacons to be published in his patriarchal church 
 on the day of Epiphany preceding the festival, and then, by paschal epistles, 
 notified it to all metropolitans, through the whole Christian world; and they, 
 by like epistles, to their suffragans: and by this means the day was every where 
 known, and every where observed, in an exact uniformity of time by Christians 
 all the world over. But the pride of the see of Rome not bearing long their 
 being directed in any thing from abroad, after som€ years' observance of this 
 order, they returned again to their old cycle of eighty-four years; and the use 
 of it was thereon again resumed all over the western church. But this again 
 making the same fault as formerly, by reason of the one day, six hours, fifty- 
 one minutes, by which the eighty-four lunar years in this cycle, with its inter- 
 calated months, did overrun the solar years in it, Victorius, a presbyter of Li- 
 moges in Aquitaine,' was employed by Hilarius (who was first archdeacon, and 
 afterward bishop of Rome) to make a new cycle, who, followdng the Alexan- 
 drians, first introduced into the western church the rule of fixing the time of 
 Easter by the nineteen years' cycle, called the cycle of the moon; and, having 
 multiplied it by the twenty-eight years' cycle of the dominical letters, called 
 the cycle of the sun, hereby made the period of 532 years, called from him 
 the Victorian period; after the expiration of which he reckoned, that the same 
 new moons, the same full moons, and the same dominical letters, and the same 
 times of Easter, would aU come over again in the same order of time, as in the 
 former cycle, and so on in aU following cycles for ever. And accordingly they 
 would have done so, had the same new moons and full moons come over again 
 at the same point of time in every cycle of the moon with the same exactness 
 as every dominical letter did again in every cycle of the sun. But the nine- 
 teen lunar years, and seven intercalated lunar months, of which this cycle con- 
 sisted,^ falling short of nineteen Julian years by one hour, twenty-seven min- 
 utes, and forty seconds; hence it hath followed, that in every one of the years 
 of these nineteen years' cycles, the new moons and full moons have happened 
 "'ust so much sooner each month than in the same j-ears of the cycle immedi- 
 ately preceding. And hereby it hath come to pass, that after the elapsing of 
 so many rounds of that cycle as have revolved from the time of the Nicene 
 council, to the present year 1716, the new moons and full moons in the hea- 
 vens have anticipated the new moons and full moons in the calendar of our 
 Common Prayer Book four days, ten hours and a half; because the new moons 
 and full moons are there stated, not according to the present times, but accord- 
 ing to the times of that council. However, a better cycle for this purpose than 
 the nineteen years' cycle not being to be found, because none other can bring 
 the course of the sun and moon to a nearer agreement, the Alexandrians for 
 this reason pitched on it for the fixing of their Easter, as the best rule they 
 could follow for it. And Theophilus' and Cyrillus,'' who were both patriarchs 
 of Alexandria, and made each of them periods for the determining the times of 
 this festival, the first of a hundred years, and the other of ninety-five years, 
 founded aU their calculations hereon. And Victorius,'' when he undertook to- 
 form a like period for this end, for the use of the western Christians as the 
 other had done for the use of the eastern, built it all upon the same foundation. 
 For, fixing all the first vernal fourteen moons (which were the paschal terms) 
 according to the cycle of the moon, and the next Sunday after, in every year 
 
 1 Synodug Aureliaiiensis 4. cap. 1. Gennadius de Viris Illustribus, c. 88. Sigebertus Gemblacensis de 
 Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, c. 20. Isidorus Grig. lib. 6. c. 17. 
 
 •2 For whereas nineteen Julian years contain six thousand nine hundred and thirty-nine days and eighteen 
 hours; nineteen lunar years, with their seven intercalated months, contain only si.x thousand nine hundred 
 thirty-nine days, sixteen hours, thirty-two minutes and twenty seconds. 
 
 3 Beda Hist. Eccles. lib. 5. c. 22. Videas etiam Cucherium de Doctrina Temporum, Petavium, aliosque 
 Chronologos. 
 
 4 Beda, ibid. Bucherius, Petavius, aliique. Cyrillus was nephew to Theophilus, and succeeded him in the 
 see of Alexandria. He abolished his uncle's cycle, and substituted his of ninety-five years in its stead, which 
 was truly a cycle, for it consisted of five metonics; but the other was rather a table, in which Easter was 
 calculated for a hundred years, than a cycle. 
 
 5 Beba Hist. Eccles. lib. 5. c. 22. Bucher. in Canon, Paschal. Victorii, 
 
THE OLD And new testament. 150 
 
 (which was the day when the festival began,) according to the cycle of the sun, 
 he Compounded out of both these cycles, by multiplying them into each other, 
 his period of 53:2 years, beginning it from the 28th year of our Lord, according 
 to the vulgar era; and herein, according to both these cycles, he fixed the times 
 of Easter in every year throughout that whole period, and so in all succeeding 
 periods, on the same days over again in each of them for ever. This, after 
 several years' labour in it, he finished and published in the year of our Lord 
 457; which Dionysius Exiguus, a Roman abbot,' having, in the year of our 
 Lord 527, corrected in some particulars, and fixed the equinox and new moons 
 at the same points of time, in which they were at the holding of the council 
 of Nice, the whole western church Avent hereby for many ages, till Gregory 
 XIII. bishop of Rome, in the year 1582, reduced it by his corrections to that 
 form, in which it is now used under the name of the New Style in foreign coun- 
 tries. And it is to be wished that this church would reform all things else that 
 are amiss among them, as well as they have done this. However, we in Eng- 
 land, and all the dominions belonging thereto, still retain the old form. And 
 as we are the last to recede from this form, so were we anciently the last to re- 
 ceive it. For, although Dionysius published his form in the year of our Lord 
 527, it was not till the year 800 that it was universally received by all the 
 churches of Britain and Ireland; and great controversies were in the interim 
 raised among them about it, the occasion of which was as followeth. 
 
 Till the Saxons came to this island (which was A. D. 449,) the British churches 
 having always communicated with the Roman, and received all its usages, as 
 having been till about that time a province of the Roman empire, they agreed 
 with it in the use of the same rule, for the fixing of the time of their Easter. 
 And the Irish, who had not long before been converted by St. Patrick,- who 
 was sent to them from Rome, followed the same usage. But afterward, when 
 the Saxons, having made themselves masters of all the eastern and southern 
 coasts of this island, had thereby cut off all communication with Rome, all that 
 correspondence, which till then the British and Irish churches had held with 
 the Roman, thenceforth ceased, and was wholly interrupted, tiU the coming 
 hither of Austin the monk, to convert the English Saxons, which was about one 
 hundred and fifty years after.^ And therefore, neither the British nor the Irish 
 knowing any thing of the reformation that had in the interim been made in this 
 rule concerning Easter, either by Victorius or Dionysius, went on with the ob- 
 serving of the said festival according to the old form of the eighty-four years' 
 cycle which they had received from the Romans, before the Saxons came into 
 this land. And in this usage Austin found them on his arrival hither. And 
 they having been long accustomed to it, could not easily be induced to alter it 
 for the new usage of the Romanists, which Austin then proposed to them.'* 
 And hence arose that controversy about Easter, which from that time was be- 
 tween the old Christians of Britain and Ireland, and the new Christians which 
 were here converted by the Romanists, and lasted full two hundred years, be- 
 fore it was fully suppressed. The difference between them about this matter 
 was in two particulars: for, 1st, Whereas the Romanists, according to the rule 
 of Dionysius, fixed the time of Easter by the nineteen years' cycle of the moon, 
 and the twenty-eight years' cycle of the sun; the first showing them the pas- 
 chal term, and the other, what day was the next Sunday after, the Britons and 
 Irish adhered to the use of the old cycle,^ that of eighty-four years for this 
 matter. And, 2ndly, Whereas the Romanists observed the beginning of the 
 festival, from the fifteenth day of the first vernal moon to the twenty-first inclu- 
 sive, according as the Sunday happened within the compass of those days, the 
 Britons and the Irish observed it from the fourteenth to the twentieth; that is, 
 
 1 Videas de hac re duas ejus epistolas in fine operis Bucherii de Boctrina Temporum. 
 
 2 St. Patrick was sent by Celestion, bishop of Rome, to convert the Irish, A. D. 43SJ. He was tlien sixty 
 years old, when he first undertook tlie work of this apostteship, and continued in it sixty years after, and 
 with such siuccess, that he converted tlie whole island, and died at the age of one hundred and twenty. 
 
 3 Austin first landed in Kent, A. D. 597. 4 Beda Hist. Eccles. lib. 2. c. 2. 5 Ibid. lib. 2. c'. 2. et 4. 
 
IgQ CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 the Romanists laying it down for a principle in this case never to begin the pas* 
 chal festival at the same time with the Jews, for the avoiding of it, would never* 
 beo-in the solemnity on the fourteenth day of that moon, though it happened to 
 be on a Sunday, but referred it to the next Sunday after, though in this case 
 that Sunday did not happen till the twenty-first day of the said moon. But the 
 Britons and Irish, if that fourteenth day happened to be on a Sunday, did then 
 beo-in the festival without making any such scruple, as the Romanists did in thia 
 case, and so proceeded to observe it in the following years, on the 15th, 16th, 
 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th, according as the next Sunday after fell on any of 
 those days of that moon. But the Romanists, not beginning the festival on any 
 Sunday till the 15th of the said moon, observed it in the following years, on 
 the 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, and 21st of the moon, according as the next 
 Sunday fell on any of them in any of the said years. So that, as the former 
 never carried the beginning of this festival beyond the 20th day of the first ver- 
 nal moon, so the latter never commenced it till the 15th day of the same. And 
 they were so zealously set this way, that they would not hold communion with 
 those of the British and Irish churches, that did otherwise, but, looking on them 
 as heretics, called them by way of reproach quarto-dedmans; whereas the an- 
 cient quarto-decimans were only those who begun the festival on the 14th day 
 of the moon, at the same time with the Jews, on what day of the week soever 
 it happened. But the Britons and the Irish never began it on that day, but 
 when it happened to be a Sunday. 
 
 On the receding of Paulinus from the archbishopric of York, after the de^ath 
 of Edwin, king of the English Saxons beyond the Humber (which happened 
 in the year of our Lord 633,') the churches of those parts having had their 
 bishops from the monastery of St. Columbus in the island of Hy (which was 
 then the chief university of the Irish for the educating and bringing up of their 
 divines,) and Aidan,^ Finan,^ and Colman,^ who had been all three monks of 
 that monastery, having, in succession to each other, governed those churches 
 thirty years, they during that time had introduced into them the Irish usage for 
 the observing of Easter; whereby the controversy being brought among the 
 English Christians, and a schism made among them about it, for the putting of 
 an end to it,^ a council was called to meet at the monastery of the abbess Hil- 
 da, at Whitby in Yorkshire, then called Streonshale. And there a long dispu*- 
 tation being had before Oswey king of the Northumbrians" (who presided in 
 that council,) and Alfred his son, and the main stress of the arguments on both 
 sides turning upon this, that the Irish and Britons urged the authority of St. 
 John for their usage, and the Romanists that of St. Peter for theirs, which they 
 said was preferable to the other, because he was the prince of the apostle, and 
 had the keys of heaven committed to his keeping, Oswey asked those who dis- 
 puted on the side of the Irish and Britons, whether they agreed, that the usage 
 of the Romanists had been the usage of St. Peter? and, on their agreeing hereto, 
 he asked them again, whether they held that St. Peter had the keeping of the 
 keys of heaven? and they having answered to this also in the affirmative, he 
 hereon declared, that he would then be for St. Peter's way, lest, when he should 
 come to heaven's gates, St. Peter should shut them against him, and keep him 
 out. Whereon this ridiculous controversy receiving as ridiculous a decision, 
 all the Christians of those parts came over to the Roman way; and Colman, 
 being much displeased with this deciding,^ or rather ridiculing of the contro- 
 versy, returned, with as many of his Irish clergy as were of his mind, again to 
 the monastery of Hy, from whence they came, and the Northumbrians had 
 
 1 Beda Hist. Eccles. c. 20. 2 WAi. lib. 3. c. 3. 3 Ibid. c. 17. 52. 
 
 4 Ibid. c. 25, 20. 5 Beda Hisi. lib. 3. c. 25. Heddius in Vita Wilfiidi, c. 10. 
 
 6 All were thou called Nnrtliunibrians that lived north of the River Humber, from that river to Graham's 
 Dyke, which did run from Dunbrilton Frith to the Forth. For all this country was the ancient kingdom of 
 the Northumbrians, and was divided into two parts, Dciriaand Bernicia; the former extended from the Hum- 
 ber to theTyne, and the other from the Tyne to Graham's Dyke. 
 
 7 Beda Hist. lib. 3. c. 26. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 161 
 
 another bishop appointed over them in his stead. TJiis happened in the year 
 of our Lord 664. 
 
 After this the old way began to wear off both in Britain and Ireland, though 
 but by slow degrees. Adamnanus' abbot of Hy, being sent on an embassy from 
 the British Scots^ (that is, the Irish who had settled in North Britain) to Alfred 
 king of the Northumbrians; and having, while he continued on that occasion 
 in those parts, made a visit to the united monasteries of Jarrow and Wearmouth 
 near Durham, was there, by Ceolfrid, then abbot of them, so thoroughly con- 
 vinced of the reasonableness of the Roman way before the other, that on his 
 return to Hy, he endeavoured to bring all there to conform to it; but not being 
 able to prevail with them herein, he went into Ireland, and there brought over 
 almost all the northern parts of that island to this way. This happened about 
 the year of our Lord 703. And he had the easier success herein, for that the 
 southern parts of that island had some years before conformed hereto,^ being 
 induced to it by an epistle from Honorius bishop of Rome, written to them about 
 it in the year 629. In the year 710, the same Ceolfrid, above-mentioned,* hav- 
 ing written to Naitan, king of the Picts, an epistle for this way, thereby brought 
 him and all his nation Avith him into a conformity to it. This epistle is very 
 learnedly and judiciously written, and, no doubt, was penned by Bede, who 
 was then a monk under him, in these two united monasteries. It is still extant 
 in Bede's Ecclesiastical History, and gives us the best view of this controversy 
 of any thing now remaining that hath been written about it. In the year 716,* 
 Egbert a pious and learned presbyter of the English nation, after having spent 
 many years of his studies in Ireland (which was in that age the prime seat of 
 all learning in Christendom,) coming from thence to the monastery of Hy, pro- 
 posed to them anew the Roman way; and having better success herein than 
 Adamnanus their late abbot had, in that attempt which he had before made upon 
 them for this purpose, brought them all over to it. And after this none but the 
 Welch persisted in the old form; who, out of the inveterate hatred they had 
 against all of the English nation, were hard to be brought to conform to them in 
 any thing. However, at length, about the year 800, the errors of the old way 
 by that time growing very conspicuous, by reason of the many days, which, 
 according to the eighty-four years' cycle, the lunar account must then have 
 overrun the solar, the Welch of North Wales," were by the persuasion of Elbo- 
 dius, their bishop, prevailed with to give an ear to those reasons which were al- 
 leged for the Roman form; and being convinced by them that it was the better 
 of the two, came into it. And not long after, the Welch of South Wales fol- 
 lowed their example, and did the same; and thenceforth the cycle of eighty- 
 four years, which had lasted for so many ages, became whoUy abolished all 
 Christendom over, and was never more brought into use. 
 
 There was indeed another controversy between the old Christians of Britain 
 and Ireland, and the new ones of the Roman Conversion, which was all along 
 at the same time brought upon the stage with that about Easter, during the 
 whole contest; that is, that of the clerical tonsure,^ which was always debated 
 wath it, and was every where ended at the same time when the other was. But 
 my purpose being to treat only of what related to the Jewish affairs, I have 
 only meddled with this contest, thereby to give the history of the Jewish cycle 
 
 1 Beda Hist. lib. 5. c. 16. 
 
 2 Scotia in this age was only Ireland, and the Scoti none other than the Irish; for Ireland only was the 
 ancient Scotia, and the Irish the ancient Scots. But about the year of our Lord 500, a colony of the Irish 
 liavinjr, under the leadin;; of Ferfjus the son of Ere, settled in that part of North Britain now called Argyle- 
 shire, first brought with them the name of Scots into that country, and there began the kingdom of the Bri- 
 tish Scots, from whom this embassy came. But afterward, having, in process of time, conquered both the 
 north and the south Picts, and also received from the Saxon kings of England, all the Lowlands from Gra- 
 Iiain's Dyke to the River Tweed (which formerly belonged to those princes.) they thenceforth gave the name 
 of Scotland to that country; and Ireland, the ancient Scotia, assumed the name which it now bears. This 
 was done about the year of our Lord lOnO. For Archbishop Usher tells us, who fully examined the matter, 
 tliat there is not any one writer, who lived within 1000 years after Christ, that mentions the name of Scot- 
 land, and means any other than Ireland by it. Vide Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiq. c. 16. p. 363. 
 
 3 Beda Hist. lib. 2. c. 19. et lib. 3. c. 3. 4 Ibid. lib. 5. c. 22. 5 Beda, lib. 5. c. 23. 
 « Humphredi Lhuid Fragmenta Britannica. Winn's History of Wale?, p. 18. 
 
 T Beda Hist. lib. 3. c. 2.5. et lib. 5 c. 22. 
 
 Vol. II.— 21 
 
XG-2 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 of eighty-four years; and thus far it is within my theme; but it being out o{ it 
 to treat of the other, for this reason I do not here trouble the reader with it. 
 
 On the abolition of the eighty-four years' cycle, the paschal rule of Diony- 
 sius became the rule of the whole western church for several years after; and 
 it being still the rule of Great Britain and Ireland, and all the dominions be- 
 longing to them, it will be useful for the English reader to know the particulars 
 of it. They are as follow: — 1. That Easter is a festival annually observed in 
 commemoration of Christ's resurrection. 2. That Sunday being the day on 
 which it is weekly commemorated, that day of the week is fittest always to be 
 the day on which the annual commemoration of it is to be solemnized. 3. That 
 therefore this festival be always on a Sunday. 4. That it be on the Sunday 
 next, after the Jewish Passover. 5. That the Jewish Passover being always 
 slain on the fourteenth day of the first vernal moon, by them called Nisan, the 
 Christian Easter is always to be on the next Sunday after the said fourteenth 
 day of that moon. 6. That to avoid all conformity with the Jews in this mat- 
 ter, though the fourteenth day of the said moon be on a Sunday, this festival 
 is not to be kept on that Sunday, but on the next Sunday after. 7. That the 
 first vernal moon is that Vv^hose fourteenth day (commonly called the fourteenth 
 moon) is either upon the day of the vernal equinox, or else is the next four- 
 teenth moon a.fter it. 8. That the vernal equinox, according to the council of 
 Nice (to the times of which this rule is calculated,) is fixed to the 21st day of 
 March. 9. That therefore the first vernal moon, according to this rule, is that 
 whose fourteenth day falls upon the 21st of March, or else is the first fourteenth 
 moon after. 10. That the fourteenth day of the first vernal moon being the 
 limit or boundary which bars and keeps Easter always beyond it, so that it can 
 never happen before or upon that day, but always after it: for this reason it is 
 called the paschal term, 11. That the next Sunday after the paschal term is 
 always Easter day. 12. That therefore the earliest paschal term being the 21st 
 of March, the 22d of March is the earliest Easter possible; and the 18th of 
 April being the latest paschal term that can happen, the seventh day after, that 
 is, the 25th of April, is the latest Easter possible; all other Easters are sooner 
 or later, as the paschal terms and the next Sunday after them fall sooner, or 
 later, within the said limits. 1.3. That the earliest paschal term, or fourteenth 
 day of the said first vernal moon, being according to this rule on the 21st of 
 March, the fourteenth day befoi'e, that is, the 8th of March, mustbe the earliest 
 first da}' of this moon that can hajjpen; and the latest paschal term being the 
 18th of April, and the fourteenth day before that, that is, the fifth of April, is 
 the latest first day of this moon that can happen. All other first days of this 
 moon, fal' sooner or later between the said 8th day of March and the fifth of 
 April following. 14. That the cycle of the moon, which points to us the golden 
 number, always shows us which is the first day of the paschal moon, and, con- 
 sequently, which is the fourteenth day of the same; and the cycle of the sun, 
 which points to us the dominical letter, always shows us which is the next Sun- 
 day after. And therefore, when you know what is the golden number, and 
 what is the dominical letter of the year, the following scheme will fully serve 
 to tell you when Easter will fall, according to this rule, in any year forever. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 
 
 163 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 D 
 
 6. March. 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 
 5. April. 
 
 - 
 
 Calendffi 
 
 Calendae 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 E 
 
 VI 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 A 
 
 IV 
 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 
 F 
 
 V 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 B 
 
 III 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 G 
 
 IV 
 
 19 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 C 
 
 Prid. Non. 
 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 
 A 
 
 III 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 D 
 
 Nonae. 
 
 
 19 
 
 6 
 
 
 B 
 
 Prid. Non. 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 
 E 
 
 VIII 
 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 
 C 
 
 Nonas. 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 F 
 
 VII 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 D 
 
 VIII 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 G 
 
 VI 
 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 
 E 
 
 VII 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 17 
 
 A 
 
 V 
 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 
 F 
 
 VI 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 B 
 
 IV 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 G 
 
 V 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 C 
 
 III 
 
 
 13 
 
 12 
 
 
 A 
 
 IV 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 
 14 
 
 D 
 
 Prid. Id. 
 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 
 B 
 
 III 
 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 E 
 
 Idus. 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 C 
 
 Prid. Id. 
 
 18 
 
 14 
 
 
 F 
 
 XVIII 
 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 
 D 
 
 Idas. 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 G 
 
 XVII 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 E 
 
 XVII 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 A 
 
 XVI 
 
 
 18 
 
 17 
 
 
 F 
 
 XVI 
 
 15 
 
 17 
 
 19 
 
 B 
 
 XV 
 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 
 G 
 
 XV 
 
 4 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 C 
 
 XIV 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 A 
 
 XIV 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 D 
 
 XIU 
 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 
 B 
 
 XIII 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 
 E 
 
 XII 
 
 
 4 
 
 21 
 
 16 
 
 C 
 
 XII Nicene Equinox 
 
 1 
 
 21 
 
 
 F 
 
 XI 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 6 
 
 D 
 
 XI First Easter 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 G 
 
 X 
 
 
 12 
 
 23 
 
 
 E 
 
 possible. 
 X 
 
 9 
 17 
 
 23 
 24 
 25 
 
 
 A 
 B 
 C 
 
 IX 
 VIII 
 
 VII Last Easter 
 possible. 
 
 
 1 
 
 24 
 
 13 
 
 F 
 
 IX 
 
 6 
 
 26 
 
 
 D 
 
 VI 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 2 
 
 G 
 
 VIII 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 E 
 
 V 
 
 
 9 
 
 26 
 
 
 A 
 
 VII 
 
 14 
 
 28 
 
 
 F 
 
 IV 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 10 
 
 B 
 
 VI 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 
 G 
 
 III 
 
 
 n 
 
 28 
 
 
 C 
 
 V 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 A 
 
 Prid. Calend. 
 
 
 6 
 
 29 
 
 18 
 
 D 
 
 IV 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 30 
 
 7 
 
 E 
 
 III 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 31 
 
 
 F 
 
 Prid. Calend. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 In this scheme, the first column contains the numbers that in the calendar of 
 our Common Prayer Book are called the primes, which are the golden numbers 
 that point out to us the new moons. The second column gives the days of the 
 month. The third contains the golden numbers, which point out to us the pas- 
 chal terms, or the fourteenth day of the first vernal moon (i. e. the day on which 
 the Jews slew their passover.) The fourth column gives the dominical letters. 
 And the last, the old Roman calendar. Every number of the prime shows that, 
 in the year when that is the golden number, the new moon is according to the 
 calculation of this form on the day of the month over against which it is placed. 
 And every number in the third column shows, that in the year when that is 
 the golden number, the paschal term is on the day of the month over against 
 which it is placed. The dominical letters tell us, when is the first Sunday after 
 the paschal term on which Easter begins. And the Roman calendar shows us, 
 on what day thereof each particular above mentioned happens. 
 
 And therefore, observing these particulars, when you would find out in any 
 year on what day Easter falls in it, run down your eye in the first column from 
 the 8th of March (which is tlie earliest first day that can happen of the first 
 vernal moon,) till you come to that number in it which is the golden number 
 of the year, and that number tells you, that the day of the month over against 
 which it is placed is the first of that moon. And then running down your eye 
 in the third column, tiU you come to the same golden number in that column, 
 that number tells you, that the day of the month over against which it is placed 
 is the paschal term, that is, the fourteenth day of that moon (as by numbering 
 from that which is the same golden number in the first column you will find.) 
 And then running down your eye from thence in the fourth column (which is 
 the column of the dominical letters,) till you come to the dominical letter of 
 
164 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 the year, that letter tells jou, that the day of the month over against which it 
 is placed, is the next Sunday after the said paschal term, arid that Sunday is the 
 Easter Sunday of theyear. As, for example, if you would know on what day 
 Easter falls in this present year 1716, run down your eye in the first column, 
 till you come to the number seven (which is the golden number of that year,) 
 which being placed over against the 17th of March, it tells you thereby, that 
 this 17th of March is the first day of the first vernal moon of this year. And 
 from thence run down your eye in the third column, till you come to the num- 
 ber of seven in that column, which being placed over against the 30th of March, 
 it tells you thereby, that this is the fourteenth day of that moon (as you will 
 find by numbering from the said seventeenth day, which was the first of this 
 moon,) or the paschal term of the year. And then run down your eye from 
 thence in the fourth column (which is the column of the dominical letters, till 
 you come to the letter G (which is the dominical letter of the year,) which be- 
 ing placed over against the 1st of April, it tells you thereby, that this day is the 
 first Sunday after the said paschal term, and therefore is the Sunday on which 
 Easter is to be solemnized this year. And so, in like manner, if you would 
 know when Easter will fall in the year 1717, eight being the golden number 
 of the year, and placed in the column of the primes over against the 5th of 
 April, it shows that to be the first day of the first vernal moon of that year. 
 And the same number in the third column, being placed over against the 18th 
 of April, it shows that to be the paschal term of the year. And the letter F 
 being the dominical letter of the year, and the next F after, in the fourth co- 
 lumn, being placed over against the 21st of April, this shows that the 21st of 
 April is the first Sunday after the said paschal term, and therefore is the Sunday 
 on which Easter is to be observed in that year. And so, by the like method, 
 may be found out, v/hen Easter, according to this form, will fall in any year for 
 ever: and hereby not only the rule, but also the reason of the thing, may be 
 seen both together at the same time. And the same may be done by the Calen- 
 dar in the Common Prayer Book, though the third column of this scheme be 
 there wanting. For you having there found, by the method mentioned, the 
 first day of the first vernal moon, number down from thence to the 14th day 
 after and there you have the paschal term; and the next Sunday after (which 
 you will know by the dominical letter of the year) is Easter Sunday. 
 
 Eut it is to be ob.served, that the 21st of March is not the true equinox, but 
 only that which was the true equinox at the time of the Nicene council (which 
 was held A. D. 32o;) since that time the true equinox hath anticipated the Ni- 
 cene equinox eleven days. For the Julian solar year, which we reckon by, 
 exceeding the true tropical solar year eleven minutes, this excess in one hun- 
 dred and thirty years makes a day, and almost eleven times one hundred and 
 thirty years having happened since the time of that council to this present year 
 1716, the true equinox now falls elev'en days before the Nicene equinox. And 
 so, in like manner, it hath happened to the primes, that is, the golden numbers, 
 or the numbers of the nineteenth years' cycle of the moon, in the first column 
 of the calendar in our Common Prayer Book. For they are placed there to 
 show, that the days of the months over against which they stand in that calen- 
 dar, are the new moons in those years in which they are the golden numbers, 
 and they truly did so at the time of the council of Nice. But in every one of 
 the nineteenth years' cycles of the golden numbers, called the cycles of the 
 moon, the Julian solar reckoning exceeding the true lunar reckoning an hour 
 and almost a half, this hour and a half in three hundred and four years making 
 a day, and four times three hundred and four years and above half three hun- 
 dred and four years more, having now passed since that council, this hath caused 
 that the true new moons now happen four days and a half before the new 
 moons marked by the primes in the said calendar of our Common Prayer Book. 
 And therefore, if you would have the true equinox by that calendar, you must 
 deduct as many days from the 21st of March as there hath been the number of 
 
TFIE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 1^ 
 
 one hundred and thirty years since the council of Nice, and that will bring you 
 back to the true time of the equinox in this or any other year wherein it shall 
 be sought for. And so, in like manner, if you would have the true time of the 
 new moon by the sam^e calendar in every month, you must deduct as many days 
 from the days of the month which the prinies mark out for the new moons, as 
 there are the number of three hundred and four years in the number of years 
 which are now, from the time of the said council, elapsed, that is, four days and 
 a half; and this will lead you back to the true time of the new moon in any 
 month of the year wherein you shall seek to know it. As, for example, in this 
 year 1716, the number seven (which is the golden number of the year,) as placed 
 in the column of the primes in the month of June, points out the 13th day of 
 the month for the new moon; deduct from it four days and a half, and that will 
 carry you back to the 8th of June, which is the true new moon; and so, like- 
 wise, in this method, you may know by the same calendar on what day the new 
 moon shall happen in any month or year for ever. And thus far the explica- 
 tion of the Jewish cycle of eighty-four years: and the account of that controversy 
 about it, which was raised in this land among our English ancestors, hath led 
 me, I fear, into too long a digression. To return, therefore, to our history. 
 
 An. 161. Judas Maccabceus 6.] — Nicanor, having received orders from Deme- 
 trius again to renew the war against the Jews, as hath been above mentioned,' 
 came with his forces to Jerusalem, and there thought by craft and treachery to 
 have gotten Judas into his power. For, having invited him to a conference, 
 Judas relying on the late peace, complied with him herein, and came to the 
 place appointed; but, finding that an ambush was there laid treacherously to 
 take him, he fled from his presence: and after this all confidence was broken, 
 and the war was again begun between them. The first action hereof was at 
 Capharsalama; in which Nicanor having lost five thousand of his men, retreated 
 with the rest to Jerusalem; where, being much enraged by reason of the defeat,'' 
 he first vented his Avrath on Razis, an eminent and honourable senator of the 
 Jewish senate, called the Sanhedrin. For, finding that he was much honoured 
 and beloved by the Jews, not only by reason of his steady and constant perse- 
 verance in his religion through the worst of times, but also because of the good 
 and kind offices which he was ready on all occasions to do his people, Nicanor 
 thought it would be an act of great displeasure and despite to the Jews to have 
 him cut off; and therefore sent out a party of five hundred men to take him, with 
 intent to put him to death. But Razis, being at a castle of his which he had in 
 the country, there defended himself against them for some time with great 
 valour: but at length, finding he could hold out no longer, he fell upon his own 
 sword; but, the wound not killing him, he cast himself headlong over the battle- 
 ments of the turret whereon he fought; and, finding himself alive after that also, 
 he thrust his hand into his wound; and pulling out his bowels, cast them upon 
 the assailants, and so died. The Jews for this reckoned him a martyr; but St. 
 Austin,'' in his epistle to Dulcitius, condemns the fact as self-murder, and there 
 gives reasons for it that cannot be answered. 
 
 After this Nicanor" went up into the mountain of the temple, and there de- 
 manded that Judas and his host should be delivered to him, threatening that, 
 unless this were done, he would, on his return, pull down the altar, and burn 
 the temple, and, instead of it, build a temple to Bacchus in the same place; and 
 at the same time spoke many other blasphemous words, both against the temple 
 and the God of Israel that was worshipped in it; which sent all that wished well 
 to Zion to their prayers against him, and they w^ere heard with thorough effect. 
 For, immediately after,^ Nicanor marching out with his forces against Judas, 
 and coming to a battle with him, was slain on the first onset; whereon the whole 
 army cast away their arms and fled: and all the country rising upon them as 
 
 1 1 Slaccab. vii. 27—32. Josppli. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 17. 2 2 Maccab. xiv. 37—46. 
 
 3 Epist. 61. Mide etiani eundem in lib. secundo contra Gaudentium. 
 
 4 1 Maccab. vii. 33—8. 2 Maccab. xiv. 31—36. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, C 17. 
 
 5 1 Maccab, vii. 34.-^0. 2 Maccab, xv. 1—36. Josephua, ibid. 
 
IQQ CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 they endeavoured to escape, cut them all off to a man, there not being of his 
 whole army, which consisted of thirty-five thousand men, as much as one left 
 to carry the news of this defeat to Antioch. Judas and his forces, returning from 
 the pursuit again to the field of battle, took the spoils of the slain, and having 
 found the body of Nicanor, they cut off his head, and also his right hand, which 
 he had stretched out so proudly in his threatenings against the temple, and hanged 
 them up upon one of the towers of Jerusalem. This victory was obtained on 
 the thirteenth of the Jewish month Adar; and, it being a day of great deliver- 
 ance to Israel, they rejoiced greatly in it, and ordained that it should ever after 
 be observed as an anniversary day of thanksgiving, in commemoration of this 
 mercy; and they so keep it even to this present time, by the name of the day 
 of Nicanor. And here endeth the history of the second book of Maccabees. 
 
 Judas, having some respite after this victory,' sent an embassy to the Ro- 
 mans; for having heard of their power, prowess, and policy, he was desirous of 
 making a league with them, hoping thereby to receive some protection and re- 
 lief against the oppression of the Syrians: and therefore, for this end, he made 
 choice of Jason, the son of Eleazar, and Eupolemus, the son of that John,'^ who, 
 in a like embassy to Seleueus Philopater, obtained'from him a grant of all those 
 privileges for the Jews which Antiochus Epiphanes would have afterward abol- 
 ished, and sent him to Rome, where they were kindly received by the senate, 
 and a decree was made, that the Jews should be acknowledged as friends and 
 allies of the Romans, and a league of mutual defence he thenceforth estabUshed 
 between them. And a letter was written from them to Demetrius,' requiring 
 him to desist from any more vexing the Jews, and threatening him with war if 
 he should not comply herewith. But, before this letter was delivered, or the 
 ambassadors returned with the decree of the senate to Jerusalem, Judas was 
 dead. 
 
 For Demetrius, having received an account of the defeat and death of Nica- 
 nor,"* sent Bacchides, with Alcimus, the second time into Judea, at the head of 
 a very potent army, made up of the prime forces and flower of his militia. 
 Judas, on the coming of this army into Judea, had no more than three thousand 
 men with him to oppose them; who, being terrified with the strength and num- 
 ber of the enemy, deserted their general, all to eight hundred men: yet with 
 these few, Judas, out of an over excess of valour and confidence, dared engage 
 the numerous army of the adversary; but, being overborne by their numbers, 
 was slain in the conflict; for which all Judah and Jerusalem made great lamen- 
 tation; and Jonathan and Simon, his brothers, taking up his dead body, buried 
 him honourably at Modin, in the sepulchre of his forefathers. 
 
 The apostates, and others who were ill affected to the true interest and peace 
 of their country, took the advantage of this loss to lift up their heads again," and 
 act according to their evil inclinations in all parts of the land, and hereby created 
 great disturbances in it. And, moreover, a very grievous famine happened at 
 the same time, and the prevailing faction having gotten most of the provisions 
 of the land into their power, this caused great revoltings among the ])eople, that 
 so thereby they might come at bread. And by this means Alcimus and his party 
 greatly increasing in strength, got the whole land into their power; and thereon 
 the government being in all places put into the hands of wicked men, great in- 
 quisition and search was made for the friends and adherents of the Maccabeans; 
 and such of them as could be taken, being brought to Bacchides, were put to 
 death with all manner of cruelty and indignity: by reason whereof there was 
 sore affliction and great distress in Is'-ael, such as had not been from the days 
 of the prophets that returned from the Babylonish captivity to that time, not ex- 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAiMENT. 167 
 
 cepting even the persecuting times of Antioclms Epiphanes. Whereon, for 
 the remedy of this great evil and misery,' all that wished well to Zion flocked 
 to Jonathan, and made him their captain: and he thereon taking the gavernment 
 upon him, rose up in the place of Judas, his brother, and got forces together to 
 resist the enemy; which Bacchides hearing of, endeavoured to have gotten him 
 into his power, that he might put him to death: whereon Jonathan, and Simon 
 his brother, with those that were with him, fled into the wilderness of Tekoa, 
 and there encamped near the river of Jordon, where being surrounded with a 
 morass on one side, and the river on the other, they could not be easily come 
 at. But, that they might the better secure their goods and baggage from all the 
 events of war, they sent all their carriages under the conduct of John," the 
 brother of Jonathan and Simon, to their friends the Nabathsans, to be deposited 
 with them, till they should be in a better condition again to receive them. But, 
 while John was on his way thither, the Jambrians, a tribe of the Arabs then 
 living at Medaba, formerly a city of the Moabites, issued out from thence upon 
 him, and, having slain him, and those that were with him, took all that they had, 
 and carried it away for a prey. 
 
 Not long after, Jonathan and Simon,'' understanding that a great marriage 
 was to be solemnized at Medaba, between one of the chief .men of the Jam- 
 brians and a daughter of one of the prime nobles of Canaan, and, having gotten 
 notice of the day, when the bride was to be conducted home to her bride- 
 groom, waylaid them in the mountains; from whence having a full sight of the 
 bride's being carried on with great pomp and attendance, and the bridegroom's 
 marching out with like pomp to meet and receive her, as soon as they per- 
 ceived both companies were joined together, they rose up against them from 
 the place where they lay in ambush, and slew them all, excepting only some 
 few that escaped by flying to the mountains, and took all their spoils; and, 
 having thus revenged the death of their brother, returned again to their former 
 camp. Of which Bacchides"" having received intelligence, marched thither 
 against them, and, having made himself master of the pass that led to their en- 
 campment, assaulted them in it on the Sabbath-day, expecting then to find no 
 resistance from them, because of the religious veneration which, he understood, 
 they had for that day. But Jonathan, reminding his people of the determina- 
 tion that was made in this case in the time of Mattathias, his father, exhorted 
 them valiantly to resist the enemy, when thus pressed to it by necessity, not- 
 withstanding it was the sabbath-day; and all accordingly complied herewith, 
 and, in defence of themselves, slew of the assailants about one thousand men; 
 but, finding that they must at length be overpowered by their numbers, they 
 cast themselves into the River Jordan, and swam over to the other side, and so 
 escaped. For Bacchides, pursuing them no farther, returned again to Jerusa- 
 lem, where having given order for the fortifying of several cities and strong 
 holds throughout Judea, in places best convenient for it,, he put strong garrisons 
 in them, that he might thereby the better keep the country in subjection, and 
 the easier suppress all those of the contrary party that should rise up against 
 him. And especially he took care to well repair and fortify the fortress of 
 Mount Acra in Jerusalem, and, having fully furnished it with men and provi- 
 sions, he took of the children of the chief men of the country, and put them 
 into it, ordering them there to be kept as hostages for the fidelity of their fathers 
 and friends; and so ended the year. 
 
 An. mo. Jonat/ian ].] — In the next year after died Alcimus,Mhe great troubler 
 of Israel. For, after having, by the power of Bacchides, fully established himself 
 in the pontificate, he set himself to make several alterations for the corrupting 
 of the then well settled state of the Jewish religion, in order to the bringing of 
 it to a nearer agreement with the heathen. And whereas, round the sanctuary, 
 there was built, by the order of the latter prophets Haggai and Zechariah, a low 
 
 I 1 Marcab. ix. 28—33. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. I. 2 Ibid. 35, 36. Ibid. 
 
 3 Ibid. 37— 41. Ibid. 4 Ibid. 43— 53. Ibid. 5 Ibid, 54— 56. 
 
168 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 wall or enclosure called the Chel,^ to serve for the separating of the holy part of 
 the mountain of the house from the unholy; and the rule was, that within this 
 no uncircumcised person was ever to enter; Alcimas, in order to take away this 
 distinction, and give the Gentile equal liberty with the Jews to pass into the 
 inner courts of the temple, ordered this wall of partition to be pulled down. 
 But, while it was doing, he was smitten by the hand of God with a palsy, and 
 suddenly died of it. 
 
 When Bacchides* saw that Alcimus was dead, for whose sake he came into 
 Judea, he returned again to Antioch; and the land had quiet from all molesta- 
 tion of the Syrians for two years. It is most likely Demetrius had by this time 
 received the letters that were sent to him from the Romans in behalf of the 
 Jews, and thereupon gave Bacchides orders to surcease his vexations of that 
 people; and that it was in obedience to those orders, that, on the death of Alci- 
 mus, he took that occasion to leave that country. 
 
 For Demetrius,^ about this time labouring all he could to get the Romans to 
 favour him, was now more than ordinary cautious not to give them any offence; 
 and therefore was the more ready to comply with any thing they should desire. 
 It hath been before related in what manner he fled from Rome, when he was a 
 hostage there, and how, contrary to the mind of the senate, he seized Syria, 
 and slew Antiochus Eupator, whom they had confirmed in that kingdom, and 
 there reigned in his stead; for which reason they being much displeased with 
 him, had not as yet saluted him king, nor renewed the league with him which 
 they had made with his predecessors. This Demetrius was very solicitous to 
 have done; and, in order thereto, was at this time making use of all manner of 
 methods to gain their favour: and therefore, hearing that the Romans had then 
 three ambassadors at the court of Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, he sent Me- 
 nochares, one of his prime ministers, thither to treat with them about this mat- 
 ter; and, on his return, finding, by the report which he made him of what had 
 passed in this treaty, that the good offices of these ambassadors were absolutely 
 necessary for the gaining of his point, he sent again to them, first into Pam- 
 phylia, and after that again to Rhodes, promising every thing they should desire, 
 and never leaving soliciting and pressing them, till at length, by their interpo- 
 sition, all was granted him that he solicited for; and the Romans acknowledged 
 him for king of Syria, and renewed the leagues of his predecessors with him. 
 
 Jin. 159. Jonathan 2.] — Whereon the next year after,* he sent the same Me- 
 nochares, Avith others, in a solemn embassy to Rome, for the farther cultivating 
 of their friendship with him. They carried thither a crown of gold, of the value 
 often thousand gold pieces of money, for a present to the senate, in acknow- 
 ledgment of the kind and free entertainment he had received from them, while 
 he was a hostage at Rome with them. And they also brought with them Lep- 
 tines and Isocrates to be delivered into their hands, for the death of Octavius. 
 It hath been above related, how this Leptines slew Octavius, at Laodicea in 
 Syria, while he was in that country, on an embassy from the Romans. Isocrates 
 was a talkative Greek, and by profession a grammarian; he being then in Syria 
 when this murder was committed, undertook on all occasions, to speak in the 
 justification of it; for whicli reason, being taken into custody, he grew dis- 
 tracted, and so continued ever after. But there was no occasion of seizing Lep- 
 tines; he freely offered himself to go to Rome, there to answer for the fact, and 
 accordingly, without any constraint, accompanied the ambassadors thither: and, 
 although he constantly owned the fact, yet at the same time, he as confidently 
 assured himself, he should suflfer no hurt from the Romans for it; and so it ac- 
 cordingly happened. As to the ambassadors, the senate received them with 
 due respect, and kindly accepted of the present they brought, but would not 
 meddle with the persons. The taking vengeance of these two men, they thought, 
 was too small a satisfaction for the murder of their ambassador; and therefore, 
 
 1 See Lightfoot of (hn Temple, c. 17. 2 1 Maccah. ix. 57. 3 Polyb. Legal. 120. p. P52. 
 
 4 Ibid. l^a. p. 954, 955. Appian. in Syriacis. DioJor. Sic. Legal. 25. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 169 
 
 (hey kept that matter still upon the same foot, reserving to themselves the far- 
 ther inquiry into it, and the demand from the whole nation of the Syrians (on 
 whom in general they charged the guilt) of such satisfaction, as, on a full and 
 thorough cognizance of the cause, should be judged adequate to it. 
 
 About this time Holophernes,* the pretended elder brother of Ariarathes, king 
 of Cappadocia, laying claim to that kingdom, came to Demetrius to solicit his 
 help for the recovering of it. Ariarathes, the father, had to his wife Antiochis, 
 the daughter of Antiochus the Great, king of Syria. She having lived some years 
 without children,^ and therefore believing that she should never have any, to 
 help the matter, feigned herself to be with child, and thereon pretended to be 
 delivered first of one son, and afterward again of another, by the same trick, she 
 thus brought in two supposititious children to be heirs of the royal family; the 
 first of which was called Ariarathes, and the other Holophernes. By which it 
 appears, that the bringing in of false births for the inheriting of crowns is not a 
 new thing in the world. But after, the queen proving ti-uly to be with child, 
 and being delivered, without fraud, first of one daughter, and next of another, 
 and in the last place of a son, she confessed the whole deceit. Whereon, that 
 the false sons might not be heirs, to the wrong of the true, they were sent away 
 into foreign parts, the eldest of them to Rome, and the other, which was this 
 Holophernes, into Ionia, with sums of money sutficient there to educate and 
 maintain them. And the true son, at first called Mithridates, thenceforth taking 
 his father's name, was declared his true heir; and accordingly, after his death, 
 succeeded him in the kingdom. And this is that Ariarathes, king of Cappa- 
 docia, of whom we now speak, and against whom Holophernes made the claim 
 I have mentioned. Demetrius had not long before offered him his sister Laodice 
 in marriage;^ but she having been widow to Perseus king of Macedon, an 
 enemy to the Romans, and Demetrius himself not being yet in good grace vdth 
 them, Ariarathes feared he might, by this match, give them offence; and there- 
 fore rejected the offer. This Demetrius resented; and, while he was under these 
 resentments, Holophernes came to him: and therefore, having easily obtained 
 his assistance, by the strength and power thereof,* he expelled Ariarathes, 
 though assisted by Eumenes, king of Pergamus, and reigned in his stead. But, 
 by his rapine,* cruelty, and other maleadministrations, he soon made himself 
 odious to all the people of his kingdom. 
 
 This assistance, which Eumenes gave Ariarathes, was one of the last acts of 
 his life; (or he died soon after," having reigned at Pergamus thirty-eight years. 
 By his will, he bequeathed his kingdom to Attains his brother,' who accordingly 
 succeeded him in it. He had a son'' by Stratonice his queen, sister to Ariara- 
 thes, the king of Cappadocia last mentioned; but he, being an infant at the timeV 
 of his father's death, was then incapable of administering the government; and 
 therefore Eumenes rather chose to put Attalus into the present possession of the 
 crown, reserving to his son the next succession after him. And Attalus de- 
 ceived not his expectations herein; for, after his brother's death, he married his 
 wife, and took care of his son, and left him his kingdom at his death, after he 
 had reigned in it twenty years, preferring him herein to his own sons, for the 
 sake of that trust which his brother had reposed in him, as wall be hereafter 
 related in its proper place. 
 
 1 Polyb. lib. 3. p. 161. Appiaii. in Svriacis. Justin, lib. 35. c. 1. Epit. Livii, lib. 47. 
 
 2 Diodor. Sic. lib. 31. apud Photium in Bihlioth. cod. 244. p. 1160. 
 
 3 Justin, lib. 35. c. 11. Diodor. Sic. Legal. 24. 
 
 4 Justin, ibid. Polyb. lib. 3. p. 101. Livii, Epit. lib. 47. Appian. in Syriacis. 
 
 5 Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 335. 3.37. Polybius, as cited by Atlienipus (lib. 10. p. 440,) tells us, 
 " that Holophernes, king of Cappadocia, held his kingdom but a sliort time, because lie neglected the laws of 
 his country, and brought in the drunken songs and the disonlerly intemperance of the Bacchanals. 
 
 G Strabo, lib. 13. p. 624. He here saith, that Eumenes reigned forty-nine years; but thisis a manifest error 
 in the copy from whence the book was printed. For, reckoning the years wliich are said in (he Roman history 
 to have elapsed from the beginning of the reign of Eumenes to the end of the Pergamenian kingdom, and 
 deducting from them the years which Attalus his brother, and after him Attalus his son (in whose death that 
 kingdom ceased,) reigned, according to Strabo, in Pergamus after him, there will remain only thirty-nine 
 years for the reign of Eumenes; in the begitining of the last of which he tiled, having reigned full thirty- 
 eight years, and entered only on the beginning of the thirty-ninth. 
 
 7 Stra'io. ibid. Plutarch, in libro, ^if ^iKxhK^txi, 
 
 Vol. U.—^ 
 
l^Q CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 An. 158. Jonathan 3.] — Jonathan having had two years' quiet, and thereby 
 brou"-ht his affairs to some settlement in Judea, the adverse faction,' being here- 
 by excited with envy against him, sent to the Syrian court at Antioch, and 
 there procured that Bacchides was again ordered into that land with a great 
 army. The authors of this mischief proposed to seize Jonathan, and all those 
 of his party, in one and the same night, throughout the land, as soon as the 
 army should arrive to back them in the enterprise; and all things were accord- 
 ingly laid in order to it. And therefore Bacchides, on his entering the borders 
 of Judea, sent them letters to appoint the time for the executing of the plot in 
 the manner as had been concerted between them. But, the design being dis- 
 covered, Jonathan got his forces together, seized fifty of the conspirators,^ and, 
 having put them to death, thereby quelled all the rest; and so the whole mis- 
 chief that was intended against him, was totally quashed and defeated. But, 
 not being strong; enough to stand against so great a force as Bacchides brought 
 against him, he retired to Bethbasi,'' a place strongly situated in the wilderness, 
 and, having well repaired its former fortifications, and furnished it with all things 
 necessary, he there proposed to make defence against the enemy. Whereon 
 Bacchides marched thither with all his army to besiege him, and called thither 
 to him all the Jews that were in the Syrian interest to assist him herein. On 
 his approach, Jonathan left Simon his brother with one part of his forces to de- 
 fend the place, and he with the other part took the field to harass the adversary 
 abroad; and accordingly he did cut off several of their parties as they went out 
 to forage, smote and destroyed others that adhered to them, and sometimes made 
 impressions upon the outskirts of those that lay at the siege, to the disturbing 
 and disordering of the whole army. And at the same time Simon as valiantly did 
 his part in Bethbasi, strenuously defending himself therein, making frequent 
 sallies, and burning the engines of war provided against the place. By which 
 success of the two brothers,^ Bacchides, being made weary of the war, grew 
 very angry with those Avho had been the authors of bringing him into it; and, 
 having put several of them to death, purposed to raise the siege, and depart the 
 country; of which Jonathan having notice, took hold of the opportunity to send 
 messages to him for an accommodation; which Bacchides gladly receiving, 
 made peace with Jonathan and his party; and all prisoners being thereon re- 
 stored on both sides, Bacchides swore that he would never more do any harm 
 to the Jews, as long as he should live; which he accordingly made good: for as 
 soon as the peace was ratified and executed on both sides, he departed, and 
 never afterward came any more into that country. Whereon Jonathan settled 
 in peace at Michmash, a town lying to the north of Jerusalem,* at the distance 
 of nine miles from it, and there governed Israel according to the law, cut off all 
 that apostatized from it, and restored again justice and righteousness in the land, 
 and reformed, as far as he could, all that was amiss either in church or state. 
 
 An. 157. Jonathan 4.] — Ariarathes being driven out of his kingdom of Cap- 
 padocia by Demetrius and Holophernes, in the manner as hath been above re- 
 lated,'' came to Rome for relief And thither also came ambassadors from De- 
 metrius and Holophernes, to justify what they had done against him: who being 
 able speakers, and making their appearance with great splendour and show of 
 riches, as coming from princes in possession of their kingdoms, easily overbore, 
 by the power of their oratory, and the power of their interest, a poor exiled 
 prince, who had no one else to speak for him, or any other interest to support 
 him in his cause, save only the justness of it; and therefore they obtained the 
 determination of the senate on their side against him. However, seeing Aria- 
 rathes had been formerly declared,^ and often owned as a friend and ally of the 
 
 1 1 Maccab. ix. .'iR— (il. Joseph. Anliq. lib. 111. c. 1. 
 
 2 Josephiis relates the mutter, as if Bacchides had put these fifty men to death out of anger for the disap- 
 pointment; but. according to the first book of Maccabees, il can be understood no otherwise than as I have 
 here related it. 
 
 3 1 Maccab. \x. 02—68. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 1. 4 Ibid. 69— 73. Ibid. c. 1, 2. 
 ,5 Eusebiuset Hiernnynius. 6 Polyb. Legal. 126. p. 958. 
 7 Appian. in Syriucis. Zonaras ex Dione. Livii, Epit. lib. 47. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 171 
 
 Romans, they would not wholly dispossess him, but ordered him and Holo- 
 phernes to reign together. But this partnership did not last long: for Holo- 
 phernes having, by his many maleadministrations, utterly alienated the affec- 
 tions of the Cappadocians from him, they were all ready to declare against him 
 for Ariarathes on the first occasion that should olfer. Of which Attains, king 
 of Pergamus, being fully informed,' sent Ariarathes such assistance as enabled 
 him to drive Holophernes out of the country, and again reinstate himself in the 
 possession of the whole kingdom. Hereon Holophernes retreated to Antioch, 
 carrying thither with him a treasure sufficient to support him. For, before this 
 turn of his affairs, suspecting that which happened, he got together a great sum 
 of money, '^ to the value of four hundred talents of silver, and deposited it with 
 the Prienians,^ among whom he had been bred, as a reserve for all events. This 
 money, Ariarathes, after the recovery of his kingdom, demanded of the Prieni- 
 ans, as that which of right belonged to him, because raised out of the revenues 
 of his crown. But the Prienians being of old famous for their justice, resolved 
 to make good that character on this occasion; and therefore would not be in- 
 duced by any solicitations or threats to pay him the money; but, though they 
 suffered much, both from Attains as well as from Ariarathes, for the refusal, 
 continued true to their trust, and restored the whole sum to Holophernes; and 
 with this mon^y he might have lived in plenty and ease at Antioch, could any 
 thing less than reigning there have contented him. 
 
 An. 156. Jonathan 5.] — Ptolemy Physcon, king of Libya and Cyrene, having, 
 by his ill and cruel management of the government, and his very wicked and 
 vicious conduct, justly incurred the general dislike and odium of his subjects; it 
 happened that some of them,* lying in wait for him, fell upon him, and wounded 
 him in several places, thinldng to have slain him. This he charged upon King 
 Philometor his brother; and, as soon as he was recovered, he went again to 
 Rome with his complaint against him, showing the senate the scars of his 
 wounds, and accusing him of having employed the assassins from whom he re- 
 ceived them. And, although King Philometor was a person of so great benignity 
 and good nature,* that of all men living he was the most unlikely ever to have 
 given the least countenance to such a fact, yet the senate, by reason of the dis- 
 gust which they had conceived against him for his not submitting to their decree 
 about Cyprus, yielded so easy an ear to this false accusation, that, taking it all 
 to be true, they would not so much as hear what the ambassadors of Philometor 
 had to say on the other side, for the refutation of this charge; but ordered them 
 forthwith to be gone from Rome, and then sent five ambassadors to conduct 
 Physcon to Cyprus, and put him in possession of that island, and wrote letters 
 to all their allies in those parts, to furnish him with forces for this purpose. 
 
 Jin. 155. Jonaihan G.] — By which means Physcon, having gotten together an 
 army which he thought sufficient for the compassing of his design, landed with 
 them on the island for the possessing of himself of it; but, being there encountered 
 by Philometor," he was vanquished in battle, and forced into Lapitho, a city in that 
 island; where being pursued, shut up, and besieged, he was at length taken pri- 
 soner in the place, and delivered into the hands of Philometor, who, out of his 
 great clemency, dealt much better with him than he deserved. For although 
 his demerits were such as might justly have provoked from him the utmost se- 
 verities, yet he remitted all; and not only pardoned him, when his offences 
 against him were such as every body else would have judged unpardonable, but 
 also restored to him Libya and Cyrene, and added some other territories to them, 
 
 1 Polyb. in Excerptis Valcsii, p. 109. Zonarasex DioiiP. 2 Ibid. p. 171—173. 
 
 3 Priene was a city of Ionia, sitnaterl on the north side of the River Msiiidrr, over acainst i\Iyns. It was 
 the city of Pias the "philosopher, and from the justice there practised in his time, Justllia Priencnsis became 
 a proverb. Strabo,lib. 14. p. 63G. 4 Polyb. Leirat. 132. p. tlGI. 
 
 .5 Polyb. in E.fcerptis Valesii, p. 197, gives this cliaracter of him,— "That he was a prmce of so ninch cle- 
 mency and benicnily, that he did never put to death any of his nobles, or so much as any one citizen of Alex- 
 andria, <1aring all hi"s reign." And although his brothe'r had many times provoked him by offi-nces, in the 
 highest degree deserving of death, yet he always pardoned liim, and treated him at no time otherwise than 
 with the aflection of a liind brother. 
 
 6 Polyb. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 197 Piodor Sic in Excerptis Valesii, p. 334—337. 
 
^72 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 to compensate for his detaining Cyprus from him; and hereby the war between 
 the two brothers was wholly ended, and never after again revived; the Romans 
 beino- ashamed, it seems, any more to oppose themselves against so generous a 
 clemency: for there is no more mention from this time of their any farther in- 
 terposal in this matter. 
 
 Philometor, having thus finished the Cyprian war against his brother, left the 
 command of that island, on his return to Alexandria, to Archias, one of the 
 chief of his confidants. But he was deceived in the man: for he had not been 
 long in this trust, ere he agreed with Demetrius,' king of Syria, for five hundred 
 talents, to betray the island to him. But discovery being made hereof, he 
 hanged himself, to avoid the punishment which that treachery deserved. He 
 had formerly with great fidelity adhered to his master, when he was driven out 
 of his kingdom, and accompanied him to Rome,^ when he went thither for help 
 in his distress. But though his fidelity was of proof in that case, it was not so 
 in this other: for, being a greedy man, he could not hold out against money; and 
 therefore sold himself for the sum I have mentioned, and perished in the bargain. 
 
 An. 154. Jmudhan 7.] — Demetrius, giving himself wholly up to luxury and 
 ease, lived at this time a very odd and slothful life. For, having built him a 
 castle near Antioch,^ and strongly fortified it with four towers, he there shut 
 himself up, and, casting off all care of the public, devoted himself wholly to his 
 ease and his pleasures; the chief of which last was drinking, which he indulged 
 to that excess, that he was usually drunk for the major part of every day that he 
 there lived.^ Whereby it came to pass, that no petitions being admitted, no 
 grievances redressed, nor any justice duly administered, the whole business of 
 <the government was at a stand; which justly giving disgust to all his subjects, 
 they entered into a conspiracy for the deposing of him. And Holophernes, then 
 living at Antioch, joined with them in it against his benefactor,* hoping, on the 
 success thereof, to ascend his throne, and there reign in his stead. Of which 
 discovery being made, Holophernes was thereon clapped up in prison. For 
 Demetrius thought fit not to put him to death, that he might still have him in 
 reserve to let loose upon Ariarathes, as future occasions should require. How- 
 •ever, notwithstanding this detection, the conspiracy still went on. For Ptolemy, 
 teing disgusted by Demetrius's late attempt upon Cyprus, and Attalus and 
 Ariarathes being alike provoked by the wars which he had made upon them on 
 the behalf of Holophernes, they all three joined together for the encouraging of 
 the conspirators against him, and employed Heraclides to suborn one to take on 
 him the pretence of being son to Antiochus Epiphanes, and under that title to 
 claim the crown of Syria. This Heraclides was, as I have before related," a 
 great favourite of Antiochus Epiphanes, and his treasurer in the province of 
 Babylon, while Timarchus his brother, another like favourite of that king's, was 
 governor of it. But, on the coming of Demetrius to the crown, these two bro- 
 thers being found to have been guilty of great misdemeanours, Timarchus was 
 put lo death; but Heraclides, makmg his escape out of the kingdom, took up his 
 residence at Rhodes; where, being put on work to form this plot,^ and having 
 accordingly found out, in that place, a youth of very mean and obscure condi- 
 tion, called Balas, that was every way fit for the purpose, he dressed him up, 
 and throughly instructed him for the acting of his part in it. 
 
 Jin. 153. Jonathan 8.] — And when he had thus exactly formed him for the 
 imposture, he first procured him to be owned by the three kings above men- 
 tioned, and then carried him to Rome, ^taking along with him Laodice, who was 
 truly the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes, thereby to give the better colour to 
 the fraud; and, on his arrival thither, by his craft and sedulous solicitation, gained 
 
 1 Polyh. in Exccrptis Valesii, p. 170. ' 2 Diodor. Sic. in E.vcerptis Valesii, p. 322. 
 
 3 Joseph. Aiitiq. lib. 13. c. 3. 4 Athen. lib. 10. p. 440. 5 Justin, lib. 35. c. 1. 
 
 G Part 2, bonk 3, under the year 175, and book 4, under the year 162. 
 
 7 That Halaa was of Rhodes, is said by Sulpitins Severus, lib. 2.'c. 22. That he was an impostor, is said by 
 all. Vide Liviicpitomen, lib, 53. Appian. in Syriacis. Athenaeum, lib. 5. p. 211. Polyb. Legat. 140. p. 9ti8. 
 et Justin. Ub. 35. c. 1. 8 Polyb. Legat. 138. p. 966, 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. I73 
 
 him to be owned there also; and procured from the senate a decree in his be- 
 half/ not only to 2:)ermit him to return into Syria, for the recovery of that king- 
 dom,, but likewise to have their assistance in order to it. For the senators, 
 though they plainly enough discerned all to be fiction and imposture that was 
 alleged on the behalf of Balas, yet, out of disgust to Demetrius, they struck in 
 with it, and made this decree in favour of the impostor; by virtue whereof he 
 raised forces, and with them sailing to Ptolemais in Palestine,* seized that city; 
 and there, by the name of Alexa,nder, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, took 
 upon him to be king of Syria; and great numbers, out of their disaflection to 
 Demetrius, flocked thither to him. 
 
 This brought Demetrius out of his castle, to provide for his defence; in order 
 whereto,^ he got all the forces together that he could, and Alexander armed as 
 fast on his part: and the assistance of Jonathan being like to carry great weight 
 with it to that side he should declare for, both courted his friendship. And first,'' 
 a letter was WTote to him from Demetrius, constituting him the king's general in 
 Judea, and authorizing him to raise forces, and provide them with arms to come 
 to his assistance; and commanding that the hostages, which were in the for- 
 tress at Jerusalem, should be delivered to him. Jonathan, on the receiving of 
 this letter, went up to Jerusalem, and caused it there to be read in the hearing 
 of those in the fortress, and then, by virtue of it, demanded the hostages; which 
 they accordingly delivered to him. For, finding him invested with such authority 
 from the king, they were afraid, and durst not withstand him in this matter. And 
 therefore all the hostages which Bacchides had taken of the Jews, and shut up 
 in that fortress for the securing of the fidelity of their fathers and friends to the 
 Syrian interest, being restored to those from whom they w'ere taken, and the 
 restraint put upon them hereby again removed, great numbers flocked to Jona- 
 than, for the strengthening of him, whereby he grew to such power, that those 
 forces which Bacchides had placed in garrisons all over the country,* finding 
 themselves not strong enough to hold out against him, left their fortresses and 
 fled away; only Bethsura and the fortress at Jerusalem still held out. For the 
 garrison soldiers, in both these two places, being most of them apostate Jews; 
 they had no where else to fly to: and therefore, in this desperate case, had no- 
 thing else to depend upon, but, by standing out, to defend themselves to the ut- 
 most. Hereon Jonathan, settling at Jerusalem, began to repair the city, and new 
 fortify it on every side, and caused the wall round the mountain of the temple, 
 which had been pulled down by Antiochus Eupator, to be again rebuilt. 
 
 Alexander, hearing what Demetrius had done to gain Jonathan on his side,® 
 sent also his proposals to him; whereby he granted to him that he should be 
 high-priest of the Jews, and be Cdlled the king's friend;^ and he sent him a pur- 
 ple robe,* and a crown of gold, as ensigns of the great dignity which he thereby 
 invested him with (none but princes and nobles of the first rank being allowed 
 in those days to be clothed in purple.) Of which Demetrius having received 
 notice,^ resolved to outbid Alexander, for the gaining of so valuable an ally; 
 and therefore sent a second message to Jonathan, offering all that Alexander 
 did, with the addition of many other extraordinary grants and privileges, both 
 to him and all his people, in case he would declare for him, and come to his 
 assistance. But, it being remembered how bitter an enemy he had been to all 
 that adhered to the true Jewish interest, and how much ruin and oppression he 
 had brought upon that whole nation, they durst not confide in him; but looking 
 on all his offers to be only such as were extorted from him by the necessity of 
 his affairs, and which he w^ould all immediately contravene and revoke when- 
 
 1 Polyb. Legal. 140. p. 068. 2 1 Maccab. x. 1. Joseph. Antiq. lib, 13. e. 3. 3 1 Maccab. x. 2. 
 
 4 Ibid. 3—9. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 4. 5 1 Maccab. x. 10—14. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 4. 
 
 6 Ibid. 15-20. Ibid. c. 5. 
 
 7 Those that were the nobles under the Macedonian kings were called the king's frieiids, in like manner a3 
 with us all that are of the nobility are called the king's cousins. 
 
 8 To wear a purple robe among the Macedonians, was a mark of high nobility; and it was also the same 
 among other nations: hence purpurati sisnifies such as are noble. 
 
 9 1 Maccab. x.21— 47. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 5. 
 
174 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ever his fortunes should be again restored, they resolved rather to enter into a 
 leao-ue with Alexander. And therefore Jonathan,* accepting of his grant of the 
 hio-h-priests's office, and having also for it the consent of all the people, did on 
 the feast of tabernacles, which soon after ensued, put on the pontifical robe, and 
 then officiated as high-priest, after that office, from the death of Alcimus, had 
 been now vacant seven years. And from this time the office of high-priest of 
 the Jews became settled in the family of the Asmonseans, and continued in it 
 ■^or several descents, till the time of Herod,'' wno changed it from an office of 
 an inheritance to that of arbitrary' will and pleasure: for, from that time, those 
 that M'ere in power did put in and put out the high-priests as they thought fit, 
 till at length the office was extinguished in the destruction of the temple by the 
 Romans. From the time of the return from the Babylonish captivity, the office 
 of high-priest of the Jews had been in the family of Jozadack, and was trans- 
 mitted down in it, by lineal descent, to Onias, the third of the name that was 
 in that office; M'ho being outed of it by the fraud of Jason his brother, and he 
 again by the like fraud of Menelaus, another of those brothers, Alcimus was 
 next, after the death of Menelaus, put into this office by the command of the 
 king of Syria. Josephus tells us, that he was not of the pontifical family, by 
 which he means no more than that he was not of the descendants of Josadack, 
 though of the family of Aaron. For that he is said to be;^ and that was enough 
 to qualify him for the office, every descendant of Aaron being equally capable 
 of it. Whether the Asmonseans were of that race of Josadack or not, is not 
 any where said. Only this is certain, that they were of the course of Joarib,'' 
 which was the first class of the sons of Aaron.^ And therefore, on the failure 
 of the former pontifical family (which had then happened on the flight of Onias, 
 the son of Onias, into Egypt,) they had the best right next to succeed. And 
 with this right Jonathan took the office, when nominated to it by the king then 
 reigning in Syria, and also elected thereto by the general suffrage of aU the 
 people of the land. 
 
 An. 152. Jonaihan 9.]- — Both kings having with their armies taken the field, 
 Demetrius, who wanted neither courage nor understanding when out of his 
 drunken fits, in the first battle had the victory;" but he gained no advantage by 
 it: for Alexander, being speedily recruited by the three kings that first set him 
 up,'' and strongly supported by them, and having also the Romans and Jona- 
 than on his side, was enabled thereby still to maintain his cause. And the 
 Syrians continued, out of the aversion they had to Demetrius, still to make de- 
 sertions from him. Whereon Demetrius, fearing where all this might end," sent 
 his two sons, Demetrius and Antiochus (who both afterward reigned in Syria,) 
 to Cnidus, and there committed them, with a great treasure, to the care of a 
 friend of his which he had in that city, that so, in case the worst should happen 
 to him in this war, they might there be secured out of the reach of any fatal 
 stroke from it; and be reserved for such future turn of affairs as fortune should - 
 afterward offer in their favour. 
 
 An. 151. Jonathan 10.] — About this time there appeared another impostor, 
 one Andriscus of Adramyttium in Mysia,** a young man of as mean condition 
 in that place as Alexander had been at Rhodes; who, thinking to play the same 
 game for the kingdom of Macedon, that the other had for the kingdom of Sy- 
 ria, pretended to be son to King Perseus who last reigned in Macedon; and 
 taking on him the name of Philip, by virtue of this title claimed to reign in 
 that country; but finding his pretence at that time to be but little regarded 
 there, he applied himself to Demetrius at Antioch; hoping, that since the Ro- 
 mans had encouraged one imposture against him, he might the easier be induced 
 to encourage another against them. But Demetrius, seeing plainly through the 
 falseness of this pretence, caused him to be seized and sent to Rome. This he 
 
 1 1 Maccab. x. 21. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 5. 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 3. Euseb. Demonstrationes Evanjrelica, lib. 8. 3 1 Maccab. vii. 14 
 4 Ibid. ii. 1. 5 1 Chron. xxiv. 7. 6 Justin, lib. 35 c. J. 7 Ibid. 
 
 8 Livu Epit. lib. 52. Justin, ibid, c. 2 9 Epit. Li vii, lib. 48, 49. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. I75 
 
 did, either that he thought thereby to ingratiate himself with the Romans, 01 
 else rather that he would not countenance a fraud, which was the same with 
 that which he was then suffering under. But, on this impostor's being deliver- 
 ed at Rome, the Romans despising and neglecting him,' he made his escape 
 thence into Macedonia, where he kindled such a war as cost the Romans the 
 expense of a great deal of time, and also a great deal of blood and treasure 
 again to quench it. 
 
 An. 150. Jonathan 11.] — In the interim, the two contenders for the crown of 
 Syria, having drawn together all their forces,^ committed the determination of 
 their cause to a decisive battle. In the first onset Demetrius's left wing put the 
 opposite wing of the enemy to flight; but, pursuing them too far (a fault in wai 
 which hath lost many victories, and yet is still committed,) by the time they 
 came back, the right wing in which Demetrius fought in person was overborne, 
 and he slain in the rout. As long as he could face the enemy, he omitted 
 nothing either of valour or conduct for the obtaining of better success, but at 
 length, in the retreat, his horse having plunged him into a bog, they that pur- 
 sued him there shot at him Avith their arrows, till he died, after having reigned 
 in Syria twelve years. 
 
 Alexander, by this victory, having made himself master of the whole Syrian 
 empire,^ sent to Ptolemy king of Egypt, to desire that Cleopatra his daughter 
 might be given him in marriage; which Ptolemy consenting to, carried her to 
 Ptolemais, and there married her unto him. Jonathan being invited to the wed- 
 ding," went thither, and was received with great favour by both kings, especial- 
 ly by Alexander; who, to do him the greater honour, caused him to be clothed 
 in purple, and ordered him to be enrolled among the chief of his friends,* and 
 to take place near him among the first princes of his kingdom. And he con- 
 stituted him also general of his forces in Judea, and gave him the office of Me- 
 ridarches in his palace.**- And, whereas many that maligned him came to Ptole- 
 mais, there to prefer libels of accusation against him, Alexander would receive 
 none of them, but caused it to be proclaimed all over the city, that no one 
 should presume to speak evil of him; whereon all his enemies fled from thence, 
 and Jonathan returned with honour again into Judea. 
 
 An. 149. Jonathan 12.] — Onias, the son of Onias, who, on his being disap- 
 pointed of the high-priesthood on the death of his uncle Menelaus, fled into 
 Egypt (as hath been above related,) there so far ingratiated himself with King 
 Ptolemy Philometor and Cleopatra his queen, that he gained the chief of their 
 confidence in all their affairs:^ for he was a great soldier and a great politician; 
 and thereby became advanced to the highest post both in the army and in tlie 
 court; and having, by the strength- of his interest, introduced another Jew, 
 called Dositheus, into the like favour, they two had the chief management of 
 the government, during the latter end of Philometor's reign. And Onias hav- 
 ing this power and interest with the king, made use of it at this time to obtain 
 from him license to build a temple for the Jews in Egypt,* hke that at Jerusa- 
 lem, with a grant from him and his decendants to be always high-priests in it. 
 For the obtaining of the king's consent hereto, he set forth to him, that the 
 building of such a temple for the Jews in Egypt, would be for the interest of 
 his crown; that Jerusalem being within the territories of the king of Syria, the 
 
 1 Epit. Livii, lib. 49, 50. L. Florus, lib. 2. c. 4. Eutropius, lib. 4. Velleius, Paterciil. lib. I. 
 
 2 1 Maccab. x. 48—50. Justin, lib. 35. c. 1. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 5. Appian. in Syriacis. Pol)b. lib. 
 3. p. 161. 
 
 3 1 Maccab. x. 51—58. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 7. 4 1 Maccab. x. 50-66. 
 
 5 Of the nobles of his kingdom: for, under the Macedonians, the nobles had the style of the king's friends. 
 
 6 Chief sewer, which is an office one of the electors bear in the German empire. Grotius thus explains 
 the word in his Comment on the Maccabees, 1 Maccab. x. 65. xi. 27. 3 Maccab. p. 796. But, in his Comment 
 on Matthew xix. 28, he expounds it rather to denote the governor of a tribe or province; and, if it be so 
 taken here, and be understood to mean, that Jonathan was rather made governor of some part of the Syrian 
 empire, than governor and orderer of the parts and dishes of the feast at the royal table, jierchance this in- 
 terpretation may reach the truth nearer than the other. 
 
 7 Josephus contra Apionem, lib. 2. 
 
 8 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 6. et lib. 20. c. 8. et de Belle Judaico, lib. 7. c. 30. 
 
176 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ffoino- of the Egyptian Jews thither annually to worship might give occasion 
 for the seducino- of them to the Syrian interest, that therefore it ought to be pre- 
 vented; and that the building for them a temple in Egypt would not only most 
 efFectually do this, but also draw many other Jews tTiither from Judea, and 
 other parts, for the better peopling and strengthening of his kingdom. But his 
 greatest ditficulty was to reconcile the Jews to this new invention, their con- 
 stant notion having hitherto been, that Jerusalem only was the place which God 
 had chosen for his worship, and that it was sin to sacrifice to him upon any altar 
 elsewhere. To satisfy them as to this, he produced to them the prophecy of 
 Isaiah, where it is said, "In that day shall five cities in the land of Egypt speak 
 the language of Canaan, and swear to the Lord of hosts: one shall be called the 
 city of destruction. In that day shall there be an altar to the Lord, in the 
 midst of the land of Egypt, and a pillar at the border thereof to the Lord."* 
 And, having interpreted this place of holy scripture (which was truly meant 
 only of the future state of the gospel in that country,) as if it respected the 
 then present times, he prevailed with all of his nation in Egypt to understand 
 it so too, and thus served his purpose by it. And therefore, having thus gained 
 the king, and also the Jews that were in Egypt, to approve of his project, he 
 immediately set about the building.^ The place which he chose for it was a 
 plot of ground within the nomos or prefecture of Heliopolis, at the distance of 
 twenty-four miles from Memphis, where had formerly stood an old temple of 
 Bubastis (which was another name of Isis, the great goddess of the Egyptians,) 
 but it was then wholly neglected and demolished; and therefore, having rid the 
 ground of its ruins and rubbish, he there built upon the same spot his new 
 Jewish temple. He made it exactly according to the pattern of that at Jeru- 
 salem, though -not altogether so high nor so sumptuous; and there he placed an 
 altar for burnt-offerings, an altar of incense, a shew-bread table, and all other 
 instruments and utensils necessary for the Jewish service in the same manner 
 as in the temple at Jerusalem, save only, that he had not there a golden can- 
 dlestick of seven branches in the holy place, as was in that other temple, but, 
 instead of it, had one great lamp hung there in its place by a golden chain from 
 the roof of the house. It is the opinion of a very learned man,^ that he was 
 led to the choice of the prefecture of Heliopolis, for the erecting of his temple 
 in it, by the same prophecy of Isaiah above recited, as then reading in the 
 Hebrew text, the word hachercs for the word hnhercs; as if, instead of nir haheres 
 yeamer lecRchaih, i. e. "one shall be called the city of destruction," as in our 
 English translation, the reading then was air hacheres yeamer lecechath, i. e. "one 
 shall be called the city of the sun," i. e. Heliopolis, for that name in Greek sig- 
 nifieth the city of the sun.* And so much must be said for this conceit, that, 
 in the Hebrew alphabet, the letter Ch and the letter H are so much alike, that 
 thev may by transcribers very easily be mistaken the one for the other, and 
 thereby a various reading be made in that place. And it is certain, that, in the 
 time of Jonathan Ben Uzziel, the Chaldee paraphraser of the prophets, who 
 lived not much above one hundred years after the erecting of this temple, there 
 was a doubt whether c/ie?-es or keres was the true reading in that place, though 
 there be no ke7-i cetib at it; and therefore, in paraphrasing of that text, he took 
 both in, and renders the place, "the city of the temple of the sxxn, which is to 
 be destroyed, shall be said to be one of them." For which interpretation 
 no other reason can be given, but that it being then uncertain which of 
 the two readings was the true one, he solved the difficulty by taking in 
 both. But the true reason why Onias built his temple in this place was, 
 he had the government of this nomos or prefecture under the king, and had 
 there given unto him a large territory, whereon he built a city, which from 
 
 I Isaiah xix. 18, 19. 2 Josephus, ibid. 
 
 3 Josephus Scalierer Animadversionibus ad Chronologica Eusebii, sub No. 1856. p. 144. 
 
 4 This last reading Jerome follows: for he renders the place, " civitas solis vocabitur una," i. «. one of 
 them shall be called the city of the sun. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 177 
 
 his name he called Onion,* and planted all that territory with Jews; and 
 therefore he could not find a place more to the advantage and convenience 
 either of himself or 'his people any where else for it. And, after he had 
 thus built his temple, he surrounded the area within which it stood with a 
 high brick wall, and placed priests and Levites to officiate in it; and from 
 that time the divine service Avas therein daily carried on in the same man- 
 ner and order as in the temple at Jerusalem, till, at length, after the de- 
 struction of Jerusalem and its temple, this temple also was first shut up,* 
 and afterward wholly demolished and destroyed, with the city of Onion, in 
 which it stood, by the command of Vespasian, the Roman emperor, about 
 two hundred and twenty-four years after it had been first built. 
 
 In favour of this temple of Onias, the Septuagint render the passage of Isaiah, 
 above mentioned, no;.,,- A,r:s« xA.,5>,o-iTx, n ;u<:j ?ro^i5, i.e. "one of the cities shall be 
 called Azedek," intimating thereby, as if the original were neither air hahares, 
 nor air hachei-es, but air hazzedek, i. e. " the city of righteousness;" which is a 
 plain corrupting of the text, to make it speak for the honour and approbation of 
 the temple of Onias, which was there built. From whence these two infer- 
 ences are plainly deducible: — 1st, That the Greek translation of the Hebrew 
 Scriptures, which we call the Septuagint, was made by the Jews of Egypt, who 
 worshipped God at the temple of Onias: and, 2dly, That this part of it which 
 gives us the version of Isaiah (and the same may be said as to the other pro- 
 phets,) was made after that temple was built; which agrees exactly with what I 
 have above written of the original of this version; that is, 1. That it was first 
 made for the use of the Hellenistical Jews of Alexandria. 2. That it was not 
 made all at the same time, but by parts, at different times, as they needed it for 
 the use of their synagogues. 3. That they needed it for that use as soon as there 
 Was a necessity for the reading of the scriptures, in the Greek language, in the 
 said synagogues. 4. That this necessity began as soon as the Greek became the 
 common language of the Jews in that place, and their own was worn out and 
 forgot among them; which happened about the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
 king of Egypt. 5. That, till the time of the Maccabees, the law only having 
 been read in their synagogues, till that time they needed none other of the 
 scriptures, but the law only, to have been translated for this use; and there- 
 fore, till then, no more of them than the law was put into the Greek language. 
 6. That when the Jews of Jerusalem, in the time of the Maccabees (that is, 
 of the three brothers, Judas, Jonathan, and Simon, whose history, under the 
 name of Maccabees, is written in the apocryphal scriptures,) had brought in 
 the prophets also to be read in their synagogues on the occasion I have above 
 mentioned; and the Jews of Alexandria, Egypt, Libya, and Cyrene, thought fit 
 to follow their example herein: this made it necessary for them to have the pro- 
 phets translated into Greek for this purpose; which being most certainly not 
 done till after the time of the Maccabees (for sooner we cannot suppose the 
 usage to have been propagated from Jerusalem, so far as into Egypt, and the 
 the thing there settled,) it must from hence follow, that it must not have been 
 done till after the building of Onias's temple also, that having been built in the 
 eleventh year of the government of Jonathan the second of those Maccabees, as 
 I have here placed it. 
 
 About this time, there arose a great sedition at Alexandria between the Jews 
 and the Samaritans of that city,^ the former holding Jerusalem, and the other 
 Mount Gerazim, to be the place Avhere, according to the law, God was to be 
 worshipped: they did run their contentions about this point so high, that at 
 length they came to open arms. Whereon, for the quelling of this disturbance, 
 
 1 When Antipatei- and Mitliiidates were marching with forces to the assistance of Julius Coesar in his 
 Alexandrian war, Josephus tells us (Antiq. lib. 14. c. 14,) that they were opposed in their passage by the 
 Egyptian Jews, who were ci tiji/ 'Gv.ou Kiyofuv^v %4ofxv xxroiiccuvT.s-, ». e. " inhabitants of the region, called 
 Iho region or territory of Onion," i. e. of the city Onion built by Onias, and so called by his name; wluchre» 
 ginn or country, the same Josephus tells us, Onias planted all over with Jews. 
 
 L' Joseph, de Dello Judaico. lib. 7. c. 30. 3 Joseph. Antiii. lib. 13. c. 6. 
 
 Vol. II.— 2^3 
 
178 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 a day was appointed for the hearing and determining of the dispute before King 
 Ptolemy and his council. The point in contest was, whether, by the law of 
 Moses, Jerusalem or Mount Gerizim was the place where God was to be wor- 
 shipped by Israel; and advocates were appointed on each side to argue and 
 plead the cause: wherein the Samaritans failing of that proof which they pre- 
 tended to, their advocates were put to death for making the contention; and so 
 the whole disorder ceased. 
 
 ^n. 148. Jonathan 13.] — Alexander Balas, having gotten into the possession 
 of the crown of Syria, by the means I have mentioned, thought now that he 
 had nothing else to do but to glut himself in the enjoyment of all those vicious 
 pleasures of luxury, idleness, and debauchery, which the plenty and power he 
 was then invested with could afford him. And therefore giving himself wholly 
 up to them,' and spending most of his time with lewd women, which he had in 
 a great number got about him, he took no care at all of the government, but left 
 it wholly to the administration of a favourite of his,^ called Ammonius, who, 
 managing himself in it with great insolence, tyranny, and cruelty, put to death 
 Queen Laodice, sister of Demetrius (who had been wife to Perseus king of 
 Macedon,) and Antigonus a son of his, that had been left behind when the other 
 two were sent to Cnidus, and all others of the royal family that he could get 
 into his power, thinking this the best means of securing to his master the pos- 
 session of the crown, which by fraud and imposture he had usurped from them; 
 whereby he soon made both Alexander and himself very odious to all the peo- 
 ple. Of which Demetrius, the son of Demetrius (who had by his father been 
 sent to Cnidus in the beginning of the late war, and was now grown up to years 
 of puberty,) having received notice, thought this a proper time for him to recover 
 his right; and therefore,^ having, by the means of Lasthenes his host, hired a 
 band of Cretans, landed with them in Cilicia, and there soon growing to a great 
 army took possession of all that country; whereby Alexander being roused up 
 from his sloth, was forced to leave his seraglio of concubines which he had got 
 about him, to look after his affairs; and therefore, having committed the govern- 
 ment of Antioch to Hierax,^ and Diodotus, who was also called Tryphon,^ he 
 took the field with as many forces as he could get together," and, hearing that 
 Apollonius, governor of Ccele-Syria and Phoenicia had declared for Demetrius, 
 he called in King Ptolemy, his father-in-law, to his assistance. 
 
 But the name of AppoUonius often occurring in the history of these times, 
 before we proceed farther herein, it is necessary to give an account who the 
 persons were that bore this name, that so this part of the history may be cleared 
 from that confusion and obscurity which otherwise it must lie under. For, 
 ApoUonius being a very common name among the Syro-Macedonians as well as 
 the Greeks, it was not always the same person whom we find mentioned by 
 this name in the occurrences of those times. The first that we meet with of 
 this name in the history of the Maccabees, is Apollonius the son of Thraseas,'' 
 who was governor of Ccele-Syria and Phoenicia under Seleucus Philopater, 
 when Heliodorus came to Jerusalem to rob the temple, and afterward, by his 
 authority in that province,^ supported Simon, the governor of the temple of Je- 
 rusalem, against Onias the high-priest. The same was also chief minister of 
 state to the said King Seleucus. But, on the coming of his brother Antiochus 
 Epiphanes to the crown after him, this Apollonius being some way obnoxious to 
 him, left Syria, and retired to Miletus." At the same time, while he resided at 
 Miletus, he had a son of the same name at Rome,'" there bred up and residing 
 with Demetrius, the son of Seleucus Philopater, who was then a hostage in that 
 place. This AppoUonius, being a prime favourite and confidant of Demetrius's, 
 was, on his recovering the crown of Syria, made governor of Ccele-Syria and 
 PhcEnicia, the same government which his father was in under Seleucus Philo- 
 
 l Livii Epitome, lib. 50 Athenajus, lib. 5. Justin, lib. 3.5. c. 2. 2 Joseph, lib. 13. c, 8. Livius, ibid. 
 
 3 1 Maccab. x. 67. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 8. Justin, lib. 35. c. 2. 
 
 4 Diodorus Siculus in Excerotis Valesii, p. 346. 5 J Maccab. xi. 39. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 9. 
 
 6 Joseph, ibid. c. 8. 7 2 Mac iii. 5. 8 Ibid. iv. 4. 'J Polyb. Legal. 114. p. 944, 945. 10 Ibid. 
 
•THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. I79 
 
 pater. And this I take to be the Apollonius, who being continued in the same 
 government by Alexander/ now revolted from him to embrace the interest of 
 Demetrius, the son of his old master. Another Apollonius is spoken of as fa*- 
 vourite and chief minister of Antiochus Epiphanes;^ but he, being said to be the 
 son of Menestheus, is sufficiently distinguished by that character from the other 
 two above mentioned. He went ambassador,^ from Antiochus first to Rome,' 
 and afterward to Ptolemy Philometor king of Egypt;* and him I take to be the 
 same who in the history of the Maccabees is said to be over the tribute,^ and 
 who, on Antiochus's return from his last expedition into Egypt, was sent with 
 a detachment of twenty-two thousand men to destroy Jerusalem, and build that 
 fortress or citadel on Mount Acra, which held the Jews there by the throat for 
 many years after. Besides these, there are two other ApoUonius's mentioned 
 in the history of the Maccabees; the first,® who being governor of Samaria in 
 the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, was slain in battle by Judas Maccabajus; 
 and the other called the son of Gennseus,^ who being governor of some toparchy 
 in Palestine under Antiochus Eupator, then signalized himself by being a great 
 enemy to the Jews. 
 
 Appollonius having embraced the party of Demetrius, as I have mentioned, 
 his first attempt was to reduce Jonathan, who held firm to the interest of Alexan- 
 der, according to the league which he had made with him. And therefore having 
 drawn together a great army,'' he encamped with it at Jamnia, and from thence 
 sent to Jonathan a proud braggadocio message, to challenge him to come to 
 battle with him; whereon Jonathan, marching out of Jerusalem with ten thou- 
 sand men, took Joppa, in the sight of Apollonius and his army; and after this, 
 joining battle with him, vanquished him in the open field, and pursued his bro' 
 ken forces to Azotus, and, having taken that town, set it on fire, and burnt it to 
 the ground, with the temple of Dagon that was in it, consuming all those with 
 it that fled thither to save themselves; so that there perished that day of the 
 enemy's force, what by the sword, and what by fire, about eight thousand men. 
 After this, treating other towns of the enemy in the country round after the 
 same manner, he returned to Jerusalem with their spoils. Whereon Alexander,® 
 hearing of this victory gained in his interest, sent to Jonathan a buckle of gold, 
 such as used only to be given those to wear who were of the royal family; and 
 he gave him also the city of Ecron, with the territory thereto belonging, and or- 
 dered him to be put in possession of it. 
 
 An. 147. Jonathan 14.] — About this time flourished Hipparchus of Nictea in 
 Bithynia,'" the most celebrated astronomer of all the ancients. He gave himself 
 up to this study for thirty-four years, making, through all that time, continual 
 observations of the positions and motions of the heavenly bodies, which are 
 still preserved in the works of Ptolemy the astronomer. These observations he 
 began in the year before Christ 162, and ended them Anno 128, soon after 
 which year we suppose he died. The Jews called him Abrachus," and his name 
 is of great renown among them, and that very deservedly: for Rabbi Samuel, 
 Rabbi Adda, and Rabbi Hillel, the authors of that form of the year Vvrhich they 
 now use, were mostly beholden to him for the observations and calculations by 
 which they made it. 
 
 An. 146. Jonathan 15.] — Ptolemy Philometor, having been called to the as- 
 sistance of his son-in-law, Alexander king of Syria, '^ marched into Palestine 
 with a great army for this purpose; and all the cities, as he passed, opening 
 their gates to him, as being ordered by Alexander so to do, he left of his sol- 
 diers in each of them to strengthen their garrisons. At Joppa Jonathan met 
 him," and although many complaints were made against him about the devasta- 
 tions made by him in those parts, after his late victory over Apollonius, yet he 
 
 1 1 Maccab. x. 69. 2 2 Maccab. iv. 21. 3 Livius, lib. 42. c. G. 4 2 Maccab. iv. 21. 
 
 .5 1 Maccab. i. 29. 2 Maccab. v. 24. 6 1 Maccab. iii. 10. Jost'pli. Aiitiq. lib. 12. c.7. 10. 
 
 7 2 Maccab. xii.2. 8 1 Maccab. x. 69—87. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 8. 9 1 Maccab. x. 88, 89. 
 
 10 Ptolemtei magna Syntaxis, lib. 3. c. 2. Plinius, lib. 2. c. 26. 11 David Ganz, sub. anno 3534. 
 
 12 1 Maccab. xi. 1—5." Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 8. 13 Ibid. 6,7. Ibid. 
 
IgQ CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 would take no notice of any of them, but Jonathan was received very kindly 
 by him, and marched on with him to Ptolemais. On Ptolemy's coming thither,* 
 discovery was made of snares that were laid for his life; for Ammonius,^ who 
 manao-ed all affairs under Alexander, fearing, that Ptolemy came with so great a 
 power, rather to serve his own interest, by seizing Syria to himself, than to suc- 
 cour Alexander, or else having received intelligence that this was really his in- 
 tent, formed a design of having him cut off on his coming to Ptolemais, which 
 Ptolemy having gotten fuU discovery of, marched forward to demand the traitor 
 to be delivered to him; and Jonathan attended on him as far as the River Eleu- 
 therus in Syria. From thence Ptolemy marched to Seleucia on the Orontes/ 
 where finding that Alexander would not deliver up Ammonius to him, he con- 
 cluded him to be a party to the treason; and therefore taking his daughter from 
 him, he gave her to Demetrius, and made a league with him, for the restoring 
 of him to his father's kingdom. Hereon the Antiochians,'* who bore great ha- 
 tred to Ammonius, thinking this a fit time for the executing of their resentments 
 upon him, rose in a tumult against him, and having slain him as he endeavoured 
 to escape in woman's clothes, declared against Alexander, and opened their 
 gates to Ptolemy, and would have made him their king;* but he declaring him- 
 self contented with his own dominions,^ instead of accepting this offer, recom- 
 mended to them the restoration of Demetrius, the true heir (which is a certain 
 proof he had no design upon Syria for himself, though this be said in the first 
 book of the Maccabees:)^ upon which recommendation, Demetrius being receiv- 
 ed into the city, was placed on the throne of his ancestors, and all the inhabi- 
 tants of Antioch declared for him. WhereOn Alexander, who was then in Ci- 
 licia, coming thence with all his forces,* wasted the country round Antioch with 
 fire and sword. This brought the two armies to a battle," in which Alexander 
 being vanquished, fled with only five hundred horse to Zabdiel, an Arabian 
 prince, with whom he had before intrusted his children. But he being there 
 slain by those he most confided in, his head was carried to Ptolemy, who was 
 much pleased with the sight of it; but his joy did not last long; for, having re- 
 ceived a dangerous wound in the battle,'" he died of it within a few days after. 
 And thus Alexander king of Syria, and Ptolemy Philometor king of Egypt, both 
 ended their lives together; the former having reigned five, and the other thirty- 
 five years. Demetrius succeeded in Syria, by virtue of this victory, from hence 
 called himself Nicator, i. e. the Conqueror. But the succession in Eg}^t was 
 not so easily determined. 
 
 This same year was rendered famous, not only by the death of these two 
 kings, but also by the destruction of two celebrated cities, Carthage and Corinth. 
 The former was destroyed by Scipio Africanus, junior," after a war of three 
 years, which was called the third Punic war. And the other was taken and 
 burnt by L. Mummius,'^ the Roman consul for this year. In the burning of this 
 city, all their brass being melted down, and running together with other metals, 
 this mixture made the ces Corinthiacum,^^ i. e. the famous Corinthian brass of 
 the ancients. 
 
 At this same year ended the famous history of Polybius, which he wrote in 
 forty books,''' beginning it from the beginning of the second Punic war, and 
 ending it at the end of the third. But of this great and celebrated Avork, now 
 only five books remain entire: of the rest we have only fragments and abstracts. 
 He was by birth of Megalopolis in Arcadia, and the son of Lycortas, the famous 
 supporter of the Achcen commonwealth in his time. This commonwealth, much 
 
 I IMaccab. 10. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 8. 2 Joseph, ibid. Livii, lib. 50. 
 
 3 IMaccab. xi. 8— 1-J. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c.'^. Livii Epit. lib. 5'J. 4 Ibid. 13. Ibid. 5 Ibid. 
 
 6 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 8. 7 1 Maccab. xi. 1. 8 Ibid. 15. Joseph.Antiq. lib. 13. c. 8. 
 
 9 Ibid. 15—17. Joseph, ibid. Diodor. Sic. in E.xcerptis Photii, cod. 214. 
 
 10 Ibid. 18. Joseph, ibid. Polyb. in E.xcerptis Valesii, p. 194. Epit. Livii, lib. 52. Strabo, lib. 16. p. 751. 
 
 II Livii Epit. lib. 51. L. Florus, lib. 2. c. 16. Appian. in Libycis. Valleius Palercul. lib. I. 
 
 12 Ibid. lib. 52. Ibid. Pausanias in Achaicia. Justin, lib. 34. c. 2. 
 
 13 Plinius, lib 34. c. 2. L. Floras, ibid. 
 
 14 Videas Vossium de Hist. Grscis, lib. 1. c. 19. et Casauboni Epislolana Dedicatoriam edit, suss Polybc 
 praBmlssam. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 181 
 
 resembling that of the Dutch, was made out of the confederacy of several states 
 and cities of Peloponnesus united together in one common league. Aratus first 
 made it considerable.' Philopcemen brought it to its highest perfection,' and 
 Lycortas as long as he lived, kept it up in the same state. And Polybius his 
 son, who was a person very eminent for all military and political knowledge, 
 would have continued to have done the same, but that he was overborne by the 
 Romans. For they becoming jealous, what this growing commonwealth might 
 at length come to, resolved to suppress it, in order whereto they forced from them a 
 thousand of their best men,^ and made them live in Italy in manner of hostages, 
 but chiefly with design that their commonwealth, being deprived of its principal 
 men might sink and come to nothing through want of them. Of these thousand 
 hostages, Polybius was one of the chiefest. While he was thus confined he 
 lived at Rome, and there made use of the leisure which that confinement af- 
 forded him to write this history. He had much of the favour and friendship 
 of Scipio Africanus, junior, to whom, by reason of his learning and wisdom, he 
 was very dear; and therefore, when he went into Africa in the third Punic war, 
 he carried Polybius with him, and it was chiefly owing to the assistance of his 
 •xjounsel and advice, that Scipio ended that war with success; and in that end of 
 it, Polybius ended his history, much grieving, that at the same time ended also 
 the Achzean commonwealth, in the destruction of Corinth, and the subjecting 
 thereon to the Roman yoke the rest of the cities and states of which that com- 
 monwealth did consist. He lived a long while after, Ibr he reached the eighty- 
 second year of his age.' 
 
 An. 145. Jonathan 16.] — Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, on the death of King 
 Philometor, her brother and husband, endeavoured to secure the succession for 
 her son which she had by him.* But he being then young, others set up for 
 Physcon king of Cyrene, the brother of the deceased, and sent ambassadors to 
 call him to Alexandria. This necessitating Cleopatra to provide for the defence 
 of herself and her son, Onias and Dositheus came to her with an army of Jews 
 for her assistance. But at that time Thermus, an ambassador from Rome, being 
 present at Alexandria, by his interposal matters were compromised, on the terms 
 that Physcon should take Cleopatra to wife, and breed up her son under his tui- 
 tion for the next succession, and reign in the interim. That the Egyptians were 
 thus delivered from a civil war, and the differences then among them on this 
 occasion all brought to a composure in this manner. Josephus tells us, was 
 wholly owing to the assistance, which Onias and Dositheus then brought to the 
 queen. However, the perfidy of Physcon made all this turn very little to the 
 service or content of Cleopatra. For, as soon as he had married her, and there- 
 by got possession of the crown, he murdered her son in her arms on the very 
 day of the nuptials, and thereby acted over again the same tragedy which Ptole- 
 my Ceraunus'^ had before on the marriage of his sister Arsinoe; and such inces- 
 tuous conjunctions well deserve such a curse to attend them. This king was 
 commonly called Physcon,*^ by reason of his great belly; but the name which 
 he affected to assume was Euergetes,^ i. e. the Benefactor: this the Alexandrians 
 turned into Kakergetes, i. e. the Malefactor, by reason of his great wickedness; 
 for he was the most wicked and most cruel,® and also the most vile and despica- 
 ble, of all the Ptolemies that reigned in Egypt. He began his reign with the 
 murder of his nephew, in the manner 1 have mentioned, and continued it with 
 the same cruelty and wickedness all his reign after, putting many others to 
 death, almost every day; some upon groundless suspicions, some for small faults, 
 and others for none at all, as the humour took him, and some again for no other 
 reason, but that, under the pretence of forfeiture, he might take all that they 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Arato et Philopocniene. 
 
 2 Pausanias in Achaicis et Aicadicis. Plutarch, in Catone Censore et alibi. 3 Lucianus in Macrobiis. 
 
 4 Justin, lib. 38. c. 8. Josephus contra Apionem, lib. 2. Valerius Maxinius, lib. 9. c. 1. 
 
 5 See above, part 2, bonk 1, under the year 280. 
 
 G Valerius Maximus, lib. 9. c. 1. Diodorus Siculus in Exccrptis Valesii, p. 351. 375. 
 
 7 Athenaeus, lib. 12. p. 549. et lib. 4. p. 184. 
 
 8 Ibid. Diodorus Siculus in Excerjitis Valesii, p. 351. 375. Justin. lib. 38. c. 8. 
 
jg2 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 had- and those were the most forward to call him to the crown were many of 
 them the first that suffered by him. 
 
 And thin<Ts went not much better in Syria. Demetrius/ being young and 
 inexperienced, committed the management of his affairs to Lasthenes, by whose 
 agency he hired those Cretan mercenaries that brought him to the crown; who, 
 beino- a wicked and rash man, did soon run himself into those maleadministra- 
 tions, that alienated from his master the affections of those who should have 
 supported him. And Demetrius himself, being naturally of an unhappy and 
 perverse disposition, did not mend the matter. The first false step he made, 
 was toward those soldiers which Ptolemy had placed in the maritime towns of 
 Phcenicia and Syria, for the strengthening of their garrisons, as he passed by them 
 toward Antioch, in his late expedition thither. These, if continued there, would 
 have been a great strength and support to him; but upon some suggestions, grow- 
 ing jealous of them, he sent orders to the other soldiers garrisoned with them* 
 to put them all to the sword: which being accordingly executed, this so disgusted 
 the rest of the Egyptian army that were in Syria, and had there placed him on 
 the throne, that they all left him, and returned again into Egypt. After this, he 
 proceeded to make a severe inquisition after those who had been against him or 
 his father in the late wars,^ and put them all to death, as he could get them into 
 his power. And then, thinking he had no more enemies to fear, he disbanded 
 the greatest part of his army,* reserving none other in his pay but his Cretans, 
 and some other mercenaries; whereby, he not only deprived himself of those 
 veterans who served his father, and would have been his chief support in the 
 throne, but made them also his bitterest enemies, by depriving them of the only 
 means which they had whereby to subsist: the mischief of which he severely 
 felt in the revolt and revolutions that after happened. 
 
 In the interim, Jonathan finding all quiet in Judea, set himself to besiege the 
 fortress which the heathens still held in Jerusalem,^ that, by expelling them 
 thence, he might remedy those mischiefs which the Jews there suffered from 
 them. And accordingly he beset the place, with an army and engines of war, 
 in order to take it: of which, complaint being made to Demetrius, he came to 
 Ptolemais, and there summoned Jonathan to him to give him an account of this 
 matter. Whereon, ordering the siege still to go on, he went to Ptolemais, taking 
 with him some of the priests and chief elders of the land, and also many rich 
 and vaJuable presents; by virtue of which, and his wise management, he so 
 mollified the king and ingratiated himself so far with him and his ministers, that 
 he not only rejected all accusations against him, but also honoured him with 
 many favours. For he confirmed him in the high-priest's office, admitted him 
 into a chief place among his friends, and, on his request, agreed to add to Judea 
 the three toparchies of Apherema, Lydda, and Ramatha, which formerly be- 
 longed to Samaria; and to free the whole land under his government of all man- 
 ner of taxes, tolls, and tributes, whatsoever, for three hundred talents, to be paid 
 in lieu of them, and then returned again to Antioch; where going on in the 
 same methods of cruelty," folly, and rashness, he daily alienated the people 
 more and more from him, till, at length, he made them all ready for a general 
 defection. 
 
 Which being observed by Diodotus, afterward called Tryphon, who formerly 
 had served Alexander as governor of Antioch in conjunction with Hierax, he 
 thought this a fit time for him to play a gaining game for his own interest," aim- 
 ing at nothing less than, by the advantage of these disorders, to put the crown 
 upon his own head. And therefore going into Arabia to Zabdiel,^ who had the 
 
 1 DiodonisSicuIus in Excerptis Valesii, p. 346. 2 I Maccab. xi. 18. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 8. 
 
 3 Diodorus Siculiis in Excerptis Valesii, p. 346—349. 4 1 Maccab. xi. 38. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 8. 
 
 5 Ibid. 20—47. Joseph, ibid. 6 jDstin. lib. 36. c. 1. 
 
 7 1 Maccab. xi. 39. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 9. Appian. in Syriacis. Epitome Livii, lib. 52. Stiabo, lib. 
 16. p. 752. 
 
 8 In the Greek original text of the first book of Maccab. xi. 39, this Zabdiel is called 'E^.^uxj.zcuai, from the 
 Arabic word almilcc, i.e. theking. The former was the name of liis person, the other of his office; for he was 
 Icing of that part of Arabia where he lived. In some Greek copies it is Si/ioo-xoum, as in Aldus's, the Al&^- 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 183 
 
 bringing up of Antiochus, the son of Alexander, laid before him the then state 
 of affairs in Syria, telling him, how all the people, and especially the soldiery, 
 were disaffected to Demetrius, and that thereby a favourable opportunity was 
 offered for recovering to Antiochus his father's kingdom. And therefore he de- 
 sired that the youth might be put into his hands, that he might prosecute this 
 advantage for him. For this scheme of treason was, first to claim the crown for 
 Antiochus, and, when he should have gotten it, by virtue of that claim, then to 
 make away that youth, and wear it himself; and so it afterward accordingly hap- 
 pened. But Zabdiel, either seeing through the design, or else disliking the pro- 
 ject, would not immediately yield to the proposal, which detained Tryphon there 
 many days farther to press and solicit the matter, till at length, either by the 
 force of his importunities, or the force of his presents, he brought over Zabdiel 
 to comply with him, and obtained from him what he desired. 
 
 In the mean while, Jonathan pressed hard on the siege of the fortress at Je- 
 rusalem; but finding no success in it,' he sent an embassy to Demetrius, to de- 
 sire of him the withdrawing of this garrison, which he could not expel. Deme- 
 trius, being then very much embarrassed by the tumults and seditions of the 
 Antiochans, whom he had provoked to the utmost aversion, both against him 
 and his government, promised Jonathan that he would do this and much more 
 for him, provided he would send him some forces for his assistance against the 
 present mutineers: whereon Jonathan immediately despatched away to him three 
 thousand men. On their arrival, Demetrius, confiding in the strength of this 
 recruit, would have disarmed the Antiochians, and therefore commanded them 
 all to bring in their arms: which they refusing to do, rose all in a tumult to the 
 number of one hundred and twenty thousand men, and beset the palace, with 
 intent to slay the tyrant. Hereon the Jews coming to his assistance, fell on 
 them with fire and sword, burning a great part of the city, and slaying of the 
 inhabitants about one hundred thousand persons. This brought the rest to pray 
 for peace; which being granted them, the tumult ceased; and the Jews, having 
 thus retaliated upon the Antiochans what they had formerly suffered from them 
 in Judah and Jerusalem, especially in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, re- 
 turned with vast spoils and great honour to their own country. 
 
 But Demetrius," still going on with his same methods of cruelty, tyranny, 
 and oppression, put many to death for the late sedition, confiscated the goods of 
 others, and drove great numbers into banishment. Whereon the whole king- 
 dom being every where filled with hatred and anger against him, they only 
 wanted an opportunity for their revenge for the executing of it upon him to the 
 utmost. And notwithstanding his promises to Jonathan, and the great obliga- 
 tions which he owed to him for his late assistance, his conduct toward him was 
 no better than to all the rest.^ For thinking now he should have no more need 
 of him, he broke the bargain he had made with him at Ptolemais, of freeing 
 him and his people from all taxes, tolls, and tribute, for three hundred talents, 
 to be paid him for the redemption of them; and, notwithstanding he had received 
 the money,"* demanded, that all the said taxes, tolls, and tribute, should be still 
 paid in the utmost rigour as formerly, and threatened him with M^ar unless this 
 were done; whereby he alienated the Jews as much from him as he had all others. 
 
 An. 144. Jonathan 17.] — While things were in this state, Tryphon,^ having 
 at length obtained of Zabdiel to have Antiochus the son of Alexander delivered 
 unto him, came with him into Syria, and there laid claim to the kingdom for 
 him: whereon all the soldiers whom Demetrius had disbanded, and multitudes 
 of others whom he had by his ill conduct made his enemies, flocked to the pre- 
 tender; and, having declared him king, marched under his banner against De- 
 
 andrian, and the Cnmplutensian; and, out of one of these copies the English version being made, hence 
 therein we read simalcue. But, in what copy soever Si,u:»xxcuxi is found, it is, by the error of transcribers, 
 for 'E>.,uxy.ouxi: for, it is certain, the latter only ran be the true reading. This the Syriac and Jerome's version 
 justify; and the word so written signifieth something, the other notliing. 
 
 1 1 Maccab. xi. 41—52. Jo.seph. lib. 13. c. 9. Diodor. Sic. in E.tc^rptis Valesii, p. 347, 348. 
 
 2 Diodor. Sic. in E.xcerptis Valesii, p. 347. 348. 3 1 Maccab. xi. 53. 4 Jospph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 9, 
 5 1 Maccab. xi. 54—56. Epitome Livii, lib. 52. Josephiis, ibid. Appianus in Syriacis. 
 
184 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 metrius; and, having vanquished him in battle, forced him into Seleucia, took 
 all his elephants, and made themselves masters of Antioch, and there placed 
 Antiochus upon the throne of the kings of Syria, giving him the name of Theos, 
 or the Divine. 
 
 And Jonathan, being provoked by the ill return Demetrius had made him for 
 his great services to him, accepted of the invitation which he had received from 
 the new king, of coming into his interest. For as soon as Antiochus had gained 
 Antioch, there was sent from him an embassy to Jonathan,' with letters written 
 in his name, whereby the high-priest's ofHce was confirmed to him, the grant 
 of the three toparchies renewed, and a fourth added to them; and he was al- 
 lowed to wear purple, and the golden buckle, and to have place among the chief 
 of the king's friends; and many other privileges and advantages were moreover 
 added. And Simon was made chief commander of all the king's forces, from 
 the Ladder of Tyre to the borders of Egypt," on condition that these two bro- 
 thers and the Jews would declare for him; which Jonathan readily consented to, 
 having just reason for it from the ill conduct of Demetrius toward him. Whereon 
 a commission^ was sent him to raise forces for the service of Antiochus through 
 all Coele-Syria and Palestine; by virtue whereof, having gotten together a great 
 army,'* he marched round the country, even as far as Damascus, to secure all in 
 those parts to the interest of Antiochus. For the diverting of Jonathan from 
 this purpose,^ the forces which Demetrius had in Ccele-Syria and Phoenicia drew 
 together, and invaded Galilee: whereon'^ Jonathan marched thither to oppose 
 them,^ leaving Simon to command in Judea. On his first coming into Galilee,* 
 being drawn into an ambush, he had like to have been overborne by the enemy; 
 and most of his forces falling into a panic fear, fled from him, excepting a very 
 few of the valiantest of them. But these few making a resolute stand, the rest 
 rallied, and, coming on again to the fight, won the victory. And Simon,^ in 
 the interim, laying siege to Bethsura, forced it to a surrender, and thereby ex- 
 pelled the heathen, who had long kept a garrison there, to the great annoyance 
 of all the country round it. 
 
 Jonathan, on his return into Judea, finding all things there in quiet,'" sent 
 ambassadors to the Romans to renew with them the league which they had 
 made with Judas; who, being introduced to the senate, were received with 
 honour, and dismissed with their full satisfaction. On their return from Rome, 
 their orders were, to address themselves to the Lacedemonians, and the other 
 allies of the Jews in those parts, for the like renewing of their leagues with 
 them; which they having accordingly done, they returned to Jerusalem, bring- 
 ing back with them full success in all the negotiations on which they were sent. 
 
 The captains of Demetrius's forces,'' whom Jonathan had lately vanquished 
 in Galilee, having, by new reinforcements, much increased their number and 
 strength, came the second time against him: whereon he marched out to meet 
 them as far as Amathis, in the utmost confines of Canaan, and there encamped 
 against them: where, being informed by his spies, that their intent was to storm 
 his camp the next night, he took care to be in full readiness to receive them; 
 which the enemy finding on their approach, they were so discouraged at the 
 disappointment, that, returning to their camp, and lighting fires in it to make it 
 believed that they were still there, they marched off in the night, and were got 
 so far by the time Jonathan found they were gone, that, though he immediately 
 on the discovery of it pursued after them, yet it was all in vain: for they had 
 passed tlie River Eleutherus, and were thereby got out of his reach before he 
 could come up thither. After this he led back his army against the Arabs, that 
 were of Demetrius's party, and, having smitten them, and taken their spoils,. 
 
 1 1 Maccab. xi. 57—59. Joseph, Antiq. lib. 13. c. 9. 
 
 2 The Ladder of Tyre is a mountain go called, lying on the sea-coast between Tyre and PtoTemais. 
 
 3 Josephus, ibid. 4 1 Maccab. xi. tiO— ii'2. Josephiis ibid. 5 1 Maccab. xi. 63. 
 
 6 Ibid. (54. Josnphus. ibid. 7 1 Maccab. et Josephus, ibid. 8 1 Macccab. xi. 67—74* 
 
 9 Ibid, r.5, 66. xiv. 7. 33. .Toseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 9. 
 
 10 1 Maccab. xii. 1—23, Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c, 9. n Ibid. 24—34. Josephus, ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 185 
 
 turned his course toward Damascus; and passing over the country thereabout, 
 made strict inquiry after all that were adversaries to the interest of Antiochus, 
 and suppressed them every where. And, while he was thus employed beyond 
 Jordan, Simon his brother was not idle in Judea: for marching thence into the 
 land of the Philistines, he made all there submit to him; and, having taken 
 Joppa, he placed a strong garrison in it. 
 
 After this, both brothers being returned to Jerusalem, they called the great 
 council of the nation together' to consult about the repairing and new fortifying 
 of Jerusalem, and other strong holds in Judea, so that they might be made tena- 
 ble against any enemy that should come against them. And it being then 
 agreed, that the walls of Jerusalem, where they were broken down or decayed, 
 should be repaired, and where too low should be built higher, and every thing 
 else done that was necessary thoroughly to fortify the place; all this was imme- 
 diately set about, and carried on with the utmost expedition. And at the same 
 time they built a wall or mount between the fortress and the rest of the city, 
 that the heathen who were in garrisons there might receive no relief of provi- 
 sion, or of any thing else that way; which soon reduced them to great distress^ 
 and very much forwarded that necessity, whereby at last they were forced ta 
 surrender the place. Jonathan took on himself the oversight of all these works 
 at Jerusalem; and while he was there thus employed, Simon went into* the 
 country, and did the same as to all the other fortresses and strong holds that 
 were in the land; and thereby the whole country became well fortified against 
 any enemy that should come to make war against it. 
 
 Tryphon, thinking his plot for the making away of Antiochus,^ and seizing- 
 the crown of Syria to himself, now ripe for execution in all other particulars, 
 save only that he foresaw Jonathan would never be brought to bear so great a 
 villany, resolved at any rate to take him out of the way; and therefore march- 
 ed with a great army toward Judea, in order to get him into his power, that 
 so he might put him to death. On his coming to Bethsan, there Jonathan 
 met him with forty thousand men. Tryphon, seeing him at the head of so great 
 an army, durst not openly attempt any thing against him; but endeavoured to 
 deceive him by flattering words, and a false appearance of friendship, pretend- 
 ing, that he came thither only to consult with him about their common interest, 
 and to put Ptolemais into his hands, which he intended wholly to resign to him; 
 and, having deceived him by these fair pretences, he persuaded him to send 
 away all his army, except three thousand men, two thousand of which he sent 
 into Galilee; and, with the other thousand, he went with Tryphon to Ptolemais, 
 expecting, according to the oath of that traitor, to have the place delivered to 
 him; but as soon as he and his company were got withm the walls, the gates 
 Avere shut upon them, and Jonathan was made a prisoner, and all his men were 
 put to the sword. And immediately forces were sent out to cut off the two 
 thousand also that were in Galilee; but they having notice of what had been 
 done to Jonathan and his men at Ptolemais, encouraged each other to stand to 
 their defence; and then, joining close together, put themselves in a posture re- 
 solutely to fight for their lives; which the enemy perceiving, durst not attack 
 them, but permitted them quietly to march off; and they all returned safe to 
 Jerusalem, where was great lamentation for what had happened to Jonathan. 
 For hereon all the heathens round about,' finding the Jews thus deprived of 
 their captain, were making ready to destroy them: and Tryphon, drawing 
 together all his forces for the same purpose, reckoned on this opportunity utterly 
 to cut off and extirpate the whole nation. Whereon the people being in great 
 fears,'' Simon went up to the temple, and there caUing the people together to 
 him, encouraged them to stand to their defence,^ and offered himself to fight 
 
 1 1 Maccab. xii. 35—33. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 9. 2 Ibid. 39—52. Ibid. 10. 3 Ibid. 53. 
 
 4 1 Maccab. .\iii. 1 — 11. Joseph. Aiiliq. lib. 13. c. 11. 
 
 5 The outer court of the temple, which was called the court of the Gentiles, was the place where the peo- 
 ple assembled on all occasions. It was called the court of the Gentiles, because so far as into this court the 
 Gentiles of what nation soever might come, but were not allowed to pass the Chel into the inner court, un- 
 Jess they were circumcised, and made thorough proselytes to the whole Jewish law, 
 
 Vol. II.— 21 
 
186 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 for them, as his father and brothers had done before him. Whereon their hearts 
 beino- ao-ain raised, and their drooping spirits revived, they unanimously made 
 choice of Simon to be their captain in the place of Jonathan; and, under his 
 conduct and direction, immediately set themselves hard at work for the finishing 
 of the fortifications at Jerusalem, which Jonathan had begun. And on Try- 
 phon's approach to invade the land, Simon' led forth a great army against him; 
 whereon Tryphon not daring to engage him in battle, sent to him a deceitful 
 message, telling him, that he had seized Jonathan only because he owed one 
 hundred talents to the king; that, in case he would send the money and Jona- 
 than's two sons to be hostages for their father's fidelity to the king, he would 
 set him again at liberty. Though Simon well saw all this fraud and deceit, yet 
 he complied, to avoid the ill report which otherwise might have been raised 
 against him, as if he had wilfully caused his brother's death by the refusal; and 
 therefore sent both the money and the young men. But the false traitor, ac- 
 cording as Simon foresaw, when he had received all that he demanded, would 
 do nothing of what he had promised, but still detained Jonathan in chains: and, 
 after having gotten together more forces, he came again to invade the land,^ 
 with intent utterly to destroy it. But Simon, coasting him wherever he march- 
 ed, opposed and baffled him in all his designs. At this time the heathen garri- 
 son in the fortress at Jerusalem, being much distressed by reason of the block- 
 ade laid at it, first by Jonathan, and now continued by Simon, pressed hard for 
 rehef; and Tryphon, having accordingly formed a design of sending rehef to 
 them, ordered out all his horse one night for the executing of it. But they had 
 not marched far, ere there fell so great a snow, as not only made their farther 
 proceeding on this enterprise impracticable, but also forced Tryphon and all his 
 army next day to decamp and begone, as being able no longer to bear abroad 
 in the field the severity of the season* On his retreat from thence to his winter- 
 quarters, coming to Bascama in the land of Gilead, he there put Jonathan to 
 death. And after that, thinking he had no one else to fear for the obstructing 
 of him in the ultimate execution of his designs,^ he caused Antiochus to be se- 
 cretly put to death, giving out that he died of the stone; and then, assuming 
 the crown, declared himself king of Syria in his stead. 
 
 An. 143. Simon 1.] — When Simon heard of his brother's death, and that they 
 had buried him at Bascama, he sent thither and fetched his bones from thence,'* 
 and buried them in the sepulchre of his father at Modin, over which he after- 
 ward erected a very famous monument, of a great height, all built of white 
 marble, curiously wrought and polished; near which he placed seven pyramids, 
 two for his father and mother, four for his four brothers, and the seventh for 
 himself, and then encompassed the whole with a stately portico supported by 
 marble pillars, each of a whole piece. All which was a very excellent work; 
 and being erected on an eminence, was seen far off at sea, and was taken notice 
 of as a remarkable sea-mark on that coast, whereby seafaring men who sailed 
 that way directed their course. Josephus tells us,'' that it was remaining entire 
 in his time, and then looked on as a curious and very excellent piece of archi- 
 tecture; and Eusebius also speaks of it as still in being in his time,^ which was 
 above two hundred years after the time of Josephus. 
 
 Tryphon, having usurped the crown of Syria, would gladly have himself ac- 
 knowledged king by the Romans,^ as thinking this would add great reputation 
 both to himself and his affairs; and therefore sent a splendid embassy to them, 
 with the present of a golden image of victory, to the value of ten thousand pieces 
 of gold, hoping to obtain, both for the sake of so valuable a gift, and the good 
 
 1 2 Maccab. xiii. 12—19. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 11. 2 1 Maccab. xiii. 20—21. 
 
 3 1 Maccab. xiii. 3], 32. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 12. Epit. Livii, lib. 55. Justin, lib. 36. c. 1. The 
 words of Jospphiis concerning the death of Antiochus are, That it was piven out c^c yjifiC^fAtva^ an-cSavJi, 
 
 . e. as if he died while under the hands of the chirurgeon for cure; for so the word xsipicc,"*' is used in 
 Hippocrates: and Livy telling us that his pretended disease was the stone, it may from hence be inferred, 
 iiat what was given out was, that he died under the hands of the chirurgeon cutting him for the stone. 
 
 4 1 Maccab. xiii. 25—30. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 11. 5 In Libello ^if tu.v ron-ixoiv 'Ovo;u«tojv. 
 .6 Diodor. Sic. Legal. 31. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 187 
 
 omen of victory which the image carried with it, to be owned by them as king 
 of Syria. But the Romans, cunningly eluding his expectations, received the 
 image, and ordered to be engraven on it the name of Antiochus, whom Tryphon 
 had lately murdered, as if he had been the donor of it. 
 
 But the ambassadors of Simon were there received with much more respect. 
 For as soon as Jonathan was dead, and Simon admitted to be his successor, both 
 in the high-priesthood and government of the land, he sent ambassadors to no- 
 tify it to the Romans and other allies. The Romans were very sorry at the death 
 of Jonathan;' but when they heard that Simon was in his place, this was well 
 pleasing to them. And therefore, when his ambassadors approached Rome, they 
 sent out to meet them,*' and received them with honour,^ and readily renewed 
 all their former leagues made with his predecessors; which being written in ta- 
 bles of brass, were carried to Jerusalem, and there read before all the people. 
 And the same ambassadors, on their return from Rome,** went also to the Lace- 
 demonians, and other allies of the Jews, and in the name of Simon renewed in 
 like manner all former leagues with them, and returned with authentic instru- 
 ments hereof to Jerusalem. 
 
 Sarpedon,^ one of Demetrius's captains, coming into Phoenicia with an army, 
 a battle happened between him and the forces which Tryphon had in those 
 parts. This battle was fought near the walls of Ptolemais, in which Sarpedon 
 being vanquished, he retreated into the inland country. But the Tryphonians, 
 on their return from the pursuit, marching back to Ptolemais, on the beach of 
 the sea, a sudden tide coming upon them, overwhelmed a great number of their 
 men, and then going back again with as sudden an ebb, as it had come on with 
 a flow, left the dead bodies on the strand, with a great quantity of fish mingled 
 with them; whereon, Sarpedon's men again returning, took up the fish, and, by 
 way of thanksgiving for them, and the destruction that had befallen the enemy, 
 offered sacrifices to Neptune before the very gates of Ptolemais, in the same 
 place where the battle had been before fought. 
 
 But while Demetrius's soldiers were thus fighting® for him in the field, he lay 
 idle at Laodicea, glutting himself with all the vile pleasures of luxury and lewd- 
 ness, without being made wiser by his calamities, or seeming at all to be sensi- 
 ble of them. However, Tryphon having given sufficient reason for the Jews ut- 
 terly to renounce him and his party, Simon' sent a crown of gold to Demetrius, 
 and ambassadors to treat with him about terms of peace and alliance; who having 
 obtained from that prince a grant of confirmation of the high-priesthood and prin- 
 cipality to Simon, and a release of all taxes, tolls, and tributes, with an oblivion 
 of all past acts of hostilit}^ on the condition of the Jews joining with him against 
 Tryphon, they returned to Jerusalem with letters under the royal signature, con- 
 taining the same; which being accepted of and confirmed by all the people of 
 the Jews, by virtue hereof Simon was made sovereign prince of the Jews, and 
 the land freed from all foreign yoke. And therefore the Jews from this time, 
 instead of dating their instruments and contracts by the years of the Syrian kings, 
 as they had hitherto done, thenceforth dated them by the years of Simon and 
 his successors. 
 
 Simon having thus obtained the independent sovereignty of the land,® made 
 a progress through it to see to and provide for its security, repairing the fortifica- 
 tions in those cities and places where they were decayed, and making new ones 
 in those where they were wanting, and this he especially did at Bethsura and 
 Joppa. The former he made a place of arms, and put a strong garrison in it;. 
 and the latter being the nearest maritime town to Jerusalem, though at the dis- 
 tance of forty miles from it,^ he made it the sea-port to that city, and all Judea, 
 it being the fittest place on all that coast for the carrying on of their trade through 
 it to all the isles and countries in the Mediterranean; and it served them for this 
 
 1 1 Maccab. liv. IS, 17. 2 Ibid. 40. Gr. =<^v,„T>i<rav. 3 1 Maccab. xiv. 18, 19. 4 Ibid. xiv. 20— 23^ 
 
 5 Strabn, lib. If-, p. 758. Athenaeus, lib. 8. p. 333. 6 Diodor. Sic. in E.xcerptis Valesii, p. 353. 
 
 7 1 Maccab. xiii. 34—42. xiv. 38—41. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. U. 8 Ibid. 33. xiv. 7. 33. 
 
 9 1 Maccab. xiv, 5. 34. 
 
108 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 purpose for many ages after, as it still doth the inhabitants of that country even 
 to this day, and it is there still known by the same name. 
 
 And whereas Gazara,' on the death of Jonathan had revolted, he laid siege to 
 the place; and having reduced it, he cast out all the heathens out of the city, and 
 planted it wholly with Jews; and having well fortified it, built a house there for 
 himself, wherein he might lodge when his affairs should call him to that place. 
 
 An. 142. Simon 2.] — The heathen in the fortress at Jerusalem since Jona- 
 than's building of the wall against them, which did cut them off from all 
 communication with the rest of the city, being much distressed for want of 
 provisions and ail other necessaries," were thereby at length brought to that 
 necessity as forced them to surrender the place and depart the land; whereon 
 Simon took possession of it, and thereby delivered Israel from a great griev- 
 ance, that garrison having been a terrible thorn in their side ever since Anti- 
 ochus Epiphanes first placed it there. And, that they might no more in like 
 manner be annoyed from that place, ^ Simon demolished not only the fortress, 
 but also the hill itself on which it stood; for it overtopping, and thereby com- 
 manding the mountain of the temple, if any other enemy should at any time 
 after seize that place, they might from thence cause them the same mischief. 
 And therefore, Simon having called the people together, and fully laid before 
 them what they had sufiered from that place, and what they might again suffer, 
 should it at any time after again fall into the hands of an enemy, proposed to 
 ■them the digging down of the mountain itself to the level of the mountain of 
 Ihe temple, that so there might not be left a possibility of any more annoying 
 the temple from that place; which they all readily consenting to, immediately 
 .did set about the work, and carried it on with great assiduity, all taking their 
 lurns in it, till at length, after three years' constant labour employed herein, 
 they fully finished all that was intended. And, while this was doing," Simon 
 new fortified the mountain of the temple, repairing the outer wall, and making 
 it stronger than it was before, and provided habitations within it, both for him- 
 iself and company; and there he afterward dwelt; and most likely his house 
 stood where the castle Antonia was afterward built. 
 
 Simon^ finding his son John, afterward called Hyrcanus, to be a valliant 
 man and very expert in all military affairs, he made him general of all the 
 forces of Judea, and sent him to live at Gazara, that being a border which most 
 wanted his presence; and Joppa being in the neighbourhood, perchance to be 
 nigh that place, for the supervising of those works that M^ere there carrying on 
 by his order, for the making of it a convenient sea-port for all Judea, might be 
 .another reason why he appointed him to have his residence in that place. 
 
 An. 141. Simon 3.] — Demetrius was at length roused up from his sloth, by 
 many messages out of the east inviting him thither: for the Parthians,'^ having 
 now overrun in a manner all the east, and subjugated to them all the countries 
 of Asia, from the River Indus to the Euphrates, those that were of the Mace- 
 donian race in those countries, not bearing this usurpation, nor that pride and 
 insolence with which those new masters ruled over them, earnestly invited 
 Demetrius by repeated embassies to come into those parts, promising him a 
 general revolt from the Parthians, and such assistance of forces against them as 
 should enable him absolutely to suppress those usurpers, and recover again all 
 the provinces of the east to his empire. With which hopes, Demetrius, being 
 
 1 1 Mac. xiii. 43 — 48. Here, in the Greek original, as well as our English version, it is Gaza (v. 43;) but, 
 beyond all doubt, it is here put for Gazara by the error of transcribers; for the taking ofGnzara is spoken of 
 among the good works of Simon, 1 Maccab. \iv. 7. 34; and also by Josephus, lib. J3. c. 11; but nothing is said 
 in eitlier of these histories of Simon's taking of Gaza. And Gazara is often mentioned in them, as in the 
 hands of Simnn, but Gaza never (except alone in this place.) This city of Gazara is the same with the an- 
 cient Gezer, so often mentioned in the scriptures of the Old Testament. And here, most likely, it was that 
 Simon built him a house (1 Maccab. xiii. 48,) and that this was the house wherein John his son dwelt, when 
 he sent him to reside at Gazara, and there command his forces in those parts. Strabo calls this city Gadaris, 
 and placeth it near Azotus (as the author of the first book of Maccabees doth, xiv. 34.) and saith of it, that 
 the Jews had taken possession of it, lib. 16. p. 759. 
 
 2 1 Maccab. xiii. 49—52. 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 11. 4 1 Maccab. .\iii. 52. 5 Ibid. 53. 
 
 6 Justin, lib. 3G. c. 1, et lib. 38. c. 9. 1 Mac. xiv. 1—3. Joseph. Antit]. lib. 13. c. 9. et 12. Orosius, lib. 5.c. 4. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 189 
 
 excited to undertake this expedition, marched over the Euphrates, leaving Try- 
 phon in possession of the greater part of Syria behind him: for he reckoned, 
 that, after he should have made himself master of the east, he should have such 
 an augmentation of power as would best enable him to suppress that rebel on 
 his return. As soon as he came eastward, the Elymaeans, the Persians, and the 
 Bactrians declared for him; and, by their assistance, he overthrew the Parthians 
 in many conflicts. But at last, under the show of a treaty of peace, being drawn 
 into a snare, he was taken prisoner, and all his army cut in pieces; and hereby 
 the Parthian empire became established with that greatness of power and firm- 
 ness of stability, as to make it last for several ages after to the terror of all 
 within their reach, even to the rivalling of the Romans themselves in the 
 strength of their arms, and the prowess and fame of their military exploits. 
 
 The king that reigned in Parthia at this time was Mithridates,' the son of 
 Priapatius, a very valiant and wise prince. How Arsaces first founded the king- 
 dom of the Parthians, and how Arsaces his son after settled and established it 
 by a treaty of peace wath Antiochus the Great, hath been already related.^ The 
 son and successor of the second Arsaces was Priapatius,^ called also Arsaces 
 (that being the family name of all the kings of this race.) He havmg reigned 
 fifteen years, left the crown, at his death, to Phrahates his eldest son;'' after 
 whose death succeeded this Mithridates his brother,^ the Parthian king, into 
 whose hands Demetrius fell. He w^as therefore, from Arsaces, the first founder 
 of that kingdom, the fourth in descent, and the fifth in succession of reigning, 
 and not the sixth, as Orosius saith.'' He having subdued the Medes, the Ely- 
 maeans, the Persians, and the Bactrians,* extended his dominions into India, 
 beyond the boundaries of Alexander's conquests; and, having vanquished De- 
 metrius finally secured Babylonia and Mesopotamia also to his empire;® so that 
 thenceforth he had Euphrates on the west, as well as the Ganges on the east, 
 for the limits of his empire. 
 
 After Mithridates had thus gotten Demetrius into his power, he carried him 
 round the revolted provinces,' and exposed him every where to their view, that 
 they, by seeing the prince whom they confided in reduced to this ignominious 
 and low condition, might be the easier brought to submit again to their former 
 yoke. But, when this show was over, he allowed him a maintenance suitable 
 to the state of a king, and sending him into Hyrcania to reside,^ gave him Rho- 
 daguna, one of his daughters, in marriage. However, he kept him still in cap- 
 tivity, though with as much freedom as was consistent with a captive state, and, 
 at his death, left him in this condition to Phrahates his son," who succeeded him 
 in the kmgdom. It is particularly related of Mithridates, that, having conquered 
 several nations,'" he gathered from every one of them whatsoever he found best 
 in their constitutions, and then, out of the whole collection, made a body of 
 most wholesome laws for the government of his empire. 
 
 In a general congregation of the priests and elders," and all the people of the 
 Jews assembled together at Jerusalem, it was agreed, by the unanimous consent 
 of all present, that the supreme government of the nation, as well as the high- 
 priesthood, should be conferred on Simon, and settled both upon him and his 
 posterity after him. This had before been personally settled on Simon by the 
 grant of Demetrius the Syrian king, and the same was now granted also by the 
 whole nation of the Jews, and the settlement made, not only on the person of 
 Simon, but upon him and his descendants for ever. And a public act or instru- 
 ment in writing was made hereof, wherein it being recited what good deeds Si- 
 mon and his family had done for the people of the Jews, they, in acknowledge- 
 ment hereof, constituted him their prince, as well as their high-priest, and 
 granted both dignities to him and his posterity after him; a copy of which act 
 
 1 Justin. lib. 41. c. 5, 6. Dioil. Sic. in Escerptis Valesii, p. 359, 3G0. 
 
 2 Part 2, book 2, under the year 208. 3 Justin. lib. 41. c. 5. 4 Lib. 5. c. 4. 
 
 5 Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 359, 360. Orosius, lib. 5. c. 4. 6 Orosius, ibid. Justin, lib. 41. C. 6, 
 7 Ibid. 36. c. 1. 8 Justin, ibid, et lib. 38. c. 9, 9 Ibid, et lib. 42. c. 1. 
 
 10 Diodor. Sic. in EscerpUs Valesii, p. 361. 11 I Maccab, .\iv.26— 49. 
 
190 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 they ordered to be engraven on tables of brass, and hung up in the sanctuary, 
 and laid up the original in the sacred archives belonging to the treasury of the 
 temple. And from that time Simon took on him the state, style, and authority 
 of prince, as well as high-priest of the Jews, and all pubhc acts thenceforth 
 went in his name. And after him both these dignities descended together to 
 his posterity, and continued among them thus united together for several de- 
 scents, they being at the same time sovereign pontiffs and sovereign princes of 
 the Jewish nation. This act bore date on the eighteenth day of the month Elul 
 (which was the sixth of their months,) in the 172d year of the era of the Se- 
 leucidae, and the third of Simon's pontificate. 
 
 At this time, the Jews tell us, Simeon Ben Shetach,' and Jehudah Ben Tab- 
 bai, were the rectors and chief teachers of the divinity school at Jerusalem; 
 the first of which, they say, was president, and the other vice-president of the 
 Sanhedrin. Of these several fables are told in the Talmud, which are not worth 
 troubling the reader with. 
 
 An. 110. Simon 4.] — Queen Cleopatra, on her husband's captivity in Parthia,* 
 shut up herself with her children in Seleucia, on the Orontes, and there many 
 of Tryphon's soldiers revolted to her. For, being naturally of a brutish and 
 cruel temper, he had artfully concealed this, under the cloak of affability and 
 good temper, as long as he was courting the favour of the people, for the carry- 
 ing on of his ambitious designs. But, when he was possessed of the crown, 
 and Demetrius made a prisoner in Parthia, he cast off all guard and restraint, 
 which till then he had put upon his inclinations, and let himself loose to his 
 own natural disposition, which being such as many about him could not bear, 
 this caused many desertions from him to Cleopatra. But still her party alone 
 was not strong enough to support her; and therefore, fearing lest the people of 
 Seleucia would rather give her up to Tiyphon than suffer a siege for her sake, 
 she sent to Antiochus Sidetes,^ the brother of Demetrius, to join his interest with 
 hers, offering him the crown and herself in marriage on this condition; for, 
 hearing of the marriage of Demetrius with Rhodaguna in Parthia, and being 
 greatly provoked thereby, she cast off all regard for him,* and resolved to seek 
 a new interest for her support, by disposing of herself in marriage elsewhere; 
 and, not seeing where she could do this more to her advantage than to the next 
 heir of the crown, she therefore sent for him, and made him her husband. 
 
 This Antiochus was second son to Demetrius Soter,* and, on the wars which 
 that prince had with Alexander Balas, was sent to Cnidus with his brother De- 
 metrius, the now captive king of Syria, to be there kept out of harm's way, as 
 hath been already related. He seems to have still continued in those parts after 
 his brother's recovering the crown. For he is said to have been at Rhodes 
 when Demetrius was taken prisoner;® and therefore, no doubt, in that place it 
 was that Cleopatra's message found him. For he having, on the receiving of 
 it, accepted the offer, and thereon taken upon him the style and title of king 
 of Syria,' he wrote a letter to Simon, dated from the Isles of the Sea, and most 
 likely this was from Rhodes, since he is said to have been there so lately be- 
 fore as at the time of the first news of his brother's captivity. 
 
 The substance of his letter to Simon was,** to complain of the unjust usurpa-. 
 tion of Tryphon, and to let him know that he was preparing to come into Syria, 
 to take vengeance of that usurper, and recover his father's kingdom; and there- 
 fore, to gain him over to his interest, makes him many grants, and promiseth 
 him many more, when he should be fully settled in the throne, as may be seen 
 in that letter, 1 Maccab. xv. 2 — 9. 
 
 Jin. 139. Simon 5.] — And accordingly, in the beginning of the next year,^ 
 he landed in Syria, with an army of mercenaries, whom he had hired in Greece, 
 Lesser Asia, and the Isles; and having married Cleopatra, joined her forces to 
 
 1 Juchasin Slialsheleth Haccabbala. Zemacli David. 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. J3. c. 12. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 12. Appian. in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 36. c. 1. 4 Appian. ibid. 
 
 5 Justin, ibid Appian. in Syriacii. 6 Appian. ibid. 7 1 Maceab. iv. 1. 
 
 8 Ibid. 2-9. 9 Ibid. 10. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 12. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 191 
 
 his own, and marched against Tryphon. Whereon most of the usurper's 
 forces,' now weary of his tyranny, went over from him to Antiochus, which 
 augmented his army to the number of one hundred and twenty thousand foot 
 and eight thousand horse. This being a power Tryphon could not keep the 
 field against, he retreated to Dora, a city near Ptolemais in Phoenicia, where, 
 being besieged by Antiochus, with all his forces, both by sea and land, and find- 
 ing the place not capable of holding out against so great a power, he made his 
 escape by sea to Orthosia, another maritime town in Phoenicia, from whence 
 flying to Apamia, his own native city, he was there taken and put to death. 
 And hereby an end being put to his usurpation, Antiochus became fully pos- 
 sessed of his father's throne, and sat in it nine years. He being much given 
 to hunting,- had the name Sidetes (z. e. the Hunter) given unto him, from zi- 
 dah, a word of that signification in the Syriac language. 
 
 Simon being instated in the sovereign command of Judea by the general 
 consent of all that nation, in the manner as above related, thought it would be 
 of great advantage to him, for his firmer establishment in it, to get himself ac- 
 knowledged what they had made him by the Romans, and to have all their 
 former leagues and alliances renewed with him, under the style and title which 
 he then bore of high-priest and prince of the Jews. And therefore he sent 
 another embassy to them for this purpose,^ with a present of a large shield of 
 gold, weighing one thousand mina?, which, according to the lowest computa- 
 tion of an Attic mina, amounted to the value of fifty thousand pounds of our 
 present sterling money. Both the present and embassy were very acceptable 
 to the senate; and therefore they not only renewed their league and alliance 
 with Simon and his people, in the manner he desired, but also ordered, that 
 Lucius Cornelius Piso, one of the consuls, should write letters to Ptolemy king 
 of Egypt, Attalus king of Pergamus, Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, Deme- 
 trius king of Syria, and Mithridates king of Parthia, and to all the cities and 
 states of Greece, Lesser Asia, and the isles that were in alliance with them, to 
 let them know that the Jews were their friends and allies, and that therefore 
 they should not attempt any thing to their damage, or protect any traitors or 
 fugitives of that nation against them, but should deliver up to Simon, the high- 
 priest and prince of the Jews, all such traitors and fugitives as should flee unto 
 them, whenever demanded by him. 
 
 The letters to the Syrian king were directed to Demetrius, though then a 
 prisoner in Parthia, because neither Tryphon nor Antiochus Sidetes, who were 
 then contending for the crown at the time when these letters were written, 
 were either of them acknowledged as king by the Romans. And therefore, 
 when these letters were brought into Syria, they were of no benefit to Simon 
 or the Jews; for Antiochus, having no regard to them, as not being written to 
 him, as soon as he had driven Tryphon out of the field, took the first opportu- 
 nity to quarrel with Simon. For although Simon* sent to Antiochus, while he 
 was besieging Tryphon at Dora, two thousand chosen men for his assistance, 
 with gold, and silver, and arms, and other instruments and engines of war, he 
 would not receive any of them, but, rescinding all that he had formerly granted 
 or promised, sent Athenobius, one of his friends, to him, to demand the resto- 
 ration of Gazara, Joppa, and the fortress of Jerusalem, with several other places 
 then held by Simon, which he claimed as belonging to the kingdom of Syria, 
 or else five hundred talents in lieu of them, and five hundred talents more for 
 the damages that were done by the Jews within the borders of his other do- 
 minions. On Athenobius's coming to Jerusalem with this message,' Simon's 
 answer was, that for Gazara and Joppa he was content to pay the king one hun- 
 dred talents; but as to all the rest, he told him, it was the inheritance of their 
 forefathers, which they had for a time been wrongfully deprived of, and that, 
 having now again gotten possession of it, they were resolved to keep it. This 
 
 1 1 Maccab. 13. 14. Josepli. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 12. Appianus in Syriacis. 2 Plutarch, in Problem. 
 
 3 IMaccab. .\iv. 24.XV. 25. 4 Ibid. xv. 26— 32. 1 Maccab. xv. 32— 36. 
 
192 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 answer very much angering Athenobius, he, without replying any thing thereto, 
 returned in "reat wrath to the king, and made report to him of what Simon had 
 said, and also of what he had seen of the pomp and grandeur in which he 
 lived. For, being now sovereign prince of the Jews, he was served in much 
 plate of gold and silver, had many attendants, and in all things else appeared 
 in the same manner of splendour and glory as other princes did. At all which 
 the king being very much offended, resolved on a war against him; and there- 
 fore,' having made Cendebseus, one of his nobles, captain and governor of the 
 sea-coasts of Palestine, he sent him with one part of his army to fight against 
 Simon, and, in the mean time, he, with the other, pursued after Tryphon, till 
 he had taken and slain him in the manner as I have mentioned 
 
 Cendebseus forthwith marched with his forces into the parts near Jamnia and 
 Joppa;^ and having there, according to the orders which he had received from 
 the king, fortified Kedron, he placed a strong party of his army in it, and from 
 thence began to make inroads upon the Jews, and to kill and plunder, and com- 
 mit all manner of hostihties in their land. Whereon John,^ the son of Simon, 
 who lived at Gazara in the neighbourhood, went from thence to Jerusalem to 
 acquaint his father of these particulars. By which Simon perceiving that the 
 intention of Antiochus was to make war upon him, got together an army of 
 twenty thousand foot, with a proportionable number of horse. And because he 
 himself being now broken v/ith age, could no more bear the fatigues of war, he 
 committed the command of them to Judas and John, his sons, and sent them 
 forth to fight the enemy. The first night after they took the field, they en- 
 camped at Modin, the original seat of their family, and from thence, the next 
 day after, marched out against Cendebsus. This soon brought it to a battle be- 
 tween them; in which Cendebseus being overthrown, lost two thousand of his 
 men, and the rest fled, part to Kedron and part to other strong holds near the 
 field of battle, and part to Azotus. Judas, being wounded in the fight, was 
 forced to stay behind. But John followed the pursuit till he came to Azotus, 
 and, having there taken their fortresses and towers of defence, burnt them with 
 fire. After this, the two brothers, having driven the Syrians out of those parts, 
 and settled all matters there in quiet, returned in triumph to Jerusalem. 
 
 An. 138. Simon 6.] — Ptolemy Physcon had now reigned in Egypt seven years, 
 during all which time we find nothing else recorded of him but his monstrous 
 vices and his detestable cruelties,^ scarce any other prince having been more 
 brutal in his lusts, or more barbarous and bloody in the government of his peo- 
 ple. And, besides, in all his other conduct, he appeared very despicable and 
 fooUsh, usually both doing and saying very childish and ridiculous things in 
 pubhc as well as in private: whereby he incurred, to a great degree, the con- 
 tempt, as well as the hatred and detestation of his people. And that he kept 
 the crown upon his head, under so general an odium and aversion of his sub- 
 jects, was wholly owing to Hierax his chief minister.^ He was by birth of 
 Antioch, and the same who, in the reign of Alexander Balas, had, in joint com- 
 mission with Diodotus (afterward called Tryphon,) the government of that city 
 committed to him. On the turn of affairs (hat afterward happened in Syria, he 
 retired into Egypt, and there falhng into the service of Ptolemy Physcon, be- 
 came the chief commander of his armies, and the chief manager of all his other 
 aflfairs; and being a very valiant and wise man, he, by taking care of well pay- 
 ing the soldiers, and balancing, by his good and wise ministration, and male- 
 administration of his master, and remedying and preventing as many of them 
 as he was able, had hitherto the success to keep all things quiet in that kingdom. 
 
 This year, as great a monster of cruelty began his reign at Pergarnus, Attains 
 Philometor,® the son of Eumenes, who succeeded Attains his uncle in that king- 
 dom. He being a minor at the death of his father, the tuition of him, with the 
 
 1 1 Maccah. 38, S'J. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 13. 2 Ibid. 40, 41. Ibid. 3 Ibid. xvi. 1—10. Ibid. 
 
 4 J'lstiii. lib. 38. c. 8. Diodorus Siculus, in Excerptis Valesii. p. 361. Athenaeus, lib. 4. p. 184. Valerius 
 Maxiinus, lib. 9. c. 1, 2. 
 
 5 Diodorus Siculus, ibid. 6 Strabo, lib. 13. p. 024. Justin, lib. 36. c. 4. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 193 
 
 crown, was left to Attains the uncle, who so faithfully discharged his trust, that 
 he not only carefully bred up the pupil, but, on his death, which happened this 
 year, left the crown to him,' passing by the children v.'hich he had of his own. 
 For he looked on the crown as left him by his brother, to be no more than a 
 depositum intrusted with him for his nephew; and therefore he accordingly re- 
 vstored it to him in the next succession, which is a procedure very rarely prac- 
 tised, where a crown is the thing in possession. Another instance of such a 
 restoration is scarce anywhere else to be found in history; princes being usually 
 no less solicitous to preserve their crowns to their posterity, than to themselves. 
 But this turned to the great plague and calamity of the whole kingdom; for this 
 .Attains Philometor, being more than half a madman, managed his government 
 accordingly in a very wild, irrational, and pernicious manner. For he had 
 scarce been warm in his throne,^ ere he stained it all over with the blood of his 
 nearest relations, and other the best friends of his family; putting to death most 
 of those who, with the greatest fidelity, had served his father and his uncle; 
 pretending against some of them, that they had by evil arts caused the death 
 of Stratonice his mother, who deceased an old woman; and against others, that 
 they caused, by the like evil arts, the death of Berenice, his wife, who died of 
 an incurable disease which she happened to fall inio. And others he put to 
 death upon vain and groundless suspicions, cutting off with them their wives 
 and children, and aU their whole famihes. These executions,^ he did by the 
 hands of his mercenaries, whom he had hired out of the most cruel and savage 
 of the barbarous nations, they only being fit instruments for such bloody and 
 abominable work. After he had thus, in a wild and mad fury, cut off the best 
 men in his kingdom, he withdrew from the public view,^ appearing no more 
 abroad among the people, nor was he any more seen at home, entertaining him- 
 self either in banquets, or public repasts, but putting on a sordid apparel, and 
 letting his beard grow to a great length, without trimming it, behaved himself 
 in the same manner as those used to do who were under arraignment for some 
 great crime, acting hereby as if he had acknowledged himself guilty of all the 
 villany he had done. 
 
 And, going on after this rate into other extravagances, he neglected all the 
 affairs of the government,^ and betook himself to his garden, there digging the 
 ground himself, and sowing it with all manner of poisonous and unwholesome 
 herbs, as well as with those that were wholesome, he infected the wholesome 
 with the juices of the poisonous, and then sent them as especial presents to his 
 friends. And thus he wore out in wild and cruel extravagances the remainder 
 of his reign; the best recommendation of which was, that it was very short; for 
 it ended after five years' time in his death, which then happened in the manner 
 as will be hereafter related in its proper place. 
 
 Jin. 137. Sijnon 7.] — Antiochus Sidetes, after having vanquished Tryphon, 
 and wholly broken and brought under all that were of his party, did next betake 
 himself to recover to the Syrian empire,*^ all such cities and places as had taken 
 the advantage of the late distractions that followed upon his father's death to re- 
 volt from it. And, having gained full success herein, he settled all things within 
 the kingdom of Syria again, upon the same bottom on which they were before 
 these distractions begun. 
 
 An. 136. Simon 8.] — But in Egypt all things went worse and worse. For, 
 whether it were that Hierax was dead,' or else, that the madness of the prince 
 overbore all the wisdom and prudence of the chief minister, we hear nothing 
 of him from this time, but his barbarous cruelties, and. monstrous mismanage- 
 ments, in all his conduct. Most of those who were the most forward to call him 
 
 1 Plutarchus in libro ^•-f *i>.xJ!>,qjtx; et in Apotheg. 
 
 2 Justin, ibid. Diodor. Sic. in Excerplis Valesii, p. 370. 3 Diodor. Sic. in E.^cerptis Valesii, p. 370. 
 
 4 Justin, lib. 36. c. 4. 
 
 5 Ibid. Plutarclms in Demetrio. where the Enghsh translator, taking hini very unskilfully to mend the 
 Greek original, hath put Ptolemy Philometor instead of Attalus Philometor. 
 
 6 Justin, lib. 3(). c. 1. 
 
 7 Athenipus tells us, that Physcon did put Hieras to death, lib. 6. p. 352, but the time of his death is not said. 
 
 Vol. II.— 25 
 
294 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 to the crown on his brother's decease/ and after that to support him in it, h« 
 causelessly put to death. Most of those who had the favour of Philometor his 
 brother or had been employed in his service, he either slew or drove into ban- 
 ishment; and, by his foreign mercenaries, whom he let loose to commit all man- 
 ner of murders and rapines as they pleased, he oppressed and terrified the Alex- 
 andrians to so great a degree, that most of them fled into other countries to 
 avoid his cruelty, and left their city in a manner desolate. That therefore he 
 mio-ht not reign over empty houses without inhabitants, he, by his proclama- 
 tions dispersed over the neighbouring countries, invited all strangers to come 
 thither to repeople the place. Whereon gi-eat multitudes flocking thither, he 
 gave them the habitations of those that were fled; and, admitting them to all the 
 rights, privileges, and immunities of the former citizens, he, by this means, 
 again replenished the city. 
 
 There being, among those that fled out of Egypt'- on this occasion, many 
 grammarians, philosophers, geometricians, physicians, musicians, and other 
 masters and professors of ingenious arts and sciences; this banishment of theirs 
 became the means of reviving learning again in Greece, Lesser Asia, and the 
 isles, and in all other places where they went. The wars which followed after 
 the death of Alexander, among those that succeeded him, had in a manner ex- 
 tinguished learning in all those parts; and it would have gone njgh to have been 
 utterly lost amidst the calamities of those times, but that it found a support un- 
 der tlie patronage of the Ptolemies at Alexandria. For the first Ptolemy having 
 there erected a museum or college, for the maintenance and encouragement of 
 learned men, and also a great library for their use) of both which I have already 
 spoken,) this drew most of the learned men of Greece thither. And, the second 
 and third Ptolemy having followed herein the same steps of their predecessor- 
 Alexandria became the place Avhere the liberal arts and sciences, and all other 
 parts of learning, were preserved, and flourished in those ages, when they were 
 almost dropped every where else; and most of its inhabitants were bred up in 
 the knowledge of some or other of them. And hereby it came to pass, that, 
 when they were driven into foreign parts, by the cruelty and oppression of the 
 wicked tyrant I have mentioned, being qualified to gain themselves a mainte- 
 nance by teaching, each in the places where they came, the particular profes- 
 sions they were skilled in, they accordingly betook themselves hereto, and 
 erected schools for this purpose, in all the countries above mentioned, through 
 which they were dispersed; and they being, by reason of their poverty, content 
 to teach for a small hire, this drew great numbers of scholars to them, and by 
 this means, all the several branches of learning became again revived in those 
 eastern parts, in the same manner as they were in these latter ages in the wes- 
 tern, after the taking of Constantinople by the Turks. For, till then, most of 
 the learning of the west was in school-divinity, and the canon law: and, although 
 the former of these was built more upon Aristotle than the holy scriptures, yet 
 they had nothing of Aristotle in those days, but in a translation at the third hand. 
 The Saracens had translated the works of that philosopher into Arabic, and 
 from thence those Christians of the Latin church, who learned philosophy from 
 the Saracens in Spain, translated them into Latin. And this was the only text 
 of that author, on which, during the reign of the schoolmen, all their comments 
 on him were made. And yet upon no better a foundation are some of those 
 decisions in divinity built, which the Romanists hold as infallible, than what 
 they have thus borrowed from a heathen philosopher, handed to them in a trans- 
 lation made by the disciples of Mahomet. But when Constantinople was taken 
 by Mahomet, the king of the Turks, in the year of our Lord 1453, and the 
 learned men who dwelt there, and in other parts of Greece, fearing the cruelty 
 and the barbarity of the Turks, fled into Italy, they brought thither with them 
 their books and their learning; and there, first under the patronage of the princes 
 of that country (especially of Lorenzo de Medicis, the first founder of the great- 
 
 1 Justin, lib. 38. c. 8- Atheneus, lib. 4. p. 184. '2 Athenseus, lib. 4. p. 184- 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 195 
 
 ness of his family,) propagated both. And this gave the rise to all that learning 
 in these western parts, which hath ever since grown and flourished in them. 
 
 At the same time that foreigners were flocking to Alexandria for the repeo- 
 pling of that city, there came thither Publius Scipio Africanus, junior, Spurius 
 Mummius, and L. Metellus, in an embassy from the Romans.' It was the usage 
 of that people, often to send out embassies to inspect the affairs of their allies, 
 and to make up and compose what differences they should find among them; 
 and for this pui-pose, this famous embassy, consisting of three of the most emi- 
 nent men of Rome, was at this time sent from thence. Their commission was 
 to pass through Egypt, Syria, Asia, and Greece, to see and observe how the 
 affairs of each kingdom and state in those countries stood, and to take an ac- 
 count how the leagues they had made with the Romans were kept and observ- 
 ed; and to set all things at rights, that they should find any where amiss among 
 them. And this trust they every where discharged so honourably and justly, 
 and so much to the benefit and advantage of those they were sent to, in regu- 
 lating their disorders, and adjusting all differences which they found among 
 them, that they were no sooner returned to Rome, but ambassadors followed 
 them from all places where they had been,^ to thank the senate for sending 
 such honourable persons to them, and for the great benefits they had received 
 from them. The first place which they came to in the discharge of their com- 
 mission being Alexandria in^ Egypt, they were there received by the king in 
 great state. But they made their entrance thither with so little, that Scipio,^ 
 who was then the greatest man in Rome, had no more than one friend, Panae- 
 tius the philosopher, and five servants in his retinue. And, although they were, 
 during their stay there, entertained with all the varieties of the most sumptuous 
 fare, yet they would touch nothing more of it than what was useful,'* in the 
 most temperate manner, for the necessary support of nature, despising all the 
 rest, as that which corrupted the mind as well as the body, and bred vicious 
 humours in both. Such was the moderation and temperance of the Romans at 
 this time, and hereby it was that they at length advanced their state to so great 
 a height: and in this height would they have still continued, could they still 
 have retained the same virtues. But, when their prosperity, and the great 
 wealth obtained thereby, became the occasion that they degenerated into luxury 
 and corruption of manners, they drew decay and ruin as, fast upon them as they 
 had before victory and prosperity, till at length they were undone by it. So 
 that the poet said justly of them. 
 
 ■ Sasvior armis 
 
 Luxuria incubuit, victumque ulciscitur orbem." 
 
 Jav. Sat. 6. ver. 29. 
 Luxury came on more cruel- than t)ur arms. 
 And did revenge the vanquished world with its charms. 
 
 When the ambassadors had taken a full view of Alexandria, and the state of 
 affairs in that city, they sailed up the Nile to see Memphis and other parts of 
 Egypt;' whereby having thoroughly informed themselves of the great number 
 of cities,^ and the vast multitude of inhabitants that were in that country, and 
 also of the strength of its situation, the fertility of its soil, and the many other 
 excellencies and advantages of it, they observed it to be a country that wanted 
 nothing for its being made a very potent and formidable kingdom, but a prince 
 of capacity and application sufficient to form it thereto. And therefore, no doubt, 
 it was to their great satisfaction that they found the present king thoroughly 
 destitute of every qualification that was necessary for such an undertaking. 
 For nothing could appear more despicable,' than he did to them in every inter- 
 
 1 Justin, lib. 38. c 8. Cicero, in Somnio Scipionis, c. 2. Athenaeus, lib. 6. p. 273. et lib. 12. p. 549. Vale- 
 rius Maximus. lib. 4. c. 3. s. 13. Diodor. Sic. Leeat. 32. 
 
 2 Diodor. Sic. Legat.32. 3 Athensus, lib. 6. p. 273. 4 Diod. Sic. Legal. 32. 5 Ibid. 
 
 6 Egypt, in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, had in it thirty- three thousand three hundred and tliirty-nine 
 cities. Theocrit. Idyl. 17. 
 
 7 Justin, lib.38. c,8. 
 
196 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 view they had with him. Of his cruelty, barbarity, luxury, and other vile afid 
 vicious dispositions which he was addicted to, I have in part already spoken, 
 and there will be occasions hereafter to give more instances of them. And the 
 deformities of his body were no less than those of his soul. For he was of a 
 most deformed countenance,' of a short stature, and such a monstrous and pro- 
 minent belly therewith, as no man was able to encompass with both his arms; 
 so that, by reason of this load of flesh, acquired by his luxury, he was so un- 
 wieldly, that he never stepped abroad without a staff to lean on. And over 
 this vile carcass he wore a garment so thin and transparent,'^ that there were 
 seen through it, not only all the deformities of his body, but also those parts 
 which it is one of the main ends of garments modestly to cover and conceal. 
 From this deformed monster the ambassadors passed over to Cyprus, and from 
 thence proceeded to execute their commission in all the other countries to 
 which they were sent. 
 
 An. 135. John Hyrcnnus 1.] — In the month of Shebat (which was in the lat- 
 ter end of the Jewish year, and in the beginning of the Julian,^) Simon, making 
 a progress through the cities of Judah, to take care for the well ordering of all 
 things in them, came to Jericho, having then two of his sons, Judas and Mat- 
 tathias, there in company with him, Ptolemy, the son of Abubus, who had mar- 
 ried one of his daughters, being governor of the place under him, invited him 
 to the castle which he had built in the neighbourhood, to partake of an enter- 
 tainment he had there provided for him. Simon and his sons, suspecting no 
 evil from so near a relation, accepted of the invitation, and went thither. But 
 the perfidious wretch, having laid a design for the usurping of the government 
 of Judea to himself, and concerted the matter with Antiochus Sidetes, king of 
 Syria, for the accomplishing of it, wickedly plotted the destruction of Simon 
 and his sons: and therefore, having hid men in the castle, where the entertain- 
 ment was made, when his guests had well drunk he brought forth these murder- 
 ers upon them, and assassinated them all three while they were sitting at his 
 banquet, and all those that attended upon them; and, thinking immediately 
 hereupon to make himself master of the whole land, sent a party to Gazara, 
 where John resided, to slay him also; and wrote letters to the commanders of 
 the army that had their station in those parts, to come over to him, proffering 
 them gold and silver, and other rewards, to draw them into his designs. But 
 John, having received notice of what had been done at Jericho, before this 
 party could reach Gazara, he was there provided for them; and therefore fell 
 on them, and cut them all off, as soon as they approached the place; and then, 
 hastening to Jerusalem, secured that city, and the mountain of the temple, 
 against those whom the traitor had sent to seize both. And, being thereupon 
 declared high-priest and prince of the Jews, in the place of his father Simon, 
 he took care every where to provide for the security of the country, and the 
 peace of all those that dwelt in it. Whereon Ptolemy, being defeated of all 
 those plots which he had laid for the compassing of his designs, had nothing^ 
 now left to do, but to send to Antiochus to come with an army for the accom- 
 plishing of them by open force; Avithout which being no longer able to support 
 himself against John in Judea he fled to Zeno, surnamed Cotyla, who was then 
 tyrant of Philadelphia, and there waited till Antiochus should arrive. What 
 became of him afterward is uncertain. For, although Antiochus came at his 
 call into Judea, and a bitter war thereon ensued, yet, after his flight to Zeno, 
 no more mention is made of him. Although the treason might be acceptable 
 enough to that king, because of the fair prospect that was given him, by the 
 advantage of it, again to recover Judea to his crown, yet he could not but abhor 
 such an execrable traitor, and perchance dealt with him according to what his 
 wickedness deserved. But here ending the history of the Maccabees, as con- 
 tained in the apocryphal books of scripture known by that name, I shall here 
 also end this fourth book of my present work. 
 
 i Athensus, lib, 12. p. 519. 2 Justin, lib. 38. c. 8. 3 1 Maccab. xvi, 14—22. Joseph. lib. 13. c. M. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 197 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 A71. 135. John Hyrcanus 1.] — Antiochus Sidetes, king of Syria,' having 
 received from Ptolemy, the son of Abubus, the account which he had sent him 
 of the death of Simon and his sons, made haste to take the advantage of it, for 
 the reducing of Judea again under the Syrian empire; and therefore forthwith 
 marched thitherward with a great army, and having overrun the country, and 
 driven Hyrcanus out of the field, shut him up and all his forces with him in 
 Jerusalem, and there besieged him with his whole army, divided into seven 
 camps, whereby he enclosed him all round; and, to do this the more effectually, 
 he caused two large and deep ditches to be drawn round the cit}'^, one of cir- 
 cumvallation, and the other of contravallation: so that, by reason hereof, none 
 could come out from the besieged to make their escape, or any get into them to 
 bring them relief And therefore, when Hyrcanus, to rid himself of unprofit- 
 able mouths, which consumed the stores of the besieged, without helping them 
 in the defence of the place, put all such as were useless for the wars out of the 
 city; they could not pass the ditch that enclosed them, but were pent up be- 
 tween that and the walls of the city, and were there forced to abide; till at 
 length Hyrcanus found it necessary, for the saving of them from perishing by 
 famine, to receive them in again. This siege continued till about the time of 
 the beginning of autumn; the besiegers all this while daily making their assaults, 
 and the besieged as valiantly defending themselves against them, always re- 
 pulsing the enemy, and often making sallies upon them, and, in these sallies, 
 sometimes burning their engines, and destroying their works; and thus it went 
 on till the time of the Jews' feast of tabernacles, which was always held in the 
 middle of the first autumnal moon. On the approach of that holy time, Hyr- 
 canus sent to Antiochus to pray a truce during the festival; which he not only 
 readily granted, but also sent beasts, and other things necessary for the sacrifices 
 then to be offered; which giving Hyrcanus an instance of the equity and be- 
 nignity, as well as of the piety of that prince, this encouraged him to send to 
 him again for terms of peace; which ' message being complied, with, a treaty 
 thereon commenced, in which Hyrcanus having yielded, that the besieged should 
 deliver up their arms, that Jerusalem should be dismantled, and that tribute 
 should be paid the king for Joppa, and the other towns held by the Jews out of 
 Judea, peace was made upon these terms. It was demanded also by Antiochus, 
 that the fortress at Jerusalem should be rebuilt, and a garrison again received 
 into it; but this Hyrcanus would not consent to, remembering the damage and 
 mischief which the Jews had received from the former garrison in that place; 
 but rather chose to pay the king five hundred talents to buy it off. Whereon 
 such of those terms as were capable of an immediate execution being accord- 
 ingly executed, and hostages given for the performance of the rest (one of 
 which was a brother of Hyrcanus,) the siege was raised, and peace again re- 
 stored to the whole land. This was done in the ninth month after the death 
 of Simon. 
 
 When Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus for peace,- he was brought almost to the 
 last extremity, through want of provisions, all the stores of the city being in a 
 manner spent and exhausted; which being well known in the camp of the be- 
 siegers, those that were about Antiochus pressed him hard to make use of this 
 opportunity for the destroying and utterly exitirpating the whole nation of the 
 Jews. They urged against them, that they had been driven out of Egypt as 
 an impious people, hated by God and man; that they treated all mankind be- 
 sides themselves as enemies, refusing communication with all excepting those 
 of their own sect, neither eating nor drinking, nor freely conversing with any 
 
 1 1 Maccab. xvi. 18. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 16. 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 16. Diodor. Sic. lib. 34. eclog. 1. p.901. et apud Photium in Bibliolh. cod. 24-1. 
 p. 1150. 
 
jgg CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 other nor worshipping any of the same gods with them, but using laws, cus- 
 toms ' and a relio-ion quite different from all other nations; and that therefore 
 thev 'deserved that all other nations should treat them Avith the same aversion 
 and hatred, and cut them all off and destroy them, as declared enemies to all 
 mankind. And Diodorus Siculus, as well as Josephus,' teU us, that it was 
 wholly owing to the generosity and clemency of Aniiochus, that the whole na- 
 tion of the Jews were not at this time totally cut off, and utterly destroyed, but 
 had peace granted unto them upon the terms above mentioned. 
 
 Of the tive hundred talents which, by the terms of this peace, were to be 
 paid to Antiochus, three hundred were laid down in present;^ for the payment 
 of the other two hundred, time was allowed. Josephus tells us,^ that Hyrcanus, 
 to find money for this and other occasions of the government, broke up the se- 
 pulchre of David, and took from thence three thousand talents; and the like 
 he afterward tells us of Herod, ^ as if he also had robbed the same sepulchre, 
 and taken great treasures from it: but both these stories are very improbable. 
 David had been now dead near nine hundred years; and what is told of this 
 matter, supposeth this treasure to have been buried up with him all this time; 
 it supposeth, that as often as the city of Jerusalem, the palace, and the temple 
 had, during the reigns of the kings of Judah, been plundered of all their wealth 
 and treasure by prevailing enemies (as they had often been;*) this dead stock 
 still remained safe from elII rifle or violation; it supposeth, that, as often as those 
 kings were forced to take aU the treasure that could be found in the house of 
 the Lord,^ as well as in their own, to relieve the exigencies of the state, they 
 never meddled with this treasure in David's grave, there uselessly buried with 
 the dead; it supposeth, that, when one of the worst of their kings plundered 
 the temple of its sacred vessels,*^ and cut them in pieces, to melt them down 
 into money for his common occasions; and when one of the best of them was 
 forced to cut off the gold with which the gates and pillars of the temple were 
 overlaid,' to buy off a destroying enemy, this useless treasure still continued 
 unmeddled with in both these cases: nay, farther, it supposeth, that, when Ne- 
 buchadnezzar* destroyed both the city and the temple of Jerusalem, and both 
 thereon lay in rubbish a great many years, this treasure in David's sepulchre 
 during all this time did under this rubbish lie secure and untouched: and also, 
 that when Antiochus Epiphanes destroyed this city," and robbed the temple of 
 all he could find in it, still David's sepulchre, and the treasure buried in it 
 (though while it was thus buried M^hoUy useless and unprofitable for the service 
 either of God or man,) still escaped all manner of violation as in all former 
 times, and was never touched nor meddled with till Hyrcanus laid his hands 
 upon it; all which suppositions seem utterly improbable, and beyond all belief. 
 What the manner of the sepulchres of David and the kings of his lineage was, 
 I have already described." They were vaults cut out of a marble rock, one 
 within another, where there was earth to bury up or cover any hidden treasure, 
 but whatsoever was there laid, must have lain open to the view of every one 
 that entered into them. If there were any foundation of truth in this matter 
 I can only resolve it into this, that several rich men who feared Herod's rapa- 
 city hid their treasures in those vaults, thinking that they would be there best 
 secured from it; and that this crafty tyrant, having gotten notice of it, seized 
 what was there deposited, as if it had been King David's treasure, and then 
 trumped up this story of Hyrcanus to screen himself from censure, by the 
 example of so good and great a man; but it is most likely, that both parts of 
 the story are a mere fiction, picked up by Josephus without any ground of truth, 
 as are also some other particulars in his history. 
 
 In this first year of Hyrcanus," Matthias Aphhas, a priest of the course of 
 
 1 Josf>ph. Antif). lib. 13. c. IG. 2 tbiil. 3 Ibid 
 
 4 llvmKS.\iv. 25. 2 Kings xiv. 14. 2Chron. xii. 9. xxi. 17. xxv. 24. 
 
 ^ 4 k- in^J'v!.''-- Tr^'','^^^ ''"• I?-.. ~ ^'''■°"- ■*"• "• 6 2 Kiiiss xvi. 8. 17. 2 Cliron. xxviii. 21. 24. 
 
 u?P^XA i\ l:!'''^^- ,^l'"''-l^Y- 2Chron. xxxvi. Jer. xx.vi.x. lii. 9 1 Maccab. i. 2 Maccab. v. 
 
 iO Part 1, book I. n Joseph, in libro de Vita sua. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. I99 
 
 Joarib, married a daughter of Jonathan, the late prince of the Jews, of whom 
 was born Matthias Curtis; of this Matthias was born Josephus, who was the 
 father of another Matthias, of whom was born Josephus the historian, in the 
 first year of Cahgula, the Roman emperor, which was the 37th of the vulgar 
 era from Christ's incarnation. 
 
 An. 134. John Hyrcanus 2.] — Scipio Africanus, junior, going to the war of 
 Numantium in Spain, Antiochus Sidetes^ sent thither to him very valuable and 
 magnificent presents; which he received publickly while he was sitting on his 
 tribunal, in the sight of the whole army, and ordered them to be delivered into 
 the hands of the questor,^ for the public charges of the war, it being the tem- 
 per of the Romans at this time to do and receive all they could for the interest 
 of the commonwealth, without taking or reserving any thing to themselves, but 
 the honour of faithfully serving it to the utmost of their power; and as long as 
 this temper lasted, they prospered in all their undertakings; but afterward, 
 when this public spirit became turned all into self-interest, and none served the 
 public, but to serve themselves by plundering it, every thing then went back- 
 ward with them as fast as it had gone forward with them before, till they were 
 soon after swallowed up, first in tyranny, and afterward in ruin. 
 
 Jin. 133. John Hyrcanus 3-] — Attalus, king of Pergamus, going on in his wild 
 freaks,^ took a fancy of employing himself in the trade of a founder, and pro- 
 jecting to make a brazen monument for his mother; while he laboured in melt- 
 ing and working the brass in a hot summer's day, he contracted a fever, of 
 which he died on the seventh day after: whereby his people had the happiness 
 of being delivered from a horrid tyrant. At his death he left a will, whereb}^ 
 he made the Romans heirs of all his goods;" by virtue whereof they seized his 
 kingdom, reckoning that among his goods, and reduced it into the form of a 
 province, which was calledthe Proper Asia;^ but Aristonicus the next heir did 
 not tamely submit hereto. He was the son of Eumenes, and the brother of 
 Attalus, though by another mother, by virtue whereof,® claimmg the crown as 
 his inheritance, he got together an army, and took possession of it; and it cost 
 the Romans the death of one of their consuls,^ the loss of an army with him, 
 and a four years' war, before they could reduce him and his party, and tho- 
 roughly settle themselves in the possession of the country. And here ended 
 the Pergamenian kingdom, which included tlie greatest part of Lesser Asia, 
 after it had continued through the succession of six kings. 
 
 An. 132. John Hyrcanus 4.] — In the thirty-eighth year of Ptolemy Euergetes 
 the Second,^ alias Physcon, Jesus, the son of Sirach, a Jew of Jerusalem, com- 
 ing into Egypt, and settling there, translated out of Hebrew into Greek, for the 
 use of the Hellenistical Jews, the book of Jesus his grandfather, which is the same 
 we now have among the apocryphal scriptures in our English Bible, by the 
 name of Ecclesiasticus. The ancients call it n^v^f-.Tov, that is, the treasure of all 
 virtue, as supposing it to contain maxims leading to every virtue. It was origi- 
 nally writtenin Hebrew, by Jesus the author of it, about the time that Onias, 
 the second of that name, was high-priest at Jerusalem, and translated into 
 Greek by Jesus, the son of Sirach, grandson to the author. The Hebrew origi- 
 
 1 Epit. Livii, lib. 57. 
 
 2 That is, of the treasury of the army; for every Roman general that went to any war, had alwayis such 
 a treasurer sent with him to manage the public charges of the war. 3 Justin, lib. 36. c. 4. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in Tiberio Graccho. Justin, ibid. Epit. Livii, lib. 58. L. Florns, lib. 2. c. 20. Videas etiain 
 Epistolam Mithridates Regis Ponti ad Arsacem Regein Parthis inter Fragmenta Salustii, lib. 4. in qua epis- 
 tola vocat hoc testamentum simulatnm et impinm testamentum. 
 
 5 The word Asia when put alone, unless otherwise determined by the context, signifieth one of the four 
 quarters of the world. That part of it which lies between Mount Taurus on the east, and the Hellespont 
 on the west, is called the Lesser Asia, and that part of the Lesser Asia which fell to the Romans by Attalus's 
 will, wa.s the Proper Asia. 
 
 6 Justin, lib. 3G. c. 4. L. Florus, lib. 2. c. 20. Plutarch, in Q., Flaminio. Strabo, lib. 14. Appian. in 
 Mithridaticis et de Bellis Civilibus, lib. \. Epit. Livii, lib. 59. Eutrop. lib, 4. 
 
 7 Lucinus Crassus was vanquished and slain in this war, and most of his army cut off with him. Florus 
 et Livius, ibid. 
 
 8 See the second prologue to the book of Ecclesiasticus: where it is to be observed, that the thirty-eighth 
 year of Ptolemy Euergetes II. there mentioned, is to be reckoned from the eleventh year of Philometor, 
 »rhen he was admitted to reign in co-partnership with hhn. 
 
OQo CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 nal is now lost. It was extant in the time of Jerome; for he tells us/ that he 
 had seen it under the title of The Parables, but the common name of it in Greek 
 was. The 'Wisdom of Jesus, the son of Sirach. At present, the title in our 
 printed Greek copies is, The Wisdom of Sirach, which is an abbreviation made 
 with o-reat absurdity. For it ascribes the book to Sirach, who was neither the 
 author nor the translator of it; and therefore could neither way have any relation 
 to it. There is, indeed, a controversy whether Sirach was the father of Jesus 
 the author of the book, or of Jesus the translator of it. Or rather, to reduce it 
 to other terms, whether he, that is called Jesus the son of Sirach, were Jesus, 
 that was the author of the book, or else Jesus his grandson, that was the trans- 
 lator of it. The matter not being of any great moment, I am content to be con- 
 cluded by the first prologue premised to the book in our English Bible, in which 
 it is plainly asserted, that Jesus, the author of the book, was the grandfathei', 
 Sirach the son, and Jesus, the translator, the grandson, and not the grandfather, 
 that was called Jesus the son of Sirach. And it seems most likely, that the 
 conclusion of the book, chap. 1. ver. 27 — 29, are the words of the translator, 
 and so also the prayer in the last chapter. For what is there said by the writer 
 of it, of the danger he was brought into of his life before the king on an un- 
 just accusation,'* seems plainly to point to the reign of Ptolemy Phy scon, whose 
 cruelty inclined him to bring any one, and on the slightest occasion, into dan- 
 ger of his life, that came vmder his power; which could not be the case of the 
 grandfather, who lived at Jerusalem three ages before, when there was no such 
 tyranny in that place. I have above made mention of the first preface fixed 
 before this book, in the English version; this implies, that there was a second. 
 This second preface was written by Jesus the grandson of the author, who trans- 
 lated the book into the Greek language. Who was the composer of the first is 
 not known. It is taken out of the book entitled Synopsis Sacrae Scripture, which 
 is ascribed to Athanasius: and, if it be not his (as it is by many held that it is 
 not,) yet it is most certainly a book of ancient composure, and as far as it is, so 
 it carries authority with it, though the author be not certainly known. The 
 Latin version of this book of Ecclesiasticus hath more in it than the Greek, se- 
 veral particulars being inserted into it which are not in the other. These seem 
 to have been interpolated by the first author of that version; but now the He- 
 brew being lost, the Greek, which hath been made from it by the grandson of 
 the author, must stand for the original, and from that the English translation 
 hath been made. The Jews have now a book among them, which they call 
 the book of Ben Slra, i. e. the book of the son of Sira; and this book contain- 
 ing a collection of moral sayings, hence some would have it,^that this Ben 
 Sira, or son of Sira, was the same with Ben Sirach, or the son of Sirach, and 
 his book the same with Ecclesiasticus;^ but whosoever shall compare the books, 
 will find, that there is no foundation for this opinion, except only in the simili- 
 tude of the names of the authors of them. 
 
 Jin. 131. Jo/iJi Hyrcanus 5.] — Demetrius Nicator having been several years 
 detained as a prisoner in Hyrcania by the Parthians, Antiochus Sidetes his bro- 
 ther,^ under pretence of effecting, his deliverance, marched with a powerful 
 army into the east, against Phrahates the Parthian king. This army consisted 
 of above eighty thousand men, well appointed for the war. But the instruments 
 of luxury that accompanied them,® as sutlers, cooks, pastry-men, confectioners, 
 scullions, stage-players, musicians, whores, &c. were near four times their num- 
 ber, for they are said to have amounted to three hundred thousand persons;^ 
 neither was the practice of luxury less among them than the number of its 
 instruments,** and this at length caused the ruin of the whole army, and of the 
 
 \ In Pr;efationo ad Libros Solnmonis, et in Epist. 115. 2 Chap. li. ver. 6. 
 
 ;J ;']'?l'i's IJciiionstrat. Evang. prop. ■}. c. lie Ecclesiastico. 
 
 4 This book hath had several editions in print. See Biixtorf's Bibliotheca Eabbinica, p. 324 
 
 J Jiistin. hb.SH.c. 10. ti Ibid. Orosius, lib. 5. c. 10. Valerius Ma.\inius, lib. 9. c. 1. 7 Justin, ibid. 
 
 a Valerius Maxiiiius et Justin, ibid. Athensus, lib. 5. p. 210. lib. 10. p. 430. et lib. 12. p 540. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 201 
 
 king with it. However, at first Antiochus had full success; for he overthrew 
 Phrahates in three battles,' and recovered Babylonia and Media; and thereon 
 all the rest of those eastern countries, which had formerly been provinces of 
 the Syrian empire, revolted to him, excepting Parthia only; where Phrahates 
 was reduced within the narrow limits of the first Parthian kingdom. Hyrcanus, 
 prince of the Jews, accompanied Antiochus in this expedition;" and, having had 
 his part in all the victories that were obtained, returned with the glory of them 
 at the end of the year. 
 
 An. 130. John Hyrcanus 6.] — But the rest of the army wintered in the east, 
 and, by reason of the great numbers of them, and their attendants, as amount- 
 ing to near four hundred thousand persons, being forced to disperse all over the 
 country,^ and quarter at such a distance from each other, as not to be able 
 readily to gather together, and embody for their mutual defence on any occa- 
 sion that should require it; the inhabitants, whom they grievously oppressed in 
 all places where they lay, taking the advantage hereof to be revenged on them 
 for it, conspired with the Parthians all to fall upon them in one and the same 
 day, in their several quarters, and there cut all their throats, before they should 
 be able to come together to help each other; and this they accordingly executed. 
 Hereon Antiochus,* with the forces about him, hastening to help the quarters 
 that lay next to him, was overpowered and slain, and the rest of the army at 
 the same time were in all those places where they lay in quarters, in the same 
 manner fallen upon, and all cut in pieces, or made captives, so that there scarce 
 returned a man into Syria, of all this vast number, to carry tliither the doleful 
 news of this terrible overthrow. In the interim, Demetrius was returned into 
 Syria, and, on his brother's death, there again recovered the kingdom. For 
 Phrahates, after being thrice vanquished by Antiochus,^ had released him from 
 his captivity, and sent him back into Syria, hoping that, by raising troubles 
 there for the recovery of his crown, he might force Antiochus to return for the 
 suppressing of them. But, on the obtaining of this victory, he sent a party of 
 horse after him, to bring him back again; but Demetrius being aware hereof, 
 made such haste, that he was gotten over the Euphrates into Syria, before these 
 forces could reach the borders of that country. And by this means he again 
 recovered his kingdom, and made great rejoicing thereon at the same time," 
 when all the rest of Syria was in great sorrow and lamentation for the loss sus- 
 tained in the east, there being scarce a family in the whole country which had 
 not a part in it. 
 
 After Phrahates had gained this victory, he caused the body of Antiochus to 
 be taken up from among the dead,^ and, having put it into a silver coffin, sent 
 it honourably into Syria, to be there buried among his ancestors; and finding a 
 daughter of his among the captives, he was smitten with her beauty,^ and took 
 her to wife. 
 
 Being flushed with success, he thought of carrying the war into Syria," for 
 the revenging of this last invasion upon him; but, while he was preparing for 
 it, he found himself entangled with a war a,t home from the Scythians. He had 
 called them into Parthia, to assist him against Antiochus, but the work being 
 done before they arrived, he denied them their hire; whereon they turned their 
 arms against him whom they came to assist; and, to be revenged on him for 
 the wrong hereby done them, made war upon him, and hereby Phrahates was 
 forced to keep at home for the defending of his own country. 
 
 After the death of Antiochus, Hyrcanus took the advantage of the distur- 
 bances and divisions that thenceforth ensued through the whole Syrian empire, 
 
 1 Justin, lib. 38. c. 10. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 16. Orosius, lib. 5. c. 10. 2 Josephus, ibid. 
 
 3 Justin, lib. 38. c. 10. Dioilor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 374. 
 
 4 Justin, ibid, et lib. 39. e. 1. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 16. Orosius, lib. .'>. c. 10. Appian. in Syriaeis. 
 Athensiis, lib. 10. p. 439. Julius Obsequens de Prodigiis. iElianus de Animalibus, lib. 10. c. 34. 
 
 5 Justin, lib. 38. c. 10. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 16. 
 
 6 Justin, lib. 39. c. 1. 7 Ibid, 8 Ibid. 42. c. 1. 
 
 Vol. n.— 26 
 
203 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 not only lo enlarge his territories by seizing Medeba,' Samega, and several other 
 places in Svria, Phoenicia, and Arabia, and adding them to his dominions, but 
 also, from this time, to make himself absolute and wholly independent. For, 
 alter this," neither he nor any of his descendants owned any farther depen- 
 dence on the kings of Syria, but thenceforth wholly freed themselves from all 
 manner of homage, servitude, or subjection, to them. 
 
 In the interim, Ptolemy Physcon, king of Egypt, went still on in the same 
 steps of luxury, cruelty and tyranny, continuing to increase the number of his 
 most flagitious iniquities, by the guilt of new wickednesses from time to time 
 added to them. I have already related, how having married Cleopatra his sis- 
 ter, and relict of his brother, who had reigned before him, he slew her son in 
 her arms, on the very day of the nuptials; after this, taking greater liking to 
 Cleopatra the daughter,^ than to Cleopatra the mother, he first deflowered her 
 by violence, and after that married her, having first divorced her mother, to 
 make room for her. And whereas, on his having, by his cruelty, driven out 
 most of the old inhabitants of Alexandria, he had repeopled it with new ones, 
 whom he invited thither from foreign parts, he soon made himself, by the ex- 
 cesses of his wickedness, as odious to them as he was to the former inhabitants; 
 and therefore,'' thinking he might best secure himself from them, by cutting off 
 all the young men, who were the strength of the place, he caused his merce- 
 naries to surround them in the place of their public exercises, when they w^ere 
 in the fullest numbers met together, and put them all to death. Whereon, the 
 people being exasperated against him to the utmost, all rose in a general tu- 
 muh,' and, in their rage, set fire to his palace, wuth intent to have burnt him in 
 it; but, having timely made his escape, he fled to Cyprus, carrying with him 
 Cleopatra his wife, and Memphitis his son; and, on his arrival thither, hearing 
 that the people of Alexandria had put the government of the kingdom into the 
 hands of Cleopatra, his divorced wife, he hired an army of mercenaries to make 
 war against both. 
 
 Hyrcanus,'' having taken Sechem, the prime seat of the sect of the Samari- 
 tans, destroyed their temple on Mount Gerizim, which had been there built by 
 Sanballat. However, they still continued to have an altar in that place, and still 
 have one there, on which they offer sacrifices, according to the Levitical law, 
 even to this day. 
 
 -jJn. 129. John Hyrcanus 7.] — Hyrcanus, after this, having conquered the Edo- 
 mites, or Idumsans,^ reduced them to this necessity, either to embrace the Jew- 
 ish religion, or else to leave the country, and seek new dwellings elsewhere; 
 whereon, choosing rather to leave their idolatry than their country, they all be- 
 came proselytes to the Jewish religion; and hereon being incorporated into the 
 Jewish nation, as well as into the Jewish church, they thenceforth became re- 
 puted as one and the same people, and at length the name of Edomites or Idu- 
 msans laeing swallowed up in that of Jews it became wholly lost, and no more 
 heard of. This abolition of their name happened about the end of the first cen- 
 tury after Christ. For, after that, we hear no more mention of the name of 
 Edomites or Idumseans, it being by that time wholly absorbed in the name of 
 Jews. The Rabbles, indeed, speak of Edom and Edomites long after that time; 
 but thereby they do not mean Idumaa, or the sons of Edom, but Rome,** and the 
 Christians of the Roman empire. For, fearing the displeasure of the Christians 
 among whom they lived, for the avoiding of it, whenever they speak any re- 
 
 1 Josppli. Aiiti(|. lib. i:t. c. 17. Straho, lib. 16. p. 76. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 203 
 
 proachful thing of Christians, or their religion, they usually blend it under 
 feigned names, sometimes calling us Cutheans, L e. Samaritans, and sometimes 
 Epicureans, and sometimes Edomites, and this last is the civilest appellation 
 they give us. And for proselytes to Judaism to take the name of Jews, as well 
 as their religion, was not peculiar to the Edomites only, it being usual for all 
 others, who took their religion, to take also their name, and thenceforth be re- 
 puted as of the same nation with them, as well as of the same religion. Thus it 
 was in the time of Dion Cassius the historian,' and thus it hath been ever since, 
 even down to our age. 
 
 But here it is to be noted, that there were two sorts of proselytes among the 
 Jews:^ 1. The proselytes of the gate; and, 2. The proselytes of justice. The 
 former they obliged only to renounce idolatry, and worship God according to the 
 law of nature, which they reduced to seven articles, called by them the seven 
 precepts of the sons of Noah. To these, they held all men were obliged to con- 
 form, but not so as to the law of Moses; for this they reckoned as a law made 
 only for their nation, and not for the whole world. As to the rest of mankind, 
 if they kept the law of nature, and observed the precepts above mentioned,^ 
 they held, that they performed all that God required of them, and would by this 
 service render themselves as acceptable to him as the Jews by theirs. And 
 therefore they allowed all such to live with them in their land, and from hence 
 they were called gerim toshavim, i. e. " sojourning proselytes;" and for the same 
 reason they Avere called also gere shahar, i. e. "proselytes of the gate," as being 
 permitted to dwell with those of Israel within the same gates. The occasion 
 of this name seems to be taken from these words in the fourth commandment, 
 vegereka bishctreka, i. e. " and the strangers which are within thy gates; which 
 may as well be rendered, "the proselytes which are within thy gates," that is, 
 the proselytes of the gate that dwell with thee; for the Hebrew word g-er, a sfrara- 
 ger, signifieth also a ])roselyie; and both, in this place in, the fourth command- 
 ment, come to the same thing; for no strangers were permitted to dwell within 
 their gates, unless they renounced idolatry, and were proselyted so far as to the 
 observance of the seven precepts of the sons of Noah. Though they were slaves 
 taken in war, they were not permitted to live with them within any of the gates 
 of Israel on any other terms; but, on their refusal thus far to comply, were either 
 given up to the sword, or else sold to some foreign people. And, as those who 
 were thus far made proselytes were admitted to dwell with them, so also were 
 they admitted into the temple, there to worship God; but were not allowed to 
 enter any farther than into the outer court, called the court of the Gentiles: for, 
 into the inner courts, which were within the enclosure called the Chel, none 
 were admitted, but only such as were thorough professors of the whole Jewish 
 religion: and therefore, when any of these sojourning proselytes came into the 
 temple, they always worshipped in the outer court. And of this sort of prose- 
 lytes Naaman the Syrian, and Cornelius the centurion, are held to have been. 
 The other sort of proselytes, called the proselytes of justice, were such as took 
 on them the observance of the whole Jewish law: for, although the Jews did not 
 hold this necessary for such as were not of their nation, yet they refused none, 
 but gladly received all who would thus profess their religion; and they are re- 
 marked in our Saviour's time to have been very sedulous to convert all they could 
 hereto:'* and, when any were thus proselyted to the Jewish religion, they were 
 initiated to it by baptism, sacrifice, and circumcision, and thenceforth Avere ad- 
 
 1 Verba ejus sunt 'H >.«p X'^f'- 'I(iuJ»»» X"< «utoi 'louJaioi <oi/o;taJxT=5>«. 'H Js E-ix^-sin; luuTx <*op£i xai im 
 
 awc-jf xvifjiTj-iui oirot Tot va/it(ix otuTuiv xaisrsp xKKos^vtig oi/Tfj ^if>.ou<ri, t". c. " Thecouiitrv is Called Judea, and 
 the people Jews. And this name is given also to as many others as embrace their religion, though of other 
 nations:" lib. 36. p. 37. 
 
 2 See concerning these proselytes, Mede, book ], discourses. Hammond's Annotations on Matthew iii. 1. 
 xxiii. 15. BuxtorPs Lexicon Rabbinicum, p. 407 — 410. But the fullest account of both these sorts of prose- 
 lytes is in Maimonides's Yad, from whence it was published by me near forty years since, with a Latin ver- 
 sion, and annotations, underthc title of De Jure Pauperis et Peregrini, to which I refer learned readers. 
 
 3 As to what these precepts of the sons of Noah were, see Selden de Jure Natural! et Gentium juxta Dis- 
 ciplinum Hebrjeorum, Marsham's Can. Chron. sect 9, and Mairaonides and Buxtorf in the places last above 
 cited, Hammond's Annotations on Acts xv. 39, and others. 4 Matt, xxiii. 15. 
 
204 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 mitted to all the rites, ceremonies, and privileges,' that were used by the natural 
 Jews. And in this manner Avas it that the Edomites, at the command of Hyr- 
 canus were made proselytes to the Jewish religion; and, when they had thus 
 taken on them the religion of the Jews, they continued united to them ever 
 after till at length the name of Edomites was lost in that of Jews, and both 
 people became consolidated into one and the same nation together. 
 
 Ptolemy Physcon,^ while he lay in Cyprus, fearing lest the Alexandrians 
 should make his son, whom he had appointed governor of Cyrene, king in his 
 stead, sent for him from thence to come to him, and, on his arrival, put him to 
 death, for no other reason, but to prevent that which, perchance without any 
 reason, he feared as to this matter. By which cruel barbarity the Alexandrians 
 being farther exasperated,^ pulled down and demolished all his statues, where- 
 ever erected, in their city; which he interpreting to have been done at the in- 
 stigation of Cleopatra his divorced queen, for the revenging of it upon her, 
 caused Memphitis, the son he had by her, a very hopeful and beautiful prince, 
 to be slain before his face, and then cutting his body into piece-s, put them all 
 into a box, with the head, thereby to show to whom they belonged, and sent it 
 with them therein enclosed to Alexandria, by one of his guards, ordering him 
 to present it to the queen on the day then approaching, which he knew was to 
 be celebrated with feasting and festival joy, as being the anniversary of her 
 birth; and accordingly, in the midst of the festivity, it was presented to her; 
 which soon turned all the rejoicing and mirth of the festival into sorrow and 
 lamentation, and excited in all present that horror and detestation against the 
 tyrant as so monstrous and unparalleled a cruelty deserved. And this dismal 
 present being exposed to the people, gave them the same sentiments, and pro- 
 voked them with the greater earnestness to arm, for the keeping so great a 
 monster of cruelty and barbarity from any more returning again lo reign over 
 them: and accordingly, an army was raised, under the command of Marsyas, 
 whom the queen had made her general, to defend the country against him. 
 
 Phrahates, having drawn upon him the war of the Scythians,^ committed an 
 oversight in the managing of it, as great as the injustice whereby he brought it 
 upon him. For, to strengthen himself against these enemies, he intrusted his 
 safety into the hands of those whom he had made more his enemies than the 
 others, that is, the Grecian mercenaries who followed King Antiochus in his 
 late expedition into those parts against him. For, having taken prisoners great 
 numbers of them in the late overthrow of that prince, he, on the breaking out 
 of this new war, listed them all among his other forces, for the better strength- 
 ening of his army for it. But, when they had thus gotten arms into their hands, 
 remembering the wrongs, insolences, and other ill usages, with which they had 
 been treated during their captivity, resolved to make use of this opportunity to 
 be revenged for them; and therefore, as soon as the armies joined battle, they 
 went over to the Scythians, and by this conjunction with them, overthrew the 
 Parthians with a gi'eat slaughter, cutting off Phrahates himself in the rout, and 
 most of his army with him. After this the Grecians and Scythians having plun- 
 dered the country,^ contented themselves with this revenge, and both returned 
 again into their own countries. On their departure,^ Artabanus, the uncle of 
 Phrahates, took the crown of Parthia; but, being within a few days after slain 
 in battle by the Thogarians, another nation of the Scythian race, he was suc- 
 ceeded by Mithridates, who, by the greatness of his actions, afterward acquired 
 the name of Mithridates the Great. 
 
 Jin. 128. John Hyrcanus '8.] — Ptolemy Physcon, having gotten together an 
 army," sent it against the Alexandrians, under the command of Hegelochus his 
 
 1 Intermarriages must be excepted: fbr from tliese some nations were excluded for ever, and others till 
 atler Bome g«nerations; and particularly, the Edomites were till the third gaieration. See what hath been 
 said of this, part 1. book fi, under the year 4ii8. 
 
 2 Justin, lib. 38. c. 8. 
 
 3 Justin, ibid. Diodorus Siculus in Excerptis Valesii, p. 374. Valerius Maximus. lib. 9. c. 2. Ldvii 
 i-pit. lib. 59. 
 
 4 Justin, lib. 42. c. 1. 5 Ibid. c. 2. C Diodorus Siculus in Excerptis Valesii, p. 376. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 205 
 
 general; and thereon a battle ensuing between him and Marsyas, the general 
 of the Alexandrians, Hegelochus got the victory, and took Marsyas prisoner, 
 and sent him in chains to Physcon. But, when it was expected that, accord- 
 ing to his usual cruelty, he would have put him to some tormenting death, con- 
 trary to what every body expected, he pardoned him and let him go. For, 
 having fully experienced what mischiefs followed upon him for his cruelties, 
 he became weary of them, and acted in the contrary extreme; and, as he had 
 put multitudes to death contrary to all reason, so now he pardoned this man 
 without any reason at all for it. Cleopatra, being distressed by this overthrow, 
 and the loss of her Alexandrian army, they being most of them cut in pieces in 
 the rout,' sent to Demetrius king of Syria, who had married her eldest daugh- 
 ter, by Philometor, for his assistance, promising him the crown of Egypt for his 
 reward; which proposal Demetrius gladly accepting of, marched into Egypt 
 with all his forces, and there laid siege to Pelusium. 
 
 About this time Hyrcanus*^ sent an embassy to the Romans, to renew the 
 league made with them by Simon his father; which was readily consented to 
 by the senate. And, whereas Antiochus Sidetes had made war upon the Jews, 
 contrary to what the Romans had in their behalf decreed in that league, and 
 taken from them several cities, and had made them to become tributaries for 
 Gazara, Joppa, and some other places which they were permitted stiU to hold, 
 and forced them to a disadvantageous peace, by besieging Jerusalem; on the 
 ambassadors setting forth all this before the senate, they agreed, that whatsoever 
 had been done against them of this kind since their said late league with Simon, 
 should be all null and void; that Gazara, Joppa, and all other places, that had 
 been either taken from them by the Syrians, or had been made tributary to them, 
 contrary to the tenor of the said league, should be all again restored to them, 
 and made free of all homage, tribute, or other services; and that reparations 
 should be made them by the Syrians for all damage done them contrary to 
 what the senate had decreed in their league with Simon; and that the Syrian 
 kings should have no right to march their soldiers or armies through the Jewish 
 territories; and that ambassadors should be sent to see all this fully executed. 
 And it was farther ordered, that money should be given the Jewish ambassadors- 
 for the bearing of their expenses in their journey homeward, and that letters 
 should be written to all the confederate states and princes, in their way thither 
 to give them a safe and honourable passage through their dominions. And aU 
 this was accordingly done, which much rejoiced Hyrcanus and all the Jewish 
 nation. 
 
 An. 127. John Hyrcanus 9.] — And therefore, the next year after, they sent to 
 them another embassy to Alexander the son of Jason, ^ Numenius the son of 
 Antiochus, and Alexander the son of Dorotheus, to return their thanks for the 
 said decree; and, in acknowledgement of it, they presented them by the said 
 ambassadors with a cup and a shield, both of gold, to the value of fifty thou- 
 sand gold pieces of their money. Whereon another decree was made in their 
 favour, ratifying and confirming, all that was granted them in the decree of the 
 former year. This decree is recited at large in Josephus, Antiq. book 14. c. 16. 
 But it is there misplaced, as if it had been enacted in the time of Hyrcanus II. 
 whereas the subject matter of it, and the date which it bears, manifestly prove, 
 that it can be none other than that which was now granted to Hyrcanus I. and 
 could not possibly be that which was granted to Hyrcanus II. the grandson of 
 the other, in whose time Josephus placeth it. For, first, as to the subject mat- 
 ter of it Josephus tells us,* in the place where he inserts it, that it was to give 
 license to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem, w^hich Pompey had pulled down: but 
 there is not one word of any such matter in that decree, nor doth it contain or 
 import any thing more than the renewing and confirming of a former league 
 of friendship and alliance made with them, which plainly refers to that league 
 
 ] Justin, lib. 33. c. 9 et lib. 39. c. 1. Orsca Euseb Scaligeri, p 61. 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 17, 
 
 3 Ibid. lib. 24. c. IG. 4 Ibid. 
 
cjoG CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 which was made with them in the time of Hyrcanus I. in the year last here 
 before precedin"-. And, secondly, as to the date which it bears, it is in the 9th 
 year of Hvrcanus, which cannot be understood of Hyrcanus II. For Josephus 
 tells us, that the decree which was made for the rebuiding of the Avails of Jeru- 
 salem was o-ranted by Julius Csesar to Hyrcanus II.' after the end of the Alex- 
 andrian war, in reward of the assistance which Hyrcanus II. sent him in it. 
 But that war was not ended till the 47th year before Christ, long after the 9th 
 vear of that Hyrcanus. For the 47th year before Christ was the 17th year of 
 Hyrcanus II. reckoning from the time of his restoration by Pompey, but the 
 2^jd, reckoning from the beginning of his reign, on the death of his mother. 
 And, furthermore, the preface to that decree, which Josephus tells us Avas for 
 the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem, bears date in the ides of December 
 (i. e. the I3th of that month;) whereas the date of the decree itself, which he 
 puts under that preface, is in Panemus, the Syro-Macedonian month, which an- 
 swers to our July, and therefore it could not possibly be the decree that belong- 
 ed to that preface. All this put together plainly shows, this decree of -the 9th 
 year of Hyrcanus could not be the decree granted to Hyrcanus II. by Julius 
 Csesar for the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem; but most certainly it must 
 be that which Avas granted to Hyrcanus I.^ by the Roman senate in this year 
 Avhere I haA-e placed it, and that it AA'as by the mistake of Josephus that it AA'as 
 put by him elsewhere. And this is beyond all contradiction confirmed, by that 
 Numenius, the son of Antiochus, is said, in the body of the decree, to have 
 been one of the ambassadors by whom it was obtained, Avho was the same that 
 had been one of the ambassadors that were sent to Rome by Jonathan on a like 
 embassy.^ For he might have Avell been alive to go on such an embassy in the 
 9th year of Hyrcanus I. but cannot be supposed to have been so after the end- 
 ing of the Alexandrian Avar, Avhich was near one hundred years after the for- 
 mer embassy, in Avhich he was employed by Jonathan. Joseph Scaliger takes 
 notice of this bhmder of Josephus's,'' but while he mends it, he makes as great 
 ones of his oAvn, which Salianus the Jesuit justly corrects him for.* 
 
 Demetrius, king of Syria, having by his tyrannical government,* A'icious 
 manners, and a most perverse and disagreeable behaviour, made himself as 
 odious to the Syrians as Physcon Avas to the Egyptians, they took the advan- 
 tage of his absence at the siege of Pelusium to rise in rebellion against him. 
 The Antiochians began the rcA^olt, and soon after the Apameans, and many other 
 of the Syrian cities followed their example, and joined Avith them herein. 
 This forced Demetrius to hasten out of Egypt to look to his interest at home. 
 Whereon Cleopatra,' queen of Egypt, being defeated of the assistance which 
 she expected from him, put aU her treasure on shipboard, and fled with it by 
 sea to Ptolemais, to Cleopatra, queen of Syria, her daughter by Philometor, Avho 
 there resided. This Cleopatra, the daughter, had first married Alexander Balas, 
 and afterward this Demetrius, in her father's lifetime; but, after that, Demetrius 
 being taken prisoner in Parthia, and there detained in captivity, she became the 
 A\'ife of Antiochus Sidetes his brother, and, after his death, returned again 
 to the bed of Demetrius, on his coming out of Parthia and recovering his king- 
 dom; and then held Ptolemais when her mother came to her. Physcon, on 
 her flight out of Egypt, returned again to Alexandria, and reassumed the go- 
 A'ernment, there being no poAver in that place after the defeat of Marsyas, and 
 the flight of Cleopatra, that could any. farther oppose him. After he had again 
 settled himself in the kingdom, to be revenged on Demetrius for his late inva- 
 sion, he set up an impostor against him,** who Avas called Alexander Zebina, 
 He Avas the son of a broker of Alexandria; but, feigning himself to be the son 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 15. IG. It is most likely tliiswap notffranted by Julius Cfesar till the year of his 
 fifth consulship, and that it is the same which is now extant under that date, in the seventeenth chapter of 
 lh<; fourteenth book of Josephus's Antiquities. 
 
 2 Dehac re vide IJserii Annales sub Anno J. I'. 45i^7. 3 1 Maccab. xii. 16. 
 
 4 In Aniraadversionibus in Chronolopica Eusebii sub No. 1971. 5 Sub Anno Mundi 4007. s. 36, 37. 
 
 6 Justin. lib. 39. c. 1. Joeeph. Antiq. lib. 1.3. c. 17. 7 Justin, ibid. 8 Ibid. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 17. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT, 207 
 
 of Alexander Balas, under that pretended title claimed the crown of Syria, and 
 Physcon furnished him with an army to take possession of it. On his arrival 
 in Syria, multitudes joined with him, out of tlie great aversion' they had to De- 
 metrius, without examining at aU the title of the pretender, as not caring whom 
 they had for their king, so they could get rid of Demetrius. 
 
 An. 1-26. John Hyrcanus 10.] — At length the controversy was brought to the 
 decision of a battle,' which was fought near Damascus in Ccele-Syria; wherein 
 Demetrius being overthrown, fled to Ptolemais to Cleopatra his wife. But she, 
 retaining her resentments against him for his maiTying Rhodaguna while in 
 Parthia, took this opportunity of being revenged for it, and shut the gates against 
 him; whereon being forced to flee to Tyre, he was there slain. After his death, 
 Cleopatra retained some part of the kingdom, and Zebina reigned over all the 
 rest: and, for the better securing himself in it, he made a strict league and alli- 
 ance with John Hyrcanus," prince of the Jews; and John made all the ad van 
 tages of these divisions which might justly be expected from so wise a man, 
 for the establishing of his own and his countiy's interest, and he much improved 
 the state of the Jews thereby. 
 
 Jin.Vii^. John Hyrcanus 11.] — Vast numbers of locusts about this time coming 
 into Africa,^ there destroyed the fruits of the earth, and at last being by the 
 wind driven into the sea, and there drowned, and by the flowing of the tide 
 cast upon the land, caused such a stench as poisoned the air, and produced a 
 most terrible plague; which in Libya, Cyrene, and other parts of Africa, de- 
 stroyed above eight hundred thousand persons. 
 
 An. 124. John Hyrcanus 12.] — Seleucus, the eldest son of Demetrius Nicator 
 by Cleopatra, being now about twenty years old, took upon him to reign in 
 Syria in his father's stead,'' contrary to the good liking of his mother. For she 
 having, on the death of Demetrius, seized part of the Syrian empire, thought 
 to have reigned there by her own authority; and therefore was very angry at 
 the setting up of her son against her; and besides, she feared he would revenge 
 his father's death upon her, which it was weU known she had been the cause 
 of; and therefore having gotten him within her power, she slew him with her 
 own hands, by thrusting a dart through him, after he had reigned only one year.- 
 
 Antipater,* Clonius, and iEropus, three of Zebina's chief commanders, hav- 
 ing revolted from him to Cleopatra, seized Laodicea, and there endeavoured to 
 maintain themselves against him; but he, having soon reduced them, on their 
 submission, out of his great clemency and magnanimity, pardoned them all, 
 without doing any hurt to either of them. For he was a person of very benign 
 temper, and carried himself with a great deal of good-nature, affability, and 
 courtesy, toward all that came in his way, which made him very much be- 
 loved even by those who liked not the imposture whereby he usurped the crown. 
 
 In this year died Mithridates Euergetes,** king of Pontus, being slain by the 
 treachery of some of those that were about him. He was succeeded by his 
 son, the famous Mithridates Eupator,^ who struggled so long with the Romans 
 for the empire of Asia, having maintained a war against them for about thirty 
 years.* He was but twelve years old when he began to reign; for he is said to 
 have lived seventy-two years, ^ and to have reigned sixty of them. He was de- 
 scended from a long series of kings, who had reigned in Pontus before him. 
 The first of them was one of those seven princes that slew the Magians, and 
 settled the kingdom of Persia on Darius Hystaspis,'" and, having obtained the 
 sovereignty of this country, transmitted it to his posterity through sixteen gene- 
 
 ] Justin, lib. 39. c. 1. Joseph. Autiq. lib. 13. c. 17. Appianus in Syriacis. Livii Epit. lib. 60. Porphyrius 
 in GrjBcis Eiiseb. Scaligeri. 2 Joseph, ibid. 
 
 3 Livii Epit. lib. (iO. Orosius. lib. 5. c. 11. Julius Obspquons <Ie Prodipiis. 
 
 4 Livii Epit. ibid. Appianus in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 39. c. 1. Porphyrius in Grscis Euseb. Scaligeri. 
 
 5 Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 377. 
 
 6 Justin, lib. 37. c. 1. Strabo, lib. 10. p. 477. 7 Memnon. c. 32. Strabo et Justin, ibid. 
 
 8 Justin (1. 37. c. 1,) saith forty-six years; Appian. in Mithridaticis, forty-two years; Florus and Eutropius, 
 forty years; but Pliny (lib. 7. c. 26,) saith it lasted only lhirty">'ears; and he comes nearest the truth of the 
 matter. 
 
 9 Eulrop. lib. G. 10 Polyb. lib. 5. p. 388. L. Florus, lib. 3. c. 5. Diodor. Sic. lib. 19. Aurelius Victor. 
 
208 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 rations, Mlthridates Eupator being reckoned the sixteenth from him.* The first 
 of these of whom we find a name in history, is that Mithridates,^ Avho dying in 
 the year before Christ 363, was succeeded by Ariobarzanes his son, then gover- 
 nor of Phryo-ia for Artaxerxes Mnemon king of Persia, who, having reigned 
 twentv-six'years," was succeeded by his son Mithridates II. in the year 337;^ 
 he first took part with Eumenes against Antigonus,"* but, when Eumenes waa 
 slain, he submitted to the conqueror, and served him in his wars; and being a 
 man of great valour and military skill, he w^as very useful to him; but at length, 
 being suspected of being an underhand favourer of the interest of Cassander, 
 Antigonus* caused him to be put to death in the year 302, after he had reigned 
 thirty-five years. On his death^ he was succeeded by his son Mithridates III. 
 While his father lived, ^ he had for some time resided in the court of Antigonus, 
 and there contracted great intimacy and friendship with Demetrius his son. 
 But Antigonus® having dreamt than when he had sowed a field with golden seed, 
 and it bad brought forth a plentiful crop of the same metal, Mithridates had 
 reaped it all, and carried it away with him into Pontus, he concluded that this 
 dream foretold that Mithridates should reap the fruit of all his victories; and 
 therefore, for the preventing of it, resolved to put him to death. But Mithri- 
 dates, being warned hereof by Demetrius, made his escape into Cappadocia, 
 and there having gotten together an army seized several places and territories 
 in those parts, which there belonged to Antigonus; and having, after his father's 
 death, succeeded him, he added these acquisitions to the kingdom of Pontus; 
 whereby having very much enlarged it, he is reckoned as the founder of it; and 
 therefore is by historians called Ktistes,' i. e. the Founder. He reigned in Pon- 
 tus thirty-six years,* and on his death, which happened in the year 266, left his 
 kingdom to Ariobarzanes his son." From this Mithridates the founder, Mithri- 
 dates Eupator was the eighth,'" but of these, history furnishes us with the names 
 only of six," and these are, 1. Mithridates Ktistes, 2. Ariobarzanes, 3. Mithri- 
 dates, 4. Pharnaces, 5. Mithridates Euergetes, and, 6. Mithridates Eupator. Of 
 Ariobarzanes no more is said, but that he succeeded his father.'* Mithridates, 
 who is the next that is named," married the daughter of Seleucus CaUinicus 
 king of Syria, and having by her a daughter called Laodice,'" gave her in mar- 
 riage to Antiochus the Great, son of Callinicus; and only on the account of 
 these two marriages is he any where made mention of. Pharnaces'* seized the 
 city of Sinope, and added it to the kingdom of Pontus in the year 183; made 
 war with Eumenes king of Pergamus in the year 182;'® invaded Galatia in the 
 year 181;" and on these accounts, and several others, he is often spoken of; but 
 for nothing more than for the abominable character left behind him of being 
 one of the wickedest princes that ever reigned.'^ Mithridates Euergetes is the 
 next that is named in this race of kings. This Mithridates was son to Pharna- 
 ces, and grandson to Mithridates the immediate predecessor of Pharnaces. For 
 that Mithridates, according to Justin,"* was great grandfather to Mithridates 
 Eupator; and therefore Pharnaces must have been his son, Mithridates Euerge- 
 tes his grandson, and Mithridates Eupator his great grandson. The first time 
 we hear of this Mithridates Euergetes is in the year 149, when he aided the 
 Romans with some ships in the third Punic war;°'* and he was aiding to them 
 also in their war with Aristonicus;"' for the reward of which, on the ending of 
 that war, they gave him the province of the Greater Phrygia.'-'^ The last of this 
 series was Mithridates Eupator, the prince we now speak of; and he being the 
 
 1 Appian. in Mithridaticis. 2 Diodor. Sic. lib 15. 3 Ibid. lib. IC. 4 Ibid. lib. 19. 
 
 5 Ibid. lib. 20. 6 Plutarch, in Demetrio. Appinn. in Mithridaticis. 
 
 7 Sirabo, lib. 12. p. 562. Appian. in Mithridaticis. 8 Diodor. Sic. lib. 20. 
 
 !)Mcmiion.c. '25. Diodor. ibid. 10 Plutarch, in Demetrio. Appian. in Mithrid. 
 
 M I, -i" "''^ reason perchance it is, that whereas Appian saith, in one place of his Mithridatics, that 
 
 mithridates a Eupator was the eighth from Mithridates Ktistes, he sailh in another place that he was only 
 the sixth. See Appian. p. 176.249. 
 
 12 Diodor. Sic. lib. 20. 13 Justin, lib. .38. c. 5. 14 Polybius, lib. 5. p. 388. 15 Strabo, lib. 12. p. 545, 546. 
 
 i2 D ■".'•' ''!'• !"• Poly'^'i's J^Pgat, 51. .53. 59. 17 Polybius Lefrat. 55. 
 
 18 Polybius in Excerplis Valesii, p. 130. 19 Lib. 38. c. 5. 20 Appian. in Mithridaticis. 
 
 ^i JU3tin. Ub. 37. c. 1. Eutropius, lib, 4 22 Justin, ibid, et Ub. 38. c. 5. Appian. in Mithridaticis. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. oqQ 
 
 most remarkable person of the time in which he lived, T hope it v.ill not be 
 unacceptable to the reader to have an acccouut here given of the race from 
 Avhcnce he proceeded. It is very remarkable,' that, at the time of his birtli, 
 there appeared a very great comet for seventy days together, and the like again 
 for the same number of days at the time of bis accession to the crown; the tails 
 of both which were so large, as to take up one quarter of the hemisphere. 
 These seemed to portend that he should be a great incendiary in the world, and 
 so he proved. He began his reign with the murder of his mother and his bro- 
 ther,^ and all the rest of his actions were of a piece herewith. He was a per- 
 son of very extraordinary abilities and endowments of mind, but he employed 
 them all to the mischief of mankind, and many were the thousands that per- 
 ished by it. 
 
 An. 1'23. John Hyrcmms 13.] — Cleopatra, having slain Scleucus her eldest 
 son in the manner as I have related, found it necessary to have one with the 
 name of king, to give countenance and support to the authority by which, she 
 governed; and therefore, having formerly sent Antiochus, the other son which 
 she had by Demetrius, to Athens, for the benefit of his education, she recalled 
 him from thence to take this name upon him; and, on his arrival,^ declared 
 him king of Syria, but with intent to allow him no more than the royal style, 
 and keep all the authority to herself; and, being then very young, as not yet 
 exceeding the age of twenty,'* if so much, he was contented for some time to 
 be made her property. To distinguish him from the other Antiochus's, he is 
 commonly called Grypus,* a name taken from his hook-nose." He is called 
 Philometor by Josephus," but Epiphanes by himself in his coins. 
 
 All. \^-l. John Hip-caniis 14.] — Zebina, on the death of Demetrius NIcator, 
 having settled himself in a great part of the Syrian empire, Physcon, by whom 
 he was advanced hereto, exjjected he should hold it as in homage and depen- 
 dance from him: which Zebina not understanding,'* nor in any point comply- 
 ing therewith, Physcon resolved to pull hin*i down again as fast as he had set 
 him up, and therefore, coming to an agreement with Queen Cleopatra his niece, 
 married Tryphfena his daughter to Grypus her son, and sent an army to her as- 
 sistance; whereby Zebina being overthrown, fled to Antioch: but there endea- 
 vouring privately to rob the temple of Jupiter for the carrying on of the war,* 
 and being detected in the attempt, the Antiochians rose in a tumult against 
 him, and drove him thence; whereon, being forced to shift from place to place 
 about the country, he was at length taken and put to death. 
 
 Jin. l;il. John Hijrcanus 15.] — L. Opimius and Q. Fabius Maximus -being 
 consuls at Rome, the seasons of the year in all their turns proved so very kind- 
 ly and benign,"^ that the fruits of the earth now produced were all beyond what 
 they used to be in other years, and especially their wine, which was this 3'ear 
 of that excellency and strength, that some of it was kept for two hundred years 
 after, it being the famous Opimian wine (so called from the name of the con- 
 sul) which is so much spoken of by the poets. 
 
 Jin. P20. John Hyrcaniis 16.] — After Zebina was vanquished and slain, Antio- 
 chus Grypus, now growing to maturity of age, began to take on him the au- 
 thority as well as the name of king; whereby the power of Cleopatra in the 
 government becoming very much eclipsed, she could not bear this diminution 
 of her grandeur and domination; and thei'efore, for the recovering of it again 
 wholly to herself, that so she might again absolutely rule and govern the Sy- 
 rian empire, she resolved to make away with Grypus," as she had before with 
 Seleucus, and call to the crown another son of hers, which she had by Antio- 
 chus Sidetes; under whom, he being very young, she presumed she might 
 
 1 Justin. lili. 37. c. 2. 2 Mcmnon in E.xcerptis Photii, c. 32. 
 
 3 Jii.^tiii. lib. 39. c. 1. Appian. in S.vriacis. 
 
 4 Demetrius his lather marrioil Cleopatra, Annn ]4(), and Srlencus was the eldest son of that marriage 
 and therefore Gr.vpus, who was the second son, cannot be supposed at this time to be above twenty. 
 
 5 Justin, ihid. " (j Vj>-j:r:;, in Greek, signilieth one that is hook-imsed. 7 Antiq. lib. 13. c 20l 
 8 Justin. Lib. 39. c. 2. !• Ibid. ' Dindor. Sic. in E.ycerptis Valesii, p. 373. 
 
 10 Piiuius, lib. 14. c. 4. 14. 11 Justin, lib. 39. c. 2. Appian. in Syriacis. 
 
 Vol. II.— 27 
 
210 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY 07 
 
 much longer have the full enjoyment of the royal authority, aiid thereby hava 
 the opporfunity of gathering strength for the fixing of herself in it for all her 
 life after. And therefore, for the executing of tliis kicked design, having pro- 
 vided a cup of jioison, she offered it to Grypus one day as he came hot and 
 •w-earv from exercising himself; but being forewarned of the mischief she in- 
 tended him, he forced her to drink it all herself, and it had its full operation 
 upon her; and thereby an end was put to the life of a most wicked and perni- 
 cious woman, who had long been the plague of Syria. She had been the wife 
 of three kings' of that country, and the mother of four. Two of her husbands 
 she had been the death of: and, of her said sons, one she murdered with her 
 own hands, and would have served Grypus in the same manner, but he made 
 her wicked design turn upon her own head, as I have related; and thereon, 
 having settled his aflairs in peace and security, he reigned several years after 
 without any disturbance, till at length Cyzicenus, his brother by the same mo- 
 ther, rose up against him, as Mdll be hereafter related in its proper place. 
 
 An. 117. John Hi/rcanus 19.] — Ptolemy Physcon, king of Egypt, after having 
 reigned there,- from the death of Philometor bis brother, twenty-nine years, 
 died at Alexandria, and thereby did put an end to a most wicked life, and to a 
 most cruel and tyrannical reign, he being infamous for both, beyond all that 
 reigned in that country before him; whereof too many instances are given in 
 the foregoing part of this history. He left behind him three sons; the eldest, 
 named Apion, he had by a concubine,' the other two by Cleopatra his niece,* 
 whom he had married after his divorcing of her mother; the eldest of these was 
 called Lathyrus,^ and the other Alexander.^ By his will, he left the kingdom 
 of Gyrene to Apion, '^ and that of Egypt to Cleopatra, in conjunction with one 
 of her sons which she should like best of the two to make choice of; and she 
 looking on Alexander as the likelier to be compliant with her, offered to make 
 choice of him;* but the people, not bearing that the eldest should be put by the 
 right of his birth, forced her to senni for him from Cyprus, where, in his father's 
 lifetime, she had procured him to be banished, and admit him as king to reign 
 in copartnership with her. But, before she would suffer him to be inaugurated 
 at Memphis, according to the usage of the country, she forced him to divorce 
 Cleopatra,'' the eldest of his sisters (whom he had taken to be his wife, and 
 dearly loved,) and marry in her stead Selene, his younger sister, who was not 
 so acceptable to him. On his inauguration, he took the name of Soter;'" Athe- 
 naeus" and Pausanius'- call him Philometor; but Lathyrus is the name by which 
 he is mostly named in history. But that being a nickname not tending to his 
 honour,'^ it was never owned by him. 
 
 An. 114. John Hyrcanus ^2.'] — Antiochus Grypus, while he was preparing 
 for a war against the Jews,'^ was prevented by a war at home, raised against 
 him by Antiochus Cyzicenus, his half brother. He was the son of Cleopatra 
 by Antiochus Sidetes, born to him of her while Demetrius her former husband 
 was a prisoner among the Parthians. But on Demetrius's returning again, and 
 repossessing his kingdom, after the death of Sidetes, Cleopatra fearing how De- 
 
 1 The three kin?;s of Syria whom she had for her husbands, were Alexander Balas, Demetrius Nicator and 
 Antiochus Sidetes: and her four sons were Antiochus, hy Alexander Balas, Sefeucus and AntiochusGrypus 
 by Demetrius, and Anliochtis Cyzicenus, by Antiochus Sidetes. ' 
 
 2 Porphyrins in Gr.tcis Eusrh. Scaligt ri. PtolomiBus Astronomus in Canonc. Epiphanius de Ponderibus 
 et Mensuris. llieronymus rii nanielem, cap. i.v. 
 
 .3 Justin, lib. 3!). c. 5. Appian. in Mitliridaticis in fine librj. 4 Justin, lib 39. c. 3. 
 
 5 Trogus Pompeiiis in rrolo^o 39, -40. Joseph. Anti.]. lib. 13. c. J8. Clemens Alexand. Strom, lib. 1. 
 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 7!l.5. Plinius, lib. 2. c. 07. et lib. G. o. .30. 
 
 () Porphyrius in Graxis Eiiseb. Scalieeri. Justin, lib. 3'J. c. 4. 7 Justin, lib. 39. c 3. 
 
 H Pausaiiian in Atticis. Justin, ibid. 9 Justin, lib. .V).' c. 3 
 
 10 Porphyrins, ibid. Ptol. in Canone. Euseb. in Chronicon. Epiphanius dc Ponderiftiis et Meiisuris. Hie- 
 roiiymiis in Daiiielem, cap. ix. 
 
 11 Atlienicus, lib. G^p. 050. 12 !„ Alticra. 
 
 J.J A:.;.;^., si?nifielh a pea, which the Latins call r.irer; from whence the family of the Ciccros had their 
 L."^.'to^mv^^",l.''" "''"'i^fP''^ "'''''=!' """^ "f "'«'''■ ancestors had on his nose like a pea: but for what rea- 
 !nJ.vh^rT.,r 7 ■'''*''■''''' "'*"''' '*'".o^^'"''-e said; perchance it was because of such liite excrescence 
 .somewhere upon lum m constant view, either on his nose or face. 
 
 Scitigerl! p-'el"^'*^' '"''■ ^^" '^' ^^' '^fP''*"- '" Syriacis. Justin, lib. 30. c. 2. Porphyr. in Grsecis Eusefc. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 211 
 
 jnetrlus might deal with him, should he fall into his hands, sent him out of his 
 reach to Cyzicus, a city lying on the Propontis in the Lesser Mysia, where he 
 was bred up under the care and tuition of Crate rus, a faithful eunuch, to whose 
 charge he was committed; and therefore from hence he had the name of Cyzi- 
 cenus. Grypus, being jealous of him, endeavoured to have him taken out of 
 the way by poison; which being discovered, forced Cyzicenus to arm against 
 him for his life, as well as the crown of Syria. And it is often the hard case 
 of princes, to be thus brought to a necessity either to reign or die, without hav- 
 ing any medium between for their choice. 
 
 An. 113. John Hyrcanus 23.] — Cleopatra, whom Lathyrus was forced to di- 
 vorce, after that separation,' disposed of herself in marriage to Cyzicenus, and 
 having gotten together an army in Cyprus instead of a dowry, carried that witli 
 her to him into Syria, for his assistance in this war against his brother, whereby 
 his forces being made equal to those of his brother, he came to a battle with 
 him; but having had the misfortune to be overthrown, he fled to Antioch, and 
 having there left his wife, as he thought, in a safe place, he went thence to 
 other parts for the recruiting of his broken forces. Hereon Grypus laid siege 
 to Antioch, and he having taken the place, Trypha^na the wife of Grypus ear- 
 nestly desired to have Cleopatra delivered into her hands, that she might put 
 her to death, so bitterly was she enraged against her, though her own sister both 
 by father and mother, for that she had married her husband's enemy, and brought 
 an army to his assistance against him. But Cleopatra having taken sanctuary 
 in one of the temples at Antioch, Grj^us was very unwilling to comply with 
 the rage of his wife in this matter. He urged against it the sacredness of the 
 place where she had taken refuge, and farther told her, that the putting her to 
 death would serve to no purpose; that the cutting her off would no way weaken 
 or hurt the interest of Cyzicenus, nor the keeping of her alive be any strength- 
 ening to it; that in all the wars, whether domestical or foreign, which he or his 
 ancestors had been engaged in, it had never been their usage, after victory ob- 
 tained, to execute cruelty upon women, especially upon so near a relation; that 
 Cleopatra was her sister, and also his own near kinswoman;^ and therefore he 
 desired her to press this thing no farther, for he could not comply with her in it. 
 But Tryphcena, instead of being dissuaded hereby from what she so cruelly in- 
 tended against her sister, was the more excited to the executing of it: for sus- 
 pecting this to proceed from some love Grypus had contracted for the lady, 
 rather than barely from a pity for her case, she added jealousy to her anger; 
 and therefore, being driven by a double passion to work her destruction, in the 
 heat of both, she forthwith sent soldiers into the temple, who, by her command, 
 there slew the unfortunate lady, while embracing the image of the god to which 
 she fled thither for refuge. This shows how great the rage of this sister was 
 against the other. And thus it often comes to pass, when enmity happens be- 
 tween those of the same family and kindred, the nearer is the relation, the bit- 
 terer often is the hatred between them; of which many instances may be found 
 within every man's observation. And the same may also be observed in differ- 
 ences of religion, they that are at the greatest distance herein being seldom so 
 incensed as the nearest of the subordinate sects usually are against each other. 
 
 In the interim, Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, who was mother to both these two 
 sisters, expressed no regard or concern for either of them: for her mind being 
 actuated wholly by ambition and the love of reigning, she employed all her 
 thoughts this way, that is, how she might best support her authority in Egypt, 
 and there continue to reign without control as long as she should live. And 
 therefore, for the better strengthening of herself for this purpose, she made Alex- 
 ander,^ her younger son, king of Cyprus, that she might from thence be as- 
 sisted by him against Lathyrus his brother, whenever occasion should require. 
 
 Jin. 112. John Hyrccmus 24.]— rBut the death of Cleopatra in Syria did no*' 
 
 1 Justin. lib. 39. c. 3. 2 Physcon, her father, was uncle to Clenpatra, the mother of Grypus. 
 
 3 Pausian. in Atticis. Porphyr. in Gracis Euseb. Scaligeri. 
 
01-2 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 lono- ffo unrevengod. For Cyzicenus,' having drawn another army together^ 
 fought a second bMe with his brother, and having gained the victory, and in 
 the^pnrsuit of it gotten Tryphaena into his power, he sacrificed her to the ghost 
 of his murdered wife, by putting her to such a death as her cruelty to her well 
 deserved. Grypus, by this overthrow, being driven out of Syria, fled to Aspen- 
 dus in Pamphylia," from whence he had also the name of Aspendius. 
 
 j]n. 1\\. John Hi/rcamis 'I').] — But the next year after, he returaing from 
 thence with an army,^ again recovered Syria: and the two brothers thenceforth 
 parting the Syrian empire between them, Cyzicenus reigned at Damascus over 
 Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, and Grypus at Antioch over all the rest. Both bro- 
 thers were very excessive in their luxuries and their foUies;^ and so w-ere most 
 of the other later Syrian kings; and to this and their divisions they owed the 
 loss of their empire; for they were truly men most unworthy of it. 
 
 ^^n. 110. John Hijrcunus -20.] — While these two brothers were thus harassing 
 each other in war, or else wasting themselves in the luxury of peace, John 
 Hyrcanus grew in riches and power;" and finding he had nothing to fear from 
 either of them, resolved to reduce Samaria under his dominion; and therefore 
 sent Aristobulus and Antigonus," two of his sons, to besiege the city: Avhereon 
 the inhabitants sent to Antiochus Cyzicenus, king of Damascus, for his relief; 
 who, coming with a great army to raise the siege, was met by the two brothers, 
 and being vanquished by them, and pursued as far as Scythopolis, he hardly es- 
 caped out of their hands. 
 
 Jin. 109. John Hyrcanus -27.] — The two brothers,^ after the gaining of this vic- 
 tory, having again returned to the siege, pressed it so bard, that the besieged 
 were forced a second time to send to Cyzicenus for relief: but he having not 
 forces enough of his own for the attempt, desired the assistance of Ptolemy La- 
 thyrus, king of Egypt, who sent him six thousand auxiliaries, much to the dis- 
 like of Cleopatra his mother. For Chelcias and Ananias, two Jews, sons of that 
 Onias who built the Jewish temple in Egypt, being her chief favourites and 
 ministers, that commanded all her forces; and directed all her councils, for their 
 sakes she much favoured the Jews, and was averse to any thing that might tend 
 to their damage; and she had like to have deposed Lathyrus from the throne for 
 acting against her will in this matter. When the Egyptian auxiliaries arrived, 
 Cyzicenus joined them with what forces he had, but durst not openly face the 
 enemy, or make any attempt upon the army that lay at the siege, but spent him- 
 self wholly in harassing and plundering the open countr}', hoping thereby to 
 draw the Jews from the siege for its relief; but failing of his expectations herein, 
 and finding also that his army, what by surprises, desertions, and other casual- 
 ties, was much diminished in the carrying on of this sort of war, he durst not 
 trust himself abroad in the field any longer with it, but retired to Tripoly, leav- 
 ing Callimander and Epicrates, two of his prime commanders, to pursue the re- 
 mainder of the war; the former of which rashly venturing upon an enterprise too 
 hard for him, was cut off with all his party; whereon Epicrates, finding that 
 nothing farther was to be done, made the best advantage of it that he could for 
 his own interest. For, coming to an agreement with Hyrcanus, for a sum of 
 money he delivered up unto him Scythopolis, and all other places which the 
 Syrians had in that country, and thereby basely betrayed the interest of his 
 master for his own gain. Whereon Samaria, being deprived of all further hopes 
 of relief, was forced, after it had held out a year's siege, to surrender into the 
 hands of Hyrcanus, who forthwith demolished the place, causing not only the 
 houses and walls to be pulled down and razed to the ground, but also trenches 
 to be drawn through and across the ground whereon \i stood, and to be filled 
 •with water,** that it might never again be built. They are mistaken who think 
 
 1 Jiistin. lil^ an. c. X 2 Pnrphyr. in Graeris Eiisph. Pcalifrnri, p. C2. 3 Ihid 
 
 4 Diodor.is Siniliis in Rxoprptis Val.-sii, p. :»8->. Athenseiis, lib. 3. p. 210. et. lib. 12. p. 540. 
 
 5 Josopl. Ant.q. |,h. IX r. 17. G Joseph. Antiq. lib. I.T r. ]S. 7 Ihi.l. 
 
 UtK,n a hll hm 'h"^ n ""^ Pj^ce last q.interi. .Salianus cavils much at him for if, because Samaria stood 
 upon a high hill. But Benjamin of Tudela, who was on the place, tells us, m. h:* Itinerary, that there were 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 213 
 
 this was done out of the hatred which the Jews bore to the sect of the Samari- 
 tans: for none of that sect then lived in that place. All the inhabitants of that 
 city were then of the Syro-Macedonian race, and the heathen superstition. For 
 the ancient Samaritans, who were of the sect that worshipped God in Mount 
 Gerizim, had been long before all expelled thence by Alexander for the reveng- 
 ing of the death of Andromachus, his governor of Syria, whom they slew in a 
 tumult, as hath been before related in the first part of this history. After this, 
 these expelled Samaritans retired to Shechem, which hath been the head seat 
 of their sect ever since: and Alexander new planted the city with a colony of 
 Macedonians; Greeks, and Syrians, mixed together, and they were of their pos- 
 terity that then inhabited the place, w-hen Hyrcanus made this war against it. 
 From this time Samaria continued in its demolished state, till Herod rebuilt it, 
 and gave it the name of Sebaste,' in honour of Augustus, as wiU be hereafter 
 related. After this victory, Hyrcanus became master of all Judea, Galilee, and 
 Samaria, and of several other places in the outskirts of the country round him; 
 Avhereby he made himself one of the most considerable princes of the age in 
 which he lived; and after this, none of his neighbours durst anymore cope with 
 him, but he enjoyed the remainder of his time in full quiet from all foreign wars. 
 ^1n. 108. John Hyrcanus -28.] — But in the latter end of his life he met with 
 some trouble at home from the Pharisees, a busy and mutinous sect among the 
 Jews.* These, by their pretences to a more than ordinary strictness in reli- 
 gion, had gained to themselves a great reputation and interest among the com- 
 mon people; and for this reason H3'rcanus endeavoured to gain them to him by 
 all manner of favours. He had been bred up in their discipline from the begin- 
 ning, and therefore professing himself of their sect, had always given them all 
 manner of countenance and encouragement; and farther to ingratiate himself 
 with them about this time, invited the heads of the party to an entertainment, 
 and having therein regaled them with all manner of good cheer, he spake to 
 them to this eifect: — "That the fixed purpose of his miuu, as they well knew, 
 had always been to be just in liis actions toward men, and to do all things to- 
 ward God that should be well pleasing to him, according to the doctrines which 
 the Pharisees taught; and therefore he desired, that, if they saw any thing in 
 him wherein he failed of his duty, in either of these two branches of it, they 
 would give him their instructions, that thereby it might be reformed and amend- 
 ed." In answer hereto, they all applauded his conduct; all gave him the praise 
 of a just and religious governor, excepting only one man, and Hyrcanus was 
 mightily pleased hereat. But when all these had done with their encomiums, 
 this one man, named Eleazar, a very ill-natured person, and one that much delight- 
 ed in making disturbances, stood up, and, addressing himself to Hyrcanus, 
 said, — "Since you are desirous to be told the truth, if you would approve your- 
 self a just man, quit the high-priesthood, and content yourself with having the 
 government of the people." Whereon Hyrcanus asking him what reason there 
 was for this, he replied, — "Because we are assured, by the testimony of the 
 ancients among us, that your mother was a captive taken in the wars, and there- 
 fore, as born of her, you are incapable of the high-priesthood, and cannot hold 
 it by the law." And, had the matter of fact been true, his inference had been 
 right. For, whoever was born of any prohibited marriage,^ was, by the law of 
 Moses, profane; and whoever was thus profane, was, by the same law,* incapa- 
 ble of being priest or high-priest. Now, these prohibited marriages among the 
 Jews were in respect of the different degrees of the persons to whom they were 
 prohibited, of three different sorts. 1. Such as were prohibited to all Israel; 
 and these were,^ the marrying within the prohibited degrees of kindred, and 
 the marrying any of another nation." 2. Such as were prohibted to priests; and 
 
 upon Ihe top of tliis liill many fountains of water; and from these water enough iniijlit have been derived to 
 fill these trenihes. 
 
 1 i;;oxrr3c is Greek far Aujustus: henre Sfiai-T/. 2 Joseph. Aiili(i. lib. 13. c. 18. 
 
 3 I.ievit. xxi. 15, Maiinonides in Issure Biah, c. 19. 
 
 4 For the priest was to be lioly, Levit. xxi. 8; bat.profane is opposite to holy. 
 
 5 Levit. xviii. .6 Deui. \ii. 3 
 
2J4 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 these were,' the marrying of a whore, or a divorced woman, or one that was 
 profane. 3. Such as were prohibited to the high-priest who, over and above all 
 these other prohibited marriages, was also forbidden to marry a widow.- For 
 the words of the law are, that he should take none other to wife but a virgin 
 of his own people.'^ And therefore, if a high-priest had a son by any of these 
 prohibited marriages, or a priest by any of those prohibited to him, that son was 
 l>rofane, and thereby rendered incapable of being either priest or high-priest. For, 
 as the prohibited marriages of the first sort above-mentioned, as well as those 
 of the second, were forbidden the priest, so 9II three were forbidden the high- 
 priest; that is, the first sort as he was an Israelite, the second as he was a priest, 
 and the third as he was high-priest. And therefore, had Hyrcanus's mother 
 been an alien taken captive in war,^ or any other, when first married to his fa- 
 ther, than one whose marriage was allowed to a priest (for Simon was no more 
 than a priest when he first married her,) every son born of her would have 
 been profane, and consequently incapable of being either priest or high-priest 
 But the matter of fact, Josephus'' (from whom alone we have tliis story) as- 
 sures us, was all false, and a most notorious calumny; and therefore the ob- 
 ject of it was disapproved of, and resented with great indignation by all that 
 were present; and it afterward became the origin of great disturbances. For 
 Hyrcanus not being able to bear that his mother should be thus defamed, 
 and the purity of his birth and his capacity for the high-priesthood be here- 
 by called in question, was exceedingly exasperated hereat; which one Jona- 
 than, a zealous disciple of the Sadducees (the opposite sect to the Pharisees,) 
 and an intimate friend of Hyrcanus, observing, laid hold of this opportunity to 
 set him against the whole i)arty, and draw him over to that of the Sadducees, 
 For this purpose, he suggested to Hyrcanus, that this was not the single act of 
 Eleazar, but most certainly a thing concerted by the whole party; that Eleazar 
 in speaking of it out was no more than the mouth of all the rest; and, that he 
 needed to do no more for the full assuring of himself of the truth hereof, than 
 to refer it to them for their opinion what punishment the calumniator deserved; 
 for if he would be pleased, urged Jonathan, to make this experiment, he would 
 certainly find, by the lenity of their sentence against the criminal, that they 
 were dl parties with him in the crime. Hyrcanus, hearkening to the sugges- 
 tion of Jonathan, followed his advice, and accordingly proposed it to the heads 
 of the Pharisees, for their opinion, what punishment Eleazar deserved, for thus 
 defaming the prince and high-priest of his people, expecting from them no 
 lesser sentence than that of death. Their answer hereto was, that defamation 
 and calumny were no capital crimes, and therefore, could be punished no far- 
 ther than with whipping and imprisonment.* Whereon Hyrcanus, being fully 
 persuaded that all that Jonathan suggested was true, became thenceforth a bitter 
 enemy to the whole sect of the Pharisees: for he forthwith abrogated all their 
 traditionary constitutions, enjoined a penalty upon all that should observe them; 
 and utterly renouncing their party,'' went over to that of the Sadducees. 
 
 1 Levit. xxi. 7. o Levit. xxi. 13, 14. 
 
 3 The words of Eleazar in Jospphiis may be construed to import her not to liave been an alien taken in 
 •ivar by llie Jews, hut a Jewish wnnian taken captive by the heathen, and made a slave anion^ them and af- 
 terward redeemed, but which way of the two it be, it comes to the same tliin};: for whatever Jewish woman 
 was thus takefl captive by any heathen people, was alwavs supposeii to have been deflowered by thenr and 
 such a one was not to be married either to a priest or a higlipriest; and, if she were, all her children were 
 reckoned profane, and consequently incapable of being either priest or hichnriest. 
 
 4 Antiq. lib. 13. c. 18. b » a i 
 
 5 This piinishnient among tlie Jews was not to exceed forty stripes (Dent. xxv. 3,) and therefore the whip 
 
 With which It was inflicted being made with three thongs, and each blow giving tliree stripes they never in- 
 
 tlKled upon any criminal more than thirteen blows, because thirteen of those blows made thirty-nine stripes; 
 
 and to add another blow, would be to transgress that law, by adding two stripes over and above forty, con- 
 
 irary to its prohibition. And in this manner was it, that St. Paul, when whipped of the Jews, received forty 
 
 T'^f^^y'^ ""'' ^- ^°''- '"■ -^') """ '^' tl'irteen blows with this threefold whip, which made thirty-nine stripes. 
 %. t. ii)riv save oiio. j r * 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 0|5 
 
 ■^n. 107. Jo/m Hyrcanus 29.] — But Hyrcanus did not long live after this ruf- 
 He; for he died the next year after,' having been, from the death of Simon his 
 fathei-, high-priest and prince oi the Jews twenty-nine years. He was, saith 
 Josephus, honoured with three of the highest dignities: for he was, according 
 to him, a prophet,^ as well as a prince and high-priest; of which there are given 
 two Instances,- 1st, That he foretold that Aristobulus and Antigonus,^ his two 
 eldest soas, should ziot live long after him, but that the succession of the govern- 
 ment should come to Alexander, his third son; and 2dly, That w^ien Aristobu- 
 lus and Antigonus vanquished Antiochus Cyzicenus in battle, it was made known 
 to him the very same moment in which tlie victory was gained,'' though he was 
 then at Jerusalem, at the distance of two days' journey from the field of battle. 
 The former, they say, was revealed to him in a dream of the night,* and the other 
 by a voice from heaven,^ which the Jews call bath kol, i. e. " the daughter of a 
 voice," or " the daughter-voice:" for the Jewish writers hold, that there were 
 three sorts of revelations anciently among them; the first by Urim and Thum- 
 mim; the second by the spirit of prophecy; and the third by dcdk kol. The 
 first, they say, was in use from the erecting of the tabernacle to the building of 
 the temple: the second, from the beginning of the world (but mostly under the 
 first temple) till the death of Malachi under the second temple. But that, after 
 the death of JNIalachi, the spirit of prophecy wholly ceased in Israel,^ and that 
 thenceforth they had iatk kol in its stead, ^ which, they say, was a voice from 
 heaven. That they called it bath kol, i. e, " the daughter- voice," or " the daugh- 
 ter of a voice" (for it may be interpreted both ways,) seems to be with respect 
 to the oracular voice delivered from the mercy-seat, when God was there eon- 
 suited by Urim and Thummim. That was the grand and primary voice of reve- 
 lation, this of a secondar}"- dignity, and inferior to it, as the daughter is to the 
 mother: and therefore, in respect to it, and as succeeding in its stead, it is called 
 "the daughter-voice,"** the other being to it as the mother in precedence both 
 of time and dignity. That it may be understood what kind of oracle this was, 
 I shall here give the reader one instance of it out of the Talmud:'" it is as fol- 
 followeth: " Rabbi Jochanan, and Rabbi Simeon Ben Lachish, desiring to see 
 the face of R. Samuel, a Babylonish doctor, let us follow, said they, the hearing 
 of bath kol. Travelling, therefore, near a school, they heard the voice of a boy 
 reading these words out of the first book of Samuel, chap. xxv. 1; ' and Samuel 
 died:' they observed this, and inferred from hence, that their friend Samuel 
 Avas dead: and so they found it had happened; for Samuel of Babylon was then 
 dead." Many more instances of this sort may be produced out of the Jewish 
 writings: but this is enough to let the reader see, that their bath kol was no such 
 voice from heaven as they pretend, but only a fantastical v/ay of divination of 
 flieir own invention, like the Sortes Virgiliame among the heathens: for as, with 
 ihem, the words first dipped at in the book of thatpoef was the oracle whereby 
 they prognosticated those future events which they desired to be informed of; 
 so with the Jews, when they appealed to bath kol, the next words which they 
 should hear from any one's mouth were the same. And this they called a voice 
 from heaven, because thereby they thought the judgment of heaven to be de- 
 clared as to any dubious point they desired to be informed of, and the decrees 
 of heaven to be revealed concerning the future success of any matter which 
 they would be pre-informed of, whensoever, in either of these two cases, they 
 diis way consulted it. The Sortes VirgilianiE, on the failing of oracles, after 
 
 lime bftween them, neither (loth he sav, that Hyrcanus went over tn the Saddncees in any other particular. 
 Ihaii in the abolishing of all the traditional constitutions of the Pharisees, which our Saviour condemned 
 as well as he. 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 18. Euseb. in Chronico. 2 Joseph, ibid. 3 Ibid. c. 20. 4 Ibid. c. 18. 
 
 5 Ibid. c. 20. 6 Ibid. c. 18. 7 Talmud. Bab. in Tract. Sanhedrin. fol. 11. 
 
 8 See Lifjhlfoot's Works, vol. 1. p. 41-5. 
 
 9 There is also another reason eiven for this name, that is, that it came out of thunder; that the thunder- 
 clap always went first, and then the bath ho! out of it; and that therefore the thunder was as the mother- 
 voice, and fia^A 7co/ as the dauizhter coniins out of it. But this cannot lie true; for most of the instances which 
 the Jewish writers give us of their bath kol are without any such thunder preceding. 
 
 10 In Shabbath, fol. 8. col. 3. 
 
 il Videas de his sortibus Petri MoliniJei Valeni, lib. 3. c. 20. et Glossarium Domini du Cange, in voce Sorteg. 
 
ok; connexion OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Ihe cominc of Christ, were, instead of them, much made use of by the hea- 
 thens ' as loni? as heathenism remained among the Romans. And the Chris- 
 tians, when Christianity first began to be corrupted, learned from them the Uke 
 way of divination, and much practised it, without any other change, than by 
 putlino- the book of the holy scriptures in the place of the book of the heathen 
 poet. This was as ancient as the time of St. Austin, who lived in the fourth 
 century; for he makes mention of it.'- And it was practised by Heraclias, em- 
 peror of the east, in the beginning of the seventh century. For, being en- 
 gaged in war against Chosroes king of Persia, and, after a successful campaign, 
 being in doubt where to take his winter-quarters, enjoined a time of fasting and 
 prayer to all his army;'' and, after that, consulted the book of the holy scrip- 
 tures in this way of divinatioii, and thereby determined himself as to this mat- 
 ter. But it obtained m.ost in the west, especially in France, where, for several 
 ages, it was the practice,'* on the consecration of a new bishop, to consult the 
 Bible concerning him by this way of divination, and, from the words which 
 they should first dip at in the opening of the book, make a judgment of his life, 
 manners, and future behaviour. And the Normans, on their conquest of this 
 land, brought this usage hither with them. On the consecration of William, 
 the second Norman bishop of the diocess of Norwich, the words which the 
 Bible first opened at for him were, Mo7i Imnc, sed Barabham,' i. e. " Not this man, 
 but Barabbas;" by which they made a judgment, that this bishop was not long 
 to continue, and that a thief should come in his place; and so it accordmgly 
 happened. For, William soon after dying, Herbertus de Losinga, another Nor- 
 man, was made his successor, who was chief simony broker to King William 
 Rufus (that king openly selling all ecclesiastical benefices,) and had simoniacally 
 obtained of him the abbey of Winchester for his father," and the abbey of Ram- 
 say for himself; and had now, by the like evil mearts, gained this bishopric. 
 At his consecration, the words which the Bible opened at for him were the same 
 which Christ spoke to Judas when he came to betray him;' Amice, nd quod ve- 
 nisii!'* i. e. " Friend, wherefore art thou come?" These, and the former words 
 for his predecessor, putting home upon his conscience how much he had been 
 a thief and a traitor to Christ and his church, brought l)im to a thorough re- 
 pentance for his crimes;' and, to expiate for them, he built the cathedral church 
 of Norvvich, of which he laid the first stone in the year of our Lord 109(>. And 
 afterward, having translated his episcopal chair from Thetford to it, he thereby 
 fixed the see of his bishopric in the city of Norwich, and there it hath been 
 ever since. This account may serve not only to show the great folly of man- 
 kind in devising such vain and groundless prognostics for future events (which 
 too many are guilty of,) but also to make us see how abom.inable the corruptions 
 of the Romish church were in those days, in their thus running into so impious 
 a practice, and making it part of their sacred offices; for such their ordinals are 
 reckoned to be, in which this way of prognosticating at the consecrations of 
 bishops was then directed. This indeed Avas too gross to be long continued; 
 but, when it was dropped, other things came in its stead altogether as bad. 
 And, since it was the ignorance and blind superstition of those ages that intro- 
 duced these abominations, this tells us how to account for the rise of all the 
 other corrupt practices and doctrines that still are found remaining among those 
 of tliat communion. 
 
 It is also spoken of, to the honour of Hyrcanus, that he was the founder of 
 the castle Baris,'" which was the palace of the Asmonsean princes in Jerusalem 
 
 ■ 'aY"'*'''^. •^"'l'"!'''' '"'jus 'l'='-v"J'.'-'='vTs.y,,- apud ^Elium Spartianum in Adiiano, et anud yElium Lampridiuin 
 in Aloxandro Suverii. 
 
 2 Kpist. 10!|. 3 Theopliaiies in Clirnnico. Ilistoria Miscella et Ccdrcnusin Ileraclio. 
 
 4 \ iiu-ns (.lossnnuni Doiiiiiii du Caiige in vocibus Sortos Sanctnrun). 5 John xviii. 40. 
 
 •i,» , i"^"^".''. '^".'"'''"" ■'«' Kvcntihns Anjilia; intor Decern Scriptorcs nistoria; Anglicans, p. 2370. Bartholo- 
 "—",","!• '••""" ni Aii-lia Sacra Whai toiii. Brotnpton inter eosdem Decern Scriptores, p. 99). M. Paris, p. 15. 
 
 / lvni<:l.to„,.t Hr,rih,duni.(U, Cotton, ibid. 8 Matt. x.wi. 50. 
 
 m-P.,v t"7-"M '^"'*-'''i"" '!'■ R^-entibns Anj-liiE inter Decern Scriptore.s Hi.storiae Anjjlicanae, p. 2370. Bartholo- 
 
 in I..L, u a"."' , u*"'',"! ^'^'^"^ VVhartoni. Bronipton inter eosdem Dcccin Scriptores, p. 991. M. Paris, p. 15. 
 
 lu joscpii. Anlifj. Jib. Id. c. 0. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 217 
 
 as long as they reigned there. When Simon, the father of Hyrcanus, had de- 
 stroyed the fortress of Mount Acra, in which a heathen garrison had been kept 
 for the Syrian kings,' he built fortifications round the mountain on which the 
 temple stood, for the better securing and fortifying of it against all future insults 
 from the heathens, should any of them in after-times again become masters of 
 Jerusalem. And within these fortifications^ he built a house for himself, and 
 there dwelt all his life after. This house seems to be the same which Hyrcanus 
 afterward built into the castle Baris. It stood on a steep rock,^ fifty cubits high,* 
 without the outer square of the temple, upon the same mountain with it; and 
 the south side of it did run parallel with the north side of the said square, be- 
 ginning westward, and reaching forward to the north-west corner of the same 
 square, or beyond it to the length of half a furlong. For it was a square build- 
 ing of two fui-longs in compass, that is, of half a furlong, or three hundred feet 
 on every side (for a furlong contained six hundred of our feet.) Here Hyrca- 
 nus, and all his successors of the Asmonrcan family, dwelt and kept their court; 
 and here they laid up the pontifical stole, or sacred robes of the high-priest, 
 taking them out when they used them on all solemn occasions, and there again 
 depositing them as soon as the said solemnities were over. And thus it con- 
 tinued to be done till the time of Herod, Avho, on being made king of Judea, 
 having observed the convenience of the place, new built it, and made it a very 
 strong fortress. The rock on which it stood, I have already said, was'* fifty cu- 
 bits, i. e. seventy-five feet high; this he lined or cased all over with polished 
 marble, whereby he rendered it inaccessible, it not being possible for any one 
 to climb up on it on either of those sides, on which it was thus lined, by reason 
 of its slipperiness. Upon the top of this rock he built his fortress, and instead 
 of Baris, the name it formerly bore, called it Antonia, complimenting thereby 
 Marcus Antonlus the triumvir, who then governed the eastern provinces of the 
 Roman empire. The form of the building was that of a quadrangle, all built 
 on every side, wherein were rooms for all the uses of a palace, and of magnifi- 
 cence suitable thereto; and in the middle within w^as a large area for the sol- 
 diers to be in, and round it w^as a stately piazza or cloister. The whole build- 
 ing was, on the outside, forty cubits high above the rock on which it stood; and, 
 at the four corners, it had four turrets, three of which were fifty cubits high, 
 ?'. e. ten cubits above the rest of the building, and the fourth seventy cubits high, 
 i. e. thirty above the rest of the building. This fourth turret was that which 
 stood at the south-east corner of the fortress. For that lying near the middle 
 of the north side of the great square of the temple, it was built at this height, 
 that from thence might be seen all that was done in the courts within; so that 
 if any tumult should arise in any part of the temple, it might from thence be 
 observed, and soldiers sent down to quell it. And for this use they were made, 
 from two several parts of the south side of the fortress, two pair of stairs lead- 
 ing from thence into the outer cloisters of the temple that were next adjoining. 
 And thus it was when the tumult was risen in the temple against St. Paul (Acts 
 xxi.) the whole of which, by observing what hath been above said, may be 
 clearly understood. St. Paul being to perform his vow as a Nazarite (ver. 26,) 
 was in the court of the women, the south-east corner of which was the place 
 appointed for the rites belonging to this matter. Here the Jews having found 
 him (ver. 27,) laid hold of him, and having dragged him out of that holier part 
 of the temple into the court of the Gentiles, Avhich was not of the holier part, 
 purposed there to have slain him (ver. 80, 31,) which the sentinel, that kept 
 watch on the south-east turret of the fortress Antonia, from thence discerning 
 gave notice of it; whereon the captain of the fortress, taking soldiers, ran down 
 
 1 1 Maccah. xiii. .52. 2 Ihifl. 
 
 3 Joseph, de Bello Judaico, lib. 6. c. 15. et Antiq. lib. J^l. c. l."). et lib. 18. c. G. Lightfoot of the Temple, 
 chap. 7. 
 
 4 These fiftj' cubits are not to be understood of the side next the temple, but of the other side oft from it, 
 iipou the brow of the mountain on wliich the temple stood, where this rock, from the valley beneatjtl up to the 
 top, whereon the castle was built, was til'ly cubits high. 
 
 Vol. II.— 28 
 
21Q , CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 the stairs above-mentioned into the outer cloisters of the temple, and from 
 thence into the court where the mutiny was, and having there rescued Paul 
 from the multitude, he carried him with him into the said fortress or castle, up 
 the same pair of stairs through which he came down (ver. 3:3, 33;) and when 
 he had brought him near the top of them, the people having by that time got 
 round to tlie place of those stairs without the temple, Paul obtained leave of the 
 captain there to speak to them; and from thence he made that speech which is 
 contained in Acts xxii. And from what was done in this instance may be under- 
 stood the use that was made of this fortress at all other times. It was called Baris, 
 from birnh, which word among the eastern nations signified a palace or royal cas- 
 tle; and in this sense it is often used in those scriptures of the Old Testament 
 which were written after the Babylonish captivity, as in Daniel, Ezra, Chroni- 
 cles, Nehemiah, and Esther; which shows it to have been borrowed from the 
 Chaldeans, and from them brought into the Hebrew language. The Septuagint 
 often renders it by the word Baris;' and in this sense it is that this fortress was 
 under the Asmonaeans called Baris, that is, the birah, or royal palace of the 
 prince; for that it was during all the reign of the Asmona?ans: and when He- 
 rod first rebuilt it, he intended it for the same purpose; but afterward finding it 
 more proper for a fortress, he built him a palace elsewhere, and turned this into 
 a garrison: for the temple, by reason of its height, commanding Jerusalem, and 
 this fortress, in like manner, commanding the temple, he thought he could not 
 better keep the other two in order and awe, than by having a good garrison in 
 this fortress. And when Jerusalem fell into the hands of the Romans, they 
 continued it to the same use, keeping always a strong garrison in it, and by rea- 
 son of its immediate influence upon the temple, the captain of the garrison is, 
 in the scriptures of the New Testament, called the "Captain of the Temple," 
 (Luke xxii. 52. Acts. iv. 1. v. 24 — 26.) The Asmonaeans^ having always kept 
 the pontifical robes in this fortress, here Herod, on his first coming to the crown, 
 found them, and here he continued still to keep them in the same place, and 
 so did Archelaus his successor, and the Romans after him, all upon an opinion, 
 that their having these robes in their possession would be a means for the better 
 keeping of the Jews in awe. The custom was,^ to lay them up in a cabinet 
 made on purpose for it, under the seals of the high-priest and the treasurer of 
 the temjjle; and when they needed them for the sacred solemnities on which 
 they were used, they exhibited their seals to the captain of the castle, and then 
 had the robes delivered to them; and when the solemnities were over, they 
 were then again laid up under the same seals in the same place; and thus it 
 continued to be done, till at length the temple, this fortress, and the robes in it, 
 were all destroyed in the deflagration and total destruction of the city of Jeru- 
 salem by Titus and his Romans. 
 
 During the whole time of Hyrcanus's government, all things went with him 
 successfully abroad, and smooth and quiet at home, till his unfortunate breach 
 with the Pharisees. But, after he fell out with them, and went over to the Sad- 
 ducees,'' he lost the love of the common people; for they, being wholly attached 
 to the Pharisees, joined with them in their resentments for this procedure. And 
 from this time neither he nor any of his family could any more recover their 
 affections; which afterward created them infinite troubles, especially in the 
 time of Alexander, the son of this Hyrcanus, as will be hereafter shown in the 
 future series of this history. 
 
 But since I have here spoken of the Pharisees and the Sadducees, and there 
 ■will be many occasions hereafter to make mention of them, and also of the other 
 sects and parties among the Jews, it will be necessary, for the better under- 
 
 1 Hence this word came in use among the Ifellenists to denote a castle, tower, or walled fortress; and so 
 Hesychms and Siiidas interpret the word; and so also St. Jerome, in his comment upon Jeremiah xvii. and 
 on Hosea IX. and on Psalm xliv. But the Ionic and other genuine Greeks used it to signify a sort of a ship; 
 and in this sense the word is used by Herodotus in Hint part of his history where he writes of Egyptian affairs. 
 
 2 Joseph, de Bello Judaico, lib. 0. c. 15. et Antiq "■*>• 4* 15. tt lib. 18. c. 6. 3 Joseph, ibid. 
 
 4 Joseph. Aniiq. lib. 13. c. 18 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 219 
 
 standing of the following part of this history, here to give the reader a full ac- 
 count of all of them before I proceed any farther. I have above shown, that, 
 after the return of the Jews from Babylon, and the full settling of the Jewish 
 church again in Judea by Ezra and Nehemiah, there arose two parties of men 
 among them; the one,' who, adhering to the written word, held, that in the ob- 
 servance of that alone they fulfilled all righteousness, and therefore thought 
 this alone sufficient to entitle them to the name of Zadikim, i. e. the Righteous; 
 the other,^ who, over and above the written law, superadded the traditional con- 
 stitutions of the elders, and other rigorous observances, which, by way of super- 
 erogation, they voluntarily devoted themselves to; and therefore, from hence 
 being reckoned of a superior degree of holiness above the others, they were 
 called Chasidim,^ that is, the Pious, who are the same that are mentioned in the 
 Maccabees by the name of AssidjEans."* From the former of these proceeded 
 the Samaritans, the Sadducees, and the Karraites; and from the latter, the 
 Pharisees and the Essenes; of all which I shall treat in their order. 
 
 I. The Samaritans were no more at first than a mongrel sort of heathens,^ 
 who worshipped the God of Israel only in an idolatrous manner, and in con- 
 junction Avith their other deities, and so continued, till Manasseh, with other 
 fugitive Jews, coming to them from Jerusalem, brought with them the book of 
 the law, and out of it taught them to reject all idolatry, and worship the true 
 God only, according to the Mosaical institution; and, from the time that they 
 became thus reformed, they may truly be reckoned a sect of the Jewish reli- 
 gion. But I having treated of them already in the sixth book of the first part 
 of this history, to refer the reader thither is all that I need farther say of them 
 in this place. 
 
 II. The Sadducees at first were no more than what the Karraites are now, 
 that is, they would not receive the traditions of the elders, but stuck to the 
 written word only. How these traditions grew among the Jews, I have already 
 given a full account;*^ and the Pharisees being the grand promoters of them 
 hence they and the Sadducees became sects directly opposite to each other. 
 And, as long as the Saducees opposed them no farther than in this matter only, 
 they were in the right; but afterward they imbibed other doctrines, which ren- 
 dered them a sect thoroughly impious. For — 
 
 1st, They denied the resurrection of the dead,'' the being of angels, and all 
 existences of the spirit or souls of men departed. For their notion was,' that 
 there is no spiritual being but God only; that, as to man, this world is his all; 
 that, at his death, body and soul die together, never to live more; and that 
 therefore there is no future reward or punishment. They acknowledged that 
 God made this world by his power, and governs it by his providence: and, for 
 the carrying on of this government, hath ordained rewards and punishments, 
 but that they are in this world only: and for this reason alone was it, that they 
 worshipped him, and paid obedience to his laws. In sum, they w^ere Epicu- 
 rean deists in all other respects, excepting only, that they allowed that God 
 made the world by his power, and governs it by his providence. The Talmudic 
 story of Sadoc, the scholar of Antigonus of Socho, tells us, how they came to 
 fall into this impiety, and that from this Sadoc they had the name of Sad- 
 Jucees. This being above fully related,'' I need not here again repeat it. But, 
 must confess, Talmudic stories are but of very little credit with me. When 
 John Hyrcanus deserted the sect of the Pharisees, and went over to the Sad- 
 ducees, no other alteration is mentioned then to have been made by him in 
 that change,'" but his rejecting and annuUing all the traditional constitutions of 
 the Pharisees, which makes it probable that the Sadducees were at that time 
 
 •1 Vide Grotii Comment, in 1 Maccab. ii. 42. 
 
 2 Gintius, ibid. Scaliger. in Elencho Trihieres, c. 22. 3 1 Maccab. ii. 42. vii. 13. 
 
 4 The word is written with tlie Hebrew letter Cheth, wliich is sometimes rendered by Ch as in Cliasidim, 
 sometimes by an aspirate as in Hebron, and sometimes it is wholly left out, as here in the word Assidsns. 
 
 5 2Kin2s .vvii. 33. 6 Part 1, book 5. 7 Matt. xxii. 23. Mark xii. 16. Acts xxiii. 8. 
 8 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. c. 2. et de Bello Judaico, Jib. 2. c. 12. 9 Part 2, book 1. 
 }0 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 18. 
 
OOQ CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 pone no farther in the tenets of their sect, than to the denying of these consti- 
 tutions. And, moreover, Hyrcanus having the character of a just and religious 
 in-ince,' and all his actions speaking him such, it is not likely that he should 
 embrace so impious a doctrine, as that of denying the resurrection and a future 
 state, especially when he was going into that state (for it was in the latter end 
 of his life that this was done.) All which put together, give good reason to 
 suppose that this impiety had not then infected this sect. Whenever it was 
 introduced among them, thus much we may be assured of, that vice and wick- 
 edness were the only causes of its birth; and, wherever it is elscM'here found, 
 it always hath the same parents. When men live such lives, that they cannot 
 give God an account of them, they greedily lay hold of any scheme, how false 
 and foolish soever, that shall exempt them from it. Epicurus's brag was, that 
 he had delivered the world from the fear of the gods. And to lay asleep the 
 conscience, and deliver men's minds from the fear of God and his judgments, so 
 as to be at liberty to sin on without reluctancy or regret, is the only reason that 
 makes any to be Epicurus's disciples. And it is most likely, that this impiety 
 among the Jews had the same original. Under the Asmonsean princes, the 
 Jews grew prosperous, powerful, and rich, and their riches produced great 
 luxury and vice; and to free their consciences from the fear of a future account- 
 ing for the enormities which grew up from this root, was the true cause that 
 introduced this doctrine against a future state among them. And this is con- 
 firmed! by what Josephus writes of this sect:^ for he tells us, that they were men 
 of quality and riches only that were of it. But, since the generality of learned 
 men admit the Talmudic story above-mentioned concerning the first introduc- 
 tion of this doctrine among them by Sadoc, the disciple of Antigonus of Socho, 
 I will enter into no farther contest about it; but, having offered my conjectures 
 to the contrary, I leave it to the reader to make his judgment about it as he 
 shall see cause. 
 
 2. The Sadducces not only rejected all unwritten traditions, but also all the 
 written word,^ excepting only that of the five books of Moses. And, if it be true 
 what the Talmudic story above mentioned relates, that Sadoc, on his first venting 
 of his doctrine against a future state, was forced for the impiety of it to flee to the 
 'Samaritans for refuge, perchance he might learn this part of his heresy fi'om 
 them: for they admitted only the five books of Moses, rejecting all the other 
 parts of holy scripture, as well the prophets as the hagiographa. But it seems 
 most probable, that the Sadducees rejected these books because they found them 
 -inconsistent with their doctrine. There are many places in the prophets and 
 the hagiographa, which plainly and undeniably prove a future state, and the re- 
 surrection frojn the dead; and therefore, having embraced the doctrine of deny- 
 ing both, they did, what usually all heretics do, that is, reject, right or wrong, 
 whatsoever did make against them. Some learned men, and among them Sca- 
 ^liger for one,^ hold, that they did not reject the other scriptures, but only gave a 
 preference above them to the five books of Moses. But the account which is 
 •given in the gospels of the disputation which Christ had with the Sadducees,* 
 plainly proves the contrary. For seeing there are so many texts in the prophets 
 and hagiographa, which plainly and directly prove a future state, and resurrec- 
 tion from the dead, no other reason can be given, why Christ waived all these 
 proofs, and drew his argument only by consequence from what is said in the 
 law, but that he knew they had rejected the prophets and the hagiographa, and 
 therefore would admit no argument, but from the law only. Their agreeing 
 with the Samaritans in rejecting all traditions, and in receiving no other scrip- 
 tures than the five books of Moses only, hath given a handle to the Jews, to load 
 the Samaritans with the imputations o"f agreeing with them also in the denial of 
 a future state, and the resurrection from the dead, whereas, in this article, the 
 
 1 Jf^sPpli. <1« HHIu Jmlairo, lih.l. r. 3. 2 Aiitiq. lib. 13. c. 18. et lib. 18. c. 2. 
 
 .f M'c f.rdliuiii m Mall. XXII. i;3. Drusium dp tribus Sectis Juilseorum, lib. 3. c. 9. Liabtfoot vol. 'J. p. 1278. 
 qiii lirolial hoc.-xTi-rtiilliaiio, HJeroiiymo, aliisque. ' 
 
 4 Elench. Trjiia,.re.»..c lt>. 5 niatt. .\3cii. Mark xii. LuJke xx. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT- 2i>l 
 
 Samaritans are sounder than the Jews themselves, and so continue even la 
 this day. 
 
 3. The third point of the Sadducees' heresy, was about free will and predes- 
 tination.' For, whereas the Essenes held all things to be predetermined and 
 fixed in an unalterable concatenation of causes never to be varied from, and 
 the Pharisees allowed a free-will in conjunction with predestination, the Saddu- 
 cees differing from both, denied all manner of predestination whatever,* their 
 doctrine being, that God had made man absolute master of all his actions, with 
 a lull freedom to do either good or evil, as he shall think fit to choose, without 
 any assistance to him for the one, or any restraint upon him as to the other; so 
 that, whether a man doth good or evil, it is wholly from himself, because he 
 hath it absolutely in his own power, both to do the one and avoid the other. In 
 sum, they held the same among the Jews that Pelagius did afterward among 
 the Christians, that is, that there is no help from God, either of his preventing 
 grace, or his assisting grace; but, that without any such help, ever}'^ man hath 
 in himself full power to avoid all the evil which the law of God forbids, and to 
 do all the good which it commands. And therefore, looking on all men to have 
 this power in themselves, it is remarked of them, that, whenever they sat in 
 judgment upon criminals,'^ they always were for the severest sentence against 
 them. And, indeed, their general character was, that they were a very ill-na- 
 tured sort of men,'' churlish and morose in their behaviour to each other, but 
 cruel and savage to all besides. Their number was the fewest of all the sects 
 of the Jews;* but they were men of the best quality, and the greatest riches among 
 them. And it is too often found, that those who abound most in the things of 
 this world, are the forwardest to neglect and disbelieve the promises of a better. 
 All those that were of the greatest power and riches among the Jews, being 
 cut off in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, this whole sect seems 
 then to have perished with them. For we find no mention made of them, as a 
 sect in being, for many ages after, till their name was revived again in the Kar- 
 raites, which is the next sect of the Jews that I am to give an account of. 
 
 III. These Karraites,*^ though, in the way of reproach, they are called Saddu- 
 cees by the other Jews, yet agree Avith them in nothing else but in rejecting 
 all traditions, and adhering only to the written word. Here, indeed the Sad- 
 ducees first began, but afterward went farther into these impious doctrines above 
 described, which the Karraites have not. For in all other matters they agree 
 with the other Jews; neither do they absolutely reject all traditions, but only 
 refuse to allow them the same authority as they do to the written word. They 
 are content to admit them as the opinions of the former doctors, as human helps 
 for the interpreting and the better understanding of the written word, as far as- 
 they shall find them conducive thereto, but not to equal them to the written 
 word itself, which all the other Jews do. For, as to these other Jews, I have- 
 shown in the former part of this history, how they hold, that, besides the writ- 
 ten law, there was also given to Moses, from Mount Sinai an oral law of the- 
 same authority with the former; under this latter they comprehend all their tra- 
 ditions, and therefore think themselves under the same obligation to observe- 
 them, as the written word itself, or rather a greater. For they observe not 
 the written Avord any otherwise than as interpreted by their traditions. And 
 therefore, having, in process of time, gathered all these traditions into that vo- 
 luminous book called their Talmud, they required the same deference and vene- 
 ration to be paid that book as to the holy scriptures themselves, founding all 
 their articles of faith upon its dictates, and regulating their practice in all things 
 according to the directions and precepts that are therein. This book was pub- 
 
 1 .Tognph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 9. 2 Joseph, ibid, et ile Bello Jud.-iico. lib. 2. c. 12. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 20. c. 8. 4 Joseph, de Bello Jiulaico, lib. 2. c. 12. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 18. et lib. 18. c. 2. 
 
 6 Vide Buxtorfii Le.xicon Rfibbinicuin, p. 2112, 211.*?, &c. IMorini Exercitationes Biblicas, lib. 2. exercit. 7. 
 Hottin^'eri Tliesauruni, p. 40. Drusiuin dc tnbus Judseorum Sectis, lib. 3. c. 15. Scaligeri Elenchum Tr> 
 hasrcs, c. 2.. 
 
202 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 lished about the bco-lnning of the sixth century after Christ. But, when it came 
 to be scanned and examined by such as were men of sense and judgment 
 amono- them, they not being able to conceive how such trash, nonsense, and 
 incredible fables as they found heaped up therein, could come from God, were 
 so shocked hereby, that they could not give up their faith to it; but, reserving 
 that wholly for the written word of God (i e. the law, the prophets, and the 
 hao-ioorapha,) received the other only as a work of human composure, to be 
 used only as a help for the interpreting and explaining the written word in such 
 passages of it where it should be found conducive thereto; and, for some time, 
 their dissent on this point went on without making any breach or schism among 
 them, till about the year of our lord 750. But when Anan, a Jew of Babylonia, 
 of the stock of David, and Saul his son, both learned men in their way, having 
 openly declared for the written word only, and publicly disclaimed and con- 
 demned all manner of traditions, excepting such alone as agreed therewith, this 
 forthwith produced a rent and schism among them, so that they became divided 
 into two parties, the one standing up for the Talmud and its traditions, and the 
 other rejecting and disowning both, as containing, in their opinion, the inven- 
 tions of men, and not the doctrines and commands of God. Those who stood 
 up for the Talmud and its traditions, being chiefly the Rabbies and their scho- 
 lars and followers: hence this party had the name of Rabbinists; and the other 
 being for the scriptures only, which, in the Babylonish language, is called Kara, 
 from hence they had the name of Karraites, which is as much as to say, Scrip- 
 tuarians; under which two names the controversy M'as thenceforth carried on be- 
 tween them, and so continues even to this day. The Jews tell us,' that the 
 cause of this schism was wholly from the ambition and disgust of Anan; that be- 
 ing put by from the degree of Gaon,' and also at another time from being chosen 
 iEchmalotarch,' or head of the captivity at Babylon, to which he had a pre- 
 tence, as being of the seed of David, to be revenged for these two repulses, 
 they say, he made this division among the people. This sect is still in being, 
 and those that are of it are reckoned men of the best learning and the best 
 probity of all the Jewish nation.* There are very few of them, if any at all, 
 in these western parts. The most of them are to be found in Poland, Russia, 
 and the eastern countries. In the middle of the last century there was an ac- 
 count taken of their numbers, whereby it appears that there were then of them 
 in Poland two thousand,^ at CafFa in Tartaria Crima^a one thousand two hun- 
 dred, at Cairo three hundred, at Damascus two hundred, at Jerusalem thirty, in 
 Babylonia one hundred, in Persia six hundred. But all these put together, 
 make but a small number in respect of the great bulk of those that are on the 
 other side. They read their scriptures and their liturgies every where,* both 
 publicly and privately, in the language of the country in which they dwell. 
 At Constantinople they have them in Greek, at CafFa in Turkish, in Persia in 
 the Persian language, and in Arabic in all places where Arabic is spoken as the 
 vulgar tongue. 
 
 IV. But the greatest sect of the Jews was that of the Pharisees.'' For they 
 had not only the scribes, and all the learned men in the law, of their party, 
 but they also drew after them all the bulk of the common people.' They dif- 
 fered from the Samaritans, in that besides the law, they received the prophets, 
 the hagiographa, and the traditions of the elders; and from the Sadducees, not 
 only in these particulars, but also in their doctrines about a future state, and the 
 resurrection of the dead, and about predestination and free-wiU. 
 
 1 R. Abraham Ben Dior in Cabbala Hist. Zacaulus in Juchasin. David Ganz in Zemach David. 
 
 2 Oaon was a title to which their highest doctors were in those times promoted. 
 
 3 The yEchinalotarch was the head of the captivity in Babylonia, and the same in that province that the 
 Alabarcha was in Alexandria, that is, one chosen amoii-; the Jews to whom Ihey submitted to be judped and 
 governed according to their law. And snch a one they had over them here in England under the first Nor- 
 man kings, who was licensed by them for this office, by the name of Episcopus Judfeorum. See Selden's 
 Marmora Arundrliniia. 
 
 4 Scalig. in Klencho Trihercs, c. 2. 
 
 5 Hotlinger. in Thesauro I'hilologico inter addenda, p. 583. 6 Ibid. 
 
 7 Joeeph. Aniiq. lib. 13. c. 9. 18. lib. 17. c. 3. lib. 18, c. 2. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 2. c. 12. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENt. 303 
 
 For, as to the first of these, it is said in scripture, that,' " whereas the Sad- 
 ducees say, that there is no resurrection, neither angel nor spirit, the Pharisees 
 confess both;" that is, 1st, that there is to be a resurrection from the dead; and, 
 2dly, that there are angels and spirits. But, according to Josephus,'' this resur- 
 rection of theirs was no more than a Pythagorean resurrection, that is, a resur- 
 rection of the soul only by its transmigration into another body, and being born 
 anew with it. But from this resurrection they excluded all that were notori- 
 ously wicked. For of such their notion w'as, that their souls, as soon as sepa- 
 rated from their bodies, were transmitted into a state of everlasting woe, there 
 to sutler the punishment of their sins to all eternity. But, as to lesser crimes, 
 their opinion was, that they were punished in the bodies which the souls of those 
 that committed them were next sent into. And according to this notion was it, 
 that Christ's disciples asked him, in the case of the man that was born blind,' 
 " Who did sin, this man or his parents, that he w'as born blind?" For this plain- 
 ly supposeth an antecedent state of being, otherwise it cannot be conceived, 
 that a man could sin before he was born. And, when the disciples told Christ,* 
 that some said of him, that he was Elias, and others Jeremias, or one of the 
 prophets; this can be understood no otherwise, but that they thought according 
 to the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, that he was come into the wopld. 
 with the soul of Elias, or of Jeremias, or of some other of the old prophets 
 transmitted into him, and born with him. These two instances put together, 
 plainly prove what Josephus saith, that is, that the resurrection held by the 
 Jews in those times was no more than a Pythagorean resurrection of the same 
 soul in another body. But when Christ came, who brought life and immortali- 
 ty to light, he first taught the true resurrection of the same body and soul toge- 
 ther, and soon after the Jews learned it from his followers, and, ever since, have 
 taught it in the same manner as they did. For all their books now extant speak 
 of the resurrection of the dead, and the last judgment thereon to follow, no 
 otherwise in the main particulars, than as the Christians do. 
 
 As to what the Pharisees held of predestination and free-w^ill, it is hard to say 
 what their doctrine was as to this matter. For, according to Josephus," they 
 held absolute predestination with the Essenes, and free-will w'ith the Sadducees, 
 jumbled both together. For they ascribed to God and fate all that is done, and 
 yet left to man the freedom of his will. But how they made these two appa- 
 rent incompatibles consist together, is no where sufficiently explained; per- 
 chance they meant no more, than that every man freely chooseth what he is 
 unalterably predestinated to. But if he be predestinated to that choice, how 
 freely soever he may seem to choose, certainly he hath no free-w^ill, because 
 he is, according to this scheme, unalterably necessitated to all that he doth, and 
 cannot possibly choose otherwise. 
 
 But the main distinguishing character of this sect was, their zeal for the tra- 
 ditions of the elders,® which they derived from the same fountain with the writ- 
 ten word itself, pretending both to havelaeen delivered to IMoses from Mount 
 Sinai; and therefore they ascribed equally to both the same authority. How 
 these traditions had their rise after the time of Ezra, I have already shown.'^ 
 This sect of men (who made it their main business to propagate them, and pro- 
 mote their observance) had its birth at the same time with them; and they grew 
 up together, till at length they came to such a maturity and ascendancy, that 
 the traditional law swallowed up the written law,^ and these who were the pro- 
 pagators of it, the whole bulk of the Jewish nation. These men,® by reason of 
 their pretences to a more nice and rigorous observance of the law, according 
 to their traditions, which they had superadded to it, looked on themselves as 
 more holy than other men; and therefore separated themselves from those whom 
 they thought sinners, or profane, so as not to eat or drink with them;'" and hence 
 
 1 Acts xxiii. B. 2 Do Bello Jiidaicn, lib. 2. c. 12. 3 John ix. 2. 4 Matt. xvi. 14. 
 
 .5 Aiiliq. lib. 13. c. 9. ft lib. 18. c. 2. et (ie Bello Judaico, lib. 2. c. 12. 
 
 6 Jospph. Antii). liq. 13. c. 18. et lib. 18. c. 2. 7 Part, l.bnok 5. 8 Matt. xv. 1—6. Mark vii. 3, 4. 
 
 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 17. c. 3. et lib. 18. c. 2. el de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 4. 10 Matt. ix. 2. Luke v. 30. xv. S'. 
 
oo.t CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 from the Hebrew word pharas, which slgnifieth to sejMrate,^ they had the name 
 of Pharisees, which is as much as to say separatists. And although their chicf- 
 est separation was from the common people, whom they called cm kaardz, i. e. 
 "the people of the earth," and reckoned them no other than as the dung there- 
 of; yet by reason of their hypocritical pretences to greater righteousness than 
 otiiers in the observance of the law, they drew the common people after them,^ 
 they being above all others in their high esteem and veneration. This hypo- 
 crisy our Saviour' frequently chargeth them with;'' as also of their making the 
 law of God of none effect by their traditions. Several of these traditions he 
 particularly mentioned and condemned, as appears in the gospels; but they had 
 a vast number more. To go through them all would be to transcribe the Tal- 
 mud, a book of twelve volumes in folio. For the whole subject of it is to dic- 
 tate and explain all those traditions which this sect imposed to be received and 
 observed. And although many of them are very absurd and foolish, and most 
 of them very burdensom.e and heavy to be borne, yet this sect hath devoured 
 all the rest, they having had for many ages none to oppose them among that 
 people, saving only those few Karraites I have mentioned. For excepting them 
 only, the whole nation of the Jews, from the destruction of the temple to this 
 present time, have wholly gone in unto them, and received all their traditions 
 Tor divine dictates, and to this day observe them with much greater regard and 
 devotion than the written word itself So that they have in a manner, for the 
 sake of their traditions, annulled all the holy scriptures of the Old Testament, 
 and set up the Talmud to be their Bible in its stead. For this they now make 
 to be the whole rule of their faith and manners: so that it is now only accord- 
 ing to their traditions of the Pharisees, not according to the law and the pro- 
 phets, that the present Jewish religion is wholly formed; whereby they have 
 corrupted the old Jewish religion, just in the same manner as the Romanists 
 have the Christian. 
 
 In conjunction with the Pharisees, the scribes are often mentioned in the 
 scriptures of the New Testament. But they were not a sect, but a profession 
 of men following literature. They were of divers sorts. For generally, all 
 that were any way learned among the Jews, Avere in the time of our Saviour 
 and his apostles called scribes; but especially those,- who, by reason of their 
 skill in the law and divinity of the Jews, Avere advanced to sit in Moses's seat, 
 and were either judges in their Sanhedrins,'" or teachers in their schools or syna- 
 gogues. They were mostly of the sect of the Pharisees," most of the learning 
 of the Jews, in those times, lying in their Pharisaical traditions, and their way 
 of interpreting (or we may rather say, wresting) the scriptures by them. And 
 they being the men that dictated the law both of church and state, hence law- 
 yers and scribes are convertible terms in the gospels, and both of them do there 
 signify the same sort of men. For the same person who, in Matt. xxii. 35. is 
 called a lawyer, is in Mark xii. 28. said to be one of the scribes. 
 
 V. But how rigorous soever the Pharisees pretended to be in their obser- 
 vances, the Essenes outdid them herein. For being originally of the same sect 
 with them, they reformed upon them in the same manner as, among the Roman- 
 ists, the Carthusians, and the Cistertians, have upon the Benedictines, and did 
 set up for a much more severe, and perchance for a much more unblamable, 
 rule of living than the other did. As to fate and free-will," their opinion was 
 for an absolute predestination, agreeable to what is held by the Supralapsarians 
 of the present age, without allowing to man any free-will at all, or any liberty 
 oi" choice in any of his actions. And, as to the other grand point of a future 
 state, and the resurrection from the dead, they also differed from the Pharisees 
 
 ih o "^^T'o ' ^-•exicon Rahbiiiicum, 1851, 1852. Lightfoot, vol. 1. p. 656. Driisius de tribus Sectis JudiBorum, 
 -i M='.,' ••■ ,.. .. , „„ ' 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 18. et lib. 18. c. 2. 
 
 3 Matt. x.\iii, \:\—X\. I,uko xi. 39—52. 4 Matt. xv. fi. 
 
 fn?til??.'r Yl^""*^ ^^" ^V^ of Sanhedrins among the Jews, one of twenty-three persons in every citv, and one 
 lor the whole nation of scveiitytwo persons sitting at Jerusalem. J - > 
 
 6 Josephus de Bello Judaico, lib. 2. c. 12. 
 
 7 Joseph. Antiq. Ub. 13. c. 9. et lib. 18. c. 2. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 2. c. 19. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 225 
 
 herein: for although they allowed the former, they denied the latter, their doc- 
 trine being that the souls of men,' after their death, are transmitted into a state 
 of immortality, therein to live in everlasting bliss or in everlasting woe, accord- 
 ing as their actions have deserved, without ever any more returning either to 
 their own or any other bodies for ever. Although our Saviour very often cen- 
 sured aU the other sects then among the Jews, yet he never spake of the Esse- 
 nes; neither is there any mention of them through the whole scriptures of the 
 New Testament. This proceeded, some think, from their retired way of living; 
 for their abode being mostly in the country, they seldom came into cities, nor 
 were they, in our Saviour's time, ever seen at the temple, or in any public as- 
 sembly; and therefore, not falling in the way of our Saviour's observation, for 
 this reason, say they, he took no notice of them: but it is much more likely it 
 was, that being a very honest and sincere sort of people, without guile or hypo- 
 crisy, they gave no reason for that reproof and censure which the others very 
 justly deserved. Their way of living was very peculiar and remarkable. To 
 give the reader a thorough view of it, the best way will be, to lay it before him 
 in the words of Josephus, Philo, and Pliny, who are the ancientest authors that 
 speak of this sect, and from whom all else is taken that is said of it. The 
 words of Josephus concerning the Essenes are as follow: — 
 
 " The Essenes are Jews by nation,^ and a society of men friendly to each 
 other, beyond what is to be found among any other people; they have an aver- 
 sion to pleasure in the same manner as to that which is truly evil. To live con- 
 tinently, and keep their passions in subjection, they esteem a virtue of the first 
 rate. Marriage they have in no esteem, but, taking other men's children, Avhile 
 they are yet tender, and susceptible of any impression, they treat them as if 
 they were of their own flesh and blood, and carefully breed them up in the in- 
 stitutions of their sect. However, they are not so absolutely against marriage in 
 others; for that would be to take away the succession and race of mankind; but, 
 being aware of the lasciviousness of women, they are persuaded that none of 
 them can keep true faith to one man. 
 
 " They have riches in great contempt; and community of goods is maintained 
 among them in a very admirable manner: for, not any one is to be found among 
 them possessing more than another, it being a fixed rule of their sect, that every 
 one who enters into it must give up all his goods into the pubhc stock of the so- 
 ciety; so that, among the whole number, none may be found lower than another 
 by reason of his poverty, or any on the other side elated above the rest by his 
 riches. For, every man's goods being cast into common, they are all enjoyed 
 as one possession among brethren in the same family for each man's use. 
 
 " They look on it as a disparagement to make use of oil;' so that, if any one 
 of them should happen to be anointed against his will, they wipe it off immedi- 
 ately, and cleanse their body from it; for, not to be nice in the care of them- 
 selves, they esteem as a commendable thing; and they always go habited in 
 white garments. 
 
 " They have stewards chosen for the management of their common stock, 
 who in common provide for all, according as every man hath need. They do 
 not all live together in one city, but in every city several of them dwell.'' These 
 give reception to all travellers of their sect, who eat and drink with them as 
 freely as of their own, going in unto them, though they never saAv them before, 
 in the same manner as if they had been of their long acquaintance; and there- 
 fore, when they take a journey any where, they carry nothing with them but 
 arms for their defence against thieves. In every city they have one principal 
 person of their society appointed procurator, to take care of all strangers that 
 
 1 Joseph, de Bello Judaico, lib. 2. c. 12. ~ }^\'^- ''■}■ .^ , ,. , „,, ^, , 
 
 3 Anointing with oil was much in use in the east, in those times, especialy after the use of the bath, and 
 
 those who were most delicate anointed themselves with perfumed oil: but the Essenes rejected all anointing 
 
 ""Ybv whaUs after said, thev seem to have been distributed into sodalities, and to have, in every place where 
 they dwelt, one or move of those sodalities, according to their number; and within these ^"da «'f Jo "^^ 
 lived together accnnling to all the rules of their order, that is. every one m that sodality to which he belonged. 
 
 Vol. II.— -29 
 
226 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 canie thither of that sect, who provideth them with clothes and all other neces- 
 saries that they shall be in want of. Their garb and gesture of body is always 
 such as resembles that of children under the fear and discipline of their masters. 
 They never change their clothes or shoes, till they be worn out and made unfit 
 by time for any farther use. They neither sell nor buy any thing among them- 
 selves, but every one gives of that which he hath to him that wanteth; and, on 
 like occasion, again receives, in return hereto, whatsoever the other hath that 
 he stands in need of; and, although there be no such retribution, yet it is free 
 for every one to take, of whomsoever of the sect he shall think fit, all whatsoever 
 he stands in want of. 
 
 "They are, in what pertaineth to God, in an especial manner religious: for, 
 before the sun be risen, they speak of no common worldly matter, but till then, 
 offer up unto God their prayers in ancient forms, received from their predeces- 
 sors, supplicating particularly in them, that he would make the sun to rise upon 
 them. After this, they are sent by their superiors' each to work in the employ- 
 ments they are skilled in; wherein they having diligently laboured till the fifth 
 hour (that is, till eleven in the morning,) they then assemble again in one place 
 together; and each having a linen garment to put about him, they wash them- 
 selves in cold water; after this lustration, they go into a private room, where no 
 one that is not of their sect is permitted to enter. And, being thus purified, 
 they go into the refectory, or dining room, with the same behaviour as into a 
 holy temple; where, being set in silence, the baker lays before every man his 
 loaf of bread; and the cook, in like manner, serves up to each of them his dish, 
 all of the same sort of food. The priest then says grace before meat; and it is 
 not lawful for any to taste the least bit before grace be said, and after dinner they 
 say grace again; and thus they always begin and end their meal, with praise and 
 thanksgiving to God, as the giver of their food. After this, they quit the habits 
 which they last put on, looking on them as in some measure sacred, and then 
 again betake themselves each man to his work till the evening; when returning 
 again to the same place, they take their supper in the same manner as they had 
 their dinner, their guests sitting at meal with them, if so it happen that there are 
 any such then present in the place. No noise or tumult ever disorders the house 
 where they are; for, when they are met together, they speak only as each is 
 allowed his turn. This silence appears to others, who are not of their sect, as a 
 thing of venerable and sacred regard. All this is the effect of a constant course 
 of sobriety, in their moderating their eating and drinking only to the end of 
 sufficing nature. 
 
 " Although, in all other matters, they do nothing without the allowance of 
 their superiors, yet in two cases, that is, in offices of assistance and in offices of 
 mercy, they are permitted to have free power each man to do as he shall see 
 cause for it: for to yield assistance to those that are worthy of it whenever they 
 stand in need thereof, and to be charitable in giving food to the poor that want 
 it, is what is allowed to all of them with full liberty; but to give any thing to 
 their relations, without the consent and allowance of their governors, is utterly 
 forbidden among them. 
 
 " They dispense their anger with justice, and are great curbers of their pas- 
 sions, steady keepers of their faith, constant labourers for peace; and every word 
 with them is of greater force than an oath Avith other men. They avoid taking 
 any oath at all, looking on it as worse than perjury. They say, he is already 
 condemned as a faithless person, who is not to be believed without calling God 
 to witness. They are in an extraordinary manner studious of the writings of the 
 ancients, selecting out of them such things especially as are beneficial either to 
 the bodies or souls of men. Hence, in order to the cure of diseases, the nature 
 of medicinal roots and property of stones are searched into by them. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. ocjy 
 
 " When any desire to enter into their sect, they are not immediately admit* 
 ted, but are kept without a whole year, during which time they put all of them 
 that are of this class of novices under the same discipline, or rule of living, giving 
 to each of them a small pick-axe, the linen garment above mentioned, and a 
 white suit of clothes. After they have, during all this time, given thorough proof 
 of their continence and temperance, they are received into a nearer conversation 
 and rule of life with them, and partake of their holier water for their purifica- 
 tion. However, they are not admitted as yet to their common table, and full 
 fellowship with them; but, after their having given this proof of their continence 
 for one year, they make trial of their manners for two years longer, and then, if 
 they appear worthy, they give them full admission into their society. 
 
 " But, before they are admitted to eat at the common table, they strictly bind 
 themselves, by solemn vows, first to worship and serve God; and next, that in all 
 things to do that which is just toward men; not willingly to wrong anyone, no, 
 not though he should be commanded so to do; always to detest M'icked men, and 
 to side with and help all those that are just and good; ever to keep faith invio- 
 lable with all men, especially with princes (for no one comes to have rule and 
 government over us but by God's appointment.) That if it shall happen that 
 they be called to any station of government, they will not abuse their power to 
 the wronging of any under them, nor distinguish themselves from them by their 
 habit or more splendid dress of apparel; always to love truth, and to convince 
 and reprove all that are liars; to keep their hands from stealing, and to keep 
 their minds clear from the taint of any unjust gain; that they will not conceal 
 from any of the society the mysteries of their sect, nor communicate them to 
 any other, no, not though they should be forced to it for the saving of their lives. 
 And, moreover, they farther vow, to dehver to none of their brethren any of 
 their doctrines otherwise than as they have received them; to abstain from all 
 theft, and to preserve with equal care the books containing the doctrines of their 
 sect,' and the names of the messengers by whose hands they were written and 
 conveyed to them. And by such vows do they bind and secure all those that 
 enter into their society, to be ever steady and firm to all the laws and rules of it. 
 
 " Such as they find guilty of any enormous crime, they expel out of the so- 
 ciety. And those who fall under this sentence often perish by a most lamentable 
 death: for they are so bound up by the laws of that society, and the vows which 
 they have made to keep them, that they cannot receive any food but from those 
 of their sect; so that they are forced, when thus expelled, to feed, like beasts, on 
 the herbs of the field, till their bodies being consumed for want of nourishment, 
 they are famished to death: wherefore, often commiserating their case, they have 
 received them again, when ready to expire, thinking that they have suffered 
 punishment enough for their crimes, when thus brought by it even to the gates 
 of death. 
 
 " In their administration of justice, they are most exact and just; they never 
 give sentence but when there are one hundred at least present, and what is then 
 decreed by them remains irrevocable. Next to God, they have the highest vene- 
 ration for their legislators, making it no less than death to speak evil of them. 
 To yield to the sentiments of their elders, and submit to what is determined by 
 the major part of their people, they hold to be a thing commendable, and what 
 ought to be done. When any ten of them sit together, no one of them speaks 
 but with the consent of the other nine. When they are in any company, they 
 are carefully to avoid spitting into the middle before them, or on the right hand. 
 
 " In abstaining from all manner of work on the sabbath-day, they distinguish 
 themselves above al! otlier Jews; for they dn not only make ready their sabbath- 
 day's meal the eve before, that they may not do so much as kindle a fire on that 
 day, but also tie themselves up so strictly to the observance of it, that they do 
 not then dare move a vessel out of its place, or so much as go to stool for the 
 
228 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ease of nature.' On all other days, when they ease themselves, they dig a 
 pit of a foot deep Avith an iron instrument, which they always carry about with 
 them (that is, the small pick-axe, which is above mentioned, to be given to all 
 their novices,) and then, encompassing their lower parts carefully with their 
 garments, that they may not offer any injury or offence to the divine splendour, 
 they set themselves over the said pit, and so discharge themselves into it, and 
 then cover it over with the earth afore digged out of it. And this they always 
 do, choosing the secrete st places for it. And, although this be no more than 
 the natural voiding of bodily excrements, yet it is their usage to wash them- 
 selves after it, as after some great pollution. 
 
 "They are divided, according to the time that they have been in this ascetic 
 manner of life, into four different classes, one above another; and every one of 
 a senior class thinks all of the inferior classes so much beneath him, that, if he 
 happen to touch any one of them, he washeth after it, in the same manner as 
 if he had touched one of another nation. They are long livers, so that many 
 of them arrive to the age of one hundred years; which is to be ascribed to their 
 simple and plain manner of feeding, and the temperance and good order which 
 they observe in that and in all things else. 
 
 " They are contemners of adversity, and overcom.e all sufferings by the great- 
 ness of their mind; insomuch, that they esteem death itself, when it is to be 
 undergone on an honourable account, better than immortality. Of the firmness 
 of their mind in all cases, the war which we had with the Romans hath given 
 sufhcient proof; in Avhich, though they were tortured, racked, burned, had their 
 bones broken, and were made to undergo the sufferings of all the instruments 
 of torments, that they might thereby be brought to speak ill of their lawgiver, 
 and eat of those meats that are prohibited, yet they always stood firmly out to 
 do neither of them; neither did they ever endeavour to mollify or appease the 
 rage of their tormentors toward them, or shed one tear in their sufferings; but 
 laughed while under their torments, and, mocking those who were the execu- 
 tioners of them, cheerfully yielded up their souls in death, as firmly believing, 
 that, after that, they should live in them for ever. 
 
 "For this opinion is delivered among them, that the bodies of men are mor- 
 tal, and that the substance of them is not permanent, but that their souls, being 
 immortal, remain forever; that, coming out of the subtilest and purest air, they 
 are enveloped and bound up in their bodies, as in so many prisons, being at- 
 tracted to them by certain natural allurements; but that, after they get out of 
 those corporal bonds, being, as it were, freed from a long servitude, do rejoice 
 thereon, and are carried aloft. And they affirm, agreeable to the opinion of the 
 Greeks, that, for the souls of good men, there is ordained a state of life in a re- 
 gion beyond the ocean, which is never molested, either with showers, or snow, 
 or raging heats, but is ever refreshed with gentle gales of wind constantly 
 breathing from the ocean: but to the souls of the wicked they assign a dark 
 and cold place for their abode, filled with punishments which will never cease. 
 And it seems to be according to the same notion that the Greeks assign to their 
 valiant men, Avhom they call heroes and demigods, the fortunate islands for 
 their habitation; but to the souls of wicked men, the regions of the impious in 
 hell. And hence it is that they have devised their fables of several there pun- 
 ished, as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus; laying down, in the 
 first place, that the souls of men do Hve for ever; and, next, applying this doc- 
 trine for the encouragement of \artue and the discouragement of vice and wick- 
 edness. For good men are made better in their lives by the hopes of honour 
 for the reward of it after death, and evil men are restrained from the impetuosity 
 of their course in wickedness by fear, while they expect, that, though their evil 
 deeds escape observation in this life, yet, after death, they must undergo ever- 
 
 ] What was commanded tlit- Jews while in the camp. Dent, xxiii. 12, 13. these Esscnes thought to be al- 
 ways obligatory upon them in all places; and therefore, thinking they ought not to do so much work on that 
 oay as to dig the pit there commanded, they never on that day went to^stool, but abstained from it tUl the 
 next day, how much soever nature called for ease in this case. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 229 
 
 lasting punishinents for them. This is the divinity which the Essenes teach 
 concerning the soul, proposing thereby a bait of inevitable allurement to all 
 that have tasted of their doctrine. 
 
 "There are some of this sect Avho take upon them to foretell things to come, 
 being bred up from their childhood in the study of their sacred books, and the 
 sayings of the prophets, and also in the use of various purifications to qualify 
 them for it; and it is very seldom found that they fail in what they foretell. 
 
 "And there are another sort of Essenes, who, in their way of living, and in 
 the usages and rules of their orders, exactly agree with the others, excepting 
 only that they differ from them in their opinion about marriage. For they reck- 
 on, that those that do not marry, cut off a great part from the number of the 
 living, that is, out of the succession of the next generation, especially if all 
 should be of their mind; for then the whole race of mankind would soon be 
 extinguished. But, of those women whom they marry, they make trial for the 
 term of three years before they contract with them; and if, through all that 
 time, they find, by the constant regular order of their natural courses, that they 
 are of health fit to bear children, they then marry them; but they never lie with 
 them after they are found to be with child, showing thereby that they do not 
 marry to gratify lust, but only for the sake of having children. When their 
 women go to wash themselves, they have the like linen garment to put about 
 them, which is above mentioned to be given to the men for the same purpose. 
 And such are the usages and manners of this sect." 
 
 Thus far Josephus, in his book of the Wars of the Jews. In his book of thtar 
 Antiquities, which he wrote some years after the former, he says farther of them 
 as followeth.' "Among the Jews there have been three sorts of sects from 
 times of old: the Essenes, and the Sadducees, and the third sect, which are 
 called Pharisees. The doctrine of the Essenes ascribes to God the ordering 
 and governing of all things. They teach, that the souls of men are immortal. 
 They hold, that the attainment of righteousness and justice is to be endeavoured 
 after above all things. They send their gifts to the temple, but they offer no 
 sacrifices there, by reason of the different rules of purity which they have in- 
 stituted among themselves; and, therefore, being excluded the common temple, 
 they sacrifice apart by themselves; otherwise, they are, in their manners and 
 course of life, the best of men. They employ themselves wholly in the labour 
 of agriculture. Their righteousness is worthy of admiration, above all others 
 that pretend to virtue, in which they do by no means give place to any, whether 
 Greeks or Barbarians, no, not in the least: they have been long under engage- 
 ments never to be hindered by any thing in their diligent study and pursuit 
 after it. Their goods are all in common, and he that is rich hath not the enjoy- 
 ment of the things of his house any more than he that hath nothing at all. 
 And they that live after this manner are in number about four thousand men. 
 They neither marry wives, nor endeavour after the possession of servants; their 
 opinion of the latter being, that it leads to injustice, by invading the common 
 liberty of mankind; and of the other, that it gives matter for trouble and dis- 
 turbance. Wherefore, living by themselves, they mutually make use of the 
 service of each other. They choose good men out of the number of their priests 
 to be the receivers of their incomes, and the managers of the fruits which their 
 lands produce, for the providing of them Avith meat and drink." 
 
 There is also mention made of them by Josephus in another place, that is, in 
 the ninth chapter of the thirteenth book of his Antiquities; but there he speaks 
 only of their opinion about fate. His words in that place are, "That they 
 hold, that fate governs all things, and that nothing happens to man but by its 
 appointment." 
 
 Philo the Jew is the next, or indeed the first, that speaks of them. For he 
 wrote before Josephus, being by much the older of the two. For Josephus was 
 not born till the first year of the reign of Caligula the Roman emperor,* A. D. 37, 
 
 1 Joseph Anti(i.lib. 18. c. -2. 2 Josephus in Ubro de Vita sua. 
 
230 CONxNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 whereas Philo was at that time advanced in years: for it was not much 
 above two years after that Philo was sent as head of an embassy to that emperor 
 from the Alexandrian Jews, as a person that, by his age and experience, was 
 best qualified for that difficult undertaking. But Josepbus being best acquainted 
 with their sect, as having lived in Judea, and been there for some time conver- 
 sant among them,' and under their discipline, was best qualified to write a true 
 and exact account of them; and therefore I have begun with that which he 
 hath given us. For Philo, being a Jew of Alexandria, knew nothing of the 
 Essenes of Judea but what he had by hearsay: but with the Essenes of Egypt 
 he was indeed much better acquainted. For, although the principal seat of 
 them was in Judea, yet there were also of them in Egypt, and in all other 
 places where the Jews were dispersed; and therefore Philo distinguished this 
 sect into the Essenes of Judea and Syria, and the Essenes of Egypt and other 
 parts. The first he called practical Essenes, and the other he calls therapeutic 
 or contemplative; and of each he gives the accounts that follow. 
 
 *'Among'^ the Jews who inhabit Palestine and Syria, there are some whom 
 they call Essseans, being in number about four thousand men,^ according to my 
 opinion. They have their name by reason of their piety, from the Greek word 
 6(r.05, which signifieth holy, though the derivation from thence be not made ac- 
 cording to the exact rule of grammar. And, whereas they are most religious 
 servers and worshippers of God, they do not sacrifice unto him any living crea- 
 ture, but rather choose to form their minds to be holy, thereby to make them a 
 fit offering unto him. They chiefly live in country villages, avoiding cities, by 
 reason of the vices that are familiar among citizens; being sensible, that, as the 
 breathing in a corrupted air doth breed diseases, so the conversing with evil 
 company often makes an incurable impression upon the souls of men. 
 
 " Some of them labour in husbandry; others follow trades of manufacture, 
 confining themselves only to the making of such things as are the utensils of 
 peace, endeavouring thereby to benefit both themselves and their neighbours. 
 They do not treasure up either silver or gold, neither do they provide themselves 
 with large portions of land out of a desire of plentiful revenues, but seek only 
 after such things as are requisite for the supplying of the necessaries of life. 
 They are in a manner the only persons of all mankind, who, being without 
 money, and without possessions (and this by their own choice rather than by 
 the want of good fortune,) yet reckon themselves most rich, judging their need- 
 ing little, and their being contented with any thing, to be (as it really is) a great 
 abundance. You shall not find any among their handicraftsmen that ever put a 
 hand to the making of arrows, or darts, or swords, or head-pieces, or corslets, 
 or shields; neither do any among them make any armour, or engines, or any 
 other instruments whatsoever, that are made use of in war; nay, they will not 
 make such utehsils of peace as are apt to be employed to do mischief. 
 
 '■' Merchandising, trafficking, and navigation, they never so much as dream 
 of, rejecting them utterly as incitements to covetousness. There is no such 
 thing as a servant among them, but they all mutually help and serve each other. 
 They condemn the domination of masters over servants, not only as unjust and 
 prejudicial to holiness, but also as impious, and destructive of the law of nature, 
 which bringing forth, say they, and nourishing, all men alike in the same condi- 
 tion of life, as a common mother to all, hath made them all as brothers to each 
 other, and this not only in word, but really and in deed; but that treacherous 
 covetousness, overthrowing their kindred, hath produced strangeness instead of 
 familiarity, and enmity instead of friendship. 
 
 "As to philosophy, logic they utterly relinquish to such as quarrel about 
 words, reckoning it as useless for the attainment of virtue. And natural phir 
 losophy, and all the points thereof (excepting only so much as concerns the be- 
 
 1 Josephus in libro de Vita sua. 2 Pliilo-Judaus in libro cui titulus Omuls Probus Liber, p. 078. edit. Col. 
 <i Josephua agrees with him in this number. See above, 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 231 
 
 mg of God, and the original production of all things,) they leave to those who 
 have time to spare to treat of such matters, reckoning it to be above the power 
 of man to attain to a true knowledge of them. But about ethics, or moral phi- 
 losophy, they are much conversant, using therein the guidance and direction of 
 their country laws, which are such as could never have come from the mind 
 of man without a divine inspiration. Herein they instruct men as at other 
 times, so especially on the seventh day. For the seventh day is held holy by 
 them, on which they desist from all other work, going on that day to their sa- 
 cred places, which they call synagogues, where they sit in order, according to 
 their seniority or standing in the society, the juniors taking place below their 
 seniors, and all composing themselves with decency for the hearing of the word. 
 Then one, taking the Bible, reads out of it; and then another, being one of the 
 most skilful, doth expound upon what hath been so read, passing over what is 
 above his knowledge. Their manner of expounding is mostly by parables, ac- 
 cording to the way that hath been anciently in use among them. They are in- 
 structed in holiness, righteousness, justice, economy, politics, in the knowledge 
 of what is truly good, and what is evil, and what is indifferent, what is proper 
 for them to choose, and what, on the contrary, they ought to avoid. In which 
 course they make use of three rules, judging of all things according as they 
 accord; 1. with the love of God; '2. with the love of virtue; or, 3. with the love 
 of their neighbour. Of their love to God they give a multitude of demonstra- 
 tions; as, for instance, their constant and unalterable course of chastity their 
 whole life through, their abstaining from all swearing, their never speaking a lie, 
 and their always ascribing to God the cause of all good, and never making him 
 the author of that which is evil. Of their love to virtue they give instances, 
 in their not being covetous, in their not being ambitious, in their renouncing of 
 pleasures, in their continence, in their patience, in their plainness, in their 
 needing little, in their being content with any thing, in their modesty, in their 
 reverence for the laws, in their stability of mind, and other such Uke virtues. 
 And, lastly, of their love to their neighbour, they give instances in their be- 
 nevolence, in their equal carriage to all, which is greater than can be weU ex- 
 pressed, and in their holding all that they have in common; of which it will 
 not be unseasonable here to speak a little. 
 
 " First, therefore, no man's house is properly his own, but every man of the 
 sect, that shall come to it, hath an equal interest therein. For, as they live to- 
 gether in sodalities, eating and drinking at the same common table, so they there 
 provide entertainment for all the fraternity that shall come thither to them from 
 any other place. There is one common treasury belonging to them all, from 
 whence the expenses of clothes and provisions are furnished in common for all 
 the community, according to the several sodalities into which they are dis- 
 tributed. Their way of cohabiting together under the same roof, of eating to- 
 gether of the same victuals, and setting together at the same table is such, as is 
 no where else to be found thus established, or any thing like it.' What they 
 gain by their daily labour, they keep not to themselves, but bring it all into the 
 common stock, from whence provision is made for the use and common utility 
 of all the sect. And, if any among them fall sick, they do not neglect them, 
 as such that get nothing, but have all things that are necessary for the recover- 
 ing of them again to their health, always read}' provided for them out of the 
 common stock; so that they take hereof, with all freedom, as plentifully as they 
 shall think fit. Great honour and reverence is paid to the elder men of the 
 society by the juniors, who take care of them in such manner, as truly begotten 
 children do of their parents, administering unto them, both with their hands 
 and their counsels, with all plentifulness, whatsoever may be necessary for their 
 comfortable support in their old age." 
 
 1 The way of the Lacedemonians, in eating together at common tables, and in set companies, seems most 
 like. See Plutarch in the Life of Lycurgus. 
 
232 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Thus far Pliilo, concerning those whom he calls practical Essenes. Of those 
 whom ho calls the contemplative,' he saith as foUoweth. 
 
 " Havino- spoken of the Essceans that lead a practical life, I come next to 
 treat of those who embrace the contemplative. The men among them are 
 called Therapeutae, and the women Therapeutides, agreeable to their profession, 
 either as they profess the art of physic (not that commonly practised; whereby 
 the bodies of men are cured, but a much more valuable physic, whereby they 
 cure the souls of men of diseases much more obstinate, difficult, and harder to 
 be removed, those which they have brought upon themselves by voluptuous- 
 ness, concupiscence, grief, fears, covetousness, follies, injustice, and by an in- 
 numerable company of other passions and vices,) or else they have this name, 
 because they have learned from the law of nature, and the sacred laws of the 
 holy scriptures,^ to worship and serve that being, which is better than good, 
 more uncompounded than the number of one, and more ancient than unity itself. 
 
 " They that enter into this Therapeutic proiession, do not do it as led thereto 
 by any prevailing custom, or by the persuasion of others, but being wholly 
 drawn to it by a heavenly love, are under an enthusiastic impulse, in the same 
 manner as the Bacchanals and Corybantes, in the celebration of their festivals, 
 till they have attained to this their desired state of contemplation; and thereon, 
 as if they had done with this mortal life, through their desire after that which 
 is immortal and ever blessed, they relinquish all their worldly goods and posses- 
 sions to their sons or their daughters, or their other relations, delivering to them 
 the inheritance thereof by a voluntary choice; and if they have no relations, 
 they then give them to their friends and acquaintance. And when they have 
 thus divested themselves of all their worldly substance, as being now no longer 
 withheld by any enticement, they flee from their homes without any more 
 looking back, leaving their brothers, their children, their wives, their parents, 
 and all their kindred, how numerous soever, as also the society of their friends 
 and countrymen, among whom they have been born and bred, because their 
 conversation, should they still stay with them, would be a strong and powerful 
 allurement to draw them away from this purpose. 
 
 " They do not leave one city to go to another, like miserable or wicked ser- 
 vants, who having obtained of those that own them to be sold to some other 
 person, gain thereby only the change of masters, not the recovery of their 
 liberty. For all cities, even those that are governed by the best laws, are full 
 of tumult and trouble, which no one that hath addicted himself to this way of 
 philosophy can afterward bear. And therefore they rather choose to make their 
 abode without the walls of cities, in gardens, and villages, and lone country ha- 
 bitations, seeking solitude, not out of an affected hatred to mankind, but for the 
 avoiding of the mixing with men of different manners, knowing it to be unpro- 
 fitable and hurtful. 
 
 "This sort of men are dispersed throughout many parts of the world' (for it 
 is requisite that both Greeks and Barbarians should partake of so excellent a 
 benefit,) but Egypt abounds most with them throughout all its provinces,^ but 
 most of all about Alexandria. But from all places the principal men of them 
 retire, as into their own proper country, into a place which they have near the 
 Lake Maria,' situated upon a gentle rising hill, very commodious for them, both 
 for its convenience in affording them there a safe dwelling, and also for the 
 wholesomeness of its air. The houses of those who there come too-ether are 
 built in a very frugal and mean manner, they having their covering fitted only 
 for two necessary things, that is, to keep them from the heat of the sun in sum- 
 mer, and from the cold of the air in winter: neither are they built near each 
 
 1 Philo (in Vita Contpmplativa, p, fiFg. edit. Col. Allob. 
 
 2 For llio word e=^»^=ur.,, sifnifieth a worsliipper, or a servant, as well as a phy.siciaii. 
 
 3 I hat IS, wherever the Hcllenistical Jews were dispersed among the nations of the world. 
 
 4 inese provinces were called NC//.II1. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 233 
 
 other as in cities; for this would be irksome and displeasing to men desiring 
 and seeking after solitude: neither are they far asunder, because they love at 
 times to converse together, and also that they may the easier unite for their 
 mutual defence, if they should happen at any time to be invaded by thieves. 
 
 " Each of them hath in this cottage a little chapel, which they call Sem- 
 neum, or Monasterium, in which every one of them doth, alone by himself, 
 perform all the mysteries of a holy life, bringing in thither, at no time, either 
 drink or meat, or any other of the necessaries used for the support of the body, 
 but only the law and the divine oracles of the prophets, and hymns, and such 
 other like things, whereby knowledge and piety are increased and perfected. 
 They have God in perpetual remembrance, so that, even in their dreams, no- 
 thing else but the beauties and excellencies of divine powers run m their fan- 
 cies, insomuch that several of them, while they sleep, do in their dreams de- 
 liver many excellent sayings of divine philosophy. 
 
 "Their constant usage is, to pray twice every day, that is, in the morning 
 and in the evening. At the rising of the sun, they pray that God would give 
 his blessing upon the day, that true blessing whereby their minds may be filled 
 with heavenly light; and at the setting of the sun, that their minds, being wholly 
 disburdened of their senses, and all sensible things, may, in its retirements into 
 itself, find out truth. All the interval of time, from morning to evening, they 
 spend in the study and contemplation of divine things. For exercising them- 
 selves in the most holy scriptures, they philosophize upon them after their coun- 
 tiy manner, expounding them allegorically. For they suppose, that the words 
 are only notes and marks of some things of mystical nature, which are to be 
 explained figuratively. 
 
 " They have among them the writings of some ancients,who, being principal lead- 
 ers of their sect, have left them many monuments of that learning, which consists 
 in dark and secret expressions, which the}', using as original patterns, do imi- 
 tate that way of study. And they do not only spend their time in contempla- 
 tion, but they also compose songs and hymns in the praise of God, of all sorts of 
 metre, and musical A-erses, which they write in grave and seemly rhymes. 
 
 " Six days of the week they thus continue apart by themselves in the little 
 chapel above mentioned, and there give themselves wholly up to the contem- 
 plation of divine philosophy, without going out of doors, or as much as looking 
 abroad all that time. On the seventh day, they meet together in a public so- 
 lemn assembly, and there sit down together, according to their seniority,' in a 
 decent manner, with both their hands under their garment, that is, the right 
 hand upon the part between their chin and their breast, and the left let down 
 by their side. Then one of the best learned of them, standing forth, discourseth 
 to them with a grave composed countenance, and a grave serious voice, speak- 
 ing with reason and prudence, and not making ostentation of eloquence, as 
 the rhetoricians and sophists now do, but searching into and expounding all 
 things, with that exactness of thought, as that it doth not only for the present 
 captivate the ears, but by being thus heard, enters into the soul, and there makes 
 lasting impressions upon it. While this person thus speaks, all the rest give 
 attention with silence, expressing their approbation only with the motions of 
 their eyes and their head. 
 
 " The synagogue, or common place of assembly, where they meet every se- 
 venth day, hath two distinct enclosures and apartments in it,'- the one as- 
 signed for the men, and the other for the women; for it is their custom, that 
 the women that are of the same sect and institution should also be auditors in 
 these assemblies. The partition-wall, which separates these two enclosures, is 
 built up three or four cubits high from the ground, after the manner of a para- 
 pet, the rest lies open to the top of the room. All which is thus contrived for 
 
 1 This they reckon according to the time of their admission into the society, not according to their age. 
 
 2 The synagoeues of the Jews are thus formed even to this day, their women sitting together in a place 
 enclosed apnrt from the men. 
 
 Vol. II.— 30 
 
034 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 the sake of two conveniences; the first, to protect that decent modesty which 
 is naturally belonging to the female sex; the other, that while they sit in that 
 auditory, they may easily hear what is there discoursed, nothing coming be- 
 tween to hinder the voice of him that speaketh from reaching to them. 
 
 " Havino- laid temperance as a certain foundation in their souls, they build 
 thereupon all other virtues. They take neither meat nor drink before sunset: 
 for they hold it requisite to employ the day in the study of philosophy, and the 
 nio-ht in the making of necessary provision for the body; so that they allot the 
 Avhole day for the former, and only a small part of the night for the latter. 
 Some of them, in whom is a more than ordinary thirst after knowledge, forget 
 to take any sustenance for three days together;' and others there are who are 
 so delighted and fed with feasting on wisdom, which gives to them of its doc- 
 trine richly and plentifully, that they sometimes hold out double the time, and, 
 for six days together,' scarce taste of any necessary food, being nourished, as 
 they say a sort of grasshoppers are, by the air in which they live, the melody 
 of their hymns, as I suppose, rendering the want of food easy and supportable 
 unto them. They looking on the seventh day to be all holy and all festival, do 
 think it worthy of extraordinary honour. On that day, after having first taken 
 due care of their souls, they refresh and nourish their bodies, then relaxing to 
 themselves their daily labour, as they do to their working cattle. They eat not 
 any thing that is sumptuous or dainty, but only coarse bread; their sauce is 
 only salt, and they that are of a nicer stomach mingle some hyssop with it; 
 their drink is only water from the river. And thus they appease the two domi- 
 neering mistresses which nature hath subjected all mankind to, that is, hunger 
 and thirst, offering nothing to gratify them, but only what is necessary for the 
 support of life; for they eat only to assuage hunger, and drink only to quench 
 their thirst, avoiding fulness of stomach, as that which is hurtful both to soul 
 and body. 
 
 "And whereas there are two sorts of coverings for the body, that is, house 
 and clothes; as to their houses, it hath been spoken to before, that they are 
 mean, and built without art, as made only to serve the present necessary uses: 
 so likewise as to their clothes, they have only such as are most commodious to 
 keep out cold and heat, they using for this purpose a thick coarse garment in- 
 stead of furs in the winter, and a short coat without sleeves, or a linen vest- 
 ment, in summer. They universally exercise themselves in modesty; and, 
 looking on falsity to be the mother of arrogance, and truth to be the mother of 
 modesty, they hold each of them to have the nature of a fountain; for there 
 flow from falsity, say they, many various sorts of evils, and from truth abun- 
 dance of good, both human and divine." 
 
 Thus far Philo of his contemplative Essseans. He hath afterward a descrip- 
 tion of their behaviour at their great festivals; which being very long, should I 
 give the whole of it, I should be too tedious to the reader; and I fear I have 
 been too much so already concerning this matter. I shall therefore here only 
 add an abstract of it as followeth. 
 
 These Therapeuta-,, or contemplative Essjeans, celebrate every seventh sabbath 
 as a great festival,' when, being called together by an officer appointed for this 
 purpose, all of each congregation meet together in a common hall: for, they 
 being divided into several distinct congregations, each congregation hath its dis- 
 tinct hall, in which they meet together on all such occasions. When they are 
 come together on this call, being all in white garments, they range themselves 
 in order with great gravity; and, after having said grace, sit dowai, taking their 
 place each afier other, according to the seniority of their admission into the 
 sect. The men sit on the right hand side of the' hall by themselves, and the 
 
 ..; I FJ"^°, ^"^T** '"^'''' I" hyperbolize, it not basing possible that nature could be supported by such long fasts for 
 t.ix (lays tooether. or three either. i-i j = 
 
 th'prJI'rf t'l.nl p'^'''^' festival among the Jews is their Passover; seven weeks numbered from thence brings 
 nnrt pv«rv t/,,r. 1 'b° '<"■■ *^''^' °^ '•'""'^^' ^''"" ""'"'^*' "'■^ ^"^t:' continued to number still seven weeks on, 
 cluded^hP vp^^r Inrf r ""f '"^^ '^ now festival with them, till, by repeating it seven times over, they con- 
 cluded the year, and then, began again from the Passover the same round as before. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 235 
 
 women b}' themselves on the other side: for these Essenes have women also 
 among them, most of them of the elder sort, and such only as have been virgins 
 from their youth. They are not attended on at their feasts by servants: for they 
 have none such, looking on servitude to be against the law of nature; according 
 to which, they say, all men are born free; and therefore they are ministered to 
 in all things by freemen, such as are of the juniors of their society. Of these 
 some being chosen for every ministration, administer therein to the rest all man- 
 ner of help and service, with the same care and affection as children do their 
 parents. These serve at the tables with their garments let down at their full 
 length, and not girded up about them after the manner of servants, that so they 
 may appear to minister as freemen, and not as slaves. At these feasts they 
 drink no wine, but only pure water; those of the elder sort, who have weak 
 stomachs, drink it warm, all the rest drink it cold. They eat no flesh, their re- 
 past being, as on other days,' only bread, salt, and hyssop. They abstain from wine, 
 as reckoning it to be a sort of poison that leads men into madness, and from all 
 plentiful fare, as that Avhich breeds and irritates inordinate and beastly appetites 
 in the mind. While they thus sit at meal, there is observed a most exact si- 
 lence, none making the least noise; and, when they have done eating, one of 
 them proposeth a question out of the holy writ, which another answers, im- 
 parting what he knows plainly, without affectation, or aiming at praise. All the 
 rest are attentive to v.hat is said, signifying only by signs, expressed by the mo- 
 tions of the head or the hand, their approbation or disapprobation of what is 
 delivered. All these discourses are allegorical: for their notion is, that the 
 scriptures have the similitude of a living man, which consists of body and soul; 
 the literal sense, they say, resembles the body, and the mystical sense, which 
 lies under it, the soul; and in that the life of the whole consists: and therefore 
 their study is to find out a mystical sense for every text delivered in the holy 
 scriptures. The president determines when enough is said, and whether the 
 question be fully answered or not, adding what he thinks proper farther to dis-. 
 course of on the point. Whereon, all applauding what he saith, he riseth up, 
 and begins a hymn in the praise of God, composed of either by himself or some 
 of the ancients before him; and all the rest join with him herein. And thus 
 they spend the afternoon in discoursing of divine things, and in singing of 
 psalms and hymns till supper time, and then the waiters bring in, for their sup- 
 per, bread and salt, and hyssop, as before. After supper is over, they arise 
 from table, and then dividing themselves into two companies, one of the men, 
 and the other of the women, each chooseth their precentor, and then spend the 
 whole night following in singing of hymns in all sorts of metre and music to 
 the praise of God, sometimes alternately in parts, and sometimes as in a chorus, 
 all together. And thus they continue doing till the morning light; on the ap- 
 pearance of which, turning their faces toward the rising sun, they pray unto 
 God to give them a happy day and the light of truth. After which, breaking 
 up the assembly, they all return, each to his particular apartment, there to em- 
 ploy themselves either in contemplation or in the work of husbandry, in the 
 same manner as before. 
 
 What Pliny saith of this sect, is what I am next to lay before the reader. 
 The account v>'hich he gives of them, is as foUoweth.' " On the western side 
 of the Lake Asphaltites dwell the Essenes, seating themselves inwardly from it 
 to avoid the shore as hurtful to them. They are the alone sort of men, and 
 herein, above all others in the world, to be admired, that live without women, 
 without the use of copulation, without money, feeding upon the fruit of the 
 palm tree. They are daily recruited by the resort of new comers to them, in 
 a number equal to those they lose, many flocking to them whom the surges of 
 ill-fortune having made weary of the world, to drive them to take shelter in 
 
 1 Here Philo seems again to Hyberbolize, it being scares possible to support nature with such s«inty 9n<t 
 mean fare. 
 
 2 Plin. lib. 5,0. 17. 
 
0:36 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 their institution and manner of life. And thus for several thousands of years 
 (it is incredible to be said,) this people is perpetually propagated without any 
 beino- born aniono- them, so fruitful and prolific unto them is the rejaeutance of 
 others as to their lives past." 
 
 Thus far I have given the several accounts of the three authors above men- 
 tioned concerning this sect, as far as I can make them plainly speak in the 
 Eno-lish language. Porphyry, Eusebius, Epiphanius, and several others of the 
 ancients, have also spoken of them; but all that they have said on this subject 
 beino- taken out of one of these three authors, who are the ancientest that have 
 written hereof, in giving these three I give all the rest. And I have inserted 
 at large what these three authors say of this sect, not only that a full view may 
 hereby be given the reader of this very extraordinary order of men, but espe- 
 cially, to obviate the wrong use that is made of their relations concerning them, 
 first by the Romanists, and secondly by the Deists. 
 
 I. For, first, the Romanists, laying hold of a handle offered them by Euse- 
 bius,' from the account given by Philo of the contemplative Essenes, whom he 
 calls Therapeutse, argue from thence, that they were Christian monks formed 
 into that order by St. Mark, who was the first founder of the Christian church 
 ;at Alexandria, and from hence drew an argument for the divine institution of 
 monkism; and Bellarmine and Baronius, two of the greatest champions that 
 have written in their cause, go in hereto. It is true Eusebius hath said, that 
 these Therapeutse were Christian monks instituted by St. Mark; and so he hath 
 said many other things without judgment or truth. And, had these two great 
 men been free from the interest and the influence of the party they weie of, 
 they would never have said this after him. In other particulars they are for- 
 ward enough to condemn him, especially Baronius,^ but, for the sake of their 
 beloved monkery, they follow him in this, which is the absurdest of all. What 
 they or their followers say of this matter is all built upon what Philo hath writ- 
 ten of his Therapeutte (for no one else hath said any thing of this sort of Esse- 
 jies, but he only. And what can be a greater confutation of the whole of it than 
 ;the very Avords of Philo concerning them which are all above recited?^ For they 
 :manifestly prove, first, that these Therapeutse could not be Christians, and, se- 
 condly, that they were most certainly Jews. 
 
 And, first, they manifestly prove, that they could not be Christians; for tliey 
 speak of these Therapeutce as of a sect of long standing in Egypt, and tell us, 
 they had hymns and writings among them of ancient date, composed in times 
 of old by such as were principal leaders of their sect; that they were dispersed, 
 not only through all the provinces of Egypt, but also among the Greeks and 
 Barbarians all the world over. But nothing of all this could be said of Chris- 
 tian monks when Philo wrote that book wherein he treats of this sect.'' For, 
 Philo being an elderly man when he went on an embassy to Rome from the 
 Jews of Alexandria,^ in the year of our Lord 39, which was but six years after 
 Christ's death, it is most likely this book was written before the Christian church 
 was erected, or at most within ten years after, but supposing it twenty, yea, 
 forty, if j^ou please, this would be too short a time for such societies of Chris- 
 tians to be formed and settled in such regular manner as Philo describes, not 
 only through all Egypt, but also among the Greeks and Barbarians all the world 
 over, that is, wherever the Jews were settled in their dispersions among the na- 
 tions (for this is all that can be meant by Philo.) But, supposing this possible, 
 how could they be said to have hymns and writings composed by ancient lead- 
 ers of their sect, when their sect itself was not above ten, or twenty, or at most 
 forty years standing; and their rigorous observance of the seventh day farther 
 
 1 Hist. Kcclcs. lit). 2. c. J7. 
 
 2 Baronius saitli of Eusebius, more than once, that he was " temporum pversor, cahiinniator nialitiosus, 
 '"^o T^h ^ "''"'^''"' ' "'"' """^'■such epithets lie often bestows upon him, and often not without cause. 
 
 3 The words of Philo are, Ern J- xvjtoi,- ruyypx/j^xTx ^x?^xiiuv avSjiMVOi t>),- aipso-.u..; apxiy'T*' ytvCfxivtii.SiC. 
 
 4 That is, his book de Vita Conteniplativa. 
 
 i Of tUjs embassy, see fluid's hwk de Legal, ad Caium Imperatorura Komanum. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 037 
 
 proveth that they could not be Christians; lor the Christian weekly day of wor- 
 ship is the first day of the week, and not the seventh. And the Christian doc- 
 trine enjoineth no such superstitious rigour, as that wherewith these men ob- 
 served that day. For Christ himself condemned it, telling us, that man was 
 not made for the sabbath, but the sabbath for man,' that is, for his benefit; first, 
 in easing him on that day from his labour and toil after the things of this world; 
 and, secondly, in giving him a fit time thereby to take care of his interest in 
 the world to come, in worshipping his God, and j^erforming aU the other 
 duties of religion toward him, which may recommend him to his mercy 
 and favour. 
 
 2. And therefore, secondly, that these Therapeutse observed the seventh day, 
 and with such superstitious rigour as Philo describes, this manifestly proves, 
 that they were of the Jewish religion; and Philo plainly tells us as much, in that 
 he saith of them, that they were the disciples of Moses (for so he calls them in 
 his introduction to those words of his, of which I have above given an abstract;) 
 and there also he saith of them, that they observed their festivals, and formed 
 their rules for the celebration of them according to Moses' institution. This 
 therefore was none other than a Jewish sort of monkism: for Christian monkism 
 had not its being till many years after: for, — 
 
 It had its beginning about the year of our Lord 250: then Paul,^ a young gen- 
 tleman of the country of Thebais in Egypt, to avoid the Decian persecution, 
 fled into the adjoining desert; and fixing his abode in a cave, there first of all 
 Christians began the practice of an ascetic life, in which he continued ninety 
 years, being of the age of one hundred and thirteen at the time of his death. 
 About twenty years after his thus retiring to this place (he being by that time 
 grown very famous for the religious and hermitical sort of life which he had 
 thus addicted himself to,) Antony, another young gentleman of the same pro- 
 vince, being excited by the fame hereof to follow his example, retired into the 
 same desert, and there devoted himself to the like course of life. And many 
 others, after awhile, out of the like zeal of devotion, retiring to him, he formed 
 them into a body; and, becoming their abbot, he prescribed them a rule, and 
 governed them by it many years; for he lived to a very great age. And, from 
 this beginning, all the monkism of the Christian world had its original. For 
 Christ and his apostles never prescribed any such thing, neither is it consistent 
 Avith the religion they taught. God never made any of us for lazy and useless 
 contemplation only. His providence is over all his works, and every one of us 
 are bound, as far as we are able, to be the instruments thereof, in bearing each 
 his part for the support of the whole in that station of life, whatever it be, which 
 God hath called us unto. And for every man to do his duty in this station of 
 life, with the best of his power, for the honour of Gk)d and the good of his neigh- 
 bour, with faith in Christ for the reward of his faithfulness and diligence herein, 
 is the sum of Christian religion. And whoever is thus diligent and faithful in 
 his honest calling, how mean soever it be, is, by so doing, as much serving God, 
 as when at his prayers, provided that, while he doth the one, he do not leave 
 the other undone. 
 
 II. Another wrong use of the words of those three authors above recited, is 
 made by the infidel Deists of our time. They pretend to find in them an 
 agreement between the Christian religion, and the documents of the Essenes; 
 and therefore would infer, that Christ and his followers were no other than a 
 sect branched out from that of the Essenes. And for these chiefly it is, that I 
 have given at large all that these three authors have written of that sect; which 
 is all that is authentically said of them. And let these infidels make the most 
 of it that they can. Though they search all these accounts of this sect through 
 to the utmost, can any of the proper doctrines of Christianity be found in any 
 part of them? Is there any thing in them of the two Christian sacraments? Is 
 
 1 Matt. xii. 1— in. Mark ii. 27. See also Luke vi. 1—10. xiii. 15, IG. John vli. 22, 23. 
 
 2 Hieronymus in Vita Pauli. 
 
238 
 
 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 there any thing of the redemption of the world by the Messiah, or of the erect- 
 ino- of his spiritual kingdom here on earth? Or were any of the peculiar docu- 
 ments or usat^es of that sect ever ingrafted into Christianity? The common ta- 
 bles I confess, which were at first set up by the apostles, bear some resemblance 
 to those of the Essenes. But this was never made a law of the Christian reli- 
 gion, as it was of the sect of the Essenes, or ever as much as recommended by 
 it; only it was practised for a short while in the first gatherings of the Christian 
 church; but when it increased and grew up, this usage was dropped, and wholly 
 discontinued, as being no longer practicable. In those moral duties which the 
 Essenes practised and taught, they there indeed agree with Christians, and so 
 do all other religions, as far as they agree with the law of nature. Many of the 
 heathens carried the observance of all the moral duties which Christianity pre- 
 scribes much higher than the Essenes did; and this not only in speculation and 
 precept, but also in practice, and thereby made a much nearer agreement with 
 Christianity than any of that sect ever did. And who, therefore, will ever say, 
 that Christianity is a rehgion made out of heathenism? Our holy Christian pro- 
 fession is so far from having any of the documents or institutions of the Essenes 
 in it, that almost all that is peculiar in that sect is condemned by Christ and his 
 apostles. For almost all that is peculiar in them being only in a higher degree 
 the same things which they condemned in the Pharisees, who practised them 
 in a lower degree, in that they were condemned where they were in a lower 
 degree, they are certainly much more so, where they were in a higher. Such 
 were their superstitious washings,' their over rigorous observance of the sabbath,* 
 their abstaining from meats which God had created for man's use,^ their touch 
 not, taste not, handle not;'' their will-worship in their neglecting, and voluntarily 
 afflicting the body,* and other like superstitious usages which God never required 
 of them. Moreover, contrary to the law of Christianity,® they forbade marriage, 
 which God had ordained from the beginning, and absolutely condemned servi- 
 tude, which the holy scriptures of the New Testament,' as well as the Old, allow. 
 And they denied the resurrection of the body, in which the main of the Chris- 
 tian hope consists; and absurdly place the felicity of a future life in the corporal 
 enjoyments of a temperate air in regions beyond the western ocean, where they 
 allow the soul no body at all to be clothed with, for the partaking of them. And 
 farther, they pin down all men, both good and bad, to a fatal necessity in all their 
 actions; which digs up the very foundations of all religion and righteousness 
 among mankind. For, if all men be necessarily predetermined to all their ac- 
 tions, whether good or evil, by an unalterable and irresistible fate, there can then 
 be no merit, nor demerit, nor reason for any endeavour at all, either after reli- 
 gion or righteousness among mankind. And when the institutions of this sect 
 carry with them so great a distance and disparity from those of Christ and his 
 apostles, what argument of similitude between them can possibly be framed, for 
 the proving of the one to be the parent of the other? 
 
 I must not omit to acknowledge, that there is another piece of Philo's con- 
 cerning those Essenes. It is a part of his apology for the Jews, which he com- 
 posed with intent to have delivered it at his audience of Caligula, on his em- 
 bassy to him from the Jews of Alexandria, would he have heard him. This 
 tract of Philo's is not now among his works, it being all lost excepting one frat^- 
 ment of it, preserved by Eusebius, in his eighth book de Preparatione Evan- 
 geUca, cap. 11. And this is that piece which I mean; but it containing nothing 
 but what is to be found in the other accounts of this sect above recited, I have 
 avoided the inserting of it, that I might not tire the reader with an unnecessary 
 repetition, to whom I fear I have already been too tiresome in this matter. 
 
 There was another sect among the Jews, called the Herodians. This, indeed, 
 had its date long after the times which I am now upon, as having its rise from 
 
 1 Matt, xxiii. 25. Mark. vii. 1—13. Luke xi. 38, .39. 
 
 2 Matt. .xii. 1-13. Mark ii. 23-28. Luke vi. 1-10. xui. I(i-17. 3 1 Tim iv. 3 4. 
 4 Coloss. II. 31. 5 Ibid. 22, 23. 6 1 Tim. iv. 3. 7 Philemon 9-21. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 239 
 
 Herod, king of Judea, called Herod the Great; but having been more than once 
 made mention of in the gospels/ it is not to be omitted. And since I have here 
 undertaken to give an account of all the other sects of the Jews, I think it pro- 
 per here to place an account of this also. It is not to be doubted but that they 
 had this name from Herod the Great, but for what reason, that is a question. 
 Some say it was, because they held Herod to be the Messiah: so Tertullian, so 
 Epiphanius, so Jerome, so Chrysostom, so Theophylact, and so several others 
 of the ancients held. But it is very improbable that any Jew should, in the 
 time of our Saviour's ministry, above thirty years after the death of Herod, hold 
 him to have been the Messiah, when they had found no one of those particu- 
 lars which they expected from the Messiah, performed by him, but rather every 
 thing quite the contrary. Others hold that they were called Herodians, because 
 they constituted a sodality erected in the honour of Herod, in the same man- 
 ner as there were sodalities at Rome, called Augustales, Adrianales, Antonini, 
 constituted in the honour of Augustus, Adrian, and Antoninus, and the like of 
 other Roman emperors after their death. And this is the opinion of Scaliger,* 
 and those that follow him;^ but none of the sodalities at Rome having been in- 
 stituted till long after the death of Herod, none such could have been instituted 
 in honour of Herod, in imitation of them. The earliest of these sodalities, 
 and the first of this kind that we any where meet with,* were the Sodales Au- 
 gustales. But these not being instituted till after Augustus's death, which hap- 
 pened several years after Herod's, this could give no pattern nor foundation for 
 the like to be instituted in honour of Herod, either in his lifetime, or upon his 
 death, since he died many years before. By what is mentioned of these Hero- 
 dians in the gospels, they seem plainly to have been a sect among the Jews, 
 differing from the rest in some points of their law and religion. For they are 
 there named with the Pharisees, and in contradistinction from them; and there- 
 fore must have been a sect in the same manner as the Pharisees were. And 
 they are also said to have a peculiar leaven, as the Pharisees had, that is, some 
 false and evil tenets, which soured and corrupted the whole lump with which it 
 was mingled; and therefore Christ equally warned his disciples against both. 
 And since he calleth it the leaven of Herod,* this argues that Herod was the 
 author of it; that is, of those evil tenets which constituted this sect, and dis- 
 tinguished it from the other sects of the Jews; and that his followers, imbibing 
 those tenets from him, were, for this reason, called Herodians. And these be- 
 ing chiefly of his courtiers, and the officers and servants of his palace, and those 
 that were descended from them, hence the Syriac version, wherever the word 
 Herodians occurs in the original, renders it the domestics of Herod. And that 
 version having been made very early, for the use of the church of Antioch, 
 the authors of it were the nearest those times in which this sect had its begin- 
 ning, and therefore had the best means of knowing who they were. Thus far, 
 therefore, having shown that these Herodians were a sect of the Jews, that had 
 its original from Herod the Great, it is next to be inquired into, what were the 
 tenets whereby it was distinguished. The only way to find this out, is to ex- 
 amine in what particulars the founder of it differed from the rest of the Jews. 
 For, no doubt, the same were the particulars in which these his followers differed 
 from them also, and thereby constituted this sect; and they will appear to have 
 been these tv/o following. The first, in subjecting himself and his people to 
 the dominion of the Romans; and, secondly, in complying with them in many 
 of their heathen usages: for both these particulars Herod held lawful, and ac- 
 
 1 Matt. xxii. IG. Mark iii. 6. viii. 15. .xii. 13. 
 
 i; In Aniinadversionihns ad Eiisebii Chronologica. No. J882. 
 
 3 rasaiiboiii Exprcitationes in Proleconienis ad Exercitalione.? Baronii. 
 
 4 The Sodales Titii which Tacitus makes: mention of were of another kind; for lie saith (Annal. lib. Leap. 
 54 ) that thi-y were instituted bv Tatius retinendis Sablnoriim Sacris. In another place (Hist. lib. 2. cap. 95.) 
 he indeed contradicls liimself in this matter, for he there saith, that Romnliis instituted them in honour of 
 Tatius: but his contradiction in this place, to what he said in the other, destroys his authority in both as to 
 this particular. But however this might be, both Romulus and Tatius were at too great a distance of time 
 to be witliin the viuw of the Jews for their imitation in this matter. 
 
 o Mark. viii. 3. 
 
240 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 cordino-ly practised them. And, therefore, these I take to have been the tenets 
 and opinions in which these Herodians, his followers, differed from the other 
 Jews, and thereby constituted this sect, which, from him, was called by that 
 name. It being said (Deut. xvii. 1.5,) " One from among thy brethren shalt thou 
 set king over, thee; thou mayest not set a stranger over thee, which is not thy 
 brother:" hence an opinion arose, w'hich was generally embraced by the Phari- 
 sees, that it was not lawful to submit to the Roman emperor, or pay taxes unto 
 him; but Herod and his followers, understanding the text to exclude only a 
 voluntary choice, and not a necessary submission, where force hath overpowered 
 choice, w^ere of a contrary opinion, and held It lawful, in this case, both to sub- 
 mit to the Roman emperor, and also pay taxes to him. And, therefore, the 
 Pharisees and the Herodians, being of opinion in this matter quite contrary to 
 each other, those that laid snares for Christ, and sought an occasion against him, 
 sent the disciples of both these sects at the same time together, to propose this 
 captious question to them,' " Is it lawful to give tribute unto Caesar, or no?" 
 thinking, which way soever he should answer, to bring him into danger. For, 
 should he answer in the negative, the Herodians were there ready to accuse 
 him of being an enemy to Csesar; and, should he answ^er in the affirmative, the 
 Pharisees were as ready, on the other hand, to accuse him to the people, and 
 excite them against him, as an enemy to their rights, they having possessed them 
 with their notion against paying taxes to any foreign power; but Christ, know- 
 ing their wicked intentions, gave such an answer as baffled the malice of both 
 of them. How^ever, the answer then given implying a justification of the doc- 
 trine of the Herodians in that point, that could not be the leaven of Herod 
 which Christ warned his disciples against; and, therefore, that must be their 
 second tenet, that it was lawful, when forced and ovei-powered by superiors, to 
 comply wdth them in idolatrous and wrong practices of religion. This Herod 
 did, and he seems to have framed this sect on purpose to justify him herein. 
 For, Josephus tells us,'' that to ingratiate himself with Augustus and the great 
 men of Rome, he in many things acted contrary to the law and the religion of 
 the Jews, building temples, and erecting images in them for idolatrous worship; 
 and for this he excused himself to the Jews,^ telling them, that he did not do 
 it wiUingly, but as commanded and forced to it by powers whom he w^as neces- 
 sitated to obey, thinking this sufficient to excuse him from guilt. And, for this 
 reason, w^e find him sometimes called a half Jew; and such half Jews, I con- 
 ceive, were the Herodians, his followers, professing the Jewish religion, and at 
 the same time, on occasions, complying with the idolatrous heathens, and be- 
 coming occasional conformists to them. The Sadducees, who denied a future 
 state, did mostly come into the opinions of this sect; and, therefore, they are 
 reckoned one and the same with them. For the same persons who, in one of 
 the gospels, are called Herodians,'' are called Sadducees in another. But this 
 sect, after our Saviour's time, vanished, and was no more heard of. And, thus 
 far having given this long account of all the sects of the Jews, I shall here with 
 it conclude this book. 
 
 I Matt. xxii. 17. 2 AiitK|. lib. 15. c. 12. 3 Joseph. Aiitiq. lib. 15. c. 12. 
 
 4 See Matt. xvi. (i. Mark viii. 15. and compare them together. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 241 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 An. 107. Aristobulus.'] — Hyrcanus, at his death, left five sons behind him,' 
 the first Aristobulus, the second Antigoniis, the third Alexander, and the fifth 
 Absolom;^ what was the name of the fourth is no where said. Aristobulus,^ as 
 being the eldest, succeeded his father both in the office of high-priest, and also 
 in that of supreme governor of the country; and as soon as he was settled in 
 them; he put a diadem upon his head, and assumed the title of king; and he 
 was the first that did so in that land since the Babylonish captivity. His mo- 
 ther, by virtue of Hyrcanus's will, claimed a right to the sovereignty after his 
 death, but Aristobulus, having overpowered her, cast her into prison, and there 
 starved her to death. As to his brothers, Antigonus the eldest of them being 
 much in his favour and affection, he at first shared the government with him, 
 but afterward put him to death, in the manner as will by and by be related, 
 the other three he shut up in prison, and there kept them as long as he lived. 
 
 Ptolemy Lathyrus, king of Egypt, having incurred his mother's displeasure, 
 for sending an army into Palestine against the Jews, contrary to her mind, as 
 hath been above related,"* she carried it on so far against him, for this and some 
 other like attempts which he had made of reigning without her, that, having 
 first taken Selene his wife from him (by whom he had now two sons,)* she 
 drove him out of the kingdom. For the accomplishing of this she caused some 
 of her favourite enuchs to be wounded, and then bringing them out into the 
 public assembly of the Alexandrians, there pretended, that they had suffered 
 this from. Lathyrus in defence of her person against him, and thereon accused 
 him of having made an attempt upon her life; whereby she so far incensed the 
 people, that they rose in a general uproar against him, and would have torn 
 him in pieces, but that he fled for his life, and, having gotten on board a ship 
 in the harbour, therein made his escape from their fury. Hereon Cleopatra 
 called to her Alexander her younger son, who for some years past had reigned 
 in Cyprus; and, having made him king of Egypt in the room of Lathyrus, 
 forced Lathyrus to be content with Cyprus on Alexander's leaving of it. 
 
 An. 106. Aristobulus.'] — Asristobulus, as soon as he had settled himself at 
 home in the full possession of his father's authority,'* made war upon the Itu- 
 rseans, and, having subdued the greatest ;j>art of them, forced them to become 
 proselytes to the Jewish religion, in like manner as Hyrcanus, some time be- 
 fore, had forced the Idumseans to do the same thing. For he left them no other 
 choice, but either to be circumcised and embrace the Jewish religion, or else 
 leave their country and seek out for themselves new habitations elsewhere; 
 whereon, having chosen the former, they became ingrafted at the same time 
 into the Jewish religion, as well as the Jewish state; and in this manner the 
 Asmonsean princes dealt with all those whom they conquered. Itursea,^ the 
 country where these people dwelt, was part of Coele-Syria, bordering upon the 
 north-eastern part of the land of Israel, as lying between the inheritance of the 
 half tribe of Manasseh beyond Jordan, and the territories of Damascus. It w^as 
 called Itursea, from Itur,* one of the sons of Ishmael, who, in our English ver- 
 sion, is wrongly called Jetur. This country is the same which is sometimes 
 called Auronitis. As Idumfea lay at one end of the land of Israel, so Itursea lay 
 at the other; and thus much it is necessary to say, because by reason of some 
 similitude of the names, the one hath been mistaken for the other. Philip, one 
 of the sons of Herod,' was tetrarch or prince of this country, when John the 
 Baptist first entered on his ministry. 
 
 Aristobulus, returning sick to Jerusalem from Ituraea, left Antigonus his bro- 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 19. 2 Ibid. lib. 14. c. 8. 3 Ibid. lib. 13. c. 19. et de Bello Judaico, lib. I.e. 3. 
 
 4 Justin, lib. 39. c. 4. Pausanias in Atticis. Porphyrius in Graecis Eusob. Scaligeri, p. CO. 
 
 5 These his two sons died before him, for he had no legitimate male iasue at his death. 
 
 6 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 19. 7 Videaa Relandi Palestinam, lib. 1. q. Ui. 
 8 Gen. -xxv. 15. 1 Chron. i. 31. 9 Luke iii. 1. 
 
 Vol. II.— 31 
 
ojo CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ther there with an army, to finish the war which he had begun in that country. 
 While he lay ih,' his queen and the courtiers of her party, envying the interest 
 which Anti'^onus had with him, were continually buzzing into his ears stories 
 for the excitino- in him a jealousy of this his favourite brother. Not long after 
 Antio-onus, having finished the war in Iturjea with success, returned in triumph 
 to Jerusalem; and the feast of tabernacles being then celebrating, he went im- 
 mediately up to the temple, there to perform his devotions on that holy time, 
 with his armour on, and his armed guards about him, in the same manner as he 
 entered the city, without stopping any where to alter his dress. Aristobulus, 
 then lying sick in his palace Baris, adjoining to the temple, had immediately 
 an account given him hereof, for the firing of his jealousy against his brother; 
 and it was warmly represented to him, that it was time for him to look to him- 
 self: for certainly, they said, Antigonus would not have come in this manner 
 armed, and with his armed guards about him, had he not some ill designs to 
 execute against him. Aristobulus, being moved hereby, sent orders to Antigo- 
 nus to put otFhis armour, and immediately come to him, concluding, that if he 
 came unarmed, according to his orders, there was no hurt intended, but, if 
 otherwise, he had certainly some design of mischief against him. And there- 
 fore, placing his guards in the passage through which his brother was to pass 
 into the palace to come to him, gave them orders, that if he came unarmed, 
 they should let him safely pass, but, if otherwise, they should fall upon him and 
 slay him. This passage through which he was to pass was a subterraneous gal- 
 lery'' which Hyrcanus had caused to be made when he built that palace, leading 
 from thence into the temple, that thereby he might always have, on all occa- 
 sions, a ready communication with it. The messenger that was sent toAnti- 
 gonus, instead of bidding him come unarmed as directed, delivered quite a 
 contrary message: for, being corrupted by the queen and her party, he told 
 Antigonus, that the king hearing that he had a very fine suit of armour on, de- 
 sired he would come to him as then armed with it, that he might see how it be- 
 came him. Antigonus, on his receiving this message, immediately passed 
 through the gallery above m.entioned to go to the king, and, when he came to 
 the place where the guards were posted, they, finding him armed, fell upon 
 him according to their orders, and slew him. This fact was no sooner done, 
 but Aristobulus most grievously repented of it. And this murder bringing into 
 his mind the murder of his mother, his conscience flew him in the face at the 
 same time for both; and the anxiety of his thoughts hereon increasing his dis- 
 ease, brought him to the vomiting of blood. While a servant was carrying away 
 the vomited blood in a basin, he happened to stumble and spill it upon the 
 place where Antigonus's blood had been shed. At this, all that were present 
 made an outcry, apprehending it to be done on purpose. Aristobulus hearing 
 the noise, inquired what was the matter: and finding all about him shy of tell- 
 ing him, the more they were so, the more earnest he was to know it, till at 
 length they were forced to acquaint him with the whole that had happened: 
 whereon a grievous remorse seized him all over, and his conscience extorted 
 from him bitter accusations against himself for both these facts: and, in the 
 agony which he suffered herefrom, he gave up the ghost and died, having 
 reigned only one whole year. And such miserable exits do mostly such wicked 
 men make, which are terrible enough to deter all such from their iniquities, 
 though there were no such things as the torments of hell to punish them aftei- 
 Ward for ever for the guilt of them. 
 
 Josephus^ tells us a very remarkable story of one Judas, an Essene, relating 
 to the murder of Antigonus. This man, seeing Antigonus come into the tem- 
 ple, as above mentioned, fell into a great passion thereat, and made more than 
 ordinary expressions of it, both in word and behaviour; for he had foretold, that 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. W. c. J9. et de Bello Jiidaico, lib. 1. c. 3. 
 
 2 This was aftprward repaired by Herod) see Joseph. Antiq, lib. 15. c. 14,) but wa3 first built by Hyrcanus, 
 as appears by this use of it. 
 
 3 Antiq. lib. 13. c. 19. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 3. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 243 
 
 Antigonus should be slain that day at Straton's Tower. Now, taking Straton's 
 Tower to be the town on the sea-coast then so named, but afterward called Ce- 
 sarea, which was full two days' journey from Jerusalem, bethought his prophecy- 
 was defeated, and could not possibly be fulfilled that day, the major part of it 
 being then past, and the place at so great a distance; and therefore he expressed 
 hereon the like impatience as Jonah did on the failing of his prophecy against 
 Nineveh. But while he was in this agony and perplexity of mind, exclaiming 
 against truth itself in his being thus deceived, and wishing his death because 
 hereof, came news that Antigonus was slain in that part of the subterraneous 
 gallery above mentioned, which was just under that turret or tower of the pa- 
 lace which was called Straton's Tower. Whereon the Essene, finding his pre- 
 diction fulfilled in the lamentable murder of this prince, both as to the time and 
 place, rejoiced in the comfort and satisfaction of having his prophecy verified, 
 at the same- time when all else were grieved at it. 
 
 Aristobulus' was a great favourer of the Greeks, for which reason he was 
 called Philellen, and the Greeks as much favoured him. For Timagenes, an 
 historian of theirs, wrote of him, as Josephus tell us out of Strabo, " that he 
 was a prince of equity, and had in many things been very beneficial to the 
 Jews, in that he augmented their territories, and ingrafted into the Jewish state 
 part of the nation of the Iturteans, binding them to it by the bond of circum- 
 cision." But his actions above described give him another sort of character. 
 
 As soon as Aristobulus was dead, Salome^ his wife discharged the three bro- 
 thers out of prison, and Alexander, surnamed JannsEus, who was the eldest of 
 them, took the kingdom. His next brother having made some attempt to sup- 
 plant him, he caused him to be put to death; but the other, named Absolom, 
 being contented to live quietly a private life under him, had his favour and pro- 
 tection as long as he lived, so that after this we hear no more of him save only 
 that, having married his daughter to Aristobulus,^ the younger son of Alexan- 
 der, his brother, he engaged in his cause against the Romans, and was made a 
 prisoner by them on their taking the temple, under the command of Pompey, 
 forty-two years after this time. 
 
 At this time, in Syria, the two brothers," Antiochus Grypus and Antiochus 
 Cyzicenus, one reigning at Antioch, and the other at Damascus, harassed each 
 other with continual wars; of which advantage being taken by some cities which 
 had formerly been parts of the Syrian empire, they asserted themselves into 
 liberty, as Tyre, Sidon, Ptolemais, Gaza, and others; and tyrants took possession 
 of some others of them, as Theodorus of Gadara and Amathus beyond Jordan, 
 Zoilus of Dora and Straton's Tower, and others of other places. At the same 
 time, Cleopatra and Alexander, her younger son, were in possession of Egypt, 
 and Ptolemy Lathyrus, her eldest son, held Cyprus; and in this state were the 
 affairs of the neighbouring countries when Alexander Jannaeus first became 
 king of Judea. 
 
 This year was famous for the birth of two noble Romans, Cneius Pompeius 
 Magnus,* and Marcus Tulhus Cicero,* who, the one for war, and the other for 
 letters, were two of the most eminent persons which that city ever brought forth. 
 
 An. 105. Alexander J annmts 1.] — After- Alexander had settled all matters at 
 home, he led forth his forces to make war with the people of Ptolemais," and 
 having vanquished them in battle, shut them up within the walls of their city, 
 and there besieged them; whereon they sent to Ptolemy Lathyrus, then reign- 
 ing in Cyprus, to come to their relief; but afterward, having it suggested to 
 them, that they might suffer as much from Ptolemy coming to them as a friend, 
 as they should from Alexander as an enemy, and that, as soon as they should be 
 joined with Ptolemy, they would draw Cleopatra with all the forces of JEgypt upon 
 
 1 Joseph. Aniiq. lib. 13. c. 19. 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 20. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 3. 
 
 3 Ibid lib. 14. c. 8. 4 Ibid. lib. 13. c. 20. JusUn. lib. 39. Appian. in Syriacis- 
 
 5 Vide Paterculum, lib.2. c. 29. 6 Plutarchus in Cicerone. A Gellius, lib. 15.C.2S. Plinius, lib. 37.C.2. 
 
 7 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 20. 
 
CJ44 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 them, they, on these considerations, altered their mind, resolving to stand upon 
 their own streno-th alone for their defence, without admitting any auxiliaries at 
 all- and took care that Ptolemy should be informed as much. However, he 
 havinc- made ready an army of thirty thousand men, and equipped a fleet of 
 proportionable power, for the transporting of them, made use of this pretence 
 to land them in Phoenicia, and marched toward Ptolemais. But they taking no 
 notice of him, nor answering any of his messages, he was in great difficulty 
 what course to take. While he was in this perplexity, there came messengers 
 to him from Zoilus, prince of Dora, and from the Gazaeans, which delivered 
 him from it. For, while Alexander, with one part of his forces, besieged Ptol- 
 mais, he sent the other to waste the territories of Zoilus, and those of Gaza; 
 and therefore these messengers were sent to pray his assistance against them, 
 which he readily consented to. Whereon Alexander was forced to raise the 
 siege of Ptolemais, and lead back his army from thence, to watch the steps of 
 Lathyrus. And, finding that he could not prevail by his arms, he betook him- 
 self to his politics, thinking by craft and deceit to carry his point; and therefore 
 courting the friendship of Lathyrus, he entered into a treaty with him, and en- 
 gaged to pay him four hundred talents of silver, on the condition that he would 
 deliver Zoilus into his hands, with the places which he held. Lathyrus accepted 
 the terms, and accordingly seized Zoilus and aU his territories, with intention 
 to have delivered both into Alexander's hands. But, when he was ready so to 
 have done, he found that Alexander was at the same time treating underhand 
 with Cleopatra, to bring her upon him with all her forces, for the driving of 
 him out of Palestine; whereon, detesting his double dealing, he broke off all 
 friendship and alliance with him, and resolved to do him all the mischief that 
 should be in his power. 
 
 An. 104. Alexander Jannceus 2.] — And this he accordingly executed the next 
 year after. For, being bent to have his revenge on the inhabitants of Ptole- 
 mais,' and also upon Alexander, for the false dealings and ill usage he had re- 
 ceived from both, he first laid siege to Ptolemais; and, leaving one part of his 
 army there for the carrying of it on, under the conduct of some of his chief 
 commanders, he marched in person with the other part, to invade the territories 
 of Alexander. At first he took Asochis, a city of Galilee, and in it ten thou- 
 sand captives, w'ith much plunder. After this, he laid siege to Sepphoris, ano- 
 ther City of Galilee; whereon Alexander marched with an army of fifty thou- 
 sand men against him for the defence of his country. This brought on a fierce 
 battle between them, near the banks of the River Jordan; in which Alexander 
 being vanquished, lost thirty thousand of his men, besides those which were 
 taken prisoners. For Lathyrus, having gotten the victory, pursued it to the ut- 
 most. And there is a very cruel and barbarous act which is related to have 
 been done by him at this time, that is, that coming with his army, in the even- 
 ing after the victory, to take up his quarters in the adjoining villages, and find- 
 ing them full of women and children, he caused them to be aU slaughtered, 
 and their bodies to be cut in pieces, and put into caldrons over the fire, to be 
 boiled, as if for supper, that so he might leave an opinion in that country, that 
 his men fed upon human flesh, and thereby create the greater dread and terror 
 of his army through all those parts. After this, Lathyrus ranged at liberty all 
 over the country, ravaging, plundering, and destroying it, in a very lamentable 
 manner. For Alexander, after this battle, and the cutting off of so many of 
 his men as fell in it, was in no condition to resist him, but must have been ab- 
 solutely undone, had not Cleopatra come the next year into those parts to re- 
 lieve him. 
 
 An. 103. Alexander JanncEus -3.] — For she, apprehending that in case Lathy- 
 rus should make himself master of Judea and Phoenicia, he would thereby grow 
 strong enough to invade Egypt, and there ^ain recover his kingdom from her^ 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 20, 21. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 345 
 
 thought it time to put a stop to his progress in those parts; and therefore she 
 forthwith prepared an army,' under the command of Chelkias and Ananias, the 
 two Jews above mentioned, and having equipped a fleet, put them on board of 
 it, and sailed with them to Phoenicia; where, having landed this army, and by 
 the terror of it made Lathyrus quit the siege of Ptolemais (which he had till 
 now continued,) and retire into Ccele-Syria, she sent Chelkias with one part of 
 the army after him, and putting the other under the leading of Ananias, 
 marched with it to Ptolemais, expecting they would have opened their gates to 
 her; but finding the contrary, she invested the place to take it by force. In the 
 interim, Chelkias, while he was pursuing Lathyrus in Ccele-Syria, lost his life 
 in that expedition; which defeating the farther progress of it, Lathyrus took the 
 advantage hereof to march with all his forces into Egypt, hoping that on his 
 mother's absence with the best of her forces in Phoenicia, he might find that 
 kingdom so unprovided to resist him, that he might make himself master of it: 
 but he failed of his expectations herein. 
 
 ^n. 10:i. Jllexander Jannaus 4.] — For those forces, left there by Cleopatra for 
 the security of the country,'-' made good their ground so long, till being joined 
 by that part of the army, which, on this attempt of Lathyrus, she sent back 
 out of Phoenicia to reinforce them, they drove him out of the country, and 
 forced him to return again into Palestine, and there take up his winter-quarters 
 at Gaza. 
 
 But while this was doing, Cleopatra still carried on the siege of Ptolemais,' 
 till at length she took the place. As soon as she was mistress of it, Alexander 
 came thither to her, bringing with him many valuable gifts, to present to her for 
 the gaining of her favour. But that which most ingratiated him with her, was his 
 enmity with Lathyrus her son, and on this account he was very kindly received. 
 But some about her thinking she had now a fair opportunity, by seizing Alexan- 
 der, to make herself mistress of Judea, and all his other dominions, earnestly 
 pressed her to it. And this had been done, but that Ananias prevailed with her 
 to the contrary; for having represented unto her, how base and dishonourable a 
 thing it would be thus to treat an ally engaged with her in the same cause, it 
 would be contrary to all the rules of faith and common honesty that are observed 
 among mankind, and would, to the prejudice of her interest, set all the Jews in the 
 world against her, and make them her enemies, he hereby wrought with her so 
 effectually, that partly on these considerations, and partly to gratify the interces- 
 sor, who pleaded hard in this case for his countryman and kinsman (for Alexan- 
 der was both,) she dropped the design, and Alexander returned safe to Jerusa- 
 lem; where, having recruited his broken forces, and made them up again, to 
 the number of a powerful army, he marched with them over Jordan, and be- 
 sieged Gadara. 
 
 An. 101. Alexander Jannaus 5.] — Ptolemy Lathyrus'* having spent his winter 
 at Gaza, after his retreat out of Egypt, and finding that it would be in vain for 
 him to attempt any thing more in Palestine, by reason of the opposition there 
 made against him by his mother, he left that country, and returned again to Cy- 
 prus; whereon she also sailed back again into Egypt, and the country became 
 freed of both of them. 
 
 Cleopatra, on her return to Alexandria,* understanding that Lathyrus w^as car- 
 rying on a treaty at Damascus with Antiochus Cyzicenus, for the obtaining of 
 nis assistance, in order to another expedition into Egypt, for his recovering of 
 that kingdom again from her, she gave Selene her daughter, whom she had taken 
 from Lathyrus, to Antiochus Grypus to wife, and with her sent to him a great 
 number of auxiliaries, and large sums of money, to enable him to renew the 
 war upon Cyzicenus his brother; w^hereon civil broils between them again break- 
 ing out,^ Cyzicenus w^as diverted thereby from giving any assistance to Lathy- 
 rus, and so the whole project became abortive. Ptolemy Alexander, her other 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 21. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. , 4 Ibid. 5 Justin, lib. 39. c. 4. 
 
 6 Livii Epitome, lib. 68. 
 
246 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 son then reio-nino- with her,' being much terrified with the unnatural and cruel 
 usao-e with which she persecuted her other son, especially in thus taking from 
 him his wife, and giving her to his enemy, and observing also that she stuck at 
 nothino- that stood in the way of her ambition, and the vehement desire which 
 she had of still reigning, thought himself not safe any longer with her, and there- 
 fore withdrew, and left the kingdom, choosing rather to live in banishment with 
 safety, than to reign with so wicked and cruel a mother in the continual danger 
 of his life. And it was not without great solicitation, that he was persuaded 
 to return to her again; and she was forced thus to persuade him, because the 
 people would not permit her to reign at all without one of her sons with the 
 name of king reigning with her, and this name was all she allowed to either of 
 them as long as she lived; for, after the death of Physcon, she usurped the whole 
 regal power to herself, and that Lathyrus presumed to make use of some part of 
 it without her, was the only cause that she drove him from her, took away his 
 wife, and expelled him the kingdom. 
 
 This year Marius,^ in the fifth consulship, finished the Cimbrian war, with 
 the total destruction of that people, who threatened Rome and all Italy with no 
 less than utter ruin. Marius commanded the Roman army through the last 
 three years of this war, and having finished it with success, and thereby deli- 
 vered Rome from that terrible invasion, and the great danger which it lay 
 under from it, he was reckoned as the third founder of that city, Romulus and 
 Camillas being the two former. Marius, while he carried on this war,^ first con- 
 secrated the eagle to be the sole Roman standard at the head of every legion; 
 and hence it became the ensign of the Roman empire ever after. The country 
 from whence these Cimbrians came, was the Cimbrica Chersonesus, the same 
 which now contains Jutland, Sleswick, and Holstein. On their deserting this 
 country, the Asae,'' coming from between the Euxine and the Caspian Seas, took 
 possession of it; and from them came those Angli, who with the Saxons, after 
 having expelled the Britons, possessed themselves of that part of Great Britain, 
 which is now called England. 
 
 Alexander Jannseus,^ having, after a siege of ten months, taken Gadara, 
 marched from thence to Amathus, another fortress beyond Jordan; and it being 
 the strongest in all those parts, Theodorus, the son of Zeno Cotylas, prince of 
 Philadelphia, there laid up his treasure. Alexander took this place in a much 
 less time than he had Gadara, and with it made himself master of all that trea- 
 sure. But Theodorus, having by that time gotten together a powerful army, fell 
 suddenly upon him as he was returning from this conquest, and having on this 
 surprise overthrown him, with the slaughter of ten thousand of his men, he not 
 only recovered all his treasure again, but also took all Alexander's baggage with 
 it. This sent Alexander back to Jerusalem with loss and disgrace, which was 
 pleasing enough to many there. For the Pharisees, ever since Hyrcanus's quar- 
 rel with them, became enemies to all of his family, and to none more than to 
 this Alexander; and these drawing the greatest part of the people after them, 
 they infected the generality of them with disaffection and hatred to him, which 
 was the cause of all those intestine troubles and difficulties which he fell into 
 during his reign. 
 
 An. 100. Alexander JanncBUS 6.] — However this loss and disgrace did not hin- 
 der him, but that understanding, that, on Lathyrus's departure from Gaza, all 
 that coast was left naked of defence,® he marched thither with his army, and 
 made himself master of Raphia and Anthedon, which being both within the 
 distance of a few miles from Gaza, he in a manner blocked up that city here- 
 by; and to do this was the main end of his seizing these two places. For the 
 
 1 Justin, lib. 30. c. 4. 2 Plularclins in Mario. L. Florns, lib. 3. c. 3. 
 
 i tornierly there were four other ensigns nsed bv the Romans with the eagle, i. e. the minotaur, the horge, 
 the woir.antl the hoar. Marina abolished these four, and retained the eagle only to be the standard of every 
 legion Pliniiis hb. 10. c. 4. e j / 
 
 4 VidcasHickesli Linguarnm Septentrionalinm Thesaurumin Epistola Dedicatoria, &c. 
 
 5 Joseph, hb. 13. c. 21. 6 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 21. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 247 
 
 Gazaeans having called in Lathyrus to their assistance against him, and helped 
 him with auxiliaries in that fatal battle near Jordan, where he received so great 
 an overthrow, he bore in his mind ever since a bitter grudge against them, and 
 resolved, when opportunity should serve, to have his revenge on them for it. 
 And therefore, — 
 
 An. 98. Alexander JanncEiis 8.] — As soon as his other affairs allowed him this 
 opportunity,' he marched with a great army against them for this purpose, and 
 laid close siege to their city. They having for their chief commander a very 
 valiant man named ApoUodotus, he defended the place against him a whole 
 year; and in one sally which he had made upon him in the night, with twelve 
 thousand of his men, he had like to have ruined him and all his army. For 
 the assault then made upon his camp being pushed on with great briskness and 
 resolution, a bruit ran through the Jewish army, that Ptolemy Lathyrus and aU 
 his forces were come to the assistance of the enemy, which damped their cour- 
 age, and created a panic fear among them. But when the daylight appeared, 
 and made them see the contrary, they again rallied, and beat the Gazeeans into 
 their city with the slaughter of one thousand of their men. 
 
 An. 97. Alexander Jannceus 9.] — But, notwithstanding this loss,^ they still held 
 out, and ApoUodotus was in great credit and reputation among them for his wise 
 and steady conduct in the defence of the place; which being envied by Lyri- 
 machus his own brother, the wretch treacherously slew him, and then, getting 
 a company together, delivered up the city to Alexander, who, on his first en- 
 tering into it, behaved himself as if he intended to have used his victory with 
 moderation and clemency. But, when he was gotten into full possession of the 
 place, he let loose his soldiers upon it, with a thorough license to kill, plunder, 
 and destroy, which produced a scene of horrid barbarity. This Alexander did 
 to have his revenge of these people for the reason mentioned: and he suffered 
 not a little himself in the executing of it. For the Gazseans hereon standing 
 to their defence, he lost almost as many of his own men in this carnage and 
 sackage of the place as he slew of the enemy. However, he had his mind so 
 far, as to leave this ancient and famous city in utter ruin and desolation, and 
 then returned again to Jerusalem, after having spent a full year in this war. 
 
 In this same year happened the death of Antiochus Grypus,^ being slain by 
 the treachery of Heracleon, one of his own dependants, in the twenty-seventh 
 year of his reign, and the forty-fifth of his life. He left behind him five sons: 
 1. Seleucus, who M^as the eldest, succeeded him: the others were, 2. Antiochus, 
 and 3. Philip, two twins; 4. Demetrius Eucaerus; and, 5. Antiochus Dionysius. 
 All these reigned, or attempted to reign, in their turns. 
 
 An. 96. Alexander JannxBus 10.] — Ptolemy Apion, the son of Physcon king 
 of Egypt, to whom his father left the kingdom of Cyrene, dying without issue,'' 
 gave that kingdom, by his last will and testament, to the Romans, who. Instead 
 of accepting it to themselves, gave all the cities their liberties, which imme- 
 diately filled the countries with t3^rants;* those who were the potentest in every 
 district endeavouring hereon to make themselves sovereigns of it, which brought 
 upon that country great troubles and confusions. These were in some measure 
 composed by LucuUus, on his coming thither in the first Mithridatic war, but 
 could not finally be removed till that country was at length reduced into the 
 form of a Roman province. 
 
 Antiochus Cyzicenus, on the death of Grypus,^ seized Antioch, and endea- 
 voured to make himself master of the -whole kingdom, to the exclusion of the 
 jsons of Grypus; but Seleucus, having gotten possession of many other cities, 
 drew great forces after him, to make good his right to his father's dominions. 
 
 An. 95. Alexander Jannceus 11.] — Anna, the prophetess, the daughter of Pha- 
 nuel, of the tribe of Aser, of whom mention is made in the Gospel of St. Luke 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 21. 2 Ibid. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 21. Pnrphyrius in Grsecis Euseb. Scaligeri. 
 
 4 Epitome Livii, c. 70. Julius Obsequens Prodigiis. 3 Plutarch, in LucuUo. 
 6 Porphyrins in Graecis Eii'sebianis Scaligeri. 
 
248 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 fch. ii. ver. 36,) was married to her husband, and from this time lived with him 
 seven j-ears, till on his death she became a widow. 
 
 Tio-ranes ' the son of Tigranes king of Armenia, being a hostage with the 
 Parthlans at the time of his father's death, was by them restored to his liberty, 
 and settled in the succession of that kingdom, on his resigning to them some 
 of the territories of it. This was done twenty-five years before his making war 
 with the Romans in the cause of Mithridates; for so long, Plutarch tells us,^ he 
 had reigned in Armenia when that war begun. 
 
 King Alexander, entering into the temple at Jerusalem, there to officiate as 
 high-priest in the feast of tabernacles,^ had a great affront and indignity there 
 oifered him by the people. For they, joining in a sort of mutiny against him, 
 pelted him with citrons while he was offering the festival sacrifices on the great 
 altar, calling him slave, and adding other opprobious language, which implied 
 him unworthy of being either high-priest or king; which enraged him to that 
 degree, that he fell upon them with his soldiers, and slew of them six thousand 
 men. And, to secure him from suffering any more from them the like affront, 
 he surrounded the court of the priests, wathin which were the altar and the tem- 
 ple, with a wooden partition, thereby to hinder the people from doing this any 
 more to him. In calling him slave, they harped upon the old story of Eleazar, 
 as if Hyrcanus's mother had been a slave taken in war. The truth of the mat- 
 ter was, Hyrcanus having quarrelled with the Pharisees on that occasion, and 
 abolished all their traditional constitutions, this whole sect hated him and all his 
 family a long while after, and none of them more than Alexander. For he fol- 
 lowed his father's steps in this matter, and would never re-admit those constitu- 
 tions, or give that party any favour as long as he reigned; but, on the contrary, 
 sat hard upon them on all occasions: which embittered them so much against 
 him, that, having a great influence over the people, they m.ade use of it to set 
 them against him, and render them disaffected to him to the utmost they were 
 able; w^hich created great troubles to Alexander during all his reign, and much 
 greater mischief to the whole nation of the Jews, as wall be seen in the future 
 series of this history. The first instance hereof was, that Alexander, seeing the 
 Jews in this temper, durst no more trust them with the safety of his person, but, 
 instead of them, '' called in foreign mercenaries to be of his guard, choosing them 
 out of the Pisidians and Cilicians, and not of the Syrians, whom he did not like; 
 and of these he had six thousand always about him.^ This instance shows how 
 dangerous a thing it is for any prince to have a powerful faction either in church 
 or state disgusted against him; and the ill success which Alexander had in his 
 endeavours to quiet this faction, shows the mistake which he made in his means 
 of effecting it: for he made use only of rigour and severity, which operate in 
 the body politic no otherwise than as opiates do in the body natural, which put 
 a short stop to the disease, but never remove the cause; the truest method of 
 cure in this case is, so to join severity and clemency together, that both may 
 have their effect. 
 
 Jin. 91. AlexamJer JanncEus 12.] — When Alexander had, by the terror of his 
 executions, in some measure laid the storm which was raised against him at 
 home, he marched out against his enemies abroad;" and, having passed over Jor- 
 dan, made war upon the Arabians, and having gotten the better of them in se- 
 veral conflicts, made the inhabitants of the land of Moab and of the land of 
 Gilead to become tributaries to him. 
 
 Seleucus, growing powerful in Syria, Cyzicenus marched out of Antioch 
 against him,' but, being vanquished in battle, he was taken prisoner and put to 
 death; whereon Seleucus made himself master of Antioch, and of the whole 
 Syrian empire, but could not keep it long: for Antiochus Eusebes,^ the son of 
 
 1 Justin, lib. 38. c. 3. Appian. in Syri.icis. Stralio, iib. 11. p. 532. 2 In Lucullo. 
 
 3 Joseph, (le Bcllo Judaico, lib. 1. c. 3. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 21. 4 Joseph, ibid. 
 
 5 Josepli. Aiitiq. lib. 13. c. 22. et de Bi-Uo Jiidnico, lib. 1. c. 3. 6 Joseph, ibid. 
 
 7 Joseph. Antifi. lib. 13. c. 21. Tro};i Prolog. 40. Porphyr. in Gricis En?cb. Scaligeri. 
 
 8 Appian. in Syriaci.=!. Joseph, et Porphyr. ibjd. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 249 
 
 Cyzicenus, having, on Seleucus's taking Antioch, made his escape out of that 
 place by the assistance of a courtesan that was in love with him, came to Ara- 
 dus, and was there crowned king. 
 
 Jin. 9-3. Mexandei- Jannceus 13.] — And, having there gotten his father's sol- 
 diers about him,' and joined others to them that were attached to his interest, he 
 made up a considerable army, and marched forth with it against Seleucus; and, 
 having gotten a great victory over him, forced him to flee to Mopsuestia, a city 
 in CiUcia, there to take refuge; where, having oppressed the inhabitants with 
 great exactions, he provoked them so far hereby, that they rose in a general 
 mutiny against him, and, besetting the house where he was, put fire to it, and 
 there burnt to death him and all there with him. Antiochus and Philip,^ the 
 two twin sons of Grypus, for the revenging of this, forthwith marched with all 
 the forces they could get together toward Mopsuestia; and, having taken the 
 place, razed it to the ground, and sacrificed all that they found in it to the ghost 
 of their slain brother. But, in their return from this exploit, being fallen upon 
 by Eusebes near the Orontes, they were put to the route; whereon Antiochus,^ 
 endeavouring to swim the river with his horse, for the making of his escape, 
 was drowned in it. But Philip, making a safe retreat, kept many of his forces 
 together, and soon recruited them again with others; so that, being enabled 
 thereby still to keep the field, the whole contest was now between him and Eu- 
 sebes for the whole Syrian empire; and each of them, having great armies oa 
 foot, miserably harassed and wasted that country in their wars about it. 
 
 In the interim, Alexander,* pursuing the good success which he had in the 
 last year's expedition beyond Jordan, carried on the war farther on that side, 
 and invaded the territories of Theodorus, the son of Zeno Cotylas, prince of 
 Philadelphia. His chief design in this war was to take from him the strong for- 
 tress of Amathns, and his treasure there deposited; both which Alexander had 
 taken eight years before, and Theodorus recovered again, as hath been above 
 related. But at this time Alexander's name was grown so terrible, by reason of 
 his many late successes in those parts, that Theodorus durst not stand his com- 
 ing, but, carrying off his treasure, withdrew his garrison, and deserted the place; 
 whereon Alexander took it without opposition, and razed it to the ground. 
 
 ./?«. 92. Alexander JanncBus 14.] — Eusebes, the more to strengthen himself in 
 the kingdom, had married Selene,^ the relict of Grypus. She, being an active 
 w^oman, had taken possession of some part of the Syrian empire, on her hus- 
 band's death, and had gotten forces about her to maintain her in it. Eusebes, 
 to join this interest of her's to his own, married her; which offending Lathyrus 
 (whose wife she had first been, till his mother took her from him, and gave her 
 in marriage to Grypus,) he sent to Cnidus," where Demetrius Eucaerus, the 
 fourth son of Grypus, had been placed for his education, and, having fetched 
 him from thence, made him king of Damascus. Eusebes an<l Philip being en- 
 gaged against each other, neither of them could be at liberty to hinder this; for 
 although Eusebes received great accession to his strength by marrying Selene, 
 yet Philip made good his part against him, and, at length having drawn him to 
 a decisive battle,' gave him a total overthrow, which forced him to flee into 
 Parthia for his safety; whereon Philip and Demetrius became possessed of the 
 whole Syrian empire between them. 
 
 In the interim, Alexander,* king of Judea, making an expedition into Gau- 
 lonitis, a country lying on the east side of the lake of Gennesareth, and there 
 enffaffino: in a war against Obedas, an Arabian king, was drawn by him into 
 an ambush; wherein he lost most of his army, and hardly himself escaped. Gn 
 his return to Jerusalem in this case, the Jews, who were before too much em- 
 bittered against him, being now farther exasperated by this loss, rose in a rebel- 
 
 1 Joseph. Appian. Pt Porpliyrius, in Grtccis Eiiseb. Scalijrri. 2 Porphyr. in GrEcis Eiiseb. Scaligeri. 
 
 3 Porpliyr. in .lospph. ibid. 4 .loseph. Atitlq. lib. 13. c. 21. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. e. 3. 
 
 5 Appian. in Syriacis. 6 .Toppph. Aiitiq. lib 13. c. 21. 7 Porpliyr. Euseb.ibid. in Chron. 
 
 8 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 21. et de Bello Jndaico, lib. 1. c. 3, 
 
 Vol. II.— 3-2 
 
250 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORV OF 
 
 lion ao"alnst him, hoping, in this his weak condition, soon to compass his de- 
 struction, which they had long earnestly desired; but Alexander, being a man 
 of application and courage, and more than a common understanding, soon got 
 too-ether forces sufficient to oppose them. This produced a civil war between 
 Alexander and his people, which lasted six years, and brought great calamities 
 upon both. 
 
 An. 91. Alexander Jannceus 15.] — Mithridates Eupator, king of Pontus,' on 
 the death of Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, having murdered his sons which 
 that prince left behind him (though born of Laodice his own sister,) and usurped 
 Cappadocia to himself, placed a minor son of his own (whom he called Ariara- 
 thes) over that kingdom, with one Gordius for a tutor, to manage the govern- 
 ment for him. Nicomedes king of Bithynia, fearing lest Mithridates, with this 
 accession to his dominions, should grow too powerful for him, and swallow him 
 next, suborned a youth to take upon him to be the third son of Ariarathes; and, 
 having gained Laodice to own him, sent them both to Rome, there to lay claim 
 to the kingdom of his pretended father for him. This having brought the cause 
 before the senate, they condemned the claims of both,^ that of Mithridates as 
 well as that of the pretender, and decreed, that the Cappadocians should become 
 a free people; but they refusing this grant, and declaring that they could not 
 subsist without a king, the senate ordered them to choose whom they liked best; 
 whereon they having elected Ariobarzanes, a noble Cappadocian, Sylla was sent 
 with a commission to put him in possession,^ which he accordingly executed 
 this year. Mithridates did not oppose him herein; but this excited in him that 
 disgust against the Romans, which being afterward heightened by other provo- 
 cations, mutually given and retorted, at length produced the Mithridatic war, 
 which, next that against the Carthaginians, was the longest and the most dan- 
 gerous war that ever the Roman state was engaged in. 
 
 An. 90. Alexander Jannams 16.] — For although Mithridates, on his procedure, 
 suppressed his resentments for the present, yet from this time he resolved to 
 make war upon the Romans, for the revenging of it. In order hereto,^ having 
 contracted an aUiance with Tigranes king of Armenia, by giving him Cleopatra 
 his daughter to wife, he drew him into a confederacy with him for the making 
 of this war, whereby it was agreed between them, that Mithridates should have 
 all the cities and countries, and Tigranes all the persons, treasure, and moveable 
 goods, that should be taken in it. The first effect of this confederacy was,* Ti- 
 granes expelling Ariobarzanes out of Cappadocia, whom the Romans had put 
 in possession of that kingdom, brought back Ariarathes, the son of Mithridates, 
 there again to reign. And at the same time Nicomedes king of Bithynia dying," 
 Mithridates seized that kingdom, to the exclusion of Nicomedes, the son of the 
 deceased. This sent both the deprived kings to the Romans for their relief, 
 who having decreed their restoration, sent Manius Aquilius and Marcus Altinus 
 to see it executed. 
 
 An. 69. Alexander Jaflnaus 17.] — But Mithridates, jjermitting neither of them 
 to enjoy quiet possession when restored, all the Roman forces then dispersed 
 through the several parts of Lesser Asia,' gathering together, formed themselves 
 into three armies; the first under the command of L. Cassius, who had the 
 government of the Pergamenian province of Asia; the second under Manius 
 Aquilius; and the third under Quintus Oppius, proconsul of Pamphylia, having 
 in each body forty thousand men, horse and foot; and with these they began 
 the war, without tarrying for any orders from Rome for it. But* managing it 
 with bad conduct and much neglect, they had the ill success to be all vanquished 
 and broken; and^ Aquilius and Oppius, being made prisoners, were first treated 
 
 1 Justin, lib. :18. c. T, 2. 2 Jii?tin. Jib. 38. c. i, 2. Straho, lib. 12. p. 540. 
 
 3 Plutarch, in Sylla. Appian. in Mithriilaticis. 4 Justin, lib. 38. c. 3. 
 
 5 Ihid. Appian. in Mithridaticis. (j Justin, et Appian. ibid. Memnon.in Excerptis Photii, c. 32. 
 
 7 Appian.in Mithridaticis. 
 
 8 Appian. ibid. Epitome Livii, lib. 77, 78. Athenaeus, lib. 5. Strabo, lib. 12. p. 562. Memnon. c. .33. L. 
 Florus, lib. 3. c. 5. Plinius, lib. 33. c. 3. Velleius PatercuJus. lib, 2. c. 18. Diodor, Sic. in Excerplis Va- 
 leaii, p. 400. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 251 
 
 •with the utmost indignity, and afterward with equal cruelty tortured to death. 
 Hereon all the cities and provinces of Lesser Asia,' and also several of the 
 cities of Greece, and all the islands of the ^gean Sea, excepting only Rhodes, 
 revolted from the Romans, and declared for Mithridates. 
 
 Cleopatra, queen of Egypt,^ being weary of her son Alexander, and the joint 
 authority which he held with her in the government of the kingdom, laid de- 
 signs against his life, that so, being: rid of him, she might reign alone, and have 
 the whole regal power in her own hands. But Alexander having notice ot it, 
 prevented the plot, and, by cutting her off first, made it all turn upon her own 
 head. She was a monstrous wicked woman, as her actions above related suffi- 
 ciently show, and well deserved this death, had it come from any other hands 
 than those of her own son. As soon as the Alexandrians found that the mother 
 died by the parricide of her son, they could no longer bear him; but having 
 driven him into banishment, sent to Cyprus for Ptolemy Lathyrus, and restored 
 to him the kingdom, which he afterward held without interruption,^ to the end 
 of his hfe. Alexander the next year after,^ having gotten some ships together to 
 attempt a return in them, was encountered at sea by Tyrrhus, Ptolemy's admi- 
 ral, and being vanquished by him, escaped to Myra in Lysia; from whence 
 afterward sailing toward Cyprus, for the executing of some design which he 
 had upon that island, he was met by Chtereas, another sea-commander of Pto- 
 lemy's, and being overborne by him, perished in the fight. 
 
 While these things were doing in Lesser Asia and Egypt, ^ the civil war went 
 on in Judea between Alexander and his people. And although he had the better 
 of them in all encounters, yet he could not bring them to submit, or put any stop 
 to these intestine troubles, so much were they enraged against him. Being 
 weary of punishing and destroying them, he made earnest application to them 
 for the composing of the differences that were between them. In order hereto, he 
 offered to grant them anything that they should in reason desire; and therefore 
 bid them ask what they would have. To this they answered all with one voice,^ 
 that he should cut his throat; that they would on no other terms be at peace 
 with him; and it were well, they said, if they could then be reconciled to him 
 after he was in his grave, considering the great mischiefs he had done them. 
 And therefore, having their minds to so high a degree thus exasperated against 
 him, they resolved to go on with the war without hearkening to any terms of 
 reconciliation whatsoever. And because they wanted sufficient forces of their 
 own to act up to the anger and rage which in their answer to Alexander they 
 had expressed against him, they sent to Damascus' to call Demetrius Eucaerus 
 (who then reigned there) to their assistance; who thereon came into Judea 
 with an army consisting of three thousand horse, and forty thousand foot, Sy- 
 rians and Jews. Alexander, encountering him with six thousand Greek mer- 
 cenaries, and twenty thousand Jews, v/as overthrown with so great a slaughter, 
 that he lost all his Greek mercenaries to a man, and the greatest part of his 
 other forces; whereon he was driven with the poor remnant of his broken army 
 that survived this terrible blow to flee to the mountains, where he might, by 
 the advantage of the situation, best protect himself in this shattered case. And 
 now he had been utterly ruined, but that he was relieved by a very extraordi- 
 nary and unexpected turn of fortune: for those very men, who were before so 
 much embittered against him, that they had called in a foreign enemy upon 
 him, and had joined that enemy in battle against him, when they saw him 
 reduced to this distressed condition, took such compassion of him, that six 
 thousand of them immediately went over to him. Whereon Demetrius, fearing 
 
 1 Appian. ibiil. Epitome Livii, lib. 77, 78. Athenieus, lib. 5. Strabo, lib. 12. p. 562. Memnon. c. 33. 
 L. FInrus, lib. 2. c. 5. Pliiiius, lib. 33. c. 3. Velleiiis Patercalus, lib. 2. c. 18. Diodor. Sic, in Excerptis 
 Valesii, p. 400. 
 
 2 Justin, lib. 39. c. 4. Eiiseb. in Chronico. Pausanias in Atticis. Athena!us, lib. 12. p. 550. 
 
 3 Ptolemy the astronomer, reckons to his reign the whole time from his father's death to his own, that is, 
 thirty-six vears, tliongh he lived half of them in banishment. 
 
 4 Porphyr. in Gra;cis Euseb. Scaligeri. 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 21. de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 3. 
 
 6 Joseph. Anti'q. lib. 13. c. 21, de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 3. 7 Ibid. c. 92. de Bello Judaico. lib. 1. c 3. 
 
252 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 the like revolt of the rest, departed out of Judea, and shortly after marched into 
 Syria ao-ainst his brother Philip, and having driven him out of Antioch, and taken 
 that city from him, he pursued him to Bercea, now called Aleppo, and their be- 
 sieo-ed him. Whereon Straton, prince of the place, and friend of Philip, called 
 thither Zizus, an Arabian king, and Mithridates Sinaces, a Parthian commander, 
 to his assistance; who having vanquished Demetrius, and taken him a prisoner, 
 sent him for a present to Mithridates king of Parthia,' where a little after he fell 
 sick and died. Philip, after this victory, releasing all the Antiochians that 
 were taken prisoners in this defeat, and sending them home without ransom, 
 this so far ingratiated him with that city, that on his return again thither, he 
 was received with the general acclamation of the people, and for some time he 
 reigned there over all Syria without a competitor. 
 
 An. 88. Mexander Jannoeus 18.] — Alexander, after the retreat of Demetrius, 
 having gotten together another army,^ made good his part against the rebel 
 Jews, notwithstanding his late loss, and vanquished them in all conflicts. How- 
 ever, he could bring them to no terms of peace; but they still carried on the 
 war with the same rage and fury against him, without being in the least discou- 
 raged by any loss, baffle, or defeat, that happened to them. 
 
 Anna, the prophetess, daughter of Phanuel, becoming a widow on the death 
 of her husband, without marrying any more,^ devoted herself wholly to the 
 service of God, and exercised herself constantly in it, for the space of eighty- 
 four years, during all which time she departed not from the temple, but there 
 served God with fasting and prayers night and day. 
 
 Mithridates finding that the Romans and Italians, who were then on several 
 occasions in Lesser Asia, and there dispersed through all the provinces and cities 
 of that country, did underhand carry on the Roman interest in the places where 
 they resided, to the great obstruction of his designs,^ sent secret orders to all 
 the governors of provinces and magistrates of cities through all Lesser Asia, to 
 put them all to death in one and the same day that he had appointed for it; 
 which was accordingly executed with that rigour, that no less than eighty thou- 
 sand say some, near double that number say others, of Romans and Italians 
 were then massacred in that country. 
 
 After this, Mithridates hearing that there was a great treasure at Coos, sent 
 thither, and laid his hand upon it. Cleopatra queen of Egypt, when she went 
 with an army into Pha?nicia against Lathyrus her son,* sent to this place her 
 grandson Alexander, the son of Alexander, who then reigned with her in 
 Egypt, and with him a great sum of money, with her jewels and all her most 
 precious things, there to be deposited as a reserve against all events. All this 
 Mithridates seized, ** and with it the sum of eight hundred talents more,' which 
 the Jews of Lesser Asia had there deposited, in order to be sent to Jerusalem, 
 for the securing of it from the rapines of the war which they saw was coming 
 upon that country. The treasure of Cleopatra there deposited truly belonging 
 to young Alexander her grandson, Mithridates, on his seizing of it, did not 
 wholly neglect him, but took him into his care,^ and gave him a princely edu- 
 cation, and we shall ere long again hear of him. 
 
 Mithridates, having thus made himself master of all Lesser Asia,*" sent Ar- 
 chelaus, one of his generals, with an army of one hundred and twenty thou- 
 
 1 This !VIithrid.ifes sepms to bn the same who. according to Justin, lib. 42. c. 2. was called Mithridates the 
 Great; and, having sncceedecl Artabanus his father in the kingdom of Parthia, Anno 128, was now in the 
 fortieth .year of his reign. To him succeeded SinatriLv, and after Sinatrux, Phrahates lijs son. Anno 57. 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. n. c. 22. de Bello Jiidaico, lib. 1. c. 3. 
 
 3 Luke ii. 3(5, :17. Her servinj; God at the temple day and night, is to be understood no otherwise, than 
 that she constantly attended the morninfr and evening sacrifices at the temple, and then with great devotion 
 offered up her prayers to God; the time of the morning and evening sacrifice being the solemnest tiiiie of 
 prayer among the Jews, and the temple the solemnest place for it. 
 
 4 Epitome Livii. lib. 78 L. Florus, lib. 3. c. 5. Appian. in Mithridaticis. Cicero in Orationibus pro Lege 
 Manilla et pro Flacco. Memnon. c. 3.X Velleius Paterc. lib. 2. c. 18. Orosius. lib. 6. c. 2. Eutrop. li>- i 
 Valerius Maximus, lib. !). c. 2. Plutarchus in Sylla. Dion. Cassius. Legat. 3G. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 21. et lib. 14. c. 12. Appian. in Mithridaticis. 
 
 G Appian. in Mithridaticis, ct de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 1. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 12. 
 
 7 Joseph. Ibid. 8 Appian. in Mithridaticis. 
 
 9 Plutarch, in Sylla. Appian. in Mithridaticis. Epitome Livii, lib. 78. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 2. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 253 
 
 sand men into Greece, who, having seized Athens, made that the chief seat of 
 his residence, for the carrying on of the war in those parts; and while he lay 
 there, he drew over to him most of the cities and states of Greece for the em- 
 bracing of the interest of Mithridates. 
 
 An. 87. Jllexander JanncRus 19.] — And in this state Sylla,' now sent from 
 Rome to carry on this war against Mithridates, found matters on his arrival in 
 Greece; and therefore, in the first place, he laid siege to Athens, and after hav- 
 ing spent several months in it, at last took the place about the end of the year. 
 
 The Parthians seem this year, on the death of Demetrius Euca^rus, to have 
 brought back Antiochus Eusebes into Syria, and to have there put him again in 
 possession of some part of his former dominions. For, first, that he came back 
 from Parthia (whither he had fled when vanquished by Philip) and reigned 
 again in Syria, is certain. For it was to be delivered from the calamities of the 
 civil war,^ with which the Seleucidse afflicted Syria in their contentions for the 
 crown, that the Syrians called in Tigranes, as will be hereafter shown. But at 
 that time there were no other of them to make this contention, but Philip and 
 Eusebes only, all the rest being then dead: and that Tigranes found Eusebes 
 in possession of some part of Syria, on his coming thither, appears from Appian; 
 for he tells us more than once,^ that this Eusebes, being then expelled out of 
 Syria, fled into an obscure corner of Cilicia, and there laid hid, till after Lucul- 
 l«s's victory over Tigranes, he returned again into Syria. And, secondly, that 
 it was by the assistance of the Parthians that he came back again into Syria, 
 seems most probable; because he having fled to them as friends, they are the 
 most likely, as friends, to have given him this assistance; and they lay the most 
 convenient to afford it, the kingdom of Syria being bounded by the banks of the 
 Euphrates on the one side of that river, and the territories of the Parthians 
 reaching to those of the other side,^ and without some such powerful assistance 
 he could not again have recovered any part of his former dominions. But by 
 what assistance soever he returned, Philip seems at this time to be engaged ta 
 oppose him. But while he was thus employed in the northern parts of Syria 
 for the keeping out of one rival, another started up against him in the southern- 
 For Antiochus Dionysius his brother,* the youngest of the five sons of Giypus, 
 taking the advantage of his being thus otherwise engaged, seized on Damascus, 
 and there making himself king of Coele-Syria, reigned over it in that place for 
 the space of about three years. 
 
 While these wars were thus carrying on in Greece and Syria, Alexander Jan- 
 nseus was as deeply engaged in war with his own people. But having now 
 driven it to a decisive battle,^ he gave them such a terrible blow, as soon brought 
 those troubles to a conclusion: for having cut off the major part of them in the 
 rout, and driven the chief of those that survived into Bethome, he shut up that 
 place all round, and there closely besieged them. 
 
 An. 86. Alexander Jannams 20.] — And the next year after, having succeeded 
 in this siege,' and taken the city, and all those in it that had fled thither for 
 refuge, he carried eight hundred of them to Jerusalem, and there caused them 
 to be crucified all together in one day, and their wives and children to be there 
 slain before their faces, while they hung dying on the crosses on which they 
 were crucified; which was a severity never to be justified, had there been any 
 other way whereby to have brought that rebellious faction to reason. While 
 this was doing, Alexander made a treat for his wives and concubines, near the 
 place where this scene of terror was acting, and to feast himself and them with 
 the sight hereof was the main part of the entertainment. From hence Alex- 
 ander had the name of Thracidas, that is, the Thracian, those people being then 
 above all others infamous for their bloody and barbarous cruelties. And indeed 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Sylla, et Epitome Livii, )ib. 81. Appian. in Mithridaticia. 2 Justin, lib. 40. c. 1. 
 
 3 In Syriaciset in Mithridaticis. 
 
 4 Tlie Parthians had at this time all Mesopotamia from the Tigris to the Euphrates. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 12. et de Belio Judaico, lib. 1. c. 4. 
 
 6 Ibid. lib. 13. c. 22. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 3. 7 Joseph, ibid. 
 
254 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 there could no name be invented for him bad enough to express so inhuman a 
 procedure. However, it had its eifect; for all the remainder of the rebel party, 
 beino- terrified with the horror hereof, fled the country: and after this Alexan- 
 der had no more disturbance at home, to the day of his death. And thus ended 
 this furious rebellion, after it had lasted six years, and had cost the lives of above 
 fifty thousand men of the rebel faction.' 
 
 And this same year was no less fataP to the cause and armies of Mithridates, 
 than it was to the rebel Jews; for though he had sent into Greece, under the 
 command of Archelaus, one hundred and twenty thousand men, and under the 
 command of Taxiles, another of his generals, and brother of Archelaus, one 
 hundred and ten thousand, and after that, eighty thousand more, under the 
 command of Dorylaus, in all three hundred and ten thousand men, numbers 
 enough to have borne all before them, would numbers alone have carried the 
 cause; yet Sylla, with a Roman army, only of one thousand five hundred horse, 
 and fifteen thousand foot, vanquished them all in three several battles; the first 
 of which was fought at Chseronea, and the other two at Orchomenus, in which 
 battles he is said to have slain one hundred and sixty thousand of them; and 
 thereby he forced all the rest of them to flee out of Greece. 
 
 An. 85. Alexander JunncBUs 21.] — And, the next year after, Mithridates was 
 as much distressed in Asia; for Fimbria,^ who there commanded another Roman 
 army, having vanquished the best remainder of his forces, pursued those that 
 fled as far as Pergamus, where Mithridates himself then resided, and having 
 driven him from thence to Patana, a maritime city of ^olia, followed him thither, 
 and, laying siege to the place, blocked it closely up by land, but, not having 
 any ships to shut it up by sea, a passage there still lay open: whereon Fimbria 
 sent to LucuUus, who was then in the neighbouring seas with the Roman fleet, 
 to come thither, and, would he have done so, Mithridates must necessarily have 
 been taken: but Fimbria, being of a contrary faction in the state, he would 
 have nothing to do with him, and so Mithridates escaped by sea to Mitylene, 
 and from thence got clear out of their hands, to the great damage of the Roman 
 interest. And the like often happens, wherever the ministers and officers of 
 the government are divided into different factions: for such frequently study, 
 in their several stations, more to gratify their envy, their piques, and their 
 malice against each other, than to serve the public interest of their country, 
 and thereby often make the best projects miscarry, that so they may obstruct the 
 honour, or work the disgrace of those that are intrusted with the executing of 
 them. And there is scarce any state now in beinrg which cannot give many 
 instances hereof, and none more than our own. 
 
 But although Mithridates thus made his escape, yet it conduced to the putting 
 an end to this war: for, being terrified with the danger which he had so nar- 
 rowly got clear of," and many losses he had suffered, he sent to Archelaus on 
 any terms to make peace with Sylla; whereon Sylla and Archelaus, meeting in 
 the isle of Delos, agreed, that Mithridates should restore Bithynia to Nicodemus, 
 Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, and all else to the Romans, which he had taken 
 from them since the war begun, and be content only with his paternal kingdom 
 of Pontus; and that he should pay three thousand talents to the Romans for the 
 charges of the war, and yield to them seventy of his ships; and that on these 
 terms peace should be granted; and, all past "acts of hostility being forgotten, 
 Mithridates should be received into the number of the friends and allies of the 
 Roman state. And Sylla and Mithridates, having afterward had a meeting at 
 Troas in Asia, there ratified and confirmed these articles on both sides; and 
 thereon the peace was published and declared. Sylla would never have con- 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 21. etde Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 3. 
 
 T?.;.,J"'^''*^r:'^^>',''*- Appian. in Mithridaticis. Epit. .Livii, lib. 82. Memnon, c. 34. Orosius, lib. 6. c.2. 
 Eutrnpius, lib. 5. L. Florus, lib. 3. c. 5. 
 
 lib. ei'c'a'^*^*'' '" ^"'="""- Memnon, c. 36. Livii Epitome, lib. 83. Appian. in Mithridaticis. Orosius, 
 
 d«tir^L"i?Hi*'nLn^*i'? ^} LucuUo. Epitome Livii, lib. 83. Dion. Cassiug, Legal. 34, 35. Appian. in Mithri- 
 daticis et de BelUs Civil, lib. 1. Velleius Paterculus, lib, 2. c. 23. ' 6 . vy 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 255 
 
 sented to make this peace, but that the divisions of the Romans at home, and 
 the civil vi^ars there commenced, made his return into Italy then absolutely ne- 
 cessary for the appeasing of them. This made Sylla as desirous of ending the 
 war as Mithridates himself, who had suffered most by it. And therefore Sylla, 
 having received the seventy ships, and the three thousand talents above men- 
 tioned, and mulcted the states and cities of Asia in the sum of twenty thousand 
 talents to be paid in five year's time, returned into Italy, to make war with the 
 Marian faction, which was there at this time predominant; but what he did here- 
 in, doth not belong to my purpose to relate. 
 
 But one thing I cannot here omit, that is, that it was by his means that the 
 works of Aristotle were preserved,' and afterward made public, for the benefit 
 of the learned world. Aristotle, at his death, left them to Theophrastus: he, 
 on his death, bequeathed them to Neleus of Scepsis, a city near Pergamus in 
 Asia; and, on Neleus's death, they fell to his heirs; who being men of no learn- 
 ing, only kept them locked up in a chest. But, when the Pergamenian kings, 
 under whose jurisdiction Scepsis was, made diligent search for all sorts of books, 
 for the filling up of their library at Pergamus, they, fearing that those books 
 might be taken from them, for the preventing of it, hid them in a vault under 
 ground, whqre they lay buried for about a hundred and thirty years, till at 
 length Apellico, a rich citizen of Athens, being on the hunt after all sorts of 
 books for the making him a library, the heirs of Neleus, to whom through se- 
 veral generations these books were then descended, being reduced to poverty, 
 took them up out of the place where they had been hid, and sold them to him. 
 But these books, by the length of time, and the moisture of the place where 
 they lay, being so damnified and rotten, that they could scarce hang together, 
 Apellico caused copies of them to be written out; and, in the writing out of 
 them, many chasms being found in the original (in some places letters, and in 
 some others whole words, and sometimes several of them together, being either 
 eaten out by worms, or rotted out by time and wet,) these chasms were in many 
 places supplied by conjecture, and sometimes very unskilfully, which hath 
 caused difficulties in those books ever since. Apellico being dead a little be- 
 fore Sylla came to Athens, he seized his library, and with it these works of 
 Aristotle, and, carrying it to Rome, there added it to his own library. One 
 Tyrannion,^ a famous grammarian of those times, then residing at Rome, being 
 desirous to have these works of Aristotle, obtained leave of Sylla's library- 
 keeper to write them out. This copy he communicated to Andronicus Rho- 
 dius, who, from that copy, first made these works of Aristotle public: and to 
 him it is that the learned world is beholden, that it hath ever since enjoyed the 
 very valuable writings of this great philosopher. 
 
 While Antiochus Dionysius, king of Damascus, was making war upon Are- 
 tas, king of Arabia Petraea, Philip his brother took the advantage of it to seize 
 Damascus, which he got into by the help of Milesius, the captain of the castle. 
 But Philip not rewarding him as he expected, he took the opportunity of his 
 next going abroad for his diversion to shut the gates against him, and kept the 
 city for Antiochus; and, on his return out of Arabia (from whence he immedi- 
 ately hastened, on his hearing of this invasion,) restored it to him again. Here- 
 on Philip retreating, Antiochus made another expedition against Aretas, taking 
 his way through Judea, and that part of the country that lay between Joppa 
 and Antipatris, being the only passage which he could have for his army that 
 way. Alexander, being jealous of his intentions, drew lines between those 
 two places of the length of twenty of our miles to obstruct him, and fortified 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Sylla. Strabo, lib. 13. p. 609. Stanley's History of Philosophy, part 6. in the Life of Aris- 
 totle, c. 16. 
 
 2 This Tyrannion was a citizen of Amisus in Pontus. Being there taken prisoner when Lucullns reduced 
 that place, he was released merely for the sake of his eminent learning. After this, going to Ron)e, he had 
 there the patronage of M. Cicero, and read lectures publicly in his house, and there took care of his library, 
 and did set it in due order. And, soon after growing very rich, he got together a very great library of hiis 
 own, consisting of above thirty thousand volumes; and he procured this copy of Aristotle's works to be set 
 among them. Concerning all this, see Cicero's Epistles, lib. 2. epist. 4. et lib. 4. ad Atticum, epist. 4. et ep. 
 8. Flutarcb, in Sylla et in LucuUo. Strabo, lib. 13. p. 608. et Suidas in voce Tufotintov. 
 
256 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 them with a wall and wooden towers placed at a convenient distance from each 
 other. But this proved of no effect for the end proposed: for Antiochus, on his 
 approach, set fire to these towers, and, burning them down, broke through the 
 lines, and passed on into Arabia; but, being there surprised and taken at a dis- 
 advantao-e by Aretas, he was slain in the battle, and most of his forces were cut 
 off with°him; and the rest that escaped had no better fate: for having, after 
 their Hight, gotten into a village called Cana, they there all perished for want 
 of bread; whereon Aretas became king of Coele-Syria, not by conquest after 
 this victory, but by the election and call of the people of Damascus, in oppo- 
 sition to Ptolemy the son of Mennaus prince of Chalcis in their neighbour- 
 hood. It seems he would have served himself of the opportunity offered by 
 the death of Antiochus to have seized that government: but the people of Da- 
 mascus, having an utter aversion to him, rather than have him, chose to call in 
 Aretas, and made him their king: and, as soon as he was settled in that sove- 
 reignty, he made an expedition into Judea against Alexander, and had the bet- 
 ter of him in a battle near Addida; but afterward a treaty being commenced 
 between them, all farther hostilities were superseded by an agreement of peace. 
 
 Jin. 84. Alexander Jannaus 22] — Many places on the borders of Arabia hav- 
 ing revolted from Alexander, while he was engaged in his wars with his rebel 
 subjects, he being now at leisure from all other embarrassments,' marched over 
 Jordan again to reduce them, and, after having taken Pella and Dia, he sat 
 down before Gerasa, to which place Theodorus the son of Zeno had removed 
 his treasure, on his deserting Amathus, as hath been above related; and, after a 
 strict siege, made himself master of it, and of all that was therein. When 
 Alexander took Pella, he destroyed the place, and drove the inhabitants into 
 banishment, because they refused to embrace the Jewish rehgion, it being the 
 usage of the Asmoncean princes to impose their religion upon all their conquests, 
 leaving to the conquered no other choice, but either to turn Jews, or else to 
 have their habitations demolished, and be forced to go seek new dwellings 
 elsewhere. 
 
 On Sylla's departure for Italy, Murena, whom he left in the government of 
 Asia, renewed the war again with Mithridates without a sufficient cause for it,'' 
 which lasted three years; at the end whereof Sylla (being then dictator of 
 Rome,) disliking the proceedings of Murena, recalled him,^ and settled again 
 with Mithridates the same articles of peace which he had formerly made with 
 him; and so ended the second Mithridatic war. However, Murena,"* on his 
 return, triumphed for his exploits in it. 
 
 An. 83. Alexander JanncBus 2^3.] — The Syrians, being weary of the continual 
 wars made in their country between the ])rinces of the race of Seleucus for the 
 sovereignty of it, and not being able any longer to bear the devastations, slaugh- 
 ters, and other calamities, which they suffered hereby, resolved to fling them all 
 off at once,^ and call in some foreign prince to rule over them, who might de- 
 liver them from these miseries, and settle the country in peace. And accord- 
 ingly they fixed their choice on Tigranes, king of Armenia, and sent ambassa- 
 dors to notify it unto him; whereon, coming into Syria on this call,*^ he took 
 possession of that kingdom, and there reigned eighteen years, ''the first fourteen 
 of which he governed it by Megadates his lieutenant,* till at length he recalled 
 him to his assistance against the Romans. 
 
 On Tigranes thus taking possession of the kingdom of Syria, Eusebes fled 
 into Cilicia, and there lay hid in an obscure place of that country^ (among the 
 fastnesses, it may be supposed, of Mount Taurus,) till he died. What became 
 of Philip is no where said. It is most likely he was slain by Tigranes in some 
 opposition he made against him on his first coming into that country. Porphyry,'" 
 
 1 Josepli. Antiq. lib. 13. c 23. et de Bello JuJaicn, lib. 1. c. 4. 
 
 2 Appian. in Milhridalicis. Plutarch, in Sylla. Epitome Livii, lib. 86. Memnon, c. 38. 
 
 3 Cicero in Oratione pro Lege Manilla. 4 Cicero pro Murena. 5 Justin, lib. 40. c 1. 
 6 Appian. in Syriacis. Justin, ibid. 7 Justin, lib. 40. c. 1, 2. 8 Appian. in Syriacis. 
 9 Appian. ibid. Plutarch in Pompeio. 10 In Graecis Eusebianis Scaligeri. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 257 
 
 indeed, makes mention of both these princes as in being near thirty years 
 after; but that Porphyry was mistaken herein will be hereafter shown in its 
 proper place. But Selene/ the wife of Eusebes, still retained Ptolemais, with 
 some parts of Phoenicia and Coele-Syria, and there reigned for many years after, 
 and was thereby enabled to give a royal education to her two sons,** the eldest 
 of which was called Antiochus A'siaticus,^ and the other Seleucus Cybiosactes.* 
 
 Alexander Jannseus,* enlarging his conquests beyond Jordan, took Gaulana, 
 Seleucia, and several other places in those parts. 
 
 An. 82. Alexander Jannczus 24.] — And the next year after he made himself 
 master of the valley of Antiochus and the strong fortress of Gamala.'^ One De- 
 metrius was till then master of these places: but there being many grievous mis- 
 demeanours laid to his charge, Alexander deprived him of his principality, and 
 carried him prisoner Avith him to Jerusalem, where he returned at the end 
 of this year, after having been absent from it three years on this expedition; 
 and, by reason of his successes in it, he was there received with great accla- 
 mations. After this, enjoying full ease, he gave himself up to luxury and drunk- 
 enness, whereby he contracted a quartan ague, which he could never get rid 
 of as long as he lived, but died of it three years after. 
 
 An. 81. Alexander JanncEzis 25.] — Ptolemy Lathyrus, having for three years 
 laid siege to Thebes in the Upper Egypt,^ at length took the place. For they 
 had rebelled against him, and, being beaten out of the field, were shut up 
 within their walls, and there forced to bear this siege, till they were thereby 
 now again reduced. Lathyrus, on his taking the place, handled it so severely 
 for this rebellion, that, from being the greatest and wealthiest city in Egypt, he 
 reduced it to so low a condition, that it never after any more made a figure. 
 And not long after this he died,* having reigned, from the time of the death of 
 his father, thirty-six years, of which he reigned eleven with his mother in 
 Egypt, eighteen in Cyprus, and seven alone in Egypt after his mother's death. 
 He was succeeded by Cleopatra, his daughter, and only legitimate child. Her 
 proper name was Berenice, and so Pausanias calls her;^ for it is to be noted, 
 that, as all the males of this family had the common name of Ptolemy, so all 
 the females of it had that of Cleopatra, and besides had other proper names to 
 distinguish them from each other; thus, Selene was called Cleopatra,"^ and so 
 were also two other of her sisters. And, in like manner, their daughter of La- 
 thyrus, whose proper name was Berenice, bore also that of Cleopatra, according 
 to the usage of her family. The observing of this will remove many obscuri- 
 ties and difficulties in the Egyptian history. 
 
 An. 80. Alexander Jannaus 26.] — Alexander," the son of that Alexander king 
 of Egypt who murdered his mother, being sent into Egypt by Sylla, to succeed 
 in the kingdom, after the death of Lathyrus his uncle, as next heir to him of 
 the male line, there claimed the crown. But the Alexandrians having put Cleo- 
 patra on the throne, and she having now sat on it six months before his arrival; 
 to compromise the matter, and avoid displeasing Sylla, who, as perpetual dic- 
 tator at this time, absolutely governed the Roman state, it was agreed, that 
 Cleopatra should be given to him to wife, and that they should both reign jointly 
 together. But Alexander, either not liking the lady, or else not liking to have 
 a partner in the government, at nineteen days' end after the marriage put her 
 to death, '^ and then reigned alone fifteen years. I have before related, how this 
 Alexander had been sent by Queen Cleopatra, his grandmother, to Coos, there 
 to be educated; and how Mithridates there took him with all the treasure which 
 
 i Cicero in Verrem, lib. 4- s. 27. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 24. 2 Cicero, ibid. 
 
 3 He was called Asiaticus, because he was educated in Asia. See Appian. in Syriacis. 
 
 4 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 796. 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 23. el de Bello Jndaico, lib. 1. c. 4. 6 Joseph, ibid. 
 
 7 Pansanias in Atticis. ibi Thebas RcBotias pro TUi^bis J^gyptiis e.\ errore ponil. 
 
 8 Pansanias, ibid. Porphvrins in Gra!cis Eusebianis Scaligeri. PtoleinaBUS Astronomus in Canons. 
 
 9 In Atticis. 10 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 24. 
 
 11 Appian. de BellisCivilibus, lib. 1. Porphvr. in Greecis Euseb. Scalligeri. 
 
 12 Porphyrins in GrjECis Eusebianis Scaligeri. He there saith, that this Alexander was for this murderous 
 fact slain by the Ale.xandrians; and Appian, in the place last cited, saith the same: but this is a mistake, 
 for he reign'pd fifteen years after, as will be hereafter shown. 
 
 Vol. II.— 33 
 
258 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 his grandmother sent thither with him. After this, having made his escape 
 from Mithridates,' he fled to Sylla; who, receiving him kindly, took him into 
 his protection, and carried him with him to Rome, and from thence, on this 
 occasion, sent him to take possession of the kingdom of Egypt; and there, for 
 fear of Sylla, he was accordingly received into it. 
 
 An. 79. Alexander Jann<zus 27.] — Alexander Jannjeus, being still afflicted with 
 the quartan ague,^ and hoping that by stirring and exercise he might wear it 
 off, marched with his army over Jordan, and besieged Ragaba, a castle in the 
 country of the Gerasens; but, by his labouring herein, having, instead of alle- 
 viating the distemper, exasperated it to a greater height, he died of it in the camp. 
 At his death he left two sons behind him,'^ Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but be- 
 queathed the government of the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, during her life, 
 and afterward to which of these her two sons she should think fit to dispose of 
 it to. Alexandra being then with him at this siege, on her finding him in a 
 dying condition,^ was exceedingly troubled at the ill state which she feared she 
 and her children should be left in at his death. She knew how much he had 
 exasperated the Pharisees, then a powerful sect and party in the Jewish nation, 
 and how great hatred, at their instigation, the generality of the people had con- 
 tracted against them; and therefore saw nothing else that she had to expect on 
 Alexander's death, but that they would, for the wreaking of their revenge 
 against him, fall upoir her, and his children by her, and destroy the whole fa- 
 mily; and hereon she made great lamentation to him as she sat by his bed-side, 
 where he lay dying. To ease her mind from these dismal apprehensions, he 
 gave her those directions, which he assured her, if duly followed, would extri- 
 cate her out of all this danger, and secure both safety and tranquillity to her 
 and her family. For his advice was, that she should conceal his death till the 
 castle should be taken, and then lead back the army to Jerusalem in triumph 
 for this success, carrying thither with her his dead corpse; and that, as soon as 
 she should be there arrived, she should call together to her the chief of the 
 Pharisaic sect, and acquainting them of her husband's death, should lay the 
 dead corpse before them, and tell them, that she resigned it wholly to their 
 pleasure, either to be cast forth with ignominy, in revenge for what they had 
 suffered from him, or otherwise to be disposed of as they should think fit; and 
 that then she should promise them, that she would follow their advice in all 
 matters of the government, and do nothing therein but what should be agree- 
 able to their sentiments, and according to their directions. Do, said he, but fol- 
 low this advice, and you shall not only gain me an honourable funeral, but also 
 both for you and your children a safe settlement in the government; and so it 
 accordingly happened. For, on having taken the castle, she returned to Jeru- 
 salem in the manner as directed, and then calling together to her the leading 
 men of the Pharisaic sect, she did and said to them as her dying husband had 
 advised, taking especial-care to assure them, that she would put the administra- 
 tion of the government, and the prime direction of all the affairs of it, again 
 into their hands; which promise sweetened them to such a degree, that, imme- 
 diately laying aside all that hatred to the dead king, which they had to the 
 utmost contracted against him while living, they turned it into veneration and 
 respect for his memory, and, instead of those invectives, which formerly their 
 mouths had been full of against him, they made encomiums upon him, magni- 
 fying his great exploits in enlarging their dominions, and increasing thereby the 
 power, honour, and interest of the nation; whereby they so far reconciled the 
 people to him, whom before, on all occasions, they had exasperated against 
 him, that hereupon he was buried with a more sumptuous and honourable fune- 
 ral than had been made before for any of his predecessors; and Alexandra, ac- 
 cordmg to his will, was safely settled in the supreme government of the nation. 
 
 1 Appian. de Bollis Civilibus, lib. 1. et Porphyr. in Gracis Euseb. Scaligeri. 
 
 A tu?f ''^•„'^""''- '■''• 1^- «:• 23. «t de Bello Jurtaico, lib i. c. 4. : 
 
 4 Ibid, c. 23. et ibid. 
 
 3 Joseph, ibid. c. 24. et ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 259 
 
 ^n. 78. Alexandra 1.] — As soon as matters were thus composed, and Alex* 
 andra thoroughly fixed on the throne, she made her eldest son Hytcanus high- 
 priest,' he being then about thirty-three years old,"'' and, according to her pro- 
 mise, did put the prime management and administration of her affairs into the 
 hands of the Pharisees. The first thing they did was, to procure that decree of 
 John Hyrcanus to be revoked,' whereby, in the latter end of his government, 
 he had caused all their traditionary constitutions to be abolished, and which till 
 now had been ever since severely executed, to the great grief and mortification 
 of this sect. But, by this revocation, the traditions being again restored to their for- 
 mer credit, and the Pharisees to their full liberty again, to impose and propagate 
 them, they grew to that bulk which I have already mentioned; and that people 
 have ever since been so enslaved to them, that they have for their sake even 
 abolished, and made of none effect, the very written word itself, of which they 
 are pretended to contain the explication. Next this, they released all out of 
 prison who had been committed thither for being concerned with them in the 
 late civil wars, and called home from banishment all such who, for the same 
 cause, had been forced to flee their country, and restored to them again their 
 former possessions; and hereby much increased both the number and strength 
 of their party. 
 
 Tigranes, having built a large new city in Armenia, which, from his own 
 name, he called Tigranocerta, i. e. the city of Tigranes, he, by the instigation 
 of Mithridates'' invaded Gappadocia, and carried thence three hundred thousand 
 of the inhabitants of that country to people with them this city, and other parts 
 of his dominions, which wanted inhabitants; and in most other places, where 
 he made any conquests, he practised the same thing, carrying away the inha- 
 bitants into his own country, to make it the more populous, and assigning them 
 lands for their cultivation sufficient for each man's support. And he is said to 
 have demolished twelve Grecian cities in Lesser Asia, for the peopling of Ti- 
 granocerta only, besides what he did elsewhere for the same purpose. For he 
 transplanted thither great numbers from Assyria, Adiabene, Gordiana, and other 
 places, as well as from the Grecian cities mentioned, for the making of this 
 place a great and populous city. 
 
 An. ill. Alexandra 2.] — The Pharisees in Judea having strengthened them- 
 selves by releasing all the prisoners, and calling home all the exiles of their 
 party, as hath been mentioned, proceeded to demand justice against all those,* 
 at whose instigation, and by whose advice, Alexander had crucified the eight 
 hundred rebels above mentioned: which was in effect against all those that 
 stood by him in that war: for all those they involved in this guilt. And, first, 
 they began with Diogenes, a noted confidant of the late king's, and having cut 
 him off, they proceeded to others, laying against them the same accusation, and 
 this was made a pretence for their destroying all else of the adverse party, 
 whom they most mishked; and Alexandra was, much against her will, forced 
 to allow them thus to proceed, because they having gotten all the people on 
 their side, she could no otherwise keep peace at home, though she had two 
 powerful armies on foot, on the borders of her kingdom, which made her a ter^ 
 ror to all her neighbours. She dreaded a civil war, having seen so much of the 
 calamities of it in her husband's time, and finding she could no otherwise pre^ 
 vent it than by yielding in some measure to the vindictive humour of those 
 men, she permitted one evil, in order to prevent another that was worse. 
 
 An. 76. Alexandra .3.]— Nicomedes,^ king of Bithynia, dying, left the Roman 
 people his heirs; by virtue whereof that country thenceforth became a Roman 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq lib. ]3. c. 23, pt lib. 20. c. S. 
 
 2 For Hyrcanus being past eighty al the time of his death, must have been at least thirty-three when his 
 father died, and he was thereon made hi?h-priest. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 23. et lib. 20. c. 8. 
 
 4 Appian. in Mithridaticis. Plutarch, in Lucullo. Strabo, lib. 11. p. 532. etlib. 12. p. 539. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 24. et de Bello Jiidaico, lib. I. c. 4. 
 
 6 Appian. in Mithridaticis, et de Bellia Civilibus, lib. 1. Epitome Livii, lib. 33. Velleius Patereulus. 
 lib. 2. c. 4. 39. 
 
2g0 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 province; which occasion Mithridates laying hold of for his reviving of the war 
 again with the Romans, spent the most part of this year in making prepara- 
 tions for it. ■ ■ r r r, 
 
 This year Cyrence' also was reduced into the like form of a Roman pro- 
 vince. Ptolemy Apion, the last king of that country/ having, on his death, 
 given it by his will to the Romans, they, instead of accepting of it, ^declared all 
 the cities free, and left them to be governed by their own laws. This was done 
 twenty years before this time, as hath been above related.^ But this causing se- 
 ditions among them," and afterward tyrannies, to the great vexation of the inha- 
 bitants, the Romans found it necessary to resume their grant, and make it a 
 Roman province, the peace of the country being no other way to be provided 
 for. To these disturbances^ the Jews of the country are said to have much con- 
 tributed. They were first planted in it by the first Ptolemy that reigned in 
 Egypt, as hath been above related, where they grew and multiplied so fast, that 
 in a short time they became a great part of the bulk of the people in that coun- 
 try, and are often said to have disturbed it by their seditions, to which, no 
 doubt, they were sufficiently provoked by the other inhabitants. For being, by 
 reason of their different religion and different way of living, much hated by the 
 heathen nations, wherever they lived among them, they often suffered indig- 
 nities, wrongs, and other provocations from them; which, when answered with 
 suitable resentments, sometimes produced disturbances, and, whenever they 
 did so, the Jews bore the blame of the whole; and this often happened to be 
 their case in Alexandria. 
 
 jSn. 75. Alexandra 4.] — Mithridates® seized Paphlagonia and Bithynia. And 
 the province of Asia, being much exhausted by the Roman pubhcans and Ro- 
 man usurers, to be delivered from these oppressions, again revolted to him; and 
 hereon began the third Mithridatic war, which lasted near twelve years. 
 
 Jin. 74. Alexandra 5.] — For the managing of this war against him,^ the con- 
 suls of this year, Lucius LucuUus and Marcus Cotta, were sent from Rome with 
 two armies; the first having Asia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia; and the other Bi- 
 thynia and the Propontis assigned them for their provinces. But M. Cotta,"* 
 being a person not skilled in war, on his arrival in his province, was vanquished 
 by Mithridates at Chalcedon, with the slaughter of a great number of his men, 
 and at the same time lost the best part of his fleet, which he had there for the 
 defending of that coast. 
 
 An. 73. Alexandra 6.] — Mithridates, animated with this success," laid siege 
 to Cyzicus, a city on the Propontis, which strenuously adhered to the Roman 
 interest during this war. Could Mithridates have made himself master of this 
 place, it would have opened to him a clear and safe passage from Bithynia into 
 the province of Proper Asia; and, in this respect, it would have been of great 
 advantage to him, for the carrying of the war into that country; and it was with 
 this view that he made this attempt upon it: and to make his success, as he 
 thought, the surer, he begirt it with three hundred thousand men in ten camps 
 by land, and with four hundred ships of war by sea. But he was no sooner 
 sat down before it with his army, but LucuUus sat down by him with another; 
 and there, without coming to a battle, by obstructing his supplies of provisions, 
 by falling on his foragers, by cutting off detachments, sent out on several occa- 
 sions, and by taking all other advantages as they were offered, he so wasted and 
 distressed him, that at length he forced him to raise the siege with disgrace, 
 after having lost the greatest part of his numerous army in it. 
 
 There being some confusions in Egypt, on the dislike which the people had 
 of Alexander, Selene, as sister to Lathyrus, put in her claim for that crown, 
 
 1 Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 1. 2 Epitome Livii, lib. 70. 3 Under the year 96. 
 
 4 1 lutarclms in I.iiciillo. 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 12. 
 
 6 Appian. m Mitliridatici.?. Plutarch, in Luciillo. Epitome Livii, lib. 93. 
 
 7 Plutarch, in Appian. ibid. CJicero pro Murena. Memnon. c. 39. Eiitropitis, lib. 6. 
 
 8 P iitarch. Appian et Livius, ibid. Ep. Mithridaticis apud Sallnst, Frag. lib. 4. 
 
 5 Plutarch, in Lucullo. Appian. in Mithridaticis Epitome Livii, lib. 94. Cicero in Orationibus pro Mu- 
 «na ct pro Legu Manilla. Strabo, lib. 12. p. 575. L. Florus, lib. 3. e. 5. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 261 
 
 and sent her two sons/ Antiochus Asiaticus and Seleucus (whoni she had by 
 Antiochus Eusebes,) to Rome, to solicit the senate for the putting of her in 
 possession of it. But, after two years spent in sohciting this matter, they were 
 forced to return without success, and had also the misfortune to be robbed, in 
 their way home, by Verres, praetor of Sicily, as they passed through that island. 
 The Roman senators held them so long in hand with hopes at Rome, only to 
 get the more money out of Alexander for the confirming of him in that king- 
 dom. And when they had thus squeezed out of him all that could be had, 
 they declared for him whom they had got most by, and sent home the two young 
 princes to their mother with baffle and disappointment. 
 
 In Judea the Pharisees^ went on still to oppress those that had sided with the 
 late king against them, accusing them of being the advisers and promoters of all 
 the cruelties and misdemeanors which they thought fit to load the memory of 
 the late king with: on which pretence they had cut off several of the party 
 adverse to tliem, and were still framing new accusations of the same nature 
 against such others of them as they most misliked, in order to subject them to 
 the same fatal ruin. • 
 
 Jin. 1-2. Jilexandra 7.] — Whereon the friends and adherents of the late king,' 
 seeing no end of these prosecutions, at length gathered together and went in a 
 full body to the queen, with Aristobulus her younger son at the head of them, 
 to remonstrate against these proceedings. On which occasion, having set forth 
 their services to the late king, and their faithful adhering to him in all his wars 
 and difhculties, and shown how hard a thing it was, that now under her govern- 
 ment they should, for this very reason, be subjected to punishment, and be thus 
 sacrificed to the malice of their enemies, for no other guilt, but for having, in 
 opposition to them, been friends to her and her family, they earnestly prayed 
 of her, that a stop might be put to these proceedings for the future; or, if this 
 could not be done, that they might have leave to depart the land, and seek their 
 safety elsewhere; or else that they might be dispersed through the garrisons of 
 the kingdom, that so by this means at least they might be put out of the reach 
 of their enemies. The queen heartily commiserated their case, as being sensi- 
 ble of the hardships of it, but was not able to help them as far as she could 
 wish. For she was got so far into the hands and power of the Pharisees, that 
 she could do nothing but what they liked. To stop all farther proceedings 
 against those men, they cried, would be to put a stop to the course of justice, 
 which was in no government to be endured; and therefore, they would not per- 
 mit her to do it. And for her to give so many of the true and faithful friends 
 of her family leave to depart the land, would be to leave herself utterly naked 
 and helpless, in the absolute power of a turbulent faction, and thereby deprive 
 herself of all refuge, whereto to flee in case of need. And therefore she chose 
 to gratify them in their third demand, and placed them in the several garrisons 
 of the kingdom, which answered a double end. For when they were thus set- 
 tled in these fortresses with their swords in their hands, their enemies could no 
 more approach them to do them any hurt; and they were there a certain re- 
 serve for the service of the queen, whenever occasion should require. 
 
 This year was born Herod the Great, who was afterward king of Judea (for 
 he was twenty-five 5'ears old* when he was first made governor of Galilee in the 
 year before Christ 47.) His father was Antipas,^ a noble Iduma'an, and his 
 mother Cyprus of an illustrious family among the Arabians. This Antipas, to 
 bring his name to the Greek form, called himself Antipater, and under that 
 name we shall have frequent occasion to speak of him in the future series of 
 this history. Nicolas Damascenus, who wrote a general history consisting of 
 one hundred and twenty-four books, ^ saith Josephus, of one hundred and forty- 
 
 1 Cicero in Verrera, lib. 4. s. 27. 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 24. et de Eello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 4. 
 
 3 Joseph, ibid. 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 17. For there, instead of fifteen years of age, it ought to be read twenty-five 
 years. See Casaubnn's first Exercitation upon Baronius, c. 34, andUsher'3 Annals, J. P, 4067. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 2. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 5. 
 
 6 Vide Vossium de Historicis Graecis, lib. 2. c. 4. 
 
262 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 four, saith Athenseus, having therein given an account of the actions of Herod, 
 as far as they fell within the time where he concludes this work, and published 
 the whole while Herod w^as living, therein to flatter him,' as being a great fa- 
 vourite of his, derives the pedigree of Antipater his father from one of the prin- 
 cipal Jews that returned to Jerusalem from the Babylonish captivity. And 
 otlicrs," to blast him as much on the other side, relate, that this Antipater was 
 no other than the son of one Herod, who was sexton of the temple of Apollo 
 at Askalon, and that being taken captive by some thieves of Idumaea, while a 
 child, and his father being so poor as not to be able to redeem him, h-e was made 
 a slave in that country, and as such, there bred up in the religion of the Idu- 
 maeans (which was then the same with that of the Jews,) and from this mean 
 original grew up to that figure which, he afterward made in the world. But Jo- 
 sephus, who best knew the truth, and is the likeliest to relate it without disguise 
 on either side, tells us of this Antipas, or Antipater, that he was of a noble 
 family in Iduma;a;' that his father, being also called Antipas, '' was governor of 
 Idumaea, under King Alexander Jannaeus and Alexandra his queen. By coun- 
 try therefoie he was an Idumsean, but by religion a Jew,^s all other Idumaeans 
 were from the time that Hyrcanus brought them all to embrace the Jewish reli- 
 gion, of which I have above given an account. 
 
 In the interim, the Mithridatic war stiU went on in Lesser Asia. Mithridates 
 being forced to raise the siege of Cyzicus,^ with the loss of a great part of his 
 army, as hath been mentioned, fled to Nicomedia, and from thence by sea into 
 Pontus, leaving some part of his fleet, with ten thousand of his choicest men 
 behind him, in the Hellespont, under the command of three of his prime gene- 
 rals. These Lucullus falling on with the Roman fleet, cut most of them off in 
 two naval victories which he gained over them, the first at Tenedus, and the 
 other near Lemnus; in the last of which, he took the three generals above-men- 
 tioned, of which one was Marcus Marius, a Roman senator, sent to the assist- 
 ance of Mithridates by Sertorius out of Spain; him Lucullus did put to death; 
 of the other two, one poisoned himself, and the other he reserved for his tri- 
 umph. Having by these two victories quite cleared all those coasts of the enemy, 
 he turned his arms on the continent, and having reduced first Bithynia, and 
 next Paphlagonia, from thence marched into Pontus, to carry the war home to 
 Mithridatus's own doors; where he found him almost as much broken by tem- 
 pests, in his return through the Euxine Sea, as he had been by the war: for 
 therein he had lost almost all the remainder of his fleet and army, which he 
 was carrying home for the defence of his own country; and therefore, on Lu- 
 cullus's arrival, he was very busy in raising new forces for the opposing of him; 
 and to strengthen himself the better, he had sent ambassadors to Tigranes king 
 of Armenia, to the Parthians, to the Scythians, and to the other neighbouring 
 nations, to solicit their assistance. In the mean time Lucullus marched into his 
 country, and laid siege to Amisus and Eupatoria, two of the chief cities of his 
 kingdom; the latter of which stood nigh the other, and being newly built by 
 him, was called Eupatoria, from Eupator, his own surname, and made by him 
 the chief seat of his residence, and the metropolis of his whole kingdom: and 
 at the same time Lucullus sent another part of his army to besiege Themiscyra, 
 a city on the River Thermodon, as considerable as either of the other two. 
 
 Jin. 71. Alexandra 8.] — While these sieges were carrying on by the Romans,® 
 Mithridates having gotten another army together early in the next spring, took 
 the field with it. Whereon'^ Lucullus, leaving Murena to carry on the siege of 
 Amisus and Eupatoria, marched out against him with the rest of his army. In 
 two conflicts, Mithridates had the better of him, but in the third being utterly 
 
 1 Joseph. Arttiq. lib. 14. c. 2. 
 
 2 Africanns ap.i<i Eusebiiin, in Hist. Ecclesiast. lib. 1. c. 7. Ambrosius in Comment, ad Lucam, c. 3. 
 
 3 Antiq. lib.l4^c.2.«tdeBelloJutlaico. lib. I.e. 5. 4 Antiq. ibid. 
 
 5 Plutarch, in Lucullo. Appian. in Mithriiaticis. L. Floriis. lib. 3. c. 5. Orosius. lib. G. c. 2. 
 unn ..!1,H '"^ J" Lucullus, et Appian. Mithridaticis. Phlegon Trallianus apud Photium, cod. 97. p. 268. Meufc- 
 MOn apud eundem. c. 45-47. L. Florus, lib.3.c.5. EiUropius, lib. 6. Epitome Livii, lib. 97. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 263 
 
 broken, he was forced to flee into Armenia, there to pray the protection and as- 
 sistance of Tigranes his son-in-law; but he was so far from finding such a recep- 
 tion from him as he desired, that he was there a year and eight months before 
 Tigranes would take any notice of him, or as much as admit him to speak with 
 him. After his victory, all places in Pontus yielded to the conqueror, excepting 
 Amisus (which held out to the beginning of the next spring,) and some few 
 other fortresses: for the Romans were forced to spend two winters before Ami- 
 sus, ere they could make themselves masters of that important place. 
 
 Ptolemy, the son of Mennius, prince of Chalcis, at the foot of Mount Liba- 
 nus, being very vexatious to his neighbours, and especially to those of Damas- 
 cus, Alexandra sent Aristobulus,' her younger son, with an army to suppress 
 him, and under that pretence, as it seems, to seize Damascus. But Aristobulus be- 
 ing more intent to make an interest for the crown against the time that his mother 
 should die, than to execute his commission, made use of this opportunity only 
 to secure the army for him. And therefore, having seized Damascus, he re- 
 turned without suppressing the oppressor, against whom he was sent, or doing 
 any thing else that was memorable in this expedition. 
 
 Jin. 70. Alexandra 9.] — Selene, after the return of her sons from Rome, find- 
 ing that her pretences to the kingdom of Egypt could not succeed, endeavoured 
 to enlarge herself in Syria, where having drawn over several cities to revolt to 
 her,^ and attempted to do the same as to all the rest, she hereby brought Ti- 
 granes upon her with all his power. For, having received an account of these 
 defections from him in that country, he came thither with an army of five hun- 
 dred thousand men for the suppressing of them,^ and, having shut up Selene in 
 Ptolemais, and laid siege to the place, on his taking of it, he there took her pri- 
 soner, and, on his return, having carried her with him as far as Seleucia in Me- 
 sopotamia, he there caused her to be put to death.* She was the daughter of 
 Ptolemy Physcon king of Egypt, and had at first been the wife of Ptolemy La- 
 thyrus her brother, but, being taken from him by her mother, was given in mar- 
 riage to Antiochus Grypus, and, after his death, she married Antiochus Eusebes, 
 the son of Antiochus Cyzicenes, by whom she had her two sons. Appian tells 
 us,* that she married Cyzicenus himself, and after his death Eusebes his son, 
 and makes this remark upon it, that all the misfortunes that afterward befel Eu- 
 sebes,** was a just judgment of Heaven upon him for this incest. But this can- 
 not be true: for the series of the Syrian history, after the death of Grypus, doth 
 not allow a place for any such marriage of hers with Cyzicenus, neither doth 
 any other historian say it. 
 
 While Tigranes lay at the siege of Ptolemais, Queen Alexandra,^ fearing his 
 power, sent ambassadors thither to him with large presents, to court his favour 
 and desire his friendship, whom he received with all seeming kindness, accept- 
 ing the presents, and granting the friendship that was desired, but not so much 
 out of favour to the queen, as to comply with the exigency of his own affairs. 
 For the progress of the Romans in Pontus and Cappadocia making his presence 
 in Armenia then necessary, for the defence of those parts of his dominions, he 
 was making all the haste he could to return thither; and therefore w^as not at 
 leisure to enlarge his dominions any farther in Palestine, otherwise Jerusalem 
 and all Judea must have fallen for a prey into his hands, as well as Ptolemais, 
 there being no power there sufficient to resist so great a force as this king then 
 brought with him into those parts. 
 
 On his return from Ptolemais to Antioch, he there met with Publius Clodius,^ 
 who was sent thither in an embassy from Lucullus to demand Mithridates to be 
 delivered to him, with order, in case of refusal, to declare war against him. 
 Clodius, in executing his commission, having expressed himself with a freedom 
 
 1 Joseph. Antii). lib. 13. c. 24. et de Bello Judaicn, lib. 1. c. 4. 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 24. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 24. Plutarch, in Luciillo. 4 Strabo, lib. 16. p. 749 5 In Syriacis. 
 
 6 The apostle St. Paul tells us, that for a man to marry his father's wife was a thing abhorred even by the 
 heathen. 1 Cor. v. I. 
 "X Joseph. Antiq. lib. J3. c. 24, 8 Plutarchus in Lucallo. Memnon, c. 48. 
 
254 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 which Tigranes had never met witli before (absolute will and pleasure having 
 hitherto o-overned all his actions, without admitting the least contradiction or 
 control,) he was very much oftended at it, but much more at the letter of Lucul- 
 lus then dehvered to him on this occasion. For he had directed it to King Ti- 
 granes, without styling him king of kings, which was a title he had assumed, 
 and, out of his pride, much affected; and, to make his claim to it the better ap- 
 pear, on his having taken several petty kings prisoners in his wars against them, 
 he had the vanity to make them wait on him as his servants in all offices of 
 service about his person.' He never went abroad, but he had four of them to 
 attend him, two running by him on one side of his horse, and two on the other; 
 and thus, in like manner, was he served by some or other of them at his table, 
 in his bed-chamber, and on all other occasions, but most especially when he 
 gave audience to ambassadors: for then, to make the greater ostentation of his 
 glory and greatness to foreign nations, he made all these captive kings, in the 
 posture and habits of servants, to range themselves on each side of him To 
 express his resentment against Lucullus for not giving him this title, on his 
 writing back again to him, he directed his letter to him by the name of plain 
 Lucullus, without the addition of Imperator, or any other title usually given to 
 the Roman generals. On his refusal to deliver Mithridates to Lucullus, which 
 was the subject of this embassy to him, Clodius declared war from the Romans 
 against him, and returned to Lucullus to acquaint him of it. 
 
 At this time Lucullus was in the province of the Proper Asia. For, after 
 having driven Mithridates out of Pontus, taken Amisus and Eupatoria, and re- 
 duced most of the rest of that kingdom, he was returned thither,* and finding 
 that his province had fallen under great disorders and oppressions from the ini- 
 quity of usurers and pubhcans, he employed a great part of this year in reform- 
 ing them; and he took such wise order herein, as effectually removed all these 
 mischiefs, and wrought a thorough cure of them; whereby he gained to so great 
 a degree the esteem and affection of the provincials, that they instituted games 
 in his honour, called LucuUia, which they annually celebrated for several years 
 after; and he gained at the same time no less honour and reputation among the 
 neighbouring nations, both to himself and all the Roman people, for his justice 
 in this proceeding. But the Roman usurers and publicans, whose lucre was 
 much abridged herebj'-, hastening to Rome with accusatipns against him on this 
 account, there clamoured so loud against him among the people, as first to beget 
 in them that dislike of him, which, being afterward improved by other false 
 rumours, became the cause that he was at length recalled much sooner than 
 otherwise he would have been, and another sent in his stead to reap the laurels 
 of his victories. 
 
 War being declared against Tigranes,' Lucullus hastened back again into Pon- 
 tus for the prosecuting of it; and having there made himself master of Synope, 
 he restored both that and Amisus to their liberties, and made them free cities. 
 After this, having left Sornatus, one of his generals, with six thousand men, to 
 keep Pontus in order, with the rest of his army, consisting of twelve thousand 
 foot and three thousand horse, he marched through Cappadocia to the Euphra- 
 tes; and having passed that river in the midst of winter, he continued his course 
 to the Tigris, and having passed that river also, marched directly to Tigrano- 
 certa,'' which lay a little beyond it, there to fall upon Tigranes in his metropo- 
 lis, whither he was newly returned from Syria. For he having put one to death 
 for telling him of Lucullus's first march toward him, no one durst tell him any 
 more of it, till he was now arrived almost to the very doors of his palace. And 
 hence it was that Lucullus had passed through so great a length of Armenia 
 Without any opposition to hinder his progress, till he arrived so nigh to the 
 royal city. 
 
 1 Plutarchus in Lucullo. Memiion, c. 48. 2 Plutarclius, ibid. Appian. in Mithridaticis. 
 
 J i'lularchus m Liicullri. Appian. in Mithridaticis. Memnon, c. .55, .56. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 3. 
 form r?r"d'N"* ^^h' ^'^Hd °° '^^ ^^^^ side of the Tigris, about two days' journey above the place where 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 0^5 
 
 A little before this invasion of Armenia by the Romans,' Alexandra, queen 
 of Judea, fell sick and died, being then seventy-three years old. She was a 
 princes of great wisdom; and, had she not gone in too much to the Pharisees, 
 or could she possibly have avoided doing so, no exceptions could have been 
 made to her government. Salome, the widow of Aristobulus, the elder brother 
 of Alexander,^ having, according to Josephus, been called also Alexandra by 
 the Greeks, this hath made some thlnk,^ that this Alexandra and she was one 
 and the same person, and that Alexander, after Aristobulus's death, married her, 
 according to the Jewish law, to raise up seed to his brother: but the birth of 
 H3'^rcanus, who is every where owned to be her son by Alexander, proves the 
 contrary; for he was born of her at least five years before the death of Aristo- 
 bulus, and therefore she could not have been Aristobulus's widow, and afterward 
 married to Alexander, but must have been his wife at least six years before, if 
 not longer. That Hyrcanus was born of her five years before the death of 
 Aristobulus, is proved from the age which he was of at the time of his death: 
 for that happening in the thirtieth year before Christ, he was then, according 
 to Josephus,'* above eighty; supposing him to have been eighty-one, this will 
 carry up the time of his birth to the year before Christ 111, which was just five 
 years before Aristobulus died. 
 
 As soon as Aristobulus, the younger son of Alexandra, saw his mother was 
 past recovery, having long resolved to seize the crown on her death,^ he pri- 
 vately in the night left Jerusalem, taking only one servant with him, and re- 
 paired to the castles In which, by his procurement, his father's friends had been 
 placed in garrison, by whom he was gladly received; and in fifteen days' time, 
 twenty-two of these fortresses, one after another, put themselves into his hands, 
 and thereby they made him in a manner master of all the rest of the strength 
 of the kingdom. And at the same time the army and the people were ready 
 to declare for him, as being weary of the oppressive administration of the Pha- 
 risees, who had the government of all public affairs under Queen Alexandra: 
 for they had managed it with much severity and Insolence, and with so great 
 an aim of revenge against their enemies of the contrary faction, as was scarce 
 any longer tolerable. And therefore, on this occasion, Aristobulus was flocked 
 to on all sides, as one who, they knew, would put an end to these men's tyran- 
 ny, which they could have no hope of from Hyrcanus, who was bred up by 
 his mother in a tliorough devotion to that sect to which she had been alw^ays 
 addicted. And, besides, had he been otherwise, he had neither spirit nor capa- 
 city for the attempting of their relief, as being a dull indolent man, of no acti- 
 vity or application, and of little understanding. However, when the Pharisees 
 saw how Aristobulus prevailed, they, being greatly disturbed at it, got Hyrcanus 
 at the head of them, and went to the dying queen to acquaint her how the case 
 stood, and to pray her direction and assistance in it. Her answer to them was, 
 that she was not in a condition any more to charge herself with such affairs, 
 and therefore remitted all to their management, and soon after died, leaving 
 Hyrcanus, her eldest son, heir of all she had; who accordingly, on her death, 
 took possession of the throne, and the Pharisees did their utmost to secure him 
 in it. As soon as Aristobulus had left Jerusalem, they had procured that his 
 wife and children, whom he had left there behind him, were shut up in the 
 castle of Baris, there to be reserved as hostages against him. But this not stop- 
 ping his course, they got ready an army,** and he as soon got ready another: 
 and near Jericho it came to a decisive battle between them, in which most of 
 the forces of Hyrcanus going crv'er to his brother, he was forced to flee to Jeru- 
 salem, and there shut himself up in the castle of Baris, where the wife and 
 children of Aristobulus were kept as his prisoners, and those that adhered to 
 him took sanctuary within the verge of the temple. But they soon after going 
 
 1 Joseph. Aiittq. lib. 13. c. 24. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 4. 2 Joseph, ibid. c. 20. 
 
 3 Capellus and others. 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 9. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 24. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 4, C Ibid. lib. 14. c. 1. ibid. 
 
 Vol. n.— 34 
 
966 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 over to Aristobulus also this forced Hyrcanus to come to terms with him, by 
 which it was agreed, that Aristobulus should have the crown and the high-priest- 
 hood, and that Hyrcanus, making full resignation of both, should be contented 
 to live a private life, under the protection of his brother, upon his own private 
 fortunes; which he willingly enough submitted to, as being a man that loved 
 his own ease and quiet more than any thing else. And thus he quitted the go- 
 vernment, after he had held it only three months. And with it ended the ty- 
 ranny of the Pharisees, which, from the death of King Alexander Jannaeus, 
 they had exercised over that nation. 
 
 Josephus' tells us, that it was in the third year of the 177th Olympiad, Q,. 
 Hortensius and Q. Metellus Creticus being then consuls at Rome, that Hyrcanus 
 began his reign; and, in another place, ^ that it was in the 179th Olj-mpiad, Caius 
 Antonius and M. Tullius Cicero being then consuls, that Jerusalem was taken 
 by Pompey, and Aristobulus deposed; according to which account, from the death 
 of Alexandra, where Hyrcanus began his reign, to the time when Aristobulus 
 ended his, there must have intervened six years, so much time having elapsed 
 from the first of these two consulates to the other. And therefore, these two bro- 
 thers, taking the times of their reigns both together, must have reigned at least six 
 years. But Josephus assigning no more than three months to Hyrcanus, and no 
 more than three years and six months to Aristobulus,^ both these put together make 
 no more than three years and nine months; and therefore in one of these two parti- 
 culars there must be an error, that is, either in that which assigns no more than three 
 months to Hyrcanus, or else in that which assigns no more than three years and six 
 months to Aristobulus: for either the one or the other of them must have reigned 
 longer to make up the time, which, according to the interval of the consulates 
 above mentioned, must be assigned to both. Archbishop Usher's opinion is,'' that 
 the error is in the former of these particulars, that is, that in the place in Jose- 
 phus, where we read, that Hyrcanus reigned only three months, it ought to be 
 three years, and that it was so in the original, but that there the Greek word for 
 months crept in instead of that which is for years, by the error of some scribe 
 that wrote out the copy. Another learned man,* to solve this ditficulty, thinks 
 that Hyrcanus, though outed of the kingdom, yet held the high-priesthood till 
 his flight to Aretas, which will be hereafter mentioned; and that the three years 
 and six months which Josephus assigns to Aristobulus, are to be understood only 
 of the time after his flight, when Aristobulus, according to this author, first added 
 the pontifical tiara to his crown, and took the high-priesthood also; so that, by the 
 three years and six months assigned to Aristobulus, we are to understand, ac- 
 cording to this author, only the time in which he held the high-priesthood, and 
 not the whole of his reign. But neither of these suppositions can hold good: not 
 tlie former, because Josephus, from whom alone we have this relation of Hyr- 
 canus's quitting the crown to his brother, sets forth that matter as transacted 
 immediately after the death of Alexandra; and therefore, the putting of it at 
 three years' distance, seenas utterly inconsistent with that history. And as to 
 the other supposition, it is plain, from the same Josephus, that when Hyrcanus 
 resigned the kingdom, he resigned the high-priesthood also; and that all the 
 while Aristobulus held the one, he held the other together with it. It seems 
 most likely, therefore, that the error was in the second particular, which assigns 
 to Aristobulus only three years and six months, and that here the scribe made 
 the mistake, by writing three years instead of six: for that six years at least must 
 have intervened between the death of Alexandra, and the deposing of Aristobu- 
 lus, and that Hyrcanus reigned only three months, hath already been shown; 
 and therefore the remainder must belong to the reign of Aristobulus. The whole 
 of the matter I take to have been thus:— In the beginning of the consulate of 
 Q. Hortensius and Q. Metellus Creticus, who entered that office at Rome about 
 the middle of our October,^ Hyrcanus, on the death of Alexandra, took the crown, 
 
 1 Anliq. lib. 14. c 1. 2 Ibid. c. 8. 3 [bid. c. 11. et. lib. 20. c. 8. 
 
 4 Annales sub anno J. P. 4G47. 5 Petavius. 6 Vide Calvisium sub Anno Mundi 3889. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 267 
 
 and held it three months, that is, till about the middle of our January, and from 
 that time Aristobulus reigned six years and six months, that is, till about the 
 time of our Midsummer in the seventh year, and then, M. TuUius Cicero and 
 Caius Antonius being consuls, he was deposed by Pompey, and Hyrcanus was 
 again restored; and this seventh year is the first of those twenty-four years 
 during which Hyrcanus is said, after that restoration, to have held the govern- 
 ment of the kingdom and the pontificate together. And, therefore, the error of 
 the scribe must have been in putting three years and six months, instead of six 
 years and six months, for the reign of Aristobulus; and not in putting of three 
 months, instead of three years, for the reign of Hyrcanus. And it is an argu- 
 ment for this opinion, that a mistake, in putting three months for three years, 
 must be made by the change of words, that is, of months for years; but a mis- 
 take in putting three years for six years, is made by the change of a numerical 
 letter only. For a mistake by the change of a numerical letter may easily be 
 made, but not so by the change of one word for another, especially when the 
 words have no similitude the one with the other, as in the present case. But in 
 objection hereto it may be said, that Josephus doth not in one place alone (that 
 is, in the fourteenth book of his Antiquities, ch. 11.) assign three years only to. 
 Aristobulus, but after that in another place (that is, in the twentieth book of the 
 said Antiquities, ch. 8.) doth the same, and that therefore what is said in the 
 former place is confirmed by what is said in the latter. In answer hereto, I ac- 
 knowledge it would be so, did both places agree with each other, which they do 
 not: for in the first of these two places it is three years and six months; and in 
 the latter, three years, and an equal number of months, that is, three months. 
 But three years and six months, and three years and three months, do not agree; 
 and therefore these two places cannot be said by their agreement to confirm each 
 other. It is not to be doubted, but that they did both agree in the original copy 
 of the author; and the true way again to restore this agreement, is to find out 
 where the error is, which will be best discovered by comparing these two places 
 together; and this will afford another argument to prove, that in both places it 
 ought to be six years, and not three: for if six months in the first place be the 
 true reading (as I think it certainly is,) then these words in the second place, 
 " and an equal number of months," must imply just as many months in this 
 place as are expressed in the other, that is, six months; and then, as in this place, 
 the months must be six, so must the years be six also (otherwise their numbers 
 will not be equal to each other;) and if this proves the years in the second place 
 to be six, it will prove them to be six also in the first, and hereby the errors will 
 be corrected in both; and each of them being made by this correction six years 
 and six months, each will be made to agree with each other, and both best to 
 accord with the series of the history that is related concerning this matter. It 
 maybe said, in opposition hereto, that three yeajs,^ in the last place, is expressed 
 by words at length, and not by a numerical letter as in the first, and herein I 
 have allowed a mistake is not so easily made. The answer hereto is, that the 
 alteration in this last place seems not to be made by casual mistake, but by de- 
 sign. I take the whole to have been done in manner as followeth: — The nu-- 
 mei'ical letter for six before the word years in the first place of Josephus above 
 mentioned, being by the casual mistake of some transcriber changed into the 
 numerical letter for three, when it had gone so for some time in other copies: 
 transcribed from it, some critic, to make Josephus agree with himself in both 
 places, instead of mending the first place, where the error was by the second,, 
 altered the second, where there was no error, to make it accord with the first, 
 and thereby brought error into both: although in that very place, when he had 
 there made it three years, by leaving in these w^ords that followed, " and an 
 equal number of months," he made by that alteration the same disagreement in 
 the months which he mended in the years, and by this blunder discovered the 
 error of his emendation; and thereby also left sufficient light, whereby to guide 
 
 1 For the Greek original is in words at length thus, 'Erii Ss rpirji T>i5 3»irix.«t»,- xcti toij ^ijo-i n-poj ic-oij. 
 
268 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 us for the setting of the whole again at rights. For if both places must be made 
 to ao-ree with each other (as it is not to be doubted but that at first both did,) 
 then as six months are expressed in the first place, so six months must be im- 
 plied by the expression above mentioned in the second place; and if six months 
 were there originally implied in it, it must infer the words immediately preced- 
 ino" to have been originally six years also, and not three, as in our present copy. 
 For as six years can have none but six months, so six months can have none 
 but six years in that place, of equal number with them: and therefore, as it must 
 be read six years and six months in the first place, so also must it be read six 
 years and an equal number of months in the second place; and this will make all 
 agree in both places, that is, each with the other, and both with what is written 
 in the history mentioned concerning the reign of these two brothers. 
 
 An. 69. Aristobulus II. 1.] — Tigranes having found, by the declaration of 
 Clodius, that war was intended against him by LucuUus, on his return into Ar- 
 menia from his Syrian expedition, admitted Mithridates into conference with 
 him,' that, consulting together about the operations of the ensuing war, they 
 might agree on such methods, as they should judge most proper for the prose- 
 cuting of it with the best advantage for the common interest of both. The result 
 hereof was, Mithridates was sent back into Pontus with ten thousand horse, in 
 order there to get together more forces, and to return again with them to the as- 
 sistance of Tigranes, in case LucuUus should invade Armenia. And in the in- 
 terim Tigranes,^ remaining at Tigranocerta, there gave out his orders, and sent 
 them through all his dominions, for the raising of a very numerous army for 
 this war; but, before they could all come together, LucuUus was advanced near 
 upon him, as hath been above mentioned. The first that durst tell him of this, 
 after his putting to death the first messenger of this invasion, was Mithrobar- 
 zanes, one of his chief favourites, who had for his reward the commission of 
 opposing the invader, in the execution of which he perished. For he (being 
 immediately, on his giving the king this intelligence, sent forth with an army, 
 and commanded to take LucuUus alive, and bring him prisoner to him, as if the 
 thing were as easily to be done as said,) was cut off in the attempt, and most 
 of his forces with him. Hereon Tigranes left Tigranocerta, and fled to Mount 
 Taurus, ordering all his forces there to rendezvous to him. In the interim Lu- 
 cuUus laid siege to Tigranocerta, and, by his lieutenants sent abroad with de- 
 tachments from the main army, did cut off several parties of Tigranes's forces, 
 as they were marching from their several quarters to the places of general ren- 
 dezvous. As soon as Tigranes had gotten all his army together, to the number 
 of about three hundred and sixty thousand men of all sorts, he marched with it 
 to the relief of Tigranocerta. Whereon LucuUus,^ leaving Murena with six 
 thousand men to continue the siege, marched with the rest of his forces to 
 meet the enemy, and, although he scatce reached the twentieth part of their 
 number, yet with these only he fought this numerous army, and got an abso- 
 lute victory over them, slaying great numbers of them, and putting the rest to 
 flight, and Tigranes himself hardly escaped. So that it is remarked of this bat- 
 tle, that the Romans never at any other time fought an enemy with a force so 
 much inferior in number,^ or ever was there a more glorious victory obtained 
 by them.'* Tigranes in his flight met with Mithridates coming out of Pontus to 
 his relief He had heard of his march toward him before the battle, but, making 
 sure of vanquishing the enemy, hastened to fight before his arrival, that he 
 might not share with him in the glory of the victory; but instead of this he 
 came only to take his part in the grief and regret for the loss of it. However, 
 findmg Tigranes much dejected under this misfortune, he comforted him as 
 much as he could, and gave him the best advice for the repairing of his shat- 
 
 1 Memiion apurl Photium, c. 57. PliUarch. in I.ucullo. 2 Plutarch, ibid. Appian. in Mithridaticis. 
 
 ■i Meninoii, c. .>H, 53. Pliil. et Appian. in Mithridat. Ep. Livii, lib. 98. 
 i.hii^^.fihr A"k""' ''"^^ of I.ncullus, quotes Livy for the nrst of these remarks, and Antiochus, an eminent 
 pnilosopher of those tunes, for the other. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 269 
 
 tered fortunes, that they were capable of. Whereon Tigranes, as a man utterly 
 confounded under the sense of the calamity he was fallen into by the late over- 
 throw, remitted all to the direction and management of Mithridates, as one bet- 
 ter experienced in the affairs of war, and better acquainted with the Roman 
 way of managing it. The resolutions taken in their consultations were, to get 
 together another army with all the speed and by all the means they were able. 
 In order hereto, they went round the country to raise more forces, and, at the 
 same time, sent to all the neighbouring nations to pray their assistance, espe- 
 cially to the Parthians, who lay nearest to them, and, by the greatness of their 
 power, were best able to help them in this distress. And the letter which Mith- 
 ridates, on this occasion, WTote to Arsaces king of Parthia,' is still extant in the 
 fourth book of the fragments of the general history of Sallust. In the interim 
 Lucullus made himself master of Tigranocerta, where he found vast treasures, 
 among which were eight thousand talents of coined money. And, whereas this 
 city had been planted with colonies forcibly brought thither out of Cappadocia, 
 Cilicia, and other places, as hath been above related, Lucullus, on his taking of 
 it, gave all these liberty again to return to their former habitations;^ which all 
 gladly accepted of, Tigranocerta, from a great city, was on a sudden reduced to 
 a small village, and no more made any figure in that country. Had Lucullus 
 immediately after this pursued Tigranes,^ and not given him the opportunity of 
 raising new forces, he must either have taken him prisoner, or driven him out 
 oi the country, and thereby put an end to the war. His omitting to do this dis- 
 pleased the Romans, as well in the camp as in the city at home, as if his ne- 
 glect herein had been out of design to draw out the war for the continuing of 
 himself the longer in command; and the discontent which was hereby created 
 against him, gave the justest reason for that resolution, which was taken here- 
 upon of sending him a successor, though it was not executed till two years after. 
 
 Among other methods taken by Tigranes for the bringing of another army 
 into the field against Lucullus, one was," he recalled Megadates out of Syria, 
 ordering him to come, with all the forces he had in that country, for his assist- 
 ance at this pinch. Whereon Syria being left naked, ^ Antiochus Asiaticus, the 
 son of Antiochus Eusebes, to whom of right the inheritance of that country be- 
 longed, as being the next surviving heir of the Seleucian family, took possession 
 of some parts of it, and there quietly reigned four years,® without the least con- 
 tradiction or disturbance from Lucullus, or any one else. But when Pompey 
 came into Syria, he took from him what Lucullus had allowed hira to enjoy, 
 and reduced that country to the form of a Roman province. 
 
 ^n. 68. Ai-istofndus II. 2.]-^By these means Tigranes and Mithridates,'' hav- 
 ing gotten together an army of seventy thousand choice men, and exercised 
 them in the Roman way of fighting, about the middle of the summer took the 
 field with them. But strongly encamping themselves on all their movements 
 in advantageous places, where they could not be attacked, and not being to be 
 drawn by Lucullus to hazard another battle by all the means he made use of for 
 this purpose, they must at length have worn him out of the country for want 
 of provisions; which being what they aimed at by this delay, Lucullus found it 
 necessary to break their measures herein, and at length resolved on an expedi- 
 ent, which effectually accomplished it. For Tigranes having left his wives and 
 children at Artaxata, the old metropolis of Armenia, and there deposited the 
 most and best of his effects and treasures,^ Lucullus set himself and all his army 
 on a march thither, for the taking of that place, concluding that Tigranes would 
 not bear this, but forthwith march after him for the preventing of it, and there- 
 by give him the opportunity of forcing him to a battle; and so it accordingly 
 
 1 Arsaces was a name common to all the kings of Parthia of this race. The proper name of him that now 
 reigned was Sinatrux, who, dying in the year G7, was succeeded by Phrabatcs II. 
 
 2 Strabo, lib. 11. p. 532. ell'ib. 12. p. 539. Plutarch, in Lucuilo. 3 Dion. Cassius, lib. 35. 
 4 Appian. in Syriacis. 5 Appian. ibid. Justin. lib. 40. c. 2. 
 
 6 These four years are part of the eighteen assigned to Tigranes: for he was not wholly dispossessed of 
 Syria, till it was made a Roman province, but there retained part, while Asiaticus reigned in the other. 
 
 7 Appian. in Mithridaticis. 8 Plutarch, in Lucuilo. 
 
e^Q CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 happened. For as soon as Tigranes knev/ of LucuUus's design, he immediately 
 made after him ^vith all his army, to hinder the execution of it, and, in four 
 days' time having by long marches gotten before him, took post on the farther 
 side of the River Arsamia, over which LucuUus was to pass in his way to Ar- 
 taxata resolving there to oppose his farther progress, which brought it to a bat- 
 tle between them, in which the Romans again obtained a very signal victory. 
 There were three kings present in this battle in the Armenian army,' of which 
 Mithridates behaved himself the worst. For not being able to bear the sight of 
 the Roman legions, as soon as they came on to the assault, he turned his back 
 and fled, which cast such a damp upon the whole army, that they all lost their 
 courage hereon, and this became the cause that they lost the battle also. Lu- 
 cuUus, after this victory, Avould have continued his march to Artaxata, the taking 
 of which wpuld have put an end to the war; but it lying at the distance of 
 many days' march to the north, and winter coming on, with snowy and tempes- 
 tuous weather, his soldiers, weary of the fatigues of so incommodious a cam- 
 paign, would follow him no farther into those cold regions; whereon, being 
 forced to yield to this necessity, he marched back to the southward,^ and, pass- 
 ing Mount Taurus, entered into Mesopotamia, and having taken the strong city 
 of Nisibis, there put his army into winter-quarters. In those quarters that spirit 
 of mutiny first began to appear in Lucullus's army, which hindered him from 
 doing any farther service with it after that time. Publius Clodius, brother of 
 Lucullus's wife, was the prime incendiary of this disorder, for reasons which 
 will be hereafter mentioned. In the interim,^ Mithridates, with four thousand 
 men of his own, and four thousand more which he received from Tigranes, was 
 returned into Pontus, and had there vanquished J'abius, and distressed Triarius 
 and Sornatius, Lucullus's lieutenants in those parts. 
 
 ^n. 67. Arisfobulus II. -3.] — Hereon LucuUus,* with some difficulty, at length 
 prevailed with his mutinous army to march out of their quarters for their relief. 
 But they came too late for it. For Triaiius, before their arrival, having rashly 
 engaged in battle with Mithridates,^ was vanquished with the loss of seven thou- 
 sand of his men, among whom were a hundred and fifty centurions, and twenty- 
 four military tribunes, which made this overthrow one of the most considerable 
 blows that the Romans had in many years received. On Lucullus's arrival, he 
 found the dead bodies lying on the field of battle, but neglecting to bury them,® 
 this farther exasperated his soldiers against him. After this,' the spirit of mu- 
 tiny prevailed so much among them, that thenceforth, retaining no more regard 
 to him as their general, they treated him only with insolence and contempt on 
 all occasions, although he went from tent to tent, and almost from man to man, 
 to entreat them to march out against Mithridates and Tigranes (who taking the 
 advantage of this disorder, the former of them had recovered Pontus, and the 
 other was then harassing Cappadocia,) yet he could not get them to stir. AU 
 that he could obtain of them was, that they would stay with him all the ensuing 
 summer, but would not move out of the camp for any military action under his 
 command; and they had received accounts from Rome of some votes there 
 passed to the disadvantage of LucuUus, which encouraged them herein. So 
 that he was forced to lie still in his camp, and suffer the enemy to range over 
 the country, without being able to do any thing to oppose them. And thus the 
 case stood with him, till Pompey, being sent by the people of Rome to succeed 
 him in the management of this war, arrived to take it out of his hands. 
 
 Jin. 66. Aristobulus II. 4.] — This happened in the beginning of the next year; 
 for then Pompey coming into Galatia with this commission from the Romans,* 
 LucuUus there delivered over the army to him, and returned to Rome, leaving 
 
 1 Mitliridates and Tigranes were two of those kings, the third is not named, but seems lo have been Da- 
 rius, king of Midia. 
 
 2 Phitarch. in I.iiciillo. Orosiiis, lib. 6. c. 3. Dion Cassius, lib. 35. c. 3. 
 
 3 Dion Cassius. lib. 35. Appiati. in Mithridaticis. 4 Plutarch, in Lucullo. 
 
 5 Ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 35. p. 5, 6. Appian. in Mithridaticis. Cicero in Oratione pro Lege Manilla. 
 
 6 Plutarch, in Pompcio. 7 Dion Cassius, lib. 35. Plutarch, in Lucullo. 
 8 Plutarchus in Lucullo et Pompeio. Dion Cassiug, lib. 36. p. 23. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. - 271 
 
 his successor to reap the laurels of his victories. He carried with him a great 
 number of books/ which he had gathered together out of the spoils of this war, 
 and with theni he erected a great library at Rome, which he made free for the 
 use of all learned men, who in great numbers after this resorted to his house for 
 it, and there they always found a kind and generous entertainment. 
 
 Pompey, on his first entering on this war,^ drew into alliance and confederacy 
 with him Phrahates, who had the year before succeeded in the kingdom of Par- 
 thia; and also made an offer of peace to Mithri dates:'' but he, reckoning him- 
 self as sure of the friendship and assistance of Phrahates, would not hearken to 
 the proposal. But when he heard Pompey had been beforehand with him as to 
 Phrahates, he sent ambassadors to Pompey to treat about it. But Pompey's pre- 
 liminaries being, that he should forthwith lay down his arms, and deliver up to 
 him all deserters, this had Like to have raised a mutiny in his army. For there 
 being in it a great number of deserters, they could not bear the mention of their 
 being delivered up to Pompey, nor the rest of the army to be deprived of their 
 assistance in the war. Whereupon, to quiet this matter, Mithridates was forced 
 to pretend to them, that his ambassadors were sent with no other intention than 
 to spy out the strength and state of the Roman army, and also at the same time 
 to swear to them, that he would never make peace with the Romans, either on 
 these or any other terms whatsoever. And indeed he was now better furnished 
 for the war than he had been for many years before. For the mutiny of Lu- 
 cullus's soldiers having hindered him from entering on any action of war all 
 the last year, Mithridates took the advantage hereof to recover most of his lost 
 kingdom,* and there had gotten together another well-appointed army, for the 
 farther prosecution of the war; and thinking that the wearymg out of the Ro- 
 mans by delays, and distressing them in obstructing their supplies of provisions, 
 was the readiest way to vanquish them, he for some time followed this method, 
 wasting the country before them, and refusing to fight. And he had, in part, 
 the success he proposed. For Pompey was hereby so far distressed, that he was 
 forced to remove out of Pontus in Cappadocia into the Lesser Armenia, for the 
 better furnishing of his army with provisions, and other necessaries for their 
 subsistence, and Mithridates followed after him thither for the carrying on there 
 also of the same methods of distressing him. But while he was thus endea- 
 vouring it in that country, he was there surprised by Pompey in a night-march,* 
 and utterly vanquished, with the loss of the major part of his army, and him- 
 self hardly escaping, was forced to flee northward beyond the springs of the 
 Euphrates, for the seeking of his safety. Whereon . Pompey, * having ordered 
 the building of a new city in the place where this victory was gained, which, 
 in commemoration of it, he called Nicopolis, i. e. the City of Victory, left there 
 for the inhabiting of it such, of his soldiers as were wounded, sick, aged, or 
 otherwise disabled for the fatigues of war; and then marched with the rest into 
 the Greater Armenia against Tigranes, as being a confederate of Mithridates in 
 this war against the Roman people. 
 
 At this time Tigranes was at war with his son, of the same name. It hath 
 been before mentioned, that he married Cleopatra, the daughter of Mithridates. 
 By her he had three sons,^ two of which, on light occasions, he had put to 
 death; whereon Tigranes, the third of them, not thinking his life safe within 
 the power of so cruel a father,^ fled to Phrahates king of Parthia, whose daugh- 
 ter he had married, who brought him back into Armenia Avith an army, and laid 
 siege to Artaxata, the capital of the kingdom. But finding the place strong, and 
 well provided with all necessaries long to hold out, he left his son-in-law there 
 with one part of the army to carry on the siege, and returned into Parthia with 
 
 1 Plutarchos in Lncullo. Isidor. Origen. lib. 6. c. 3. 2 Dion Cassjus, lib. 3C. Epitome Livii, lib. lOO. 
 
 3 Ibid. lib. 315. p. 22. Appian. in Mithridaticis. 
 
 4 Plutdrchus in Luciillo et Pompnio. Appian. in Mithridaticis. Dion Cassins, lib. 36. 
 
 5 Plntarchus in Ponipein. Dion Cassius, lib. 36. Epitome Livii, lib. 100. L. Llorus, lib. 3. c. 5. Appian. 
 in Mithridaticis. Eutropius, lib. 6. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 4. 
 
 6 Dion et Appian. ibid. Strabo lib. 12. p. 555. 7 Appian, in Mithridaticis. 
 
272 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 the other. Whereon Tigi-anes, the father, falling on his son with all his power, 
 got a thorough victory over him, and drove him out of the country. In this 
 distress, he puiposed to betake himself to Mithridates his grandfather; but meet- 
 ing, in his way to him, the news of his defeat, and that therefore no help was 
 to be had from him,' he fled to the Roman camp, and there, by way of a sup- 
 plicant, cast himself into the hands of Pompey, who received him very kindly, 
 and was glad of his coming: for, being then on his march into Armenia, he 
 needed one that knew the country to be his guide in it; and therefore, making 
 use of him for this purpose, marched under his guidance directly toward Ar- 
 taxata. At the news whereof Tigranes being much terrified,' as not being suf- 
 ficiently provided to resist the power that was coming against him, resolved to 
 cast himself upon the generosity and clemency of the Roman general, and, to 
 make way for it, sent to him the ambassadors of Mithridates. For Mithridates, 
 on his late defeat,^ sent ambassadors to him to desire refuge in his country, and 
 -his help for the repairing of his loss. But Tigranes not only denied him his 
 help, and all admission in his country, but also seized his ambassadors, and cast 
 them into prison, and did set a price of one hundred talents upon the head of 
 Mithridates himself, should he be any where found within his dominions, pre- 
 tending for all this that it was by his instigation that his son was in rebellion 
 against him, but the true reason was, to make way for his reconciliation with 
 the Romans: and therefore he delivered these ambassadors unto them, and soon 
 after followed himself,"* without any precaution taken, and, entering the Roman 
 camp, resigned both himself and kingdom to the pleasure and disposal of Pom- 
 pey and the Romans; and, in the doing hereof, debased himself to so' mean and 
 abject an humiliation, that, as soon as he appeared in the presence of Pompey, 
 he plucked his crown or royal tiara from off his head, and cast himself pros- 
 trate on the ground before him. Pompey, hereon much commiserating his case, 
 leaped from his seat, and kindly taking him by the hand, lifted him up, put his 
 crown again upon his head, and placed him on a seat at his right hand, and his 
 son on another at his left; and having appointed the next day for the hearing 
 of his cause, invited him and his son that night to sup with him. But the son 
 refusing to come, out of displeasure to his father, and neglecting to show him 
 any respect, or to take the least notice of him at the interview, he much of- 
 fended Pompey by his conduct. However, on having heard the cause, he did 
 not wholly neglect his interest. For, after having decreed that King Tigranes 
 should pay the Romans six thousand talents for making war upon them without 
 cause, and yield up to them ail his conquests on this side the Euphrates, he 
 ordered that he should still reign in his paternal kingdom of Armenia the 
 Greater, and his son in Gordena and Sophena (two provinces bordering on Ar- 
 menia) during his father's lifetime, and succeed him in all the rest of his do- 
 minions after his death, reserving to the father out of Sophena the treasure which 
 he had there deposited, without which he would not have been able to pay the 
 mulct of six thousand talents imposed on him. Tigranes the father joyfully 
 accepted these terms, being glad even thus to be again admitted to reign. But 
 the son, having entertained expectations that were not answered by this decree, 
 was highly displeased at it, and made an attempt to have fled for the raising of 
 new disturbances: whereon Pompey put a guard upon him, and, on his refusal 
 to permit his father to take away his treasure in Sophena, cast him into prison, 
 and afterward, on his being detected to have solicited the nobility of Armenia 
 to renew the war, and also the Parthians to join in it, Pompey put him among 
 those whom he reserved for his triumph, and after that triumph left him in 
 prison; whereas most of the other captives, after they had borne their part in 
 that show, were released, and again sent home into their own countries. Ti- 
 granes the father, after the receipt of his treasure out of Sophena, paid the six 
 thousand talents in which Pompey had mulcted him, and added over and above 
 
 \ Vu.l^^^^' '" P^mpei"- Appian. et Dion Casniis, ibid. 2 Plutarch, Appian. ibid. 
 
 J riuiarcn. Dion et Appian. ibid. Eulrop. lib. C. Velleius Paterculus lib. 2. c. 37. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 273 
 
 a donative to the Roman army, giving every common soldier fifty drachms, each 
 centurion one thousand, and each mditary tribune ten thousand, whereby he 
 obtained to be declared a friend and an ally of the Roman people. 
 
 Pompey, having thus composed matters in Armenia,' marched northward after 
 Mithridates. On his coming to the River Cyrus, he was opposed by the Alba- 
 nians and the Iberians, two potent nations dwelling between the Caspian and the 
 Euxine Seas, and confederates of Mithridates; but, having overcome them in 
 battle, he forced the Albanians to sue for peace, and having granted it to them, 
 wintered among them. 
 
 An. 65. Aristobulus II. 5.] — Early the next year after,- he marched against 
 the Iberians, a warlike nation, which had never yet yielded to any superior, 
 but had always held out against the Medians, Persians, and Macedonians, and 
 submitted to neither of them during all the time that they, in succession pne 
 after the other, held the empire of Asia. Pompey, although he found some 
 difficulties in this war, yet soon mastered them, and forced the Iberians to terms 
 of peace. After his having reduced the people of Colchis also to a submission 
 to him, and taken Olthaces their king prisoner (whom he afterward caused to 
 be led before him in his triumph,) he marched back again upon the Albanians, 
 who, while he was engaged with the Iberians and Colchians, had renewed the 
 war; but having overthrown them in battle with a great slaughter, and slain 
 therein Cosis, the brother of Orodes their king,^ who commanded the army, he 
 thereby forced Orodes to purchase the renewal of the last year's peace by large 
 gifts, and also to send his sons to him as hostages for the keeping of it. 
 
 In the interim, Mithridates,** having wintered at Dioscurias, a place upon the 
 Euxine Sea,^ and there situated in the farthest part of the isthmus which lies 
 between that sea and the Caspian,*^ early the next spring did set out from thence 
 for the country of the Cimmerian Bosphorus," making his way thither through 
 several Scythian nations that lay between, obtaining his passage of some of them 
 by fair means, and of others by force. This kingdom of the Cimmerian Bos- 
 phorus' is the same which is now the country of the Crim Tartars, and was then 
 a province of the empire of Mithridates. He had placed one of his sons,* called 
 Machares, there to reign. But this young prince having been hard pressed 
 upon by the Romans, while they lay at the siege of Sinope, and had then, by 
 their fleet, the mastery of the Euxine Sea (which lay between that city and 
 the kingdom of Machares,) he made peace with them,^ and had ever since 
 maintained the terms of it: by which having much angered his father, he dreaded 
 his approach; and therefore, while he was on the way,'" he sent ambassadors to 
 him to make his peace with him, urging for his excuse, that what he did was 
 by the necessity of his atfairs driving him to it, and not by choice. But, find- 
 ing that his father w^as implacable, he endeavoured to make his escape by sea; 
 but, being intercepted by such ships as Mithridates had sent out for this purpose, 
 he slew himself, to avoid falling into his hands. 
 
 Pompey, having finished this war in the north, and finding it impracticable 
 to pursue Mithridates any farther that way, led back his army again into the 
 southern parts, and," in his way thither, having subdued Darius king of Media, 
 and Antiochus king of Commagena, he came into Syria,'" and having by Scaurus 
 reduced Ccele-Syria and Damascus,'^ and by Gabinius all the rest of those parts 
 as far as the Tigris, '■* he made himself master of all the Syrian empire. Whereon 
 Antiochus Asiaticus,'* the son of Antiochus Eusebes, the remaining heir of the 
 
 1 Epitome Livii, lib. 101. Plutarch, in Ponipeio. Dion Cassius, lib. 3fi. Appian. in Milhridaticis. 
 
 2 Plutarch, ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 37. p. C'J. 
 
 3 So Florus, Eutropius, and Orosius, call him, but the name given by others is OrcEses. 
 
 4 Appian. in Mithridaticis. 5 See Strabo, lib. 11. p. 498. 
 
 6 Appian. in Mithridaticis. Epitome Livii, lib. 101. Dion Cassius, lib. 36. p. 25. Strabo, lib. 11. p. 49G. 
 
 7 Strabo, lib. 11. 8 Meinnon, c. 56. Appian. ibid. 
 
 9 Epit. Liv. lib. 98. Plutarch, in Lucullo. Appian. et Memnon, ibid. 
 
 10 Appian. et Dion Cassius, ibid. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 5. 11 Appian. in Mithridaticis. 1'2 Appian. ibid. 
 
 13 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 4. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 5. 14 Dion Cassius. lib. 37. p. 31. 
 
 15 Appian. in Mithridaticis. Justin, lib. 40. c. 2. Porphyrius in Graecis Eueebianus Scaligeri. Xiphilmus ea 
 Dione. 
 
 Vol. II.— 35 
 
274 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Seleucian family, who, by the permission of LucuUus, had now for four yeara 
 reio-ned in some part of that country, after Tigranes had been forced to with- 
 draw his forces from it, applied to him to desire to be re-established in the king- 
 dom of his forefathers. But Pompey, refusing to hearken to him, stripped him 
 of all his dominions, and reduced them into the form of a Roman province. 
 And thus, at the same time, when Tigranes was permitted to reign in Armenia, 
 who had much damaged the Roman interest by a long war, Antiochus was strip- 
 ped of all, Avho never did them any hurt, or ever deserved any ill from them. The 
 reasons given for it were, that the Romans had taken this country by conquest 
 from Tigranes, and therefore were not to loose the fruits of their victory; and 
 that Antiochus was a weak prince, of no courage or capacity to protect that 
 country; and that therefore the putting of it into his hands would be to betray 
 it to the ravages and depredations of the Jews and Arabs, which Pompey could 
 not consent to. And therefore Antiochus,' being thus deprived of his crown, 
 was reduced to a private condition of life. And here ended the empire of the 
 Seleucida; in Asia, after it had there lasted two hundred and fifty-eight years. 
 
 While these things were doing by the Romans, there happened great distur- 
 bances and revolutions in Egypt and Judea. For, in Egypt, the Alexandrians, 
 being weary of Alexander, their king, rose in a mutiny against him, and drove 
 him out of their kingdom,^ and called Ptolemy Auletes to the crown.^ He was 
 the bastard son of Ptolemy Lathyrus: for Lathyrus had no male issue by his wife 
 that survived him;"* but he had several by his concubines: one of which was, 
 that Ptolemy who had the kingdom of Cyprus after his father's death, ° and there 
 reigned till injuriously deprived of it by the Romans, as will hereafter be related. 
 Another was this Auletes;'^ he was also called Dionysius Neos, or the New Bac- 
 chus; both which names he had from infamous causes: for he had much used 
 himself to play on the pipe," and valued himself so much upon his skill herein, 
 that he would expose himself to contend for victory in the public shows; hence 
 he had the name of Auletes, that is, the Piper: and he would often imitate the 
 effeminacies of the Bacchanals;' and in the same manner as they dance their 
 measures m a female dress; and hence it was that he was called Dionysius Neos, 
 or the New Bacchus. He is reckoned to have as much exceeded all that reigned 
 before him of his race in the effeminacy of his manners,** as his grandfather 
 Physcon did in the wickedness of them. Alexander, on his expulsion,^ fled to 
 Pompey, to pray his assistance for his restoration, and offered him great gifts, 
 and promised him more, to induce him hereto. But Pompey refused to meddle 
 with this matter, as being without the limits of his commission. Whereon Alex- 
 ander retired to Tyre,'° there to wait a more favourable juncture, and soon after 
 died in that city. It is here to be remarked, that Ptolemy the astronomer, in 
 his chronological canon, names not Alexander at all among the kings of Egypt, 
 but begins the reign of Auletes from the death of Lathyrus, although it appears," 
 both from Cicero and Suetonius, that Alexander reigned fifteen years between. 
 
 Perchance, as Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, had that island immediately on his 
 father's death, so likewise Auletes had, at the same time, some other part of the 
 Egj^tian em]:)ire for his share of it; and for this reason Ptolemy the astronomer 
 makes him the immediate successor of Lathyrus, though he had not the whole 
 kingdom of Egypt till fifteen years after. 
 
 The disturbances which were at this time in Judea, and the revolution which 
 happened thereon, had their original from the ambition and aspiring spirit of 
 Antipater, the father of Herod, Of his original I have before spoken. He having 
 had his education in the courtof Alexander Jannaeus, and Alexandra his queen, 
 
 1 Some confound this Antiorhus with Antiochus Commai^enns, and hold, that Commagena was given hhn 
 by Pompey, when stri[»p(;d of all the rest. But the testimony of history is contrary to this conjecture. 
 
 2 Puetonnis in Julio Claesare, c. 11. Trogus in Prologo 39. 3 Trogus, ibid. 
 
 4 Paiisanias in Atlicis; ibi eniin dicit eum, Borenicein solam, cum obiisset, prolem legitimani sibi supersti- 
 lem reliquisse. g Trogus in Prologo 40. 6 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 796. 
 
 7 Lucian. de non temere Credendo Calumniis. 8 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 796. 
 
 9 Appian. in Mithridaticis. 10 Cicero in Oratione Secunda contra Rullum. 11 Videas Notas(g) et(p.> 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 275 
 
 who reigned after him, there wrought himself into the good liking of Hyrcanus,' 
 the eldest of their sons, hoping to rise by his favour when he should come to 
 the crown after his mother. But, when Hyrcanus was deposed, and Aristobulus 
 made king in his place, these measures which he had taken for his advance- 
 ment were all broken; and his engagements in them having rendered him so 
 obnoxious to Aristobulus, as to exclude him all prospect of favour from him, he 
 set himself, with all the craft which he was signally endowed with, to repair 
 the fortunes of Hyrcanus, and restore him again to his crown: in order whereto, 
 he treated with Aretas king of Arabia Petraa, and engaged him to help Hyrca- 
 nus with an army for the accomplishing of this design, and had, by clandestine 
 applications, drawn in great numbers of the Jews for the promoting of the same 
 purpose. But his greatest difficulty was to excite Hyrcanus himself to the 
 undertaking: for, being a quiet indolent man, who loved ease more than any 
 thing else, he had no ambition for reigning, and therefore had no inclination to 
 stir a foot for the obtaining of it. But at length being made believe that his life 
 was in danger, and that he had nothing to choose between reigning and dying, 
 if he stayed in Judea, he was roused up by this argument to flee for his safety, 
 and put himself into the hands of Aretas, who, according to his agreement with 
 Antipater, brought him back into Judea with an army of fifty thousand men,' 
 and, having there joined the Jews of Hyrcanus's party, gave battle to Aristo- 
 bulus, and gaining an absolute victory over him, pursued him to Jerusalem, 
 and, entering it without opposition, drove him, with all his party, to take re- 
 fuge in the mountain of the temple, and there besieged him, where all the 
 priests stood by him; but the generality of the people declared for Hyrcanus. 
 This happened in the time of their passover; whereon Aristobulus, wanting 
 lambs and beasts for the sacrifices of that solemnity, agreed with the Jews 
 that were among the besiegers to furnish him with them for a sum con- 
 tracted. But, when they had the money let down to them over the wall, 
 they refused to deliver the sacrifices, and thereby impiously and sacrile- 
 giously robbed God of that part of his worship which was then to have been 
 performed to him. And at the same time they added another very heinous 
 wickedness to this guilt: for there being then at Jerusalem one Onias, a man 
 of great reputation for the sanctity of his life, who had been thought by his 
 prayers to have obtained rain from heaven in a time of drought, they brought 
 him forth into the army; and, concluding his curses would be as prevalent as 
 his prayers, pressed him to curse Aristobulus, and all that were with him. He 
 long resisted to hearken to thenl; but at lenerth, findino; no rest from their im- 
 portunities, he lifted up his hands toward heaven, as standing in the midst of 
 them, and prayed thus; " O Lord God, Rector of the universe, since those that 
 are with us are thy people, and they that are besieged in the temple are thy 
 priests, I pray that thou wouldst hear the prayers of neither of them against the 
 other." Hereon, they that brought him thither were so enraged against the 
 good man, that they fell upon him with stones, and stoned him to death. But 
 this was soon revenged upon them. For Scaurus^ being by this time come to 
 Damascus with a Roman army, Aristobulus sent thither to him, and, by the 
 promise of four hundred talents, engaged him on his side. Hyrcanus offered 
 him the like sum: but Scaurus, looking on Aristobulus as the more solvent of 
 the two, and for other reasons taking the better liking to him, chose to embrace 
 his cause before the other's; and Gabinius, by a present of three hundred ta- 
 lents more out of Aristobulus's purse, ,was induced to do the same. And there- 
 fore they both sent to Aretas to withdraw, threatening him with the Roman 
 arms in case of refusal. Whereon, Aretas raising the siege, and marching off 
 toward his own country, Aristobulus got together all the forces he could, and 
 pursued after him, and, having overtaken him at a place, called Papyrion, over- 
 threw him in battle with a great slaughter, in which perished many of the Jews 
 of Hyrcanus's party, and among them Caephalion, the brother of Antipater. 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. U, c. 2, et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 5. 2 Ibid, 3 Ibid. 
 
276 
 
 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 About this time Pompey himself came to Damascus,' where resorted to him 
 ambassadors from all the neighbouring countries, especially from Egypt and 
 Judea: for the kino-s of both these countries reigning in them by the expulsion 
 of their immediate predecessors, thought it their interest to get the Roman power 
 on their side for the maintaining of their usurpations. For this reason the am- 
 bassadors from Egypt presented Pompey with a crown of gold of the value of 
 four thousand pieces of gold mone}^ and those from Judea with a vine of gold,^ 
 of the value of four hundred talents, which was afterward deposited in the tem- 
 ple of Jupiter in the capitol at Rome,^ and there inscribed as the gift of Alexan- 
 der kino- of the Jews. It seems they would not own Aristobulus to be king, and 
 therefore did put his father's name upon it instead of his. While Pompey was 
 in these parts, there came to him no fewer than twelve kings to make their 
 court to him," and were all seen at the same time attending upon him. 
 
 But many fortresses and strong places in Pontus and Cappadocia still holding 
 out for Mithridates, Pompey found it necessary to march again into those parts 
 to reduce them, which having on his arrival in a great measure accomplished, 
 he took up his winter-quarters at Aspis,^ in Pontus. Among the places which 
 he reduced, one called ^-^^v'.,^ i. e. Newcastle, was the strongest. There Mithri- 
 dates had laid a great part of his treasure, and the best of his other effects, as 
 reckonino- the place impregnable; but it was not so against the Romans. Pompey 
 took the place, and in it all that was there deposited. Among other things there 
 found, were the private memoirs of Mithridates, which made discovery of many 
 of his transactions and secret designs. And there also were found his medicinal 
 commentaries,^ which Pompey caused to be translated into Latin by Lenseus, a 
 learned grammarian, that was a freedman of his; and they were afterward pub- 
 lished by him in that language: for among many other extraordinary endowments 
 with which this prince had accomplished himself, he was eminently skilled in 
 the art of physic: and particularly it is to be remarked of him, that he was the 
 author of that excellent alexlpharmical medicine, which from his name is now 
 called Mithridate, and hath ever since been in great use among physicians, and 
 is so even to this day. 
 
 ^n. 6-1. Aristohulas II. 6.] — Pompey having while he lay at Apis settled the 
 affairs of the adjacent countries, as well as their circumstances would then admit, 
 as soon as the spring began, ^ returned again into Syria, there to do the same. 
 For Mithridates being gotten into the kingdom of Bosphorus, on the other side 
 of the Euxine Sea, there was no pursuing of him thither by a Rpman army, but 
 round that sea a great way about, through many barbarous Scythian nations, and 
 several deserts, which was not to be attempted without manifest danger of a 
 total miscarriage. And therefore all that Pompey could do in this case,^ was to 
 order the stations of the Roman navy, in such manner, as to hinder all supplies 
 of provisions and other necessaries from being carried to him; which having 
 taken full care of, he thought by this method he should soon break him, and 
 therefore on his quitting Pontus, '° he said he had left behind him against Mithri- 
 dates a fiercer enemy than the Roman army, that is, famine and the want of all 
 necessaries. That which made him so fond of this march into Syria was,'° a vain 
 and ambitious desire he had of extending his conquests to the Red Sea. He had 
 formerly, while he commanded first in Africa, and aflerward in Spain, carried 
 them on to the western ocean on both sides the Mediterranean, and had lately 
 in his Albanian war made them reach as far as the Caspian Sea, and if he could 
 do the same as to the Red Sea also, he thought it would complete his glory. On 
 his coming into Syria, he made Antioch," and Seleucia on the Orontes,'" free 
 cities, and then continued his march to Damascus,'^ intending from thence to 
 make war upon the Arabians, for the carrying on of his victories to the Red Sea.'"* 
 
 I Jospph. Anli(|. lib. 14. c. 4. et de Bello Judaico, lib. I. e. 5. Xiphilin. ex Dione. 2 Ibid. 
 3 Strabo and Joseph. Anliq. lib. 14. c. 5. Pliiiius. lib. 37. c. 2. 4 Plutarch, in Pomppio. 5 Ibid. 
 6 Strabo, lib. 12. p. 55t;. Plutarch, ibid. 7 Plinius, lib. 25. c. 2. 8 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 5. 
 9 Dion Cassius, lib. 37. Plutarch, in Pompeio. 10 Plutarch, ibid. 
 
 II Porphyrins in Grsecis Eusebianis Scaligeri. 12 Strabo. lib. 16. p. 751. Eutropiuo, lib. 6. 
 13 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 5. 14 Dion Cassias, lib. 37. Plutarch, in Pompeio. Joseph, ibid. c. 6. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 277 
 
 But in his way thither, he made many stops to examine into the conduct of the 
 princes of those parts, and to hear the complaints that were made against them. 
 For in the declension of the Syrian empire, many petty princes had set up on 
 its ruins, and had cantoned themselves in several parts and districts of it, and 
 there exercised great tyranny over their people, and as great depredations on 
 their neighbours round them. These Pompey, as he passed through the coun- 
 try, summoned to him, and, on hearing their causes, some of them he confirmed 
 in their toparchies,' under the condition of becoming tributaries to the Romans, 
 others he deprived, and some of them he condemned to death for their malead- 
 ministrations. But Ptolemy, the son of Mennseus, prince of Chalcis, who was 
 the worst and wickedest of them all, escaped by virtue of his money. For having 
 made himself very rich with the oppressions upon his people, and his plunders 
 upon his neighbours, he presented Pompey with a thousand talents, and thereby 
 redeemed both his life and his principality, and continued in the enjoyment of 
 both a great number of years after. 
 
 On Pompey's coming into Coele-Syria, Antipater from Hyrcanus,'' and one 
 Nicodemus from Aristobulus, addressed themselves to him about the controversy 
 that was between these two brothers, each of them praying his patronage to the 
 party from which they were delegated. Pompey having heard what was said 
 by them on both sides, dismissed them with fair words, ordering that both bro- 
 thers should appear in person before him, promising that then he would take 
 full cognizance of the whole cause, and determine it as justice should direct. 
 At this audience Nicodemus did much hurt to the cause of his master, by com- 
 plaining of the four hundred talents which Scaurus, and the three hundred 
 which Gabinius, had extorted from him. For this made them both to be his 
 enemies, and they being two of the greatest men in the army next to Pompey, 
 he was afterward influenced by them to the damage of the complainant. But 
 Pompey, being then intent upon making preparations for his Arabian war, could 
 not immediately find leisure for this matter, and soon after an occasion happen- 
 ed, which forced him to lay aside for the present whatever he had to do in Sy- 
 ria, and march again into Pontus; it was as followeth: — 
 
 Before Pompey left Syria in the former year, there came thither to him am- 
 bassadors from Mithridates out of Bosphorus with proposals of peace. ^ They 
 offered in his behalf, that, in case he might be allowed to hold his paternal 
 kingdom, as Tigranes had been, he would pay tribute to the Romans for it, and 
 quit to them all his other dommions. To this Pompey answered, that he should 
 then come to him in person in the same manner as Tigranes did. This Mithri- 
 dates would not submit to, but offered to send his sons, and some of his princi- 
 pal friends; but this not being accepted of, he set himself to make new prepa- 
 rations for war with as great vigour as at any time before. Pompey, having no- 
 tice hereof, found it necessary to hasten back again into Pontus to watch his 
 proceedings. On his arrival thither, he fixed his residence for some time at 
 Amisus," the ancient metropolis of that country, and, while he continued in 
 that place, practised the same thing which he had before blamed in Lucullus. 
 For he there settled the dominions of Mithridates into provinces,* and distri- 
 buted rewards, as if the war had been ended. Whereas Mithridates was then 
 still alive, and with an army about him for the making of a terrible invasion 
 into the very heart of the Roman dominions. In the distributing of his rewards, 
 he gave the Lesser Armenia,^ with several other territories and cities adjoining, 
 to Deiotarus, one of the princes of the Galatians, to recompense him for his ad- 
 hering to the Roman interest during all this war, and honoured him with the 
 title of king of these countries, whereas before he was only a tetrarch among 
 the Galatians.^ This is the same King Deiotarus, in whose behalf Cicero after- 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 5. Xipliilin. ex Dione Cassio. 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 5. 
 
 3 Appian. in Mithriilaticis. 4 Plutarch, m Pompeio. 
 
 5 Plutarch, ibid. Epitome Livii, lib. 102. Strabo, lib. 12. p. 541. 
 
 6 Straljo, lib. 12. p. 547. Eutropius, lib. 6. 7 Strabo, ibid. 
 
^g CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ward made one of his orations.' And at the same time he made Archelaus high- 
 priest of the moon,^ the great goddess of the Comanians in Pontus, with sove- 
 reign authority over the inhabitants of the place, among whom they were no 
 fewer than six thousand persons devoted to the service of the goddess. This 
 Archelaus was the son of that Archelaus^ who had the chief command of Mi- 
 thridates's forces in Greece, during his first war with the Romans; but after 
 that falhng into disgrace with his master, fled to the Romans; and he and his 
 son having from that time adhered to the Roman interest, and done them there- 
 by much service in all their wars in Asia, the father being now dead, the son, 
 for the reward of both, had this high-priesthood of Comana conferred on him, 
 which made him also prince of that place, and the territory belonging thereto. 
 He is the same who afterward reigned in Egypt, as will be hereafter related. 
 
 While Pompey was thus absent in Pontus,* Aretas, king of Arabia Petra3a, 
 took the advantage of it to infest Syria, making incursions and depredations 
 upon several parts of it. This called Pompey back again into that country.* 
 In his way thither, marching by the place where the bodies of the Romans lay 
 dead that had been slain in the defeat of Triarius, he buried them with great 
 solemnity;'' which much ingratiated him with the army, whose greatest disgust 
 against Lucullus was his having omitted it, when he marched by the same place 
 soon after that defeat. From thence Pompey marched into Syria for his carry- 
 ing on of the Arabian war, according to the project above mentioned. 
 
 In the interim died Mithridates,^ being driven by his own son to that hard 
 fate of slaying himself. Finding no hopes of making peace with the Romans 
 upon any tolerable terms, he resolved to make a desperate expedition,** through 
 the way of Pannonia and the Trentine Alps, into Italy itself, and there assault 
 them, as Hannibal did, at their own doors. In order hereto, he got many forces 
 together out of the Scythian nations for the augmenting of his former army, 
 and sent agents to engage the Gauls to join with him on his approach to the 
 Alps. But this undertaking containing a march of above two thousand miles, 
 through ail those countries which are now called Tartaria Crimsea, Podolia, 
 Moldavia, Walachia, Transylvania, Hungaria, Stiria, Carinthia, Tyrol, and Lom- 
 bardy; and over the three great rivers ol" the Borysthenes, the Danube, and the 
 Po; the thought hereof so frighted his army, that, for the avoiding of it, they 
 conspired against him, and m.ade Pharnaces his son their king; whereon finding 
 himself deserted of all, and his son not to be prevailed upon to let him escape 
 elsewhere, he retired into his apartment, and, having there distributed poison 
 to his wives, his concubines, and daughters, that were then with him, he took 
 a dose of it himself, but that not operating upon him, he had recourse to his 
 sword to complete the work; but failing with that to give himself such a wound 
 as was sufficient to cause his death, he was forced to call a Gallic soldier unto 
 him, who had then newly broken into the house, to help despatch him, and so 
 died, after he had lived seventy-two years, and reigned sixty of them. He 
 dreaded nothing more than to fall into the hands of the Romans, and be led in 
 triumph by them; and therefore, for the preventing of this, he always carried 
 poison about him, that, if he could no other way escape their hands, he might 
 this way deliver himself from them. And the apprehension that his son 
 might deliver him to Pompey, caused that at this time he was so eager to des- 
 patch himself. It is commonly said that the poison did not work upon him, 
 because he had, by the frequent taking of his Mithridate, so fortified his body 
 against all poisons, that none could hurt him: but this cannot be true; for Mith- 
 
 1 This oration was ppokon in bnhalf of King Deiotariis before Julius Csesar, and is still extant under the 
 title of Pro Reire Dcialnro. Galatia was formerly governed by four tetrarchs, of which Doiotarus was now 
 one. To this tetraitliy Pompey added his grants without dispossessing the other tetrarchs. But afterward, 
 Dciotarus swallowed the other three totrarchies, and had all Galatia, when Cicero pleaded for him. Strabo, 
 lib. 12. p. 567. 
 
 2 Appian. in Mithridaticis. Strabo, lib. 12. p. 558. et lib. 17. p. 796. 3 Plutarch, in Sylla. 
 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 37. 5 Plutarch, in Pompeio. 6 Ibid. 
 
 7 Ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 37. Appian. in MitWidaticis. Epitome Livii, lib. 102. L. Florus. lib. 3. c. 5. 
 
 3 Appian. in Mithridaticis, Dion Cassius, L. Florus, lib. 3. c. 5. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 279 
 
 ridate hath no such effect against deadly poisons. Besides, poisons, according 
 to their different sorts, operating different ways, that is, some by corroding, and 
 some by inflaming, and others otherwise, not any one sort of medicine can be 
 a universal antidote against all of them. 
 
 As to the character of this prince, he was a very extraordinary person, both 
 for the greatness of his spirit, and the endowments of his mind. He was natu- 
 rally of a great capacity and understanding, and had added thereto all manner 
 of acquired improvements: for he was learned in all the learning of those times; 
 and although he had twenty-two several nations under his dominion, he could 
 speak to every one of them in their own proper language.' And he was of that 
 great sagacity, and employed it so effectually in the observation and inspection 
 of his affairs, that although a great number of plots and conspiracies had from 
 time to time been framed against him, none of them escaped his discovery, ex- 
 cepting that in which he perished. He was a prince of great undertakings,'^ 
 and although he failed in most of those wherein he had to do with the Romans, 
 yet his spirit never sunk with his fortune, but it ever bore him up against all 
 his misadventures; and, after his greatest losses, his wisdom and application al- 
 ways found means in some measure to repair them, and bring him again upon 
 the scene of action; and thus it was with him to the last, having always, as often 
 as overthrown, Antaeus like, risen up again with new vigour to maintain his pre- 
 tensions. And his last undertaking for the invading of Italy sufficiently shows, 
 that, though his fortune often forsook him, yet his stout heart, his courageous 
 spirit, and his enterprising genius, never did. And had not the treason of his 
 own people at last cut him off, perchance, in the latter part of his life, the Ro- 
 mans might have found him a much more dangerous enemy to them than at any 
 time before. Cicero saith of him,^ that he was the greatest of kings next Alex- 
 ander. It is certain the Romans had never to do with a greater crowned head 
 in all their wars. But his vices, on the other hand, were as great as his virtues. 
 The chiefest of them, and which were most predominant in him, were his cruelty, 
 his ambition, and his lust. His cruelty was shown in the murder of his mother 
 and his brother, and the great number of his sons and his friends and followers, 
 which at several times, and often on very slight occasions, he had put to death. 
 His ambition was manifest by his many unjust invasions of other men's rights, 
 for the augmentation of his dominions, and the most wicked methods of trea- 
 chery, murder, and perfidiousness, which he often took in order hereto. His lust 
 appeared in the great number of his wives and concubines which he had to 
 serve it.* Wherever he found a handsome young woman, he took her unto 
 him into one or other of these two sorts, whereby the number of them became 
 very great. Some of them he carried with him wherever he went, others he 
 dispersed into his strong castles and fortified towns, there to be reserved for his 
 use, either when he should come that way, or otherwise should think fit to send 
 for them. But when reduced to any distress,^ he always poisoned those whom 
 he could not safely carry off, or else otherwise despatched them: and in the 
 same manner in this case used his sisters and his daughters, that none of them 
 might fall into the enemy's hands. Only one of his wives,** called Hypsicratia, 
 always accompanied him, wherever he was forced to take his flight. For being 
 of a strong body and a masculine spirit, she did cut off her hair, put on man's 
 apparel, and accustomed herself to the use of arms and the war-horse, rode al- 
 ways by his side in all his battles, and accompanied him in all his expeditions, 
 and in all his flights, especially in the last of them, when, after being vanquished 
 by Ptolemy in Lesser Armenia, he made his dangerous and difficult retreat 
 through the Scythian nations into the kingdom of the Cimmerian Bosphorus; in 
 
 1 Plinius, lib. 7. c. 24. et lib. 25. c. 2. Valerius Maximus, lib. 8. c. 7. auintilian lib. 11. c. 2. Aurelius 
 Victor in Mitliridate. A. GellJus, lib. 17. c. 17. 
 
 2 Videas Dionem Cassium, Appianum, L. Florum, Plutarch, aliosque. 
 
 3 In Lucullo sive Academicarum Questionum, lib. 2. 
 
 4 Appian. in Mitluidaticis. Plutarch, in Lucullo et Pompeio, aliique. 
 
 5 Plutarch, et Appian. ibid. Dion. Cassius, lib. 30, 37. 
 
 6 Plutarch, in Pompeio. Valer. Max. lib. 4. c. 6. Eutrop. lib. 6. 
 
280 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 all which journey she rode by his side by day, and took care both of him and 
 his horse at night, doing to him the office of a valet in his lodgings, and that of 
 a groom in his stable; for which reason JNIithridates took great delight in her, as 
 affording him by this attendance the greatest comfort he had in his calamities: 
 and by reason of this masculine spirit in her, Mithridates was used to call her 
 Hypsicrates, in the masculine gender, instead of HypsiCratia. But of a,ll his 
 wives,' Stratonice, by reason of her extraordinary beauty, was most beloved by 
 him, though she was no other than a musician's daughter. Mithridates, in the 
 decline of his affairs, had placed her in a strong castle in Pontus, called Sympho- 
 rium, where, finding herself like to be deserted, she delivered the place to Pom- 
 pey, upon the terms of safety for herself, and also for her son, Avhich she had by 
 Mithridates, in case he should happen to fall into the Romans' hands; which 
 Pompey having granted, continued her in possession of that castle, and of most 
 of the effects in it. Her son, called Xiphares, was then with his father, while 
 he yet remained in Pontus. Hereon the cruel man, to be revenged on her, 
 carried this son of his to the opposite side of the frith, over against which the 
 castle stood, and there slew him within her view, and left the dead body unbu- 
 ried on the strand. Many of these his wives and concubines fell into Pompey's 
 hands during this war, on his taking the castles and fortresses where they were 
 kept; and it is remarked of him,^ to his great honour, that he meddled not with 
 any of them, but sent them home all untouched to their parents and friends, 
 who most of them were kings or princes, or othergreat men of those eastern 
 parts. By these many wives and concubines he had a great number of sons and 
 daughters; many of his sons he slew in his displeasure, and several of his daugh- 
 ters he poisoned, when he could not carry them off in his flights. However, 
 some of them fell into the hands of the Romans. Five of the sons and two of 
 the daughters Pompey carried with him to Rome,^ and there caused them to be 
 led before him in his triumph. Next Hannibal, he was the most terrible enemy 
 the Romans ever had, and their war with him was the longest of -any. The 
 continuance of it, according to Justin,'' was fort3^-six years, according to Appian* 
 forty-two, according to L. Florus^ and Eutropius' forty, and according to Pliny^ 
 thirty; but according to the exact truth of the matter, though we reckon the be- 
 ginning of the war from Mithridates's seizing Cappadocia (which gave the first 
 occasion for it,) from that time to the concluding of it in his death, will be no 
 more than twenty-seven years: this, for the sake of a round number, tliny calls 
 thirty, and- thereby comes the nearestto the truth. 
 
 Jin. 63. Hyrcanus W. 1.] — Pompey on his coming into Syria, marched directly 
 to Damascus, with purpose from thence to make war upon the Arabians. On 
 his arrival at that city,^ the cause of Hyrcanus and Aristobulus was brought to 
 his hearing, and they both there appeared in person before him, according as 
 he had ordered, and at the same time several of the Jews, came thither against 
 both. These last pleaded, " That they might not be governed by a king; that 
 it had been formerly the usage of their nation to be governed by the high-priest 
 of the God they worshipped, who, without assuming any other title, adminis- 
 tered justice to them, according to the laws and constitutions transmitted down 
 to them from their forefathers; that it was true, indeed, that the two contending 
 brothers were of the sacerdotal race; but they had' changed the former manner 
 of the government, and introduced another form, that they might thereby sub- 
 ject the people to slavery." Hyrcanus on his part urged, " That being the elder 
 brother, he was unjustly deprived of his birth-right by Aristobulus, who having 
 left him only a small portion of land for his subsistence, had usurped all the 
 rest from him; and as a man born for mischief, practised piracy at sea, and ra- 
 pine and depredation at land, upon his neighbours." And for the attesting of 
 what Hyrcanus had thus alleged, there appeared about one thousand of the prin- 
 
 \ Pl,'?t'»rrh" ihJ°'"P'''"- '//''J'''"- *" >I"hridat. Dion Oassiiis, lib. 37. p. 33. 2 Pl.itarch. ibid. 
 
 ft I h 7 , or"'- ^ ^'''- ^^- "■ '• 5 '" Mithridaricis. 6 Lib. 3. o. 5. 7 Lib. 6. 
 
 ^i"- /-cio. 9 Joseph. Autiq. lib. l^i. c. 5. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 5. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 281 
 
 clpal Jews, whom Antipater had procured to come thither for that purjoose. 
 Hereto Aristobulus answered, " That Hyrcanus was put by from the government 
 merely by reason of his incapacity to manage it, and not through any ambition 
 of his; that being an inactive slothful man, and utterly unfit for the business of 
 the public, he fell into the contempt of the people; and that therefore he was 
 forced to interpose of necessity for the preserving of the government from falling 
 into other hands; and that he bore no other title in the state than what Alexan- 
 der his father had before him. And for the witnessing of this, he produced se- 
 veral young gentlemen of the country in gaudy and splendid apparel, who did 
 not, by their dress or by their behaviour, brmg any credit to the cause of him 
 they appeared for. Pompey, on this hearing, saw far enough into the cause to 
 make him disapprove of the violence of Aristobulus; but, however, he would not 
 immediately determine the controversy, lest Aristobulus, being provoked there- 
 by, might obstruct him in his Arabian war, which he then had his heart much 
 upon. And therefore, giving fair words to both brothers, he dismissed them. for 
 the present, promising, that after he should have reduced Aretas and his Ara- 
 bians, he would come in person into Judea, and there settle and compose all 
 matters that were in difference between them. Aristobulus, perceiving which 
 way Pompey's inclination stood, went from Damascus in a huff, without taking 
 leave, and returning into Judea, there armed the country for his defence; which 
 procedure much incensed Pompey against him. 
 
 In the interim he prepared for his war against the Arabians. Aretas, though 
 he had hitherto contemned the Roman arms,' yet when he found them so near 
 him, and ready to make invasion upon him with their victorious army, sent 
 ambassadors to make his submission. However, Pompey marched to Petra, the 
 metropolis of his kingdom; and having taken the place, and Aretas in it, he put 
 him into custody, but afterward again released him on his submitting to the 
 terms required, and then returned to Damasctis. 
 
 On his coming back thither, being informed of the warlike preparations which 
 Aristobulus was making in Judea, he marched into that country against him:* 
 On his arrival thither, he found Aristobulus in his castle of Alexandrion, which 
 was a strong fortress, situated in the entrance of the country, on a high moun- 
 tain, where it having been built by Alexander, the father of Aristobulus, it for 
 that reason bore his name. Pompey there sent him a message to come down 
 to him, which he was very unwilling to obey: but at length, by the persuasion 
 of those about him, who dreaded a Roman war, he was prevailed with to com- 
 ply, and accordingly went down into the Roman camp; and, after having had 
 some discourse with Pompey about the controversy between him and his bro- 
 ther, returned again into his castle; and this he did two or three times more, 
 endeavouring, by these compliances, to gain Pompey on his side, for the de- 
 ciding in his favour the controversy between him and his brother. But still, 
 for fear of the worst, he was at the same time arming all his castles, and making 
 all other preparations for his defence, in case the sentence should go against 
 him: which Pompey having received an account of, forced him, on his last 
 coming down to him, to deliver up all his castles to him, and to sign orders for 
 this purpose to all that commanded in them; which Aristobulus being necessi- 
 tated in this case to do, he grievously resented the putting of this force upon 
 him; and therefore, as soon as he was got again out of Pompey's hands, he fled 
 to Jerusalem, and there prepared for war. He, being resolved to retain his king- 
 dom, was actuated by two contrary passions about it, that is, hope and fear. 
 When he saw any reason to hope for Pompey's determination on his side, he 
 complimented him with all manner of compliances to gain his favour; but 
 when there was any cause given to make him fear the contrary, he took con- 
 trary measures. And this was what made him act with so much unsteadiness 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Porapeio. Dion Cassius, lib, 37. Appian. in Mithridaficis. 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 5. et de Bello Judaico,lib. 1. c. 5. Plutarch. Appian. et Dion Cassius, ibid. L 
 Floras, lib. 3. c. 5. Strabo, lib. 16. p. 762, 763. 
 
 Vol. II 36 
 
092 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 throuo-h all this whole affair. On this flight of his to Jerusalem, Pompey 
 marched after him; and the first place where he next pitched his camp was at 
 Jericho; and there he had the first news of the death of Mithridates.' It was 
 brouo-ht thither to him by special messengers sent from Pontus with letters to 
 him about it.^ The messengers coming with their spears wreathed about with 
 laurel, which was always a token of some victory, or other important advantage 
 gained to the state, the army was greedy to know what it was; and whereas, 
 they being then newly encamped, there was in that place no tribunal as yet 
 erected for the general from thence to speak to them, and it would require some 
 time regularly to make it up with turfs, laid one upon another, as was their 
 usage where they encamped, for the supply of this defect, they upon a sudden 
 heaped up their pack-saddles one upon another, and thereby having made an 
 advanced place, Pompey ascended up upon it, and from thence communicated 
 to them, that Mithridates, having laid violent hands upon himself, was dead, 
 and that Pharnaces his son, having seized his kingdom, submitted that and him- 
 self to the Roman state; and that therefore the war which had so long vexed 
 them was now at an end: which being very welcome news to the whole army, 
 as well as to the general, they spent the remainder of the day in rejoicing for it. 
 Josephus, on his making mention of Pompey's encamping at this time at Je- 
 richo, takes occasion from thence to tell us,^ that this city was famous for the 
 balsam there produced, which is the most precious of unguents. It is a distil- 
 lation from the balsam tree,^ which is a shrub that never grows higher than 
 two or three cubits. About a foot from the ground, it spreads into a great many 
 small branches, of the bigness of a goose-quill. Incisions being made in them, 
 from thence distilled the balsam, during the months of June, July, and August.* 
 The incisions were usually made with glass, a boning knife, or a sharp stone, 
 and not with iron. For it is said,'' that, if the tree were wounded with iron, it 
 immediately died: but this was not true, unless the incision Was made too deep, 
 of which there being danger from a sharp iron knife, for this reason only no 
 such knife was made use of in this operation. Pliny tells us, that these balsam 
 trees were no where to be found but in Judea,'' and there only in two gardens, 
 of which one contained about twenty jugera,^ and the other not so much. But 
 now Egypt hath this tree, and Judea none of it. The truth of the matter, as 
 Bellonius and Prosper Alpinus tell us, is, neither Judea nor Egypt is the natu- 
 ral country of these trees, but Arabia the Happy. Their argument for it is, that 
 in Arabia the Happy they grow naturally, but not so in Judea or Egypt, where 
 they never grow, but as cultivated in gardens; and that in Egypt the best cul- 
 tivation cannot keep them from decay, so that they are forced frequently to 
 fetch thither new plants from Arabia. And what we have from Josephus is 
 agreeable hereto. For he tells us (Antiq. lib. 8. c. 2,) that among other valua- 
 ble things which the queen of Sheba brought with her from Sheba (which was 
 in Arabia the Happy) to present King Solomon with, one was a root of the bal- 
 sam tree. And from this root, it is most likely, were propagated aU the other 
 balsam trees that afterward grew in Judea; and Jericho being found the most 
 proper soil for them, it thenceforth became the sole place where they were 
 found in that country. But the gardens in which they were there cultivated 
 having been long since destroyed, there are now no more of those balsam trees 
 to be found in Judea. But there are many of them still in Egypt; and from 
 thence and Arabia comes all the balsam which is now brought into these wes- 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. C. et deBello Judaico, lib. ]. c. .5. 2 Plutarch, in Pompeio. 
 
 3 Joseph. Aiitiq. lib. 14. r. 6. elde Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 5. 4 See Ray's Herbal, book 3]. c. 23. 
 
 5 Hence it is called opobalsamum, i. e. the gum or unguent coming by distillation from the balsam tree; for 
 balsamum properly signifieth the balsam tree, and opohalsamum the unguent distilling from it; for OTOf.in the 
 Greek language, signitieth any gum, juice, or liquor, distilling from any tree, or from elsewhere. 
 
 6 Plinius, lib. 12. c. 25. 7 Ibid. 
 
 8 Pliny had this from Theophrastus, but doth not rightly render it; for what he renders by the Latin word 
 jugcra, 18 in the Greek of Theophrastus ^xtepx. But the Latin jugerum contains two Greek »^X£Sp«: for a 
 Greek -\:Zf'.v contains one hundred feet square, that is, one hundred feet broad and one hundred feet long; 
 but the L,KUn jugerum contains two Greek ^rxsgpx put together, for it is one hundred feet broad and two hun- 
 dred feel long; so that twenty Greek -TiKtif* contain only ten Latin jugera. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 283 
 
 tern parts. But all that is brought from Egypt is not the produce of that coun- 
 try; the greater part of it is brought thither from Arabia to Alexandria, and from 
 thence to us; but now, I understand, the East India Company import it to us 
 directly from Arabia by the way of the Red Sea. When it came to us only by 
 the way of Egypt, it was imported thither from Mecca, a city in Arabia, not 
 far from the country where the balsam tree naturally grows; and hence physi- 
 cians, in their prescriptions, call it balsnmum e Mecca, that is, the balsam of 
 Mecca. But in our apothecaries' shops it is here called the balm of Gilead; 
 which name is given it, upon supposition that the balm which i« said in scrip- 
 ture to come from Gilead, was the same with that which is now said to come 
 from Mecca. But the Hebrew word, in the original text, which we translate 
 balm, is zori, which the Rabbins interpret to mean any gum of the resinous 
 sort. In Jeremiah' it is mentioned as a drug which the physicians used, and 
 in Genesis'^ it is spoken of as one of the most precious products of the land of 
 Canaan: and in both it is said to be from Gilead. If this zori of the Hebrew 
 text be the same with the balsam of Mecca, it will prove the balsam tree to 
 have been in Gilead long before it was planted in the gardens of Jericho, and 
 also before the queen of Sheba brought that root of it to King Solomon which 
 Josephus mentions. For the Ishmaelites traded with it from Gilead to Egypt, 
 when Joseph was sold to them by his brethren, and Jacob sent a present of it 
 to the same Joseph, as a product of the land of Canaan, when he sent his other 
 sons to him into Egypt to buy corn. It seems most likely to me, that the zori 
 of Gilead, which we render in our Enghsh Bible by the word balm, was not the 
 same with the balsam of Mecca, but only a better sort of turpentine then in 
 use for the cure of wounds and other diseases. 
 
 From Jericho Pompey led his army to Jerusalem.' On his approach thither, 
 Aristobulus, repenting of what he had done, went out to Pompey, and endea- 
 voured to reconcile matters with -him, by promising a thorough submission, and 
 also a sum of money, so the war might be prevented. Pompey, accepting the 
 proposal, sent Gabinius, one of his lieutenants, with a body of men to receive 
 the money. But, when he came to Jerusalem, he found the gates shut against 
 him, and no money to be had; but was told from the walls, that those within 
 would not stand to the agreement: whereon Pompey, not bearing to be thus 
 mocked, clapped Aristobulus (whom he retained with him) in chains, and 
 marched with the whole army directly for Jerusalem. It was, by reason of its 
 situation, as well as its fortifications, a very strong place, and might have held 
 out long against him, but that they were divided within among themselves. 
 That party which was for Aristobulus were for defending the place, especially 
 by reason of the indignation with which they were moved at Pompey's making 
 their king a prisoner. But those who favoured the cause of Hyrcanus were for 
 receiving Pompey into the city; and they being the greater number, the other 
 party retired into the mountain of the temple, and having broken down the 
 bridges over the deep ditches and valleys that surrounded it, resolved there to 
 maintain themselves. Whereon Pompey, being received into the city by the 
 other party, set himself to besiege the place. Most of the sacerdotal order stuck 
 by the cause of Aristobulus, and were shut up with those that seized the tem- 
 ple for the support of it. But the generality of the people Avere on the other 
 eide; and Hyrcanus, at the head of them, supplied Pompey with all necessaries 
 vrithin his power for the carrying on of the siege. The north side of the temple 
 being observed to be the weakest part of it, Pompey there began his ap- 
 proaches. At first, he offered the besieged terms of peace; but these being re- 
 jected, he forthwith began with the utmost vigour to press the place. And, for 
 this purpose, having gotten from Tyre battering rams, and all other engines of 
 war proper for a siege, he applied them with the best skill and the utmost dili- 
 gence he was able for the speedy forcing of the place. However, it held out 
 
 1 Chap. viii. 22. xlvi. 11. 2 Chap. xx.xvii. 25. xUii. U. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 7. el de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 5. 
 
og4 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 three months, and would have done so much longer, and perchance would at 
 last have necessitated the Romans to have raised the siege, had it not been for 
 the superstitious rigour with which the Jews observed their sabbath. Formerly 
 it had been carried so high, that they would not defend their lives on that day,' 
 but, if then assaulted, would rather patiently yield their throats to cut than stir 
 a hand in their own defence. But, the mischief and folly of this being suffi- 
 ciently made appear in what they suffered from it in the first beginnings of the 
 Maccabtean w^ars,^ it was then determined, that a necessary defence of a man's 
 life was not within the prohibition of the fourth commandment. But this being 
 understood to hold good only against a direct and immediate assault, but not 
 against any antecedent preparative leading thereto, it reached not, in their 
 opinion, to the allowing of any work to be done on that day for the preventing 
 or destroying the worst designs of mischief, till they came to be actually exe- 
 cuted against them. Although, therefore, they vigorously defended themselves 
 on the sabbath day,* when assaulted, yet they would not stir a hand, either for 
 the hindering of the enemy's works, or the destroying of their engines, or the 
 obstructing their erecting of them, as they did on other days: which Pompey 
 perceiving, ordered that no assault should be made upon them during their sab- 
 baths, but that those days should be employed wholly in carrying on their 
 w^orks, and in erecting and fitting their engines in such a manner, as they 
 might best do execution in the next days of the week following; in all which 
 attempts, the besieged never giving them any obstruction on those sabbaths, for 
 fear of breaking their law, the Romans observing the order mentioned, took the 
 advantage hereof, and by this means filled up the ditches with which the tem- 
 ple was fortified, brought forward their engines of battery, and placed them to 
 the best advantage without any opposition, and were thereby enabled to play 
 them so effectually, that, having at length beaten down a great strong tower, 
 which drew a great part of the adjoining wall with it into the same ruin, a 
 breach was made large enough for an assault, which Cornelius Faustus, the son 
 of Sylla, who had his station next it, immediately mounting, drew the rest of 
 the army after him; who, on their thus entering the place, made a dreadful 
 slaughter of those whom they found within, so that it is reckoned no less than 
 twelve thousand of them fell in this carnage; and none acted more cruelly 
 herein than the Jews of the contrary faction did against their own brethren. 
 Amongst all this scene of dreadful destruction, it is remarked, that the priests 
 that were then in the temple went on with the daily service of it,^ without be- 
 ing deterred either by the rage of their enemies or the death of their friends, 
 choosing rather to lose their lives amidst the sAvords of the prevailing adver- 
 sary, than desert the service of their God; and many of them, while they were 
 thus employed at this time, had their own blood mingled with the blood of the 
 sacrifices which they Avere offering, and fell themselves, by the swords of their 
 enemies, a sacrifice to their duty; which was an instance of steady constancy much 
 admired by Pompey himself, and is scarce any where else to be thoroughly paral- 
 leled. Among the prisoners was one Absolom, a younger son of John Hyrcanus, 
 who having been contented to live in a private condition under Alexander Jan- 
 naius his brother, had the benefit of his protection, and hitherto had never med- 
 dled with any public business. But, having married his daughter to Aristobulus, 
 this now engaged him in his faction. Those prisoners who were found to have 
 been the incendiaries of the war Pompey caused to be put to death, and among 
 them, most likely, this Absolom was one: for after this we hear no more of him; 
 and, since he was the father-in-law of Aristobulus, no doubt he was one of the 
 chief among those that adhered to his faction. 
 
 And thus, after a siege of three months, was the temple of Jerusalem taken 
 by the Romans, in the end of the first year of the 179th Olympiad, Caius An- 
 
 1 lMaccab.ii.32— 38. 2 Ibid. 41. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 8. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 5. Strabo, lib. 16. p. 762, 763. Dion Gassius, 
 "'>• 37. 4 Joseph. Anliq. lib. 14. c. 8. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT, 285 
 
 tonius and M. Tullius Cicero being then consuls at Rome, about the time of our 
 Midsummer, and on the day which the Jews kept as a solemn fast for the taking 
 of Jerusalem,' and the same temple with it by Nebuchadnezzar King of Baby- 
 lon. As soon as the Romans had thus made themselves masters of the place, 
 Pompey, with several others of the chief commanders of the army accompany- 
 ing him, went up into it, and not contenting themselves with viewing the outer 
 courts,^ caused the most sacred parts of the temple itself to be opened unto 
 them, and entered not only into the holy place, but also into the holy of holies, 
 where none were permitted, by their law, to enter but the high-priest only 
 once in a year, on their great day of expiation: which was a profanation offered 
 this holy place, and the religion whereby God was there worshipped, which the 
 Jews were exceedingly grieved at, and most grievously resented beyond all 
 else that they suffered in this war. Though Pompey found in the treasuries of 
 the temple^ two thousand talents in money, besides its utensils, and other things 
 of great value there laid up,^ yet he touched nothing of all this, but left it all 
 there entire, for the sacred uses to which it was devoted, without the least di- 
 minution of any part: and, the next day after, ordered the temple to be cleansed, 
 and the divine service to be there again carried on in the same manner as 
 formerly. However, this did not expiate for his profanation of God's holy tem- 
 ple, and the impiety which he made himself guilty of thereby. Hitherto he had 
 found wonderful success in all his undertakings, but in this act it aU ended. 
 For hereby having drawn God's curse upon him, he never prospered after. 
 This over the Jews was the last of his victories. 
 
 On his concluding this war," he demolished the walls of Jerusalem, and then 
 restored Hyrcanus to the office of high-priest, and made him also prince of the 
 country, under the payment of tribute to the Romans, but would not allow him 
 to wear a diadem, or to extend his borders beyond the old limits of Judea. For 
 he deprived him of all those cities which had been taken from the Ccfile-Syrians 
 and Phoenicians by his predecessors. Gadara (which was one of them) having 
 been lately destroyed by the Jews, he ordered to be rebuilt, at the request of 
 Demetrius, his freedman and chief favourite, who was a native of that place; 
 and then, having added that and all the rest of those cities to the province of 
 Syria,* he made Scaurus president of it, and, leaving him there with two le- 
 gions to keep the country in order, returned toward Rome, carrying with him 
 Aristobulus, with Alexander and Antigonus his two sons, and two of his daugh- 
 ters, as captives, to be led before him in his triumph. But Alexander, while 
 on the journey thither, made his escape, and returned into Judea, where he 
 raised new troubles, as will be in its due place related. 
 
 In this same year,'' of Attia, the wife of Octavius, and daughter of Julia the 
 sister of JuUus Caesar, was born Octavius Caesar, who being adopted by his un- 
 cle Julius, succeeded him in his estate and power; and being afterw-ard, by the 
 name of Augustus, made supreme commander of the Roman empire, governed 
 it with great felicity, and thorough peace, when Christ, the Prince of Peace, 
 and Saviour of the w^orld, was, by taking our nature upon him, born into it. 
 Suetonius tells us, in his life of Augustus (chap. 94,) and quotes for it the au- 
 thority of Julius Marathus,'' who was a freedman of Augustus's, and wrote his 
 life, that, a few months before the birth of this great emperor, there w^as an 
 oracle given out, and then made public, that nature was at that time producing 
 a king who should govern the Roman empire; at which the senate being terri- 
 fied, for the preventing of it made a decree, that no male child born that year 
 
 1 That the tpmple was now taken on the day of a solemn fast is said, not only hy Josephns in the places 
 last above cited, but also by Strabo, lib. 10. p 76.1. The fast for the taking of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar 
 was on the ninth day of their month Tamiiz (2 Kings x.xv. 31,) which usually falls about the time of our 
 Midsummer, sooner or later, according as their intercalations happen; but, in their present calendar, it is 
 translated to the eighteenth of that month. 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 8. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 5. L. Floras, lib. 3. c. 5. Tacit. Hist. lib. 5. c. 9. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 8. Cicero in Oratione pro Flacco. 4 Joseph, ibid. 
 
 5 Appian. in Syriacis, et de Bell. Civilib. lib. 5. Josepii. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 8. et de Bcllo Judaico, lib. 1. c. 5. 
 
 6 Suetonius in Augusto, c. 4, 5. A. Gellius. lib. 15. c. 7. 7 Suetonius in .^ugusto, c. 79. 
 
286 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 should be brought up; but that such of the senators as had then pregnant wives, 
 hopino- each of them that that oracle might be fulfilled in his family, took care 
 that this decree was never carried into the treasury; and therefore, through 
 want of being there registered, received, and laid up among the public records 
 of the state, it lost its force, and had none effect. If this oracle were typically 
 fulfilled in the birth of Augustus, it was ultimately and really so only in the 
 birth of Christ, the spiritual King and Saviour of the whole world, the time 
 whereof was then approaching. 
 
 Pompey, coming to Amisus in Pontus, on his return from Syria,' had the 
 body of Mithridates there sent to him from Pharnaces, with many gifts to pro- 
 cure his favour. The gifts Pompey received; but as to the body,^ looking on 
 the enmity to be dead with the person, he offered no indignity to it, but, giving 
 him the honour due to so great a king, generously ordered his corpse to be car- 
 ried to Sinope, to be there buried among the sepulchres of his forefathers, in 
 the ancient burial place of the kings of Pontus, adding such expenses for the 
 funeral as were necessary for the solemnizing of it in a royal manner. On this 
 his last coming into Pontus,^ he took in all the remaining fortresses and castles 
 that had been there held for Mithridates. For although they that had the com- 
 mand of them saw all lost on the death of Mithridates, yet they deferred the 
 surrendering of them till Pompey himself should arrive, that, putting all imme- 
 diately into his hands, they might not be made answerable for the embezzle- 
 ments of under officers. In some of these castles he found vast riches, espe- 
 cially at Telaura, where was the chief wardrobe or storehouse of Mithridates. 
 For therein Avere two thousand cups made of the onyx stone, and set in gold, 
 with such a vast quantity of all sorts of plate, household goods, and furniture, 
 and also of all manner of rich accoutrements for war, both for man and horse, 
 that the questor or treasurer of the army was thirty days in taking an inventory 
 of them. 
 
 After this, Pompey having granted to Pharnaces the kingdom of Bosphorus,* 
 and declared him a friend and ally of the Roman people, he marched into the 
 province of Asia, properly so called, and there put himself into winter-quarters 
 in the city of Ephesus. While he lay there, he distributed rewards to his vic- 
 torious army, giving to each private soldier.one thousand five hundred drachms, 
 and proportionably more to all the officers, according as they were in higher or 
 lower posts of command in the army: on which occasion he expended out of 
 the spoils taken in this war sixteen thousand talents, and yet reserved twenty 
 thousand talents more to be carried into the public treasury at Rome in the day 
 of his triumph;* and to make this as glorious as he could was what he had now 
 a main view to. 
 
 An. 6'2. Hyrcarms II. 2.] — On Pompey's having left Syria," Aretas, king of 
 Arabia Petrcea began again to be troublesome to that province; whereby Scaurus 
 was there involved in a new war with him, and, having marched too far after 
 him into that desert country, he fell into difficulties for want of provisions and 
 other necessaries. Out of these he was extricated by the assistance of Hyrca- 
 nus and Antipater: for the former supplied him out of Judea with all that he 
 wanted; and the otlier, by going in an embassy to Aretas, induced him to buy 
 his peace of Scaurus for three hundred talents of silver, which was much to the 
 satisfaction of both. After this, Scaurus being recalled,' Marcius Phillippus was 
 made president of Syria in his room. 
 
 Pompey having spent his winter at Ephesus in the manner as mentioned,® in 
 the spring he passed from thence through the isles into Greece, and from thence 
 to Brundusium in Italy, and so on to Rome; where having, in an oration to the 
 senate, acquainted them that he had waged war with twenty-two kings,^ and 
 that whereas he had found the Proper Aria the utmost province of the Roman 
 
 1 Dion Cassius, lib. 37. Plutarcli. in Pompeio. 2 Dion et Plutarclius, ibid. Appian. in Mithrulaticls. 
 
 J Appian. ibid. 4 Dion Plutarch, et Appian. in Mithridaticis. 5 Plutarch, in Pompeio. 
 
 6 Joseph. Antiq. hb. 14. c. 9. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 6. 7 Appian. in Syriacis • 
 
 8 Plutarch, in Pompeio. Appian. in Mithridaticis. Dion Cassius, lib. 37. 9 Orosius, lib. 6. e, 6, 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 287 
 
 empire, he had made it to be the middle of it,' by reason of the many piovincea 
 which he had conquered beyond it, a triumph was decreed him for these victo- 
 ries; but desiring to take it on his birthday,^ which was past for this year, he 
 deferred it till that day should come about again the next year after. 
 
 An. 61. Hyrcanus II. 3.]-"When being fyrty-five years^ old, he solemnized 
 this triumph for two days together with great pomp and glory, wherein were led 
 before him three hundred and twenty-four of the noblest captives, among which 
 were Aristobulus king of Judea, and his son Antigonus, Olthaces king of Col- 
 chos, Tigranes the son of Tigranes king of Armenia, and five sons and two 
 daughters of Mithridates's. It was peculiar to this triumph of his," that, on his 
 entering the capitol, he did not, as other triumpbers used to do,* put any of his 
 captives to death, neither did he, after his triumph was over, leave any of them 
 in prison, excepting only Aristobulus and Tigranes; all the rest he sent home 
 into their respective countries at the expense of the public. Hitherto Pompey 
 had shined in great honour above all else of his time, and had wonderful suc- 
 cess in all his undertakings, for which he deservedly had the name of Mapius, 
 i. e. the Great. But after this he sunk in his character and his power," tiU at 
 length he fell to nothing, and died by vile and murderous hands in a strange 
 land, where he wanted the honour of a funeral. By what fact he drew this 
 curse upon him I have already shown; and therefore, in this triumph, the glory 
 of this great man ending, I shall with it here end this book. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 An. 60. Hyrcanus II. 4.] — Pompey, Crassus, and Julius Csesar, having entered 
 into a confederacy for the supporting of each other in all their pretensions upon 
 the Roman state, ^ thereby engrossed in a manner the power of it, and divided 
 it among themselves; which laid the first foundation of those civil wars which 
 afterward broke out between Pompey and Csesar, and at length ended in the de- 
 struction of the old Roman government, by changing it from a republic to a 
 monarchy, under which that empire sunk by quicker degrees than it had before 
 risen. As long as Crassus lived, he balanced the matter between the other two; 
 but, after his death, neither of them being contented with a part, each contended 
 to have the whole. One of them could not bear an equal, nor the other a su- 
 perior.* And, through this ambitious humour, and thirst after more power in 
 these two men, the whole Roman empire being divided into two opposite fac- 
 tions, there was produced hereby the most destructive war that ever afflicted it. 
 And the like folly too much reigns in all other places. Could about thirty men 
 be persuaded to live at home in peace, without enterprising upon the rights of 
 each other, for the vain-glory of conquest, and the enlargement of power, the 
 whole world might be at quiet; but their ambition, their foUies, and their hu- 
 mour, leading them constantly to encroach upon and quarrel with each other, 
 they involve all that are under them in the mischiefs hereof, and many thou- 
 sands are they which yearly perish by it. So that it may almost raise a doubt, 
 whether the benefit which the world receives from government be sufficient to 
 make amends for the calamities which it suffers from the follies, mistakes, and 
 maleadministrations, of those that manage it. 
 
 1 Plinius, lib. 7. c. W. L. Florus, lib. 3. c. 5. This was not then true, or at any time after. For Proper 
 Asia was never made the inttidle of the Roman empire. Beyond the Tigris it was never extended eastward, 
 but at this time it reached westward as far as the Atlantic Ocean, and from thence to Proper Asia was more 
 than double the distance of the Tigris from that province. 
 
 2 Pridie Calend. Octob. Plin. lib. 7. c. 26. et lib. 37. c. 2. 
 
 3 Plutarch. Appian. et Dion Cassius, lib. 37. Pliuius, lib. 7. c. 26. et lib. 37. c. 2. Velleius Patercules, lib. 
 2. c. 40. 4 Appian. in Mithri/laticis. 5 Videas Joseph, de Bello Judaico, lib. 7. c. 24. 
 
 6 Videas de hac re verba Plutarchi in Pompeio. 
 
 7 Plutarch, in Pompeio Crasso, Julio Caesare et LucuUo. Suetonius, lib. ]. c. 19. Appian. de Bellis Civili- 
 bns, lib. 2. Dion Cassius, lib. 37. 
 
 8 Nee quenquani jam ferre potest, Cnesarve priorem, Porapeiusve parein. Lucan. lib. 1. v. 125. 
 
298 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 At this time flourished Diodorus Siculus, the famous Greek historian. He 
 was born at Agyrium in Sicily,' from whence he had the name Siculus, i. e. the 
 Sicilian. He was tlie author of the general history, called his BIbliotheca. He 
 was thirty years in the collecting and writing of it, and employed so much dili- 
 gence, jjains, and expense herein, that he travelled over most of the countries 
 whose affairs are treated of in this history, that so he might with the greater ac- 
 curacy write of them. And, for this purpose, he tells us,^ he went into Egypt 
 in the first year of the one hundred and eightieth Olympiad, which was the 
 sixtieth before Christ, the very year of which we now treat; Ptolemy, surnamed 
 Dionysius Neos, or the New Bacchus, then reigning there. This Bibliotheca 
 contained forty books, of which only fifteen are now remaining, excepting some 
 few fragments and abstracts out of the rest, which are preserved in the works 
 of other writers. It begins from the most ancient of times, and was continued 
 down to this year. The five first books are still entire, but the five next are all 
 wanting; the other ten still remaining are the tenth, the eleventh, and so on to 
 the twentieth inclusive, with which all that is now extant of this author ends, 
 in the year of the building of Rome 452, M. Livius Denter and M. J^milius 
 Paulus being then consuls. Of the other twenty-five books we have nothing 
 now left us but the fragments and abstracts which I have mentioned. Had they 
 been all still entire, so valuable a history would have been very acceptable to 
 the learned. The five first books, though they have a great intermixture of 
 fable, yet contain many valuable particulars of true antiquity, which give much 
 light to the holy scriptures; and the next five would have yielded much more, 
 had they been still extant; and for this reason the loss of these five is more to 
 be lamented than that of the all other twenty. This author lived to a very great 
 age, for he continued down to the middle of the reign of Augustus. 
 
 The time for which Marcius Philippus was appointed to govern Syria being 
 expired, Lentulus Marcellinus was sent from Rome to succeed him.^ Both of 
 them had a great deal of trouble created them by tlae Arabs, who being a thievish 
 sort of people, living mostly upon rapine and plunder, much infested that pro- 
 vince during the time in which they governed it. 
 
 Jin. 59. Hyrcanus II. 5.] — Julius Csesar, being this year consul at Rome, forced 
 Bibulus,'' his colleague, to quit to him all the administration and power of the 
 government, which he managed with great application and address for the ad- 
 vancement of his own interest. In order hereto, he raised vast sums of money,* 
 by admitting foreign states into alliance with the Romans, and by granting to 
 foreign kings the confirmation of their crowns. And thus he extorted from 
 Ptolemy Auletes only near six thousand talents. That king having only a con- 
 tested title to the crown of Egypt, of which he was now in possession, he needed 
 a declaration of the Roman senate in his favour, for the confirming and strength- 
 ening of him in that kingdom: for the procuring of this he paid unto Csesar the 
 sum mentioned: and by these, and such like methods, he amassed that treasure 
 and wealth, which enabled him for his after-undertakings; and therefore, from 
 hence we may date the original of all his power. His next step hereto was, 
 he procured by a decree of the people, that, when the year of his consulship 
 should be expired, ** he should have Illyricum and both the Gauls, that is, the 
 Cisalpine and Transalpine, for his province, to govern it as proconsul for five 
 years. He had assigned him an army of four legions to carry with him into this 
 government, and, from his entering on it, begins the history of his Commentaries. 
 An. 58. Hyrcamis II. 6.] — A. Gabinius, the same who hath been above-men- 
 tioned as one of Pompey's heutenants in the Mithridatic war, being made con- 
 sul for the ensuing year,^ obtained by the means of Clodius, then tribune of the 
 people, to have the province of Syria assigned to him. 
 
 1 Vide Vossium de Hist. Grscig, lib. 2. c. 2. 2 Diodorus, lib. 1. part 1, 2. 3 Appian. in Syriacis. 
 
 4 1 iitarcn. in Ca-sare. Dion Cassius, lib. 38. 5 Suetonius in Julio Cssare, c. 54. 
 
 fa Plutarch, in CVsare. Dion Cassius, lib. 38. 
 
 7 Cicero in Oraiionibus pro Donio sua, et pro P. Sestio, et de Provinciis Consularibus. Plutarch, in Cicerone. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 289 
 
 This ClodiUs was of the noble family of the Claudii,' a young gentleman of 
 great parts, and of a very bold and enterprising genius, but excessive lewd. 
 JLucuUus having married one of his sisters, he accompanied him in his Mithri- 
 datic war; but having lost his favour by his misdemeanours, especially in being 
 discovered to have corrupted his own sister, the wife of that general, he could 
 not obtain under him such a post as he expected; at which being displeased, to 
 work his revenge, he set himself to corrupt the army, and was the main author 
 of that mutiny in it against Lucullus, which made his last campaign in that war 
 wholly ineffectual; for which being forced to get out of the reach of Lucullus, 
 he fled into Cilicia, where Marcius Rex, then governor of that province, made 
 him his admiral; but being vanquished by the pirates of that coast, against 
 whom he was sent, and taken prisoner by them, he sent to Ptolemy king of 
 Cyprus to supply him with a sum of money for the paying of his ransom; but 
 Ptolemy being a niggardly sordid piince, sent him only two talents, which the 
 pirates despising, rather chose to release Clodius for nothing, than take so mean 
 a ransom for him. On his return to Rome, he there followed his lewd way of 
 living, and having corrupted two others of his sisters, and also Pompeia, Csesar's 
 wife, and endeavoured, under the disguise of a woman's apparel, to come to 
 her into Caesar's house, while the chief women of Rome Avere there celebrating 
 sacred mysteries, at which no man was to be present, he was for these crimes 
 brought to a public tiial, in which Cicero was one of tJie witnesses against him; 
 but by bribing the judges with great sums of money, he escaped the punishment 
 he deserved. After this, procuring himself to be adopted by a plebian, he 
 thereby renounced his nobility, and got to be chosen tribune of the people, and 
 in that office very much disturbed the Roman state; and that he might gain Ga- 
 binius the consul to be on his side, who was altogether as wicked as himself, he 
 procured that this province of Syria was assigned him by the suffrages of tlie 
 people, and accordingly at the end of tlK year he departed thither. 
 
 After this, Clodius resolving to make use of his office for the revenging of 
 himself, first on Ptolemy king of Cyprus, for not finding him money enough to 
 pay his ransom, and also on Cicero, for giving evidence against him in his last 
 trial, fully effected both. For, first he caused a decree to pass the people,^ for 
 seizing the kingdom of Cyprus, the deposing of Ptolemy the king of it, and con- 
 fiscating all his goods, without any just cause for the same. This Ptolemy was 
 a bastard son of Ptolemy Lathyrus,' and brother of Ptolemy Auletes king of 
 Egypt, and on the death "of his father succeeded him in this island. He was in 
 his manners altogether as vile and vicious as his brother; but being withal ex- 
 ceedingly niggardly and sordid, he had amassed great wealth; and to gain all 
 this was the chief motive which induced the Roman people to concur with Clo- 
 dius for his ruin. And it is truly reckoned one of the most unjust acts that the 
 Romans to this time ever did." For Ptolemy had been admitted as a friend and 
 ally of the Roman people, and had never offended them, or done them any hurt 
 or displeasure, whereby to deserve this usage from their hands: but all was done 
 merely out of a greedy and rapacious desire to take what he had. The only show 
 of justice for it was, that Alexander, late king of Egypt, dying at Tyre, as hath 
 been above mentioned, did, by his last will and testament, leave the Roman 
 people his heirs; and that therefore the kingdom of Egypt, and with it Cyprus, 
 which was an appendix of Egypt, passed to the Romans by virtue of this dona- 
 tion. The matter of this will had been insisted on at Rome,* soon after the death 
 of Alexander, and motions had been there made, for the seizing both of Egypt 
 and Cyprus by virtue of it. But they having lately taken possession of Bithynia 
 by virtue of the will of Nicomedes, and of Cyrene and Libya by the hke will 
 of Apion, who were the last kings of those countries, and reduced them both 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Pompeio, Cssare, Citone Uticensi, Cicerone, et Lncullo. Dion Cassius, lib. 35-4a 
 
 2 P utarch. in Calone Uticensi.' Dion Cassi.s, lib. 38, L. Plorus hb. 3. -^V^^^!'^!^,";; ^''^a.tiJ^b^eLtr*, 
 
 3 Trocus ProloK. 40. Stral.o, ibid, in eo enim loco dicit, hunc Ptolcmxum fiiisse fratnm patris Cleopairae, 
 tllius scillicet, quae ultimo rejjiiavit in Egypto, ^ ■ -u .. ,„-..,^<. in HntJuji*. 
 
 4 Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. c. 45. -5 Cicero in Oratwiwfeus rrima 6t secunda in RuU»im. 
 
 Vol. IL— 37 
 
290 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 into the form of Roman provinces, the senate thought it would not be to their 
 credit but would, on the contrary, bring them under the imputation of being 
 over (Greedy for the grasping into their hands all foreign dominions, should they, 
 on this pretence, seize Egypt and Cyprus also; and besides, the Mithridatic war 
 not being at that time over, they feared this might involve them in a new war 
 before they were rid of the other; and therefore they did no more at that time, 
 on the claim of the said will, than send to Tyre to fetch from thence all the ef- 
 fects which Alexander there left at his death, and dropped all the rest. But now 
 this pretence as to Cyprus was again revived,' and to gratify Clodius's revenge, 
 and the covetousness of the people of Rome, the decree passed among them for 
 the seizing of it, and all that Ptolemy had there; and Cato, the justest man in 
 Rome, was sent, much against his will, to execute it; which was done, not only 
 that by that character of so just a man some reputation might be given to this 
 unjust act, but especially that thereby a way might be made for Clodius Avith 
 the more ease to execute his revenge upon Cicero. He designed to bring an 
 accusation against him before the people, for that he had, while consul, put to 
 death several of those who were of Catiline's conspiracy, by the order of the 
 senate only, withouc bringing them to a legal trial. i3ut foreseeing that he 
 should have much opposition herein from Cato, for the preventing of it, con- 
 trived to send him out of the way on this expedition; and he being accordingly 
 gone on it from Rome, Clodius obtained his design upon Cicero, and caused him 
 to be banished Rome and Italy; whereon he Avent into Greece, and there con- 
 tinued till after sixteen months he Avas again recalled. 
 
 Cato coming to Rhodes in his Avay to Cyprus,^ sent to Ptolemy, to persuade 
 him quietly to recede, promising him hereon the high-priesthood of Venus at 
 Paphos, on the revenues Avhereof he might be supported in a state of [ilenty and 
 honour; but he would not accept hereof. To resist the Roman poAver he was 
 not able, and to be less than a king, after he had so long reigned, he could not 
 bear; and therefore, resolving to make his hfe and his reign end together,^ he 
 put all his riches on shipboard, and launching out into the sea, purposed, by 
 boring his ship through, to make both his riches and himself sink into the deep, 
 and there perish together. But Avhen it came to the execution, he could not 
 bear that his beloved treasure should be thus lost; he continued still in the reso- 
 lution to destroy himself, but he could not bring his heart to destroy that; and 
 therefore, expressing greater Ioa'c to his dear pelf than to himself, carried it all 
 back to land, and, having laid It all up again in its former repositories,^ he poi- 
 soned himself, and left all that he had to his enemies, as If he intended thereby 
 to reward them for his death. All this Cato the next year after carried to Rome, 
 amounting In the whole to stich a sum, as had scarce before been brought into 
 the public treasury In any of the greatest triumphs. 
 
 While Cato was at Rhodes, in his way to Cyprus,* there came thither to him 
 Ptolemy Aulctes, king of Egypt, and brother to the other Ptolemy that A\'as king 
 of Cyprus. When the Alexandrians heard of the Intentions of the Romans to 
 seize Cyprus," they pressed Auletes to demand that island to be restored to 
 Egypt, as being an ancient appendant of that kingdom, or else, in case of de- 
 nial, to declare war against them; Avhich Auletes refusing to do, this refusal, 
 joined AvIth Avhat they had suffered from him by the exactions AvhereAvIth he 
 had oppressed them to raise the money Avith which he purchased the favour of 
 the great men at Rome, angered them so far,' that they drove him out of the 
 kingdom; and he Avas then going to Rome, there to solicit the assistance of the 
 senate for his restoration. On his coming to Cato,* and entering Into discourse 
 with him upon this affair, Cato blamed him for quitting that state of honour and 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Catone Uticeiisj, et in Cicerone. Dion Cassias, at Strabo. lib. 14. p. 08J. 
 
 2 I'liitarch. in Catone. 3 A'aleriiis IMaviiniis, lib. 9. c. 4. 
 
 4 I'liitarch. in Catone. Dion Cassias, lib. 39. p. 1(11. 1.. Floriis, lib. 3. c. 9. Strabo, lib. 14. p. 684. Ap. 
 pian. (I<> IJellis Oivilibas, lib. 2. Aianiianus MarcoUinus, lib. 14. Valerius Ma.vinius, ibid. Velleiua Pater, 
 cuius, lib 2. c. 45. 
 
 5 Plutarch, in Catone. 6 Dion Cassias, lib. 39. 
 
 7 Dion CassjuB, et Plutarch, in Catone. Epitome Livii, lib. 104. 8 Plutarch, in Catone. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 291 
 
 happiness which he was possessed of in his kingdom; and thus exposing him- 
 self to the disgrace, trouble, and contempt, which, as an exile, he must expect 
 to meet with. And as to the help he expected from Rome, he laid before him 
 what great gifts and presents for the obtaining of it would be extorted from him 
 by the great men of that city, whose greedy expectations, he freely told him, 
 were such, that although Egypt were to be sold, the purchase money would not 
 be sufficient fully to satisfy them. And therefore he advised him to return again 
 into Egypt, and there make up all ditferences with his people, offering himself 
 to go with him to help him herein. Ptolemy at first approved of this advice, 
 and resolved to be guided by it; but being beaten oiY it by the worst advice of 
 his followers, he went forward to Rome, where he soon found, by full experi- 
 ence, ail to be true that Cato had told him: for he was there made to pay great 
 attendance on the leading men of the commonwealth, and expend vast sums 
 among them to procure them to favour his cause; and after all, when there was 
 no more left to be extorted from him,' an oracle was trumped up out of the Si- 
 bylline books, whereby it was pretended the Romans were forbidden to give 
 him any help in this case. So that, after having for a year's time solicited this 
 matter at Rome, and expended vast sums in it, he Avas forced to depart from 
 thence without success. 
 
 In the meanwhile,'- the Alexandrians, after Auletus's departure from them, 
 not knowing what was become of him, placed Berenice his daughter on the 
 throne, and sent an embass}- into Syria, to Antiochus Asiaticus,^ who by his 
 mother Selene was the next male heir of the family, to invite him to come into 
 Egypt, and there marry Berenice, and reign with her: but the ambassadors, on 
 their arrival in Syria, finding him just dead, returned without success. 
 
 ^9ii. 57. Hyrcanus II. 7.] — But understanding that Seleucus his brother was 
 still living, they sent an embassy to him with the same proposal,'' which he 
 readily accepted of; but Gabinius (who was now come into his presence) at first 
 hindered his going; but however, either with his consent or without it, he af- 
 terward went; but he being a very sordid and base spirited man,^ and having 
 given an especial instance of it in robbing the sepulchre of Alexander of the 
 golden case in which his body was deposited,*^ Berenice soon grew weary of 
 him, and, to be rid of a husband whom she justly loathed," caused him to be 
 put to death. And after that she married Archelaus,^ high-priest of Comana 
 in Pontus, of whom we have above fully spoken. From Porphyry, in Euse- 
 bius, we are told, that it Avas Philip, the son of Gr)'pus, Avhora the second em- 
 bassy invited into Egypt; but it being now above twenty-six years since there 
 hath been any mention made of him in history, it is most likely that had he 
 been long dead before this time; and besides, had he been now alive, he avouUI 
 have been too far advanced in years for the marriage proposed, it being now 
 forty years since he succeeded his father in the kingdom of Syria. The per- 
 son, therefore, whom the second embassy here mentioned called out of Syria 
 into Egypt, after the death of Asiaticus, must have been his younger brother, 
 for he was called thither as next heir, and that the brother of Asiaticus, then 
 only was. There is often mention made of this younger brother of Asiaticus 
 by such as Avrite of those times," but none of them, who speak of him as such, 
 acquaint us of his name. But what Strabo tells us of Seleucus Cybiosactes, 
 puts it beyond doubt that he Avas the person. For he tells us of him,'" that he 
 Avas called into Egypt to marry Berenice, and that he Avas of the Seleucian 
 family, both Avhich put together plainly proA'e this Seleucus could be none 
 other than the younger brother of Asiaticus. For after Asiaticus's death, there 
 was none other remaining of the Seleucian family but this younger brother of 
 
 1 Dion Cas?iii-;, lib. HO. The words of this protended oracle were these: " If the king of Egypt comes to 
 desire your help, deny him not your friendship, bnt aid him not with your forces; if you do otherwise, you 
 shall have trouble and dai);rer." 
 
 •2 Dion I'assiiis, lib. 31). Strabo, lib. 17. p. TUG. Porphyr. in Griris Enseb. Soaliseri. 
 
 3 Porphyr. ibid. 4 Pcirphyr. ibid. Strabo, lib. 17. p. 790. 
 
 5 Snetoiiiiis in Vespasiano, r. 19. Straho. ibid. 6 Strabo, ibid. 7 Strabo, ibid. 
 
 8 Strabo, ibid, et lib. 12. p. 55S. 9 Cicero in Verrera, lib. 4. 10 Strabo, lib. 1". p. 796t. 
 
2^ CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 his only and therefore, when he was put to death, as is above mentioned, iff 
 him ended the whole race of Seleucus, and none of it were any more left to 
 survive the loss of thai empire, which they once possessed. 
 
 Alexander, the eldest son of Aristobulus, while he was carrying prisoner to 
 Rome by Pompey, having made his escape, as hath been already mentioned, 
 returned into Judea: and, having there gotten together an army of ten thou- 
 sand foot,' and one thousand five hundred horse, and seized Alexandrium, Ma- 
 chferus, Hyrcania, and several other strong castles, he well fortified and garri- 
 soned them, and from thence ravaged the whole country. Hyrcanus being too 
 weak to take the field against him, he would have fortified Jerusalem for his 
 defence, by rebuilding the walls which Pompey had demolished, but the Romans 
 not permitting this, he was forced to call them in to his aid; whereon Gabinius, 
 president of Syria, and M. Antonius, who was general of the horse under him, 
 came into Judea with a great army for the quelling of these troubles, and being 
 there joined by Antipater, Pitholaus, and MaUchus, with those Jews under their 
 command that were of Hyrcanus' s party, they came to a battle with Alexander 
 near Jerusalem; whe -ein Alexander being overthrown with the loss of three 
 thousand men slain, and as many taken prisoners, fled to Alexandrium, where 
 Gabinius having pursued him, there shut him up and besieged him. But the 
 castle being naturally strong, as situated upon the top of a high mountain, and 
 also well fortified by art, it could not easily be taken; Gabinius therefore, leav- 
 ing one part of his army to block it up, marched with the other part round the 
 country to take a view of the condition it was in; and, finding Samaria, Azo- 
 tus, Gaza, Raphia, Anthedon, Jamnia, Scythopolis, AppoUonia, Dora, Marissay 
 and several other cities lying in ruins, as having been demolished in their wars 
 with the Asmouceans, he ordered them ail again to be repaired, and then re- 
 turned to the siege of Alexandrium; where repaired to him the mother of Alex- 
 ander, a very wise and discreet woman, who, being solicitous for her husband 
 and children that had been carried captive to Rome, in order to obtain favour 
 for them, endeavoured to recommend herself to the Romans all she could, that 
 so she might be the better enabled to intercede in their behalf; and therefore, 
 having with this view done them all manner of service wherever she had 
 power, she thereby so ingratiated herself with Gabinius, and got so great an 
 interest in him, that she obtained every thing of him that she desired. And 
 therefore, by her means, a treaty of peace being commenced, Alexander sur- 
 lendered Alexandrium, and all his other castles; which being immediately 
 razed to the ground, by the advice of this lady, that they might not become the 
 occasion of another war, he was thereon dismissed, with pardon and impunity 
 for all that was past. 
 
 After this Gabinius, going up to Jerusalem, restored Hyrcanus to the high- 
 priesthood,^ but made a very considerable alteration in the civil government, 
 changing in a manner the whole form of it, and reducing it from a monarchy to 
 an aristocracy. Hitherto the government" had been managed under the prince 
 by two sorts of councils or courts of justice, one consisting of twenty-three per- 
 sons, called the Lesser Sanhedrin, and the other of seventy-two persons, called 
 the Great Sanhedrin. Of the first sort there was one in every city; only in Je- 
 rusalem, because of the greatness of the place, and the multiplicity of business 
 thence arising, there were two of them sitting apart from each other in two dis- 
 tinct rooms. Of the other sort there was one only always sitting in the temple at 
 Jerusalem till that time. The Lesser Sanhedrins despatched all affairs of justice 
 arising within the respective cities where they sat, and the precincts belonging 
 to them. The Great Sanhedrin presided over the affairs of the whole nation, re- 
 ceived appeals from the Lesser Sanhedrins, interpreted the laws, and, by new 
 institutions from time to time, regulated the executing of them. All this Gabi- 
 
 1 Joscpli. Aiiti(i.lit). 14. c. in. etdeBt'llo Jiiiiaico, lib. I.e. 6. 2 Ibid. 
 
 ^ y,."'*^ Talrriiidis Trnct!tturiiSanliedrin,etMaimoiii(len in Sanhedrin.alrosquede Iiac re Scriptores Rabbini- 
 cos. J'he EiiKlish reader may find an abstract of all that is »aiU in these authors of this iiwtter in Lifihtfoot's 
 troBpect of the Temple, c. 20. 8. 2. and c. 22. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 293 
 
 nius abolished, and, instead hereof, erected five courts, or Sanhedrins,' invest- 
 ing each with sovereign power independent of each other. The first of them he 
 placed at Jerusalem, the second at Jericho, the third at Gadara, the fourth at 
 Amathus, and the fifth at Sephoris; and, having under these five cities divided 
 the whole land into five provinces, he ordered all to repair for justice to those 
 courts, which he had established in them; that is, each to the court of that pro- 
 vince of which he was an inhabitant, and there every thing was ultimately de- 
 termined. The tyranny of Alexander Jannteus had made the Jews weary of 
 regal government; and therefore they had formerly petitioned Pompey" for the 
 abolishing of it at the time when he heard the cause of the two brothers at Da- 
 mascus; and, in compliance with them, he went so far as to take away the 
 diadem and the name of king,' though he did not the power. For, when he re- 
 stored Hyrcanus, he gave him the sovereign authority, though under another 
 style. But now they prevailed with Gabinius to take away the power as well as 
 the name, which he effectually did by the alteration I have mentioned. For 
 hereby he changed the monarchy into an aristocracy, and, instead of the 
 prince, thenceforth the nobles of the land had, in these five courts, the sole go- 
 vernment of it. But afterward Julius Caesar,'' on his passing through Syria, after 
 the Alexandrian war, reinvested Hyrcanus in the principality, and restored 
 again the old form of the government as in former times. But, besides these 
 two sorts of Sanhedrins or courts, there was a third among the Jews," which 
 was not affected by any of these alterations, but stood the same under all of 
 them; and this was the court of Three, which was for the deciding of all con- 
 troversies about bargains, sales, contracts, and other such matters of common 
 right between man and man; in all which cases one of the litigants chose one 
 judge, and the other another, and these two chose a third; which three consti- 
 tuted a court to hear and ultimately determine the matter in contest. And 
 something like this I hear is now in Denmark, whereby such cases as with us 
 make long and chargeable suits are summarily heard and finally determined by 
 a like court of three in the same manner chosen; before which each party 
 pleads his own cause, and hath speedy justice awarded him without the assist- 
 ance of solicitors, attorneys, or any other such agents of the law. Thus much 
 may serve for the information of the English reader concerning the Sanhedrins 
 or courts of justice, which were anciently in use among the Jews. Those who 
 would dive farther into the knowledge of them, may read the IVfishnical tract 
 Sanhedrin, and the Gemara upon the same, Maimonidis's tract under the same 
 .title, Selden de Synedriis, Cock's Sanhedrin, and others. 
 
 Toward the latter end of the year,^ Aristobulus, late king of Judea, who was 
 led in triumph by Pompey, and after that shut up in prison at Rome, having 
 with his son Antigonus made his escape thence, returned into Judea, and there 
 raised new troubles. For immediately great numbers resorted to him; among 
 whom was Pitholaus, who hitherto had been one of the chief leaders on the 
 side of Hyrcanus, and was at present governor of Jerusalem; but having now 
 •taken some disgust, for what it is not said, went over to the other side, canying 
 with him a thousand men well armed. Aristobulus having, out of all those that 
 ■came in unto him, selected such as had arms, formed with them an army, and 
 dismissed all the rest. He first re-edified Alexandrium, and, having furnished 
 it with a strong garrison., marched with the rest, being about eight thousand men, 
 toward Machaerus, another strong place beyond Jordan, lately demolished, de- 
 signing to restore and garrison that also in the like manner as he had Alexan- 
 drium. But Gabinius, hearing of these doings, sent Sisenna his son, with Anto- 
 nius and Servilius, two of his chief lieutenants, against him, who, having over- 
 taken him in his march to Machserus, and forced him to an engagement, van- 
 .<5[uished him, with the slaughter of five thousand of his men. Aristobulus, with 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 10. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. C. 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 5. 
 
 S Ibid. lib. 20. c. a 4 Ibid. lib. 14. c.l7. 5 Talmud, in Sanhedrin. 
 
 iQ Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 11. et<de Bello Judaico, Ub. 1. c. 6. 
 
294 Connexion op the history of 
 
 a thousand of the remainder, got to Machsrus, and there they endeavoured to 
 fortify and maintain themselves. But on the coming up of the Romans to them, 
 they were soon overpowered: for, after two days' resistance, the place was taken, 
 and Aristobulus being grievously wounded, was taken in it, Avith Antigonus his 
 son, and both were sent back again to Rome into their former jail. But Gabi- 
 nius having informed the senate, that he had promised the wife of Aristobulus, 
 on her procuring the yielding up of the castle, that her children should be re- 
 leased, it was accordingly performed: for Aristobulus only being retained in 
 chains, Antigonus and all the rest of his children were permitted to depart, and 
 return again into Judea. 
 
 fin. 5(). Hyrcanus II. 8.] — Orodes and Mithiidates, the sons of Phrahates king 
 of Parthia, conspiring against their father,' impiously became the authors of his 
 death, after he had reigned over the Parthians about twelve years. The ambition 
 of reigning having been the cause of this parricide, it became the cause also of 
 gi-eat contention between the two brothers, while each strived to possess the 
 throne, which they had by their horrid Avickedness made vacant. Orodes, being 
 the elder brother, first took possession of it, but was soon displaced, and driven 
 into banishment by Mithridates. But he having soon made himself odious to 
 the Parthians by his cruelty, Surenas, who next the throne held the first place 
 of honour and power in that kingdom, took the advantage of it again to bring 
 back Orodes, to whose interest he had all long adhered, and replaced him again 
 on the throne. Whereon Mithridates, being forced into the banishment from 
 which his brother was returned, fled to Gabinius, and, on his arrival in Syria, 
 finding him preparing for an expedition against the Arabs, he persuaded him 
 rather to turn his arms against the Parthians, for the effecting of his restoration. 
 And Gabinius's heart being wholly set upon gain, he was easily prevailed on to 
 hearken to him, as knowing that the Parthasians being a rich nation, most plun- 
 der was tliere to be had. And accordingly he set himself on his march that 
 Avay, taking Mithridates along with him for his guide. But, on his having pas- 
 sed the Euphrates, he was accosted with another proposal. For thither came 
 to him Ptolemy Auletes,'" the deprived king of Egypt, with letters from Pompey, 
 and offering him ten thousand talents to re-establish him again in his kingdom. 
 The reward being very great, and the enterprise much less dangerous, both 
 these considerations together induced him to undertake the matter; and there- 
 fore, quitting his intended expedition against the Parthians, he repassed the Eu- 
 phrates, and marched through Palestine directly into Egypt. Whereon Mithri- 
 dates, finding his cause deserted,* returned into Babylonia, and there seized Se- 
 leucia; where Orodes, straightly besieging him, brought him to that distress, that 
 he voluntarily surrendered himself, out of hopes of having his life spared, as 
 being a brother: but Orodes, looking on him more as an enemy than as a bro- 
 ther, caused him to be slain before his face. 
 
 On Gabinius's arrival on the borders of Egypt, ^ he sent Antony with a body 
 of horse to seize the passes, and open the way for the rest of the army to follow. 
 This was the famous Mark Antony, who afterward, as triumvir, governed one 
 third part of the Roman empire for several years. He accompanied Gabinius 
 into Syria as general of the horse under him, as hath been already mentioned, 
 and in that service first signalized himself Being a young man of great courage 
 and a bold spirit, he was the chief promoter of this expedition, though most of 
 tlie other general officers Avere against it. But Antony giving his Opinion as best 
 agreed with Gabinius's greediness, carried it against them all. And as he was 
 the chief adviser of this undertaking, so also was he the most vigorous actor in 
 it; and, by his first success herein, made way for all the rest: for he not only se- 
 cured all the passes Avhich he was sent to seize, but took Pelusium, which was 
 on that side the key of Egypt; and the taking of it opened the Avay, and became 
 
 1 ^)loIl(^-l^sills, lib. y.\. Appian. in Parthicis tt Syriacis. PliitaiTli in Trasso. 
 
 'i njoiiCassiMH lih :!<). Pliitarrh. in Antonio, ricpm in Oratioue pro Uabirio rosthiimo. Joseph. Anlin. 
 lib. H. r,. II. pt il<. Hollo Judaico, lib. 1. c.6. Appian. in Svriacis et Parthicis. 
 J Justin, lib. a. c. 4. 4 Plutarch, in Antonio. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAxMENT. 295 
 
 the inlet to all the rest of the kingdom. For this success he was much beholden 
 to Hyrcanus and Antipater,' who not only assisted the Romans in their march 
 with all necessaries, but, by letters, prevailed with the Jews of the country of 
 Onion, near Pelusium, to be helpful unto them, without which Antony could 
 not so soon have made himself master of that city. Archelaus was at this time 
 king of Egypt,^ as having been called thither after the death of Seleucus Cy- 
 biosactes, to marry Berenice, and reign with her in that kingdom, as hath been 
 already related. He having contracted an intimate friendship with Gabinius, 
 while he served under Pompey as one of his heutenants in the Mithridatic war, 
 he came out of Pontus into Syria to him,' on his obtaining that province, to be 
 there assisting to him in his wars, and there also made an intimate friendship 
 with Antony; and no doubt but it was with the knowledge and approbation of 
 both of them, that, when called from Syria into Egypt, he accepted of the invi- 
 tation. However, nothing of this could secure him from this invasion. The 
 avarice of Gabinius took place of all regard to the friendship he had formerly 
 with him. 
 
 An. 55. Hyrcanus II. 9.] — Gabinius, as soon as he was acquainted of Antony's 
 success,* marched with his whole army into the very heart of Egypt. This 
 was in the middle of winter; for then the Nile being at the lowest, Egypt was 
 at that time the fittest for an invasion. However, Archelaus, being a very valiant 
 and a very sensible man, omitted nothing that could be done for his defence, but 
 stood his ground in several conflicts against the invaders. But the Egyptians 
 being an effeminate dastardly sort of people, forward to mutiny against all orders 
 of war, and backAvard to all acts of valour in it, he could make no work of it with 
 such hands; but, being overpowered by the well disciplined forces of the Romans, 
 was at length finally vanquished, and himself slain in the battle, valiantly fight- 
 ing in the defence of the cause which he had undertaken. After his death,* 
 Antony had so much regard to the friendship that had been between them, that, 
 as soon as he heard of his being slain, he commanded his body to be sought for 
 on the field of battle, and caused it to be buried with a royal funeral, which 
 gained him the love of the Egyptians ever after. And perchance it was pro- 
 cured by a like favour from Gabinius, that his son v.^as appointed by the Romans 
 to succeed him at Comana. But these after acts were of two little value to make 
 any amends for the loss of his kingdom and his life, which they had so unjustly 
 deprived him of. 
 
 After Archelaus was slain, all Egypt was soon reduced, and forced again to 
 receive Auletes, who was thereon thoroughly restored to his kingdom; and, for 
 the better securing of him in it, Gabinius left some of his Roman forces with 
 him to be for his guard,® who, settling at Alexandria, soon exchanged the Ro- 
 man manners for the Egyptian, and degenerated into the effeminacy of those 
 among whom they dwelt. Auletes, as soon as he was again resettled on the 
 throne,' put Berenice his daughter to death for having worn his crown in the 
 time of his exile; and after that proceeded to cut off most of the rich men that 
 had been of the party against him, that, by the confiscation of their goods, he 
 might raise the money promised Gabinius for his restoration. 
 
 Gabinius, having accomplished in Egypt all that he intended by his expedi- 
 tion thither, found reason to hasten back again into Syria, great disorders hav- 
 ing there arisen in his absence. On his going into Egypt,"* he had entrusted the 
 government in the hands of Sisenna, his son, a raw youth, of neither age nor 
 experience adequate to such a charge, and left so few forces with him, that, 
 had he been ever so well capacitated otherwise, he could not with them have 
 been able to do any service: whereon the country was filled with thieves and 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 11. etde Belle .Iiidaico, lib. 1. cC,. 
 
 2 Dion Cassius, lib. 39. Slrabo, lib. 1-2. p. 55ti. et. lib. 17. p. 796. Plutarch, in Antonio. T.ivii Epitome, 
 
 .S Strabn, lib. 12. p. .558. et lib. 17. p. 700. 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 3f). Plutarch, in Antonio. 
 
 5 Plutarcli. in Antonio. (> Caesaris Comment, de Bello Civili, lib. :t. Lucan. lib. 10. ver. 402. 
 
 7 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 70G. Dion Cassius. Jib. 39. Porphyrius iuGrfficis Euseb. Scaligeri. 
 
 8 Dion Cassius, lib. 39, 
 
ggg CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 freebooters, who ravaged it all over without control, their being neither head 
 nor hands then in the province sufficient to repress them. And Alexander,' the 
 son of Aristobulus, taking the advantage of these disorders, raised new troubles 
 in Judea: for, having gotten together a great army, he ranged with it all over 
 the country, and slew all the Romans he could any where find, and drove all 
 the rest to take refuge in Mount Gerizim, where he straightly besieged them; 
 and there Gfabinius found him on his return: where seeing the great multitude 
 of those he had with him, he thought it best first to deal with them by fair 
 means; and therefore sent Antipater to them, to endeavour, by promises of im- 
 punity and oblivion, again to reduce them to quiet; and he had that success, to 
 prevail with many of them to desist from their revolt, and return again to their 
 own houses. But Alexander, having gotten about him an army of thirty thou- 
 sand men well appointed for the war, resolved to encounter Gabinius: but, after 
 a fierce fight near Mount Tabor, he was vanquished, with the slaughter of ten 
 thousand of his men, and the rest were dissipated and put to flight. After this 
 Gabinius going up to Jerusalem,^ and having settled all things there according 
 to the mind of Antipater, marched thence against the Nabathaeans; and, having 
 overcome them, led back his army into Syria, and there prepai-ed for his return 
 to Rome. 
 
 For Pompey and Crassus, being this year consuls, had, on their entering on 
 their office,* obtained, by a decree of the Roman people, that Spain and Africa 
 should be assigned to Pompey for five years, and Syria and the neighbouring 
 countries to Crassus for the like term, for their consular provinces, with full au- 
 tliority to take with them such forces as they should think fit to raise, and to 
 make war wherever they should see cause, according to their own judgment, 
 Avithout having recourse to the senate or the people of Rome for their orders 
 about it, as all other governors were in this case obliged to do. Hereon Crassus,^ 
 sent a deputy to receive the government of Syria from Gabinius; but he refused 
 to make resignation of it, till afterward he was forced to quit the province by 
 a more powerful command than that of the people and senate of Rome. For 
 Gabinius,^ had been an excessive corrupt governor in his province, doing any 
 thing for bribes, and selling every thing for money, and extorting gi-eat sums in 
 all places, and from all persons, wherever any could be gotten, and by all man- 
 ner of means how unjust and oppressive soever. The clamour which this raised 
 all over the province," came from all parts of it very loud to Rome against him: 
 which so much angered both the senate and the people, that they called him 
 home to answer these accusations. But that which most exasperated them 
 was his Egyptian expedition;' for it was contrary to the law, for any governor 
 of a province to go out of the limits of it, or begin any new war without ex- 
 press order from the people or senate of Rome for it; and also there was then 
 published an oracle out of the Sibylline books, which forbade the Romans at 
 that time to meddle with the restoration of the king of Egypt; against all which 
 Gabinius having acted without any regard to law, right, or religion, the people 
 of Rome were hereby so far provoked against him, that they would imme- 
 diately have proceeded to sentence of condemnation against him, without tar- 
 rying his return, had not Pompey and Crassus, the consuls for this year, inter- 
 posed to hinder it; the first out of friendship to him, and the other to earn the 
 bribe by which he was corrupted. But on his return, the next year after, three 
 actions were commenced against him, one of treason, and the other two of cor- 
 ruption, bribery, and other high misdemeanors. The first by virtue of his mo- 
 ney which was liberally expended on this occasion in bribing the judges, he 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 11. 2 Ibid. 
 
 niL^'.il'n^'^r^'yv' !!!!: •■»'•'• .Epitome Livii, lib. 105. Plutarch, in Crasso, Pompeio, et Catone Uticensi. Ap- 
 pian. (le liollis Civihbiis, lib. 2. ■ t- . r- 
 
 4 Dion Cassiua, lib. 39. 
 
 6 Nolwiih^i^n,!!',!'''..?'''^''""'' '" P''.a''one de Provinciia Consularibus, et in Oratione contra Pisonem. 
 Bcnuit erhim.Hr wiM h n^^ " !' ^" '"' "^^'^r^'^'i' Josephus fiives him a laudable character, as if he had 
 
 7 Dion C ^:'"' '"'nour m the charge committed to him. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 11. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 297 
 
 hardly escaped by a majority of six votes only of the seventy that judged his 
 cause,' but being cast in the other two he was sent into banishment,* and there 
 lived in poverty till Cajsar brought him back again in the time of the civil wars.^ 
 For most of the money which he had raked together by oppression, bribery, and 
 corruption, was spent in bribing and corrupting others, that so he might escape 
 the punishment which he deserved. And thus his vast treasure, which he 
 brought with him out of the east, was wasted in the same way of iniquity in 
 which it was gotten. He having been consul when Cicero was banished, and 
 then helped forward by his authority that sentence against him, that great 
 orator being now again returned home, remembering this injury and suitably 
 resenting it, aggravated his crimes to the utmost against him in his speeches 
 both to the senate and people; and particularly we find him so doing in some 
 of his orations still extant. 
 
 Crassus^ having his mind much intent upon his eastern expedition, for which 
 he had obtained a decree of the people in the beginning of the year, was very 
 busy toward the end of his consulship in listing soldiers, and making all other 
 preparations for it. But the tribunes of the people then in office, ° not approv- 
 ing of his purpose of making war with the Parthians, did all they could to ob- 
 struct him herein, and would fain have reversed the decree that gave him au- 
 thority for it; but being overpowered in this attempt by military force, they 
 turned their endeavours into curses; and one of them pursued him with the 
 most horrid and dreadful execrations, * as he marched with his army out of 
 Rome for this war: which were aU executed upon him in the lamentable man- 
 ner in which it miscarried. 
 
 An. 54. Hyrcamis II. 10.] — Crassus going into his province with an eager de- 
 sire of amassing all the wealth he was able, was no sooner arrived in Syria, but 
 he set himself upon all those methods whereby he might best satiate his thirst. 
 And being told of the riches of the temple at Jerusalem,^ he marched thither 
 with part of his army to make seizure of it. Eleazar, one of the priests, was 
 then treasurer of the temple. Among other things which he had under his 
 charge, one was a bar of gold, of the weight of three hundred Hebrew mime. 
 This, for the better securing of it, he had put into a beam, which he had caused 
 to be made hoUow for the reception of it; and placing this beam over the en- 
 trance, which was from the holy place into the holy of holies, caused the veil 
 which parted these two places to be hung thereat. Perceiving Crassus's design 
 for the plundering of the temple, he endeavoured to compound the matter with 
 him; and therefore, telling him of such a bar of gold in his custody, promised 
 to discover and deliver it to him, upon condition that he would be satisfied with 
 it and spare all the rest: Crassus accepted of the proposal, and solemnly pro- 
 mised with an oath, that, on having this bar of gold delivered to him, he would 
 be contented with it, and meddle with nothing else. Whereon Eleazar took 
 down the beam, and delivered it to him; but the perfidious wretch had no 
 sooner received it, but forgetting his oath, he not only seized the two thousand 
 talents which Pompey left there untouched, but, ransacking the temple all over, 
 robbed it of every thing else which he thought worth taking away, to the value 
 of eight thousand talents more. So that the whole of this sacrilegious plunder 
 which he took thence amounted to ten thousand talents, which is above two 
 millions of our money. And with this, thinking himself sufficiently furnished 
 for the Parthian war,* caused a bridge of boats to be made on the Euphrates, and 
 forthwith marched over it, and invaded the territories of the king of Parthia, 
 without having any other cause for it than his insatiable avarice after the riches 
 and treasures of the country. The Romans had, first by Sylla,' and aftetward 
 
 1 Cicero ad Atticum, lib. 4. ep. 16. et ad Q.uintum Fratrem, lib. 3. ep. 4. 2 Dion Cassius, lib. 39. 
 
 3 He died in those wars inCssar's service. Hirtius deBello Alexandrine, c. 43. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in Crasso. 5 Plutarch, ibid. Dion Cassiu.s, lib. 39. 
 
 6 Plutarch, et Dion Cassius, ibid. Floras, lib. 3. c. 11. Velleius Patercul, lib. 2. c. 4tj. Appian. de Bell. 
 Civilib. lib. 2. Cicero de Divinatione, lib. 1. 
 
 7 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 12. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 6. 
 
 8 Plutarch, in Crasso. Dion Cassius, lib. 40. 9 L. Florus, lib. 3. c. 11. 
 
 Vol. II.— 38 
 
298 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 by Pompey, made leagues of peace and alliance with this people, and they 
 had never complained of any infractions of them, or any other injviries that 
 mio-ht o-ive just reason for a war; and therefore the Parthians, not expecting any 
 such invasion, were not then prepared in those parts to withstand it. Whereon 
 Crassus overran a great part of Mesopotamia,' and took many cities without op- 
 position; and had he pursued his advantage, he might have taken Seleucia and 
 Ctesiphon also, and made himself master of all Babylonia as well as of Meso- 
 potamia. But the summer being spent, he repassed the Euphrates and put his 
 army into winter-quarters in the cities of Syria, leaving only seven thousand 
 foot and one thousand horse behind to garrison the places he had taken; where- 
 by he gave leisure for the Parthians to get ready that army, against the next 
 year's campaign, with which they wrought his destruction. And whereas he 
 ought, on his return into Sjaia, to have taken care that during that winter, his 
 soldiers should have been well exercised for the war, and every thing else put 
 in due preparation for it, he neglected all this; and acting the part of a publican 
 rather than of a general, employed himself wholly in examining into the reve- 
 nues of the province, and screwing them up to the utmost height he was able, 
 and in using all other methods of exaction whereby to enrich himself. And 
 the plundering of the temple at Jerusalem was not the only sacrilege he was 
 guilty of: he did the same all over the province, wherever any riches were to 
 be gotten, especially at Plierapolis: for there being in that city an ancient tem- 
 ple of the Syrian goddess called Atargetis,^ where much treasure was laid up, 
 as having been the collection of many years, he seized it all, and was so greedy 
 of securing the whole of it, that lest any should be detained or embezzled, he 
 spent a great deal of his time to see it all told out and weighed before him. 
 On his last coming out of this temple, his son going before him, stumbled at 
 the threshold, and he, immediately after it, upon him. This was afterward in- 
 terpreted as an ill omen, foreboding that destruction which they soon after fell 
 into in their battle against the Parthians, the son first, and afterward the father. 
 Jin. o3. HyrcanusW. 11.] — As soon as the season of the year grew proper,' 
 Crassus called all his army together out of their several quarters, for the 
 prosecuting of the war Avhich he had begun upon the Parthians. They not 
 expecting a Avar the last year, were then unprovided to receive him; but 
 having the respite of all the last Avinter, they had now gotten ready a very great 
 army for their defence. But before they entered Avith it on any action, ambas- 
 sadors were sent from Orodes, their king, to the Roman general, to knoAv for 
 what reason he made Avar upon him? to Avhich having receiA'ed no other answer 
 but that he Avould declare it Avhen he should come to Seleucia, returned Avith 
 certain notice, that nothing but war was to be expected; and therefore Orodes, 
 having divided his army into two parts, marched in person Avith one of them 
 toAvard the borders of Armenia, and sent the other, under the command of Su- 
 renas, into Mesopotamia; Avho, as soon as he Avas there arrived, retook several 
 of those places Avhich Crassus had made himself master of the former year: 
 whereon the garrison soldiers that escaped, fleeing to the Roman camp, filled it 
 with a terrible report of the number, power, and strength of the enemy; Avhich 
 did cast such a damp upon the Avhole army, that not only the common soldiers, 
 but also the general officers, fell in their courage as to this expedition; so that 
 some of them, and especially Cassius, Crassus's questor (the same Avho Avas 
 afterward a chief actor in the murder of Julius Caesar, and Avas then, next the 
 general, the most considerable person in the army,) persuaded Crassus to stop a 
 while, and well consider the matter over again before he proceeded any farther 
 in it. • At the same time came to him Artabazes, or Artavasdes (for he is called 
 by both names,) king of Armenia, Avho had lately succeeded Tigranes his father 
 in that kingdom. He brought with him six thousand horse, which Avere only 
 
 1 nion Casjiiiip. lib. 40. Plutarch, in TraFsn. Appian. in Parthicis. 
 
 2 Conrernine this goddess, see above, part 2, book 4, under tlie year 163, 
 
 3 Dion Cassius, libi 40. Plutarch. inCrasso. Appian. in Parthicis, 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 299 
 
 his life guard. Besides these, he told Crassus he had ten thousand cuirassiers 
 and thirty thousand foot ready for his service; but advised him by no means to 
 march his army through the plains of Mesopotamia, but to take his way through 
 Armenia into the Parthian dominions. His reasons for it were, that Armenia 
 being a rough mountainous country, the Parthian horse, of which their army 
 did mostly consist, would there be useless; and also there he could take care 
 that his army should be plentifully provided with all necessaries; both which 
 would be otherwise if he led his army through the plains of Mesopotamia; for 
 the Parthian horse Avould there have their thorough advantage against him, and 
 he would often in that country meet with sandy deserts, where he would be 
 distressed for want both of water and all other provisions for his army. This 
 "was the best advice that could be given him: but being condemned to sutler the 
 destruction which his sacrilegious robbing of God's temple at Jerusalem deserved, 
 he despised it all, telling Artabazes, that having left many valiant Romans to 
 garrison the towns which he had taken the last year in Mesopotamia, he was 
 necessitated to take that way, that they might not be deserted to the mercy of 
 the enemy; but that as to his auxiliaries, he accepted of them, and ordered him 
 speedily to bring them to him; and the prospect of so considerable a reinforce- 
 ment chiefly encouraged him, contrary to the advice of the wisest about him, 
 to proceed on this expedition; and therefore, without any farther delay, he pass- 
 ed the Euphrates at Zeugma, and again entered Mesopotamia with his army. 
 But Artabazes on his return, finding Orodes on his borders with a great army, 
 was forced to stay at home to defend his own country, and therefore could not 
 give Crassus the assistance which he had promised him. 
 
 On Crassus's being thus entered Mesopotamia,' Cassius advised him to put in 
 at some of his garrisoned towns, and there rest and refresh his army for a while, 
 till he should have gained certain intelligence of the number, strength and power 
 of the enemy, and in what place and posture they w^ere in; but, if he thought 
 not fit to make any such delay, that he should take his march to Seleucla down 
 along the banks of the Euphrates; for, by keeping close to that river, he would 
 avoid being surrounded by the Parthians; and by his ships upon it, he might be 
 constantly suppUed with provisions and all other necessaries which he should 
 be in want of. But while he was considering on this advice, and thinking to 
 follow it, there came to him a crafty Arabian, who beat him otF these and all 
 other measures, excepting those which tended to his ruin, whereinto at length 
 he effectually led him. He was the head of an Arabian tribe (such as the 
 Greeks called Phylarchs, and the present Arabs Sheks,) and having formerly 
 served under Pompey, was well known to many in the Roman army, and look- 
 ed on as their friend; and for this reason he was made choice of, and sent by 
 Surenas to act this part; and he did it so artfully and effectually, that the ruin 
 of Crassus and his army was chiefly owing hereto. He is by diflerent authors 
 called by diflerent names."^ But, whatever his name was, on his coming to 
 Crassus,' he persuaded him oft' from that wise and good advice which Cassius 
 had given him, telling him, that the Parthians durst not stand him; that he had 
 nothing else to do for the gaining of an absolute victory over them, but to march 
 against them and take it; and offered himself for a guide to conduct him the 
 most direct way to them; Avhich Crassus, beguiled by his fair words, and be- 
 witched by his flattery, accepted of: whereon he led him into the open plains 
 of Mesopotamia; and although Cassius and others suspected the treachery of 
 this man, and therefore pressed Crassus no longer to follow him, but to retreat 
 to the mountains, where he might best be able to baffle the power of the Par- 
 thian horse; and messengers then came to his camp from Artabazes, on pui-pose 
 to persuade him to the same thing; yet, being overpowered by the false and 
 lying pretences of this man, he still followed him, till at length the traitor, hav- 
 
 J riiitarcli. ill Cra^JBO. Appian. in Pnrlliiris. Dion C;i«piiis, lil). 40. 
 
 2 By Dion Cassius he is calloU Augaius or Abgarus, by I'lutarch Ariainnes, by Florus Muzeres, and Djr 
 Appian Acbarus. 
 
300 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ing led him into a sandy desert, where the Parthians might have the best advan- 
 tage to destroy him, rode off to Surenas to acquaint him of it; who, thereon 
 falling upon him, gave a terrible defeat to the whole Roman army, wherein 
 Publius Crassus, the general's son, and great numbers of other Romans, were 
 slain, and the rest forced to flee to Carrhae (the ancient Haran of the holy scrip- 
 tures,) nigh which the battle was fought, where they rested the day after: but, 
 the night following, Crassus, endeavouring to escape, committed himself to the 
 guidance of one Andromachus, another traitor, who having led him into the 
 midst of bogs and morasses, he was there overtaken by Surenas, and slain; and 
 many other noble Romans there underwent the same fate with him. Cassius at 
 first accompanied Crassus in his retreat; but, soon finding reason to suspect that 
 Andromachus conducted him with as much treachery as his last Arabian guide, 
 returned again to Carrhas, and from thence, with five hundred horse, made his 
 way back into Syria, by a valiant and well conducted retreat. This defeat was 
 the greatest blow which the Romans had at any time received since the battle 
 of Cannse, having lost in it twenty thousand men slain,' and ten thousand taken 
 prisoners; the rest making their escape by several ways into Armenia, Cilicia, 
 and Syria, after that again gathered together, and formed an army, under Cas- 
 sius, in Syria, ^ whereby he was enabled to preserve that province from falling 
 into the hands of the enemy. Crassus made a great number of false steps in 
 the whole conduct of this war: and although he was often warned and told of 
 them, yet, being deaf to all good advice, he obstinately followed his own delu- 
 sions, till he perished in them: for being, for his impious sacrilege at Jerusalem, 
 justly destined to destruction, God did cast infatuations into all his counsels, for 
 the leading him thereto. Orodes was at this time in Armenia,^ having there 
 made peace with Artabazes. For Artabazes, on the return of the messengers 
 which he last sent to the Roman camp, finding, by the account which they 
 brought him of the measures which Crassus took in that war, that he must ne- 
 cessarily be undone, compounded all matters with Orodes; and, on giving one 
 of his sisters in marriage to Pancorus, the son of Orodes, restored himself to full 
 amity with him by this alliance. And while they were sitting together at the 
 nuptial feast, in came a messenger, who presented Orodes with the head and 
 hand of Crassus, which Surenas had caused to be cut off, and sent to him. This 
 much increased the joy and mirth of the feast. And it is said, that melted gold 
 was then poured in the mouth of the decollated head, by way of mockage,'* as 
 if they would this way satiate his great and greedy thirst after it. However, 
 "Surenas did not long rejoice in this victory; for Orodes, envying him the glory 
 of it, and also growing jealous of the great augmentation which accrued here- 
 from to his power and interest, soon after caused him to be put to death.^ This 
 Surenas was a very extraordinary person;^ though he was but thirty years old, 
 yet he was of consummate wisdom and discretion, in valour and prowess he 
 •exceeded all of his time, and as to his person, no one was of a larger size, or 
 better shaped; and for wealth, power, and authority, he was much above all 
 others, next the king, the first man in the kingdom. The honour of crowning 
 the king belonged to him by his birth, it having been long in his family, and by 
 right of inheritance descended to him. Whenever he travelled from place to 
 place, he always had a thousand camels to carry his baggage, two hundred 
 chariots for the service of his wives and concubines, and a thousand completely 
 armed horsemen for his life-guard, with a great many more light armed, besides 
 his retinue of servants, which amounted to ten thousand more. However, all 
 this could not secure him; for, still having a tyrant above him, he lost his hfe 
 by his command, in the manner as I have mentioned. 
 
 ^n. 52. Hyrcamis II. 12.]— The Parthians, thinking to find Syria, after the 
 late defeat of the Roman army, void of defence, made an invasion upon that 
 ■country.* But Cassius on his escape thither, having gotton together the army 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Crasso. 2 Dion Cassius. lib. 40. Orosius, lib. G. c. 13. 3 Plutarch, in Crasao. 
 
 4 Dion Caswus, hb. 10. L. Florus, lib. 3, c. 11. .5 Plutarch, in Crasso. 6 Dion Cassius, lib. 4S. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 301 
 
 I have mentioned, gave them such a warm reception, that they were forced to 
 repass the Euphrates with baffle and disappointment. They came now but with 
 a small army, expecting no opposition; but when they found that they had to 
 deal with another sort of man than Crassus, and that he had greater strength 
 about him than they could stand before, they retreated again into their own ter- 
 ritories, to fetch more forces for a second invasion. In the interim, Cassiua 
 went to Tyre;' and, having settled all matters on that side of the province, 
 marched into the country of the Jews, and there besieged Tarichtea, a city on 
 the southern shore of the lake of Gennesareth, where Pitholaus had shut him- 
 self up with the remainder of Aristobulus's faction, to which he had lately re- 
 volted. Cassius, having taken the place, carried all into slavery whom he took 
 therein; only Pitholaus he put to death, by the advice of Antipater, as the like- 
 liest way to quel the faction which he then headed. After this, having forced 
 Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to terms of peace, he marched to the Eu- 
 phrates to oppose the Parthians, who Avere preparing to make another invasion 
 into Syria. 
 
 An. 51. Hyrcanus II. 13.] — M. Calpurnius Bibulus had Syria,^ and M. Tul- 
 lius Cicero Cilicia,' assigned them by the Romans for their consular provinces. 
 This Bibulus was" the same who had been consul with Juhus Cfesar. Cicero 
 soon went to his charge; but Bibulus making delays, Cassius still continued to 
 govern Syria; and it was well for the Roman interest in that province that he 
 did so, the affairs of it then needing an abler man than Bibulus to manage them: 
 for, as soon as the spring grew up, Pacorus,'' the son of Orodes, king of Parthia, 
 passed the Euphrates with a great army, and invaded Syria. Pacorus, being 
 then very young, had only the name of general; Osaces, an old and experienced 
 commander, who was sent with him, had tf uly the direction and government of 
 the Avhole war. On his entrance into Syria," he marched on to Antioch, and 
 laid siege to the place, shutting up Cassius, with all his forces, in it. Cicero,® 
 who was now in his province, receiving intelligence hereof from Antiochus, 
 king of Commagena, gathered together all the forces he could, and marched to 
 the eastern borders of his province, lying next Armenia, that, being there, he 
 might not only keep the Armenians from invading Cappadocia, but also be nigh 
 at hand to assist Cassius, in case of need. And, at the same time, he sent other 
 forces toward the mountain Amanus, for the same purpose; who,® falling on a 
 great party of Parthian horse, which had that way entered Cilicia, cut them all 
 off to a man. An account hereof,^ and of Cicero's approach, coming to Anti- 
 och, much encouraged Cassius and his men in the defence of the place, and so 
 discouraged and intimidated the Parthians,^ that, despairing of carrying the place, 
 they raised the siege, and, marching to Antigonia, another Syrian city in the 
 neighbourhood, sat down before it. But having there as little success as at An- 
 tioch, by reason of their vitter unskilfulness of managing such sieges, were forced 
 in like manner to rise from before it, and march off. Whereon Cassius,^ laying 
 an ambush in their way, and having drawn them into it, gave them a thorough 
 defeat, slaying great numbers of their men, and Osaces, their general, among 
 them. Hereon the Parthian army repassed the Euphrates; but, toward the end 
 of the summer, they returned again, "^ and wintered in Cyrrhestica, a northern 
 district of the province of Syria. In the interim, Bibulus being come into his 
 province, Cassius delivered to him the government, and returned to Rome. 
 
 Cicero, on his hearing of the departure of the Parthians from Antioch," turned 
 his forces against the inhabitants of Mount Amanus, who, lying between Syria 
 
 I Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. C. 12. et tie Bello .Tudnico, lib. 1. c. 6. 2 Dion Cassius, lib. 40. 
 
 3 Plutarch, in Cicecone. Cicero ad Familiares, lib. 3. ep. 2. 
 
 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 40. Cicero ad Familiares, lib. 15. ep. 1 — 4. et ad Atticum, lib. 5. ep. 18. 
 
 5 Dion Cassius, ibid. 6 Cicoro ad Familiares, lib. 1.5. ep. 1—4. 
 7 Ibid. lib. 2. ep. 10. ad Atticum, lib. .5. ep. 20, 21. 8 Dion Cassius, lib. 40. Cicero, ibid. 
 
 9 Dion Cassius, lib. 40. CiciTO ad Familiares, lib. 2. ep. 10. ad .\ttiium, lib. 5. ep. 20, 21. Velleius Paler- 
 culus, lib. 2. c. 46. Epitome Livii, lib. 108. Se.xtus Rufus in Breviario. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 13. Eutropius, 
 lib. 6. Cicero in Philippica undecima. 10 Cicero ad Atticum, lib. 5. ep. 21. et lib. 6. ep. 1. 
 
 II Plutarchus in Cicerone. Cicero ad Familiares, lib. 15. ep. 4. et lib. 2. ep. 10, et ad Atticum, lib, 5. ep. 30. 
 
302 CONNEXIOxV OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 and Cilicia (for that mountain is the common boundary of both,) submitted to 
 the o-overnors of neither of these provinces, but lived in a state of war with 
 both, makin" continual inroads and depradations upon those countries. These 
 Gicero totally subdued, taking all their castles, and destroying all their strong 
 holds. After this he fell upon another barbarous and savage sort of people in 
 those parts,' who call themselves the Eleuihero Cilices, i. e. the Free Cilicians, 
 pretending never to have yielded subjection to any of the kings that bore rule 
 over those countries; and, having taken all their cities, utterly subdued them, 
 and brought them under order, to the great comfort and satisfaction of all their 
 neighbours, to whom they were a constant plague. Hereon Cicero was saluted 
 imperator by his wliole army, which was a title usually given by the Roman 
 soldiers to their general after some signal victory; and, on his return from this 
 war, he was received with the general joy and acclamation of all his provincials, "■' 
 for his good success therein, and the benefit which they received from it. And 
 for this he had, on his coming back to Eome,^ the honour of a triumph offered 
 to him. But the civil wars between Ccesar and Pompey being then ready to 
 break out, he waived it for that reason, as not thinking any public solemnity of 
 rejoicing proper, when the public state of his country was just falling under so 
 great a calamity. 
 
 This same year died Ptolemy Auletes,^ king of Egypt. He left behind him 
 two sons and two daughters.* By his will he bequeathed his crown to the eld- 
 est of his sons,*"' and the eldest of his daughters, ordering them to be joined to 
 each other in marriage, according to the usage of their family, and both, jointly 
 together, to govern the Egyptian kingdom. And because they were both at 
 that time very young (Cleopatra the eldest of them being but seventeen,) he 
 committed them to the tuition of the Roman state. This was the Cleopatra 
 who was afterward so infamous for her lascivious amours, especially with Mark 
 Antony the Roman triumvir. 
 
 Jill. 00. HijrcanuH II. 14.] — Bibulus being now in his province, had thither 
 brought him from Alexandria the ill news of the death of two of his sons/ 
 young men of great hopes, who were there slain by the Roman horsemen, 
 whom Gabinius left in that city for a guard to Ptolemy Auletes, on his restoring 
 him to his kingdom. Cleopatra, Avho then governed Egypt with her brother, 
 sent the murderers to Bibulus, that he might revenge this fact in such manner 
 as he should think fit. But he sent them back with this message, that the re- 
 venging of this wrong belonged not to him, but to the senate of Rome. 
 
 And while he was under this grief, he had another trouble brought upon him 
 by the Parthians, who made another invasion upon Syria. For they having 
 wintered in Cj'^rrhestica,'* on this side the Euphrates, as soon as the season was 
 proper again took the field; and marching to Antioch, besieged that city a se- 
 cond time, with Bibulus and all his forces in it. Bibulus bore the siege without 
 making as much as one sally for the driving of the enemy thence. But what 
 he durst not attempt by force, he effected by craft: for having," by his agents, 
 encouraged Ordonopantes, a noble Parthian, who had been much disgusted by 
 Orodes, to raise a rebellion against him, this army was called back to suppress 
 it; whereby Bibulus and the whole province of Syria were delivered from a war 
 which very much distressed them. At the end of the year, the time of his go- 
 vernment expiring, he returned to Rome,'" and arrived there when the war be- 
 tween Caisar and Pompey was just breaking out: in which war joining with 
 Pompey," he became his chief admiral, and died of sickness in that ofhce on 
 board the fleet which he commanded for him. 
 
 1 Pliit.nrclviRin Cicerone. Cicero ad Fainiliares, lib. 2. ep. 10. et lib. 15. ep. 4. ct ail Atticiim, lib. 5. ep. 20 
 
 2 Uccro iul Atticiiiii, lib. 5. ep. 21. ;i Plutarch, in Cicerone. 
 
 4 PtdlerniEiis Astrdiiorniis, in Canoiie. Cicero ail Fainiliare.«, lib. 8. pp. 4. 
 
 5 Ca!sari.s Coinniiiil. ilc |!,ll„ Civili.lib. ;». C Cirsaris, ib. Dion Cassins, lib. 42. 
 
 7 Valerius Maxinius, lil,. .|. c. I. Ctesaris Comment, de Bcllo Civili, lib. •.?. Seneca ad Marcinm. 
 H Cicero ad I'aiiiiliarcs, HI). ;>. cp. 17. et lib. I'J. ep. I'J. et ad Atticum.lib. ti. ep. 8. et lib. 7. ep. 2. 
 .1 Oioii Ca.ssins, 1,1,. 411. 10 Cicero ad Atticum, lib. 7. eii. 3. 
 
 11 tJBBaris Comment. <le Belle Civili, lib. 8. 
 
The: old and new testament. 303 
 
 For the difierences between C.Tsar and Pompcy arising to that height, that 
 they could no otherwise be decided but by the sword,' Ciesar, in the beginnino- 
 of our December, passed the Rubicon; and thereby began tliat war between 
 them which brought destruction upon them both, and at length ended in the 
 total subversion of the Roman rebublic. On this march of Caesar's, Pompey, 
 with all his party, left Rome, and hasted to Brundusium, thence to pass over 
 into Epirus, and C^^jsar pursued him to that port. But althouo-h he arrived 
 thither on the twenty-sixth of December, seven days before Pompey's departure 
 thence, yet he could not hinder his passage. 
 
 ^'in. 49. Hyrcanus II. 15.] — For on the third of January following,^ he sailed 
 out of the port of Brundusium, and landed with all the forces he had about him 
 on the other side of the Adriatic, in the country where he intended, and there 
 did set himself to gather together such an army, as might enable him to stand 
 the enemy, for which Ctesar allowed him a whole year's time. For as soon as 
 Pompey was gone from Brundusium, he returned back from thence, and in sixty 
 days' time, having reduced all Italy under him, came to Rome. On his arrival 
 thither, having comforted the people with fair words and promises of doing all 
 things for the advantage of them and the republic,^ he released out of prison 
 Aristobulus, king of Judea, and sent him with two legions into his own country 
 to promote his interest there, and in the neighbouring parts of Syria, Phoenicia, 
 and Arabia; but those of Pompey's party found means to give him poison in 
 his way, whereof he died. And whereas Alexander,'' the son of Aristobulus, 
 had, on the expectation of his father's return, raised forces to join him on his 
 arrival, Pompey sent orders to Scipio to put him to death; and therefore, hav- 
 ing caused him to be taken and brought to Antioch, there condemned him in a 
 formal trial, and cut off his head. This Scipio, was Q. Metellus Scipio,* who had 
 been consul with Pompey three years before, and then married him to Cor- 
 nelia, his daughter, she being at that time a widow on the death of Publius 
 Crassus her former husband, who was slain with his father in the Parthian war. 
 On Bibulus's return, he was appointed president of Syria,** and, on Pompey's 
 leaving Rome, was hastened thither with Cneius, the eldest of Pompey's sons, 
 to secure that province to him, and all their shipping for the augmenting of his 
 fleet. And to oppose him herein was it that Ca-sar released Aristobulus, and 
 sent him into Judea. And had he arrived there with the forces assigned him, 
 he would no doubt have fully answered the end for which he was ordered 
 thither, and very much embarrassed, if not wholly baiiled, all Pom])ey's de- 
 signs in those parts. 
 
 From Rome Cnesar passed into Spain.' For that province being in Pompey's 
 hands, with several forces there attached to his interest, Caesar thought not fit 
 to leave such a country behind him in the power of his enemy, and therefore 
 marched through Gallia thither; and having subdued Afranius, Petreius, and 
 Varro, Pompey's lieutenants in that country, and settled the whole province in 
 his interest, he returned again to Rome about the time of the autumnal equinox. 
 On his arrival thither, he was declared dictator; but after eleven days again 
 laying down that office, he and Servilius Isauricus were elected consuls for the 
 ensuing year. And immediately after^ he hastened away to Brundusium, there 
 ■0 pass the Adriatic into Greece against Pompey. And having, in order hereto, 
 directed all his forces to rendezvous at that city, he sailed over from thence 
 with seven of his legions, and having safely landed them at a port near the 
 promontory of Ceraunlum, he sent back Calenus, one of his lieutenants, with 
 his fleet, to bring over the rest which he left behind; but several months passed 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Ca'saro, Pnmpnio, Cntnnn. Cjcerono, pt Antonio. Ccesaris Commrnt. dc Bcllo Civili, lib. 1. 
 Dion Cassins. lih. 41. Appiaii. rie t?ellj.s Civilihtis. lib. -l. 
 i Plutarch. Caesar, et Apjiian. de Bcllis Civilibiis, lih. 2. L. Floriis, lib. 4. c. 2. Siicton. in Julio CiEsar. 
 3 Dion Cassins, lih. 41. Jo.sopli Antiq. lih. 14. c. 13. et de Rello Judaico, lib. ). c. 7. 4 Jo.snph. Antiq. ibid. 
 
 5 PIntaicli. in Pompeio. Dion Cassin?;, lib. 4n. 41. C;Bsaiis Comment, de Bello Civili, lib. ^^. 
 
 6 Caesaris Comment, de Rello Civili. lib. 1. Pintarch. In Pompeio. Cireroail Atliecim, lih. U. ep. I. 
 
 7 Plutarch, in Cicsare. Ca?s;iris Ccimment. de Bello Civili, lib. 1, 2. Dion Cassiu.s, lib. 4. 1. 
 
 8 Cssaris Comment, de Bcllo Civili, lib. 3. Plutarcli. in Cajsare et Antonio. Dion Cassius. lib. 41. 
 
30 i CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 before Antony, who had the command of them, found an opportunity to gain a 
 safe passage for them over that sea, by reason of Pompey's fleet, which had 
 beset all those coasts to intercept them. 
 
 It being about the end of October, that Caesar landed his seven legions on the 
 Grecian side of the Adriatic, there to prosecute the war against Pompey, almost 
 a whole year had passed since he last marched back from Brundusium, for the 
 reducing of Italy and Spain. And therefore Pompey, having all this time to 
 furnish himself with forces for this war, had now gotten together a very nume- 
 rous army out of Grecia,' Asia, and all the eastern countries, and also as potent 
 a fleet to support his interest at sea. But the season being winter, it would per- 
 mit neither of the fleets to be abroad at sea, nor the armies to take the field at 
 land; so that both sides lay still in their winter-quarters. 
 
 An. 48. Hyrcanus II. 16.] — But when the spring came on, both sides prepared 
 for action,^ and Caesar having now gotten the rest of his forces over to him, each 
 army took the field, and encamped against each other near Dyrrachium, now 
 called Durazzo. In several skirmishes Caesar had the better; but at length in one 
 of them he received so great a defeat, that he acknowledged he must then have 
 been utterly undone had Pompey seen his advantage and pursued it. This 
 having made him pass the ensuing night without sleep, by reason of the trouble 
 of his mind for what had happened, he spent it wholly in considering the ill 
 state of his aflairs, and, by revolving it over in his thoughts, came to see that he 
 had been guilty of a great error in carrying on this war against Pompey on the 
 sea side,^ where the enemy had a great fleet absolutely to command those seas, 
 and he none at all. For hereby Pompey's army was constantly suppUed with 
 all necessaries, and Caesar's on the other side as much distressed for want of 
 them; and therefore, condemning himself for this conduct, he resolved immedi- 
 ately to alter it, and accordingly decamped the next day, and marched toward 
 Thessaly, where was plenty of all things, purposing thereby to draw Pompey 
 after him to a battle, or else to fall on Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, who was 
 then in Macedonia. I have mentioned above how he was sent from Rome, be- 
 fore Pompey receded from thence, to be provincial governor of Syria. On his 
 arrival thither, he grievously pillaged and oppressed that country, with all man- 
 ner of exactions, to raise money for the carrying on of this war in the behalf of 
 his son-in-law, for whose cause, of all others, he expressed the greatest zeal; 
 whereby, having set on foot an army at land, and equipped a great fleet at sea, 
 he marched Avith the army toward Greece, there to join Pompey, and commit- 
 ted the fleet to the charge of Cneius, Pompey's eldest son; who, taking in fifty 
 other auxiliary ships from Egypt, sailed with them to the Adriatic, and there 
 ioined the rest of his father's fleet. Scipio, in his march, having led his forces 
 through the Lesser Asia, and augmented them in his way, wdth as many others 
 as he could pick up in those countries, had passed the Hellespont with them, and 
 was at this time come as far as Macedonia, in order to join Pompey for the 
 strengthening him in this war: and there Caesar purposed to fall upon him, if 
 Pompey should not march after him to prevent it. Pompey and those wdth him 
 not being at all aware of the true reasons which put Caesar on this march, took 
 it to have been the consequence of his defeat the day before, as if, after that, he 
 durst not stay there any longer; and therefore marched after him, as in pursuit 
 of one that fled. And Caesar having taken his rout through Epirus and Acarna- 
 nia, in a way which was somewhat about, Pompey, the sooner to come up with 
 him, took the shortest cut through Macedonia. In this march Scipio joined Pom- 
 pey, and Domitius Calvinus joined Caisar, with their armies, and both at length 
 met in the plains of Pharsalia in Thessaly, where it came to a decisive battle 
 between them. Caesar's army consisted of twenty-two thousand foot,* and a 
 
 1 Cffisaris Comment, de Bello Civili, lib. 3. Appian. do Bellis Civilibus, lib. 2. Dion Cassius, lib. 4). 
 
 2 Plutarch, in Cicsare, Pompeio, Catone, et Antonio. Ca;saris Comment, de Bello Civili, lib. 3. Appian. 
 de Belhs Civilibus, lib. 2. Dion Cassius, lib. 41. 
 
 3 Cxsaris Comment, de Bello Civili, lib. 3. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in Cesare. Cssaris Comment, de Bello Civili, lib. 3. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 305 
 
 thousand horse; but Pompey's was above twice as many; for he had forty-five 
 thousand foot, and five thousand horse: but they being most of them raw and 
 inexperienced men, gotten together out of the effeminated nations of Lesser 
 Asia and the East, they could not stand before Csesar's veterans; and therefore, 
 notwithstanding the great superiority of their number, they were soon vanquished 
 and broken,' fifteen thousand being slain, tw^enty-four thousand made prisoners 
 of war, their camp taken, and all the rest dissipated and driven to flee for their 
 lives. Pompey,- when he found his camp lost, as well as the battle, fled in dis- 
 guise, and, having gotten to the next seaport on the Thessalian shore, passed 
 over to Mitylene, in the island of Lesbus, where he had, some time before, sent 
 Cornelia his wife, with Sextus his younger son; and, having there taken them 
 on board his ship, sailed down the Archipelago, and put in at Attalia in Pamphy- 
 lia. As soon as it was known that he was in that port, there came to him some 
 ships from Cilicia, and about two thousand soldiers, and w4th them sixty Roman 
 senators, who had escaped the late battle. Hearing, while here, that his fleet 
 was still safe, and that Cato, having gathered together the remains of his broken 
 army, had put them on board his ships, and sailed wdth them for Africa, he re- 
 flected with much grief on the great error he had committed in being drawn 
 from the sea shore to fight Caesar in the inland country: for, had he continued 
 still near his fleet, he might, on failing at land, either have reinforced his army 
 from sea, or else have shipped it off into some other part of the Roman empire, 
 and there have anew tried his fortune. But, it being now too late to remedy 
 this false step, it only remained to be considered what next was to be done in 
 the present case. His first resolution was to land in Syria,^ and seize that pro- 
 vince, and he hoped there to have, for his better support, the friendship of 
 Orodes, king of Parthia, to whom he had sent Lucius Hirtius to pray his assis- 
 tance, or at least a safe retreat into his kingdom in case of need. But Orodes,* 
 on hearing of Pompey's misfortune, not only denied him assistance, but clapped 
 his ambassador in chains. When Pompey first passed over from Brundusium 
 into Epirus, there to raise an army against Cssar,* he had solicited, among 
 others, Orodes, for his aid in this war. Orodes promised what he desired, but 
 demanded Syria for his reward; and that not being granted him, he took this de- 
 nial for a pretence, not only to deny Pompey his request, but also to imprison 
 the ambassador by whom he made it. But the true meaning of it was, he had 
 no mind to embark in a lost cause, and therefore took this method to renounce 
 it. And upon this same principle, and at the same time,® the people of Antioch, 
 in conjunction with the Romans then in that city, seized the castle of Antioch, 
 in order to exclude him thence, and forbade all of his party to approach that 
 place, on pain of death. Pompey on his arrival at Cyprus, in his way to Syria, 
 hearing of both these particulars, steered his course toward Egypt, not then 
 knowing where else to go. He had been a great friend to Auletes, the father 
 of the present king, and by his procurement chiefly it was, that when expelled 
 his kingdom, he was again restored to it; and therefore, he expected to have been 
 received and assisted with equal kindness by his son. On his arrival in Egypt,^ 
 he found Ptolemy with an army on the sea shore between Pelusium and Mount 
 Casius, and Cleopatra, his sister, with another army not far from him. For he 
 having deprived her of that share in the government which Avas lefl; her by Au- 
 letes's will, and driven her out of the kingdom, she had raised an army in Syria 
 and Palestine for the obtaining of her restoration, and was now at war with her 
 brother about it. Pompey, on his drawing near to land, sent messengers to 
 Ptolemy to pray his protection and aid in his present distress. Ptolemy, being 
 then a minor, was under the tuition of Pothinus, the eunuch that bred him up, 
 
 1 This is Caesar's own arcoiint, in his Commentaries of the Civil War, book 3, but Phitarch and Appiaii 
 rf>ckon the number of the slain to be no more than six thousand, and quote for it Asinius Polho, a Roman 
 historian, contemporary with Ca!sar. :,„,,„. •,• ,u o 
 
 '2 Plutarch, in Pompeio. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. Cffisaris Comment, de Bello Civili, I'D- 3. 
 3 Caesaris Comment, ibid. 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 42. 5 Ibid. lib. 41 
 
 C Caesaris Comment, de Bello Civili, lib. 3. _ . „ ' . ^ t. .. at -i- hi. o 
 
 7 Plutarch, in Pompeio et Bruto. Appian.deBellisCivilibus.lib.S. Caesaris Comment.de Bello Civili, Mb. 3. 
 
 Vol. IL— 39 
 
305 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 and Achillas, the o-eneral of his army. These two taking Theodotus, a rhetori- 
 cian who was the king's preceptor, and some others into consult with him, ad- 
 vised too-ether what answer to return. Some were for receiving him, and others 
 for rejecting him; but Theodotus was for neither, but, in a pressing rhetorical 
 speech, set forth to them, that the onl}^ safe course they had to take was to des- 
 patch him. For he argued,' should they receive him, Cissar would be revenged 
 on them for their abetting his enemy; and should they refuse to receive him,, 
 and he elsewhere gather strength, and again recover his power, he then would 
 be revenged on them for this refusal: that therefore, the only way to secure them, 
 from both was to cut him off; for this would make Csesar their friend, and pre- 
 vent the other from doing them any hurt as an enemy: for, said he, in the words 
 of the proverb. Dead men do not bite. This way of reasoning having drawn all 
 the rest to his opinion, they all resolved on it, as the safest course they could 
 take; and Achillas, with Septimias, a Roman commander, then in the service 
 of the king of Egypt, and some others, were sent to execute it; who, having 
 in a small boat brought Pompey from his ship, on pretence of conducting him 
 to Ptolem^y, as soon as they came nigh the shore, fell upon him and slew him; 
 and having cut off his head, cast his dead carcass upon the strand, where he had 
 no other funeral but what Philip, an enfranchised bondman of his, and a poor 
 old Roman, who came thither by accident, could give him, by making him a 
 funeral pile of the broken pieces of an old boat that lay wrecked on the shore. 
 And thus ended the life of this great man in the fifty-ninth year of his age. No 
 man had enjoyed greater prosperity, till he profaned the temple of God at Jeru- 
 salem: after that his misfortunes were in a continual decline, till at length, to 
 expiate for that impiety, he was thus vilely murdered in the confines of that 
 country where he had committed it. This vras done in the sight of his wife and 
 his son, and the rest that accompanied him; whereon they made off to sea, with 
 all the haste they were able. Cornelia and Sextus escaped first to Tyre, and 
 then to Cyprus, and from thence into Africa: but most of the other ships were 
 taken by the Egyptian galleys that pursued after them, and all that were found 
 on board them were cruelly put to the sword; amongst whom was Lucius Len- 
 tulus, the former year's consul, -who was the chief author of the war, by obsti- 
 nately rejecting all the proposals that were made by Caesar for peace. 
 
 In the mean time,^ Cfesar, pursuing Pompey the same way in which he fled, 
 sailed into Egypt after him, and came to Alexandria, just as the news arrived 
 thither of his death; and, soon after, on his entering the place, he was presented 
 with his head; at the sight of which he wept and turned away his face with 
 abhorrence, as from an ungrateful spectacle, and ordered it to be buried in a 
 proper place with all honourable solemnities. Csesar, for the greater expedition, 
 made this pursuit with very few forces: for, on his coming to Alexandria, he 
 had no more with him than eight hundred horse and three thousand two hun- 
 dred foot:' the rest of his army he left behind in Greece and the Lesser Asia, 
 under the conduct of his lieutenants, for the prosecuting the advantages of his 
 late victory, and the securing of his interest in those parts. And therefore, 
 confiding on his good fortune, and the fame of his great success at Pharsalia, 
 he landed at Alexandria with these only, which had like to have proved his 
 ruin: for these not being sufficient to defend him from the mob and mutinies of 
 that turbulent city, he very narrowly escaped perishing by them. For the 
 Etesian winds then blowing from the north,'' which continue in those parts 
 
 1 Brutus, afterward meetinp; this Thpodotiis in Asia, caused him to be put to death for this. See Plu- 
 tarch in the life of Brutus, and in the life of Pomppy. 
 
 2 Caesaris Comment, de Belln Civili, lib. 3. Plutarch, in Casare. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. 3 Hjid. 
 
 4 By Etesian winds, are meant such as blow at stated times of the year, from what point of the compass 
 ioever they come For th'^y are eo called from the Greek word it-,;, i. e. a year, and originally denote yearly 
 or anniversary winds, such as our seamen call monsoons and trade winds, which, in certain parts "of the 
 world, come and continue constantly blowing the same way for certain slated seasons of the year. Thus 
 Mie north winds, which, durins the doR-days. constantly blow upon the roasts of Egypt that lie upon the 
 Mediterranean, and thereby hinder all ships from sailing out of Alexandria for that season, are called Etesia 
 in Cisar sCommentanes. And eo, in other authors, the west wind, and also other winds are called Etesiaj, 
 or Etesian, where they come at certain times, and continue blowing for certain seasons of the year. De hac 
 re ndeas Balmasii Exercitaliones PlinJanas In Solinum, p. 421 &c. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 307 
 
 during all the dog-days (in the beginning of which Ccesar entered that port,) 
 these hinder all ships from sailing out of Alexandria as long as these winds last;' 
 and therefore did put a necessity upon him of tarrying there during all that sea- 
 son. In this vacant time he employed himself in calling in the debt owed him 
 by Auletes,' and in hearing and determming the controversy between Ptolemy 
 and Cleopatra, his sister. I have mentioned above how Auletes, when Caesar 
 was first consul, engaged him, by a bribe of six thousand talents, to get him to 
 be confirmed in his kingdom by the Romans, and enrolled among the friends 
 and allies of that powerful state: part only of this sum was then paid, for the 
 rest he bound himself, in the obligation of a debtor, afterward to discharge it. 
 This debt now Ceesar called for, as needing it to pay his soldiers, and exacted it 
 with rigour;- and Pothinus, who was Ptolemy's chief minister, by several arti- 
 fices, made this rigour appear to the people much greater than it was. For he 
 bared their temples of their silver and gold utensils, and made the king, and all 
 the great officers of the court, as well as himself, to eat and drink only in earthen 
 and wooden vessels, pretending that Caesar had taken away all their silver and 
 gold, that by so giving out he might the more excite the people against him. 
 But that which most exasperated them, and at length drove them into a war 
 against him, was the second article mentioned,^ his calling Ptolemy and Cleo- 
 patra before him to be judged by him as to the controversy that was between 
 them: for he had sent out his peremptory order to each of them to dismiss their 
 armies, and bring; their cause to his hearinor for a final decision. This was looked 
 on as a violation of the majesty, and an invasion upon the sovereign authority, 
 of their king, who, being an independent prince, owned no superior, and there- 
 fore was not as a subject to be judged by any man. But to this Caesar answered, 
 that he did not take upon him to judge as a superior, but as an arbitrator ap- 
 pointed by the will of Auletes. For thereby he had put his children under the 
 tuition of the Roman state, and all the power of the Romans being now invested 
 in him as their dictator (to which office he had been appointed at Rome,'' as 
 soon as they there heard of the death of Pompey,) it belonged to him to arbi- 
 trate and determine this controversy, as guardian of those children by virtue of 
 that will; and that he claimed it no otherwise than to execute that will and set- 
 tle peace between the king and his sister, according to the purport of it. This 
 quieting all for the present, the cause was accordingly brought to Csesar's hear- 
 ing, and advocates were appointed on both sides to plead before him the matter 
 that was in contest between them. But Cleopatra,^ hearing that Caesar was 
 lasciviously given to the love of women (as indeed he was to great excess, 
 though he never suffijred it to hinder him in any business,) she laid a plot to 
 take hold of him by this handle, and thereby attach him first to her person, and 
 next to her cause. For she being a very wanton woman, made nothing of pros- 
 tituting herself to any one, either for her lust or her interest, according as she 
 was actuated by either of them. And therefore sending to Caesar, she com- 
 plained that her cause was betrayed by those that managed it for her; and there- 
 fore prayed that she might be permitted to come in person to him, and plead it 
 herself before him; which being granted her,*^ she came secretly into the port 
 of Alexandria in a small skiff, toward the dusk of the evening: and the better 
 to get to Caesar without being stopped or obstructed by her brother, or any of 
 his party, who then commanded the place, she caused herself to be tied up in 
 her bedding, and thus to be carried to Caesar's apartment on the back of one 
 of her servants; who having laid down his burden at Caesar's feet, and untied 
 it, up started the lady with the best airs she could put on. Cajsar was much 
 
 1 Cssaris Comment, de Bello Civili, lib. 3. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. 
 '2 Plutarch, in C«sare. Dion Cassius. lib. 42. Ornsius, lib. 6. c. J5. 
 
 3 Ca;saris Comment, de Bello Civili. lib. 3. Plutarch, in Casare. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. 
 
 4 For the Romans, on their hearing that the war was thus determined in favour of Ciesar making hasfe 
 to heap honours umm him, made him dictator for a year, pave him iribunitial power during lifff, and decreed 
 hiin many other powers, privileges, and honours. All which he immediately assumed, as soon as notihed to 
 him, notwithstanding his absence from Rome. „ „, ^ r^ 
 
 5 Dion Cassius, lib. 42. Ibid. Cssaris Comment, de Bello CiviU. Kb. 3. Plutarch, in Cssare. 
 
308 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 pleased with the ingenious contrivance of her thus coming to him, but much 
 more with the lady, with whose beauty being at first sight thoroughly smitten, 
 in the manner as projected, he lay with her that night, and thereby begot on 
 her a son, who afterward was, from his name, called Ceesarion. By this favour 
 thinkino" himself engaged to do all things for her interest,' the next morning he 
 sent for Ptolemy, and pressed him to receive his sister again upon her own 
 terms; by which Ptolemy finding that Caesar, from being a judge, was become 
 her advocate, and understanding also, that she was then in that part of the palace 
 where he lodged, he fell into a rage hereat, and springing out from him to the 
 people in the street, he tore his diadem from his head, and flinging it on the 
 ground, complained, Avith tears and bitter clamour, that he was betrayed, and 
 told his story in such a manner, as raised the whole city in an uproar, and 
 brought them upon Caesar in universal tumult, and with the fury which in such 
 cases is usual. The Roman soldiers who w^ere near him, seized Ptolemy, and 
 secured him wathin Cssar's power. But notwithstanding this, the rest of his 
 forces being then scattered all over the city in their quarters, as not suspecting 
 what had happened, and therefore not being at hand to help him, he must ne- 
 cessarily have been overborne and torn in pieces by the enraged multitude, but 
 that coming out to them in a safe place aloft, and from thence speaking to them, 
 and assuring them that all things should be done as they would have, he with 
 difficulty appeased them for that time. And accordingly the next day, having 
 called the people together in a general assembly, he brought out Ptolemy and 
 Cleopatra to them, and then causing their father's will publicly to be read, 
 wherein it was ordained, that his eldest son, and his eldest daughter, should, 
 according to the usage of their ancestors, be joined in marriage, and both jointly 
 reign together, under the guardianship of the Roman people, he decreed, by 
 virtue of that guardianship, Avhich was, he said, then vested in him as dictator, 
 that Ptolemy the present king, as being the eldest son, and Cleopatra as being 
 the eldest daughter, of the said Auletes, should, according to the tenor of the 
 said will, reign in Egypt; and Ptolemy, the younger son of the said Auletes, 
 and his other daughter, named Arsinoe, should reign in Cyprus. This last he 
 added by Avay of gift, the better to appease the people, that so he might escape 
 their fury, which he was then in great fear of. For this island had for some 
 time before been subjected to the Romans, as hath been above related. This 
 contented the whole assembly, and pleased all except Pothinus. For he having 
 been the cause of the breach between Cleopatra and her brother, and also of 
 her expulsion out of the kingdom, justly feared, that both his authority and his 
 life would be brought into danger by her return; and therefore did all he could 
 to hinder the execution of this decree: in order whereto he not only sowed new 
 discontents and new jealousies among the people,^ but also prevailed with Achil- 
 las to bring his army from Pelusium to Alexandria, for the driving of Caesar 
 thence. His arrival put all things there again in confusion. Achillas having 
 twenty thousand men with him, despised the paucity of Caesar's forces, and 
 thought immediately to have crushed him. But Caesar so well disposed these 
 forces which he had, by placing them to the best advantage, in the streets and 
 avenues in that quarter of the town which he had taken possession of, that he 
 easily sustained the assault; and therefore, on their failing of success here, they 
 carried their war to the port, projecting to seize the fleet there at anchor, and 
 therewith to shut up Cajsar by sea, and exclude him from having either suc- 
 cours or provisions brought him that way. But Caesar prevailing there also, 
 ordered all that fleet to be set on fire, and at the same time seized the tower of 
 Pharus, and placed a garrison in it. 
 
 By these means he fully secured his communication with the sea, without 
 which he must have been soon ruined. Some of the ships, when on fire, driving 
 to the shore, communicated their flames to the adjoining houses; which, spread- 
 
 1 Dion Cassias, lib. 42. 
 
 2 Dion Casgius, lib. 42. Cesaris Comment, de Bello Civili, lib. 3. Pluiarch. in Osesare. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 309 
 
 ing into that quarter of the city called Bruchium, consumed the noble library 
 that was there laid up, which had been the collection of several ages, and then 
 contained four hundred thousand volumes, whereof a full account hath aheady 
 been given. 
 
 Csesar, finding a dangerous war thus begun upon him, sent for succours' to all 
 the adjacent parts, from which he could soonest have them; and, in an especial 
 manner, wrote to Domitius Calvinus, his lieutenant in the I'roper Asia, of the 
 great danger he was in; who forthwith sent him two legions, the one by sea, 
 and the other by land. That which was sent by sea arrived in time; but the 
 other, which marched by land, never came into Egypt, the war being over be- 
 fore they could reach it. But none did him better service than Mithridates, the 
 Pergamenian.^ For, being sent by him into Syria and Cilicia, he brought him 
 those forces from thence, which extricated him from all his danger, in the man- 
 ner as will be by-and-by related. 
 
 Ccesar, in the interim,' that he might not be forced to fight the numerous 
 forces of the enemy, till his succours should arrive, otherwise than when he 
 should see cause so to do, fortified that quarter of the city where he lay with 
 walls, towers, and other works, including within them the palace, a theatre lying 
 next the palace (which he made use of as a castle,) and a passage to the har- 
 bour. While these things M^ere doing, the king being still detained in Caesar's 
 quarters,'' Ponthinus, while he was there attending on him as his governor and 
 chief minister, carried on a correspondence with Achillas, and, by letters se- 
 cretly conveyed to him, gave him intelligence of all things from thence, and 
 encouraged him vigorously to push on the war; some of which letters being in- 
 tercepted, and the treason thereby discovered, Caesar caused him to be put to 
 death for it. Hereon Ganymede,^ another eunuch of the palace, Avho had the 
 bringing up of Arsinoe, the king's younger sister, fearing the same punishment, 
 as having been in the same interest, and the same designs Avith him, secretly 
 conveyed the young princess out of Caesar's quarters, and fled with her to the 
 army, who wanting one of the royal family to head them, gladly received her, 
 and made her queen. But Ganymede, outwitting Achillas, ** caused an accusa- 
 tion to be formed against him, as if he had betrayed to Cajsar the fleet, which 
 he burned in the harbour, and having thereby procured that he was put to 
 death, succeeded him in the chief command of the army; and thenceforth also 
 took on him the prime administration of all the other affairs of that party, for 
 which he was thoroughly qualified. For he was a very crafty discerning 
 person, and found out many subtle devices for the distressing of Caesar during 
 the remainder of the war. By one of which, ^ having spoiled all the fresh water 
 in his quarters, he had very nigh undone him by it. For the Alexandrians, 
 having no other fresh water for their common use but that of the Nile,"^ as at 
 present, so then, had all the city vaulted underneath their houses for the recep- 
 tion and keeping of it. Once a year, when the Nile was at the highest, it flowed 
 through the artificial canal, which was drawn from that river to the city; and 
 there running into those vaults through a sluice made for that purpose, from 
 thence filled them all, they being all built without any partitions, in a general 
 communication from one to another, under the said houses; and there it served 
 for the common use of the inhabitants all the year after, every man having an 
 open hole or well in his house, through which letting down into those vaults 
 either buckets or pitchers, he drew up what water he needed. Ganymede, 
 having stopped up all the communications which those vaults in Caesar's quar- 
 
 1 Ciesaris Comment, ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. Plutarch, in Caesare. Hirtius de Bello Alexandrine, 
 
 2 Hirtius, ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 14. 
 ;{ CfEsaris Comment, de Bello Civili, lib. 3. 
 
 4 Ciesaris Comment, ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. Plutarch, in Ca-sare. ^ „ ■ .^ .« 
 
 5 Caesaris Comment, ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. 7 Hirtius de Bello Alexandnno. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. 
 
 7 Hirtius de Bello Ale.\andrino. Plutarch in Caesare. 
 
 8 Alexandria is at present thus vaulted underground, and to this day they there keep the water of the Nile 
 in those vaults for common use all the year round, in the same manner as is described by Hirtius, see Tlie* 
 venot's Travels, part 1, book 2, chap. 2. 
 
310 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ters had with those of the rest of the town, poured into them from the sea so 
 much salt water, by artificial engines contrived for that purpose, as spoiled all 
 the fresh water which was reposited and kept in them. This, when perceived, 
 raised a general uproar among Caesar's soldiers; and he must have been forced 
 immediately to have departed, at all disadvantages, but that having ordered 
 wells to be dug, by going deep enough, he found springs of fresh water suffi- 
 cient to supply the want of that which was spoiled. 
 
 After this, Cjesar having received an account,' that the legion Calvinus sent 
 him by sea was arrived on the coast of Libya, not far from him, he went thither 
 with his whole fleet to bring them safe to Alexandria. Ganymede, getting in- 
 telligence hereof, sent all the Egyptian fleet which he had then at hand to in- 
 tercept him in his return. This produced a fight between the two fleets, in 
 which C<Esar having gotten the victory, brought all his legion safe with him to 
 Alexandria; and, had not night come on too soon, all the enemy's ships must 
 have fallen into his hands. Ganymede, to repair this loss, and others before 
 sustained (for Caesar had, by this time destroyed at several times above a hun- 
 dred of their ships of war,) gathered together all the remaining ships that could 
 be gotten from every mouth of the Nile, and out of them another fleet being 
 formed, entered the port of Alexandria. This produced another fi^ht at sea,'' in 
 which Caesar had again the victory, but in pursuit of it,^ landing in the island 
 of Pharus, and attempting to take the town in that island, and the mole leading 
 to it, called the Heptastadium, he was beaten off, with the loss of above eight 
 hundred of his men, and had like to have been lost himself in the route. For, 
 finding the ship in which he endeavoured to escape ready to sink, by reason of 
 the numbers of those who had crowded into it, he threw himself into the sea, 
 and with difficulty got off" by swimming to the next ship of his in the port. 
 While thus he made his escape, he carried some valuable papers, •* which he had 
 then about him, in one hand, and swam with the other; and so saved both him- 
 self and them. 
 
 After this loss, Csesar* was persuaded to send king Ptolemy to the Egyptian 
 army, in compliance with their desire, and on a promise made him, that, when 
 they should have their king, they would make peace with him; but after they 
 had him at the head of the army, they pressed on the war with greater vigour 
 than before, and, by their fleet, endeavoured to intercept all Caesar's provisions 
 by sea. This produced another sea-fight near Canopus, in which Caesar had 
 again the victory; but by this time Mithridates of Pergamus was near at hand 
 with his auxiliary army out of Syria. It hath been above mentioned, how Caesar 
 sent him into Syria and Cilicia to bring him from thence all the forces he could 
 raise in those countries for his assistance. This commission he executed with 
 so much diligence and prudence, that he soon got together a considerable army; 
 in the effecting of which he was much helped by Antipater the Idumaean. For 
 he not only joined him with three thousand Jews,^ but he prevailed with Hyrca- 
 nus, and with several of the neighbouring princes of Arabia and Coele-Syria, and 
 with the free cities of Phoenicia and Syria, in like manner to send him in their 
 aid. With these forces, Mithridates, having Antipater in person with him, 
 marched into Egypt, and, on his coming to Pelusium, stormed and took tha 
 city, which was chiefly owing to the valour of Antipater. For, he first mounted 
 the walls where the breach was made, and thereby made way to those that fol- 
 lowed to enter and take the place. From thence marching toward Alexandria, 
 as they were to pass the province of Onion, they found all the avenues seized 
 by the Jews, who were the inhabitants of that part of Egypt, and thereby were 
 obstructed from proceeding any farther; and this must have disappointed the 
 whole expedition, but that Antipater, partly by his own authority, and partly 
 
 1 Hirtius. (le Bplln Alcxandrinn. 
 
 3 Ihjd. Dion C;»ssi'is. lib. 42. Siieton. in Julio Ca-sare, c. G4. Plutarch, in Julin Cffisare. Appian. de Bsllia 
 P^vilib PS, lib. 2. Or,iRiii.q. lib. 0. c. 1.5. 3 Dion Cassins, Plutarch. Sueton. et Orosius. ibid. 
 
 4 Hirliiis de Bello Alnvanilrino. Dion Cassins, lib. 42. 
 
 5 Hirtius, ibid. Joseph, .\iitiq. lib. 14. c. 14, 15. Dion Caasius, lib. 42. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 311 
 
 hj that of Hyrcanus, and the letters which he delivered to them from him, 
 brought them over to Cajsar's party. On the hearing of which, the people of 
 Memphis did the same, and Mithridates was plentifully supplied with all neces- 
 saries from both. On his coming to the Delta,' Ptolemy sent an army thither to 
 oppose his passing the Nile; this produced a battle, in which Mithridates com- 
 manded one part of the army, and Antipater the other. Mithridates at first Avas 
 beaten off his ground, till Antipater, having routed the adversary on his part, 
 came in to his assistance; whereby the battle being again restored, the Egyp- 
 tians were put to a total rout, and Mithridates and Antipater, pursuing the ad- 
 vantage, drove them out of the field with a great slaughter, and, having taken 
 their camp, forced those that escaped to repass the Nile. 
 
 ^n. 47. Hyrcanus II. 17.] — Hereon Ptolemy" marched with his whole army 
 for the oppressing of them, and Caesar did the same for their support, and, on 
 his joining them, soon brought the matter to a decisive battle; in which Csesar 
 having gotten an absolute victory, Ptolemy, on his endeavouring to escape in a 
 boat on the Nile, was sunk with it, and drowned in that river. Hereon Alexan- 
 dria and all Egypt submitted to the conqueror. Cassar, returning from this vic- 
 tory, entered Alexandria about the middle of our January, and no one there 
 any more opposing him, he settled the kingdom under Cleopatra and the sur- 
 viving Rolemy, her younger brother, as king and queen, which was in effect to 
 put the whole into her hands, this Ptolemy being then no more than eleven 
 years old. It was for the sake of this lewd woman, and the lascivious conversa- 
 tion he had with her, that Caesar made this dangerous and infamous war; and 
 therefore, having fully mastered it by this victory, he made it turn the most he 
 could to her advantage; and his wanton dalliances with her detained him longer 
 in Egypt than his affairs could well admit.^ For although he had in January 
 settled all matters in that country, yet it was not till the latter end of April fol- 
 lowing that he departed thence. For Appion tells us' he had been nine months 
 in Egypt at this time, and he came not thither till toward the end of July in 
 the preceding year. Having taken Arsinoe prisoner in this war,* he carried her 
 to Rome with him, and caused her to be there led in bonds before him in his 
 tj-iumph; but, after that show was over, he dismissed her from her imprison- 
 ment.^ But, being banished by him from Egypt,'' that she might not create new 
 troubles in that kingdom, to the disturbance of that settlement of affairs which 
 he had there made, she took up her residence in the province of the Proper 
 Asia; for there Antony found her after the battle of Philippi, and, at the request 
 of Cleopatra,' caused her to be put to death. Before Caesar departed from Alex- 
 andria, in acknowledgement of the assistance he had from the Jews,* he con- 
 firmed all their privileges in that city, and ordered a pillar to be there erected, 
 whereon, by his command, all these privileges were engraven, and also his de- 
 cree confirming the same. 
 
 That which hastened Ceesar out of Egypt at this time was the war of Phar- 
 naces, king of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, son of Mithridates, late king of Pon- 
 tus. For,** finding the Romans deeply engaged in the civil wars between Cae- 
 sar and Pompey, he took the advantage hereof to attempt the recovery of his 
 father's dominions in Asia. And therefore, leaving Asander, his lieutenant, in 
 Bosphorus, he passed the Euxine Sea, and took possession of Colchis and the 
 Lesser Armenia, and several places in Cappadocia, Pontus, and Bithynia. 
 After the battle of Pharsalia, Caesar had sent Domitius Calvinus with part of 
 
 1 The Nile, a liltle below Memphis, parting into two branches, whereof one runs to Pehisium, now Da- 
 maita and tiie other to Canopus. now Rosetta; these two branches on each side, with the shore of the Medi- 
 terranean at the bottom, make the form of the Greek capital .iettor Delta; hence all that part of Egypt in- 
 cinded within these two branches was called Delta. 
 
 2 Hirtiiis rie Bello Alexandrino. Dion Cassias, lib. 42. Plutarch, in Csesare. 
 
 3 Sueton. in Julio Caisare. c. 52. Appian. de BellisCivilibus, lib. 2. p. 434. Dion Cassius. lib. 42. p. 206. 
 
 4 De Belli.'. Civilib is, lib. 2. p. 484. 5 Dion Cassius, lib. 43. p. 223. 6 Hirtius de Bello Alexandrino. 
 
 7 .Toseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 4. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. 
 
 8 Ibid. lib. 14. c. 17. et contra Apionein, lib. 2. _.„„•,«■.-. 
 
 9 Plutarch, in Casare. Hirtius de Bello Alexandrino. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. Appian. de BelliB i^iVf^in. 
 iib. 2. et in Mithridaticig. 
 
313 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 his army against him,' committing to his government all the provinces of Lesser 
 Asia. But'^Domitius having the misfortune to be vanquished in this wai,^ Phar- 
 naces thereon made himself master of all the remaining parts of Pontus and 
 Cappadocia; and, being puffed up with this success, carried it with great pride 
 and cruelty toward all in the Roman interest; and, having seized all Bithynia, 
 was prepai-ing to pass from thence into the province of Proper Asia. An ac- 
 count of all this coming to Ccesar in Egypt, it roused him up from that lethargy 
 which Cleopatra's charms had bewitched him into,^ and put him again upon 
 action: whereon, leaving part of his forces in Egypt for the protection of Cleo- 
 patra, he passed,^ about the end of April, with the rest into Syria. While he 
 was in that country, Antigonus,^ the son of Aristobulus, late king of the Jews, 
 came to him, and, much lamenting his father's and brother's death (the former 
 of which had been poisoned, and the other beheaded, for being adherents to his 
 cause,) prayed him to take compassion of him, and restore him to his father's 
 principality; and, at the same time, made heavy complaints of Antipater and 
 Hyrcanus, and of the wrongs which he said he had suffered from them. But 
 Antipater, being then attending upon Caesar, defended his own and Hyrcanus's 
 cause so well against him, that Csesar, rejecting the accusations of Antigonus, 
 as of a turbulent and seditious person, decreed, that Hyrcanus should hold the 
 office of high-priest at Jerusalem, "^ and the principality of Judea with it to him, 
 and those of his family after him, in perpetuity of possession, and appointed 
 Antipater to be procurator of Judea under him, and ordered this decree to be 
 engraven in tables of brass in Greek and Latin, and to be hung up in the Capitol 
 at Rome, and in the temples of Tyre, Sidon, and Askalon, in Phoenicia; by virtue 
 of which decree, Hyrcanus was again re-established in the sovereignty of Judea, 
 the Aristocracy of Gabinius abolished, and the government again restored to the 
 same state in which it had been under him, and the great Sanhedrin, before Ga- 
 binius made that alteration in it which hath been above mentioned. All this was 
 brought about by Antipater. For he was a person of that wisdom and foresight, 
 and thereby had acquired such an interest in Judea, Arabia, Syria, and all Pales- 
 tine, that he made himself necessary to all Roman governors that came into those 
 parts, and to none was he more so than unto CiEsar, who owed his deliverance at 
 Alexandria, and the success with which he concluded that war, wholly to him. 
 For, without him, Mithridates could never have raised that army for his assist- 
 ance, by the help of which he conquered. And he was by this time grown 
 strong in his family, as well as in his interest and power. For he had by his wife 
 Cyprus four sons now grown up to maturity of age, ^ and of great reputation for 
 valour and wisdom; the eldest was Phasaelus, the second Herod, the third Joseph, 
 and the youngest Pheroras; and he had also by the same wife a daughter called 
 Salome, who was the Erinnys of her family, continually creating feuds and divi- 
 sions in it by her intrigues, whereby she very often perplexed her brother Herod's 
 affairs, and yet maintained an interest with him to his last. Her character will 
 be best understood by her actions, which wdll be hereafter related. 
 
 Caesar, after some stay in Syria, made Sextus Csesar,"* his kinsman, president 
 of that province, and then hastened northward against Pharnaces." On his ar- 
 rival where the enemy was, he, without giving any respite either to himself or 
 them, immediately fell on and gained an absolute victory over them;'" an account 
 whereof he wrote to a friend of his in these three words,"^ Veni, Vidi, Vici! I 
 came, I saw% I overcame; which short expression of his success very aptJy set- 
 ting forth the speed whereby he obtained it, he aflected it so much, that after- 
 ward when he triumphed for this victory, he caused these three words to be 
 
 1 Hirtius de Bello Alexandrino. Binn Cassiiis, lib. 42. 
 
 2 Hirthis, et Dion Cassiiis, ibid. Appian. de Bellis Civilibiis, lib. 2. 3 Ibid. Plutarch, in Cssare. 
 
 4 Hirtius, Pliitarch. et Dion Cas=iiis. ibid Appian. de Bellis Civilibns, lib. 2. Sueton. in Julio Cajsare, c. 
 ft .?"■,• ^- *;■, ^''- •'' •'"''eph. Aiitiq. lib. 14. c. 15. et de Bello .Tudaico, lib. 1. c. 8. 
 
 R n-^r'?r ^"'""•'■•'■.i^- =■ I'- et lib. 20. c. 8. et de Bello Judaico, lib. ]. c. 7, 8. 7 Ibid. lib. 14. C. 12. 
 
 9 H irliipR de'l'tMii A^- ^^ ^'■- ^^"r,\'"^ ''? ^>"" Al^xandrino. Appian. de Bellis Civilibns, lib. 3, 4. 
 9 Hirlmsde Bello Alexandrine. Plutarch, in Cajsare. Dion Cassius.lib. 42. 
 10 Appian. hb. 2. p. 485. Plutarch, in Casare. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. * 3I3 
 
 written on a table,' and carried aloft before him in that pompous show. This 
 victory being gained near the place where Triarius was vanquished by Mithri- 
 dates,"-* it thereby repaired the honour of the Roman militia, which was lost by_ 
 that defeat. After this, all being again recovered that Pharnaces had possessed 
 himself of in this war,^ he fled to Sinope with one thousand horsemen,^ which 
 were the whole remainder of his vanquished army, and, having slain the horses, 
 he put the men on board his ships in that port, and sailed with them back to 
 Bosphorus. But Asander,^ whom he left his lieutenant in that country, having 
 by this time set up for himself, he was no sooner landed, but the usurper got 
 him into his power,*^ and, having put him to death, reigned in his stead. Hereon 
 Csesar gave Mithridates, the Pergamenian, that kingdom in reward for the ser- 
 vice he did him in Egypt,^ and at the same time made him one of the tetrarchs 
 of Galatia. The latter he had a title to in the right of his mother,** who was 
 descended from one of the former tetrarchs, and the former he might have laid 
 claim to in the right of his father, for he was supposed to have been the son of 
 king Mithridates," his mother having been one of his concubines, after the 
 death of Menedotus of Pergamus, her husband, and therefore he was bred up 
 by that prince, and called by his name. But Caesar, in making him king of 
 Bosphorus, gave him only an empty title. For the possession being in Asan- 
 der, he was to recover it by war; in the prosecution of which, instead of gain- 
 ing the kingdom, he lost his life,'" being vanquished and slain in battle by Asan- 
 der; who, after this, held the kingdom of Bosphorus without any farther opposi- 
 tion; the Romans, by reason of their intestine broils, that still continued among 
 them, not being at leisure to give him any disturbance. Caisar having settled 
 all matters in Pontus, Cappadocia, and the other parts of Lesser Asia, returned 
 through Greece to Rome," and was there again chosen dictator for the ensu- 
 mg year. 
 
 In the interim, Antipater,'^ having accompanied Csesar through all Syria to 
 the utmost confines of the province, there took his leave of him, and returned 
 again into Judea. And soon after, going through that country in a general pro- 
 gress over it, he settled the civil government under Hyrcanus in all parts of it, 
 according to Ctesar's decree, in the same manner as it had been before Gabinius's 
 alteration; and appointed Phasaelus his eldest son'^ to be governor of Jerusalem, 
 and Herod his second son to be governor of Galilee, he being then twenty-five 
 years old. The printed books of Josephus have it, that Herod was at this time 
 only fifteen years old; but that is an age which doth not suit with such a charge, 
 or the actions which he immediately performed in it; and besides, it doth not 
 accord with what Josephus hath elseM'here written: for, speaking of the last 
 sickness of which Herod died, about forty-four years after this time,''' he tells us, 
 that he fell into it about the seventieth year of his age; but, if he were now 
 but fifteen, he could not have exceeded the sixtieth year of his age, when that 
 sickness first seized him. It is most likely, some transcriber by mistake wrote ', 
 the numerical Greek letters for fifteen, instead of >", the numerical letters for 
 twenty-five; and from that copy the mistake hath been transmitted into our 
 printed books. Herod being of a very active genius, and in the vigour of his 
 youth, was no sooner in his government, but, to signalize himself therein,'* he 
 fell upon a knot of thieves, who much infested Galilee and the neighbouring 
 parts of Ccele-Syria, and, having taken Hezekiah, their ringleader, with several 
 of his associates, he put them all to death; whereby he gained great reputation 
 among all of those parts, and made his name known with honour to Sextus 
 Caesar, the president of the province. But those who envied the prosperity of 
 
 1 Siieton. in Julio. Cicsare, c. 37. 2 Dion Cassius, lib. 43. p. 207. Appian. in lYIitliridalicis. 
 
 3 Ilirtius, ihlil. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. Plutarch, in CiEsare. 4 Appian. in Mithridaticis, p. 254. 
 
 5 Dion Cassius, lib. 42. 6 Dion Cassius, et Appian, ibid 
 
 7 Hirtius de Bello Alexandrino. Appian. in Mithridaticis, p 254. Strabo, lib. 13. p. 025. 
 
 8 Strabn, ibid. Hirtius de Bello Alexandrine. 10 Strabo, lib. 13. p. G25. 
 
 11 Plutarch, iu Caesare. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. 
 
 12 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. IG. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 8. 13 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 11. c. 17. 
 14 Ibid. lib. 17. c. 8. 15 Ibid. lib. 14. c. 17. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 8. 
 
 Vol. II.— 40 
 
314 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Antipater, and the groAvth and greatness of his power, laid hold of this handle 
 to accuse Herod to Hyrcanus for putting these men to death without legal trial, 
 and prevailed with him so far as to obtain a citation from him to summon Herod 
 to answer for it before the Sanhedrin; where having made his appearance, 
 clothed in purple, and surrounded with his guards, ih'n so overawed the San- 
 hedrin, that they sat all silent, not one of them opening his mouth to say a 
 word against the criminal, excepting only Sameas, who, being the only man 
 among them of that integrity and courage as not to be frighted out of his duty, 
 on the silence of all the rest, rose up, and, first accusing Herod of audacious- 
 ness in thus appearing in a habit not proper for a criminal, and of violence, in 
 bringing such an armed force w'ith him into the court, as if he intended to make 
 the public administration of justice more dangerous to the judges than to the 
 malefactor; in the next place turned his accusation upon Hyrcanus and the 
 court, and, upbraiding them of their cowardice in permitting this, he propheti- 
 cally told them, that, though they were now for sparing Herod, the time should 
 be when he would not spare them, but that the just judgment of God should, 
 by his hands, be executed upon them for it. And so afterward it accordingly 
 happened: for, when Herod came to be king of Judea, he did put every one of 
 them to death (excepting this Sameas and PoUio his master,) and also Hyrca- 
 nus himself, as will be hereafter related. However, Hyrcanus did all he could 
 to get Herod to be acquitted, being influenced hereto not only by his affection 
 for the young man, but also by a menacing letter which he had received from 
 Sextus Csesar in his behalf. But the major part of the court, now roused by Sa- 
 meas's speech, being inclined to condemn him, he could not gain him an ac- 
 quittal; and therefore, to save him from a sentence of condemnation, he adjourned 
 the court to the next day, and, in the interim, advised Herod to be gone; who, 
 accordingly, in the night, withdrawing from Jerusalem, went to Damascus, and 
 there putting himself under the protection of Sextus Csesar, whom he found in 
 that place, he defied the Sanhedrin, and did from thence let them know, that he 
 would appear no more before them; which they resented with great indignation, 
 but could now no otherwise express it than by venting their complaint against 
 Hyrcanus for permitting it to be thus done. 
 
 j3/i. 46. Hyrcanus H. 18.] — On Herod's coming to Sextus Csesar,' he so far 
 ingratiated himself w^ith him, that, for a sum of money with which he presented 
 him, he obtained of him the government of Ccele-Syria. Whereon he got to- 
 gether an army, and marched with it into Judea, to be revenged on Hyrcanus 
 and the Sanhedrin; intending no less than to depose Hyrcanus, and cut off the 
 whole Sanhedrin, because of the indignity they made him undergo by their late 
 process against him. But Antipater and Phasael interposing, made him desist 
 from this attempt. 
 
 Scipio and Cato** heading the remains of Pompey's faction in Africa, and 
 having, with the assistance of Juba, king of Mauritania, made themselves mas- 
 ters of all that province, and gotten forces together sufficient to enlarge them- 
 selves farther, Caesar, in the latter part of the former year, had passed over 
 thither to suppress them; and having there rendezvoused all his forces together 
 about the middle of January this year, immediately marched against the enemy; 
 and, in the beginning of the February following, coming to a battle with them, 
 gave them a total overthrow; whereon Cato slew himself at Utica and Scipio, 
 Juba, Petrseus and the other chiefs, who commanded in this war, perished in 
 their flight; and Caesar, having settled the province, returned again to Rome, 
 carrying with him Juba, the son of king Juba, then a lad,^ whom he caused to 
 be led before him in his triumph, instead of his father. How-ever, from this cap- 
 tivity, he gained the benefit of having a Roman education,'' whereby he became 
 one of the most learned men of the age in which he lived; in regard whereto, 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 17. et rte Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 8, 
 
 2 Hirtius de BpIIo Africano. Plutarch, in Cssare. Dion Cassias, lib. 43. 3 Pluiarch. ibid. 
 4 Vide Vossium de HistoriciB Graecis, lib. 2. c. 4. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 315 
 
 Augustus afterward made him king of Getulia, in Africa, and gave him in mar- 
 riage Cleopatra Selene, the daughter of queen Cleopatra by Mark Antony. The 
 most eminent of his works was his Roman History, which he wrote in Greek, 
 and is quoted often and with great approbation by the ancients, but is now wholly 
 lost, as are also all his other works. One of them, which was of the affairs of 
 Assyria, and collected mostly from the writings of Berosus, would have been 
 of great use to us in the writing of this history, had it been still extant. But 
 before Ctesar left Africa,' he gave orders for the rebuilding of Carthage; and the 
 same year was Corinth also rebuilt by his like order: so that as these two famous 
 cities were destroj^ed in the same year, they were now both of them just one 
 hundred years after again rebuilt in the same year; and two years after Ro- 
 man colonies were sent into each of them," for the replenishing of them with 
 new inhabitants. From this colony at Corinth were descended those Corinthi- 
 ans to whom St. Paul wrote his two Epistles. 
 
 At this time Cfecilius Bassus created great disorders in Syria.' He was a 
 Roman of the Equestrian order,' and had fought on the side of Pompey in the 
 battle of Pharsalia; after that overthrow he fled to Tyre, and there lying hid 
 under the disguise of a merchant, associated several to him that had been fa- 
 vourers of Pompey's cause, and underhand engaged in his party many of the 
 Roman soldiers that came thither to garrison the city. Whereon, being at length 
 taken notice of by Sextus Csesar for these doings, and called before him to an- 
 swer for them, he pretended to be going to the assistance of Mithridates of Per- 
 gamus for the recovery of the kingdom of Bosphorus given him by Caesar, and 
 that all his preparations were in order thereto; and having persuaded Sextus to 
 believe him, he was dismissed as innocent; whereby having gained farther op- 
 portunity for the carrying on of his plot, as soon as he had gotten into it a num- 
 ber of conspirators sufficient for the putting of it into execution, he seized Tyre; 
 and, giving out that Caesar was vanquished and slain in Africa, and that thereon 
 he was now appointed to be governor of Syria, he assumed the title of president 
 of that province; and by this forgery having augmented his forces to the bulk 
 of an army, he marched out with them against Sextus Caesar; but being van- 
 quished and beaten, he was forced to retreat back to Tyre, and there lie by for 
 some time to be cured of his wounds received in the conflict: whereby being 
 discouraged from attempting any thing farther by open force against Sextus, he 
 at length, by treachery and underhand dealing, worked his destruction. For 
 this Sextus Caesar being a young man much given to voluptuousness, and making 
 his army to attend him in all places where he went for his pleasure, this much 
 disgusted his soldiers; which Bassus having full notice of, instigated them by his 
 emissaries to kill him; which they having accordingly effected, they all thereon 
 declared for Bassus, and joined themselves to him, excepting only some few, 
 who detesting this assassination, separated from the rest, and retired into Cihcia. 
 Whereon Bassus seizing Apamea, fortified that place, and made it the seat of 
 his residence, and there took on him the government of the whole province. 
 But Antistius Vetus'' having put himself at the head of those who had thus re- 
 treated into Cilicia, and drawn to him several others of the Caesarean party in 
 that country, marched back with them into Syria: and there the sons of Antipa- 
 ter having joined him with auxiliaries from Judea sent him b}'^ their father, and 
 others doing the same from other parts, some to revenge the murder of Sextus, 
 out of the abhorrence they had of that fact, and others to court the favour of the 
 dictator, he became enabled thereby to drive Bassus out of the field; and having 
 cooped him up in Apamea, there besieged him with a close siege. But Bassus 
 beinff a valiant man and skilful soldier, defended himself so well, that Antistius, 
 
 1 Appian. de Bellis Piinicis, in fine. 
 
 2 Dion Cafsius, lib. 43. Strabo, lib. 17. p. 833. Pausanias in Eliacis. in initio, et in Corinthiacis, in initio. 
 Soliniis, c. i!7. 
 
 3 Dion Cassius, lib. 47. Libo apnd Appian. de Bellis Civilibug, lib. 3. p. 576. Epitome Li\ii, lib. 114. Jo- 
 seph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 17. et de Bello Judaico, lib. I.e. 8. 
 
 4 Dion. Cassius, lib. 47. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. IT. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. e. 8. 
 
316 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 not being able to get any advantage against him, was forced toward the end of 
 the year to retreat, and respite all hostilities for a while, till better furnished 
 with new preparations, and more force for the war. 
 
 Csesar being returned from his African expedition, undertook the reformation 
 of the Roman calendar, and happily effected it,' by forming the Julian year, 
 which the world hath had the benefit of ever since. This belonged to him to 
 do as high-priest of Rome,^ which was an office he had long been in before he 
 was either dictator or consul. And there was now very great need for this to be 
 done; for at this time, by reason of the faults of the former calendar, the be- 
 ginning of January was carried back to the time of our present Michaelmas, 
 and all their solemn times and festivals were put out of their due order by this 
 means. The former year, which the Romans went by till this time, consisted 
 of twelve lunar months; but twelve lunar months falling eleven days short of a 
 solar year, it was the office of the high-priest, with the college of the pontifices, 
 to add such intercalations as should make all even: this they usually did, by 
 casting in another month every second year, which did alternately consist of 
 twenty-two days one time, and twenty-three another: this short month was called 
 Merkidinus, and the place in the Roman calendar where it was intercalated, was 
 between the twenty-third and twenty-fourth of February. But the pontifices, 
 who had the authority of making these intercalations, executing it very arbi- 
 trarily, sometimes irregularly intercalating the month Merkidinus where they 
 ought not, and sometimes as irregularly omitting to intercalate it where they 
 ought, according as they had a mind to prolong or abbreviate the time of the 
 annual magistrates then in office; hereby it came to pass, that great disorders 
 got into the political as well as into the astronomical part of the year; and there- 
 fore, for the bringing of a remedy to both, Czesar found it necessary to make 
 this reformation; which effectually prevented all such disorders for the future. 
 For hereby he settled the year to a fixed and stated form, always to go invaria- 
 bly the same, without leaving it to any man's arbitrary power to disturb it; which 
 he accomplished by these following methods.^ 1st, He abolished the lunar year, 
 consisting of twelve lunar months, or three hundred and fifty-five days, which 
 the Romans had hitherto gone by; and, instead thereof, introduced the use of 
 the solar year, consisting of the time in which the sun goes through the zodiac, 
 and comes about again to the same point from which it did set out. ^dly. Hav- 
 ing, according to the best observations of those times, stated this revolution to 
 be made in three hundred and sixty-five days and six hours, of these he made 
 his solar year to consist. 3dly, These three hundred and sixty-five days he dis- 
 tributed into twelve political or artificial months, instead of the lunar and natu- 
 ral months before in use, which consisted some of thirty-one days, and some of 
 thirty, and one, that is February, of twenty-eight days. 4thly, The six hours 
 over and above, in four years, making a day, he added it in the beginning of 
 every fifth year, making that year thereby to consist of three hundred and sixty- 
 six days: and this is that which we call the leap-year. 5th]y, This day he 
 added between the twenty-third and the twenty-fourth day of February, in the 
 same place in the Roman calendar where formerly their intercalated month 
 Merkidinus was inserted in their old form; and this addition being made by 
 putting the latter of those days twice in the calendar, and that day being there 
 called Sextus Calendarum,'' the putting of this sextus dies bis, i. e. twice, is the 
 reason why this leap-year is called annus bissextilus, in Latin, and from hence 
 by us the bissextile. I^t, in our almanacks, instead of putting this twenty- 
 fourth day of February twice in the said leap-year, we number on the days as 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Caesare. Dion Cassiiis, lib. 43. p. 227. Siieton. in Julio. Ca-sare, c. 40. Plin. lib. 18. c. 2.5. 
 Censnrinus de Die Natali, c. 8. Macrob. Saturnal. lib. ]. c. 14. Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 26. c. 1. Videas 
 etiam Scaligerurn, Petaviiim, Calvisiuni, aliosque chronologos et aslronomos, de hac re. 
 
 2 Fur the iiitprcalating of the year, and the whole ordering of that matter, belonged to the college of the 
 Pontifices, of which Cajsar, as Pontife.x Maximus, was-the head. 
 
 3 Plutarch, in Csesare. Dion Cassius, lib. 43. p. 227. Sueton. in Julio Cssare, c. 40. Plin. lib. 18. c. 25. 
 Censorinus de Die Natali. c. 8. Macrob. Saturnal. lib. 1. c. 14. Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 26. c. 1. Videas 
 etiam Scaligerum, Petavium, Calvisiura, aliosque chronologos et astronomos, de hac re. 
 
 4 It is most commonly called Sextus Calendas, t. e. Sextus dies ante Calnedas. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 317 
 
 before, so as, in every such leap-year, to make that month consist of twenty- 
 nine days. Gthh^, He began this year at the calends,' or first of January, on 
 which all the annual magistrates of the Romans first entered on their ottices. 
 Tthly, This first of January he then fixed to the winter solstice,^ though now it 
 hath overrun that time several days, by reason that the said Julian solar year is 
 eleven minutes longer than the natural solar year: for the natural solar year, 
 according to the best and most accurate observations, consists of no more than 
 three hundred and sixty-five days, five hours, and forty-nine minutes; but the 
 Julian, containing three hundred and sixty-five days and six hours, consists of 
 eleven minutes more, which in one hundred and thirty years making a day, 
 this hath occasioned, that, every one hundred and thirty years, the first of 
 January in the Julian calendar overruns that time of the natural year, where it 
 was first placed, one whole day, which is the only fault that is to be found in this 
 form. Gregory XIII. pope of Rome,^ in the year ]58"2, endeavoured to correct 
 this fault, by proposing a new form, which, from his name, is called the Grego- 
 rian; wherein he ordained, that, in every four centuries, three leap-years should 
 be omitted, that is, one in the beginning of each of the three first of them, 
 without making any alteration in the fourth. This, indeed, brings the matter 
 nearer to the truth, but doth not fully reach it. And therefore, it hath not met 
 with such general approbation; but that still, in all the dominions of the king 
 of Great Britain, as well as in some other places, the Julian form is still re- 
 tained as the better of the two. The reckoning by this last is called the Old 
 Style, and the reckoning by the other, the New. 8thly, Ca;sar, to bring this 
 form into practice, besides the month Merkidinus, which was intercalated in. 
 February, added to this present year two other months more, which he inserted 
 between the months of November and December; so that thereby he made 
 that year to consist of four hundred and forty-five days, that is, three hundred 
 and fifty-five daj's for the ordinary Roman j-ear, twenty-three for the intercalated' 
 month Merkidinus, and sixty-seven days for the other months added between 
 November and December. All these added together, made this year the long- 
 est the Romans ever had; which putting many of their affairs out of their usual 
 order, hence it was called by them the year of confusion. In the settling of 
 this matter, Csesar made use of the assistance of Sosigenes, an astronomer of 
 Alexandria, for the astronomical calculation, and that of Flavins, a scribe, for 
 the forming and digesting of it into a calendar according to the Roman manner, 
 that is, in distributing the days of each month into their calends, ides, and nones, 
 and affixing the festivals, and other solemn times, to the days in which they 
 were to be observed. But Cssar being slain soon after this, the pontifices, wha 
 succeeded in the care of this matter, not well understanding it, instead of making- 
 the intercalation of the leap-year,'* after every fourth in the beginning of the 
 fifth, did it after the third in the beginning of the fourth, and so it went on for 
 thirty-six years following; by which means, twelve years having been inter- 
 calated, or made leap-years, instead of nine, the error was then perceived; 
 whereon Augustus Csesar, then Roman emperor, for the bringing of this again 
 to rights, ordered that, for the twelve years next ensuing, no leap-year should 
 be at all made, whereby the three supernumerary days, which were erroneously 
 cast in, being again dropped, this form hath ever since gone without any altera- 
 tion, till that made by Pope Gregory XIII. which I have mentioned. 
 
 An. 45. Hyrcanus II. 19.] — In the calends of January, Caesar entered his 
 
 1 Formerly the Roman year consisted of ten months, and began from the first of March; hence July was 
 called Q,iiintilis, and August Sextllis, because they were the fifth and si.xth months in that old Roman year; 
 and for the same reason the months of September, October, November, and December, have their present 
 names, that is, because they were the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth months, in that old Roman year. 
 Nunia afterward made their year to consist of twelve months, by adding January and February; but this 
 made no alteration in the names of the other months. 2 Censorinus. 
 
 3 Spondani Annates sub Anno 1582, s. 14, 15, &c. Videas etiam Petavium.Calvisium, Beverigium, Strau- 
 fhium, aliosqne chronologos. 
 
 4 Suetonius in Augusto, c. 31. Plin. lib. 18. c. 25. Solinus c, 1, Macrob. Saternal. lib. I.e. 14. Videas 
 etiam Salmasii Exercitationes in Solinum, c. L 
 
318 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 fourth consulship,' and from thence began the first Julian year,' according fo 
 the order of reformation which he made the year preceding. After this, Csesar 
 passing into Spain, '^ there vanquished, in the battle of Munda, the last remain- 
 ders of Pompey's party, slaying Cneius, the eldest of his sons, and Labienus 
 and Attius Varus, the chief supporters of that interest: whereby, having quieted 
 that province, he returned to Rome in the October following with full victory; 
 and therefore, looking on the civil war as now fully concluded, for the com- 
 posing of all matters,^ and the reconciling to him, as far as in him lay, the minds 
 of all that had been against him, he issued out an act of oblivion or general par- 
 don,^ granting impunity and thorough indemnity to all that had acted against 
 him in the late war. Hereon he was made perpetual dictator,'' and had many 
 other honours and powers granted to him,^ whereby he had the whole authority 
 of the Roman state put into his hands: and so was made, though not in name, 
 yet truly and in effect, sovereign prince of their whole empire. 
 
 In the interim, the war in Syria went on; for Statins Murcus,* who was sent 
 by Ccesar to succeed Sextus in the presidency of Syria, being there arrived, 
 joined Antistius with three legions, which he brought with him; and thereon, 
 they having again shut up Bassus in Apamea, renewed the siege of that place. 
 While this siege was continued, both sides solicited the aid of the neighbouring 
 princes and cities.' Alcaudonius, an Arab king, being on this occasion sent to 
 by both sides, came with all his forces,^ and, planting himself between Apamea 
 and the camp of the Caesareans that covered the siege, offered himself by way 
 of auction to that side which would give most for him, and Bassus having bidden 
 highest, accordingly had him; and Pacorus, with his Parthians, coming also to 
 his assistance about the same time," these two reinforcements added such 
 strength to him, that he forced the Cfesareans again to raise the siege. 
 
 Jin. 44. Hyrcamis II. 20.] — Caesar, on the first day of the next year, entered 
 on his fifth and last consulship; and having then received a request from Hyr- 
 canus to permit him again to repair the walls of Jerusalem,"' which Pompey had 
 caused to be pulled down, he readily granted it, in consideration of the service 
 he had done him both in Egypt and Syria; and a decree was accordingly 
 passed at Rome for this purpose; which being carried to Jerusalem, Antipater 
 by virtue hereof immediately set about the work, whereby that city was again 
 fortified as in former times. This, Josephus tells us, was done in Caesar's fifth 
 consulship; and about the same time it was also decreed by the senate, that, in 
 honour of hirn," the fifth month, hitherto called Quintilis, should thenceforth be 
 called Julius, from his name, which is our English July. 
 
 Cfesar''^ had for his colleague, in this year's consulship, M. Antony; but in- 
 tending a war against the Parthians, for the revenging the death of Crassus, and 
 the Romans slain with him at the battle of Carrhs, he resigned his own consul- 
 ship, and substituted in his stead Publius Cornelius Dolabella,'-* a young man 
 of twenty-five years of age,'^ who had married Tullia, the daughter of Cicero. 
 But when all things were ready for this expedition, on the ides of March, i. e. 
 the fifteenth of that month, four days before he intended to set out on it, he was 
 murdered in the senate-house,'^ by a conspiracy of senators. This was a most 
 base and villanous act; and was the more so, in that the prime authors of it, 
 Marcus Brutus, Decimus Brutus, Cassius, and Trebonius, and some others of 
 
 1 Censorinus de Die Niitali, c. 8. 
 
 2 Plutarch, in Cssare. Dion Cassius, lib. 43. Hirtius de Bello Fiispaniensi Lucan, &c. 
 
 3 Velleius Puterculus, lib. 2. c. 56. 4 Epitome Livii, lib. n6. Plutarch. inCiesare. 
 5 Plutarch, ibirl. et Dion Cassius, lib. 43. 
 
 G Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 17. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 8. Appian de Bellis Civilibus, lib 3, 4. Vel- 
 leius Palerculus, lib. 2. c. 69. 
 
 7 Slrabo, lib. Hi. p. 752. 8 Dion Cassius. lib. 47. Strabo, ibid. 
 
 I. c. 17. 
 Die Natali. c. 9. " - "'°^'"- ""^"■"- ""• - - — Censorinus de 
 
 7 Slrabo, lib. Hi. p. 752. 8 Dion Cassius. lib. 47. Strabo, it 
 
 9 Utnn Cassius, lib. 47. Cicero ad Atticum, lib. 14. ep. 9. ]0 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. ( 
 
 11 Uinn Cassius, lib. 44. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 2. Macrob. Saturnal. lib. 1. c. 12. C 
 )ie Natali. c. 9. 
 
 12 Plutarch in C^sare, Bruto, Cicerone, et Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 43. Cicero in Philippicis. 
 
 13 Appian.de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 2. Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. c. 58. Dion Cassius, lib. 42. p. 200. et 
 
 i- in niie. w di. .,„„», :,. /-.; '^ 
 
 lib. 
 14 Plutarch, in Cicerone. 
 
 33 
 
 80,81. &c. Epit. Livii, lib. 116. L. FlorusrUb.'T.'c.'i.- Appia"n7de"Beiii"sCivilibur,Tib.2' 
 
 ^a/ll'i^'^'^^L!." ^f.^?":, ^,".l°"'?' ^'■."*"- et Cicerone. Dion Cassius, lib. 44. Sueto'n. in Julio CaAaro. cap. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 319 
 
 them, were such as Caesar had in the highest manner obliged; yet it was exe- 
 cuted under the notion of a high heroic virtue, in thus freeing their country 
 from one whom they called a tyrant; and there are not wanting such as are 
 ready, even in our days, to applaud the act. But divine justice declared itself 
 otherwise in this matter: for it pursued every one of them that were concerned 
 herein with such a just and remarkable revenge,' that they were every man of 
 them cut off in a short time after in a violent manner, either by their own or 
 other men's hands. Cassarwas a very extraordinary person,^ of great parts, polite 
 literature, and thorough abilities in all the arts of war and civil government, and of 
 equal diligence and application in the use and pursuit of both. However many of 
 his enterprises being entered upon with great rashness, this abundantly proves, 
 that he owed the success which he had in them only to an overruling power of 
 Providence on his side; which having set him up as a fit instrument for the work 
 which he brought to pass, carried him through all dangers and hazards, to the 
 fuU accomplishing of it; and after that, when there was no more for him to do, 
 cast him off to perish like a rod, which is thrown into the fire when no more to 
 be used. The work was God's; but it being malice and ambition that excited 
 him to be the instrument in the execution of it, he justly had for the reward 
 thereof that destruction by which he fell. Having found, in two or three of his 
 attempts, the hand of Providence with him, he afterward, presuming hereon, 
 often ventured on very hazardous undertakings, without having any other pros- 
 pect of succeeding in them than from the confidence which he had in that 
 which he called his good fortune. And he never failed in any of them: for he 
 fought fifty battles without missing of success in any of them,^ unless at Pharus, 
 where he swam for his life, and once at Dyrrachium. And in these battles he 
 is said to have slain one mdlion one hundred and ninety-two thousand men; 
 which sufficiently proves him to have been a terrible scourge in the hand of 
 God for the punishment of the wickedness of that age in which he lived; and 
 consequently he is to be reputed the gi-eatest pest and plague that mankind 
 then had therein. But notwithstanding this, his actions have with many ac- 
 quired great glory to his name; whereas true glory is due only to those who 
 benefit, not to those who destroy mankind. 
 
 The murder of Caesar was followed with great confusions and disturbances 
 all over the Roman empire.'* Antony being consul,^ headed the Caesarean par- 
 ty, and by an oration made at Caesar's funeral,^ so far excited the people against 
 the murderers, that they were all forced to leave Rome; and Antony governed 
 all there till Octavius arrived. This Octavius was the son of Caius Octavius,* 
 by Attia, the daughter of Julia, sister of .Julius Caesar; and therefore, he being 
 his nephew, and nearest male relation," he adopted him for his son, and by his 
 will made him heir to three quarters of his estate,' o^^'i^g ^^^ other quarter to 
 two others of his relations. Intending to carry with him to the Parthian war,* 
 he had sent him before to ApoUonia, on the other side the Adriatic, to head his 
 army, which he had there provided for that expedition, till he himself shoul^ 
 arrive to march forward with them for the prosecuting of it. And there he had 
 been six months,'' when his uncle was murdered. On his hearing of it,'" he 
 immediately passed over to Brundusium, in Italy, and as soon as he was landed 
 there,'" declaring himself the adopted son and heir of Julius Caesar, instead of 
 the name of Caius Octavius, which he had hitherto gone by, he called himself 
 Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus; and by this name he was afterward known, till 
 that of Augustus, which was given him after his victory at Actium, swallowed 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Ctesare. 2 Plinius, lib. 7. c. 25. Plntarchus in CiBsare. 3 Plin. lib. 7. c.25. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in Ca!sare, Antonio, Bruto, et Cicerone. Dion Cassius, lib. 44, 45. 
 
 5 Plutarch, in Cssare. Dinii Cassius, lib. 45. Suetonius in Julio Cffisare, c. 83, 84, &.C. 
 
 6 Suetonius in Angusto. Dion Cassius, lib. 45. in initio. 
 
 7 SuRtonius in Julio Caesare, c. 83. Plutarchus in Cicerone. 
 
 8 Plutarchus in Anton, et Bruto. Sueton. in Augusto, c. 8. Epit. Livii, lib. 17. 
 
 9 Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 3. p. 531. 
 
 XO DioD Cassius, lib 4S. Appian. de Bellis Civilibua, lib. 3. p. 531. Epitome LivU, lib. 117. Julius ObBe> 
 quens de Prodigiis. 
 
3-20 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 all the rest. The name of Cssar, immediately on his assuming of it, drew to 
 him the soldiery, and most of the others that had been of his uncle's party; 
 and therefore, as he passed from thence to Rome, was he accompanied with a 
 very numerous attendance; and all the way as he went others continually 
 flocked in to them to show their respects to him. He came to Naples on the 
 first of May;' from thence approaching Rome,'^ he was met and conducted 
 thither by vast numbers of the Roman people. The next morning,' getting 
 about him a great many of his friends, he presented himself before the tribu- 
 nal of Caius Antonius, the brother of Marcus, then praetor of the city, and there 
 declared before him, according to the Roman law and usage in this case, his 
 acceptance of his uncle's adoption, and had it registered among the public acts 
 of the city. Hereon taking upon him the executing of his uncle's will, by 
 which he was made his heir,* a controversy arose between him and Antony, 
 about some part of the deceased's estate, which the latter thought to have swal- 
 lowed; but their main contest was, which of them should succeed Caesar in his 
 power and interest; concerning which, each having put himself upon the ut- 
 most struggle, the adopted son carried it against the other, both in the favour 
 of the people, and the number of the soldiery that resorted to him. Whereon 
 Antony was forced to quit Rome,* and leaA'e Octavianus in the sole mastery 
 there, both of the senate and people; which management, in thus outwitting 
 one who had been so long experienced in all the affairs both of peace and war, 
 was a great instance of wisdom in so young a man, he being then no more than 
 eighteen years old, and going of the nineteenth. For he was born on the ninth 
 of the calends of October," i. e. September the twenty-third, in the year before 
 Christ 63, and therefore did not complete the nineteenth year of his age till the 
 twenty-third of September in this year. Antony finding he could not,' with 
 the utmost of his endeavours, make himself strong enough to overpower Octa- 
 vianus, either in Rome or Italy, marched with all the forces he could get toge- 
 ther into Galia Cisalpina, with design to dispossess Decimus Brutus of that pro- 
 vince, who was lately vested in it b}'^ a decree of the senate, and seize it to 
 himself. This produced the siege and Battle of Mutina, now called Modena, 
 of which an account will be given among the actions of the next year. 
 
 In the interim, * Q. Martins Crispus coming out of Bythynia with three legions 
 of soldiers to the assistance of Marcus, the siege of Apamea was the third time 
 renewed and carried on, till Cassius came and put a stop to it. CiBsar,^ a little 
 before his death, had appointed Cornificius to go into Syria, and take on him 
 that government; but afterward Dolabella, who succeeded Ca;sar in his consul- 
 ship, had it assigned to him by the senate, '° and Cornificius was sent into Africa." 
 But Cassius getting into Syria before Dolabella,'* seized that province by violence: 
 for finding that the Ciesareans prevailed in Italy, he and Brutus left that coun- 
 try, and retired to Athens; where resolving on a new war with the Caesareans, 
 in order to raise money and forces for it, Brutus seized Greece and Macedonia, 
 and Cassius Cilicia, Syria, and the east. 
 
 An. 43. Hyrcunus II. 21.] — Hirtius and Pansa, being the consuls for the en- 
 suing year,''' entered on their office on the first of January; and Marc Antony 
 being declared by the senate a public enemy, because of the war which he had 
 
 1 Cicero ad Atticiim, lib. 14. ep. 10. 
 
 2 Appian. de Bellis Civilibns, lib. 3. p. 531. Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. c. 59. 
 
 3 Appian. de Bellis Civilibns, lib. 3. p. 534. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in Antonio et Cicerone. Dion Cassius, lib. 45. Appian de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 3. p. 534. Epit. 
 Livii. lib. 117. 
 
 5 Plutarch. Appian. et Dion Cassius, lib. 45. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 3. p. 534. Epit. Livii, lib. 117. 
 Suetonius in Aupusto, c. 5. Aulus Gellius, lib. 15. c. 7. Dion Cassius, lib. 56. p. 590. 
 
 7 Plutarch, in Antonio et Cicerone. Cicero in Philippicis. Dion Cassius, lib. 45. L. Florus, lib. 4. c. 4. 
 Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 3. 
 
 8 Appian. ibid. Dion Cassius. lib. 47. p. 343. 9 Cicero ad Familiares, lib. 12. ep 18, 19. 
 
 10 Plutarch, in Cicerone. Dion Cassius, lib. 45. p. 277. Appian. lib. 3. p. 530, 531. 550. 
 
 11 Appian. de Bellis Civilibus. lib. 4. p. GO. Cicero ad Familiares, lib. 12. ep. 21. 
 
 12 Plutarch, in Antonio et Bruto. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 18. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 9, Appian. 
 de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 3, 4. Dion Cassius, lib. 47. p. 330. 
 
 13 L. Florus, lib. 4. c. 4. Dion. Cassius.-lib. 45. Plutarchus in Cicerone et Antonio. Cicero in Philippicis. 
 Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 3. p. 558, 559, &c. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 321 
 
 made upon Decimus Brutus, and of his besieging him in Mutina, both the con- 
 suls and Octavianus in commission with them, were sent to his relief for the 
 raising of that siege, in the attempting whereof, a great battle being fought, one 
 of the consuls was slain, and the other mortally wounded in it: however, the 
 victory being on their side, Octavianus, who survived, reaped the whole benefit 
 of it: for hereby he got the whole army under his sole command, and so far dis- 
 tressed Antony,' that he was forced, in a very broken and abject condition, to 
 flee over the Alps into Gallia Transalpina. But being there received by the 
 Roman army, which Lepidus commanded in that province, this brought Octa- 
 vianus to an agreement with him; by which a new triumvirate being erected,* 
 the three generals, that is, M. Antonius, Lepidus, and Octavianus, divided the 
 Roman empire between them. Hence followed the proscription of many a no- 
 ble Roman, among whom, by order of M. Antony, perished Cicero, prince of 
 the Roman eloquence. That which influenced them most to the making of this 
 agreement, were the preparations which M. Brutus and Cassius were making 
 for a new war, which made it necessary for all the Cesarean party to unite for 
 their common defence: for Brutus having made himself master of Greece and 
 Macedonia, and Cassius of Cilicia, Syria, and Palestine, they had each of them 
 gotten together great armies in those countries; Brutus having mustered eight 
 legions in Macedonia,^ and Cassius twelve in Syria;"* and therefore, the forces 
 of both, when united, made an army of twent}"- legions. 
 
 Cassius, on his arrival in Syria,* found Murcus and Marcius Crispus at the 
 siege of Apamea. On his coming thither they both joined him with all their 
 forces, and Bassus's soldiers compelled him to do the same; whereon the city 
 being surrendered on terms, an end was put to this siege, and Cassius, by the 
 addition of these three armies, made up his forces to the number of eight le- 
 gions. Being thus strengthened, he soon brought all Syria to submit to him; and 
 they did it the more willingly, because of the great reputation he had among 
 them for his saving that country from the Parthians,*^ after the overthrow of 
 Crassus at Carrhas. Marcus,^ heartily embracing the same interest with Cas- 
 sius, was continued by him in the government of Syria, and was also made the 
 admiral of his fleet; but Crispus and Bassus, not caring to engage in this war, 
 were permitted quietly to retire. From Syria, Cassius passed into Phoenicia and 
 Judea,' and, without any difficulty, secured to him the possession of both these 
 countries. While he lay there, * Alienus, one of Dolabella's lieutenants, was 
 marching through Palestine with four legions, sent by Cleopatra, queen o£ 
 Egypt, to the assistance of Dolabella; Cassius, hearing hereof, got them at an ad- 
 vantage, and, having surrounded them with double their number, forced them all 
 to come over to him, and hereby made up the twelve legions of which his army 
 consisted. For the maintaining of so numerous a body of men,^ he was forced 
 to lay heavy contributions on the country, and Judea being for this purpose 
 taxed at seven hundred talents, Antipater, whose wisdom was never wanting 
 for the peace and welfare of that country, took speedy care for the answering 
 of this sum, committing it to the charge of his two sons, Phasael and Herod, 
 and of Malichus, and some others, forthwith to raise the sum, and assigning to 
 each of them their proper districts for this end. Herod, being the first that 
 brought in his quota, thereby very much recommended himself to the favour of 
 Cassius. But Gophna, Emmaus, Lydda, Thamna, and some other cities of Ju- 
 dea, being found tardy herein, Cassius caused all the inhabitants to be sold by 
 auction for the raising of the money; and Malichus had like to have been put 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Antonio et Cicetone. 
 
 2 Ibid. DionCassius, lib. 46. Appian. de BellisCivilibus, lib. 4. Epitome Livii, lib. liM, L. Florus, lib. 4. c. 6. 
 
 3 Appian. de BellisCivilibus, lib. 4. p. 63'-'. 
 
 4 For he received three lepions from Murcus, three from Crispus, two from Bassus, and four from Alienus. 
 
 5 Cicero ad Familiaris, lib. 12. ep. 11, 12, and eum a Gassio missis. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 3, p. 
 576. et lib. 4. p. 623. Dion Cassius, lib. 47. Strabo, lib. 16. p. 752, 753. 6 Dion Cassius, lib. 47. p. 339. 343. 
 
 7 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 18. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 9. 
 
 8 Cicero ad Farailiares, lib. 12. ep. 11, 12. Appian. lib. 3. p. 576. «t lib. 4. p. 623, 624, 
 
 9 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 18. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c, 9. 
 
 Vol. II.— 41 
 
322 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 to death by Cassiiis for his failure in this matter, but that Hyrcanus sent to Cas- 
 sius a hundred talents out of his own coffers to redeem him from it. In the in- 
 terim,' Dolabella, after a long stay in the Proper Asia, for the exacting of con- 
 tributions in those parts, passed into Cilicia, there seized Tarsus, and thence 
 marched into Syria, ^ and would have entered Antioch as governor of the pro- 
 vince; but being repulsed thence, he took possession of Laodicea, where the 
 inhabitants voluntarily called him. Cassius and Marcus hearing of this, has- 
 tened thither to suppress him, leaving Herod in the government of Ccele-Syria.* 
 On their arrival at Laodicea,^ Cassius with the army invested the place by land, 
 and Murcus with the fleet by sea; whereby they so distressed Dolabella, that at 
 last, having taken the place, they left him, and the chief heads of his party, no 
 other way of escaping falling into their hands but by putting an end to their 
 lives,* as some of them did by their own, and others by their servants' hands. 
 As to the rest of his followers, Cassius listed them among his legions, and so 
 did put an end to this war. 
 
 While this was doing in Syria, Malichus was acting a very wicked and un- 
 grateful part toward Antipater in Judea. He and Antipater® had long been the 
 chief supporters of Hyrcanus's interest in Judea against Aristobulus and his 
 sons, and, next Antipater, he was of the greatest power and authority in that 
 country under the government of Hyrcanus, and was a very crafty busy man; 
 but not being contented to be the second man next the prince,' he would fain 
 have been the first, and that especially since he was a natural Jew, and the 
 other only an Idumaean; and therefore, for the accomplishing of this design, he 
 laid a plot against the life of Antipater, concluding, that if he were removed, 
 the prime administration of all affairs in Judea would of course fall into his 
 hands. Antipater, having gotten some notion of his treacherous projections, 
 made preparations against them. But Malichus, coming to him, did in so crafty 
 a manner, with oaths and protestations, deny the matter, that he fully persuaded 
 both Antipater and his sons into a belief of his innocency, and a reconciliation 
 was made between them. And whereas Murcus, on his having received some 
 account of this man's innovating and factious designs, intended to have put him 
 to death for them, he owed it to the intercession of Antipater that he was de- 
 livered from this danger. But, notwithstanding this obligation, his ambition still 
 hurrying him on wicked designs,^ he took the opportunity of Antipater's dining 
 one day with Hyrcanus, to bribe the butler to give him poison in his wine, of 
 which he died: and Mahchus, immediately thereon, with an armed force, 
 seized the government of Jerusalem. However, he still endeavoured to persuade 
 Phasaelus and Herod that he was wholly innocent as to this matter. Herod, 
 having great indignation against him for this villanous act, would immediately 
 by open force have revenged it upon him. But Phasaelus being of opinion 
 rather to execute their revenge by craft and stratagem, lest otherwise they 
 should run the nation into a civil war, Herod submitted hereto: and therefore 
 both of them, dissembling their resentments, carried themselves toward him as 
 if they believed all he said. In the mean time Cassius," being informed by 
 Herod of the manner of Antipater's death, gave him leave to revenge it on the 
 murderer, and sent his orders to the commanders of his forces at Tyre to be as- 
 sisting to him herein. On Cassius's taking Laodicea, all the princes and chief 
 lords of Syria and Palestine hastened thither with their congratulations and 
 presents; and Hyrcanus, with Malichus and Herod, being upon the road for 
 the same purpose, on their drawing near to Tyre, where they were to lodge 
 that night, Herod invited all the company to sup with him, and sending his 
 servants before, under pretence of providing the supper, by them communi- 
 
 1 Dion Cassius, lib. 47. p. 344. 
 
 T ^^^t h''y"^""'^■I! ^P'"''- ''P"'' Ciceronem ad Familiares, lib. 12. epist. 14, 15. et Cassius, ibid, epist. 13. 
 ^, AnZn '^^Ai r.'^-,".: '^-i u . oo. '* "'"" Cassius, ibid. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 4. 
 
 i Appian. de Bellis Civilibus. lib. 4. p. 625. 6 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14.c. 10. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 323 
 
 cated Cassius's orders to the commanders of the Roman garrison in that city; 
 and accordingly a party of armed men being sent out by them, fell on MaUchus 
 as he approached that place, and slew him. Had he come safe to Tyre, his de- 
 sign was by stealth to have gotten away his son, who was there a hostage, and 
 then to have returned into Judea, and there excited the Jews to a revolt, and, 
 while the Romans were embroiled in the wars among themselves, to have 
 seized the country, and made himself king. But Herod's plot against him, being 
 the better laid of the two, took place for the defeating of all that he had thus 
 projected. And thus it often happens, that, when crafty men lay designs for 
 wicked ends, they meet with others as crafty and wicked as themselves to turn 
 the plot on their own heads. 
 
 Jin. 42. Hyrcanus II. 22.] — Cassius, having several times sent to Cleopatra, 
 queen of Egypt for her assistance,' and being as often denied, and hearing also 
 that she was sending, on the other side, ships to the aid of the triumvirs, re- 
 solved to make war upon her. Cassar had made her queen after the Alexan- 
 drian war, and, for form's sake, joined her brother, a lad of eleven years old, 
 in copartnership with her; but the whole power, by reason of this minority of 
 the young prince, was in her; and so it continued, till the last preceding year; 
 but then the young king being grown up to be fifteen years old, and thereby 
 become capable of sharing the royal authority, as well as the name, she made 
 him away by poison,''^ and at this time reigned alone in Egypt; and, since she 
 had received her crown by the favour of Cissar, it was a generous gratitude in 
 her not to send any aid to his murderer; and hereby she drew the anger of 
 Cassius upon her.^ But as he was on his way to invade her, he was called back 
 by Brutus, '' who, by letters after letters, pressed him to come and join him 
 against the triumvirs. For they had now gotten together an army of forty 
 legions,* and had passed eight of them over the Adriatic, and were following 
 with the rest to fall upon him. Hereon Cassius, leaving a nephew of his with 
 one legion to govern Syria in his absence,* marched with all the rest toward 
 Brutus, and joined him near Smyrna in the proper Asia;^ where finding them- 
 selves masters of all from Macedonia to the Euphrates, excepting only the Ly- 
 cians and the Rhodians, they thought it not convenient to leave two such potent 
 maritime powers unsubdued behind them.'' And therefore, before they passed 
 any farther westward, Brutus marched against the Lycians,^ and Cassius sailed 
 with the fleet against the Rhodians, and after they had brought both these peo- 
 ple under them, they again joined at Sardis,^ and from thence passed over the 
 Hellespont,^ with an army of near one hundred thousand men,"^ to fight Octa- 
 vianus and Antony, who were come with much more numerous forces into 
 Macedonia against them.'' At Philippi,'- a city in that country (the same to the 
 inhabitants whereof St. Paul afterward wrote one of his Epistles,) both armies 
 met, where, after a terrible battle fought between them, Ccesar's murderers 
 were vanquished, and by the just retribution of divine vengeance upon them, 
 they were both of them, that is, Cassius first, and afterward Brutus, forced to 
 murder themselves; and, what was most signal herein, they both did it with 
 the same swords with which they had murdered him. After this, Octavianus re- 
 turned to Rome, and Antony passed on into Asia to settle the eastern pro- 
 vinces. These matters are more fully related by Plutarch in the lives of M. An- 
 tonius and Brutus, and by Appian, Dion Cassius, and others; but it not being 
 
 1 Appian. de Rellis Civilibus, lib. 4. p. 624. Pt lib. 5. p. 075. 
 
 2 Joseph. Aiitiq. lib. 15. c. 4. Poiphyr. in GriEcis Eu?eb. Scaliceri. 3 Appian. ibid. 
 4 Plutarch, in Bruto. Appian. ibid. 5 Appian.de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 4. p. 62G. 
 
 6 Plutarch, in Bruto. Dion Cassius, lib. 47. p. 345, 34G. 
 
 7 Appian. de Bellis Civilibus. lib. 4. Dion Cassius, lib. 47. 8 Plutarch, in Bruto. Dion Cassius, lib. 47. 
 
 9 Plutarch, in Bruto et Antonio. Appian. ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 47. 
 
 1 Appian computes them to have been ninety-seven thousand horse and foot, besides other scattering 
 forces that followed them. Appian de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 4. p. 640. 
 
 10 Antony, in his speech to the Asian Greeks, at Ephesus, saith they were twenty-eight legions, ami 
 amounted to one hundred and seventy thousand men. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. p. 674. 
 
 11 Plutarch, in Bruto et Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 47. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 4. L. Florus, 
 lib. 4. c. 7. Velleius Patercul. lib. 2. c. 70. 
 
324 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 my purpose to write the Roman history, I meddle with it no otherwise than as it 
 may serve to illustrate that of the Jews, which is the main subject of this work. 
 
 As soon as Cassius was gone out of Syria, the faction of Malichus at Jerussdem 
 rose in arms to revenge his death upon the sons of Antipater;' and, having 
 gained on their side Hyrcanus, and also Felix, the commander of the Roman 
 forces left at Jerusalem, did put all into an uproar in that city; and, at the same 
 time, a brother of Malichus's took possession of Massada, and several other cas- 
 tles in Judea, by the permission of Hyrcanus. Herod being then with Fabius, 
 the Roman governor of Damascus, and there laid up by sickness, Phasaelus was 
 forced alone to stand this storm, and weathered it with full success. For he 
 drove Felix and all of that party out of Jerusalem; and when Herod returned, 
 both brothers together soon mastered this faction every where else, and recovered 
 Massada again from them, and all other places which they had taken: and, when 
 they had thus settled all matters again in peace, they justly upbraided Hyrcanus 
 with ingratitude in favouring the adverse faction against them, when it was to 
 the assistance and wise administration of Antipater, their father, that he owed 
 all that he had. But a match being about this time set on foot between Herod 
 and Mariamne^ the grand-daughter of Hyrcanus, that reconciled all differences 
 between them. 
 
 However, peace did not long continue. The suppressed faction soon revived 
 again under another head. For they called to them Antigonus,^ the younger 
 son of Aristobulus, and, under the pretence of restoring him to his father's throne, 
 raised new disturbances in the country. Aristobulus, his father, and Alexander, 
 his eldest brother, being dead, he as heir of the family, claimed the kingdom 
 which Aristobulus had been possessed of; and herein he was supported by Ma- 
 rion, king of Tyre, Fabius, governor of Damascus, and Ptolemy, the son of 
 Mennseus, prince of Chalcis: the first of these engaged in this cause out of the 
 hatred he bore to Herod; the second for the money which was given to hire him 
 into it; and the last by reason of the affinity that was between their families; 
 for he had married a sister of Antigonus's. After Aristobulus had been poi- 
 soned by the Pompeians, and Alexander his son beheaded at Antioch, as hath 
 been above related, and the family was thereby brought to great distress, this 
 Ptolemy the son of Mennseus, sent Philippion his son to Askalon,"* where the 
 widow of Aristobulus was retired with her remaining children, to bring them 
 all to him to Chalcis, proposing there to provide for them. This he did for the 
 sake of the love with which he was smitten for one of the daughters, named Alex- 
 andria. But Philippion taking the same liking to her, married her on the 
 way, for which his father put him to death on his return, and then married her 
 himself. And, by reason of this affinity, he did all he could to promote the in- 
 terest of Antigonus; who, being thus assisted by him,* and the others mentioned, 
 got an army into the field for the pursuing of his pretensions. But Herod en- 
 countering him on his first entering Judea, gave him a total overthrow, and then 
 recovering what Marion had taken in Galilee, he returned to Jerusalem with 
 victory and triumph. 
 
 ^n. 41. Hyrcanus II. 23.] — Antony having, after the victory of Philippi,^ 
 passed over into Asia to settle all matters there in the interest of the conquerors, 
 exacted grievous taxes and contributions in all places, for the payment of his 
 soldiers, and the support of the excessive luxury which he thenceforth gave 
 himself up unto. Wherever he came, after his arrival in those parts, he had his 
 chamber door every morning thronged at his levee by kings and princes from 
 the eastern countries, or by ambassadors from others of them to solicit his favour, 
 and several of them brought with them their wives and daughters, that, prosti- 
 tutmg them to his lust, they might thereby the better obtain their ends. Among 
 other ambassadors that came to him, there were several of principal note from 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 20. etde Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 10. 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. H.c. 21. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 10. 3 Ibid. 4 Joseoh ibid c 13 
 5 Ibid. c. 21. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 10. Joseph, ibid. c. IJ. 
 e Plutarch, in Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 48. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 3 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. ^5 
 
 the nation of the Jews/ who were sent to accuse Phasael and Herod for usurp- 
 ing the government from Hyrcanus, and abusing it to their own ends. But 
 Herod being present, partly by his money, and partly by his interest with An- 
 tony, obtained, that Antony would not hear them. For he having received 
 great obligations from Antipater when he served under Gabinius in Judea,^ for 
 his sake, much favoured his sons; and Herod, on this account, had ever after a 
 very great interest with him. Not long after, there came to him otlier ambassa- 
 dors out of Judea from Hyrcanus,' to pray that the lands and territories, which 
 Cassius had taken from the Jews, might be restored, and that all of that nation, 
 whom Cassius had unjustly sold into slavery, might be again set free: both which 
 petitions were readily granted.'* At Tarsus, Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, came 
 to him, being summoned to answer an accusation against her, as if she had fa- 
 voured the interest of Cassius. On her arrival thither, by the charms of her 
 beauty and her wit, she drew him into those snares which held him enslaved 
 to her as long as he lived, and in the end caused his ruin. On his coming into 
 Syria,'* he deposed all the tyrants which Cassius had made in that country. 
 For, on his coming from thence to the war against the triumvirs for the raising 
 of money for the expenses of that expedition, he cantoned out the greatest part 
 of that country into small principalities," and sold them to those who would give 
 most for them; and thus was it that Marion, who hath been mentioned, came to 
 be king of Tyre.^ At Daphne, near Antioch, one hundred of the principal 
 Jews® came to him in another embassy with the same complaints against the 
 sons of Antipater as the former. Antony now gave them a hearing; and Hyr- 
 canus being present, he put it to him to declare, whom he thought the fittest to 
 manage the government under him, to which he answered in favour of the two 
 brothers; being induced hereto by reason of the affinity which he had newly 
 contracted with Herod in the espousals of his grand-daughter. Whereon Antony, 
 being otherwise inclined to favour the two brothers, for the reason above men- 
 tioned, made them both tetrarchs, and committed all the affairs of Judea to their 
 administration; and, having imprisoned fifteen of the ambassadors, would have 
 put them to death, but that Herod saved them by his intercession. However, 
 they did not give over their solicitation. For, on Antony's coming to Tyre,* in- 
 stead of the former hundred, there came thither a thousand to him with the 
 same accusations against the two brothers, which Antony looking on as a tu- 
 mult, rather than an embassy, caused them to be fallen upon by his soldiers, 
 whereon several of them were slain, and more wounded. 
 
 Antony, wanting money to pay his army,'" sent all his horse to Palmyra, to 
 take the plunder of that city, instead of their pay. This was an ancient city in 
 Syria, formerly called Tadmor. The holy scriptures^' make mention of it by this 
 name, and tell us, that it was built in the desert by Solomon, king of Israel,'' 
 after his having vanquished and brought under him the kingdom of Hamath 
 Zoba, in which it was situated. When the Greeks became masters of those 
 countries, they gave it the name of Palmyra,'^ which it retained for several ages 
 after; and, under it, about the middle of the third century after Christ, grew fa- 
 mous by being made the seat of the eastern empire under Odenathus and Ze- 
 nobia.'"* But when the Saracens became lords of the east, they again restored 
 it to the old name of Tadmor: and that it hath ever since borne even to this 
 day. But it is now famous for nothing else but its ruins; which are the most 
 august that are at present any where to be found;'* and these truly prove how 
 great the magnificence, riches, and splendour of this ancient and noble city was 
 
 I Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 22. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 10. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in .Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 48. Appian de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. Joseph. Antiq. hb. 14.C. 23. 
 
 5 Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. p. 675. 6 Joseph, de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 10. 
 
 7 Joseph, ibid, et Antiq. lib. 14. c. 21. 8 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 23. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 10. 
 
 9 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 23. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 10. 10 Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. 
 
 II 1 Kingsix. 18. 2 Chron. viii. 4. 12 2 Chron. viii. 3. 13 Plin. lib. 5. c. 25. 
 
 14 Vide Trebellium Pollionem in duobus Gallienis et Flavium Vopiscum m Aiireliano, Zosimum, Zonaram, 
 
 15 See an account of them published some time since by the Royal Society in their Philosophical Trans- 
 actions. 
 
326 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 in former times. It is one hundred and twenty-seven miles north of Damascus, 
 on this side the Euphrates, at the distance of a day's journey from that river. 
 The situation of it is much like what that of Ammonia in the deserts of Libya 
 is described to have been. For it is built upon an island of firm land/ which 
 lies in the midst of a vast ocean of sand in sandy deserts surrounding it on every 
 side. Its neighbourhood to the Euphrates having placed it in the confines of 
 two potent empires, that of the Parthians on the east, and that of the Romans 
 on the west; it happened often that in the times of w^ar they were grinded be- 
 tween both. But, in times of peace, they made themselves sufficient amends 
 by their commerce with each of them,^ and the great riches which they gained 
 thereby. For the caravans from Persia and India, which now unload at Aleppo, 
 did in those times unload at Palmyra, and from thence the eastern commodities 
 which came over land, being carried to the next ports on the Mediterranean, 
 were from thence transmitted into the west; and the western commodities being 
 through the same way brought from the said ports to this city, were there loaded 
 on the same caravans, and on their return carried back and dispersed all over 
 the east. So that as Tyre, and afterward Alexandria, were the chief marts for 
 the eastern trade that was carried on by sea, Palmyra was for some time the 
 chief mart for so much of that trade as was carried on by land. By the means 
 whereof, that place being very much enriched, Antony thought, with the plun- 
 der of it, to have paid off his cavalry; and, for this purpose sent them thither. 
 But the Palmyrenians,^ having timely notice of the designs, had, before their 
 arrival, removed all their families and effects to the other side of the Euphrates, 
 where the invaders, not being able to come at them, they were forced to return 
 without the prey they came for; and, on their recess, the Palmyrenians came 
 back again to their houses, and being exasperated by this ill usage, did thence- 
 forth put themselves under the protection of the Parthians, which became one 
 of the principal causes of the second Parthian war. 
 
 Cleopatra^ having accompanied Antony as far as Tyre, there took her leave 
 of him, and returned into Egyjit, but left him so ensnared in the fetters of 
 amour to her, that he could not stay long behind; and therefore,'* having ap- 
 pointed Plancus to be his lieutenant in Lesser Asia, and Saxa in Syria, he made 
 haste after her to Alexandria, and there spent the whole ensuing winter with 
 her,"" in a most scandalous conversation of luxury and lasciviousness. In the 
 interim, all Syria and Palestine** being grievously oppressed with the taxes which 
 were imposed on them,^ the Aradians and some others slew those who were 
 sent to gather them, and thereon joined with the Palmyrenians, and those ty- 
 rants whom Antony had deposed,® for the calling in of the Parthians against 
 him, which put the whole country in the utmost misery and confusion. For 
 the Parthians,^ on this invitation, passed the Euphrates with a great army, under 
 the command of Pacoras, the king's son, and Labienus, a Roman general of the 
 Pompcian party. This Labienus was the son of Titus Labienus,'" who had been 
 Caesar's lieutenant in Gallia, and one of the chiefest of his friends; but after- 
 ward going over to Pompey, became the bitterest of his enemies, and was slain 
 fighting against him in the batUe of Munda." His son pursuing the same in- 
 terest,'^ was sent by Brutus and Cassius, a little before the battle of Philippi, in 
 an embassy to the Parthian king, to pray his aid in that war; and was soliciting 
 this matter at the Parthian court when that battle happened; by the ill success 
 whereof, being discouraged from any more returning,i^ he continued in that 
 country, and having prevailed with king Orodes to undertake this war,^'' was sent 
 
 1 Plin. lib. 5. c. 25. 2 Appian. rie Bellis Civilibiis, lib. 5. 3 Ibid. 
 
 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 40. Appian. de l$ellis Civilibus, lib. 5. 
 
 5 Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. ibid. 6 Dion Cassius, lib. 40. 
 
 7 Eiisnbius in Chronico. Dion Cassius, ibid. The Aradians were the inhabitants of the islands of Ara- 
 duis in Syria. 8 Appian. ibid, 
 
 y Appian. in Parthicis. Dion Cassius, lib. 48. p. 371. Plutarch, in Antonio. Epitome Livii, lib. 127. 
 10 Cacsaris Comment. Plutarch, in Cssare et Ponipeio. ]1 Hirtius, in Comment, de Bello Hispaniensi. 
 
 )2 Dion Cassius, lib. 48. L. Florus, lib. 4. c. 9. Velleius Patercul. lib. 3. 78. 
 13 Dion Cassius, lib. 48. p. 371. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT 327 
 
 with Pacorus,' the king's son, to be under him the chief commander in it. On 
 their entering Syria,^ they vanquished Saxa in battle, and forced him to flee 
 into Cilicia, and, after this, having divided the army between them, Labienus, 
 with one part of it, pursued Saxa into Cilicia, and, having there slain him,' 
 overran all the Lesser Asia; and forcing Plancus to flee thence into the isles, 
 brought all places under him, as far as the Hellespont and the ^Egean Sea. And 
 at the same time, Pacorus, with the other part of his army, subdued all Syria 
 and Phcenica,'* as far as Tyre, which alone stood out against him. For the re- 
 mainder of the Roman forces in that country, having gotten thither before him, 
 held out that place, so that he could not make himself master of it. 
 
 An. 40. Hyrcanus II. 24.] — Antony,^ being roused up by the accounts brought 
 him at Alexandria, of the ill state of his affairs in Italy, as well as in Syria and 
 Lesser Asia, early in the ensuing spring took his leave of Cleopatra, to carry a 
 remedy to them. For in Italy,* Fulvia, his wife, and Lucius Antonius, his 
 brother (who had been consul the preceding year,) having, under the pretence 
 of supporting his interest, engaged in a war against Octavianus, were vanquished 
 by him; and after the taking of Perusia (where Lucius had suffered a long and 
 hard siege in this cause,') were both driven out of that country. And what was 
 the state of affairs in Syria and Lesser Asia hath been related. For the remov- 
 ing of those evils, he first sailed to Tyre;* but on his putting in there, finding 
 all the country round in the hands of the Parthians,^ and receiving also in that 
 place lamentable letters of complaint from. Fulvia,'" concerning her sufferings 
 from Octavianus, he neglected the foreign enemy to make war upon the domes- 
 tic, and sailed into Italy with two hundred sail of ships against Octavianus; but 
 on his arrival thither, receiving an account that Fulvia was dead at Sicyon," he 
 hearkened to the advice of his friends, for the making up of all differences with 
 Octavianus, by marrying Octavia his sister, who had lately become a widow by 
 the death of Marcellus, her former husband;" on which terms peace being made 
 between them, they both went together to Rome, and the marriage was there 
 solemnized with great pomp and solemnity. After this the triumvirs came to 
 a new partition of the Roman empire between them, by virtue whereof Lepidus 
 had the provinces of Africa, Octavianus Dalmatia, the two GaUias, Spain, and 
 Sardinia, and Antony all the eastern province beyond the Adriatic. And the 
 war against the Parthians was committed to his charge, and that against Sextus 
 Pompeius (who had seized Sicily) to Octavianus; and Italy, it was agreed, should 
 be common to them both, for the raising of forces for these wars. 
 
 In the mean time, Labienus ravaged all Lesser Asia," and Pacorus," having 
 taken in Sidon and Ptolemais, sent a party to invade Judea, for the making of 
 Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, king of that country. For Ptolemy, the son 
 of Menneeus, prince of Chalcis," dying this year,'* Lysanius his son, who suc- 
 ceeded him in that principality, having a great interest with Barzapharnes,_a 
 chief commander of the army that followed Pacorus, contracted with him in 
 the behalf of Antigonus (to whom he was allied in the manner as hath been 
 above mentioned, )''that for one thousand talents, and five hundred Jewish wo- 
 men, to be given to the Parthians by Antigonus, they should restore him to his 
 father's kingdom; which contract being consented to and ratified by Pacorus, 
 he sent from Ptolemais a part of his army under the command of his cupbearer, 
 
 1 Dion Cassius, lib. 4S. p. 371. Appianus in Paithicis. L. FInriis, lib. i. c. 9. 
 
 2 Dion Cassias lib. 48. Florus. ibid. Epitome Livii, lib. 127. Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. c. 75. 
 
 3 Dion Cassius, ibid. Florus, ibid. Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. in Syriacis et Parthicis, et de Bellis 
 
 4'Dion Cassins, ibid. Josepli. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 23. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 11. 
 
 5 Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. de Bellia Civilibiis, lib. .5. Dion Cassius, lib. 48. 
 
 6 Plutarch, ibid. Dion Cassius, Appian. ibid. Vellejiis Patercul. lib. 2. c. 74. 
 
 7 The place was famished into a surrender; hence Pcrusina's fame grew to be a proverb. 
 
 S Plutarch, et Appian ibid. <J Dion Cassius, ibid. 10 Plutarch, in Antonio lib. 5. 
 
 11 Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. Livii Epitome, lib. 127. Dion Cassius, lib. 
 
 '*^i2%^utarch. ibid. L. Florus, lib. 4. c. 9. Dion (Cassius, lib. 48. Appian. in Syriacis et Parthicis, et de 
 Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. ,. r u -uj i-i, -ia » ot 
 
 13 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 24. etde Bello Judaico. lib. 1. c. 11. 14 Joseph, ibid. lib. 14. c. 23. 
 
 15 Joseph, ibid. c. 24. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 11. 
 
928 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 called also Pacorus, to put it into execution. Whereon Antigonus, having got- 
 ten too-ether an army of Jews from about Mount Carmel and elsewhere, marched 
 with them into Judea, and the cupbearer followed to support him.' Antigonus 
 havino" vanquished in battle those that first came forth to oppose him, pursued 
 them unto Jerusalem, where, having gotten into the city, many skirmishes hap- 
 pened between him and the two brothers; in which the Antigonians being 
 worsted, were forced to take shelter in the mountain of the temple, and the 
 other party seized the palace; and from these two places, as the head-quarters 
 of the two parties, they frequently sallied upon each other; and these hostilities 
 were continued between them, till the feast of Pentecost, when great numbers 
 of people coming to Jerusalem from all parts to this holy solemnity, and some 
 joining on one side, and some on the other, this produced such great distrac- 
 tions, and such shedding of blood in every part of the city, as moved both par- 
 ties to think of a composure of these troubles. Hereon Antigonus subdolously 
 proposed the calling in of the cupbearer to arbitrate all differences between them 
 (for he having followed Antigonus, according to the orders of his master, was 
 then with his forces encamped without the walls of the city:) which proposal 
 being accepted of, the cupbearer, with five hundred of his horse, was received 
 into Jerusalem, and he taking his lodging at Phasael's house, and being there 
 kindly entertained as his guest, made use of this opportunity to work his host 
 into such a confidence in him, as to be drawn by his treacherous persuasions to 
 go on an embassy to Barzapharnes (who then governed Syria under Pacorus,) 
 as being made believe, by this subtle Parthian, that it was the most certain way 
 to gain such a settlement of his affairs as would be best to his content. And 
 therefore, taking Hyrcanus along with him, he went on this journey wholly 
 against the opinion of Herod, who having no faith in the Parthians, blamed his 
 brother's creduUty in this matter. The cupbearer conducted them on their way 
 with part of his horse, leaving the other part at Jerusalem. When the ambas- 
 sadors came into Galilee, they were met with a guard from Barzapharnes to 
 conduct them to him; and the cupbearer returned again to Jerusalem. Barza- 
 pharnes at first received them with an appearance of kindness, till he thought 
 the cupbearer was returned again to Jerusalem, and had there seized Herod 
 according to the orders that were given him. But as soon as, by computing the 
 time, he concluded this was done,'^ he caused both Phasael and Hyrcanus to be 
 seized and put into chains. Herod having timely intelhgence hereof, before any 
 part of the intended treachery could be executed upon him, got away from Je- 
 rusalem in the night, taking with him all his family, and the best of his effects, 
 and as many soldiers in his pay, as he had then at hand for their guard, and 
 made the best of his way toward Massada,^ which was a castle built on the top 
 of a very high mountain, near the west side of the late Asphaltites, and the 
 strongest fortress in all that country. In his march thither, he was several times 
 assaulted, both by the Parthians pursuing him, and also by the Jews of the op- 
 posite faction; but in all these conflicts he had the better of them; and having 
 more especially in one of them, which was fought with the Jews of Antigonus's 
 party, at the distance of about seven mues irom Jerusalem, gotten a more re- 
 markable advantage than in any of the rest, he there afterward built a very fa- 
 mous palace,'' called Herodium, in memory of it. On his coming to Ressa, in 
 IdumEea, his brother Joseph met him with such forces as he could get together 
 for his assistance. But on their drawing near to Massada, that place not being 
 capable of containing all the company, Herod dismissed nine thousand of them. 
 Of the rest, he put eight hundred into the castle, with his mother, sister, and 
 the other women of quality which he brought with him from Jerusalem; and 
 then, having furnished the fortress with provisions for several months, and left 
 
 ,. ^ ■^.'^'^""^^ *° mention him by lliis name, that the reader may not confound him with the other Pacorus, 
 the king's son. 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 2.5. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 11. 
 
 •? °^® ^ '^"" description of this fortress in Josephus, de Bello Judaico, lib. 7. c. 31. p. 937, 938. 
 
 4 This palace is described by Josephus, de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. IG. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 329 
 
 Joseph in the chief command of it, he with the remainer of his followers, made 
 the best of his way for Petra, in Arabia, where Malchus having succeeded Are- 
 tas, then reigned as king of that country. Herod having laid many obligations 
 upon him by former kindnesses and services, thought to have found him his 
 friend in this time of need; but he being one who like many others would not 
 own a friend in adversity, as soon as he heard of Herod's case, sent to him to 
 depart his dominions, pretending for it the command of the Parthians. Hereon 
 Herod, dismissing most of those who had hitherto followed him, went directly 
 for Egypt; and on his coming to Rhinocorura in his way thither, he there had 
 an account of the death of Phasael his brother. 
 
 For the Parthians,' when they found Herod gone from Jerusalem, after hav- 
 ing first plundered the place, and all the country round, made Antigonus, ac- 
 cording as they had agreed with him, king of Judea, and delivered Hyrcanus 
 and Phasael in chains to him. Phasael knowing his death to be determined, to 
 prevent the executioner, beat out his brains against the wall of the prison. 
 Hyrcanus's life was spared: but, to incapacitate him from being any longer 
 high-priest, Antigonus caused his ears to be cut off (for no one was, according 
 to the Levitical law,^ to be priest or high-priest among the Jews who was not 
 perfect and whole in all the parts and members of his body,) and after this de- 
 livered him back again to the Parthians to be carried by them into the east, 
 that, being so far off, he might not be in the way to disturb him; and accord- 
 ingly on their return they carried him to Seleucia, and soon after there hap- 
 pened a reason which forced them to return sooner than they intended. 
 
 For Antony,' after his agreement with Octavianus, having sent Ventidius, 
 one of his lieutenants, into the east against them, he managed this war with 
 such success, as soon cleared all the Roman territories of them. His passage 
 into Asia was with such speedy expedition,^ that, arriving thither much sooner 
 than expected, he surprised Labienus with the suddenness of his coming, before 
 he was prepared to withstand him. For he had then none of the Parthian army 
 with him, but only such forces as were made up of Roman deserters, and those 
 A siatics which he had gathered up in Syria, Phoenicia, and Lesser Asia, since 
 his coming over the Euphrates. And therefore, not daring to stand the approach 
 of a Roman army, he retreated before them as fast as he could, till he came to 
 Mount Taurus, where having, by the advantage of the mountains, encamped in 
 such a place as secured him from being forced to a battle, he sent to Pacorus 
 for assistance: hereon an army of Parthians coming thither to his aid, they had 
 the Romans in such contempt, because of their former victories over them, that 
 they engaged Ventidius, before Labienus could come to join them; and there- 
 fore, being overthrown in this battle, and most of them cut in pieces, they re- 
 ceived the reward which was justly due to their presumption. Labienus's sol- 
 diers being terrified with this defeat of the Parthians, all deserted him and fled, 
 every one shifting as well as he could for himself: whereon Ventidius; pursu- 
 ing after them, slew some of them, and, having taken the rest, listed them 
 among his forces. Labienus, making his escape in a disguise, for some time 
 skulked about Cilicia from one hiding place to another, till at length being dis- 
 covered by Demetrius (a freedman of Julius Caesar's, whom Antony had made 
 governor of Cyprus,) he was taken and put to death. After this victor}^, Ven- 
 tidius having recovered all Cilicia,^ marched on to Mount Amanus, which 
 parted Cilicia from Syria; where he met another army of Parthians, who, under 
 the command of Pharnapates, one of Pacorus's lieutenants, had seized the 
 passes leading into Syria, and thereby endeavoured to hinder his farther pro- 
 gress. But Ventidius, falling on them, slew their general, and gained a second 
 victory over them as considerable as the former; and then, without any farther 
 opposition, passed on into Syria. Whereon Pacorus," calling all his forces to 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 25, et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 11. 2 Levit. xxi. 16—24. 
 
 3 Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. in Parthicis et Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. 4 Dion Cssiiis, lib. 48. 
 
 5 Ibid. Appian. in Parthicis. Epit. Livii, lib. 127. L. Florus, lib. 4. c. 9. Plutarch, in Antonio. 
 
 6 Dion CassiuB, et Appian. in Partbicis. Josepta. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 26. etde Bello Judaico. lib. 1, c, 13. 
 
 Vol. H.— 42 
 
330 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 him, marched back with all the haste he was able, and repassing the Euphrates, 
 left Syria, and all else on this side that river, wholly to the Romans, and all 
 again in those countries returned to their former subjection to them, excepting 
 only the Aradians, who, by reason of their having slain those that were sent 
 thither to gather their taxes, despairing of pardon, held out for some time, till 
 they were at length reduced by force of arms. 
 
 In the interim," Herod, from Rhinocorura, went to Pelusium, and from 
 thence to Alexandria; where, taking ship, he passed by the way of Rhodes and 
 Brundusium to Rome; and there applying to Antony, acquainted him of the 
 lamentable state all his affairs in Judea were then in; and earnestly prayed his 
 aid. Antony,^ on the account of the friendship which he had first with his fa- 
 ther, and afterward with him, pitied his case, and, for the sake of a great sum 
 of money promised, undertook to help him, and did much more for him than 
 he expected. For whereas the utmost of his design was to have obtained the 
 kingdom for Aristobulus, the brother of Mariamne, whom he had lately 
 espoused, without proposing any thing farther for his own interest, than that 
 he might govern the country under him in the same manner as Antipater had 
 under Hyrcanus his grandfather;^ Antony procured, that the crown was given 
 to him, contrary to the custom of the Romans commonly practised by them in 
 this case. For they used not to pass over the royal line of any dependent king- 
 dom, and grant the crown to one that was an alien to it. But Octavianus being 
 prevailed with to favour the design, partly to gratify Antony, and partly out of 
 gratitude to the family of Antipater, for the seasonable help brought by him to 
 Julius Cassar in Egypt, their joint interest was not to be withstood. And there- 
 fore Messala and Atratinus, two noble senators, having introduced Herod into 
 the senate, and there set forth the merits of him and his family toward the Ro- 
 man people, and the demerits of Antigonus; and Antony having added, that it 
 would be very advantageous to him in his carrying on the Parthian war to have 
 Herod king of Judea, the royal dignity was decreed to him by the unanimous 
 suffrage of the whole senate, and Antigonus was declared an enemy to the Ro- 
 man state. And, on the rising of the senate, Herod was conducted by the con- 
 suls and other magistrates up to the Capitol, Octavianus going on one side of 
 him, and Antony on the other; and the decree being there deposited among 
 the public records of the state, he was thereon solemnly inaugurated into the 
 kingdom, according to the Roman usage. Having had so good and expeditious 
 success in this matter, he made all the haste back again into Judea that he was 
 able. For, having tarried only seven days at Rome for the despatch of this 
 whole affair, he returned to his ships at Brundusium, and, sailing thence with 
 the first fair wind, he landed at Ptolemais toward the end of summer, so that 
 he was not above three months in all this journey, both by sea and land. 
 
 On his arrival, his first care was to relieve his mother, sister, and other friends 
 that were shut up in Massada." For Antigonus* had besieged them with a close 
 siege ever since his departure, and had once brought them to so great a distress for 
 want of water, that Joseph had resolved to attempt desperately to break through 
 the besiegers, and flee unto Malchus in Arabia: for he had heard that Malchus 
 had repented of his unkindness to Herod, and was now much better inclined to 
 him and his party. But the night before he intended to have put this design in 
 execution, there fell such plentiful showers of rain, as filled all their cisterns, 
 and thereby put them in a capacity of holding out till Herod came and relieved 
 them. And to relieve them being what he had most at heart (especially for the 
 sake of Mariamne, his late betrothed mistress, who was a lady of the greatest 
 beauty, and the greatest merit of any of her time,) he did all he could to provide 
 for it. For, immediately on his return, he set himself to raise men, Hsting into 
 his service as well foreigners as Jews; and with those, and such Roman auxili- 
 
 1 Joseph. Anliq. lib. 14. c. 25. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 11. 2 Joseph, ibid. c.26. et de Bello, ibid. 
 
 3 He was the son of Ale.\aiKlra, the dauchter of Hyrcanus, by Alexander the son of Aristobulus, the bro- 
 ther of Hyrcanus, so that he had the title of both brothers in him. 
 
 4 Joseph. Anliq. lib. 14. c. 27. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 12. 5 Joseph, ibid. c. 26. ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 331 
 
 anes as he received from Ventidius and Silo his lieutenant in Palestine, he 
 made himself master of all Galilee, some few places only excepted. After this, 
 he endeavoured to get at Massada, but not thinking it safe to leave so strong a 
 place as Joppa behind him in the hands of his enemies, he took in that fust, 
 and then proceeding to the place intended, and having there raised the siege, 
 and received all his friends, he took in Ressa, a strong fortress in Idumaea; and 
 marching back, joined Silo, whom Ventidius had left in Judea, for the pro- 
 moting of his interest, and encamped with him before the walls of Jerusalem. 
 
 For Ventidius, on his having driven the Parthians out of Syria,' marched 
 into Palestine, out of pretence to relieve Joseph in Massada, but in reality to get 
 as much money as he could; and therefore, having appeared before Jerusalem, 
 and thereby frighted Antigonus to part with all the money he could get to- 
 gether, for the purchasing of his departure, he marched back into Syria with 
 the gross of his army, leaving Silo with the rest in Judea. And with these he 
 joined Herod, but did him more hurt than good. For following the same me- 
 thod which Ventidius had lately given him an example for, he managed this 
 war in no other manner than as it might bring most money into his own pocket, 
 receiving great sums from Herod to promote his interest, and, at the same time, 
 greater from Antigonus to hinder it; so that, playing booty on both sides, he 
 squeezed each of them to the utmost, and truly served neither. He helped, He- 
 rod, indeed in reducing Joppa, and, on his return from Massada, went with him 
 to the siege of Jerusalem, but there managed that matter so, that by encouraging 
 his soldiers to mutiny, on pretence of wanting necessaries, he made it end only 
 in the sackage of Jericho, to the utter ruin of that place, and then dismissed the 
 army into winter-quarters, w^hich he made Herod provide for them in Idumaea, 
 Samaria, and Galilee. 
 
 This year was born to Asinius Pollio, consul of Rome, a son,° whom, from his 
 taking of Salone, a city in Dalmatia, he called Saloninus; on his birth, Virgil 
 made his fourth eclogue, and therein attributes to him, Avhat was then generally 
 talked, first by the Jews, and afterward from them by others, of the kingdom of 
 the Messiah, who was speedily to appear, and restore the righteousness and bliss 
 of the golden age again to the world. That Saloninus was not this person was 
 soon proved,^ for he died on the ninth day after his birth; but what was then 
 foretold and rumoured abroad concerning this matter, was, in less than forty 
 years after, all fulfilled in the birth of our Saviour. And the kingdom of Christ 
 W'ould truly be all that this eclogue describes it to be, would men but keep the 
 laws thereof. Where all do good to all, there is heaven; and where all do evil 
 to all, there is hell; and according as the one or the other prevails, so we have 
 a heaven or a hell here on earth. The law of Christ is truly and exactly calcu- 
 lated for the former; and were the righteousness, justice, and charity, which it 
 enjoins, fully observed, then all would do good to all, and a state of bliss would 
 be established among men here on earth, next that which is enjoyed by the 
 saints in heaven. And all that is said of the golden age by the poets, or of the 
 kingdom of the Messiah by the prophets of Israel, would be truly verified in 
 this life; and that it is not so, is wholly owing to the wickedness of men, 
 who, b)'' their malice, violence, and uncharitableness, obstruct what otherwise 
 the law of Christ would effect, and thereby introduce a hell instead of a heaven 
 among us. 
 
 An. 39. Jlntigonus 1.] — Herod,'' though he had put Silo's soldiers into winter- 
 quarters, stiU kept the field with his own; one part of which he sent into Idu- 
 mjea, under the command of his brother Joseph, to secure aU there to his inter- 
 est; with the rest he marched to Samaria, and having there placed his mother, 
 sister, and all his other friends, which he brought from Massada, under a safe 
 guard, he passed on into Galilee, and there reduced Sepphoris, and all other 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c.26. etde Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 12. 
 
 2 Servius in Nofis ad quartara Eclogam Virgilii. 3 Servius, ibid, ad versum primum. 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 27. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 13. 
 
332 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 places •which held for Antigonus in that country; and after that betook himself 
 to rid it of those bands of thieves and banditti, which at that time very much 
 infested it. For there being many mountains and steep craggy rocks in this 
 country, with caves in them capable of affording hiding-places for great numbers 
 of this sort of people, great numbers of them were often found from those dens 
 to make ravages and depredations in it, and never more than at this time. For 
 the suppressing of these, Herod marched with all his forces against them, and 
 all were scarce enough: for these robbers, having joined their forces together, 
 made such a head against him, that at first Herod's left wing was put to the 
 rout, till he himself came up in person with other forces to their relief; whereon, 
 having gained the victory, he pursued them as far as the river Jordan, and 
 there drove them all out of the country, excepting only some few, who lurking 
 behind, sheltered themselves in the caves and fastnesses of the mountains. 
 After this he gave his soldiers a donative of one hundred and fifty drachms a 
 man, and dismissed them into winter-quarters. While they lay there, he took 
 care, by the agency of Pheroras, his brother, to furnish them and also the Ro- 
 mans under Silo, with plenty of provisions; and also took care, at the same time, 
 by the same person, for the re-edifying and new fortifying of the castle of Alex- 
 andrium. And, as soon as the season of the year would allow him to take the 
 field, he marched again into Galilee, to rid it from the remainder of those thieves, 
 who still infested that country from the caves and holes of the mountains where 
 they had taken shelter; but how to come at them was the difficulty. For, by 
 reason of the cragginess and steepness of those mountains, there was no scaling 
 them from below, and to get down to them from above, by any passage, was al- 
 together as impracticable; and therefore, to ferret them out of their dens, he was 
 forced to make certain chests, and, filling them with soldiers, to let them down 
 into the entrance of those caves, by chains from engines which he had fixed 
 above; by which means having destroyed all that lurked in them, or else reduced 
 them to terms of submission, he wholly quieted that country for the present, and 
 marched to Samaria, from thence to make war upon Antigonus. But he was no 
 sooner gone, but those thieves, whom he had lately driven over Jordan, again 
 returned, and infested anew that country, slew Ptolemy, whom Herod had made 
 governor of it, and began again to ravage all round about them. But Herod, on 
 notice hereof, coming back again, soon made them pay dear for it. For, ferret- 
 ing them out of all their hiding holes, he cut off the most of them, destroyed aU 
 their places of retreat, and deeply fined all of the country that had afforded them 
 any relief or countenance; by which necessary rigour he at length restored full 
 peace and security to all Galilee. 
 
 In the interim,' Antony was at Athens, there spending this winter with his 
 new wife Octavia, in the same excesses of luxury, foUy, and loose divertise- 
 ments, as he had the former with Cleopatra at Alexandria. While he thus lay 
 idle in that place, ^ there came thither to him an account of the two victories 
 gained by Ventidius against the Parthians; for which he made great rejoicing 
 and feasting in that place. But hearing that Pacorus was making great prepa- 
 rations for another invasion into Syria, he thought not fit any longer to lie stiU 
 and leave it to his lieutenant to reap all the laurels of this war. And therefore, 
 as soon as the spring advanced, he left Athens with all his forces, and marched 
 toward the east; but, before he could get thither, Ventidius had gained a third 
 victory, much greater than the other two,* whereby he seemed to have fully re- 
 venged the death of Crassus, and those that were cut off with him in the battle 
 of Carrhae: for the loss on the Parthians' side, at this time, was altogether as sig- 
 nal as that other on the Romans; Pacoras himself, and above twenty thousand 
 of his best men, being slain in this overthrow. The manner whereby it was 
 effected was as followeth: — 
 
 1 Dion Cassius, lib. 48. Appian. dc Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. Plutarchus in Antonio. 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq.lih. 11. c. 27. Plutarchus in Antonio. Appian. in Parthicis. Dion Cassius, lib. 49. Strabo, 
 lib. 16. p. 751. Epitome LivU, 128. Justin, lib. 42. c. 4. Julius Frontin. Stratagem, lib. 1. c. 1. et lib. 2. 
 
 c. 2. Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. c. 78. Eutrop. lib. 7. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 18. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 333 
 
 Ventidius,' hearing that the Paithians were in great readiness for another ex- 
 pedition into Syria, feared that they might pass the Euphrates upon him, be- 
 fore he should be able to get his army together from the several places where 
 they were dispersed into quarters, for the putting of himself into a condition to 
 oppose them. And therefore, for the preventing thereof, he had recourse to this 
 stratagem. There being then in his camp, under the name of an ally, a petty 
 prince of those eastern parts, whom he knew to be a well-wisher and secret cor- 
 respondent of the Parthians, that communicated to them all the intelligence he 
 could get of the Roman counsels and designs, he laid a plot of serving him:self 
 by this man's treachery. For, taking the first opportunity that offered to dis- 
 course with him, and expressing himself as if he placed great confidence in him, 
 communicated to him his pretended fears, feigning that he had heard, and was 
 thereon much concerned, that the Parthians, waiving the usual passage of the 
 Euphrates at Zeugma, intended now to enter Syria another wa}-, at a passage 
 of that river much below the former. For, said he, if they pass at Zeugma, the 
 country on this side the Euphrates is there mountainous, where the Parthian 
 horse, of which their army mostly consists, will not be useful to them; but, in 
 case they take the lower passage, the country is all plain, and there the horse 
 will have their full advantage, and the Romans Avill not be able to stand before 
 them. As soon as this conference was over, the traitor, according as Ventidius 
 foresaw, conveyed a full account of it to the Parthians, and there it had the full 
 effect which was intended. For Pacorus, immediately hereon altering his 
 course, left the road of Zeugma, and took his rout into the other road, where 
 Ventidius wished he should; which causing a long march about, and requiring 
 other preparations to be made for the passing of the river at the place now in- 
 tended, while all this was doing, forty days w^ere gained to Ventidius; in w^hich 
 time, having gotten to him Silo from Judea, and all his legions from beyond 
 Taurus, Avhere they had been quartered, he was in full readiness to meet the 
 Parthians, as soon as they entered Syria; where, having first outwitted them by 
 several stratagems and artifices of war, he at length vanquished them wdth that 
 signal overthrow which I have mentioned. It is remarked of this victory of the 
 Romans, that, as it fully revenged the victory gotten over Crassus by the Par- 
 thians, so it was gotten on the same day of the year on which the other was 
 lost,'' just fourteen years before. It happened, therefore, in the month of June; 
 for in that month the battle of Carrhse was fought by Crassus. 
 
 Orodes, king of Parthia, hearing of this defeat, and the death of his son in it,* 
 w^as so overwhelmed with excess of grief for this calamity, that he grew dis- 
 tracted upon it. For several days he sat mute, not speaking a word, or caring 
 to take any meat; and, when his grief had at length made way for his tongue to 
 express it, nothing else could be heard from him but the name of Pacorus: some- 
 times he would seem to see him, and call upon him as if present, sometimes to 
 talk with him, sometimes to hear him speaking to him, and at other times, re- 
 collecting that he was lost, he would pour out his lamentations for it with show- 
 ers of tears. And, in truth, there was reason enough for all this grief in the 
 present case. For this overthrow was the greatest blow which the Parthians had 
 at any time till now received:^ and the loss of the prince was as great as that of 
 the army; for he was the worthiest person for justice and clemency,^ as well as 
 for valour, and all other princely qualities, which the royal family of Arsaces 
 had ever bred; by which, in the short time that he was in Syria, he so far en- 
 deared himself to the people of that country, that they never expressed a greater 
 affection for any prince that ever reigned over them than they did for him. 
 
 Had Ventidius, after this victory, pursued all the advantages of it, he might 
 have driven the Parthians out of all Mesopotamia and Babylonia, and extended 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 27. Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. in Parlhicis. Dion. Cassias, lib. 49. Strabo, 
 lib. 16. p. 751. Epitome Livii, 128. Justin, lib. 42. c. 4. Julius Frontin. Stratagem, lib. 1. c. 1. et lib. 2. c. 
 2. Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. c. 78. Eutrop. lib. 7. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 18. 
 
 2 Dion. Cassius, lib. 40. p. 405. Eutrop. lib. 7. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 18. 3 Justin, lib. 42. c, 4. 
 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 49. p. 404. 
 
334 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 the Roman empire to the banks of the Tigris, if not beyond them: but he feared 
 he might thereby excite the envy of Antony against him;^ and therefore con- 
 tented himself with reducing all those places in Syria and Phcenicia which had 
 revolted from the Romans in the late war; and, in pursuit hereof, he was with 
 all his army in Commagena when Antony arrived. For Antiochus,^ the king of 
 that country, having embraced the Parthian interest against the Romans, Ven- 
 tidius made war upon him for it, and, having shut him up in Samosata, the 
 capital of his kingdom, was then straightly besieging him. Antony, on his 
 coming thither, took this war out of his hands, and, dismissing him from his 
 presidency of Syria, and all other command, sent him to Rome, on pretence 
 that he might there take his triumph for his victories; but the true reason was,' 
 he envied him the glory of them, and therefore sent him away from the army, 
 with which he was in great reputation, and never employed him afterward, 
 though on many occasions after this time he needed so able and experienced a 
 general to fight his battles for him. However, Ventidius,^ on his return to 
 Rome, was there received with all the honour that his victories deserved: for 
 he was not only admitted to his triumph, but had it granted to him with the 
 general applause of all the Roman people; and herein had this peculiar glory, 
 that he was the only person that ever triumphed over the Parthians, none before 
 or after having ever attained to it besides him alone. And another thing was 
 also peculiar to him in this matter, which was altogether as remarkable,* that is, 
 he came to this honour of triumphing from being led in triumph himself, Avhich 
 no one else besides himself ever did. For, in the social war which the Italian 
 allies waged with Rome for the freedom of that city, being made a captive at 
 the taking of Asculum, the chief city of Picenum, by Strabo, the father of Pom- 
 pey, he was then, being very young, led before that general in his triumph for 
 the said victory. After this, his family being brought to poverty by the ruin 
 and sackage of their city, he was forced, when grown up, to betake himself to 
 a mean and sordid employment for his livelihood. For at first,*' he was only a 
 muleteer; and, being used to provide mules for the carrying of the baggage of 
 such Roman magistrates as were sent to govern foreign provinces, Caesar made 
 use of him for this purpose when he went first into Gallia; and, having on that 
 occasion taken notice of the activity and quick apprehension of the man, took him 
 with him into his Gallic wars; wherein, by his valour and other military qualifi- 
 cations, he rose so fast through all the stations of the camp, as that he became 
 one of the chief of Caesar's generals in all the wars that he afterward waged; 
 and, on his return to the city, reaped honours there as fast as he had in the army, 
 being first made tribune of the people,® and afterward praetor and consul of 
 Rome.'' After Caesar's death,'* he joined himself to Antony, and fought for hig 
 cause in the wars both of Mutina and Perusia; and afterward being sent as his 
 lieutenant into the east, he there obtained the victories I have mentioned: for 
 which having triumphed at his return to Rome, he there afterward lived, and 
 there died in great honour; and, on his decease," a public funeral was there 
 made for him at the charges of the commonwealth. 
 
 In the interim, Herod carried on his war in Judea against Antigonus;'° and 
 Machaeras, a Roman general, by the order of Antony, was sent with two le- 
 gions and one thousand horse to his assistance. But, on his approach to the 
 walls of Jerusalem, where he went with design to confer with Antigonus, being 
 beaten back by the archers and slingers that guarded the rampart, he fell into 
 such rage hereon, that, on his retreat from thence, he slew all the Jews that came 
 in his way, without regarding whether they were friends or foes; in which wild 
 fury of his, many of Herod's friends being cut ofi^, he could not bear it with 
 
 1 Plutarcli. in Antonio. Appian. in Parthicis. 2 Plutarch, et Appian. ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 49. 
 
 :i Plutarch. Appian. et Dion Cassius, ibid. 
 
 4 r»ion Cassius, lib. 49. p. 404, 40.'). A. Gellius, lib. 15. c. 4. 
 
 5 Vellcius Paterculus, lib. 2. c. 65. Valerius Maximus, lib. 6. c. 9. Plinius, lib. 7. c. 43. A. Gellius, lib. 
 15. c. 4. Dion Cassius, lib. 49. p. 405. 
 
 C A. Gellius, ibid. 7 Dion Cassius, lib. 47. p. 335. A. Gellius, ibid. 8 Plutarch, in Antonio. 
 
 9 A. Gellius, lib. 1.5. c. 4. 10 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 27. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 12. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT, 335 
 
 any patience; and therefore went away immediately to Samaria, and from 
 thence hastened toward Antony, to make complaint to him of this outrage: of 
 which Machoerus having notice, made after him as fast as he could, and, having 
 overtaken him, prevailed with him to overlook what was past, and be reconciled 
 unto him. However, Herod continuing his journey to pay his respects unto An- 
 tony, left Joseph his brother to command in Judea during his absence, but with 
 special order to put nothing to hazard till he should return. On his coming to 
 Antony (whom he found still at Samosata,) he was received with great honour, 
 and, in requital of it, there did him special service in the carrying on of the siege 
 of that place. Ventidius first began it, as hath been already mentioned, and 
 King Antiochus, whom he shut up therein, offered a thousand talents for his 
 peace;* but Antony, on his arrival not accepting of it, after he had dismissed 
 Ventidius, carried on the siege himself, but with much less success. For the 
 people of the place, on Antony's rejecting the best terms they could offer him 
 for peace, being by desperation made valiant, defended themselves so well, that 
 Antony* was glad at length to compound the matter with Antiochus for less 
 than one third of the sum thatv/as offered, that so he might raise the siege with 
 honour, which otherwise he feared he might be forced to without it, by reason 
 of the discontent of his own soldiers. For they being all displeased at the dis- 
 mission of Ventidius, under whom they had gotten such signal victories, did very 
 much resent it; and therefore executed Antony's orders in the siege neither 
 with that vigour nor that care as was necessary to make them succeed. After 
 this, Antony, having appointed Sosius' to be his lieutenant in Cilicia, Syria, and 
 Palestine, left the army with him, and sailed to Athens,'' and from thence to 
 Brundusium, to confer with Octavianus: but, not finding him there at the time 
 appointed, he returned back to Athens, and from thence passed to Alexandria, 
 and there spent the ensuing winter in the same dalliances and luxurious de- 
 lights with Cleopatra as he had the winter two years before. 
 
 While Herod was absent in his attendance upon Antony, Joseph,^ forgetting 
 the orders he had received from him, made an expedition against Jericho, taking 
 with him his own men, and five cohorts received from Machsras; but, being 
 there circumvented by the enemy, he was himself slain, and most of his forces 
 cut in pieces; whereon those that were disaffected to Herod in Galilee and Idu- 
 msea, revolted from him in both these provinces. Herod being come back from 
 Antony as far as Daphne, near Antioch, had there an account brought him of 
 these misfortunes; whereon he hastened back into Judea, to bring the best re- 
 medy to them that he could. On his coming to Mount Libanus, he there raised 
 eight hundred men: and with these, and one Roman cohort, marched to Ptole- 
 mais, and from thence made war upon the revolters of Galilee; and, having 
 there received another cohort from Antony, soon brought all these again to sub- 
 mit to him who had in that country declared against him; and after that went 
 to Jericho, for the revenging of his brother Joseph's death, but there attempted 
 it to his hurt: for the Antigonians in those parts, overpowering him with num- 
 bers, put his forces to the rout, and wounded Herod himself in the conflict. 
 But, after this, having gotten more men together about him, he soon grew into 
 a better condition for the prosecuting of the war. And therefore, finding that 
 Pappus, a prime general of Antigonus's, had taken the field against him with 
 the main strength of that party, he engaged him in battle, and gained an abso- 
 lute victory over him, having slain Pappus himself in the rout, and cut off most 
 of his army with him; and, had it not been for the severity of the winter, which 
 now approached, he had gone immediately to Jerusalem, and made an end of 
 the war by taking that place; but the soldiers not being able to bear lying any 
 
 1 Pliitarch. in Antonio. Appian. in Parthicis. 
 
 2 Plutarch, et Appian. ihid. Dion Cassius, lib. 49. p 405. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 27. et de Bello Judaico, lib. i. e. 13. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus. lib. 5. Dion Cassius, lib. 48. p. 385. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 27. et de Bello Judaico, lib. I. c. 13. 
 
336 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 lono-er abroad, he was forced to put them into winter-quarters, and to refer what 
 remained undone to the operation of the next campaign. 
 
 An. 38. Antigonus 2.] — As soon as the spring began to come on, Antony sailed 
 from Alexandria to Athens,' where he had left his wife Octavia ever since his 
 last going from thence for Syria, and, having taken her in, passed from thence 
 with her for Italy, attended with a fleet of three hundred sail, and landed at Ta- 
 rentem, proposing with this naval force to assist Octavianus against Sextus Pom- 
 peius; but Octavianus not accepting his aid, out of jealousy of him, this had 
 like to have made another quarrel between them, and other reasons of discon- 
 tent on this occasion were urged on both sides against each other; but Octavia, 
 mediating between her husband and her brother, made up all matters. And, 
 whereas, the five years were now near expiring, for which the sovereign govern- 
 ment of the Roman empire was granted to the triumvirs by the people, they 
 prolonged it for five years more by their own authority;" and as long as the 
 sovereignty was in them, they thought, by virtue thereof, they had right so to 
 do. After this, Antony returned into Syria, to make preparations for the Par- 
 thian war.^ Octavia accompanied him as far as Corcyra; but, that she might 
 not be exposed with him to the dangers of that expedition, he from thence 
 sent her back into Italy, there to reside till it should be over, committing her,"* 
 and the children which he had either by her or Fulvia, to the care of Octavianus. 
 
 On Antony's returning into Syria, Octavianus married Livia Drusilla,* the 
 daughter of Livius Drusus, who having been one of those that were prescribed 
 by the triumvirs, was driven thereby to take shelter with Brutus and Cassius; 
 after whose overthrow at Philippi, not knowing where else to flee, he fell on 
 his sword and slew himself. She was first the wife of Tiberius Nero, and bore 
 him Tiberius Caesar, who succeeded Augustus in the empire. On the breach 
 that happened between Octavianus and Fulvia, the wife of Antony, he sided 
 with the latter, whereon he was forced, after the taking of Perusia, to flee out 
 of Italy, carrying with him his wife and his young son Tiberius; but being in- 
 cluded in the pacification that was afterward made between Octavianus and An- 
 tony, he returned to Rome, where Octavianus falling in love with her, Tiberius, 
 for the purchase of his favour, willingly yielded her unto him; and he accord- 
 ingly married her, though she were then great with child by Tiberius, and 
 within three months of her time of delivery. This for some time caused a de- 
 lay, and the pontifices were consulted about the lawfulness of marrying her in 
 this case; but their answer being, that it was only unlawful when it might cause 
 a doubt to which husband the next child born of her might belong; and it being 
 now, after six months' pregnancy, past all doubt, that the child next to be born 
 belonged to Tiberius, Octavianus forthwith married her, and three months after a 
 son being born of her (the same who hereafter, by the name of Drusus, will be 
 often spoken of,) he was sent to Tiberius as to the proper father; but Tiberius dy- 
 ing a little after, both this son and the other also were sent back to Octavianus, to 
 be taken care of, and bred up by him, as being left their guardian by the will 
 of their father. He had a former wife, called Scribonia, who brought him his 
 daughter Julia: her he divorced for her ill temper; but Livia, though she brought 
 him no children, continued to be his wife as long as he lived, and always com- 
 manded his affection to the last. 
 
 In the interim, Herod having made great preparations for the carrying on of 
 this year's campaign,* brought a great army into the field, and, marching with 
 it directly up to the walls of Jerusalem, laid close siege to that city, and forth- 
 with ordered the casting up of such works against it as were in those times made 
 use of for the taking of besieged places. While this was doing, he himself 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. de Bollis Civilibus, lib. 5. Dion Cassius, lib. 48. 
 
 2 Plutarch, et Appian. de de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. Dion Cassius, lib. 48. 
 
 3 Dion Cassius, lib. 48. in fine. Plutarch, et Appian. ibid. 
 
 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 48. p. 383. Sueton. in Octavio, c. C9. et in Tiberio, c. 4. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 27. in fine, et de Bello Judaico, lib. I. c. 13. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 337 
 
 went to Samaria, and there consummated his marriage with Mariamme.' He 
 had betrothed her four years before; but his troubles hindered that he did not 
 marry her till now. She was the daughter of Alexander the son of king Aris- 
 tobulus, by Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus II. and therefore was grand- 
 daughter to both those brothers.'^ She was a lady of extraordinary beauty and 
 great virtue, and in all other laudable qualifications accomplished beyond most 
 others of her time. The Jews of those times having generally a zealous affec- 
 tion for the family of the Asmonsans, Herod thought that, by marrying this lady 
 out of it, he should the easier reconcile that people to him; and this made him 
 so earnest for the consummating of the marriage at this time. On his return to 
 his army before Jerusalem,^ Sosius, the governor of Syria, came thither to him. 
 For, being ordered by Antony to do his utmost for the subduing of Antigonus, 
 and the putting of Herod in full possession of the kingdom of Judea, he marched 
 into that country with the best of his forces for this purpose, and, having joined 
 Herod before Jerusalem, they both together carried on the siege of that place 
 with the utmost vigour, and a very numerous army. For both of them together 
 had no fewer than eleven legions,^ and six thousand horse, besides the Syrian 
 auxiliaries. However, the place held out several months with a great deal of 
 resolution, and, had the military skill of those that defended it been equal to 
 their valour, they could not have been subdued. But their defence being made 
 rather with boldness, than due order and good conduct, according to the art of 
 war, the Romans herein much outdid them; and, by means hereof, at length 
 carried the place, after a siege of above half a year.^ 
 
 Jin. 37. Herod the Great I.] — For it was not till the year next after following, 
 that the place was taken. For then the Jews being beaten out of all their places 
 of defence,** the city was broken up, and the enemy entering it on every side, 
 made themselves thorough masters of it, and being exasperated by the length 
 of the siege, and the great labour and hardship which they had endured in it, 
 for the revenging hereof, they filled all the quarters of the place with blood and 
 slaughter, and ravaged it all over with rapine and devastation. Herod did all 
 he could to hinder both, but without success, Sosius encouraging the soldiers in 
 what they did. Hereon Herod went to him with heavy complaints about it, 
 alleging, that if the city were thus destroyed by plunder and slaughter, the Ro- 
 mans would make him only king of a desert; and therefore desired that a stop 
 might be put to this ravage and cruelty: but receiving no other answer, but that 
 the spoils of the city were due to the soldiers, for the reward of their labour 
 and valour in the taking of it, he was forced, by a sum of money, to redeem 
 the city from all further devastation, which otherwise would have been utterly 
 ruined and destroyed. 
 
 Antigonus seeing all lost,^ surrendered himself to Sosius, and cast himself in 
 a very submissive and abject manner at his feet to pray his compassion. But 
 Sosius, despising his cowardice and meanness of spirit, rejected him with scorn; 
 and looking on such behaviour as more becoming a woman than a man, instead 
 of Antigonus,** by way of contempt, called him Antigona, and forthwith ordered 
 him to be put in chains; and as soon as Antony was returned out of Italy, and 
 came again to Antioch, Sosius sent this captive king thither to him. Antony at 
 first intended to have reserved him for his triumph." But Herod not thinking 
 
 1 In Hebrew the name is Miriam, in Greek Maria, in Josephus Mariamme, but most Latin writers call 
 her Mariamne. ^ ,, ^ , , a. j 
 
 2 Hyrcanus and Aristobulus were brothers, as being both the sons of Alexander Jannaeus, by Alexandra 
 his queen. 
 
 3 Joseph, de Belln Judaico, lib. 1. c. 13. et Antiq lib. 14. c. 28. 
 
 4 Legions were of an uncertain number, as containing sometimes four thousand, sometimes five thousand, 
 and sometimes six thousand men. According to the lowest computation, this army, with the horsemen and 
 the Svrian auxiliaries, could not be less than sixty thousand men. , . , 
 
 5 Reckoninc from the time that Herod came before the place, which was some lime before Sosius joined 
 him, and carried on the siege in conjunction with him. 
 
 6 Joseph. Antiq. lib. M. c. 2S. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 13. Dion Cassius, lib. 49. 7 Joseph, ibid. 
 
 8 Antigonus is the masculine name, Antigona the feminine: the former is proper to men, the other to 
 women. 
 
 9 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. t. 1. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. 1. 13. 
 
 Vol. it.— 43 
 
338 COJVNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 himself safe in his kingdom as long as this remainder of the old royal family 
 continued alive, never left soliciting Antony, till at length, by a great sum of 
 money, he obtained that this poor prince was put to death; to which he having 
 been condemned by a former sentence in judicature, this sentence was executed 
 upon him in the same manner as upon a common criminal,' by the rods and 
 axe of the lictor, which the Romans never before subjected any crowned head 
 to. And here ended the reign of the Asmoneeaus, after it had lasted from the 
 beginning of Judas Maccabaeus's government to this time,^ one hundred and 
 twenty-nine years; and with it I shall end this book. 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 An. 37. Herod 1.]-^0n the taking of Jerusalem, Herod was put in thorough 
 possession of the kingdom of Judea. But the greater part of the Jews,' as long 
 as Antigonus was alive, partly out of the affection they had for the old royal 
 family of the Asmonaeans, and partly out of their hatred to Herod, could not be 
 induced by any means to own him for their king, which conduced much to the 
 hastening on the death of that captive prince. As Herod was forced to make 
 his way to the throne of this kingdom through a great deal of blood,'* so he 
 found it necessary to estabhsh himself in it by the same means, putting daily to 
 death such of the opposite faction as he most feared,^ among whom were all 
 the councillors of the great Sanhedrin, except Pollio and Sameas. These two 
 had' during the whole siege declared for the receiving of Herod to be king, and 
 the rendering of the city to him; telling the people, that their sins being grown 
 to so very great a height as they then were, they had nothing else to expect, 
 but that God would deliver them into the hands of this man for the punishment 
 of them, and that therefore it was in vain to resist him. But the rest of the 
 Sanhedrin running violently the other way,^ cried up, "The temple of the 
 Lord! The temple of the Lord!" as if for the sake thereof God would certainly 
 protect that city; and on this conceit they did all they could to excite and en- 
 courage the people to a fierce and obstinate resistance; and hereto it was owing 
 that the siege held on so long. And therefore Herod, when he had gotten them 
 into his powder, put them all to death for it. To this he is also said to have been 
 provoked by another reason, that is, for their having called him before them 
 upon a trial for his life for the death of Hezekiah the robber, when he was go- 
 vernor of Galilee under Hyrcanus; of which mention hath been above made. 
 But if that influenced him in this matter, he would not have spared Sameas, 
 who was, of all, the most violent against him in that cause. These two men 
 are by the Jewish writers called Hillel and Shammai; and their names are of 
 the greatest note among them of all their Mishnical doctors,' that is, of all those 
 who taught their traditions, from the time of Simon the Just, to the compiling 
 of the Mishnah by R. Judah Hakkadosh; and they make the sixth link in their 
 cabalistical chain from the said Simon: for he,* they said, delivered their tradi- 
 tions to, 1. Antigonus of Socho; Antigonus of Socho delivered them to, 2. Jo- 
 ses Ben Joezer and Joseph Ben Jochanan; these to, 3. Joshua Ben Perachiah, 
 and Nathan the Arbelite; these to, 4. Simon Ben Shetach and Jehudah Ben 
 Tabbai; these to, 5. Shemaiah and Abtalion; and these to, 6. Hillel and Sham- 
 mai. Of these pairs, the first in each of them was Nasi,** that is, president of 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq lib. 15. c. I. et (5e Bello Judaico. lib. I.e. 13. Plut.in Antonio. Dion Cassiiis, lib. 49. p. 405. 
 
 a Whfiroas Josephus, in his Antiquities, book 14, c. i>8, saith, it lasted only one hundred and twenty-si.'C 
 years, this is to be connpiited from the time that Judas was established in the government by his peace witlj 
 Antinchus tupator, three years after he first took it upon him. 
 
 i Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 1. 4 Ibid, et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 13. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. hb. 14. c. 17. et lib. 15. c. 1. 6 Ibid. 
 
 7 Juchasin, Shalsheleth, Haccabbala, Zeniach David. 
 
 w„ „/'*.*; '^ '""*'• n" \\ ■ '^«''"'i"i'les in Pra;fatioiie ad Seder Zeraim, et in Prafatione ad Yad Chazekah, Aba- 
 oarnei, aiiique e Rabbinis. 
 9 Nasi in Hebrew signilieth prince, and Al. Beth Din, father of the house of judgment. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 339 
 
 the great Sanhedrin, and the other Ab Beth Din,' that is, vice-president of the 
 same; and both of them were, while in these offices, the chief teachers of their 
 b'chools of divinity. The Jewish writers ascribe to Shemaiah and Abtalion 
 only six years, but to their immediate predecessors a full hundred and one over,^ 
 which gives that link in the chain of their additional succession a stretch beyond 
 credibility. Shemaiah and Abtalion^ are said to have been both proselytes, and 
 sons of the same father, by whom they derived their descent from Sennacherib, 
 king of Assyria; but they had for their mother a woman of Israel, otherwise 
 they could not have been members^ of the great Sanhedrin, or have held any 
 place of judicature in the Jewish nation. Herod, at this time putting to death 
 all the members of the great Sanhedrin, excepting Hillel and Shammai, is not 
 to be doubted, but that these two, Shemaiah and Abtalion, perished in that 
 slaughter; after whose death Hillel was made president, and Shammai vice-pre- 
 sident, of the Sanhedrin that was afterward formed. 
 
 This Hillel, whom Josephus calls Pollio,* was one of the most eminent that 
 ever was amongst the Jewish doctors, for birth, learning, rule, and posterity. 
 For, as to his birth," he was, by his mother, of the seed of David, being by her 
 descended from Shephatiah, the son of Abitel, David's wife. For his learning 
 in the Jewish law and traditions, the Jewish writers, by a unanimous suffiage, 
 give him the first place of eminency among all the ancient doctors of their na- 
 tion. As for rule, he bore it in the highest station of honour among his people 
 for forty years together; for so long, as president of the Sanhedrin, he sat in the 
 first chair of justice over the whole Jewish nation, and discharged himself 
 therein with greater wisdom and justice than any that had, from the time of Si- 
 mon the Just, possessed that place before him. And as for his posterity, he 
 was so happy therein, that for several descents, they succeeded him in the same 
 eminency of learning, and thereby gained also for several descents to succeed 
 him in the same station of honour: for those of his family were presidents of 
 the Sanhedrin, from father to son, to the tenth generation. For after him suc- 
 ceeded Simeon his son, who is supposed to have been the same who took Christ 
 in his arms on his being first presented in the temple,' and then to have sung 
 over him his Jfanc Dimitas. After Simeon succeeded Gamaliel his son, who 
 presided in the Sanhedrin at the time when Peter and the apostles were called 
 before that council (Acts v. 34,) and was the same at whose feet Paul was bred 
 up in the sect and learning of the Pharisees (Acts xxii. 3.) He is called in 
 the Jewish writings Gamiel the Old," because of his long life; for he hved down 
 to the eighteenth year before the destruction of Jerusalem. After him succeed- 
 ed Simeon, the son, the second of that name in this line, who perished in the 
 destruction of Jerusalem. The next successor after him was Gamaliel, his son, 
 the second of that name. To him succeeded Simeon, his son, the third of that 
 name. After him was R. Judah Hakkadosh, his son, who composed the Mish- 
 nah, and on that account his name hath ever since been had in great venera- 
 tion among all the Jewish nation. His son and successor in the same office 
 was Gamaliel, the third of that name; and after him, his son Judah Gemaricus; 
 and after him, his son Hillel the Second, who was the compiler of the present 
 calendar of the Jewish year. How long after him this office continued in that 
 family is not said. And no doubt it was with respect to the family of David 
 that Hillel had this honour so long continued among his posterity. But he w^as 
 
 1 Nasi in Hebrpiv sipnifietli prince, and Ab Belh Din, father of the hoiipe of iiidgnient. 
 
 •2 The Jewish chrnnnlojiers tell us, that these two persons entered on their offices in the year of the world, 
 accorriin<i to the Jewish compntation, 3021. and that Shemaiah and Abtalion did nut succeed them till the 3722, 
 between which intervened one hundred and one years. 
 
 3 Zacutus in Juchasin, etDaviil Ganz in Zeniach David. 4 Maimonides in Tract. Sanhedrin. 
 
 5 Josephus joins Pnllio with Phainniai, and makes him to be Phammai's master, and Dillel was so accord- 
 ing to the Rabbins; and therefore, undoubtedly, the Pollio of Josephus and the Hillel of the Rabbins wa.sthe 
 same person. 
 
 6 Zacutus in Juchasin, Gedaliah in Fhalshelelh Haccabhala, et David Ganz in Zemach David. \ ideas 
 etiam Bn.xlortii Lexicon Rahhinirum, col. fil". et de .\hl)reviaturus, p. 48. .58; Vorstii Observaliones ad Ze- 
 mach David, and Lightfoot's Harmony of the New Testament, part 1. s. 8. 
 
 7 lAike ij. 8 Zacutus, Gedaliah, et David Ganz, ibid. 
 
340 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 descended from it only by his mother's side; for by his father he was of the 
 tribe of Benjamin. He was born in Babylonia,' and there lived till the fortieth 
 year of his life; at which age he came to Jerusalem, and there betook himself 
 to the study of the law; in which he grew so eminent, that after forty years 
 more, he became president of the Sanhedrin, being then eighty years old, and 
 continued in that office for another forty years after; so that, according to this 
 account, he lived full one hundred and twenty years. The time he first enter- 
 ed on his presidentship was about one hundred years before the destruction of 
 Jerusalem. The Jewish writers make it a complete hundred years. But those 
 people are far from being exact in their chronological computations; for the 
 sake of a round number, or an imaginary mystery, they often in such matters 
 ghoot under or over the truth at their pleasure. He is said, on his first entering 
 on this office, to have had for his vice-president one Manahem, a learned man 
 of those times; but he not long after deserting this station to enter into the ser- 
 vice of Herod, Shammai Avas chosen in his place. And what we have in Jose- 
 phus agreeth herewith; for he makes mention of a Manahem that was a person 
 of eminent note in those times;* of whom he tells us, that being of the sect of 
 the Essenes, he had the spirit of prophecy: and one time meeting with Herod 
 among his schoolfellows when he was a boy, greeted him with this salutation, 
 "Hail, king of the Jews;" and laying his hand gently on his shoulder, foretold 
 to him that he should be advanced to that honour. Herod for many years had 
 no regard to this prediction, it being a thing he had no expectation of. But 
 afterward, when he came to be king, remembering the matter, he sent for Ma- 
 nahem, and was very solicitous to know of him how long he should reign; con- 
 cluding, that he who foretold that he should be king, could also foretel how long 
 he should be so. Manahem at first not returning him a certain answer, Herod 
 put it to him, whether he should reign ten years? Manahem answered, Yea, 
 ten; yea, twenty; yea, thirty; with which Herod being contented, asked no 
 further; but from this time had Manahem in great esteem; and no doubt, on 
 this occasion, drew him into his service; and thereon Shammai was appointed 
 to be vice-president in his room. 
 
 This Shammai,^ had been for some time the scholar of Hillel, and came the 
 nearest to him in eminency of learning of all the Tannaim or Mishnical doc- 
 tors. But when he became his vice-president, he did not always concur in 
 opinion with him; for there were many points wherein they differed, which 
 caused the like contests and disputes between their followers, as there are be- 
 tween the Thomists and Scotists among the schoolmen. For in a great many 
 things the school of HilleP went one way, and the school of Shammai another. 
 This produced such divisions and quarrels between their scholars, that at length 
 it came to the effusion of blood, and several were slain on both sides. But, in 
 the conclusion, the school of Hillel carried it against the school of Shammai; a 
 determination being given for the former, they say, by a bath kol, that is, by a 
 voice pretended to come from heaven; and by this fiction all disturbances be- 
 tween them were appeased. Hillel was of a mild and peaceable temper; but 
 Shammai, on the contrary, was of a very angry and fiery spirit; and from hence 
 proceeded most of the oppositions and disputes that were between the schools 
 of these two great doctors; of which Shammai growing at length weary, was 
 contented to have all ended by the fiction I have mentioned. 
 
 Hillel bred up above one thousand scholars in the knowledge of the law,' of 
 which eighty are reckoned to be of greater eminency above the rest. For of 
 them, say the Jewish writers, thirty were worthy on whom the divine glory 
 should rest, as it did upon Moses; and thirty for whom the sun should stand 
 
 1 Zaciitus, Gedaliah, et David Ganz. 2 Joseph. Anliq. lib. 15. c. 13. 
 
 3 Videaa Zanitiim, Gfdalium, Davidiirti Ganz, et Biixtorfiiim, ibid, et Driisium detribiis Sectis, lib. 2. c. JO. 
 
 4 Of this division in.ide among the Pharisaical Jews by the different schools of Hillel and Shammai, Je- 
 rome speaks in his Conunentary on Isaiah viii. 14, and he there tells us, that these two men flourished in 
 Judea not long before Christ was born. His words are," Sammai et Hillel non multo prius quain Dominus 
 nasceretur orli sunt in Judtra." 
 
 5 Zacutus, Gedalias, et David Ganz, ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 341 
 
 still, as it did for Joshua; and the twenty others were of a middling size. The 
 most eminent of them all was, Jonathan Ben Uzziel, the author of the Chaldee 
 paraphrase upon the prophets: with whom was contemporary Onkelos, who 
 was the author of the Chaldee paraphrase upon the law. But whether he was 
 a scholar of Hillel's or no, is not said. There are other Chaldee paraphrases be- 
 sides these two; but what, or how many there were, or for what use they served, 
 not being as yet any where mentioned in this work, it is proper I here give the 
 reader an account of them. 
 
 The Chaldee paraphrases are translations of the scriptures of the Old Testa- 
 ment made directly from the Hebrew text into the language of the Chaldeans; 
 which language was anciently used through all Assyria, Babylonia, Mesopota- 
 mia, Syria, and Palestine; and is still the language of the churches of the Ncs- 
 lorian and Maonite Christians in those eastern parts, in the same manner as the 
 Latin is the language of the Popish churches here in the west. And therefore 
 these paraphrases were called targums,' because they were versions or transla- 
 tions of the Hebrew text into this language; for the word targum signifieth, in 
 Chaldee, an interpretation or version of one language into another, and may 
 properly be said of any such version or translation: but it is most commonly by 
 the Jews appropriated to these Chaldee paraphrases; for being among them 
 what were most eminently such, they therefore had this name by way of emi- 
 nency especially given unto them. 
 
 These targums were made for the use and instruction of the vulgar Jews after 
 their return from the Babylonish captivity; for although many of the better sort 
 still retained the knowledge of the Hebrew language during that captivity, and 
 taught it to their children, and the holy scriptures that were delivered after that 
 time,* excepting only some parts of Daniel and Ezra, and one verse in Jere- 
 miah, were all written therein; yet the common people, by having so long con- 
 versed with the Babylonians, learned their language and forgot their own. It 
 happened, indeed, otherwise to the children of Israel in Egypt; for although 
 they lived there about three times as long as the Babylonish captivity lasted, 
 yet they still preserved the Hebrew language among them, and brought it back 
 entire with them into Canaan. The reason of this was, in Egypt they all lived 
 together in the land of Goshen; but on their being carried captive by the Ba- 
 bylonians, they were dispersed all over Chaldea and Assyria, and being there 
 intermixed with the people of the land, had their main converse with them, 
 and therefore were forced to learn their language; and this soon induced a dis- 
 use of their own among them; by which means it came to pass, that, after 
 their return, the common people, especially those of them who had been bred 
 up in that captivity, understood not the holy scriptures in the Hebrew lan- 
 guage, nor their posterity after them. And therefore, when Ezra read the law 
 to the people,^ he had several persons standing by him well skilled in both the 
 Chaldee and Hebrew languages, who interpreted to the people in Chaldee what 
 he first read to them in Hebrew. And afterward, when the method was esta- 
 blished of dividing the law into fifty-four sections, and of reading one of them 
 every week in their synagogues (according as hath been already described,) the 
 same course of reading to the people, the Hebrew text first, and then intepret- 
 ing it to them in Chaldee, was still continued. For when the reader had read 
 one verse in Hebrew, an interpreter standing by did render it in Chaldee; and 
 then the next verse being read in Hebrew, it was in like manner interpreted in 
 the same language as before; and so on from verse to verse was every verse 
 alternately read, first in the Hebrew, and then interpreted in Chaldee, to the 
 end of the section: and this first gave occasion for the making of Chaldee ver- 
 
 1 BuxtorfiiLpxicnn Rabbiniciim.col. 2344. 
 
 2 The bonk of Daniel is written in Chaldee, from the fourth verse of the second chapter to the end of the 
 seventh cl'.apter; and the book of Ezra, from the eighth verse of the fourth chapter to the twenty-seventh 
 verse of the seventh chapter. In the book of Jeremiali, the eleventh verse of the tenth chapter is only writ- 
 ten in that language; all the rest of it is in Hebrew. 
 
 3 Nehemiah, viii. 4—8. 
 
342 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 sions for the help of these interpreters. And they thenceforth became neces- 
 sary, not only for their help in the public synagogues, but also for the help of 
 the people at home in their families, that they might there have the scriptures 
 for their private reading in a language which they understood. 
 
 For, first, as synagogues multiplied among the Jews beyond the number of 
 able interpreters, it became necessary that such versions should be made for the 
 help of the less able. This was done at first only for the law, because at first the 
 law only was publicly read in their synagogues, till the persecution of Anti- 
 ochus Epiphanes; but, after that time, lessons being read out of the prophets in 
 those religious assemblies, as well as out of the law, the same reason rendered it 
 necessary that Chaldee versions should be made of these scriptures also. And, 
 2dly, the use of the people (which was the other reason for the composing of 
 those versions) made this necessary for all the scripture, as well as for the law 
 and the prophets. For all scripture being given for our edification, all ought for 
 this end to have them in a language which they understood. For when God 
 gave his law unto Israel,' he enjoined, that they should have his command- 
 ments, statutes, and judgments, always in their hearts; that they should medi- 
 tate on them day and night; teach them their children; and talk of them when 
 they did sit in their houses, and when they walked by the way, and when they 
 lay down, and when they rose up; and, that all might be the better enabled to 
 perform all this, it was strictly enjoined, by a constitution of the elders from an- 
 cient times, ^ that every man should have b}^ him at his home a copy of the 
 holy scriptures, fairly written out, either by his own, or, if he could not write 
 himself, by some other hand, for his instruction herein. But how could this be 
 done, if they had those scriptures only in a language which they did not un- 
 derstand? It M'as necessary, therefore, that, as they had the Hebrew text for 
 the sake of the original, so also that they should have the Chaldee version for 
 the sake of helping them to understand it. Indeed, the letter of the law which 
 commands what I have here mentioned, extends no farther than to the five 
 books of Moses; for no more of the holy scriptures were then written when that 
 law was given; and also the constitution above mentioned, which was super- 
 added by the elders, is by positive words limited thereto. But the reason of 
 the thing reacheth the w^hole word of God. For, since all of it is given for oui 
 instruction, w^e are all equally obliged to know each part of it as well as the 
 other; and therefore this caused, that at length the whole scriptures were thus 
 translated from the Hebrew into the Chaldean language, for the sake of those 
 who could not otherwise understand them. For, to lock up from the people in 
 an unknown language that word of God, which was given to lead them to ever- 
 lasting life, was a thing that was not thought agreeable either with reason or 
 piety in those times. 
 
 This work having been attempted by divers persons at different times, and by 
 some of them with different views (for some of them were written as versions 
 for the pubhc use of the synagogues, and others as paraphrases and commen- 
 taries for the private instruction of the people,) hence it hath come to pass, that 
 there were anciently many of these targums, and of different sorts, in the same 
 manner as there anciently were many different versions of the same holy scrip- 
 tures into the Greek language, made with like different views; of which w^e 
 have no sufficient proof in the Octapla of Origen. No doubt, anciently there 
 were many more of these targums than we now know of, which have been lost 
 in the length of time. Whether there were any of them of the same compo- 
 sure on the whole scriptures is not any where said. Those that are now remain- 
 ing were composed by different persons, and on different parts of scripture, 
 some on one part, and others on other parts; and are, in all, of these eight sorts 
 following: 1. That of Onkelos on the five books of Moses; 2. That of Jonathan 
 Ben Uzziel on the prophets, that is, on Joshua, Judges, the two books of Samuel, 
 the two books of Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the twelve minor pro- 
 
 X Deut. vi. 6-9. chap. xi. 15-20, ? Maimonides in Tephilah. c. 7. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 343 
 
 phets; 3. That on the law, which is ascribed to Jonathan Ben Uzziel; 4. The 
 Jerusalem targum on the law; 5. The targum on the five lesser books, called 
 Megilloth, i. e. Ruth, Esther, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Solomon, and the La- 
 mentations of Jeremiah; 6. The second targum on Esther; 7. The targum of 
 Joseph,' the one-eyed, on the book of Job, the Psalms, and the Proverbs; and, 
 8. The targum on the first and second book of Chronicles. On Ezra, Nehe- 
 miah, and Daniel, there is no targum at all. The reason given by some for this 
 is, because a great part of those books is written in the Chaldee language, and 
 therefore there is no need of a Chaldee paraphrase upon them. This indeed is 
 true for Daniel and Ezra, but not for Nehemiah; for that book is all originally 
 written in the Hebrew language. No doubt, anciently there were Chaldee 
 paraphrase, on all the Hebrew parts of those books, though now J it. It was 
 long supposed that there were no targums on the two books of Ch nicies, be- 
 cause none such were known, till they were lately published by eckius,"^ at 
 Augsburg, in Germany; that on the first book A. D. 1680; and that on the se- 
 cond in 16S3. 
 
 As the targum of Onkelos is the first in order of place, as being on the Pen- 
 tateuch, which is the first part of the holy scriptures, so, I think, it is not to be 
 doubted but that is the first also in order of time, and the most ancient that was 
 "written of all that are now extant. The Jewish writers,' though they allow him 
 to have been, for some time of his life, contemporary with Jonathan Ben Uz- 
 ziel, the author of the second targum above mentioned, yet make him much the 
 younger of the two: for they tell us that Jonathan was one of the prime scho- 
 lars of Hillel, who died about the time when our Saviour was born; but that 
 Onkelos survived Gamaliel the elder, Paul's master (who was the grandson of 
 Hillel, and died not till eighteen years before the destruction of Jerusalem;) for 
 they relate, that Onkelos assisted at the funeral of this Gamaliel, and provided 
 for it seventy pounds of frankincense at his own charge. But there are several 
 reasons which prevail with me to think Onkelos the most ancient of the two; 
 the chief and principal of theiri is the style in which his targum is written. 
 That part of Daniel and Ezra which is in Chaldee is the truest standard whereby 
 to try the purity of the Chaldee language: for this language, as well as all others, 
 being in a constant flux, and in every age deviating from what it was in the 
 former, it follows from hence, that the farther any Chaldee writing doth in its 
 style differ from that ancient standard, the later certainly it is; and the nearer 
 it comes to it, we may as certainly conclude the more ancient it is. But no 
 Chaldee writing now extant coming nearer to the style of what is written in 
 that language by Daniel and Ezra than the targum of Onkelos, this, to me, 
 proves that targum, of all others, to be the most ancient. And I can see no 
 other reason, why Jonathan Ben Uzziel, when he undertook to compose his tar- 
 gum, should pass over the law, and begin with the prophets, but that he found 
 Onkelos had done this work before him, and with that success in the perform- 
 ance which he could not exceed. This targum of Onkelos is rather a version 
 than a paraphrase: for it renders the Hebrew text word for word, and for the 
 most part accurately and exactly; and it is by much the best of all this sort: 
 and therefore it hath always been had in esteem among the Jews much above 
 all the other targums; and being set to the same musical notes with the Hebrew 
 text, it is thereby made capable of being read in the same tone with it in their 
 public assemblies. And that it was accordingly there read alternately with the 
 text, in the manner as is above described," Elias Levita tells us, who, of all the 
 
 1 Hp is commonly called Jopepli Cscus, or Josephus the Blind. This is not to be understood as if he were 
 blind of both eyes, for then he could not have done this work. The word in Hebrew, by which he is so de- 
 nominated, sigiiifieth luscum. one tliat is blind of one eye, as well ascacum, one that is blind of both eyes. 
 
 2 Leiis-ien in Phihibiiro Hphrco-inixto. dissertatione quinta, s. 5. 
 
 3 Zaciitiis in Iiichasin. Gedaliah in Shalsheleth Haccabbala. David Ganz. in Zemach David, aliiqne. 
 
 4 In Meth'irgenian, i. e. Lexico Chaldaico, sic dicto. Verba ejus in prsfiilione ad illnd Lexicon sunt ha'C 
 gequentia. Antequam inveniretiir ars typngraphica, non exlabnnt tareuni prophetariiui et haKiocraphoruni, 
 nisi vel umim in provincia, vel ad suniniuni duo in universo climate: prnpterca nor qnisquam crat quia ea 
 curaret. At targum Onkelosi semper repertum est affatim. et hoc ideo, quia nos obligati sumna, ut legauiua 
 tgiavis septimana Parashani bis, i. e. semcl in textu llebrso, et semcl in targum. 
 
344 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Jews that have handled this argument, hath written the most accurately and 
 fully of it; for he saith, " That the Jews holding themselves obliged every week, 
 in their synagogues, to read twice that parashah, or section of the law, which 
 w^as the lesson of the week (that is, in the Hebrew original first, and then in 
 the Chaldee interpretation after it,) made use of the targum of Onkelos for this 
 puipose; and that this was their usage even down to his time (which was about 
 the first part of the sixteenth century.') And that, for this reason, though, till 
 the art of printing was invented, there were of the other targums scarce above 
 one or two of a sort to be found in a whole country, yet then the targum of 
 Onkelos was every where among them." Some say this Onkelos was a prose- 
 lyte, and hold him to have been the same with Akilus, another proselyte, who 
 is quoted in Berishith Rabba,^ to have written a targum: and others, that he was 
 the same with Aquila of Pontus, who composed one of the Greek versions of 
 the holy scripture, which was in Origen's Octapla, as if the Akilus mentioned 
 in Berisheth Rabba, and Aquila of Pontus, were two distinct persons. For the 
 setting of all this at rights, it is to be observed, 1. That the Akilas whose targum 
 is quoted in Berishith Rabba, and elsewhere from it by the Rabbins, can be none 
 other than Aquila of Pontus; for the name is the same, 'A«ux.a; in Greek, and 
 Akilas in Hebrew: the tim.e in which they are said to live is also the same, that 
 is, about the year of Christ 130; and both are said to be proselytes; and these 
 three characters joined together, sufficient!}- prove them to be both the same 
 person. 2. That this Akilas could not be Onkelos: for not only the names are 
 different, and the times in which they lived different, but also the targums which 
 they are said to have written; for Onkelos wrote on the law, but the targum of 
 Akilas, which is quoted in Berishith Rabba, is on the prophets and the hagio- 
 grapha. 3. That the targum of Akilas, quoted by the author of Berishith Rabba, 
 and other Rabbins from him, is not a Chaldee targum, but the Greek version or 
 targum made by Aquila of Pontus; for although the word targum be restrained 
 by its most common use among the Jews to the Chaldee versions of the Hebrew 
 scriptures; yet, in its general signification, it takes in any translation from one 
 language to another, whatsoever those languages may be; and that, therefore, 
 there was never any such Chaldee targum, as is supposed to be quoted by the 
 author of Berishith Rabba, or any such person as Akilas a proselyte, distinct 
 from Aquila of Pontus, to be the author of it; but that the targum so quoted 
 was the Greek targum, or Greek version of the Hebrew scriptures made by the 
 said Aquila of Pontus, of which I have above given a full account. 4. That 
 the representing of Onkelos to have been a proselyte seems to have proceeded 
 from the error of taking him to have been the same with Aquila of Pontus, who 
 was indeed a Jewish proselyte: for having, from being an heathen, embraced 
 the Christian religion, he apostatized from it to the Jews. The excellency and 
 accuracy of Onkelos's targum, sufficiently prove him to have been a native Jew; 
 for, without having been bred up from his birth in the Jewish religion and learn- 
 ing, and long exercised in all the rites and doctrines thereof, and being also 
 thoroughly skilled in both the Hebrew^ and Chaldee languages, as far as a native 
 Jew could be, he can scarce be thought thoroughly adequate to that work which 
 he performed. 
 
 The next targum to that of Onkelos is the targum of Jonathan Ben Uzziel on the 
 prophets; which is next it also in the purity of its style, but is not hke it in the 
 manner of its composure. For whereas the targum of Onkelos is a strict version, 
 rendering the Hebrew text word for word, Jonathan takes on him the liberty of a 
 paraphrast, by enlargements and additions to the text: for therein are inserted se^ 
 vera! stories, and also several glosses of his own, which do not much commend the 
 work; and more of this is to be found in that part which is on the latter prophets, 
 than in that which is on the former; for in that latter part he is more lax and parar 
 phrastical, and less accurate and clear, than in the other. The books of Joshua, 
 
 1 Some of his books were published anno 1517, and some anno 1539. 
 
 8 Berjshiih Rabtja is an old Rabbjnjcal commentary on the book of Genesis, 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 345 
 
 Judges, Samuel, and Kings, are called the former prophets; and the books of Isaiah, 
 Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the twelve minor prophets, the latter. The Jews speak 
 highly of this Jonathan:^ for they do not only give him the first place of eminency 
 among all the disciples of Hillel, but equal him even to Moses himself, and tell 
 many miraculous things of him, which, they say, happened while he was era- 
 ployed in this work: as, that nothing was permitted to give him any disturbance 
 herein: that, if any bird happened to flee over him, or any fly to light upon his pa- 
 per, while he was writing this targum, they were immediately burned up by fire 
 from heaven, without any hurt done either to his person or his paper. And they 
 tell us also, that, on his attempting to write a targum upon the hagiographa. After 
 his having finished that on the law, he was hindered by a voice from heaven, 
 which forbade him to proceed in that work, giving this reason for it, because 
 therein (that is, in the hagiographa) was contained the end of the Messiah; 
 which some Christians laying hold of against the Jews, by interpreting it of the 
 death of Christ predicted in the prophecies of Daniel (which (hey place among 
 the hagiographa,^) some of the latter Jews have taken upon them to altar that 
 passage, for fear this fabulous story should hurt their cause. Many other fables 
 the Jewish writers tell us of this Jonathan and his targum, which I think not 
 proper to trouble the reader wath. 
 
 The third targum in the order above-mentioned is that on the law, which is 
 ascribed to Jonathan Ben Uzziel. But that it is none of his is sufficiently proved 
 by the style, which is wholly different from that wherein is written the true tar- 
 gum of Jonathan (that upon the prophets, which all allow to have been his,) as 
 will thoroughly appear to all such as shall thoroughly compare them together; 
 and, besides, its enlargements in the paraphrastical wa)^, by glosses, fables, pror 
 lix explications, and other additions, are much beyond what we find practised 
 by Jonathan in that targum which is truly his. But that which thoroughly cut^ 
 the throat of this pretence is, that there are several things mentioned in this tar- 
 gum which had no being, or at least no name, till after Jonathan's time: for 
 therein is mention made of the six orders or books of the Mishnah:^ but they 
 could have no being till the Mishnah was made by R. Judah, near two hundred 
 years after Jonathan's time; and therein we also find mention made of Constant 
 tinople'* and Lombardy:' whereas there was no such city as Constantinople, 
 nor any country called by the name of Lombardy, till several hundred years 
 after the time w'herein Jonathan flourished. Who was the true author of 
 this targum, or when it was composed, is utterly unknown. It seems long to 
 have lain in obscurity among the Jews themselves: for Elias Levita, who wrote 
 most fully of the Chaldee paraphrases, knew nothing of this paraphrase; for he 
 says nothing of it, though he tells us of all the rest: neither was it taken notice 
 of till first pubUshed in print at Venice, about one hundred and fifty years since: 
 and the name of Jonathan, it is probable, was for no other reason then put to 
 it, but to give it the more credit, and the better recommend it by that specious 
 title to the buyer. Most of those prophecies which are in the Pentateuch con- 
 cerning the Messiah, being in this targum interpreted in the Christian way, 
 some Christians for this reason would maintain it to be the genuine work of the 
 author whose name it bears; and, to make this out, assert it to be as ancient as 
 that author, and that therefore it might, according to its title, be truly his: and 
 their argument for it is, that it is quoted by St. Paul, and that therefore it must 
 be composed before his time, and the age before his time was that in which Jo-« 
 nathan Ben Uzziel lived. For whereas St. Paul, in his Second Epistle to Time-!' 
 thy, chap. iii. 8, makes mention of Jannes and Jambres, as the names of those 
 Egyptian magicians who withstood Moses in the presence of Pharaoh (Exodus 
 
 1 Zacutus in Juchasin. Gedaliah in Shalslitlpth Hacpabliala. David Gaiiz in Zernacli David. Talmud in 
 Bava Bathra, c. 8. et in Siicca et in Mffiilla. Videas eliam Biixtorfiiiin dt> Abbrcviatiiris, p. 104, 105. Et in 
 Pra;fationead Lexicon Clialdaicum. Shickardiini in Bechinath Happf nishini, aliosque. 
 
 2 That tlip Jews allow not Daniel a place among the prophets, and for what reason, hath been above 
 shown, part 1, book 3, under the vear 534. « 
 
 3 Exod. xxvi. 9. 4 Num. x.\jv. 19. 5 Ibid. 34. 
 
 Vol. II.— 14 
 
346 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 vii. 2,) they would have it believed, that Paul had those names from this tar- 
 gum on the law which is ascribed to Jonathan; and that therefore it was com- 
 posed before St. Paul wrote that Epistle to Timothy. It is true, the names Jan- 
 nes and Jambres are twice made mention of in this targum (Exodus i. 15. vii. 2;) 
 but it doth not follow that St. Paul had them from this targum, and that there- 
 fore the author of this targum was ancienter than St. Paul, any more than it 
 doth that he had them from Pliny or Numenius, and that therefore these two 
 heathen philosophers were, contrary to all the faith of history, ancienter than 
 this apostle: for both these authors make mention of those Egyptian magicians 
 in the time of Moses, with this only variation, that, instead of Jannes and Jam- 
 bres, Pliny writes their names Jamnes and Jotapes. The true answer hereto is, 
 that, as the sacred penmen of the New Testament make mention of several 
 things which they had only from the current tradition of the times in which they 
 lived, so this of Jannes and Jambres was of that sort. These names, either by 
 oral tradition, or rather by some written records of history, being preserved 
 among the Jews, St. Paul from thence had them, and so had this targumist after 
 him. And an account of these persons having been by the said names propa- 
 gated by the Jews to the heathens, among whom they were dispersed, it came 
 this way to the knowledge of Pliny and Numenius; the first of which lived in the 
 first century after Christ, and the other in the beginning of the third. They that 
 would know what were the traditions of the Jews, concerning these two magi- 
 cians, may consult Buxtorfs Rabbinical Lexicon, p. 915 — 947; for there they 
 will find a full account of all that is said of them in the talmud, and other rab- 
 binical writings; which being long, and wholly fabulous, I avoid here troubling 
 the reader with it. 
 
 The fourth targum is on the law, written by an unknown hand; for no one 
 pretends to tell us who the author of it was, or when it was composed. It is 
 called the Jerusalem targum; and seems to have that name for the same reason 
 for which the Jerusalem talmud is so called, that is, because it is written in the 
 Jerusalem dialect. For there were three different dialects of the Chaldean or 
 Assyrian language.' The first was that which was spoken at Babylon, the me- 
 tropolis of the Assyrian empire: an example of this in its greatest purity we have 
 in Daniel and Ezra; and the style of the Babylonish Gemara may be reckoned 
 its highest corruption. The second dialect of this language was the Com- 
 magenian, or Antiochian, which was spoken in Commagene, Antioch, and the 
 rest of Syria; and in this dialect were written the versions of the holy scriptures 
 and the liturgies which were in use among the Syrian and Assyrian Christians, 
 and are still used by them, especially by the Maronites, a people inhabiting 
 Mount Libanus, where the Syriac still lives among them as a vulgar language. 
 The third dialect was the Jerusalem dialect, that which was spoken by the Jews 
 after their return from Babylon. The Babylonian and Jerusalem dialects were 
 written In the same character; but the Antiochian in a different, that which we 
 call the Syriac. And for the sake of this different character is that dialect 
 reckoned a different language, which we call the Syriac; whereas in truth the 
 Syriac and the Chaldee are one and the same language in different characters, 
 and differing a little only in dialect.^ As ail these three dialects were made by 
 BO many several degeneracies from the old Assyrian language which was an- 
 ciently spoken in Nmevah and Babylon, so they all with time degenerated from 
 what they at first were. The purest style which we have of the Jerusalem dia- 
 lect is in the targums, first of Onkelos on the law, and next of Jonathan on the 
 prophets; for in them the Chaldee is without any mixture of words from^ any 
 other language, saving from the Hebrew only. This mixture of Hebrew words 
 with the Chaldee was that only which first made the Jerusalem dialect to differ 
 from the Babylonian: for though the Jews, on their return from Babylon, brought 
 ,back with them the Chaldee language, and made it their vulgar tongue, yet the 
 
 1 Videas Waltoni Prolegom- ID. ad Riblia Polyirlot. et Gporgii Amyrae Prfeliiil. Gram. Syr 
 
 2 Videas Prajfationem Ludovici de Dieii ad Orainiiiaticam Linguarum Orientaliiim, 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 347 
 
 Hebrew was still the language of the church, and the language of all those that 
 were bred up In learning for its service; and therefore many of its words crept 
 into the Chaldee which was vulgarly spoken by them; and this mixture con- 
 stituted the Jerusalem dialect of the Chaldee tongue; and, as long as it continued 
 with this mixture only, it was the Jerusalem dialect in its best purity. But, in 
 process of time, the mixture of the Jews with other nations, especially after our 
 Saviour's time, brought in the mixture of many exotic words from the Latin, 
 Greek, Arabian, Persian, and other languages, and thereby so far corrupted their 
 former speech, that it made it almost another language. And a view of this cor- 
 rupt state of it we have in the Jerusalem talmud, the Jerusalem targum, and in 
 all the other targums, excepting those of Onkelos on the law, and Jonathan on 
 the prophets. For all these are written in this corrupt style of the Jerusalem 
 dialect; and those targums are much more so than the Jerusalem talmud, which 
 proves them all (except the two above excepted) to have been written after that 
 talmud. This Jerusalem targum is not a continued paraphrase, as all the rest 
 are, but only upon some parts here and there, as the author thought the text 
 most wanted an explication; for sometimes it is only upon one verse, and at 
 other times it is only upon a piece of a verse, and sometimes upon several verses 
 together, and sometimes it skips over whole chapters. In many places it writes 
 word for word from the targum said to be Jonathan's on the law, which made 
 Drusius think they were both the same.' There are several things in this Jeru- 
 salem targum which are in the same words delivered in the New Testament by 
 Christ and his apostles: as, for example, Luke vi, 38, Christ saith, " AVith the 
 same measure that ye mete withal, it shall be measured to you again;" the same 
 is in this targum. Gen. xxxviii. -26. In the Revelations, xx. 6. 14, there is men- 
 tion of the " first and second death;" the same distinction is in this targum, 
 Deut. xxxiii. 6. In the Revelations, v. 10, the saints are said to be " made unto 
 our God, kings and priests;" the same is said in this targum, Exod. xix. 6. In 
 the gospel of St. Matthew, vi. 9, our Saviour teacheth us to say, " Our Father 
 which art in heaven;" the same expression is in this targum, Deut. xxii. 6. 
 Hence some would infer the antiquity of this targum, as if it had been written 
 before our Saviour's time, and that he and his apostles had these and other like 
 expressions from it; and others will have it, that the author of this targum had 
 them from the New Testament. But neither of these seems likely: not the first, 
 because the style of this targum being more impure and corrupt than that of 
 the Jerusalem talmud, this proves it to have been composed after that talmud, 
 which had no being till above three hundred years after Christ; and not the se- 
 cond, because the Jews had that detestation of all contained in the New Testa- 
 ment, that we may be well assured they would borrow nothing from thence. 
 The truth of the matter most probably is, these were sayings and phraseologies 
 which had obtained among the Jews in our Saviour's time, and continued among 
 them long after; and hence our Saviour and his apostles, and afterward the au- 
 thor of this targum, had them, as from the same fountain. 
 
 The fifth targum, which is that of the Megilloth; the sixth, which is the se- 
 cond targum on Esther; and the seventh, which is that on Job, the Psalms, and 
 the Proverbs; are all written in the corruptest Chaldee of the Jerusalem dia- 
 lect. Of the two former no author is named: but the author of the third, they 
 say, was Joseph the one-eyed; but who this Joseph was, or when he lived, is 
 not said; and some of them tell us the author of this targum is as much un- 
 known as of the other two.^ The second targum on Esther is twice as large as 
 the first, and seems to have been written the last of all those targums, by reason 
 of the barbarity of its style. That on the Megilloth (part of which is the first- 
 targum on Esther) makes mention of the Mishnah and the talmud,^ with the 
 explication; if thereby he meant the Babylonish talmud, as undoubtedly it is, 
 this targum must have been written after that talmud, that is, after the year of 
 
 J Ad difficilia loca, JJumb. c.25. 2 R. Azarias in MeorEnaim. Elias Levita, aliique. 3 Cant. t. 3. 
 
348 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Christ 500: for this is the earliest time which is assigned for the composure of 
 the Babylonish talmud. 
 
 The eVhth and last of these targums, in the order I have above mentioned 
 them, is that on the two books of the Chronicles, which is the last that hath 
 been published; for it was not known of till the year 1680,' when Beckius, 
 from an old manuscript, first published at Augsburg in Germany, that part of it 
 which is on the first book; and three years after he published at the same place 
 the other part also, that which is on the second book. Till then all that have 
 written of the Chaldee paraphrases have given us to understand, as if there 
 had never been any targum at all written upon these books. But only Walton 
 tells us,° he had heard, that there was in the public library in Cambridge a 
 manuscript targum on the Chronicles, but had no notice of it till his Polyglot 
 was finished; and therefore never examined it. I find there is in that library,^ 
 among Erpenius's books bought by the duke of Buckingham, and given to that 
 University, a manuscript Hebrew Bible in three volumes, which hath a Chaldee 
 targum on the Chronicles, as far as the sixth verse of the twenty-second chap- 
 ter of the first book. But it is no continued targum, for it contains no more than 
 some short glosses added here and there in the margin. This manuscript was 
 written in the year of Christ 1347, as appears by a note at the end of it; but 
 when, or by whom, the marginal Chaldee gloss therein was composed, is 
 not said. 
 
 That the targums of Onkelos on the law, and Jonathan on the prophets, are 
 as ancient as our Saviour's time, if not more ancient, is the general opinion 
 both of Jews and Christians. The Jewish historians positively say it:'' for they 
 tell us that Jonathan was the most eminent of all the scholars of Hillel,^ who 
 died about the time that our Saviour was born; and that Onkelos was contem- 
 porary with Gamaliel the elder (the same that was St. Paul's master,) as is 
 above mentioned. For although the Jewish writers are very wretched histo- 
 rians, and often give us gross fables instead of true narratives, yet whenever 
 they do so, there is either something internal in the matter related, or else ex- 
 ternal to it from other evidences, that convict them of falsity; but where there 
 is nothing of this, the testimony of the historian is to stand good in that which 
 he relates of the affairs of his own country or people. And therefore, there 
 being nothing concerning these two targums which can be alleged either from 
 what is contained in them, or from any external evidence to contradict what 
 the Jewish historians tell us of their antiquity, I reckon their testimony is to 
 stand good concerning this matter. And this testimony is strongly corroborated 
 by the style in which they are penned: for it being the purest, and the best of 
 all that is written in the Jerusalem dialect, and without the mixture of those 
 many exotic words, which the Jews of Jerusalem and Judea afterward took 
 into it from the Greek, Latin, and other languages, this proves them to have 
 been written before those Jews had that common converse with those nations 
 from whom these words were borrowed, and especially before Jerusalem and 
 Judea were made a province of the Roman empire. For although the Jews of 
 the dispersions had long before conversed with those nations, and learned their 
 languages, yet this did not affect the Jews of Jerusalem and Judea; but they 
 still retained their vulgar tongue in the same dialect in which it had been form- 
 ed after their return from Babylon, till Pompey had subjected them to the Ro- 
 man yoke; but after that, Greeks, Romans, and Italians, and other subjects of 
 the Roman empire, either as soldiers or civil officers, or on other occasions, 
 coming into that country, and there mixing themselves among them, from that 
 time they first began to borrow from them those words which corrupted their 
 language. And therefore, since these targums of Onkelos and Jonathan are the 
 
 1 T.pusdeni Pliilnloeus Mixtiis, disFertatione 5. s. 5. 2 Prolegom. ad Biblia Polyglotta, c. 12. s. 15. 
 
 3 Catalngiis Lihronitii Maniiscriptonim Angliae et Hiberniae, torn. 1. part 3. p. 174. Numb. 2484. 
 
 4 Zacutiis. Oud.ilias, Daviil Ganz, Abraham Levita, aliiqiic. 
 
 5 It is generally said of Hillel by the Jewish writers, that he entered on his presidentship of the Great 
 Sanhedrin about one hundred years before the destruction of Jerusalem. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 349 
 
 clearest of this corruption of all that we have in the Jerusalem dialect, this may 
 assuredly convince us, that they were written before this corruption had ob- 
 tained any prevalency among that people. And for this reason I reckon them 
 both to have been composed before our Saviour's time, and the targum of On- 
 kelos to be the most ancient of the two, because it is the purer, though the 
 other comes very little behind it herein, which evidently shows it to have been 
 written very soon after it. The Jews speak very magnificent things of Jona- 
 than, but say little of Onkelos; though they manifestly prefer the targum of 
 Onkelos before that of the other, as indeed it deserves they should, it being by 
 much the more exact of the two; the reason of that is, they all hold Jonathan 
 to have been a natural Jew; but the general vogue among: them being:, that 
 Onkelos was a proselyte, and sister's son to Titus, who destroyed Jerusalem; 
 for both these reasons, though both are gross mistakes, they have lesser regard 
 to his memory than to that of the other, though they have the greater for 
 his Avork. 
 
 The only thing that can be alleged against the antiquity of these two targums 
 is, that neither Origen, nor Epiphanius, nor Jerome, nor any of the ancient fa- 
 thers of the Christian church, make any mention of them. These three which I 
 have named were well skilled in the Jewish learning; and therefore it is thought 
 they could not have avoided taking some notice of them, had they been extant 
 in their time; especially not Jerome, who lived in Judea a great part of his life, 
 and there conversed with the most learned rabbles of that sect, and was very in- 
 quisitive after all that was to be learned from them for his better understanding of 
 the Hebrew scriptures; and yet in all his writings we find no mention of any 
 targum or Chaldee paraphrase; nor doth he make use of any such in any of his 
 commentaries, in which they would have been very useful unto him; and there- 
 fore from hence they conclude, that certainly they were not in being in his 
 time. But this being a negative argument, it proves nothing: for there might 
 be many reasons which might hinder Jerome from knowing any thing of them, 
 though in common use among the Jews of his time. For, 1st, though Jerome 
 understood Hebrew well, it was late ere he studied the Chaldee, and therefore 
 it was with difhculty that he attained to any knowledge in it,' of which he him- 
 self complains; and therefore might not be sufficiently skilled to read those tar- 
 gums, had he known any thing of them. But, 2dly, it is most probable that he 
 knew nothing of them: for the Jews were in those times very backv/ard in 
 communicating any of their books or their knowledge to the Christians; and 
 therefore, though Jerome got some of their rabbles to help him in his studies 
 about the Hebrew scriptures,* yet he could not have them for this purpose, with- 
 out bribing them to it with great sums. And what assistance they gave him 
 herein, was contrary to the established rules and orders then made and received 
 among that people; and therefore, when these rabbles came to Jerome to give 
 him that assistance in his Hebrew studies which he hired them for, they did it 
 by stealth,^ coming to him only by night, as Nicodemus did unto Christ, for fear 
 of offending the rest of their brethren. And this being at that time the humour 
 of those people, we may hence conclude, that those rabbles served Jerome very 
 poorly in the matter he hired them for, and communicated nothing further to 
 him than they saw needs they must to earn his money. And, 3dly, as to the 
 other fathers, none of them understood the Chaldee tongue; and besides, there 
 were in their time such an aversion and bitter enmity between the Christians 
 and the Jews, as hindered all manner of converse between them, so that neither 
 would willingly communicate any thing to each other; and no wonder then, 
 that m those days these targums were concealed from all Christians, as being 
 doubly locked up from them, that is, not only by the language in which they 
 were written, but also by the malice and perverseness of the Jews, who had the 
 keeping of them. But, 4thly, besides their maUce and perverseness, they had 
 
 1 In Priefatione ad Danielem. 
 
 2 Hieronymua in Epistola ad Pammachium 65, In PrKfalione in Librum Paralipomenon, ei in Prcfatione 
 ad Librum Job. 
 
350 CONNEXION OF THE fflSTORY OF 
 
 also some very good reasons to be cautions as to this matter: for there being 
 many prophecies of the Old Testament concerning the Messiah explained in 
 these taro'ums in the same manner as we Christians do, it behoved those of that 
 sect not to communicate them to any Christians, lest thereby they should give 
 them an advantage for the turning of their own artillery against them, and the 
 cutting of the very throat of their cause with their own weapons. And for this 
 reason it happened, that it was much above one thousand years after Christ ere 
 Christians knew any thing of those targums; and scarce three centuries have 
 passed since they have become common among us; and therefore it is not to be 
 wondered at, that the most ancient fathers of the Christian Church knew no- 
 thing of them. And all this put together, I think may be sufficient to convince 
 any one, that these targums may be as ancient as is said, though neither Jerome 
 nor any of the ancient fathers of the Christian church say any thing of them, 
 and that their silence herein can be no argument to the contrary. 
 
 As to all the other targums, beside these two of Onkelos on the law, and 
 Jonathan on the prophets, they are all most certainly of a much later date. 
 This is above shown of some of them from the matters therein contained; but 
 the style in which they are written proves it of all of them: for it being in 
 every one of them more barbarous and impure, and much more corrupted with 
 exotic words and grammatical irregularities, than that of the Jerusalem talmud, 
 this shows them to have been written after the composure of that talmud, that 
 is, after the beginning of the fourth century after Christ. It is also to be ob- 
 served of these later targums, that they abound much with talmudic fables; if 
 these were taken out of the Babylonish talmud, this will bring down their date 
 much lower, and prove them to have been written after that talmud also, as well 
 as after the other, that is, after the beginning of the sixth century after Christ. 
 This hath been already proved of the targum of the Megilloth, which is one of 
 them that I now treat of in this paragraph; and possibly it maybe true of some of 
 the rest also. By reason of the barbarity of the style in which these later targums 
 are written, and the great mixture of exotic words with which they abound, 
 they are badly understood among the Jews, even by the most learned of their 
 rabbles, and therefore are not much regarded by them. But of late, Cohende 
 Lara, a Jew of Hamburg, and the most learned of that sect which the last cen- 
 tury hath produced, hath published a lexicon for their help, in which he ex- 
 pounds all the Chaldee, Syriac, Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Greek, Latin, Italian, 
 Spanish, Portuguese, Gallic, German, Saxon, Dutch, and English words, which 
 any where occur in their talmudic and rabbinical writings. This work was a 
 book of forty years' labour and study, and first published at Hamburg, A. D. 
 1668, where the author, some years after, died. 
 
 The Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan are in so great esteem among the 
 Jews, that they hold them to be of the same authority with the original sacred 
 text; and for the support of this opinion, they feign them to be derived from the 
 same fountain. For they say,' that when God delivered the written law unto 
 Moses from Mount Sinai, he delivered with it at the same time the Chaldee 
 paraphrase of Onkelos, in the same manner, as thej'^ say, he then did the oral 
 law; and so that when by his Holy Spirit he dictated unto the prophets the 
 scriptures of the prophetical books, he delivered them severally to them, upon 
 each book, the targum of Jonathan at the same time. And that both these 
 targums were delivered down by tradition through such faithful liands as God 
 by his providence had appointed, the first from Moses, and the other from 
 the prophets themselves, who were the writers of these prophetical books, till 
 at length through this cham of traditional descent they came down to the 
 hands of Onkelos and Jonathan, and that all they did was only to put them 
 into writing. This shows the high opinion and esteem which they have of 
 them; but the true reason of it, and of their equalling them with the text, 
 was, that they were every sabbath day read in their synagogues in the same 
 
 I Talmud in Tractatu Megiila, c. 1. Zacutua in Juchasin. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 351 
 
 manner as the original sacred word itself, of which they were versions. It hath 
 been above already shown, that after the Chaldee became the vulgar tongue of 
 the Jews, the weekly lessons out of the law, and the prophets in their syna- 
 gogues having been first read in Hebrew, were by any interpreter standing by 
 the reader rendered into Chaldee. This continued for some time, but afterward, 
 when targums were made, the interpretations were read out of them, without 
 any more employing interpreters for this purpose; that is, the readers did first 
 read a verse out of the sacred Hebrew text, and then the same again out of the 
 Chaldee targum; and so went on from verse to verse, till they had read out the 
 whole lesson: and the targums of Onkelos on the law, and Jonathan on the 
 prophets, having obtained an approbation beyond all the other targums on the 
 scriptures, they at length were alone used in this service. And this use of them 
 was retained in their synagogues even down to late times, and in places where 
 the Chaldee was among the people as much an unknown language as the He- 
 brew. For Elias Levlta, who lived about two hundred years since,' tells ua, 
 that they were thus used in his time in Germany and elsewhere; that is, that 
 they were read in their synagogues after the Hebrew text, in the same manner 
 as I have described: and agreeable to this purpose, though only for private use, 
 they had some of their Bibles written out in Hebrew and Chaldee together, 
 that is, each verse first in Hebrew, and then the same verse next in Chaldee; 
 and thus from verse to verse in the same manner through the whole volume. In 
 these Bibles the targum of Onkelos was the Chaldee version for the law, and 
 that of Jonathan for the prophets, and for the hagiographa the other targums 
 that were written on them. One of these Bibles thus written," Buxtorf tells us, 
 he had seen at Strasburg, and Walton acquaints us,' that he had the perusal of 
 two others of the same sort, one in the public library of the church of West- 
 minister, and the other in the private study of Mr. Thomas Gataker. 
 
 Whether the targums of Onkelos and Jonathan were received for this use so 
 early as our Saviour's time, I cannot say; but this seems certain, if not these 
 particular targums, yet some others were then in hand for the instruction of the 
 people, and were read among them in private as well as in public for this pur- 
 pose;* and that they had such not only on the law and the prophets, but also on 
 all the other Hebrew scriptures. For, as I have said before, it was never a 
 usage among the Jews to lock up the holy scriptures, or any part of them, from 
 the people in a language unknown to them; for when dispersed among the 
 Greeks, they had them in Greek, and where the Chaldee was the vulgar lan- 
 guage, they had them in Chaldee. And when Christ was called out to read 
 the second lesson in the synagogue of Nazareth,* of which he was a member, 
 he seems to have read it out of a targum; for the words then read by him out 
 of Isaiah Ixi. 1, as recited by St. Luke, iv. 18, do not exactly agree either with 
 the Hebrew original, or with the Septuagint version in that place: and there- 
 fore, it seems most likely that they were read out of some Chaldee targum, 
 which was made use of in that synagogue: and when he cried out upon the 
 cross, in the words of the Psalmist (Psalm xxii. 1,) " Eli, Eli, lama sabach- 
 thani," i. e. My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me! (Matt. xxvu. 46,) 
 he quoted them not out of the Hebrew text, but out of the Chaldee paraphrase; 
 for, in the Hebrew text it is, " Eli, Eli, lamah azabtani;" and the word sobach- 
 thani is no where to be found but in the Chaldee tongue. 
 
 Those targums are the most ancient books the Jews have next the Hebrew 
 scriptures. This is certain of the targums of Onkelos on the law, and of Jona- 
 than on the prophets: and although the others are of a later date, yet they were 
 for the most part transcribed and composed out of other ancient glosses and tar- 
 gums, which were in use long before. Such have I shown they bad soon afler 
 the time of Ezra; but these being written in the pure Jerusalem dialect of the 
 
 1 In Praefatione ad Metluirgeman. 2 In Epislola ad Hottcnperum. 
 
 3 In Prole^om. ad Biblia Polyglotta, c. 12. s. 6. 4 Videas Misnam in Tractatu Megilla, cap. 4. v. 10. 
 
 5 Luke iv. IG, 17. 
 
352 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Chaldee language, must, in those times, in which the language of the Jerusalem 
 talmud and of the latter targums was spoken, be as much an unknown language 
 to the people, as formerly the Hebrew was to them on their return from the 
 Babylonish captivity. And therefore, they seem to have been composed in this 
 corrupted style of that dialect on purpose for their help; and from hence it is, 
 that I take them to be no other than as targums of the old targums, that is, the 
 old targums which were in use before the time of Onkelos and Jonathan, trans- 
 lated and written over again from the purer Jerusalem dialect (which was in 
 the time of the composure of those later targums no longer understood by the 
 people,) into that which they then did understand, that is, the corrupt language 
 of the Jerusalem Chaldee dialect in which they were composed. And that 
 therefore these old targums, with the addition of some rabbinical fables and rab- 
 binical fooleries which are interspersed in them, are the whole of their contex- 
 ture; and that all of them, that is, all the later targums (I mean all excepting On- 
 kelos on the law, and Jonathan on the prophets,) were composed within the 
 compass of one and the same age. The uniformity of their style plainly proves 
 this; and the corruptness of it proves that it was after the composure of the Je- 
 rusalem talmud, as hath been already shown; but in what age it was after that 
 composure is uncertain. It seems most probable to me, that it was in that in 
 which the Babylonish talmud was compiled,' and that some of them were writ- 
 ten a little before, and some of them a little after the publication of it; for that 
 talmud making mention of some of them, proves these to have been written be- 
 fore it; and some of them making mention of that talmud, proves these to have 
 been written after it. 
 
 They are all of them of great use for the better understanding, not only of the 
 Old Testament on which they are written, but also of the New. As to the Old 
 Testament, they vindicate the genuineness of the present Hebrew text, by 
 proving it the same that was in use when these targums were made, contrary to 
 the opinion of those who think the Jews corrupted it after our Saviour's time. 
 They help to explain many words and phrases in the Hebrew original, for the 
 meaning whereof we should otherwise have been at a loss; and they hand down 
 to us many of the ancient customs and usages of the Jews, which much help 
 to the illustrating of those scriptures on which they are written. And some of 
 these, with the phraseologies, idioms, and peculiar forms of speech, which we 
 find in them, do in many instances help as ii.uch for the illustrating and better 
 understanding of the New Testament as of the Old. For the Jerusalem Chal- 
 dee dialect, in which Ihey are written, being the same which was the vulgar 
 language of the Jews in our Saviour's time, many of its idioms, phraseologies, 
 and forms of speech, which from hence came into the writings of the New Tes- 
 tament, are found in these targums, and from thence are best to be illustrated 
 and explained. The targums of Onkelos and Jonathan must certainly be al- 
 lowed to be useful for this purpose, as being written just before the time of our 
 Saviour; and although the others were much later, and w^'itten in a corrupted style, 
 much differing from that of the other, yet the same idioms, p»hrases, and forms of 
 speech, still remaining, they serve for this use, as well as the other, especially 
 where transcribed from other ancienter targums, as I suppose they mostly were. 
 
 They also very much serve the Christian cause against the Jews, by inter- 
 preting many of the prophecies of the Messiah in the Old Testament in the same 
 manner as the Christians do. I shall here instance in some of them. 
 
 Gen. iii. 15. God saith unto the serpent, " It (that is, the seed of the woman) 
 shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel." Christians interpret this 
 of the Messiah and his kingdom: and the Jerusalem targum, and that called 
 Jonathan's on the law, do the same. 
 
 Gen. xlix. 10. Jacob prophesieth, that "The sceptre shall not depart from 
 Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh should come." Chris- 
 tians understand this of the Messiah, and from thence prove against the Jews, 
 
 1 The Babylonish Idliuud was composed about the beginning of the sixth century after Christ. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 353 
 
 that the Messiah must, according; to this prophecy of him, have been long since 
 come; because long since, that is, for many ages past, there hath been no legi 
 power in Judah, no prince of that nation ruling with the sceptre over them; nor 
 any from between their feet, that is, any born of that people, to make laws or 
 administer justice among them; because, for many ages past, the whole Jewish 
 polity hath utterly ceased from among them, and they have no where, since 
 the time of Jesus Christ, the true Messiah, been governed by their own princes, 
 or their own laws; but every where by strangers and the laws of strangers, 
 among whom they have lived. The Jews, to evade the force of this manifest 
 argument against them, object, first, that the w^ord s/iebef, in the Hebrew text, 
 which we interpret a sceptre, the instrument of rule, signifieth also a rod, which 
 is the instrument of chastisement; and therefore say, that though this should be 
 understood of the Messiah, the meaning would be no more than that their chas- 
 tisement, that is the banishment which they now suffer in their dispersions 
 among strange nations, should not cease (as they i-eckon it will not^ till their 
 Messiah shall come to deliver them from it. But, in the second place they ob- 
 ject, that they do not allow that the Messiah is meant by the word Shiloh in 
 this prophecy. But, in both these particulars, the Chaldee paraphrases are 
 against them: for the words of Onkelos in this text are, " There shall not be 
 taken away from Judah one having the principality, nor the scribes from the 
 sons of his children, till the Messiah shall come." And the Jerusalem targum 
 or paraphrase, and that called Jonathan's, agree with him in both these particu- 
 lars: for they both interpret s/iebet of the principality, and Shiloh of the Messiah; 
 and therefore all three of them help the Christian cause in this matter. 
 
 Numb. xxiv. 17. Part of the prophecy of Balaam there recited is, " There 
 shall come a star out of Jacob, and a sceptre shall rise out of Israel, and shall 
 bear rule over all the children of Seth.'" We Christians interpret this of 
 the Messiah: and so doth Onkelos in his targum on that place; for his words 
 are, " A king shall rise out of the house of Jacob, and the Messiah shall 
 be anointed out of the house of Israel, who shall rule over all the sons of 
 men." And the targum called Jonathan's interprets this of the Messiah in the 
 same manner also as that of Onkelos doth: and it is here to be observed, that 
 the targumists rightly render this phrase, " all the children of Seth," by the 
 phrase, " all the sons of men;" for all the children of Seth, since the flood, are 
 the same with all the children of Adam, and these are all men. And this show^s 
 that, according to this prophecy, the kingdom of the Messiah was not to be a 
 peculiar kingdom for the Jews, but universal for all mankind. And, agreeable 
 hereto, Maimonides interprets this whole text. His w^ords are as follow^ " A 
 sceptre shall rise .out of Israel; this is the king Messiah: and shall smite the cor- 
 ners of Moab; this is David, as it is written (-2 Sam. viii. 2,) and he smote Moab, 
 &.C. And he shall bear rule over the children of Seth; this is the king Messiah, 
 of whom it is written (Ps. Ixxii. 8.) He shall have dominion from sea to sea, 
 and from the river to the ends of the earth." In tract. Melakin, chap. 11. sect. 1. 
 
 Isaiah ix. 6, 7. The words of the prophet are, " Unto us a child is born, unto 
 us a son is given, and the government shall be upon his shoulder; and his name 
 shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, the Mighty God, the everlasting Father, 
 the Prince of Peace; of the increase of his government there shall be no end, 
 upon the throne of David, and upon his kingdom, to order it and to establish it 
 with judgment and with justice i^i'om henceforth even for ever." Christians all 
 hold that this is spoken of the Messiah; and Jonathan, in the targum which is 
 truly his, doth on that place say the same. 
 
 Isaiah xi. This w hole chapter w^e Christians understand to be of the Mes- 
 siah, and the peaceableness and happiness of his kingdom. Jonathan doth the 
 same in his targum thereon; and in it doth twice make expression hereof, that 
 is, on the first verse, and on the sixth. 
 
 1 So it oiiiht to be translated in our Englifh Bible, and not aiid destroy, as that hath it. For, if the Mes- 
 siali were todesirov all the sons of men, where would iheu liis sceptre be? 
 
 Vol. II.— 45 
 
354 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Isaiah lil. and liii. What is contained in these two chapters, from the se- 
 venth verse of the first of them to the end of the other, is all a continued pro- 
 phecy of the Messiah. So St. John in his Gospel, xii. 38, and St. Paul to the 
 Romans, x. 16, do teach us; and so all Christians hold, having so great authority 
 for it. But the description there given of a suffering Messiah not agreeing with 
 the notion which the Jews have of him, who expect a Messiah reig-nins and 
 triumphmg m temporal pomp and power, several of them reject this interpreta- 
 tion, and wrest the whole prophecy to other meanings; some of them under- 
 standing it of Josiah, some of Jeremiah, and others of the whole people of Israel. 
 I3ut the targum of Jonathan interprets it of the Messiah, as the Christians do, 
 and twice within the compass of the prophecy (i. e. chap. hi. 13, and chap. liii. 
 10,) apphes it to him. And Jonathan having composed this targum before 
 Christ's time, the serving of neither party can be supposed then to have influ- 
 enced him to have written otherwise than appeared to him to be the plain truth 
 of the matter; and that this prophecy can be understood of none other than the 
 Messiah, is manifest from the whole tenor of it; and it is as manifest that it 
 was all completed in Christ our Lord. And therefore others among the Jews 
 having rightly judged that the wrestings above mentioned are not sufficient to 
 baffle the true meaning of this prophecy, have, for the evading hereof, invented 
 another device; that is, that there are to be two Messiahs, and both yet to come; 
 one of which they say is to be of the tribe of Ephraim' (and they therefore call 
 him Messiah the son of Ephraim,' and sometimes Messiah the son of Joseph,) 
 and the other of the tribe of Judah, and the hneage of David; and they there- 
 fore call him Messiah' the son of David. The first of these (who, they say,* 
 will be the forerunner of the other) they make to be a suffering Messiah: and 
 tell us of him, that he is to fight against God, and, having overcome him, shall 
 afterward be slain by Armillus, whom they hold to be the greatest enemy that 
 shall ever appear against the church of God in this world. And of this Messiah 
 the son of Ephraim, they interpret all that is foretold in the Old Testament of 
 the sufferings of Christ our Lord, especially v/hat is foretold of him in this pro- 
 phecy of Isaiah, and in that of Zechariah xii. 10; in which last, they interpret 
 the words, " whom they have pierced," of his being to be pierced and run 
 through by the sword of Armillus, when he shall be slain by him. The other 
 Messiah, that is, Messiah the son of David, they make to be a conquering and 
 reigning Messiah, that shall conquer and kill Armillus, and restore the king- 
 dom of Israel, and there reign in the highest glory and felicity; and of him they 
 interpret all that is said in the scriptures of the Old Testament, of the glory, 
 power, and righteousness of Christ's kingdom. But all that they thus tell us of 
 their twofold Messiah is a mere fiction, framed without as much as a pretence 
 to any foundation in scripture for it; a vile and most pitiful fetch, invented only 
 to evade what they cannot answer; and their being forced to have recourse to 
 such a wretched shift, is a plain giving up of the cause they make use of it for. 
 
 INIicah. V. 2. The words of tlie prophet are, " And thou, Bethlehem Ephra- 
 tah, shall be chief among the thousands of Judah; out of thee shall come forth 
 unto me he that is to be ruler in Israel." This is the true translation of the 
 Hebrew text,^ and this all Christians understand of the Messiah; and so anciently 
 did the chief priests and scribes of the people of the Jews," when consulted by 
 Herod. But, since that time, in opposition to the gospel, Jewish writers have 
 endeavoured to give this text another meaning; some interpreting it of Heze- 
 kiah, some of Zerubbabel, and some otherwise. But Jonatlian, who perchance 
 \vas one among those scribes whom Herod consulted, gives the true meaning of 
 it by interpreting it of the Messiah, in the same manner as we Christians do: 
 
 ^ ^r"' !" f^i''"'<-'w,sia;nifyinK the saitip as son in English, in Hebrew they are ca'led Messiah Ben Ephraim, 
 and Messiah Ben Davnl; ami, because Ephraim was the son of Joseph, therefore they call this their Messiah 
 J.en Lphraim, sometimes Messiah Ben Joseph. The fullest account of what the Jews say of these two Mes- 
 Biahs IS given by Dr. Pocnck at the end of his Comrnentarv on Malachi. 
 
 , q'^Y,'""''''"'*^'^ "*'''''" all thatisprophecieijof John the Baptist, Mai. iii. 1. 
 „«^ S?e Dr. Pocockon this text in his Commentary on Micah; and his Miscellaneous Notes published at the 
 endof his Porta Mosis, c. 2, 2 Matt. ii. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 355 
 
 for his version of this text is, " Out of thee shall come forth before me the Mes- 
 siah, who shall exercise sovereign rule over Israel." 
 
 Psalm ii. This psalm we Christians interpret to be a prophecy of the Messiah 
 and hold it to be all fulfilled in our Saviour, and the erection of his kingdom, 
 against all opposition which it met with from Jews, heathens, and the princes 
 and rulers of the earth. And so the holy apostles understood it of old (Acts iv. 
 25 — '27, and chap. xiii. 33. Hebrews i. 5.) In opposition hereto, the Jews ap- 
 ply it wholly and solely to David himself, and will allow it to no other meaning, 
 either literal or typical, but what is terminated in his person. But the targum 
 is on our side, for it interprets this psalm' to be a prophecy of the Messiah, as 
 all Christians do. 
 
 Psalm xlv. This psalm also Christians interpret to be of the Messiah, and 
 they have for it the authority of the holy penman of the epistle to the Hebrews, 
 chap. i. 8. In opposition hereto, the Jews apply it v.holly and solely to Solo- 
 mon, and will allow it no other meaning, either literal or typical, but what is 
 terminated in his person, and the marriage which he made with the daughter 
 of Pharoah: but the targum is on our side in this matter also, and interprets it 
 to be a prophecy of the Messiah," as all Christians do. 
 
 Psalm Ixxii. This psalm also the Jews interpret of Solomon; but Christians 
 understand it as a prophecy of the Messiah; and the targum is on our side here- 
 in; for it applies it to the Messiah in the same manner as we do.^ Many other 
 instances might be produced out of these targums, wherein the prophecies of 
 the Old Testament are illustrated and explained for the advantage of the Chris- 
 tian cause against all opposers. But these are sufficient to give the reader a 
 taste of all the rest, and also to show how useful these targums may be to a 
 Christian divine in all controversies about the Messiah, especially against the 
 Jews. For these targums being their own books, all arguments taken out of 
 them if any thing can convince that obstinate people, must be of a very con- 
 vincing force against them, especially when they are cut of the Targums of On- 
 kelos on the law, and Jonathan on the prophets: for these they hold to be of the 
 same authority with the sacred word itself. Richard Simon, the Frenchman, is 
 against Christians* making any use at all of these targums in their controversies 
 with the Jews: for he thinks that our urging of any arguments against them out 
 of those books, may seem to authorize them; which will, saifh he, be much to 
 the disadvantage of Christianity, because those books being written with the 
 sole view of establishing the Jewish ceremonies and religion, they will operate 
 much stronger to the support of the Jewish cause than the Christian. But I can 
 see no reason in all this: for certainly we may make use of the targums of On- 
 kelos and Jonathan, for the proving of the ancient and true inteq^retation of the 
 prophecies of the Messiah explained in them, and of the other targums also for 
 the same purpose, without our incurring thereby that ill consequence which that 
 Frenchman would guard against: our using them for this purpose no more au- 
 thorizing all else contained in them, than our using the prophecies of the Pen- 
 tateuch against the same Jews, can be said to authorize their present rites and 
 ceremonies contained in that book, now they are wholh' abolished by the gos- 
 pel. Besides, when we make use of any quotations out of those targums in our 
 controversies with the Jews, they are chiefly used as argumenta ad homines. 
 And thus we ma}-- use arguments out of the Alcoran against the Mahometans, 
 and out of the Talmud against the Jews, without giving in the least any autho- 
 ritv or approbation thereby to either of them. 
 
 "with much better reason the same Frenchman* disapproves of the use of the 
 taro-ums for the proof of the a:-c,-, or Word, in that sense in which we find it 
 expressed in the first chapter of the Gospel of St. John. For through all those 
 targums, in a great number of places where mention is made of Gk)d in the ori- 
 ginal Hebrew, it being rendered " the Word of God" in the Chaldee interpre- 
 
 1 Matt. ii. 2. 2 Matt. ii. 3. 3 Ibid. 1. 4 Critical History of the Old Testament, b. 2. c. 13. 
 
 5 Critical History of the Old Testament, book Ui. c. 24. 
 
356 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 tation, hence the Chaldce Memra, which in that phrase signifieth "the Word," 
 hath been thought to correspond with the Greek ao^os in that gospel, and both 
 exactly to denote the same thing. And therefore, several learned men have 
 endeavoured to explain the one by the other, and from hence to prove the divi- 
 nity of our Saviour. But others, as well as Monsieur Simon,' being sensible 
 that this phrase in the Chaldee being an idiom in that language, which may be 
 otherwise explained, they are against pressing any argument from it for this 
 point, because it is capable of an answer to which we cannot well reply. 
 
 These targums are published to the best advantage in the second edition of 
 the great Hebrew Bible set forth at Basil by Buxtorf the father, anno 1620: for 
 that learned man hath therein taken great pains, not only to rectify the Chaldee 
 text, but also to reform the vowel pointings in it. At first these targums were 
 written, as all other oriental books, without vowel points; but at length some 
 Jews attempted to add points to them: but this being done very erroneously, 
 Buxtorf undertook to mend it according to such rules as he had formed from 
 the punctuation, which he found in those parts of the books of Daniel and Ezra 
 which are written in the Chaldee language. But some think that the Chaldee, 
 which is contained in those two books, ^ is too little from thence to frame rules 
 in this matter for the whole language: and that therefore it had been better if 
 Buxtorf had left this matter alone, ^ and printed those books without any points 
 at all, but left us wholly to be directed by the four letters, Aleph, He, Vau, Yod 
 (which they call Matres Lectionis,) for the reading of those books. But that 
 great and learned man knew better what was fit to be done than any that shall 
 take upon them to censure his performances. The world is more beholden to 
 him for his learned and judicious labours than to any other that lived in his 
 time, and his name ought ever to be preserved with honour in acknowledgment 
 of it. But to return again to our history. 
 
 ^n. 37. Herod 1.] — Sosius, whom Antony had left governor of Syria, on his 
 going to Italy, finding that Ventidius had lost his favour by meriting too much 
 from him in the Parthian war,'' for the avoiding of the like envy, as soon as the 
 war with the Jews was over, industriously avoided doing any thing more, and 
 lay by in quiet all the rest of the year. But he having done too much already 
 by taking Jerusalem, reducing Judea, and placing Herod in full possession of 
 that country, and being otherwise a man of merit, Antony could no more bear 
 him, than he had Ventidius: and therefore, as soon as he returned into Syria,* 
 he removed him from that government, and put Plancus, governor of Asia, into 
 his place, and sent C. Furnius to govern Asia in his stead. And thus it fre- 
 quently happens to other under-governors and ministers, either of state or war, 
 they being as often undone by meriting too much from the princes they serve, 
 as by demeriting from them. 
 
 Orodes, king of Parthia, being in some measure recovered from that disturb- 
 ance of mind which his great grief for the death of Pacorus his beloved son had 
 cast him into," fell into as great perplexity, M'hom of his other sons he should 
 name his successor, instead of him whom he had lost. He had thirty of them born 
 to him of the several wives he had married. All these women pressed hard upon 
 the old king, each soliciting for a son of their own. At length, to put an end to 
 this matter, he determined it by the seniority, and appointed Phrahates the eld- 
 est of them, who was also the wickedest and worst of the whole number, to be 
 king in his stead;'' who, as soon as he was possessed of the regal poAver, made 
 the wickedness of his disposition fully appear in it. The first thing which he 
 did was to put to death those of his brothers which were born to his father of a 
 daughter of Antiochus Eusebes, king of Syria; for which he had no other rea- 
 
 1 Liclitfoot's npbrevv Exereitations on St. John's Gospel, c. 1. ver. 1. 
 
 2 All that is written in Chaldee in both these two books makes no more than two hundred and sixty-seven 
 verses, of which two hiiniired are in Daniel, and sixty-seven in Ezra; and these, with one verse in Jeremiah, 
 is all that of the Chaldee lanfrnaee is to be found in the original text of the holy scriptures. 
 
 3 Richard Siinon in his Critical History, book 2. c. 18. 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 49. p. 406. 
 5 Appian. de Bellis Civjiibus, lib. 5. 6 Justin, lib. 42. c. 4. 
 
 7 Jubtia. lib. 42. c. 4. Dion. Cass. lib. 49. p. 406. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. ^57 
 
 son but that they were by their mother of a more noble descent, and otherwise 
 of greater merit than himself. And finding that his father was much offended 
 at it, he put him to death also. At first he attempted it only by giving him hem- 
 lock.' But that, instead of killing him, became a medicine to cure him of the 
 dropsy, which he then laboured with; for it working off in a violent purgation, it 
 carried off the disease with it. And therefore, to make sure work of it, the par- 
 ricide caused him to be stifled to death in his bed; and after that he put to death 
 all his other brothers,'^ and raged with that cruelty toward the nobility, as well as 
 all others, that he made himself the odium of all his people: whereon fearing lest 
 they should depose him,^ and place a son of his, then grown up to man's state, 
 upon the throne instead of him, he put him to death to prevent it. Hereon 
 great numbers of the nobility of Parthia,'' dreading his cruelty, fled the country 
 to avoid it; several of which took refuge in Syria, under the protection of An- 
 tony; among whom Monseses was the most eminent, who growing much into 
 the confidence of Antony, thereby became the chief promoter of that war with 
 Parthia, which Antony the next year engaged in. 
 
 An. 36. Herod H.] — Herod, on the death of Antigonus,^ made Ananelus high- 
 priest in his stead. He was an obscure priest, residing among the Jews of 
 Babylonia, and a descendant of those who had settled in that country after the 
 Babylonish captivity; but being of the pontifical family,** and formerly well 
 known to Herod, he sent for him from Babylonia, and put him into this office; 
 and that which chiefly recommended him to this choice, was the obscurity and 
 meanness of the man, that, being a person without credit or interest at Jerusa- 
 lem, he might not there, by virtue of his high station and dignity, be in a ca- 
 pacity of interfering with the regal authority. 
 
 In the interim, Hyrcanus continued a prisoner at Seleucia, in Babylonia, tiU 
 Phrahates came to the crown. Amidst the cruelties which he exercised among 
 his own people, he showed kindness and generosity toward this captive prince: 
 for as soon as he was informed' of his quality, he ordered him to be released 
 from his chains, and allowed him to live at full liberty among the Jews of thajt 
 country; who respecting him as their king and their high-priest, he seemed to 
 have been as much a king among thfem, and to have as ample a kingdom, as 
 when he reigned at Jerusalem. For the Jews who were then settled in Baby- 
 lonia, Assyria, and other countries beyond the Euphrates, which were then 
 parts of the Parthian empire, were as numerous as those in Judea. And all 
 these honoured him as their king, and supplied him with a maintenance suita- 
 ble thereto; so that he lived there in full honour, ease, and plenty. But on 
 hearing of Herod's being advanced to be king of Judea, the lovs which he had 
 for his country so prevailed with him, that nothing could content him but to re- 
 turn again thither. Having been the preserver of Herod's life, when he was 
 arraigned before the Sanhedrin for the death of Hezekias, and the founder of 
 all his fortunes, he expected this man would have treated him as gratitude 
 obliged, and returned him all the kindnesses he had received; and therefore 
 was desirous of putting himself under his protection in Jerusalem; and Herod 
 was as earnest to have him there, as the other to desire it; but with quite ano- 
 ther view. He feared some turn might happen to bring Hyrcanus again upon 
 the throne, and therefore desired to have him in his power, that he might cut 
 him off to prevent it, when he should see an occasion for it; and for this end, 
 not only invited Hyrcanus to him with great earnestness and greater promises, 
 but sent an embassy to Phrahates on purpose to solicit his permission for him to 
 come; and he having succeeded in both these particulars, that is, with Phrahates 
 to grant him his dismission, and with Hyrcanus to accept of it, the unfortunate 
 old prince, contrary to the advice of all his friends, left Babylonia, and returned 
 to Jerusalem; where Herod for some time treated him with all seeming respect, 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Crasso, circa finpm. .rustiti. lib. 42. c. 4. 3 Ibid. c. 5. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 49. p. 406. 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 2, 3. 
 
 6 Every one of the descendants of Aaron was capable of the high-priesthood, if otherwise quaUfled. 
 
 7 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 2. 
 
358 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 till at length he found a pretence to put him to death, in the manner as -vvill be 
 hereafter related. 
 
 Publius Canidius, one of Antony's lieutenants, having vanquished the Arme- 
 nians, the Iberians, and the Albanians,' and carried his victorious -arms as far as 
 Mount Caucasus, the name of Antony hereon became very famous and terrible 
 among all the nations of those parts: with which he being much elated, was 
 blown up thereby into a confidence of having the same success against the Par- 
 thians; and therefore resolved fortliwith to prosecute that war against them,'^ 
 which he had long designed, and which was at Rome earnestly expected from 
 him, for the revenging of the cause of Crassus, and those Romans that per- 
 ished with him at Carrhce; and he accordingly set himself on the making of aU 
 manner of preparations for it,^ in which he made great use of Monaeses, forming 
 all his schemes for the carrying of it on by his advice; and, to engage him to 
 be the more serviceable to him herein, he allowed him the revenues of three 
 cities for his maintenance, as Xerxes had Themistocles, and promised him also, 
 on his conquering the country, to make him king of it. But while tliese pro- 
 jects were framing, came ambassadors from Phrahates to invite Monaeses home. 
 For the Parthians very ill resenting the banishment of this great man, and Phra- 
 hates himself dreading the advantage which the enemy might have against him 
 from the advice of so wise and able a counsellor, and one so well acquainted 
 with the country to direct an invasion into it, this produced a resolution of re- 
 calling him; and such terms being offered him as he thought fit to accept, he 
 prepared for his return. Antony had great indignation hereat; and though he 
 had him still in his power, yet thought it not for his interest to put him to death, 
 because this would discourage all others from revolting to him; but, to make the 
 best advantage of this incident for his own interest, he, on his dismissing of 
 Monaeses, sent ambassadors with him to Phrahates to treat of peace, hoping that, 
 by amusing him herewith, he might divert him from making preparations for 
 the war, and so find him unprovided to make any resistance on his invasion 
 upon him. But he whoUy failed of his aim in this matter; for, intending to 
 have invaded the Parthians by the nearest cut over the Euphrates, on his com- 
 ing to that river, he found all the passes so strongly guarded on the other side,* 
 that he durst no where attempt the leading of his army that way; whereon he 
 marched off to the left, and passed Mount Taurus into Armenia, purposing from 
 thence to invade first the Medians, and after that the Parthians. And this he 
 was induced to by the soUcitations of Artabazes, king of Armenia: for that 
 prince, having made a breach with Artavasdes, king of Media, for the reveng- 
 ing of his cause upon him, pressed Antony to come this way, and, on his fail- 
 ing of the other over the Euphrates, he accepted of the invitation. And had 
 Artabazes acted faithfully with him, the expedition in all likelihood would have 
 had all the success which was proposed. But, instead of conducting him the 
 direct way,^ which, from Zeugma on the Euphrates (the place from whence he 
 did first set out on the northern march) to the river Araxis, that parted Media 
 from Armenia, was about five hundred miles, he led him over mountains and 
 difficult passes, and by ways so far about, that he made his march to be of dou- 
 ble the length, before he arrived on the borders of Media, at the place intended 
 for the beginning of the war; whereby not only the army M'as fatigued, but so 
 much of the year spent, that it left him not time sufficient for the executing of 
 what was designed. However, to make all the expedition possible,^ that so he 
 might be back again soon enough to spend the Avinter with Cleopatra, he over- 
 marched all his heavy carriage (among which were three hundred wagons loaded 
 with battering rams, and other military engines for sieges,) leaving Statianus, 
 one of his lieutenants, with a guard of ten thousand men, to bring them after 
 him. With the rest of his army he hastened forward, by long marches, till he 
 
 1 Dion Ca=?i\is, lil.. 40. p. 400. Pliitarrhiis in Antonio. Strabo, lib. 11. p. 501. 
 
 2 Ibid, ot Plutarch, ibid. Justin, lib. 42. c. 5. 3 Ibid, et Plutarchu-!. ibid. 
 
 4 Diou Cassius, lib. 4D. p. 107. 5 Strabo, lib. 11. p. 534. 6 Plutarch, in Antonio. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 359 
 
 arrived at Praaspa (otherwise called Plirahata,) the capital of Media, which was 
 within the country,' at the distance of three hundred miles from the river Araxis, 
 where the first borders of it began. This city he immediately besieged;^ but it 
 being a very strong place, and well fortified, he soon found the error he had 
 committed in leaving his battering rams, and his other military engines behind 
 him; for tie could do nothing without them; and therefore, when the Median 
 and Parthian army came up to him, finding him thus in vain spending himself 
 in this siege, they stayed not to give him any disturbance for the raising of it, 
 but, passing him by, marched forward to fall on Statianus, who was coming up 
 with the heavy carriages; and, having surprised him in the way, cut him ofT, 
 and all his ten thousand men with him (excepting only some few who had 
 quarter given them in the end of the carnage,) and took all the engines of war, 
 and all the rest of the baggage that was with them; which was a loss and dis- 
 appointment, that mostly contributed to the making the whole expedition mis- 
 carry, next the ill measures by which it was conducted. 
 
 As soon as Antony heard of the danger Statianus was in, he made all the 
 haste he could to his assistance,^ but came too late to give him any; for on his 
 arrival, he found him and all his men dead on the field of battle; but no enemy 
 appearing to oppose him, he supposed them fled for fear of him; and this making 
 him resume his courage, he returned again to the siege; but was there attended 
 with the same ill success as in all things else during this expedition; for the 
 enemy lying near at hand, continually harrassed him with fresh assaults, taking 
 all advantages for it, especially in his foragings. If he sent out few for this pur- 
 pose, they were usually cut off in their return; and if he sent many, the re- 
 mainder were galled by the sallies of the besiegers. He thought to have re- 
 medied all this by drawing the Parthian army to a general battle; and twice he 
 attained his aim herein, but with little advantage to him: for although in both 
 conflicts he put the enemy to a thorough rout, yet the Parthians being all horse- 
 men, they made their retreat with that swiftness, and thereby so well escaped 
 the damages usually suffered in such defeats, that, in the last of them, when 
 Antony thought his victory absolute, and pursued it to the utmost, he found 
 that there were only eighty of the enemy slain, and thirty taken prisoners in 
 the whole action. However, he continued the siege, till, having eaten up all 
 the country round, he was forced to depart for want of provisions; but his re- 
 treat being to be made through the enemy's country for three hundred miles,'' 
 (for at that distance Phrahata lay from the borders of Armenia,)' it was attended 
 with great difficulties, and continual dangers. He was much beholden to a 
 guide which he had of the Mardians" (a people living near the confines of Me- 
 dia and Armenia,) who being well acquainted with the country, faithfully con- 
 ducted him through it. The Parthian army followed him as far as the river 
 Araxis,'' where the territories of the Medians ended, and harrassed him all the 
 way with assaults, as often as they had an advantage for them. Eighteen times 
 they fell on him with all their forces," and although he as often repulsed them, 
 yet it was every time with greater loss to himself than to the enemy; for as soon 
 as they perceived themselves worsted, they made quick retreats, as being all 
 horsemen, so as to sustain no loss in the pursuit. Three times he was in dan- 
 ger of being absolutely undone by ambushes laid in the way for him,' which 
 he could not have escaped, but that he had notice given him of them from the 
 enemy's quarters. Twice Monseses served him this way by a special messen- 
 ger sent to him for this purpose, in return to the kindness he had received from 
 him in his banishment: and the other time he had his intelligence from an old 
 Roman soldier, who, having been a captive among the Parthians ever since the 
 defeat of Crassus, came to the Roman army to acquaint him of the danger. Al- 
 
 1 Strabo, lib. 11. p. 523. He there calls this city Vera, and says it was distant from the river Araxis two 
 thonsand four hundred fiirloiiffs.i e. three hundred niilrs. , 
 
 2 Plutarch in Antonio. Strabo, ibid. Dion Ca?sijs, lib. 40. p. 407. 3 Plutarch, et Dion Cassius, ibid. 
 4 Livii Epitome, hb. 130. .5 Strabo, lib. 11. p. .'i2% 6 Plutarch, in Antonio. 
 
 7 Plutarch, ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 49. 8 P'utarcli. ibid. 9 Plutarch, et Dion Cassius, ibid. 
 
360 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 though he made many errors in his conduct of the other parts of this war, there 
 were none of them in this retreat: for he managed it with all the art and suc- 
 cess that it was capable of; and after a march of twenty-seven days from the 
 walls of Phrahata, he brought his army back again into Armenia, though not 
 without great loss. For on his taking a review of his army, after his repassing 
 the Araxis, he found he brought back of his foot twenty thousand, and of his 
 horse four thousand, fewer than he first carried over that river for this war, 
 more of which perished by the hardships of the campaign than by the sword of 
 the enemy. And although, on his entering Armenia, he was there out of the 
 enemy's country, and had free passage for his army without molestation, yet 
 winter being now advanced, and Armenia all covered with snow, by continuing 
 his march through it during this hard season, he lost several thousands more of 
 his men; so that, on his return to Antioch, Florus tells us,' he scarce brought 
 back a third part of the number he carried out And yet he had the vanity on 
 his return to boast, as if he had come back with victory, and assumed the ho- 
 nours due thereon. He was not at any time, indeed, during this expedition 
 vanquished in battle, as Crassus had been, but came back alive at the head of 
 his army, and Avithout that disgrace to the Roman arms which attended the ab- 
 solute defeat of that other general. But if their losses be compared together, this 
 of Antony's will appear the more unfortunate expedition of the two. When 
 Crassus was vanquished by the Parthians at Carrhse, there were slain with him 
 twenty thousand, "^ and ten thousand taken prisoners; but in this campaign of 
 Antony's against the same people, the number of those that were lost in it was 
 much greater: according to Florus's account, it was about twice as much; for 
 he went out with a hundred thousand men,^ and if he brought back only a third 
 part, then above sixty thousand must have perislied of them in this destructive 
 undertaking. 
 
 Had Artabazes,^ who marched with Antony into Media with sixteen thou- 
 sand horse, continued them in his service, that reinforcement would have en- 
 abled him to have pursued the Parthian horse as often as they were repulsed, 
 and to have taken thereby all the advantages of these defeats for the making of 
 that campaign fully fortunate. But that faithless man, who had drawn Antony 
 into this war, was the first that deserted him in It; for, hearing of the ill fate of 
 Statianus,"* and those that were cut off with him, he immediately withdrew into 
 his own country, giving all for lost on the Roman's side, and thereby did all 
 that in him lay to make it so; for which Antony at last revenged himself upon 
 him in his utter ruin. 
 
 But the main cause of all the misfortunes of this war, as well as of all others, 
 that befel this noble Roman, after his obtaining the chief command of the 
 east, was that wicked and lascivious woman Cleopatra, queen of Egypt. On his 
 last return out of Italy into Syria, he forthwith sent for her thither,* against the 
 advice of all his friends. On her arrival,'' she influenced him to many unjust and 
 wicked things for the gratifying of her avarice; and many of the nobility of Syria 
 were on false pretences put to death through her means, for no other reason but 
 that she might have their forfeited estates; among whom, one was Lysanias, the 
 son of Ptolemy Mennsus, prince of Chalcis and Iturae,^ whom she having caused 
 to be put to death, on a false accusation of confederating with the Parthians, had 
 thereon his dominions granted to her. The stay which she then made with him 
 much retarded this Parthian expedition: for, that he might the longer enjoy her 
 conversation,- he so long delayed his first setting out on it, and by reason hereof 
 came into Armenia so late in the year, that he could not have time enough to 
 do any great feats in this campaign, had he been fully fortunate in it: and, al- 
 though he sent her away again into Egypt, before he marched forth with his 
 
 1 Floriis, lib. 4. c. 10. Vellfiius Paterculiis snitli he lost a fourth part of his soldiers, and of the servants 
 utlrrs, and others, that attended the arniv, a third part, lib. 2. c. 82. 
 
 2 Philarch. in Cras.=;o. 3 Ibid, in Antonio. 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 49. p. 407. Plutarch, in Antonio. 
 5 Plutarch, in Antonio. 6 .loseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 4. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 13. 
 
 7 Joseph, ibid. Dion Cassias, lib. 49. p. 411. 8 Plutarch, in Antonio. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 361 
 
 army, yet he -U'ent to this war with his heart so bewitched to her, that he pre- 
 cipitated eveiy thing to make the more haste to return to her again. And this 
 precipitation was the cause that made the undertaking so miserably miscarry, 
 as hath been above related. A great part of \he summer having been spent ere 
 he came to the river Araxis, instead of passing it so late in the year, he should 
 have put his army there into quarters among the Armenians. After so long 
 and fatiguing a march as they made of it from Syria thither, they needed such 
 a refreshment, and winter being so near, had he continued them still there in 
 the same quarters till the rigour of it had been over, and began the war early 
 in the spring following, in all likeUhood he would have had better success in it, 
 and would then have had time enough before him for the making of the best 
 advantage of it. This was the best course he could then have taken, and he 
 was accordingly advised to it; but the eager desire which he then had of being 
 speedily back again with that wicked M'oman, would not permit him to hearken 
 thereto, but hurried him on to enter into a war in a cold country, when the 
 cold season was there beginning. And, when the heavy carriages hindered him 
 in his march from making that speed with which he desired, for the same rea- 
 son, to despatch every thing, he left them behind to be brought after him; 
 which not only made the siege of Phrahata miscarry, for want of the engines of 
 battery which were with those carriages, but also was the cause of the loss of all 
 those carriages, and of Statianus, and his convoy, who were appointed to bring 
 them to him, they being all through this ill conduct cut off and destroyed in 
 the manner as above related. And when the unlucky beginning of the war 
 with so great a loss had made every thing else miscarry in it, and Antony was 
 with great difficulty got back again into Armenia, and ought at least then to 
 have put the remainder of his army into winter-quarters, it being the middle of 
 w^inter,' for the sake of getting speedily back again into Syria, for the gratifying 
 of his lust with that woman, he obstinately continued his march over that moun- 
 tainous country, then covered all over with snow; Avhich cost him eight thou- 
 sand of his men more,'^ who perished in that march by reason of the hardship 
 of the season; which completed the ruin of his army, and reduced them to that 
 small number I have mentioned. 
 
 While these things were doing in the east, a great change happened in the 
 west; Sextus Pompeius being driven out of Sicily, and Lepidus deposed from 
 the triumvirate. Octavianus and Lepidus' had jointly carried on the war against 
 Sextus Pompeius; and they having had that success in it, as utterly to subdue 
 him both by sea and land, and deprive him of all he had, excepting only seven 
 ships, with which he fled into Asia, Lepidus vainly arrogated the whole honour 
 of the victory to himself, and would have seized all Sicily, as what he thought 
 was due solely unto him, as the just reward of it. But Octavianus, having here- 
 on drawn over all his army to desert to him, reduced him to a necessity to beg 
 his life, and be content to lead the remainder of it in a private and mean con- 
 dition at Circeii, a small maritime town among the Latins, where he was sent 
 into banishment. That he attained to be one of the three supreme governors 
 of the Roman empire, was wholly owing to fortune, he being without any merit 
 in himself of either wisdom, valour, or activity, to entitle him thereto; and 
 therefore, after he had thus fallen from what fortune had thus raised him unto, 
 he had nothing more left to recommend him to any further regard, but ended 
 his life in the place of his confinement, in obscurity and contempt. After this, 
 Antony and Octavianus held the whole Roman empire divided between them; 
 the former had all the east, from the borders of Illyrium and the Adriatic Gulf, 
 and the latter all the rest. And it is remarked, that Octavianus was no more 
 than twenty -eight years old when he attained to all this, and owed it all wholly 
 to the wisdom of his own conduct; and with the same wisdom whereby he ob- 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Antonio. 2 Epitome Livii, lib. 130. Pint, in Antonio. 
 
 3 Dion Cassius, lib. 49. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. Epitome Livii, lib. 129. Suetonius in Octa- 
 vio, c. 16. 54. Orosius, lib. (5. c. lb. Florus, lib. 4. c. 8. 
 
 Vol. IL— 46 
 
362 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 tained this empire, he governed it ever after to the end of his hfe, through a 
 long and prosperous reign. 
 
 Jin. 3o. Herod 3.] — As soon as Antony had gotten back again into Syria from 
 his late expedition,' he retired to Lucecome, a castle in Phoenicia, lying between 
 Sidon and Berytus, and there sent for Cleopatra to him, waiting for her coming 
 with great impatience; and for the relief of it, wearing away the time in the 
 interim with feasting, revelling, and drunkenness, till her arrival, without being 
 touched with any concern for the losses of his late unfortunate expedition, or 
 with any other passion but that of his inordinate love for this lascivious woman. 
 On her coming to him, she brought with her great quantities of garments for 
 the new clothing of his shattered army. These, with a large donative in mo- 
 ney, were distributed among the soldiers in Cleopatra's name. The clothes 
 only, it is said, were from Cleopatra, but the money all from Antony; but both 
 were distributed in her name out of complaisance to her. As soon as this was 
 done, Antony returned into Egypt with her; and there they spent the remain- 
 der of the winter in all manner of luxury and voluptuousness together. 
 
 The making of Ananelus high-priest,^ and the putting by from that office 
 Aristobulus, the son of Alexander, to whom it belonged in right of succession, 
 caused great disturbances in Herod's family: for Alexandra, Aristobulus's mother, 
 could not bear the disappointment, and Mariamne, his sister, Herod's best be- 
 loved wife, was continually teazing and soliciting him about it. But he was 
 most embarrassed by the dangers and troubles which Alexandra created him; 
 for she wrote to Cleopatra about this matter, and began also, by the means of 
 one Delhus, a favourite of Antony's, to engage him in it; so that Herod found 
 it necessary, for the securing of nis safety and quiet, to gratify the two ladies 
 in what he found them so earnest for; and therefore, having deposed Ananelus, 
 he made Aristobulus, then a lad of seventeen years old, high-priest in his stead. 
 This, satisfying the two ladies, and also pleasing the generality of the people, it 
 restored peace again to Herod's family, and prevented for the present all those 
 dangers and difficulties from Antony, which he was then threatened with about 
 this matter. 
 
 But the active genius of Alexandra would not permit this calm long to con- 
 tinue; for she was a woman of a great spirit, as well as of a great understand- 
 ing; and knowing that her son had as good a claim to the kingdom as he had 
 to the high-priesthood, could not bear his being deprived of either; for by 
 her he was grandson to Hyrcanus,^ and by Alexander, his father, he was grand- 
 son to Aristobulus, and therefore had the interest and right of both those brothers 
 centring in him; by his descent from the latter, he had the high-priesthood (that 
 going in the male line,) but, by his descent from both, he claimed the crown; 
 and Alexandra having succeeded in her gaining of the one,** pursued the same 
 means for the obtaining of the other also; that is, by intriguing with Cleopatra, 
 that so by her interposition she might gain over Antony to her. But Herod 
 smelling out this correspondence, and guessing at the purport of it, confined 
 her to the palace, and set spies upon her, who so narrowly watched all her steps, 
 that none of them escaped their observation; v/hereon looking on herself as a 
 prisoner, she resented it with great indignation, and for the remedying of it, 
 formed a plot for her and her son's escape into Egj^pt to Cleopatra, who, on 
 this occasion, had invited them thither: in order hereto, a ship was provided at 
 the next sea-port town, and they were to be carried out in two coffins for their 
 escaping thither. Herod had an account of all this design, and permitted it to 
 go on till it was actually put in execution; but then seizing them on the road, 
 brought them both back again. He durst not openly resent what was done, for 
 fear of Cleopatra; and therefore, making a virtue of necessity, he pretended, 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Antonio. 2 Jofpph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 2. X 
 
 3 Hyrcaniis and Aristobulus were the two sons of Alexander Janneus. Alexandra was the daughter and 
 only child of Hyrcanus, and Alexander her husband was the son of Aristobulus; these two being married to- 
 gether, were the parents of Mariamne, Herod's wife, and of Aristobulus, the hish-priest, 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 2, 3. 
 
THE OLD AND NEV/ TESTAMENT. 363 
 
 out of clemency to pardon that in both which he could not punish in either; 
 but from that time resolved to rid himself of the young man, as soon as he 
 should have a convenient opportunity for it. He was right heir to the crown 
 which Herod, by the favour of the Romans, had usurped from him; and being 
 also a remarkably beautiful young man, the usurper had reason to fear, should 
 he come into the presence of Antony and Cleopatra, how far he might gain, 
 on perbons so laciviously affected, for the carrying of the point which Alexan- 
 dra proposed. And further he observed, that the young man grew much into 
 the favour of the people; and the gracefulness of his person, as well as their 
 affection for the Asmon^an family, of which he was the sole male remainder, 
 much recommended him hereto. Of which an instance was soon given on a 
 very public occasion: for the feast of tabernacles approaching,' and Aristobulus 
 then officiating in the office of high-priest, he discharged himself with so good 
 a grace, and the splendour of the pontifical robes did so much set forth the 
 beauty of his person, that by both these he captivated the affection of the whole 
 assembly, and every man's mouth was full of his praises. This raised the jea- 
 lousy of the tyrant to so high a degree, that he had not ^^atience any longer to 
 bear him; but, immediately after the festival was over, took care to have him 
 drowned at Jericho. He went thither with Herod to take part of an entertain- 
 ment there provided for them. After dinner was over, several of Herod's at- 
 tendants bathing themselves in a fishpond, Aristobulus was persuaded to bathe 
 with them; but he was no sooner plunged into the water, but those that were 
 there before him, according as directed by Herod, ducked and dipped him so 
 long under water, till he was then drowned to death. This was pretended to 
 be done only by way of sport and play, without any intending of that which 
 followed; and therefore endeavours were made to have his death to pass for an 
 unfortunate accident, which happened by chance, without any design; and none 
 laboured more to have this believed than Herod himself; for he acted the part 
 of a great mourner for the deceased, shedding abundance of tears, and other- 
 wise expressing great grief for his death, and expending great sums in a splen- 
 did funeral for him. But every body saw through this hypocrisy, and abhorred 
 him for it; and none more than Alexandra, who was inconsolable for this loss, 
 and could not have survived it, but for the hopes of having an opportunity of 
 being revenged on the tyrant for it. In order hereto, she put all her wits to 
 work, and, being well stored with such as were proper for the effecting of such 
 a design, she had near brought it to pass for the utter ruin of the murderer and 
 all his fortunes, as will be by and by related. 
 
 But all this while Antony lay idle at Alexandria, spending the whole year 
 in dalliances with Cleopatra; and, although fair opportunities were offered him 
 for the revenging of the Roman cause upon the Parthians, and utterly subduing 
 that nation, yet he neglected them all for the enjoyment of his lust with this 
 vile woman: for Antony was no sooner returned from his late expedition, but 
 the king of Media and king of Parthia fell out about the prey which they had 
 taken from him on the defeat of Statianus,'^ the latter depriving the other of his 
 share in it; whereon the Median sent an embassj^ to Antony, offering to join 
 with him against the Parthians, and to assist him with all his forces. This offer 
 Antony gladly accepted of, as wanting the Median horse to enable him to cope 
 with the Parthians, whose whole strength lay in their horse. At the same time 
 he had an account that the affairs of the Parthians were in great disorders and 
 distractions, by reason of several commotions, seditions, and rebellions, then in 
 that country, caused by the tyranny and cruelty of their king. Both these junc- 
 tures coming together, offered Antony a very advantageous opportunity, by a 
 new expedition against the Parthians, to make amends for the miscarriage of 
 the former; and therefore, resolving to lay hold of it, he forthwith put himself 
 upon his march into Syria, there to make preparations for it. But Octavia being 
 come as far as Athens, in her way to Antony, Cleopatra, feared that, in case 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 3. 2 Plutarch, in Antonio. Dion Cassias, lib. 49. p. 411. 
 
364 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 they should meet, the wife might again recover the affection of her husband, 
 and she be thenceforth excluded from it; and therefore, for the preventing hereof, 
 she put all her arts to work, feigning herself, after his departure, to be sick in 
 love with him, that his absence had cast her into a languishing condition, of 
 which she must die, unless he would return to her again; for she pretended she 
 could not live without him. This brought Antony back again into Alexandria; 
 and the Median expedition being laid aside, he devoted this whole year to the 
 gratifying his adulterous love with this woman; and as soon as he was returned 
 to her, he sent his orders to Octavia at Athens, that she should not proceed any 
 further; which being resented by Octavianus, became the first cause of that 
 war between them, which ended in the ruin of both these lovers, for they both 
 perished in it. 
 
 This year did put an end to the family and faction of Pompey the Great. It 
 hath been above related, that at his death he left two sons, Cneius and Sextus, 
 and that Cneius was slain in Spain after the battle of Munda. Sextus, the 
 younger of them, having escaped from thence, supported himself for some time 
 in a piratical way at sea; but after the death of Caesar, and the battle of Philip- 
 pi,' having gotten together out of the remains of his party such a naval force as 
 made up three hundred and fifty sail, he seized Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia. 
 From whence being driven by Octavianus and Lepidus, in the manner as hath 
 been related, he fled to Lesbus,'^ and there lived for some time in quiet among 
 the Mitylenians. But hearing of the ill success of Antony's expedition against 
 the Parthians, he thought this a favourable opportunity for him again to raise 
 himself; and therefore, passing over into the continent of Lesser Asia, he there 
 got together a small army, and with it made several desperate pushes for the re- 
 storing of his fortunes; but failing in them all, he was this year taken and put 
 to death by Titius, one of Antony's lieutenants. As soon as Antony had notice 
 of his being taken, he wrote to Titius to put him to death; but a little after re- 
 penting of it, he sent a second letter to have him saved alive. But the messen- 
 ger that carried the letters of mercy, making haste with them, arrived before 
 the other messenger that had the letters of death; and therefore Titius execut- 
 ing them not in the order of their date, but in the order as he received them, 
 did put the unfortunate captive to death. After this, the parties of Octavianus 
 and Antony divided the Roman empire, and those of Pompey and Ceesar were 
 no more spoken of. Titius had formerly been an adherent of Sextus Pompeius; 
 but having treacherously revolted to Antony from him, he feared that if Sextus's 
 life were spared, he might some time or other be in a condition to be revenged 
 on him for it; and therefore perversely interpreting the last order that came to 
 hand to be the last that was sent, put him to death by virtue of it; which ren- 
 dered him so odious to the Roman people, by reason of the great regard and 
 ^affection which they had to the memory of Pompey and his family, that they 
 ■<;ould not after this bear the sight of him in the public theatre,^ but drove him 
 out of it with their hisses and curses, even then, when he was there exhibiting 
 to them games and shows at his own expense and charges. 
 
 Jin. 34. Herod 4.] — Alexandra,'* having by letters acquainted Cleopatra of the 
 murder of her son, possessed her so effectually with the whole villany of Herod 
 in this matter, as fully engaged her to do all that lay in her power for the re- 
 venging of her cause; so that she never left soliciting Antony about it, till at 
 length she prevailed with him to call Herod to an account for it: and therefore 
 Antony going early this year into Syria (in which journey Cleopatra accom- 
 panied him, (he cited Herod there to appear before him to answer this accusa- 
 tion against him. But Herod, on his arrival, by fair words and large presents, 
 so mollified Antony, that nothing could be done against him, though Cleopatra 
 failed not to pursue this cause to the utmost. But this not being so much to 
 gratify Alexandra, as out of a greedy desire to have Herod's kingdom granted 
 
 1 L. Florus, lib. 4. c. 8. 2 Appianus de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 5. Dion Cassius, lib. 49. 
 
 3 Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. c. 79. 4 Joseph, Antiq. lib. 15. c. 4. 
 
tHE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 365 
 
 to her in case he were cast in this cause, and put to death for it, as he deserved, 
 Antony satisfied her avarice by giving her Coele-Syria, instead of Judea; and 
 hereon she dropped all the rest, and no further prosecution was made herein. 
 
 Herod, on his leaving Judea to go unto Antony,' appointed Joseph his uncle 
 to have the administration of the government, and the care of his family, during 
 his absence, and gave him particularly in charge, that in case Antony should 
 put him to death, he should not permit Mariamne, his best beloved wife, to sur- 
 vive the first news of it, but immediately cut her off. This he ordered, that no 
 one might enjoy so rare a beauty but himself, especially not Antony; for he' 
 had been acquainted that Antony had professed a passion for her upon the very 
 fame of her beauty; and therefore concluded, that, if the matter v>rent hard with 
 him, it would be for her sake, that, after his death, Antony might have the free 
 enjoyment of her; and therefore, should death be now his case, he ordered her 
 death also, that he might thereby deprive Antony of the prey intended; and so, 
 by this disappointment in her death, as far as in him lay, revenge on him his own. 
 
 Daring Herod's absence,' Joseph frequently waited on Mariamne, sometimes 
 upon business, and at other times to pay his respects to her as queen; in which 
 visits he would often take occasion to magnify and extol the love of Herod to 
 her; and at one time especially, to make this out, he told her that she was so 
 dear to him, that as he could not live without her, so he was resolved that death 
 should not part them, and so blabbed out the whole secret; which exceedingly 
 angering Mariamne and Alexandra, as well it might, the latter immediately put 
 her busy head to work how to prevent the mischief intended. And soon after a 
 flying report running through the city, that Herod was put to death by Antony, 
 she forthwith contrived to flee for protection to a legion of the Romans, who 
 then, for the safeguard of the country, under the command of one JuHus, lay en- 
 camped without the walls of Jerusalem. But, while this was in agitation, came 
 letters from Herod, which dashed the whole plot: for they brought an account 
 that he was not only alive, and in safety, but also in great favour with Antony, 
 and soon after he returned. On his arrival, Salome his sister told him all that 
 had been doing in his absence, and filled his head with jealousy as to Mariamne, 
 accusing her of having too great a familiarity with Joseph, and thereby endea- 
 voured to work the destruction of both, though Joseph was both her uncle and 
 her husband;'- but she was content to sacrifice him, so she might obtain her re- 
 venge upon the other: for Mariamne being a lady of excellent beauty, and high 
 born, as being descended of the royal stock of the Asmonsean kings, and on both- 
 these accounts of as high a spirit, she looked down upon Salome as one of a low 
 original in respect of her, and had reproached her with it: which the other not 
 brooking, resolved to be revenged on her for it; in order whereto, she never left 
 laying plots for her ruin, till at length she effected it: and this was that which- 
 was the reason of her present accusation against her. This at first put Herod 
 into a furious fit of jealousy against his wife: for as his love to her was very great,, 
 so his jealousy was proportionable to it; but when the first heat of it was over, 
 and he had in a cooler temper examined Mariamne about it, he soon found that 
 there was no reason for this accusation against her; and therefore earnestly 
 begged her pardon for his too easy credulity herein; and, for the better obtain- 
 ing of her reconciliation, made great profession in passionate embraces of most 
 ardent love and affection to her. Yes, indeed, says she, it is a notable sign of 
 your love, to order the putting your innocent wife to death, in case you should 
 die yourself At these words, Herod flew out of her arms in the utmost fury, 
 and his jealousy all returned again upon him in greater excess than before; for 
 he concluded, that nothing but an adulterous conversation could bring Joseph to 
 betray this secret to her, which he had with the utmost caution committed to 
 his trust; and in this transport of his passion, was just on drawing of his dagger 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 1j. c. 4. . ,. , ^ , 
 
 2 The Levitic-il lavviliil not exclude the uncle from marrying the niece, though itdid the aunt from raarrv- 
 Ing the nephew; the reason of which is above shown under the year 187» 
 
366 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 to have immediately struck her to the heart; but his love to her checking this 
 first start of his wrath against her, he vented it all upon Joseph and Alexandra; 
 for the first of them he put to death without so much as allowing him a hearing 
 to speak for himself, and the other he clapped into chains, and locked her fast 
 up in prison, as looking upon her to be the root and cause of all the mischief 
 that disturbed his family. 
 
 Cleopatra following Antony into Syria,' was there continually soliciting him 
 for new grants of provinces and countries to be made over to her, she being as 
 insatiable in her covetousness as she was in her lust. She had already obtained 
 from him all Cyrene, Cyprus,^ Ccele-Syria, Iturcea, and Phoenicia, with a great 
 part of Cilicia and Crete, and would fain have had also Judea from Herod, •* and 
 Arabia from Malchus, and solicited hard for the putting of these two kings to 
 death, that she might thereon have their kingdoms for a prey. But Antony 
 would not comply with her in this last proposal: however, for the quieting of 
 her, he was forced to give her out of Malchus's kingdom that part of it which 
 bordered upon Egypt, and out of Herod's the territory of Jericho, with the bal- 
 sam gardens which there grew. By these large grants he much offended the 
 Roman people, especially since they were made the price of that filthy conver- 
 sation which he carried on with this lewd woman. 
 
 Antony from Syria marching into Armenia, Cleopatra accompanied him as 
 far as the Euphrates, ■* from whence returning by the way of Apamea and Da- 
 mascus, she came to Jerusalem, and was there very splendidly entertained by 
 Herod. While she was there, she pretended to be in love with him, and would 
 have drawn him into acts of lewdness with her. The impudence of this at- 
 tempt created in him an abhorrence of the woman, which, joined with the hatred 
 he justly had of her for the ill offices she had endeavoured to do him with An- 
 tony, for the depriving him of his kingdom and his hfe, provoked him to a re- 
 solution, now he had her in his power, to put her to death; and it was only the 
 fear of Antony's resentments (the danger of which his friends whom he ad- 
 vised with about it laid fully before him) that deterred him from putting it in 
 execution. And therefore, laying this aside, he went on to comphment and 
 entertain her with aU manner of respects and splendour, as long as she stayed 
 wath him, and on her departure waited on her in person as far as the borders 
 of her kingdom. However, fearing the malice of this wicked woman, as well 
 as the tumultuous temper of the Jews, and their aversion to him,* he fortified 
 Massada, the strongest castle in Judea, and furnished it with arms for ten thousand 
 men, that there he might have a place of refuge for his security against all events. 
 
 In the mean time Antony in Armenia, having by treachery drawn Artabazes 
 king of that country into his power, made him his prisoner, and seized all his 
 kingdom. He had deserted him in his late Median expedition, as hath been 
 above related. This Antony greatly resented, and that justly enough, it having 
 been undertaken on the solicitation and for the sake of Artabazes; and there- 
 fore, he had ever since entertained resolutions in his mind of being revenged 
 on him for it: in order hereto he had several times," under pretence of friend- 
 ship, endeavoured to draw him within his power: but Artabazes, being sensible 
 how ill he had deserved from him, suspected the worst, and therefore kept out 
 of his way. But now finding it was brought to this pass, that it could be no 
 longer avoided, but that he must either go to him, or enter into a disadvanta- 
 geous war with him, and having all the securities for his safe return that solemn 
 promises and sacred oaths could give him, he ventured his person within his 
 power; but he was no sooner entered into his camp,^ but he was clapped into 
 chains, and, contrary to all the obligations of faith and honesty, made a prisoner 
 
 1 Jospph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 4. et de Bello Judaico, lib. ]. c. 13. 
 
 2 Plutarch, in Antonio. Dion Cassius, ibid. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 4. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 13. et lib. 7. c. 32. 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 5. 5 Joseph, de Bello Judaico, lib, 7. c. 32. 
 I'l Dionl'afsius, lib. 49. p. 411. 415. 
 
 7 Plutarchus in Antonio. DionCassius, lib. 49. p. 415. Epitome Livii, lib. 131. Velleius Paterculus, lib. 
 3. c. 82. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 19. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 5. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAxMENT. 3G7 
 
 The Armenians, resenting this with the indignation which it deserved, immedi- 
 ately put Aitaxias,' the eldest son of the captivated king, on his throne, and 
 marched under him with all their forces to revenge the perfidy; but Antony 
 having overthrown him in battle, and driven Artaxias to take shelter in Parthia, 
 most of the country submitted to him, and the rest were reduced by force. But 
 the perfidy of this act in thus seizing a confederate king contrary to faith given, 
 was looked on at Rome as dishonourable to the Roman name; and it was on 
 this account so ill resented by the people, that Octavianus,' in his speeches both 
 to them and the senate, made it one of the reasons for the war that afterward 
 broke out between them. 
 
 After this, he contracted a marriage for Alexander,^ one of his sons by Cleo- 
 patra, with a daughter of the king of Media; and then, leaving the gross of his 
 army in Armenia, he returned with the rest to Alexandria. On his arrival 
 thither, he entered the city in a triumphal chariot, causing the prey which he 
 had taken in Armenia, with king Artabazes, his wife and children, and other 
 prisoners, to be carried before him in the same manner as used to be done in 
 the triumphs at Rome; only with this difference, that, whereas at Rome the pro- 
 cession ended at the temple of Jupiter in the capitol, here it ended at the per- 
 son of Cleopatra; who being seated in public on a golden throne placed on a 
 scaffold overlaid with silver, and surrounded by the people on every side, had 
 there Artabazes and all the other prisoners presented in chains to her. It was 
 expected that they should all have kneeled down before her, and they were 
 pressed so to do; but they too much remembered their former dignity to submit 
 to so low an obeisance; and this refusal caused that they were afterward used 
 the worse for it. The Romans looking on the ceremony of triumphing as ap- 
 propriated wholly to their city, took it grievously ill at the hands of Antony,* 
 that he should carry it elsewhere for the gratifying of an infamous woman. 
 
 A little after this, Antony having feasted the people of Alexandria,* called 
 them together into the gymnasium, or place of public exercise, where having, 
 on such a scaffold as before mentioned, seated himself in a throne of gold, and 
 Cleopatra by him in another, he made an oration to them, and then declared 
 Caesarion, the son of Cleopatra, to be king of Egypt and Cyprus, in conjunc- 
 tion with his mother; and whereas he himself had three children by the same 
 Cleopatra, Alexander and Cleopatra at one birth, and Ptolemy, whom he sur- 
 named Philadelphus at another, he at the same time gave unto Alexander, Ar- 
 menia, Media, Parthia, and the rest of the eastern countries, from the Euphra- 
 tes to India, when they should be subdued; and to Cleopatra, the twin-sister of 
 Alexander, Libia and C3n-ene; and unto Philadelphus, Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia, 
 and all the countries of Lesser Asia, from the Euphrates to the Hellespont; and 
 conferred on each of them the title of king of kings; and about the same time 
 he also gave unto Cleopatra the name of Isis," and assumed to himself that of 
 Osiris: the first of which was the great goddess, and the other the great god, of 
 the Egyptians; and from that time both frequently appeared in public, habited 
 in such a dress as was then thought proper only to those heathen deities. By 
 these doings and follies, Antony daily diminished his character among all that 
 were either sober or wise, and farther alienated the affections of the Romans 
 from him; of which Octavianus took the advantage, as of every thing else, to 
 work his ruin. 
 
 Jin. 33. Herod 5.] — Antony went early the ensuing year into Armenia, with 
 purpose from thence to make war upon the Parthians," and in order thereto 
 marched as far as the river Araxis. But about this time the quarrel growing 
 high between him and Octavianus, this hindered his making any farther pro- 
 gress that way. Octavianus took the advantage of being present at Rome to 
 excite all there against him,^ accusing him in several speeches both to the 
 
 ] Dion Cassiiis, pt Joseph, ibid. 2 Dion Cassins, lib. 50. p. 419. 3 Dion Cassius, lib. 49. p. 415. 
 
 4 PIntarchiis in Antonio. 5 Plutarch, ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 49. p. 415, 41C. 
 
 Dion Cassins, lib. 53. p. 421. 7 Plutarch. In Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 49 
 
 8 Dion Cassius, lib. 50. j). 419. Plutarch, in Anionio. 
 
368 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 senate and people. Antony, hearing of this, laid aside his intended expedition 
 acfainst the Parthians, and forthwith sent Canidius, one of his lieutenants, with 
 sixteen legions, down to the coasts of the Ionian Sea; and, after having renew- 
 ed his league with the Median king, he himself hastened after them to Ephe- 
 sus, there to be ready for the vindicating of his cause against Octavianus, should 
 it come to a breach between them, as all things now seemed to tend thereto. 
 In this journey he carried Cleopatra with him, which proved the ruin of all his 
 affairs. His friends earnestly advised him to send her back to Alexandria, there 
 to wait the event of the war. But Cleopatra fearing lest, in her absence, a 
 peace should be made upon terms of Antony's again receiving Octavia, and ex- 
 cluding her, put the utmost of her interest to work for the obtaining that she 
 might stay; and accordingly prevailed herein. Her chief argument for it was, 
 that since she contributed most to the expenses of the war (for she had ad- 
 vanced twenty thousand talents towards it,') it was all reason, that she should 
 be allowed at her desire to be present in it. Antony had provoked Octavianus 
 against him by the wrong done to Octavia his sister,^ whom, having married, 
 he rejected for the gratifying of his adulterous love with Cleopatra, though Oc- 
 tavia was much the handsomer of the two. But that which touched Octavianus 
 most was, Antony had declared Cleopatra to have been married to Julius Caesar,^ 
 and CjEsarion, whom she had by him, to be his lawful son. For this tended to 
 the bringing of a lawful son over his head, to the dispossessing him of the in- 
 heritance which he held only as the adopted son of that great man. These and 
 many other particulars were objected against him by Octavianus; and Antony 
 by his agents and letters recriminated as fast. But these were only pretences 
 for the gaining of parties on each side. There was only one true cause for the 
 present breach; neither of these two great men being contented with one half 
 of the Roman empire, each would have all, and accordingly agreed to throw the 
 die of war for it. 
 
 From Ephesus Antony passed over to Samos;'' and having there rendezvoused 
 the greatest part of his forces, sailed from thence to Athens, and in those two 
 places he spent the most part of the year. At both of them he lived after his 
 usual rate, in all manner of luxury, pomp and voluptuousness, having Cleopatra 
 with him, who was the chief cause of his immersing himself in these excesses. 
 But at the same time he omitted nothing in making all suitable preparations, 
 both by sea and land for the war ensuing, and Octavianus did the same, and 
 both parties called in all their friends and allies to their assistance herein. 
 
 An. 32. Herod 6.] — Sosius (whom we have before spoken of in the wars of 
 Judea) and Domitius ^nobarbus being consuls at Rome the next ensuing year,* 
 both embraced the interest of Antony; and taking the advantage of Octavianus's 
 being then absent from Rome, promoted a decree to the people against him; 
 whereon Octavianus returning, and in his defence making a speech in the senate 
 against Antony and the consuls, assigned a day for them again to assemble, 
 when he promised he would exhibit to them letters, and other evidences, to 
 make good all that he had said; but before that day came, both the consuls and 
 several other senators that were of Antony's party, left the city, and repaired 
 to him; and Octavianus, instead of hindering them, gave out that they went 
 with his permission, and caused it publicly to be declared, that all else Avho 
 were so inclined should have free liberty to do the same; whereby, having rid 
 the city of all opponents, he was there left at full scope to say and do whatso- 
 ever he thought fit for the advancing of his own interest, and the depressing of 
 that of his adversary: of Avhich Antony having an account,'^ called together the 
 chief men of his party, and, after consultation had with them about this matter, 
 by their advice declared war against him, and sent a bill of divorce to Octavia,^ 
 
 1 This amounted to above four millions of our sterling money. 
 
 2 Plutarch, in Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 4'J, p. 411. 
 
 3 Dion Cassius, lib. 4<.l. p. 410. Plutarch, in Antonio. 4 Plutarch, ibid. 
 
 5 Dion Cassius, lib. 49. p. 41ti. et lib. 50. p. 419. Suet, in Octavio, c. 17. b Dion Cassius, lib. 50. p. 420. 
 
 7 Dion Cassius, ibid. Plutarch, in Antonio. Epitome Livii, lib, 132. Eutro. lib. 7. Orosius, lib, 6. c. 19. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMP^NT. 369 
 
 and messengers to Rome to drive her out of his house in that city, in which 
 she had hitherto lived. And, in pursuit of the war, he had by this time so far 
 advanced his preparations for it beyond those of Octavianus,' that had he forth- 
 with pushed it to a tinal decision, he must unavoidably have carried the day, 
 Octavianus being then in no readiness to stand before him either at sea or land: 
 but the gratifying of his luxury, and the indulging of his pleasures, at Samos 
 and Athens, causing a procrastination of this matter, it was deferred till the next 
 year after; which proved the loss of all; for by that time Octavianus had gotten 
 together those forces whereby he ruined him at Actium, as will be by and by 
 related. And besides, while he thus delayed, many of his friends and partisans 
 deserted him," and went over to Octavianus; the principal of which were Plan- 
 cus and Titius,^ whom Cleopatra's ill usage drove from him: which tended very 
 much to his damage; for they having been made privy to all his counsels and 
 secret designs, on their revolting from him, disclosed them all to Octavianus, 
 whereby he much served his cause, especially by the discovery which they 
 made to him of Antony's will. For he having made a ver}^ extravagant will in 
 favour of Cleopatra and her children,^ to the damage and dishonour of the Ro- 
 man state, and lodged it with the vestal virgins at Rome, they informed Octavi- 
 anus of it; whereon, having gotten this will out of the hands of those with whom 
 it was entrusted, and openly read and recited all the offensive particulars of it 
 to the people, he thereby very much excited them against Antony; they who 
 had hitherto been well affected to him, as well as all others, expressing great 
 indignation hereat. And this very ill thing being from the authentic instru- 
 ment undeniably made out against him, it operated much farther to his hurt, in 
 that it made every thing else that was charged upon him, how false soever, to 
 be believed also; and advantage was taken herefrom to load his reputation with 
 many vile imputations that had not the least foundation of truth in them; for 
 nothing was thought bad enough not to be believed of him after this matter. 
 
 Octavianus having gotten a fleet and army ready, which he thought sufficient 
 for the encountering of the adversary, no longer delayed declaring war: but 
 caused it to be decreed only against Cleopatra:" for though the war was in 
 reality against Antony, yet he craftily took care that his name should not be 
 mentioned in this decree, for several reasons relating to his interest at that 
 time; for this would less provoke the friends of Antony; this would make him 
 the more odious at Rome, by putting it upon him to be the aggressor in this 
 war against his own country, and this would in several other particulars best 
 serve the designs of Octavianus against him. Both called all their friends and 
 allies to their help. Octavianus had all the west, and Antony all the east, on 
 their sides, and both brought great armies into the field, and both also set forth 
 as great fleets at sea for the decision of this quarrel. For Antony's forces, at 
 land and sea, consisted of one hundred thousand foot, and twelve thousand 
 horse, and five hundred ships of war; and Octavianus's of eighty thousand foot,* 
 twelve thousand horse, and two hundred and fifty ships of war; and with these 
 preparations they begun their hostilities against each other, both by sea and 
 land. In order hereto, Octavianus rendezvoused both his fleet and army at 
 Brundusium, and Antony came as far as Corcyra to meet him; but the summer 
 being now^ spent, and the tempestuous season of the year advanced, they were 
 forced both to retreat, and put their armies into winter-quarters, and lay up their 
 fleets in winter stations till the next spring. 
 
 While the preparations for this war were thus carrying on,' Herod had pro- 
 vided an army for the assistance of Antony; but when he was ready to put 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Antonio. 2 Plutarch, in Antonio. Dion (\issiiis, lib. 50. p. 420. 
 
 3 in hat wiM he had declared, that Caesarion, Cleopatra's .on. was born in '-^^f^[ Z^'^'Z,; X.u-r!Z 
 was the lawfnl son and true heir of Julius Cff^sar. And he had, by the same "!'';/';«" "\"^'°/'''^j,>""j^ 
 riesof the Roman empire, which wore ""''"r his comma.ul to Cleopatra and her ch,d en, and ordered h^^^^ 
 wherever he should die, ihouRh at Rome itself, to be sent to Alexandria to Caeoputra, there to be b\in^ «» 
 she should order. Plutarchus, Dion Cassius. et Suetonius, ibid. 
 
 4 Plutarch, et Dion Cassius, lib. 50. p. 420. et Suetonius in Octavio, c. 17. 
 
 5 Joseph. Anuq. lib. 15. c. 6. et de Bello Judaieo, lib. L c. 14- 
 
 VoL> IL— 47 
 
370 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 himself on his march toward him, came letters from Antony, which excusing 
 him from this expedition, sent him to make war nearer home, against Malchus, 
 kino- of Arabia Petraea. It hath been above related, how Cleopatra extorted 
 from Antony a grant of that part of Malchus's dominions which bordered upon 
 Eo-ypt. Malchus, instead of quarreUing with her about it, agreed, out of fear 
 of Antony, to hold that territory of her for a certain tribute: this tribute he duly 
 paid while Antony was in power, and at liberty to force him to it; but, now 
 finding him involved in this war with Octavianus, and expecting he would 
 perish in it, as it accordingly happened, he withheld his hand, and would pay 
 it no longer; and for this reason Antony at the instigation of Cleopatra, ordered 
 Herod to make war upon him. But this wicked woman had farther view in 
 this matter than the bare recovering of her tribute. She concluded, that when 
 these two kings should be thus put together, by the ears, one of them would be 
 killed in the war, and then she should have the kingdom of the slain for a prey 
 to her. Herod, on the receipt of these orders, marched with all his forces into 
 Arabia, and there, after a sharp fight with Malchus, obtained a very signal vic- 
 tory over him; but, in a second engagement with him at Cana in Ccele-Syriaj 
 he had not the same success; for Athenion, who was Cleopatra's lieutenant in 
 those parts, out of hatred to Herod, joining with Malchus in the battle against 
 him, he was there overthrown with a great slaughter, and he himself hardly 
 escaped with some remains of his vanquished army, the rest being all cut in 
 pieces. 
 
 An. 31. Herod 7.] — And not long after another calamity happened to him 
 from a terrible earthquake,^ which shaking the whole land of Judea in a more 
 grievous manner than had been before known, destroyed about thirty thousand 
 of the inhabitants, in the ruins of the houses which it overthrew. Herod, being 
 much afflicted herewith, sent to the Arabians to crave peace; but they having 
 it rumoured among them that the destruction was much greater than it was, de- 
 spised the message; and, therefore, putting the ambassadors to death, invaded 
 the land, as expecting not to find a sufficient number left alive to defend it 
 against them. But Herod's forces having been all encamped abroad when this 
 earthquake happened, they suffered nothing from it, save the overthrowing of 
 their tents, which killed nobody. And, therefore, he having gotten them to- 
 gether,^ and encouraged them with a speech proper for the purpose, marched 
 with them over Jordan to meet the enemy, and in the first encounter over- 
 threw them with the slaughter of five thousand of their men, and besieged the 
 rest in their camp; where he distressed them so far for want of water, that he 
 drew them to another battle, in M'hich he slew seven thousand more, and forced 
 all the remainder to yield themselves prisoners to him: whereon the Arabians 
 were necessitated to sue in their turn for peace to Herod, and were glad to ac- 
 cept what they lately despised, on such terms as he thought fit to demand from 
 them; whereby Herod, having obtained all that he intended by this war, returned 
 with victory and full triumph again to Jerusalem. 
 
 In the interim,^ Octavianus and Antony were hastening to bring their contest 
 to a final decision. As soon as the season would permit, their armies again took 
 the field, and their fleets the sea, and several encounters happened between 
 parties sent out from each side both by sea and land; in all which victory de- 
 clared in favour of Octavianus. This caused that many of Antony's side, de- 
 spairing of his success, especially since they saw him so much under the 
 conduct of Cleopatra, went over from him to Octavianus. This made Antony 
 distrustful of all the rest; and therefore resolved to push the matter to as speedy 
 a decision as he could; and the other being as eager for it as he, this brought 
 
 1 Joseph. Aniiq. lib. 15. c. 7. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 14. It is to be observed, that Josephus saith, in 
 nis Antiquities, that only ten thousand perished in this earthquake. His words there are ^ep, ^up.cu,-, i. e. 
 one myriad, but in his hook of the Jewish War it is Tp=,,- uup.xjxi, i. e. three myriads, which is thirty thou- 
 eand; tor every myriad is teu thousand. This latter number seems beat to agree with his description of the 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 8. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 14 
 
 S Plutarch, iu Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. SO. ^ 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 37I 
 
 on the battle of Actium, which was so called from the place near which it was 
 fought. This was a small city lying on the south side of the mouth of the Am- 
 bracian Gulf in Epirus.' There Antony, with the gross of his army, lay en- 
 camped, having his fleet near him on the shore; and on the opposite side Octa- 
 vianus was encamped at a place where afterward, in commemoration of the 
 victory which he there obtained, he built a city, which he called Nicopolis;* 
 and there he had his fleet also near him on the shore; so that the stations in 
 which both fleets anchored were not above a mile's distance from each other. 
 Canadius, who had the chief command of Antony's army,^ persuaded him to 
 decamp from Actium, and march into the inland country of Thrace, or Mace- 
 don, and rather try his fortune in a battle at land, as being much stronger in his 
 army by land than in his fleet by sea; for Antony had been forced^ to burn 
 many of his ships for want of rowers and mariners to navigate them,* most of 
 those who first came out with him being dead through want of necessaries 
 whereby to subsist, and the rest were but ill manned. But notwithstanding 
 this,^ Cleopatra's advice prevailed to have the matter decided by a fight at sea; 
 for, in case of the worst, she thought she might much better escape in her 
 shipping by sea, than she could by a flight at land; and therefore, either fore- 
 boding or fearing the worst, she prevailed with Antony to try his fortune by 
 sea; and accordingly, on the second of September this year,' both fleets en- 
 gaged before the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf near Actium, in the sight of 
 both armies at land, the one being drawn up on the north side, and the other 
 on the south side of the straits entering this gulf, there to wait the event of this 
 battle. The fight for some time continued dubious,^ and with as fair a prospect 
 of success for Antony as for the other, till Cleopatra deserted him: for she being 
 affrighted with the noise and terror of the battle, as being what ladies used not 
 to be acquainted with, fled before there was any reason for it, and drawing 
 after her all her Egyptian squadron, to the number of sixty tall ships of war, 
 sailed off with them toward Peloponnesus: hereon, Antony, giving all for lost, 
 made after her; and this flight gave the victory entirely up to Octavianus. How- 
 ever, he came not easily by it: for Antony's ships fought so valiantly for him, 
 even after he was fled, that, although the fight began at noon, it was night ere 
 it was ended; so that the victors were forced to lie on board their ships all 
 night. Next morning Octavianus, finding his victory complete, sent a squadron 
 of his ships in pursuit after Antony and Cleopatra; but they, soon finding them 
 to be gone too far to be overtaken, returned again to the rest of the fleet. In the 
 interim, Antony and Cleopatra got to Tenarus in Laconia." Although Antony,* 
 as soon as he came up with Cleopatra's ship, was taken on board of it, yet he 
 saw her not through all this voyage; but setting himself down in the prow of 
 the ship, and there leaning his elbows on his knees, and his head on both his 
 hands, as one confounded with anger and shame for the ill conduct and miscar- 
 riage of his affairs, continued in this melancholy posture for three days together, 
 till his arrival at Tenarus. But after this, being brought again together, they 
 again conversed with each other, and did eat together, and lie together in the 
 same manner as before: for Antony was so bewitched to this woman, that he 
 still continued his fondness for her, even at this time, when lie had all the rea- 
 son in the world to detest and abhor her to the utmost, as having been in the 
 manner above related the cause of his ruin. 
 
 Antony had not been long at Tenarus,'" till some of his ships that had escaped 
 the flight, and several of his friends, there repaired to him; by whom having an 
 account of the total defeat of his fleet, but that his army at land was still safe, 
 
 1 Dion Casshis, lib. 50. p 426. Straho, lib. 10. p. 451. Plin. lib. 4. c. 1. 
 
 2 Nicopolis,in Greek, sigi.ifieth the citv of victory. 3 Pliitarr.h. in Antonio. 
 
 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 50. p. 428. 5 Ibid. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 19. 6 Dion Cassnis, ibid. Plutarcli. ibid. 
 
 7 Dion Cassius saith this battle was fought on the fourth of the nones of September, which, according to 
 our reckoning, is the second of that month. Dion Cassius, lib. 51. in initio libri. 
 
 8 Plutarch! in Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 50. L. Floras, lib. 4. c. 11. Velleius Paterc. lib. 2. c. 6$. Oro- 
 sius, lib. ti. c. 19.. Sueton. in Octavio, c. 17. , . ^- ^ • ii, e^ 
 
 ff Plutarch, in .'Vntonio. 10 Plutarch, in Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 51. 
 
3-2 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 he wrote to Canldius to retire with it through Macedonia into Asia, purposing- 
 there to renew the war. Canidius for seven days made the march which An- 
 tony directed him to; but being then overtaken by Octavianus, he fled by night 
 to Antony; whereon the army, finding themselves deserted by their generals, 
 went over to Octavianus, and were listed by him among the rest of his forces. 
 After this defeat,' the foreign auxiliaries that helped Antony in this war, fled 
 all home to their respective countries, and afterward made their peace with Oc- 
 tavianus upon the best terms they could. Some of the princes he deposed, and 
 some of them he continued in their former state; but on all of these last, as 
 well as on the free cities that had joined with Antony, he imposed heavy mulcts, 
 wherewith he discharged the expenses of the war. But as to the Romans that 
 were of Antony's party, some of them he pardoned, and some he fined, and 
 others he put to death, according as their conduct had been toward him. Among 
 those whom he put to death was Cassius Parmensis, the last survivor of Ceesar's 
 murderers, and he perished in as calamitous a manner as did all the rest: for 
 after the battle of Actium he fled to Athens;^ where being terrified with the 
 like apparition as Brutus had been at Philippi,^ he was soon after overtaken by 
 those whom Octavianus sent to execute that vengeance upon him which he de- 
 served. In cases of murder, it seldom happens that Providence permits any 
 that are guilty herein to escape its vindictive hand, especially in the murder of 
 princes; of which this of Csesar was a very signal instance: for of all those who 
 conspired his murder in the senate house (who are said to have been sixty per- 
 sons,)* it is remarked not one died in his bed,* but all of them came to their 
 end in a violent and calamitous manner. And although this Cassius escaped 
 the longest, yet at length vengeance overtook him also, and he perished as mise- 
 rably as did all the others. 
 
 From Tenarus,® Cleopatra sailed to Alexandria, and Antony to Libya. He 
 had formerly sent thither Pinarius Scarpus to be governor of that province;' and 
 there placed an army under his command for the guarding of the western bor- 
 ders of Egypt against all that should come that way to disturb it. This army 
 he thought to have had for his service, which was the end of his going thither. 
 But on his landing there, ^ he found Scarpus and all with him had revolted to 
 Octavianus; which disappointment casting him into despair, he would have 
 slain himself, and it was with difficulty that he was diverted from it by his 
 friends. And therefore all that was now left for him to do was to follow Cleo- 
 patra to Alexandria, where she was returned a little before. On her arrival thi- 
 ther, fearing she might not be received, were her misfortunes known, she en- 
 tered the harbour with her ships crowned," as if she had come back with victory; 
 by which means she got again into the full possession of that city, and also of 
 the whole kingdom with it; and as soon as she had so,® she put to death aU 
 those of the nobility who were any way averse to her, thereby to prevent the 
 tumults which she feared they might raise against her on the discovery of the 
 true state of her affairs. Antonj^ on his coming to Alexandria, found her en- 
 gaged in a very extraordinary undertaking: for fearing she might fall into the 
 hands of Octavianus on his pursuit of her into Egypt, for the preventing here- 
 of,'" she projected the drawing of her ships that were in the Mediterranean 
 from that sea into the Red Sea, over the isthmus of seventy miles which lay be- 
 tween them;" and after having joined them with other ships which she then had 
 in the Red Sea, to put on board them all her treasure, and sailing down the Red 
 Sea with them, to seek some other place for her habitation. But the Arabians, 
 who dwelt on that sea, having at the instigation of Q. Didius (who had then 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 51. 
 
 2 Valerius Maximus, lib. 1. c 7. 3 Plutarch, in Bruto et in Cjesare. 
 
 4 Sueton. in Julio Cssare, c. 80. F.utropius, lib. 6. in fine. 5 Pint, in Caesare. 
 
 6 Plutarch'is in Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib.51. 7 DionCassius, ibid. 
 
 8 P utarch. ibid. Dion Cassius, ibid. 9 Dion Cassius, ibid. 
 
 10 Plutarch, in Antonio. Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 447. 
 
 11 Plutarch saith the lenith of this isthmus was no more than three hundred furlongs, which is thirty-seven 
 ot our nnUes; but the Arabian geographers reckoafrom Pharma to Suez, whichis the shortest cut over that 
 innmuB, to be seventy miles. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 373 
 
 seized the presidency of Syria for Octavianus) burned all those ships/ this 
 wholly disappointed her of that design. Antony, when he arrived at Alexan- 
 dria, went not to the palace,^ but shut himself up in a house on the sea shore 
 near Pharus; and there sequestered himself from the company and conversa- 
 tion of all men: "for being forsaken by almost all his friends, he pretended to 
 act the part of Timon the rnan-hater,^ and therefore called this house his Timo- 
 nium, and there solitarily spent his time in meditating hatred and detestation 
 against all mankind, for the sake of those who had now deserted him — wrong- 
 fully imputing to them his ruin, v.'hich his own ill conduct and folly had brought 
 him to. But he did not long relish this Avay of living. He was soon again 
 found with Cleopatra at the j^alace/ and there with her revelled away the re- 
 maining part of his life in all those excesses of luxury, voluptuousness, and 
 folly, in which he had spent the former. In the mean time,* Octavianus having 
 settled the affairs of Greece and Lesser Asia, repaired to Samos, and there took 
 up his winter-quarters. 
 
 An. 30. Hei-od 8.] — But in them he did not long continue, some disturbances 
 in Italy called him thither in the midst of winter to appease them.* After the 
 battle of Actium,^ he had dismissed a great part both of his own and Antony's 
 soldiers. The veterans he sent into Italy, and others elsewhere, without giving 
 them any pay, having not then sufficient for it; for want hereof, those in Italy 
 raised a mutiny; for the quelling of this,' he sent Agrippa, his chief confidant, 
 into Italy; but the work being too hard for him,' Octavknus was forced, in the 
 most tempestuous season of the year, to hasten after him to Brundusium. On 
 his arrival at that place, "^ he was there met by the senate, and a great part of 
 the better rank of the people of Rome, and having there called the mutineers 
 to him,^ he distributed to some money, as far as what he then had would go, 
 and to the others lands, and made such promises of speedy satisfaction to the 
 rest, as induced them all to be contented for the present; and accordingly, after 
 the conquest of Egypt,- he paid them all out of the spoils of that country and 
 added donatives over and above. And having thus settled all matters in Italy,* 
 he returned again within thirty daj^s; and for the more speedy passage, and to 
 avoid the tempests of the sea round Peloponnesus, he sailed into the gulf of 
 Corinth, and drawing his ships over the isthmus of Peloponnesus, passed that 
 way by the shortest cut into Asia, and again arrived there before Antony and 
 Cleopatra had any notice of his going hence. 
 
 On his coming to Rhodes,'" Herod king of Judea there made his address to 
 him. It hath been above related how much he was in friendship with Antony; 
 neither did he leave him till his case was grown absolutely desperate.'" On his 
 return into Egypt, Herod sent an especial messenger to him, with the best ad- 
 vice the state of his aflTairs was then capable of, that was, to kill Cleopatra, seize 
 her kingdom, and Avith her treasure raise a new army to carry on the war; and 
 promised him in this case to stand by him to the utmost. But when he found 
 this advice was neglected, and that Antony was fallen again into the snares of 
 Cleopatra as much as ever, he thought it high time to look to himself, and en- 
 deavour to make his peace with Octavianus on the best terms he could. But 
 Hyrcanus being still alive, who was the only remaining person of the male line 
 of the Asmonaeans, and who had himself reigned in Judea under the protection 
 of the Romans, till deposed by the Parthians," Herod had suspicion, that if any 
 thins went hard with him, it would turn in favour of Hyrcanus for the restor- 
 ing of him again to the kingdom; and therefore, for the preventing of it, having 
 trumped up a sham plot against that old prince, as if he held correspondence 
 with Malchus king of Arabia for the accomplishing of treasonable designs against 
 
 1 n.itardi. in Antonio. Dion C^issiiis, lib. .51. p. 447. 2 Plutarch, in Antonio. Ptraho, lib. 17. p. 794. 
 
 3 I)e quo videas Plutarclium in Antonio. Diogeneni Laertinm, lib. ".». Liiciannm in Dialopis. 
 
 4 Pint in Antonio. 5 Suptonins in Octavio, c. 17. 6 Pli.tarrh in Antoiiio. Suetonius, ibid. 
 7 Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 444, 445. PIntarchus in Antonio. Suetonius, ibid. 8 Dion Cassius, ibid. 
 
 9 Dion Cassius. ibid. Suetonius in Octavio, c. 17, „ t u a„.„ iv i^ .. o 
 
 10 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. la et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c IS. 11 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. r. 9. 
 
374 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 him caused him, under this pretence, to be put to death, after he had passed 
 the eightieth year of his age. 
 
 But still fearing what might happen, to provide the best he could for the worst,' 
 should that be his fate, he lodged Mariamne and Alexandra her mother in the 
 castle of Alexandrium, with a strong guard, under the command of Joseph and 
 Sohemus, two of his most trusty confidants, and sent his mother and sister, with 
 the rest of his kindred, to Massada, the strongest fortress in all Judea; and com- 
 mittino- them and the government of his kingdom to the care of Pheroras his 
 brother, ordered him, in case he should miscarry, to assume the crown to him- 
 self, and keep it as well as he could. And having thus settled all matters at 
 home, he set forward on his journey to meet Octavianus; and having found him 
 at Rhodes,^ and there obtained audience of him, on his entering into his pre- 
 sence, he laid aside his diadem, and, in his speech of address to him, freely 
 owned all "that he had done for Antony, and what farther he was ready to 
 have done for his interest, both by his counsel and assistance, would he have 
 accepted of them. This, he said, he thought himself obhged to by the friend- 
 ship that was between them; and, would he be pleased to think the like friend- 
 ship worthy of his acceptance, he should, now he saw Antony was wholly lost, 
 be ready with the same fidelity to serve him." Octavianus, being much taken 
 with this generous and frank way of Herod's thus delivering himself before him, 
 told him, that he readily accepted the friendship which he offered, and ordering 
 him again to resume his diadem, confirmed him in the kingdom.^ Whereon he 
 made very large and magnificent presents to Octavianus and all his friends; and 
 after this had more of his favour and friendship than any other tributary prince 
 of the Roman empire, as long as he lived. 
 
 Hereon Herod, being much pleased with this good success, went back into 
 Judea with much joy; but, on his arrival thither, found all this soured with trou- 
 bles in his own family. For he found Mariamne,* his most beloved wile, in 
 whose conversation he most delighted, so far imbittered against him, that she re- 
 jected all his caresses with the utmost aversion; and when he thought to please 
 her by relating to her the manner of his journey, and the success which he ob- 
 tained in it, instead of taking any satisfaction herein, she answered him only 
 with sighs and groans, and such a behaviour as plainly expressed she would 
 have been better pleased had he never returned from this journey, but had ut- 
 terly perished in it. The cause of this was, when Herod committed her and 
 her mother to the charge of Sohemus,'* on his going to Octavianus, he ordered 
 him, that, in case he should be put to death, he should immediately, on his 
 having certain notice of it, put both of them to death also, and do the utmost he 
 could to preserve the crown for Pheroras, to whom he had in this case disposed 
 it. And this he did, not only that no one else might have the enjoyment of the 
 beautiful Mariamne, but that none might be left alive of the Asmoncean family 
 to claim the crown in opposition to that disposal which he had made of it to 
 Pheroras his brother, she and her mother being the only persons remaining of 
 that house for the opposing him herein. And Alexandra, being a lady of an 
 aspiring spirit, thought herself as capable of governing that realm as her grand- 
 mother of the same name, who as queen had presided over it with great wisdom 
 and prudence for nine years together. And, to give her her due, she had the 
 best headpiece for craft, design, and political intrigue, of any woman of her 
 time; and Herod well knowing this, thought he could not be sure that any part 
 of the scheme, which he had laid for the succession, could take place, if eithe 
 she or her daughter were left alive after him; and therefore ordered that both of 
 them should be put to death, in case it should happen to him as he feared; and 
 Sohemus having blabbed this out to Mariamne, though committed to him under 
 the greatest charge of secrecy, this was that which created in her that aversion 
 and hatred to him which I have mentioned; which behaviour Cyprus, Herod's 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15 c. 9. 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 1.5. c. 10. et de Bello Jiidaico, lib. 1. c. 15. 
 
 3 Joseph, ihid. Straho, lib. 16. p. 785. Tacitus Hist. lib. 1. c. 9. 4 Jo.seph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 11. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 375 
 
 mother, and Salome his sister, who had always been upon ill terms with her, 
 taking the advantage of to exasperate him against her, prevailed with him at 
 length to put her to death in the manner as will be by and by related. 
 
 From Rhodes, Octavianus passed through Lesser Asia into Syria,^ from thence 
 to invade Egypt on that side, while Cornelius Gallus, his Ueutenant, whom he 
 had appointed to succeed Scarpius in Libya and Cyrene, invaded it on the other. 
 On his arrival at Ptolemais, Herod there waited on him,^ and entertained him 
 and all his army with great magnificence, and furnished them with necessaries 
 till their arrival mto Egypt, and over and above presented Octavianus with eight 
 hundred talents; by which hospitality and munificence he very much ingra- 
 tiated himself with him and alibis followers. In the interim, Antony and Cleo- 
 patra tried all they could to obtain peace with Octavianus, but witliout any suc- 
 cess. Three times they sent ambassadors to him for this purpose,^ and went so 
 far as to offer to resign all, and be contented with a private life in any place 
 which Octavianus should appoint; only the kingdom of Egypt was desired for 
 Cleopatra's children: but neither of these embassies could obtain any answer for 
 Antony; but to Cleopatra some hopes were given; Octavianus was desirous of 
 having her treasure and her person in his power, the former for the discharging 
 of the expenses of the war, and the other for the adorning of his triumph; and 
 therefore would not make her desperate, lest she should destroy both; for the 
 preventing of this, several kind messages were sent to her, and by them she 
 was made to expect much favour in case she would kill Antony; this she would 
 not do; but after this she betrayed him in all things, till at length she forced him 
 thereby to kill himself. The first instance of her treachery to him was at Pelu- 
 sium; for, on Octavianus's approach to that city, it was by her order,'' without 
 any resistance, delivered up unto him. This on the eastern side of Egypt, and 
 Peritonium on the western, were the two gates of that country, and no enemy, 
 but through one of them, could enter thither with a land army. Pelusium being 
 a very strong place, Antony expected it should have held out a long time, and 
 therefore went to secure Peritonium.^ Cornelius Gallus then held this place for 
 Octavianus. The army which Gallus there commanded having been in the pay 
 and service of Antony, till carried over from him to Octavianus by the deser- 
 tion of Scarpus, he hoped that, on his appearing before Peritonium, they would 
 again return to their former master, and deliver up the place to him; but when 
 he approached to the walls, and would have spoken to the soldiers, Gallus 
 caused all his trumpets to sound, so that not a word of what he said could be 
 heard by them; and Gallus immediately after sallying out upon him, not only 
 repelled his land forces, but having by a stratagem hemmed in all his ships in 
 the port, took or destroyed every one of them: for on the approach of this fleet, 
 he dropped chains by night to the bottom of the entrance of this port, and per- 
 mitted them to sail into it without opposition; but on their being gotten in, having, 
 by engines provided on each side, strained those chains so as to bring them up 
 to the surface of the water, he thereby hindered their return, and then forthwith 
 assaulting them on every side, both from sea and land, obtained oyer them the 
 victory mentioned. Antony, after this defeat, hearing of the taking of Pelu- 
 sium, and that Octavianus was advancing toward Alexandria, hastened thither 
 for the defence of that place:^ and there falling on Octavianus's horse on their 
 first coming, while under the fatigue of their march thither, he put them to a 
 total rout;'°but, in a second engagement with the foot, he was vanquished and 
 driven back into the city with a great loss; whereon, early the next morning, he 
 went down to the harbour,^ there to put his fleet in order, with purpose to van- 
 quish the enemy at sea, or else, in case of failure, to sail with it for spain, and 
 there renew the war. But when both fleets were drawn up in line of battle, 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Antonio. Snetoniiis in Octavio, c. 17. Josnph. Antiq. lib. J5. c 10. Orosius, lib. 6. c 19. 
 
 I ^^l^\^.^. '■Z:\^:^^'t'' ""• '■ '■ ''■ 4 ^nta.b. et Diot, Cassi.., ibid. 
 
 ? Eion-S!;^!il^^ Pl^tm^- A„to«io. 8 U.OU Cs^^!:^ ^^^^l^:^'' ^^n. Ub. 6. C. 19. 
 
^Q CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 that on Antony's side, instead of engaging the enemy, all went over to them; 
 whereon Antony returning into the city, had this further mortification, that he 
 there found all his land forces, both horse and foot, had also deserted from him; 
 and perceiving all this to have been effected by the treachery of Cleopatra, he 
 could no longer forbear expressing his resentments for it with loud complaints; 
 whereon Cleopatra, for fear of him, fled to a monument,' which she had caused 
 to be built, of a great height and wonderful structure, near the temple of Isis. 
 Thither she had before removed the best of her treasure, and there having now 
 shut herself up, with two of her maids and one of her eunuchs, caused it to be 
 given out that she was dead; which Antony hearing of, fell on his sword, and 
 thereby gave himself the wound of which he died;- but living some few hours 
 after, and hearing that Cleopatra was still alive, he caused himself to be carried 
 to her monument; where being with ropes drawn up to her, by the hands of her- 
 self and her two maids, he there died in her arms, on the first of August, eleven 
 months after the battle of Actium. He was a person of a benign temper, and of 
 great generosity, and of eminent note for his military abilities; the two great 
 victories of Pharsalia and Philippi being chiefly owing to his valour and con- 
 duct: and he was also an eloquent speaker; but exceeding corrupt and vicious 
 in his manners, especially in his lust for women; which Cleopatra observing, 
 laid hold of him on this weak side, and for the gratifying of her avarice and her 
 ambition, which were two predominant passions in her, sacrificed herself to his 
 lust; and, when she could no longer serve her designs on him, was content to 
 give him up to ruin for the saving of her own interest. But she succeeded not 
 herein according to her expectations: for although Octavianus gave her fair hopes, 
 thereby to have her treasure preserved for his occasions, and her person for his 
 triumph, yet, when he had gotten both into his power, he no longer regarded 
 her, which she being sensible of, and having private notice given her,^ that she 
 Was to be carried to Rome within three days to make a part in the show of Oc- 
 tavianus's triumph, she caused^ herself to be bitten with an asp,** and so died of 
 it, for the avoiding of this infamy, after she had reigned from the death of her 
 father twenty-two years,* and lived thirty-nine. She was a woman of great 
 parts, as well as of great vice and wickedness. She readily spoke several lan- 
 guages; fo/, besides being well skilled in Greek and Latin, she could converse 
 with Ethiopians, Troglodites, Jews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes, and Persians,® 
 without an interpreter, and always gave to such as were of these nations, as 
 often as they had an occasion to address her, an answer in their own language. 
 In her death ended the reign of the family of the Ptolemies in Egypt, after it 
 had there lasted from the death of Alexander two hundred and ninety-four 
 years: for, after this, Egypt was reduced into the form of a Roman province, and 
 Avas governed by a prefect sent thither from Rome. Cornelius Gallus was,' by 
 the appointment of Augustus, the first that had this prefecture; and under this 
 form of government Egypt continued a province of the Roman empire six hun- 
 dred and seventy years, till it was taken from them by the Saracens,' in the 
 year of our Lord 64 L 
 
 Octavianus having thus made himself master of Egypt, and thereby put an 
 end to the civil wars of the Romans, he cut off all such of the opposite party 
 as he thought might again revive them; among whom were Antyllus,* Antony's 
 
 1 Plutarchus et Dion Cassins, ibid. 
 
 2 Plutarch, in Antonio. Dion Cassins, lib. 51. p. 450. L. Floras, lib. 4. c. 11. Strabo, lib. 17. p. 795. 
 Sueton. in Octavio, c. 17. Joseph. Antlq. lib. 15. c. II. Velleiiis Patercnins, lib. 2. c. 87. Eutropins, lib. 7. 
 
 3 Plutarch, ibid. Dinn Cassius, lib. 51. p. 452. Galen, de Theraica ad Pisonem, c. 8. Velleius Patercul. 
 Florus, et Eutropius, ibid. 
 
 4 An asp is a serpent of Esypt and Libya, proper only to those countries. Those that are bitten by it 
 me within three hours; and the manner of their dying being by sleep and lethargy, without any pain, Cleo- 
 patra chose it as the easiest death. Jt ' 
 
 5 Cinon Ptnlenia-i. Plutarch, in Antonio. Eusebius in Chronico. Porphyrius in Gra;cis Eusebian. Sca- 
 liger. Clemens Ale.xandrinus Strom, lib. 1. 
 
 6 Plutarch, ibid. 
 
 7 This Gallus was a famous Latin poet, of whom Virgil wrote his tenth eclogue, he being a familiar friend 
 o Di' . • A . • ^ 8 Elniacini Hlstorio Saracenica sub Anno Hegirae ricesiino. 
 
 U Plut. in Antonia. Dion Cassius, lib 51. Sueton. in Octavio, c. 17. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 377 
 
 eldest son by Fulvia," Cfesarion, Cleopatra's son by Julius Caesar, and Canidius/ 
 Antony's general; others he impoverished with great mulcts, and others he 
 pardoned. Csesarion having claimed to be the lawful heir of Julius Cssar, for 
 that reason could not be borne by the adopted son. What was the especial 
 cause of Antyllus's being cut off, is not said; but he having espoused Julia, the 
 daughter of Octavianus,'* and all manner of endeavours having been made to 
 save him, we may from hence inler that he would not have been put to death, 
 but that there was some extraordinary reason that caused it. To Antonius,'' the 
 younger brother of Antyllus, by the same mother, and to all the rest of Anto- 
 ny's children, whether by Fulvia, Octavia, or Cleopatra, Octavianus showed 
 great kindness, especially to Antonius, who afterward became one of the chief- 
 est of his favourites, and he gave him in marriage one of the daugliters of Oc- 
 tavia, his sister, which she had by Marcellus, her first husband; and he conti- 
 nued in his favour, till at length, being convicted to have been an adulterous 
 corrupter of Julia, Augusta's only daughter, he was deservedly put to death for 
 it. The children which Antony had by Octavia were two daughters; the el- 
 dest was called Antonia Major, and the youngest Antonia Minor; from the lat- 
 ter of which Avere descended Caligula and Claudius, and from the former Nero; 
 who all three afterward became Roman emperors. For Antonia Minor being 
 married to Drusus, the younger brother of Tiberius, bore him Germanicus, the 
 father of Caligula, and Claudius, who succeeded Caligula; and Antonia Major 
 being married to L. Domitius ^Enobarbus, bore him Cnseus Domitius, who by 
 Agrippina, the daughter of Germanicus, and sister of Caligula, was the father 
 of Nero. And therefore, though Octavianus now obtained the empire, yet An- 
 tony's posterity afterward enjoyed it, which none of Octavianus's ever did. 
 And thus it often happens to victories, and the conquests of kingdoms, the same 
 as to riches — those that gain them know not w^ho shall afterward enjoy the fruits 
 of them; and yet it is the general inclination of mankind to be more concerned 
 for their posterity than for themselves; and it must be reckoned as one of 
 the mercies of Providence that it is so; for otherwise the world could not be 
 supported. 
 
 While Octavianus was in Egypt, he went to the sepulchre of Alexander,* 
 and there saw^ his body, which being embalmed, was there still preserved in a 
 case of glass.^ It had formerly been kept in a case of gold, but that having 
 been taken away by Seleucus Cybiosactes (as hath been above related,') it was 
 afterward put into a glass case, and in that Octavianus saw it, and paid great 
 honour and reverence thereto; but he would not see the sepulchres of the Ptol- 
 emies who had reigned in Egypt;* neither could he be induced to make a visit 
 to the Egyptian Apis, but told them,^ who pressed him hereto, that he worship- 
 ped the gods, but not beasts. 
 
 As Octavianus came to Alexandria in the beginning of August, so he had 
 there settled all the affairs of Egypt by the end of it; and, in the beginning of 
 September, again marched thence to return by the way of Syria, Lesser Asia, 
 and Greece, again unto Rome. From this conquest of Egypt begun the era of 
 Actiac victory, by which the Egyptians afterward computed their time till the 
 first year of the emperor Dioclesian,''* A. D. 284: from that time, what was be- 
 fore called the era of the Actiac victory, w^as afterward called the era of Diocle- 
 sian, and by the Christians of those parts, the era of the martyrs; because in 
 the reign of that emperor began the tenth persecution, in which a very great 
 number of Christians suffered maj-tyrdom for their holy religion. Although 
 this era had its name from the Actiac victory, yet it had not its beginning till 
 
 1 Plut. in Antonio. Dion Cassins, lib. 51. Sueton. in Octavio, c. 17. 
 
 2 VellPiiis Pateiculns, lib. 2. c. 87. Orosiiis, lib. (j. c. 19. 3 Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 454. 
 4 Pliilarch. in Antonio. 5 Siietoniiis in Octavio, c. 18. Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 434. 
 
 6 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 7v!5. 7 Part 2, book 7, iiiuier tho year .57. 
 
 8 Dion Cassius el Suetonius, ibid. 9 Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 454. 
 
 10 Dion Cassius tells us, lib. 51. p. 457, that tlic-Romaiis tlecreed the day on which Octavianus rsducert 
 Alexandria, should be declared a fortunate day, and that from thence all their future years in ICgypt should 
 be reckoned, thai is, as from a tixed and stated epocha, and so accordingly it was there done. 
 
 Vol. II.— 48 
 
378 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 near a full year after it,' that is, from the time that Egypt was reduced: for the 
 day from whence it commenced was the twenty-ninth of August. And there- 
 fore that was ever after the first day of the year, through all the years by which 
 these eras, that is, the era of the Dioclesian, or the martyrs, as well as that of 
 the Actiac victory, did calculate the times through which they were used. The 
 reason which fixed the beginning of this era, and of all the years in it, to the 
 twenty-ninth of August, was, say some, because on that day Cleopatra died; 
 and the Macedonian empire in that country thereby ending, the Roman began: 
 but this is only a modern conjecture, for none of the ancients say it. All that 
 we can learn from them is, that she died about the end of that month, but none 
 of them tell us on what day it happened. The true reason of fixing it at this 
 day was, because this was then the first day of their month Thoth,'' which was 
 always the new-year's day of the Egyptians, from whence they began all their 
 annual calculations; and therefore it was thought the properest time from whence 
 to begin all the alterations in their era, and their year, which the Romans, on 
 the conquest of their country, made in both; and that especially since the 
 time of that conquest fell in therewith.^ For at that time the form of their 
 years, as well as the era by which they calculated them, was changed by the 
 order of the conqueror. The old era, which was till now in use among them, 
 was the Philippic, which commenced from the death of Alexander, and the be- 
 ginning of the reign of Philippus Aridsus, his successor: and the form of their 
 year was the same with the Nabonassaraean made use of by the Chaldeans, 
 which consisted of twelve months of thirty days each, and five additional days 
 subjoined to them; that is, it consisted in the whole of three hundred and sixty- 
 five days, without a leap year, the want whereof made this year to be a mov- 
 able year, which after every four years begun a day sooner than it did in the 
 four years immediately preceding; so that, in the space of one thousand four 
 hundred and sixty years, this form carried back the beginning of the year 
 through all the different seasons of summer, spring, winter, and autumn, till it 
 brought it about again to the same point of time, with the loss of one whole 
 year in the cycle. For the remedying hereof, the Romans, on their subduing 
 this country, made a leap year in the Egyptian calendar in the like manner as 
 in the Julian, by adding, at the end of every fourth year, one day more than 
 had been in the other three. For whereas the other three had only five days 
 superadded at the end of each of them, the leap year had six; that is, it con- 
 sisted of twelve months of thirty days each, and six additional days subjoined 
 to them; whereas all the other years that were not leap years had the same 
 number of like months, and only five of those days added after them. And 
 hereby the Egyptian year was made to consist exactly of the same number of 
 days as the Julian, though not exactly in the same form. For, in all other par- 
 ticulars, the old form of the Egyptian year was retained, after this reformation, 
 in the same manner as before. And the first of Thoth, which was always the 
 first day of the Egyptian year, falling on the twenty-ninth of August, and 
 about the same time when the Romans, on their conquest of Egypt, ordered 
 this reformation, this induced them that they fixed the beginning of the new 
 year where they found the beginning of the old; and the tv/enty -ninth of Au- 
 gust ever after continued to be the first day of the Egyptian year, as long as 
 the empire of the Romans continued in that country; and from thence also, 
 that is, from the twenty-ninth of August of this year, the new Egyptian era of 
 the Actiac victory, as well as their new reformed year, for the same reason, had 
 its commencement. But against this it is objected, that in this year the first of 
 Thoth did not fall on the twenty-ninth of August, but on the thirty-first of that 
 
 1 Thp Actiac victory was gotten on the second of Septenibcr, and the era of this victory begun in Egypt 
 the twenty-ninth nf August following. 
 
 2 Thoth was the first month in the Egyptian year. 
 
 3 The conquest of Eiiypt, and the total reduction of that country to the Romans, was accomplished in the 
 month of August, and fully settled about the end of it. See the decree of the senate for the changing of the 
 name of that month from Sextilis to that of Augustus. Macrobii Saturnal. lib. 1. c. 13. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 379 
 
 month;' and that therefore this cannot be the reason why the beginning of the 
 Egyptian era of the Actiac victory, or the beginning of the year thenceforth 
 used in that country, was fixed to that day. And it must thus far be acknow- 
 ledged, tliat, according to the exact calculation of the time, this objection is true. 
 For according to that, the first of Thoth fell this year in the Roman calendar on 
 the thirty-first, and not on the twenty-ninth of August; but the Romans then 
 used the form of the Julian year erroneously, whereby it came to j)ass, that the 
 same day, which was the thirty-first of August in their true calendar, was the 
 twenty-ninth in their erroneous calendar; which error proceeded from hence, 
 that, after the death of Julius Ctesar, the pontifices at Rome (as hath been above 
 mentioned") mistaking the time of the intercalation,' made every third year to 
 be the leap year, instead of every fourth; by which error, six hours were added 
 every third year more than should be; which, in the sixteen years that inter- 
 vened from the first use of that form to this year, amounting to a day and a 
 quarter, this erroneous addition had then protruded the twenty-ninth of August 
 in the erroneous calendar into the place of the thirty-first of August in the true 
 calendar; and, according to this erroneous calendar, the Romans then computed 
 and so continued to do for thirty-six years after, the first forming of this year 
 by Julius Caesar; till at length Augustus,' on the discovery of this error, took 
 care, that, by making no leap year for twelve years together, all the time that 
 was erroneously added was again left out, whereby the protruded days in the 
 erroneous calendar were all brought back again to their proper places, where 
 they ought to have been according to the true calendar. But the protrusion of 
 the day making no alteration in its number or name, hence it came to be said, 
 that it was the twenty-ninth of August, whereas, truly, it was the thirty-first of 
 that month, from whence this Egyptian era of the Actiac victory, and all the 
 years by which it computed, had their beginning. This era truly had its be- 
 ginning from the conquest of Egypt; and therefore ought to have been called 
 the era of the Alexandrian victory, whereby that country was reduced under 
 the Roman yoke. But the Egyptians, to avoid the disgrace of thus owning this 
 conquest, rather chose to call it the era of the Actiac victory, though that was 
 gained one Avhole year before; and since this era was only used in Egypt, the}'' 
 had there it in their full power to call it by what name they pleased. 
 
 Herod, hearing of the death of Antony, and that Octavianus had thereon 
 made himself master of Egypt,'' hastened thither to him, where he was received 
 with great kindness; and on Octavianus's leaving Egypt, having accompanied 
 him as far as Antioch, he so far ingratiated himself with him on the way, as to 
 gain a chief place in his friendship, the effect whereof he found in the grants 
 which he made him of large augmentations to his dominions. For he not only 
 restored to him the territory of Jericho, which, with the balsam gardens therein, 
 had been taken from him by Antony to gratify Cleopatra, but gave him also 
 Gadara, Hippon, and Samaria, in the inland country, with the towns of Gaza, 
 Anthedon, Joppa, and Straton's Tower on the sea-coast, which added a very 
 considerable enlargement to his kingdom. 
 
 Octavianus, on his arrival at Antioch,* found there Tiridates (who had been 
 set up to be king of Parthia in opposition to Phrahates) waiting his coming thither; 
 and there also he found ambassadors from Phrahates on the same errand, that 
 is, to solicit his assistance against each other. It hath already been related,* 
 how, after Antony's unfortunate expedition into Media, a breach was made be- 
 tween Artavasdes king of Media, and Phrahates king of Parthia, about dividing 
 the prey then taken from the Romans. Hereon Artavasdes making a league 
 with Antony,' called him to his assistance; who, accepting the invitation, 
 
 1 The first of Thnth, which was the new year's day of tlie Egyptians, was not fixed always to the same 
 season in the old form of the Esvptian year, but was movable, for it moved barkward one day in every 
 fourth year. The Romans first fixed it to'the same season, and made their year to be a fixed year in the same 
 manner as the Julian. . . ^ . o. 
 
 2 Under the vear 46. 3 Macrobiiia Saturnal. lib. 1. c. 14. Suetonius in Octavio, c. 31. 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 11. .5 Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 456. C Under the year 35. 
 
 7 Dion Cassius, lib, 41). Plnlarrb in AiUinio. 
 
380 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 marched into Armenia, and from thence furnished Artavasdes with such a body 
 of Roman soldiers, as enabled him to overthrow Phrahates in a great battle. 
 This happened in the year 33. But the next year following,' Antony on his 
 entering into war with Octavianus, having not only recalled those soldiers from 
 him, but also retained those which Artavasdes had sent him out of Media in lieu 
 of them, this so far weakened Artavasdes, that in a second battle he was not 
 only overthrown, but also taken prisoner, and Phrahates, in pursuit of this vic- 
 tory, made himself master of all Media and Armenia, and reinstated in the lat- 
 ter Artaxias, the son of Artabazes, again in his kingdom, out of which he had 
 been driven by Antony. With which success, as well as with that which he 
 had before obtained over Antony,- Phrahates being much puffed up and elated, 
 carried himself with such tyranny, cruelty, and proud oppression, that the no- 
 bility of Parthia being no longer able to bear him, in the year 31, conspired 
 against him; and having driven him into banishment, chose the above-mentioned 
 Tiridates to reign over them in his stead. But the next year after (that is, in 
 this present year 30,) Phrahates^ returned with an army, and having vanquished 
 Tiridates, recovered again his crown, and forced the usurper to flee into Syria 
 for refuge; where he being followed by the ambassadors from Phrahates, which 
 I have mentioned, both parties accosted Octavianus at Antioch, on his return 
 thither out of Egypt, to crave that assistance from him against each other which 
 they wanted. Octavianus gave to each a friendly answer, without intending to 
 help either, but rather to dash the one against the other, and thereby waste and 
 weaken both so far, as to make the Parthian nation no longer formidable to the 
 Romans. And with a view hereto, he gave leave to Tiridates to continue in 
 Syria, till he should be in a condition again to return, accepting of him a son 
 of Phrahates that had fallen into his hands, whom he carried to Rome, there to 
 reserve him as a hostage against Phrahates. After this, having appointed Mes- 
 sala Corvinus to be prefect of Syria, ^ he marched from Antioch into the province 
 of Proper Asia, and there took up his winter-quarters." 
 
 Jin. 29. Herod 9.] — In the beginning of the next year,^ Octavianus entered 
 his fifth consulship, and had thereon many great honours decreed to him at 
 Rome. In the summer following, having settled all the affairs of the several 
 provinces of Lesser Asia and the isles adjoining, he passed into Greece,^ and 
 from thence returned to Rome,* where he arrived in the month of Sextilis,^ 
 afterward called August, and entered it in three triumphs,^ which were cele- 
 brated three days together; the first for his victories over the Dalmatians, Pan- 
 nonians, and some other German and Gallic nations, whom he had vanquished 
 and brought under, before his war with Antony began; the second for his sea 
 victory at Actium; and the third for his victories in Eg3^pt, and the subduing of 
 that country, which last was the most splendid of the three. In it were led be- 
 fore him the children of Cleopatra; and although he could not have her in per- 
 son to adorn this triumph, as he much desired, yet she was carried before him 
 in effigy, with an asp hanging at her arm, to denote the manner in which she 
 died. ^ At this time such vast riches were brought to Rome from Egypt on the 
 reducing of that country, and the return of Octavianus and his army from thence," 
 that the value of money fell one half, and the prices of provision and all vendi- 
 ble wares were doubled thereon. After this triumph, Octavianus had the title 
 of imperator,"^ that is, emperor, conferred on him; not in the common sense, 
 wherein it was formerly understood (for in that it imported no more than a com- 
 pliment given by the soldiers to their general, after a victory obtained by them 
 under his command,) but in a much higher. For in the sense it was given to 
 
 1 Plutarch, et DionCassius, lib. 49. 2 Justin. lib. 42. c. .5. Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 456. 
 
 3 Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 447. Videas Cassauboiii contra Batonii e.xercilationeni primani, c. 30. 
 
 4 Dkui Cassius, lib. 51. p. 456. 5 Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 457. Suetonius in Octavio, c. 26. 
 G Ibid. lib. 51. p. 458. 7 Macrob. Saturnal. lib. 1. c. 12. 
 
 8 Ibid. lib. 51. p. 4.58. Epitome Livii, lib. 133. Suetonius in Octavio, c. 22. Virgilius .(Eneid. lib. 8. V.714. 
 Seivius in ilium locum. 
 
 9 Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 450. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 19. 10 U)id. lib. 52. p. 493, 494, 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 381 
 
 Octavlanus at this time, it carried with it the same meaning in which all that 
 afterward governed the Roman empire were called emperors. 
 
 Herod, on his return from the late visit which he made unto Octavianus, how 
 much content and satisfaction soever he had therein, and success of it, found 
 nothing but trouble and vexation at home in his own house. Mariamne still 
 retained her resentments for the cruel commission given by him to Sohemus 
 against her and her mother,' and carried them on so far, as to treat with equal 
 aversion him and all his relations, especially Cyprus his mother, and Salome his 
 sister. Them she frequently upbraided with the meanness of their birth in re- 
 spect of hers, which was provoking enough to a female spirit; and him she as 
 olten reproached with the death of her father, her grandfather, and her brother. 
 In this humour he left her on his last going unto Octavianus, and in this humour 
 he found her on his return, without knowing the cause (for that Mariamne had 
 concealed for the sake of Sohemus.) On his offering her his caresses and the 
 kindest tenders of his affection, she still rejected them with neglect and aversion; 
 and nothing that he could do for the sweetening of her imbittered spirit, and 
 the reconciling her again to him, could have any effect. This last injury soured 
 her to such a degree, as to frame her mind for the reception of the utmost re- 
 sentments which his former wrongs, done her and her family, deserved. The 
 commission formerly given against her to Joseph his uncle, and the above-men- 
 tioned murders of her nearest relations, were all brought to her remembrance 
 on this occasion; and all worked together to exasperate her against him to the 
 utmost. Herod bore this hymour for a whole year after his return from Rhodes, 
 and was exceedingly perplexed by it. Sometimes in rage he would be ready 
 to run into extremities against her; but as often as he was so, his wrath was 
 checked by the great love he had for her; and thus he was harassed between 
 two opposite passions, till at length an occasion happened, which gave his mo- 
 ther and his sister an advantage for the exciting of hmi to her ruin, and he had 
 near affected his own by it. For being at one time, in the heat of the day, re- 
 tired to his chamber to repose himself, he called for Mariamne to come to him, 
 out of a desire of then having conjugal conversation with her. At his call she 
 so far obeyed as to go into the chamber to him. But, on his offering her his. 
 caresses and embracess, she rejected them with the utmost aversion, and added 
 over and above such bitter reproaches for the death of her relations, as provoked 
 and enraged the tyrant to so high a degree, that he had much ado to forbear 
 laying violent hands immediately upon her for the revenging of the indignity. 
 Salome, on her understanding how the matter went, took the advantage of this 
 fit of rage he was then in, to send in his butler to him, whom she had before 
 suborned for this purpose, to accuse Mariamne of tempting him to administer 
 to him a poisonous cup. This adding to the rage with which he was then too 
 much excited against her already, he forthwith ordered her favourite eunuch, 
 without whose privity he knew she did nothing, to be put on the rack; but all 
 that could be extorted from him was, that it was something which Soliemus had 
 told Mariamne that had put her into so ill a humour. Herod, on liis hearing of 
 this, from his rage of anger fell into as violent a rage of jealousy; and therefore 
 crying out, that Sohemus, who had hitherto been so faithful to him, could never 
 have been induced to betray this secret to her but at the price of an adulterous 
 conversation, he ordered him immediately to be put to death; and having packed 
 a bench of judges out of such as were his creatures, brought Mariamne before 
 them to be tried for her hfe; who finding, by the vehemency with which Herod 
 in person prosecuted the accusation, that no other sentence but that of death 
 would be acceptable to him, accordingly passed it upon her; but none thought, 
 nor did he then intend, that the execution should be precipitated, but that she 
 should be confined to some of his castles; and this at first was his resolution. 
 But the malice of his mother and sister was so bitter against her, by reason of 
 the affronts she had put upon them, in upbraiding them with the meanness of 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 11. 
 
382 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 their extraction, and for other womanish quarrels had between them, that they 
 would not let him be quiet till she was put to death. They urged, that if she 
 was kept alive, the people would rise in her behalf; and that there was no other 
 way to keep things quiet, but by cutting her off. By which suggestions Herod 
 being terrified, ordered her execution. In the way as she was led to it, she was 
 accosted by Alexandra her mother, who fell on her with bitter railings, accusing 
 her of being wicked and ungrateful toward a kind and affectionate husband, 
 and telling her, that she had what she deserved; and all this she expressed with 
 such a seeming emotion of spirit, as if she would fly in her face all the way as 
 she went. She feared her turn might come next, and therefore, to save her life, 
 she acted this scandalous and shameful part; but her daughter, without answer- 
 ing her a word, passed on in silence, only by her looks she expressed some 
 shame and concern for her mother's exposing herself in so odd and extravagant 
 a manner in this case, otherwise she went on to her execution with an intrepid 
 mind, without changing colour upon the approach or apprehensions of death, 
 but died as she lived, great, firm, and fearless, to her last. And thus ended the 
 life of this virtuous and excellent princess. In the beauty and other charms 
 and graces of her person, she excelled all the women of her time, and would 
 have been a lady without exception, could she have carried it with some better 
 temper and complaisance toward her husband. But considering, that he had 
 built his fortunes upon the ruin of her family; that he had usurped from them 
 the crown which he wore; that he had caused or procured her father," her grand- 
 father,^ her brother,^ and her uncle, ■* to be put to death, for the serving of his 
 designs, and had twice ordered her death in case of his own, it would put diffi- 
 culties upon the most patient and best tempered woman in the world, how to 
 bear such a husband with any affection or complaisance. But Herod's rage 
 being quenched with her blood, his love to her again revived: whereon followed 
 such a bitter scene of late repentance, as is scarce any where else to be met 
 with. As soon as his wrath was allayed, instead of it, agonies of sorrow, regret, 
 and tormenting remorse for what he had done, filled his mind, which would not 
 let him rest either day or night: wherever he went, the thoughts of Mariamne pur- 
 sued him, and caused bitter reflections in his breast. These he endeavoured to 
 stifle by wine, company, feasting, and other divertisements; but none of them 
 effecting his relief, he at length fell into downright distraction, and in his fits of 
 it would often call for Mariamne, and order his servants to bring her to him, as 
 if she were still alive. 
 
 An. 28. Herod 10.] — Hereupon also there happened a grievous pestilence,* 
 which carried off great numbers both of the common people and nobility of the 
 land; which all there reckoned as a just judgment from God for the death of 
 the queen. This further added to Herod's grief and disorder, so that, not know- 
 ing what to do, he flung up the care of all business, and retired to Samaria, 
 where he fell into a great sickness. After having languished under it for some 
 time, he at length got rid of it with difficulty, and returned again to Jerusalem, 
 and the care of his kingdom: but never again recovered his former temper: for 
 after this he was observed to act with greater rigour and cruelty than he ever 
 had before, and continued so to do to has life's end. 
 
 While he lay sick at Samaria,^ Alexandra, whose active and busy head could 
 never be at rest, reckoning that Herod would die of this sickness, immediately 
 laid plots for the seizing of the government; in order whereto, she treated with 
 the governors of the two castles of Jerusalem, that of Antonia on the mountain 
 of the temple, and the other in the city, to have them delivered into her hands; 
 knowing, that whoever had these two castles, had with them the mastery of Je- 
 rusalem and all Judea. Her pretence was to secure the kingdom, in case of 
 Herod's death, for his sons by Mariamne; but the governors of those castles, 
 
 1 Alexander the son of Aristobulus, wlio was put to death at Antioch, by the procurement of Herod and 
 Antipater his father. 
 
 2 Hyrcanus, tte father of Alexandra, the mother of Mariamne. 3 Aristobulus, the high-priest. 
 4 Antigonus, the brother of Alexander, her father 5 Joseph. Antiq, lib. 15. c. 11. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 383 
 
 liking neither Alexandra nor her designs, sent an account hereof to Herod, who 
 immediately gave order to have her put to death. So she got nothing by that 
 hypocritical and infamous part which she acted at her daughter's execution: for 
 notwithstanding that, and the court which she made thereby to Herod's favour, 
 she was the next that was executed after her. 
 
 ^n. 27 . Herod l\ .] — Octavianus having at Rome filled the senate with his 
 creatures,' whose fortunes depended on his holding on the government, then 
 proposed to them to resign his authority, and put all again into the hands of the 
 people, upon the old foundations of the Roman commonwealth, craftily making 
 this offer for the gaining of the applause of the people, and the cloaking of his 
 owm ambition, when he knew that all of that assembly (their interests lying on 
 the other side) would unanimously press him to the contrary; and so it accord- 
 ingly happened. For he had no sooner, in a set speech, made the proposal, 
 but the whole senate with a unanimous voice dissuaded him from it, and pressed 
 him with all manner of arguments to take upon him alone the whole govern- 
 ment of the Roman empire, which at length he yielded to with a seeming re- 
 luctancy, and by this management brought it about, that the monarchy of the 
 whole Roman empire was at this time, by the unanimous consent both of the 
 senate and the people of Rome, conferred on him for ten years. For he would 
 not accept of it for any longer term; pretending that by that time, he hoped he 
 should have settled all things in such peace and order, that there would be no 
 further need of him, but that he might then, wdth safety to the commonwealth, 
 ease himself of the burden, and put the government again into the hands of 
 the people and senate, as it formerly had been. This method he took to make 
 the matter go the more plausibly, but with intention, when those ten years 
 should be expired, again to renew his lease; and so he accordingly did, from ten 
 years to ten years, as long as he lived, all this while governing the whole Ro- 
 man empire alone wuth an absolute authority. And therefore here ended the 
 ancient republican government of the Roman state. For all the authority of 
 the people and senate being now vested in Octavianus, it continued in him and 
 his successors ever after, as long as the Roman empire continued, without being 
 ever again retrieved. With this new power it was resolved to confer on him a 
 new name; some were for his assuming that of Romulus, thereby to import that 
 he was another founder of Rome; and others offered other names; but Munacius 
 Plancus having proposed the name of Augustus,'^ which signifieth something 
 that above human is sacred and venerable, that was made choice of, and confer- 
 red on him by the general suffrage of the senate; and it was always after this 
 borne by him and his successors; so that, instead of the name of C. Julius Ca;sar 
 Octavianus, which he had hitherto borne, he from thenceforward took that of 
 C. Julius Cfesar Augustus. And therefore, whereas I have hitherto mentioned 
 him by the name of Octavianus, I shall henceforth always give him that of 
 Augustus, as often as there shall be an occasion to speak of him in the future 
 series of this history. That he might seem not to take the whole power of the 
 Roman empire to himself, lie made a show of allowing the senate a share of it 
 with him. For having divided the empire, into two parts,' the one containing 
 those provinces which were quiet and peaceable, and the other those which, 
 lying upon the outskirts of the empire, and bordering upon the barbarous na- 
 tions, were exposed to troubles and wars, the former of these he assigned to the 
 senate, to be governed by such of them as had been consuls and praetors, ac- 
 cording to their former usage; and the others he reserved to himself, to be go- 
 verned by his presidents, and other officers whom he should appoint; whereby 
 it seemed, and so he would have it thought, as if he desired to leave the sweet 
 of the government still to the senate, and reserve only the troublesome and 
 dangerous part to himself. But herein he showed his great wisdom and saga- 
 
 1 Dion Cassius, lib. 53. ,...,.. ,r,. 
 
 2 Dion Cassius, lib 53. Sueton. in OctaWo, c. 7. Velleius Paterc. lib. 2. c. 91. Epitome Livii, Itb. 1J4. 
 Censorinus de Dei Natali, c. 21. L. Floras, lib. 4. c. 12. 3 Dion Cassius, ibid. 
 
384 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 city: for by this method he secured all the armies and military power, wherein 
 consisted the whole strength of the empire, to himself, they all lying in those 
 provinces which he had chosen; whereas the others being without them, such 
 as governed those provinces could have no power from thence to create him any 
 danger or disturbance. The latter were called the senatorial provinces, and the 
 other the imperial; and of this imperial sort were particularly Cilicia, Syria, 
 PhcEuicia, Cyprus, and Egypt in the east, besides others in the other borders of 
 the empire. 
 
 Jin. 26. Herod 12.] — Salome falling out with Costobarus the Idumaean,' her 
 second husband, whom she had married after the death of Joseph, her first hus- 
 band, sent him a bill of divorce, contrary to the law and usage of the Jews. 
 For according to that,^ the husband might divorce the wife, but not the wife the 
 husband: but Salome, by Herod's authority, made that go for law which best 
 pleased her. On her thus having abdicated her husband, she returned to her 
 brother, and to make herself the more acceptable to him, pretended that she 
 had discovered Costobarus to be conspiring against him with Lysimachus, Anti- 
 pater, and Dositheus, men of note in that country, and that for this reason she 
 left him, as preferring the love of her brother before that of her husband. And 
 to gain the better credit for this accusation, she discovered where Costobarus 
 had concealed the sons of Babas, contrary to his order and interest. These be- 
 ing the chief sticklers for the interest of the Asmona3ans, Herod, at the taking 
 of Jerusalem, gave strict orders to have them cut off, and entrusted Costobarus 
 with the executing of them; but he, for some by-ends of his own, saved them 
 alive, and, giving out that they had made their escape, conveyed them to a 
 place of safety, where he had kept them concealed ever since. Herod, on Sa- 
 lome's information, sent to that place which she named, and there finding all to 
 be true which she had told him concerning them, he believed her as to all the 
 rest: and therefore forthwith ordered not only them, but also Costobarus, Lysi- 
 machus, Antipater, Dositheus, with several others who were accused of being 
 their accomplices, to be put to death. 
 
 Cornelius Gallus being recalled from Egypt,^ Petronius was made prefect in 
 his place. Gallus, on his return to Rome, being too lavish of his tongue against 
 Augustus,^ was for this reason forbade his house and the provinces under his 
 command, and noted with infamy. After this, other accusations coming against 
 him of concussions, rapines, extortions, and other misdemeanours committed 
 by him, while governor of Egypt, he was, by the unanimous vote of the senate, 
 condemned to banishment; but he prevented the execution of this sentence by 
 falling on his sword and slaying himself He v/as an eminent poet,* and a fa- 
 miliar friend of Virgil,*^ as appears by his tenth eclogue, which was written 
 on him. 
 
 Herod, having cut off all of the Asmonsean party, without leaving any alive 
 that had been favourers of it, thought himself now secure against all future dan- 
 gers; and therefore made bold in many things to deviate from the Jewish usages,^ 
 by bringing in foreign rites and customs; for he built at Jerusalem a theatre and 
 an amphitheatre, and in honour of Augustus celebrated games, and exhibited 
 shows in them, which were much disliked by the generality of the Jews, as 
 things which they tliought inconsistent with the legal constitutions and religion 
 of their country. But nothing offended them more than some trophies which 
 he had set up round his theatre in honour of Augustus, and in commemoration 
 of his victories. For they, taking them to be images, for that reason could not 
 bear them. Herod, to convince them of his folly, having called several of the 
 principal of them upon the place, caused the armour to be taken off in their 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 11. 
 
 2 Dent, x.xiv. 1, 2, &c. Malt. v. 31. xix. T. IMark x. 4. Maimonides de Repudiatione. 
 
 3 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 819. 4 Dion Gassing, lib. 53. p. 512. Suetonius in Octavio, c. 66. 
 5 Videas Vossium de Poetis Lutinig 6 Videaa Ssrvlum in Eclogam Vlreilii decilfiajn. 
 7 Joseph. Aniiq. lib. 15. c. 11. 
 
THE OLD AKD NEW TESTAMENT. 385 
 
 presence, and when they saw nothing appeared under' but a naked stem of a 
 tree, their indignation was turned into laughter; and so this matter went ofF. 
 
 An. i^S. Herod 13.] — But the other innovations stuck hard with many, and 
 gave such great offence,^ that some of them, to the number of ten persons, en- 
 tered into a conspiracy against him, for the cutting of him off by an assassina- 
 tion; for which purpose, having provided themselves with daggers under their 
 garments, tliey went to the theatre, where Herod was then to come, designing 
 there to fall upon him and slay him. But one of Herod's spies (of which he 
 had great numbers abroad) having gotten some inkling of the matter, made dis- 
 covery of it to him as he was going to enter the theatre, just when the plot was 
 ready to have been executed upon him; whereon, the conspirators being seized, 
 they were all put to death by most exquisite torments. And he that made the 
 discovery did not fare any better. For he having hereby incurred the general 
 odium of the people, some of them meeting with him in a convenient place, 
 fell upon him, and tore him to pieces. But Herod never left making inquiry 
 after this matter till he had discovered all that were concerned in it, and he did 
 put every one of them to death for it. 
 
 To secure himself the better against all such tumults and conspiracies for the 
 future, he thought it would be safest for him to have other places of strength in 
 the land to depend upon besides Jerusalem; and therefore setting himself on 
 the building of several other strong cities in the land, he begun with that of 
 Samaria. This city, once famous for being the capital of the kingdom of Israel, 
 was destroyed by John Hyrcanus, as hath been above related. When Gabinius 
 was made president of Syria,'' he ordered the rebuilding of it: from him it was 
 some time called the city of the Gabinians,^ that is, of those whom Gabinius 
 had planted there; but under them the place advanced no farther than to be a 
 small village. Herod first made it again a city, and restored it to its pristine 
 splendour; and, in honour of Augustus, called it Sebaste. For Sebastos in 
 Greek is the same with Augustus in Latin; and therefore, Sebaste is as much 
 as to say, the city of Augustus. This place he planted with six thousand peo- 
 ple,^ invited thither from all parts, and divided among them the country about 
 it, which being of a very fertile soil, as soon as it was cultivated, it brought 
 forth such plenty, as in a short time rendered the place rich and populous, and 
 made it fully answer all the purposes for which he intended it. He also put a 
 garrison into Straton's Tower (which in honour of Ccesar Augustus was after- 
 ward called Caesarea;) and he did the same in Gabala, and in some other for- 
 ' tresses which lay convenient for the keeping of the country in quiet. 
 
 The name of Augustus growing famous all over the world,** the remotest na- 
 tions of the north and the east, that is, the Scythians, the Samaritans, the In- 
 dians, and the Seres, sent ambassadors, with presents to him, to pray his friend- 
 ship: the last of which. Floras tells us,^ were four years on their journey, 
 which is to be supposed, coming and going. The Seres were the farthest peo- 
 ple of the east, the same whom we now call the Chinese. They being an- 
 ciently famous for the making of silk, and silken manufactures: hence serica 
 became the name of silk,« and sericum of a silken garment, both among the 
 Greeks and Latins. 
 
 1 A trophy was a whole suit of armour with tlie headpiece dressed up upon a stem of a tree, and was 
 usually etectfid in commemoration of a victory. 
 
 2 Josepn; Anliq. lib. 15. c. 11. 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 10. 4 Cedrenus feyncellus, p. 308. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 11. . „. „ • ,i - 
 
 6 L. Florus, lib. 4. c. 12. Suetori. in Octavio, c. 21. Orosius, lib. 0. c. 21. Eutropius, lib. ,. 
 
 7 Lib 4 c. 12. 
 
 8 The Seres first used tlie way of making silk from the web of the .«ilkworm. From them that naine and 
 thin-' came to the Persians, and from them to the Greeks and Latins. The first time that any silk wag 
 broiicht into Greece was on Alexander's having con<piered Persia; and from thence it came into Italy, in llie 
 flourishing times of the Roman empire. But it was a Ions while very dear in all these western parts as Re- 
 in" weight for weight of equal value with gold, a pound of the one costing a pound oi the other. l't>r.tn'^ 
 Pe'rsians took care to keep this manufacture for a long time wholly to themselves, not permitting the silR- 
 worms to be carried out of Persia, or any to pass from thence into the west, that were skilled in the manag- 
 ing of them; and thus it continued to the time of Justinian the emperor, who died A. D. 5bo. He looKing an 
 it as a great hardship that the subjects of his empire should buy this manufacture of the Persians at so dear a 
 rate, in order to put an end to this imposition, sent two monks into India, to learn there how tne siiKen 
 
 Vol. II.— 49 
 
386 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 This year, being the thirteenth of the reign of Herod,' great calamities fell 
 upon the people of Judea. A long drought produced a famine, and that famine 
 a pestilence, which swept away great numbers of the inhabitants. Herod, for 
 the remedy hereof (his treasury being then empty,) melted down all the plate 
 of his palace, even that which was most valuable for its fashion and workman- 
 ship, and making money of it, sent it into Egypt to buy corn, where there was 
 then great abundance of it; and by the friendship of Petronius, the Roman pre- 
 fect, got sufficient from thence, not only to supply the wants of all his ow^n 
 people, but also wherewith to relieve the necessities of his neighbours in Syria, 
 who were under the same distress. And whereas most of the flocks of Judea 
 were consumed by the drought, so that there was not wool enough in the land 
 for the clothing of the inhabitants against winter, he took care that such quan- 
 tities were imported from foreign countries, tliat every one, before the approach 
 of the cold season, was provided with sufficient to fence him against all the 
 severities of it: by which acts of charity and generosity, he not only reconciled 
 unto him the affection of his people, with whom, till now, by reason of the se- 
 verities and cruelties of his government, he stood upon very ill terms, but also 
 made his name famous among all the neighbouring nations, gaining among them 
 the reputation of a wise, gracious, and generous prince. But he was not of a 
 temper long to hold this character among his own people; for the tyrannical 
 maladministrations of his government still continuing after this good deed in the 
 same excess as before, what he gained by the one was soon again lost by the 
 other; and therefore he continued to make himself, to his life's end, the general 
 odium and aversion of those over whom he reigned; and it was owing only to 
 the protection and power of Augustus and the Eomans that he was supported 
 arainst it. 
 
 BOOK IX. 
 
 An. 24. Herod 14.] — Augustus with the beginning of this year entering into 
 his tenth consulship,'^ had a decree of the senate made in his behalf, which 
 freed him from the obligation of all law^s, and set him above them all, with an 
 absolute power to do all things in the government of the empire according to 
 his arbitrary will and good pleasure; and many things else were decreed in his 
 honour, through the flattery of some who courted his favour, and the fear of 
 others who dreaded his power. 
 
 Herod being now at peace and in full prosperity,^ set himself on the building 
 of a stately palace on Mount Sion, which was the highest part of the city of 
 Jerusalem, and made it a structure of that largeness and magnificence, that in 
 some manner it exceeded herein even the temple itself. And it was more es- 
 
 trade was managed, and on thrir return tn bring the silkworms witii them, that so he might set up the manu- 
 facture in his own dominions. These monks, on their return, told him, that the silkworms could not be brought 
 so long a journey, but understanding from them that their eggs misht, and that from them the worms might be 
 propagated, he sent th"ui back a second time to bring him some of those egsrs; wlio, having effected what they 
 went about, and brouiilit to Constantinople, on their return thither, great quantities of those eges, from them 
 have been propagated all the silkworms and silk trade, which have,"since that, been there or any where else 
 in Europe. Till that time the ancients were so ignorant how silk was made, that it was a common notion 
 among them that it grew on the tops of trees. But since that it hath been sufficiently made known, that 
 though cotton be produced from trees, silk is no where made but by the web of the silkworm. For a long 
 while silk was worn only by women, and it was thought a great "instance of luxury and effeminancy for 
 a man to have any part of his garments of it; so that, in the beginning of ihs reign of Tiberius, as Tacitus 
 tells us (Annal. lib. 2. c. 33,) a law was made " Ne vestes serica vims ffedaret," i. c. ■' That no man should 
 defile or dishonour himself by wearing silken garments." When thestutT was all of silk, it was called holose- 
 ricum; when the woof only was silk, and the warp of linen or woollen, or the warp only of silk, and the 
 woof of linen or woollen, it was called suhsericvm. When, afterward, it came into use for men to wear silk. 
 It was at first only of the fatter sort; that which was all silk was, for a long time, left wholly to the use of 
 the vvomen; so that it was reckoned, by Lampridius, as one of the infamous parts of Heliosabalus's charac- 
 ter, that he was the first man that wore holosericum. Videas de hac re plura apud Vossium in Etymologico. 
 snb Voce Sencum, et de Idololatria, lib. 4. c. 90. et Salmasium in notis ad Tertullianum de Pallio, ad SoU- 
 num, et ad Historiam Augustam. 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 1.5: c. 12. 2 Dion Cassius, lib. 53. p. 516. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 12. et de Bello Judaico.lib. 1. c. lb. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 397 
 
 pecially famous for two large and sumptuous apartments erected in it, the one 
 of which he called Caesareum, in honour of Augustus Caesar; the other Agrip- 
 peum, in honour of Agrippa, Augustus's principal favourite. 
 
 This same year,' Herod furnished Augustus with five hundred men out of 
 his guards for the carrying on of an expedition against the soutliern Arabs. He 
 having heard of the wealth of those people,^ that they abounded in gold and 
 silver and other riches, proposed either by treaty to make them his friends, and 
 so open a way for commerce with them, or else by conquest (o make them his 
 subjects; and, could he compass either of them, he exjiected thereby much to 
 augment the wealth and riches of his empire. And he had also this farther 
 view, that in case he should, either as friend or conqueror, gain a footing in that 
 country, he should through it have an easy way open for the subduing of the 
 Troglodites, their country being separated from the southern Arabia only b}^ the 
 narrow straits now called the Straits of Babelmandel, through which the Ara- 
 bian Gulf dischargeth itself into the Southern Ocean. For, as the Arabs dwell 
 on the eastern side of those straits, the Troglodites did then dwell over against 
 them on the western side, ^lius Gallus, a Roman of the equestrian order, was 
 the general sent on this expedition, for which Augustus furnished him with ten 
 thousand men; to these were added the five hundred from Herod above men- 
 tioned, and a thousand more that were brought him by Syllseus from Obodas, 
 king of the Nabathasan Arabs. This Obodas had succeeded Malchus in that 
 kingdom, and Syllaeus was his chief minister, and a person of great craft, vigour, 
 and application. He, knowing the country, undertook to be Callus's guide in 
 this expedition, and thereby made it miscarrj^ by betraying him in it. It was 
 proposed to march through the country of the Nabathaeans, and from thence to 
 enter on this expedition; but Syllabus falsely informing Callus that there was no 
 safe passage thither by land, this put him on building a fleet to pass thither by 
 sea; and therefore, having provided one hundred and thirty transports at Cleo- 
 patris, a port at tlije bottom of the Arabian Gulf, or Red Sea, he there put his 
 army on board them, and sailed to Leucocome, a port of the Nabatheeans, lying 
 on the eastern side of that sea. This being a very dangerous navigation, by 
 reason of the many rocks and shelves that are in that part of the Arabian Gulf, 
 and Syllabus piloting him the worst way through it, he was fifteen days in the 
 passage, and lost several of his ships in it: and, when he was landed, all his 
 army falling sick of a disease common in that country, he was forced to lie by; 
 all the remaining part of the summer, and the winter following, to wait their 
 recovery. 
 
 ^n. 23. Herod 15.] — Early the next spring he set out from Leucocome in the 
 expedition on which he was sent,^ and, after a march of six months southward, 
 came into those parts of Arabia where he intended, vanquishing in his march 
 all that opposed him: but, through the difficulties of the way which Syll?eus 
 treacherously led him, the heat of the climate, and the unwholesomeness of the 
 air, water, and herbs, of the country, he had by this time lost the belter half of 
 his army, and therefore was forced to return again without effecting any thing 
 of what was designed, through want of sufficient strength to execute it. But, by 
 this time perceiving the treachery of Syllaeus, he marched back under the con- 
 duct of other guides, and, by their assistance, returned in sixty days to the same 
 parts of the Nabathsean country, from whence he had been six months in 
 marching out, and there shipping his forces at the next port, called Negra, 
 crossed the Arabian Gulf in eleven days, and landed at Myos Hormus on the 
 Egyptian side, and from thence, by the way of Coptus, led back the remainder 
 of"his army again to Alexandria, after having been two years on this expedition. 
 The miscarrying of it being wholly owing to the treachery of SyllfBus," he waa 
 
 1 Joseph, ibid. Strabo, lib. IG. p. 780. 
 
 2 Joseph, ibid. Plin. lib. G. c.28. Strabo, lib. 2. p. 118. lib. 16. p. 780, 781. el lib. 17. p. 819. Dion Cassius, 
 
 ' 3 Strabo, lib. 2. p. 118. lib. 16. p. 780, 781. et lib. 17. p. 819. Dion CassiuB, lib. 53. p. 516. 
 4 Strabo, lib. 16. p. 782. 
 
388 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 at length for this, among other crimes then laid to his charge, publicly executed 
 at Rome by the rods and axe of the lictor. But this was not till several years 
 after. In the interim, there will be occasions of speaking again of him more 
 than once in the future series of this history. 
 
 While Gallus was in this expedition,' Candace, queen of Ethiopia, invading 
 the province of Thebais, in the Upper Egypt, with a great army, took Syena, 
 and several other places on the borders, and carried the garrison soldiers into 
 captivity: whereon Petronius, then prefect of Egypt, marched with an army 
 against her, and, having vanquished her forces in battle, and driven them out 
 of the country, pursued them into Ethiopia, and, having there pierced above 
 eight hundred miles into the country, subdued aU before him, taking all the 
 cities that lay in his way, and among them Napata, the metropolis of the king- 
 dom, which he destroyed, and from thence marched on, till at length, being 
 able to proceed no farther, by reason of the great deserts of sand, nor to stay 
 there any longer, by reason of the excessive heats of the climate, he was forced 
 to march back; and therefore, having put a garrison of four hundred men into 
 Premnis, one of the strongest fortresses in Ethiopia, in order to keep footing in 
 that country, and victualled it for two years, he returned to Alexandria, carry- 
 ing all his captives with him; a thousand of the principal of them, among whom 
 were the chief commanders of Candace's army, he sent to Augustus; the rest he 
 sold on his return, being many thousands in number. 
 
 Phrahates, king of Parthia, being again driven out of his kingdom by Tiri- 
 dates,' prevailed with the Scythians to bring him back with a great army: 
 whereon Tiridates,^ with the chiefs of his party, fled to Rome, to pray the as- 
 sistance of Augustus, promising to hold the kingdom from him as his homager, 
 in case he might be restored by his help. Phrahates, hearing which way he 
 was fled, sent ambassadors to Rome after him, there to obviate his designs, and 
 to demand of Augustus the delivery of his rebel subjects to him, and the re- 
 lease of his son, whom Tiridates had put into his hands in the manner above 
 related. Augustus having given them a hearing, answered them in the same 
 manner as he had before at Antioch, that he would not deliver Tiridates into 
 the hands of Phrahates, nor give either of them any help against the other. 
 However, that he might gratify both in something, he permitted Tiridates to 
 live under his protection at Rome, ordering him there a maintenance out of the 
 public treasury, whereby to subsist with plenty and honour; and he sent back 
 to Phrahates his son, upon condition that he should restore all the captives and 
 ensigns which the Parthians had taken from Crassus and Antony in their wars 
 against them. This was then promised, but not performed, till Augustus came 
 into Syria three years after, and by the dread of his name, and the threats of a 
 new Mar induced him hereto. 
 
 At this time there being at Jerusalem a very beautiful young lady, called 
 Mariamne, the daughter of Simon, the son of Boethus, an ordinary priest of that 
 place, Herod fell in love with her,'' and took her to wife; but first, for the 
 making of her a more suitable match for him, he made her father high-priest of 
 the Jews, instead of Jesus, the son of Phebes, whom he removed on purpose to 
 make room for him. After this, he built a stately palace,* at the distance of 
 about seven miles from Jerusalem, in the place where he had formerly defeated 
 the Parthians, and the Jews of the Asmona?an party, when he fled from that 
 city, on Antigonus's becoming master of it. This, from his own name, he called 
 Herodium. It stood in a very pleasant and a very strong situation, on the top 
 of a hill, from whence there was a prospect of all the country round. From 
 this palace the hill declined all round with an equal and uniform descent, 
 which made a very beautiful show^; and at the foot of it were soon built such a. 
 number of houses, as amounted to the proportion of a considerable city. 
 
 t Strabo, lib. 17. p. 800. Dion Cassius, lib. 54. p. 524. Plinius, lib. 6. c. 29. 2 Justin, libs 42.. c. 5. 
 
 3 Justin, ibid. Dion Cassius, lib. 5:). p. 519. 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 12. et lib. 18. e 7. 
 
 o Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 12. et de Bello Judaieo, lib. 1. c. IS. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 399 
 
 Augustus having been seized this year with a dangerous sickness, when 
 nothing else could bring him any help, was cured by the use of the cold bath,' 
 and coohng potions, prescribed him by Antonius Musa, the most eminent phy- 
 sician among the Romans of that age: and he had hereon great rewards and 
 great honours decreed him by the senate. But a little after, Marcellus fallino- 
 sick, while he endeavoured to cure him by the same method, he caused his 
 death, which was much to the grief of Augustus: for he was the son of Octa- 
 via, his sister, by her first husband, and, being a young man of great hopes, Au- 
 gustus had married his daughter to him, adopted him for his son, and intended 
 him for his heir, in case he should have no son of his own; but he had the mis- 
 fortune this year to lose him in the manner here mentioned. This is the Mar- 
 cellus whose untimely death Virgil most ingeniously sets forth in the sixth book 
 of his iEneids. 
 
 An. 2-2. Herod 16.] — Herod having finished Samaria, which, from the name 
 of Augustus, he called Sebaste, he began the building of another city at Straton's 
 Tower, '^ on the sea-coast of Palestine, which also, in honour of him, from his 
 other name, he called Caesarea. In the building and adorning hereof, he spent 
 twelve years, and expended vast sums of money, whereby he made it a city of 
 prime note in those parts, and the most convenient and safest port in aU the 
 coasts of Phoenicia. For, whereas before it was a very dangerous harbour, so 
 that no ship could ride safe in it when the wind blew south-west, to remedy 
 this, he ran out a mole in a circular form, which fenced the port against both the 
 south and the west, and encompassed room enough for a great fleet to ride safe 
 within against all wind and weather, leaving a passage into it only on the north, 
 where the sea was less rough, and the harbour least exposed to storms from it. 
 This work alone was of vast labour and expense: for it was built with stones 
 brought from far, and of a very large size, they being fifty feet long, eighteen 
 broad, and nine deep, some greater, some lesser, and the foundation was laid 
 twenty fathom deep into the sea. When Judea was reduced into the form of a 
 Roman province, this city was usually made the residence of him that was sent 
 to govern it. 
 
 Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons of Herod by Mariamne, now growing 
 up, their father sent them to Rome for their education,' there providing a recep- 
 tion for them in the house of Pollio, an especial friend of his: but Augustus 
 taking them into his particular care, assigned them apartments in his own 
 palace: and further to express his friendship and favour to Herod, he gave him 
 full power to leave the succession of his kingdom to which of his sons he should 
 think fit; and moreover at the same time added Trachonitis,'' Auranitis,^ and 
 Batanaea, to his former dominions, which was done on this occasion. Theie was 
 one Zenodorus,® tetrarch of a territory lying between Trachonitis and Galilee,^ 
 who had farmed from the president of Syria the provinces of Trachonitis, Au- 
 ranitis, and Batanaea, which had formerly been the principality of Lysanias,^ 
 the son of Ptolemy, whom Antony put to death, as hath been above mentioned. 
 This person, not being contented with the honest gain of his farm (in which he 
 had a great bargain,) to make the most of it that he could, went shares with a 
 company of thieves, who had taken harbour in certain caves in the mountains 
 of Trachonitis, and permitted them to rob all the country round, upon terms of 
 sharing the plunder with them. This being a great grievance and mischief to 
 the people of those parts, they complained of it to Varro, then president of Syria, 
 who writing to Augustus about it, received orders from him at any rate to root 
 out those robbers. But, before these orders could be executed, Varro being re- 
 
 1 Dion Cassiiis, lib. 53. p. 517. Siieton. in Octavio, c. 59. Plinius, lib. 19. c. 8. lib. 25. c. 7. et lib. 29. c. 1. 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 13. et de Btllo Judaico, lib. 1. c. IG. 3 Joseph. Antu]. lib. 15. c. 13. 
 
 4 These three districts, or toparchies, lay beyond the sea of Galilee, between that and Damascus, having 
 for their boundary Mount Libanus on the north, and the country of Pera;a on the south. 
 
 5 Auranitis is the same with Itursea, being another name for it. 
 
 6 Joseph. Antiq. lib. i^. c. 13. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 15. 7 Joseph, ibid. 
 8 He is by Josephus called prince of Chalcis, from the city of Chalcis where he resided. 
 
390 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 called, the grievance and the complaint still continued; whereon Augustus/ to 
 provide an effectual cure for this evil, did put all the three provinces which Ze- 
 nodorus had farmed into the hands of Herod, adding them to his former domi- 
 nions, who forthwith marched thither with such forces as were necessary,- broke 
 into the dens of those thieves, and by killing a great number of them, and 
 driving out the rest, soon cleared the country of them. Whereon Zenodorus, 
 being deprived not only of his unrighteous gain, but also of his farm,- went to 
 Rome to make complaint against Herod; but not meeting with success in any 
 of his accusations, he, on his return, excited the Gadarenes to an attempt of 
 giving him trouble: and accordingly they applied to Agrippa with complaints and 
 accusations against him; for Agrippa had then the government of all the east 
 conferred on him by Augustus. Agrippa, as hath been above related, was the 
 chief favourite and prime confidant of Augustus; but now Julia, the daughter of 
 Augustus, being grown up, and married to Marcellus, the son of Octavia, Au- 
 gustus's sister, the old favourite grew jealous of the son-in-law, so that they 
 could not bear each other. Hereon Augustus,^ to put an end to these differ- 
 'ences, sent Agrippa out of the way, committing to his charge all the provinces 
 of the east that lay beyond the JEgean Sea;"* and he taking up his residence at 
 Mitylene, in the isle of Lesbos, from thence by his lieutenants governed Lesser 
 Asia, Syria, and all the other countries that were within his commission. As 
 soon as Herod heard of Agrippa's settling there, ^ he sailed thither to make a 
 visit to him, and thereb}^ further cultivated the friendship that had been before 
 between them. Immediately on his departure,^ came the Gadarenes thither 
 with their accusations against him in a very unlucky time for their affair. For 
 they then found Agrippa, by reason of the endearments that had been revived 
 between them in the conversation of the late visit, so far prepossessed in favour 
 of Herod, that having no ear open to any complaints against him, he caused 
 these accusers of him to be all clapped in chains, and sent them thus bound into 
 Judea to be there delivered unto him. Herod, thinking to sweeten them by 
 clemency, dismissed them without any harm; and this for some time quieted the 
 troubles which they and Zenodorus would have raised against him. 
 
 ^n. 2L Herod 17.] — Augustus intending a progress into the east, on his arri- 
 val in Sicily, in his way thither, sent for Agrippa to come to him,® and having 
 given him in marriage to Julia his daughter, being now become a widow by the 
 death of Marcellus her former husband, sent him to Rome, there to take care 
 of the affairs in the west, while he himself should be absent in the east. Mae- 
 cenas chiefly advised this match, ^ telling Augustus, that having made Agrippa 
 so great as he then had, he had nothing else to choose, but either to make him 
 his son-in-law, or put him to death. To make way for this match, Agrippa was 
 forced to divorce his former wife, though daughter of Octavia, the sister of Au- 
 gustus, who was afterward married to Antonius,* the son of Antony the triumvir. 
 After this Augustus sailed from Sicily into Greece,^ and, having there settled 
 all matters, passed into the isles, and wintered at Samos.'' 
 
 While Augustus lay at this place, there came thither to him ambassadors from 
 Candace, queen of Ethiopia.'" It hath been above related how Petronius, on his 
 return from his late inroad into Ethiopia, had left a garrison in Premnis, a strong 
 fortress in that country. In the beginning of this year Candace sent an army 
 to besiege it." Whereon Petronius, coming to the assistance of his garrison, 
 raised the siege, and forced Candace to sue for peace. On the coming of her 
 ambassadors to him for this purpose, they were referred by him to Cajsar, but 
 their answer being, that they knew not who Cassar was, he sent messengers 
 Vv^ith them to conduct them to Augustus, v^ho finding him at Samos, there ob- 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 1.5. c. 13. et rie Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. l.'j. 2 Joseph, ibid. 
 
 .3 Dion Cassiiis, lib. 5^^. p. .518. Siieton. in Octavio, c. 61). Velleius Patcrculus, lib. 2. c. 93. 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 1.5. c. 13. Dion Cassins. ibid. Velleius Paterculus, ibid. 5 Joseph, ibid. 
 
 6 Dion Cassius, lib, 54. p. .524. Velleius Patercul. lib. 2. c. 93. 7 Ibid. lib. 54. p. 525. 
 
 8 Plutarch, in Antonio. 9 Dion Cassius, lib. 54. p. 525. 
 
 iO Strabo, lib. 17. p. 821. Dion Cassius, lib. 54. p. 525. 11 Strabo, et Dion Cassius, lib. 54. p. 525. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 39I 
 
 tained from him the peace Avhich they desired, and then returned again into 
 Ethiopia. 
 
 Jin. 20. Hei-od 18.] — Early the next spring Augustus passed from Samos into 
 Lesser Asia/ and, having settled all matters there, continued his progress through 
 that country into Syria,- and came to Antioch. On his arrival there, Zenodo- 
 rus, with delegates from the Gadarenes,* addressed to them with their old com- 
 plaints against Herod, hoping to have a more favourable hearing from him than 
 they had from Agrippa. They accused him of tyranny, violence, and rapine, 
 and also of sacrilege, in plundering and violating temples; and Augustus went 
 so far into them, as to appoint a day for Herod, who was then present at Anti- 
 och, to make his defence; in the hearing of which he was treated with so much 
 tenderness and favour, as made the Gadarenes despair of their cause, so that, 
 the night following, some of them drowned themselves, others cast themselves 
 down precipices, and the rest did cut their throats, or otherwise made them- 
 selves away, through fear of being delivered to Herod; and Zenodorus did the 
 same: for having taken poison, it corroded his guts, and cast him into a violent 
 dysenterj^ of which he died that same night. Hereon Augustus looking on 
 their self-execution to be self-condemnation, and a clear acknowledgment of 
 guilt on their side, absolved Herod, and would admit no more such accusations 
 to be brought against him. And to make amends for the trouble he had been 
 put to by Zenodorus and his Gadarenes, he gave him the tetrarchy of Zenodo- 
 rus; and, for his greater honour, joined him in commission with the president 
 of Syria, as his procurator in that province, ordaining that nothing should be 
 done in the affairs of it without his knowledge and advice; and moreover, at 
 his request, gave to Pheroras his brother a tetrarchy in those parts. In acknow- 
 ledgment of all these favours, Herod built unto him, in the lands of Zenodorus, 
 near the mountain Paneas (at the foot of which is the fountain of the river Jor- 
 dan) a sumptuous temple, all of white marble. By which idolatrous flattery, 
 and other like compliances with heathen usages, he farther alienated from him all 
 those Jews that were zealous for their law, and the religion of their forefathers. 
 
 Phrahates, king of Parthia, on Augustus's coming into Syria, sent ambassa- 
 dors to him to pray his friendship.'' For being then upon ill terms with his peo- 
 ple, whom he had much alienated from by his tyranny and cruelty, he dreaded 
 a foreign war; and he had reason at that time to fear it from Augustus. For 
 "whereas Augustus had three years before released to him one of his sons (whom 
 he had in captivity at Rome,) upon promise that he would send back to him 
 all the prisoners and ensigns which the Parthians had taken from the Romans 
 in their wars with Crassus and Antony, he had not as yet discharged himself 
 of that obligation; that therefore this might not be a cause of war against him, 
 lie now not only sent back all those captives and ensigns, but also yielded to 
 all other terms of peace which were then required of him, and gave four of 
 his sons, with their wives and children, in hostage for the performance of them. 
 Whereupon Justin remarks,^ that Augustus did more herein by the greatness of 
 his name, than any other commander could do by war. But Tacitus tells us,® 
 that Phrahates was induced hereto, not so much by the fear of Augustus, as by 
 the diffidence which he had of his own people; and what Strabo" and Josephus^ 
 tells us is agreeable hereto. For, laying both of them together, the matter ap- 
 pears to have been as followeth. A very beautiful ItaUan woman," called Ther- 
 musa, having been formerly sent by Augustus to Phrahates for a present, she 
 first became his concubine, and afterward, on her bringing him a son, was mar- 
 ried to him, and advanced to be his queen; and having in this station gained an 
 absolute ascendant over him, made use of it for the securing of the succession 
 
 1 Dion Cassiiis, lib. 54. p. 5i'). 
 
 2 Dion Cassiijs, jbiil. Jofepli. AnMq. lib. 15. c. 13. et de Bello .Tudaico, lib. 1. c. 15. 
 
 3 Jo.senh. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 13. ...... ,.^ ,„„ , 
 
 4 Dion Cassius, lib. 54. p. 525, 52fi. Strabn, lib. 6. p. 283. et lib. IG. p. 748. Livii Epitome, lib. 139. L. 
 Floras lib. 4. c. 12. Orosius, lib. 6. c. 21. Justin, lib. 42. c. 5. Velleius Patercul. lib. 2. c. 91. 
 
 5 Justin, lib. 42. c. 5. 6 Annal. lib. 2. c. 1. 7 IJb. 6. p. 28S. 8 Joseph. Aittri. lib. 18. c. 3. 
 9 Joseph, ibid. Strabo, lib. 16. p. 748, 749. 
 
392 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 of the croMTi of Parthia to her son; in order whereto, she proposed to Phrahates 
 the putting of his other sons, which were four in all, into the hands of the Ro- 
 mans: and Phrahates not thinking himself safe against his subjects, as long as 
 there were at hand any other of the race of Arsaces of a fit age to be put in his 
 place, on this consideration readily complied herewith; and accordingly, when 
 matters were made up between him and Augustus, and hostages were demand- 
 ed for the securing of the terms of that agreement, he delivered these his four 
 sons into the hands of Augustus for this purpose, who carried them to Rome, 
 where they remained many years; and Thermusa's son, who was called Phra- 
 haticis, was bred up for the succeeding of him in the kingdom. The Parthians' 
 were so superstitiously addicted to the race of Arsaces, that Phrahates well 
 knew they would bear him, how great soever their hatred to him was, as long as 
 they had not another of that family of a fit age to be set up to reign in his place; 
 and for this reason it was, that he so readily yielded up his sons into the 
 hands of the Romans, that being removed so far out of the way, they might 
 create him no danger, nor give him any jealousy. But at length his de- 
 struction came from what he thus projected for his safety. For, as soon as 
 Phrahatices was grown up,- Thermusa, not having patience any longer to 
 wait for the vacancy, that was ready in a short time naturally to happen, 
 unnaturally poisoned her husband to make room for her son the sooner to 
 succeed him. But this met with that disappointment which so wicked an 
 act deserved. For the people not bearing so wicked a parricide, rose in a 
 tumult against him, and drove him into banishment, wherein he perished; 
 but it was not till some years after that this happened. 
 
 And at the same time that Augustus made peace with Parthia, he settled 
 also the affairs of Armenia. It hath been above related, how that Artabazes, 
 king of Armenia, being taken prisoner by Antony, and carried to Alexan- 
 dria, Artaxias his son succeeded him. He having made himself grievous to 
 his subjects by an oppressive and tyrannical reign, ^ they accused him before 
 Augustus, and desired to have Tigranes, his younger brother, to reign over them 
 in his stead. Hereon Augustus sent Tiberius, the son of Livia by her former 
 husband, with an army to expel Artaxias, and place Tigranes on the throne in 
 his stead; but Artaxias being slain by his own people before he arrived, and 
 Tigranes thereon admitted to succeed without any opposition, Tiberius had no 
 opportunity by any military action of gaining honour by this commission, which 
 was the first he was employed in. 
 
 Augustus, toward the end of the summer,'' returning out of Syria, was at- 
 tended by Herod to the sea-shore, where he embarked; and from thence sailed 
 back to Samos, and there resided all the ensuing winter in the same manner as 
 he had the former; and, in consideration hereof, on his departure thence the 
 next spring, he gave the Samians their liberty, and made them a free city, in 
 reward of the accommodations with which he was there furnished among them. 
 
 Herod, on his return to Jerusalem, finding the people much offended,* be- 
 cause of the many breaches he had made upon their law and religion by his 
 frequent compliances with the idolatrous usages of the Greeks and Romans, was 
 put to difficulties to avoid the ill consequences of it. For, although he endea- 
 voured to excuse himself, by alleging the necessity he was under of pleasing 
 Augustus and the Romans in this matter, this gave no satisfaction, but discon- 
 tents on this account grew to a great height against him among the generality 
 of the people. And therefore, to prevent the ill effects hereof, he prohibited all 
 meetings at feasts and clubs, and all other assemblies of many together; and he 
 had spies in all quarters to bring him constant intelligence how all matters 
 went; and he would often himself go out in disguise, that he might hear and 
 observe how the people stood affected toward hira; and by these means making 
 
 1 S(r:ibo, lib. 16. p. 749. 2 Joseph. Aritiq. lib. 18. c. 3. 
 
 3 Dion Cassiiis, lib. 53. p. 523. Tacitus Aimal. lib. 2. c. 3. 
 
 4 Ibid. lib. 53. p. 527. Josc-pli. Aiitiq. lib. 15. c. 13. 5 Joseph, ibid. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 393 
 
 discovery of all that had ill designs against him, and thereon severely treatina^ 
 such as were guilty, he made a shift to secure himself, and keep all quiet. 
 
 And for this end, at the same time, he would have imposed an oath of fidelity 
 on all his subjects. But Hillel and Shammai, with all their followers of the 
 Pharisaical sect, and also all the Essenes, refusing to take it, he was forced to 
 let it drop; only those who had rendered themselves suspected were forced to 
 comply herewith, for the avoiding of the severity with which he would other- 
 wise have treated them. 
 
 Jin. 19. Herod 19.] — While Augustus lay at Samos, there came thither to him 
 a second embassy from the king of India to desire the establishment of a league 
 and friendship with him,' to which purpose he w-rote him a letter in the Greek 
 language, telling him therein, that though he reigned over six hundred kings, 
 yet he had such value for the friendship of Augustus, by reason of the great 
 fame which he had heard of him, that he sent this embassy on so long a jour- 
 ney on purpose to desire it of him. To which letter he subscribed by the name 
 of Porus, king of India. The six hundred kings, whom he boasted to reign 
 over, were the rajas, or petty princes who governed the kingdom under him, 
 several of whose descendants there remain even to this day; who, paying tri- 
 bute and homage to the great Mogul, govern their subjects at home with sove- 
 reign authority. Of the ambassadors that first set out from India on this em- 
 bassy, three only reached the presence of Augustus; the others that were in 
 commission with them died by the way. Of the three surviving, one Avas Zar- 
 marus, a gymnosophist, who following Augustus to Athens, there burnt himself 
 in his presence, in like manner as Calanus,^ another of that sect, had formerly 
 done in the presence of Alexander; it being the usage and manner of that sort 
 of men, when they thought they had lived long enough, to pass out of life by 
 thus casting themselves alive upon their funeral piles. Among the presents 
 which they brought were several tigers, and these were the first of this sort of 
 ■w^ild beasts that had been seen either by the Greeks or Romans. After this Au- 
 gustus returning to Rome, ^ was there received with great honour: his bringing 
 back the ensigns and prisoners that had been taken in the Parthian wars, being 
 Avhat the Romans valued beyond the rate of the greatest victory. And there- 
 fore a temple was erected in the Capitol in commemoration of it, which was 
 dedicated to Mars the revenger; and there the recovered ensigns were hung 
 up. And Augustus valued himself so much upon this matter, that many 
 of his coins still remaining bear the inscription " S'ignis Receptis," and the 
 poets of his time made it the common argument of their flatteries toward him.'' 
 
 Herod being now in the full enjoyment of peace and plenty, and having 
 finished his buildings at Sebaste, and far advanced those at Cassarea," formed 
 a design of new-building the temple at Jerusalem; whereby he thought he 
 should not only reconcile to him the affections of the Jews, but also erect a 
 monument of lasting honour to his own name. The temj^le built after the re- 
 turn of the Jews from the Babylonish captivity fell much short of that of Solo- 
 mon's in the height, the magnificence, and other particulars; and five hundred 
 years being elapsed since its erection, several decays had happened to it, both 
 by the length of time, and also by the violence of enemies. For tin; temple, 
 by reason of its situation, being the strongest part of Jerusalem, whenever the 
 inhabitants were pressed by war, they always made their last refuge thither; 
 and whenever they did so, some of its buildings suffered by it. For the amend- 
 ing and repairing of those defects and decays, Herod designed to build the 
 whole temple anew; and in a general assembly of the people, offered to them 
 what he intended. But when he found them startled at the proposal, and under 
 apprehensions, lest that, when he had pulled down the old temple, he should 
 
 1 Strabo, lib. 15. p. 719, 720. Dion Cassius, lib. 53. p. 527. 
 
 2 Plutarch, in Alexandro. Arrian. lib. 7. Uiodor. Sic. lib. 17. Strabo, lib. 15. p. 686. 
 
 3 Dion Cassius, lib. 53. p. 520— 528. 4 Ovidius in nuinto libro Fastorum. Iloratius. lib. 4. oda J5. 
 5 Joseph, .\ntiq. lib. 15. c. 14. 
 
 Vol. II.— 50 
 
394 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 not be able to build them a new one; to deliver them from this fear, he told 
 them, that he would not take down the old temple till he had gotten all the 
 materials ready for the immediate erection of a new one in its place; and ac- 
 cordingly he did forthwith set himself to make all manner of preparations for 
 it, employing therein a thousand wagons for the carrying of the stones and tim- 
 ber, ten thousand artificers to fit all things for the building, and a thousand 
 priests, skilful in all parts of architecture, to supervise and direct them in the 
 work. And by these means, in two years' time, he had got all things ready 
 for the building. And then, and not before, did he pull down the old temple 
 to the very foundations, to make room for the erecting a new one in its place. 
 Josephus tells us, Herod made this proposal in the eighteenth year of his reign, 
 that is, from the death of Antigonus, which happened not till about the Mid- 
 summer after he was taken prisoner; and therefore, according to this reckoning, 
 the nineteenth year of Herod not beginning till about the Midsummer of the 
 nineteenth year before Christ, the six first months of that year did belong to 
 the eighteenth year of Herod; and the Passover, at which was the greatest as- 
 sembly of the Jews, falling within the compass of those six months, then, it is 
 most probable, this proposal was made. 
 
 Jin. 18. Herod 20.] — lElius Gallus succeeding Petronius in the prefecture of 
 Egypt, made a progress into the upper parts of that country, as far as Syene 
 and the borders of Ethiopia, in which Strabo the geographer accompanied him; 
 and at Thebes," he tells us, he saw the statue of Memnon, which, according to 
 the poets,'' saluted the morning sun every day, at its first rising, with an har- 
 monious sound; and he saith, that he heard that sound on his being on the place 
 one morning; but professeth not to know the cause from whence it proceeded, 
 but suspected it to come from some of the by-standers. He was born at Amasia 
 in Pontus,' and published his Geography in the fourth year of the reign of Ti- 
 berius, being then a very old man. It is a most excellent work, the ancients 
 have scarce left us any thing more valuable. For it is written with great judg- 
 ment and care, he having travelled almost over all the places which he de- 
 scribes, and his descriptions are so exact, that most of the places may be known 
 by them even to this day. He also wrote a history, which Josephus quotes, and 
 hath some passages out of it; but excepting some few such fragments dispersed 
 in other authors, that work is now entirely lost. 
 
 An. 17. Herod 21.] — Herod having, after two years' preparation, made ready 
 all materials for the new building of the temple, pulled down the old edifice, 
 and began the erecting of his new one, just forty-six years before the first pass- 
 over of Christ's personal ministry; at which time the Jews told him (.lohn ii. 20.) 
 "Forty and six years hath this temple been in building."^ For although then 
 forty-six years had passed from the time this building was begun, and in nine 
 years and a half it was made fit for the divine service, yet a great number of 
 labourers and artificers were there still continued at work, for the carrying on 
 of the outbuildings, all the time of our Saviour's being here on earth, and for 
 some years after, till the coming of Gessius Floras, to be govejnor of Judea; 
 when eighteen thousand of them,* being discharged at one time, after that for 
 want of work, they began those mutinies and seditions, which at last drew on 
 the destruction of Jerusalem, and the temple with it. 
 
 This year, Julia, the daughter of Augustus,^ brought Agrippa a second son, 
 called Lucius; the eldest, called Caius,' was born three years before. They 
 being the grandsons of Augustus, as soon as Lucius was born** he adopted them 
 both for his sons, and declared them the heirs of his empire. For this he 
 thought would best conduce to the settling of his affairs, and the quashing of 
 all such treacherous designs, as otherwise, for the usurping of his power, might 
 be contrived or imagined against his person. 
 
 1 Strabo, lib. 17. p. 816. 2 Juvenal. Satyra J5. Dionys. in Perieg. ver. 249. aliosque. 
 
 3 Vossiiini (le Hjst. Grsecis, lib. 2. c. 6. 4 Thus the text ought to be rendered. 
 
 5 Joseph. Anliq. lib. 20. c. 8. 6 Dion Cassius, lib. 64. p. 533. 7 Ibid. p. 526, 
 8 Dion Cassius, lib. 54. p. 526. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 39.5 
 
 An. 16. Herod 2-2.] — Herod sailed into Italy, there to pay his respects to 
 Augustus,' and to see his sons Alexander and Aristobulus, whom he had sent to 
 Rome to be educated. In his way thither^ he stopped in Greece, and was pre- 
 sent at the hundred and ninety-first Olympiad, and presided therein; where, 
 iin<ling those shows were much sunk in their credit and esteem, by reason that 
 the poverty of the Elians disabled them from setting them forth in their usual 
 pomp and splendour, he settled a constant revenue on them, in order to the re- 
 storing of them to their former solemnity and honour: in acknowledgment 
 whereof, they granted him the honour of a president in those games as long as 
 he should live. On his arrival at Rome,^ he was there received with great 
 honour and kindness by Augustus; from whom having received his sons, now 
 fully disciplined and instructed in all the Roman exercises and literature, he 
 returned with them into Judea, and a little after provided them with suitable 
 matches,^ marrying Alexander, the eldest of them, to Glaphyra, the daughter 
 of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and the other to Berenice, the daughter of 
 Salome his sister. By the comeliness of their persons, the agreeableness of 
 their behaviour, and other laudable qualifications which they were accomplished 
 with,^ they drew to them the love and esteem of all the Jews; but Salome, and 
 such others as had been her accomplices in procuring the death of Mariamne 
 their mother, fearing their revenge, did all that in them lay, by evil artifices, to 
 work their destruction also; and at last accomplished it, as will be in its due 
 place related. 
 
 In the interim, the work of the temple went on; and after a year and a half,* 
 that part which was most properly the temple (that is, that which contained the 
 holy place, the holy of holies, and the porch, through which was the passage 
 leading to both) was wholly finished; and after eight years more, all the rest 
 was built which Herod proposed. However, this temple was still the same tem- 
 ple, and still retained the same denomination as before. For Herod's rebuild- 
 ing of it was only by way of reparation, and not by way of restoration and new 
 erections, after a long and total demolition, as was the case of the temple rebuilt 
 by Zerubbabel; and therefore, it was still called the second temple, and the lat- 
 ter temple after this reparation, as it was before, to the time of its ultimate de- 
 molition by Titus. 
 
 An. 15. Herod 23.] — Augustus having sent Agrippa again into the east, as 
 soon as Herod heard of his arrival in the province of Proper Asia,' he went 
 thither to him; and having prevailed with him to accept of an invitation, which 
 he earnestly made him, to come into Judea, on his arrival there, he entertained 
 him, and all his attendants with all manner of honour, magnificence, and sump- 
 tuous fare; and having shown him all his new-built cities and castles, as Se- 
 baste, Caesarea, Alexandrium, Herodium, and Hyrcania, he led him in the last 
 place to Jerusalem. On his approach to it, he was at some distance met by all 
 the people in their festival apparel, and conducted into the city by a solemn 
 procession and loud acclamations. After some stay there, he offered a heca- 
 tomb at the temple, and feasted all the people; and then hastening to the port 
 where his fleet lay, he sailed back again into Ionia before the winter came on. 
 
 An. 14. Herod 24.] — Asander, king of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, being dead, 
 left his kingdom to Dynamis his wife, in whose right he had held it,"* she being 
 the daughter of Pharnaces; the son of Mithridates. One Scribonius, pretending 
 to be a grandson of Mithridates, and to have a grant from Augustus to succeed 
 Asander, took Dynamis to wife, and seized the countr}^ Whereon Agrippa sent 
 Polemon (whom the Romans had made kingof Pontus and the Lesser Armenia) 
 to make war upon him; but, before his arrival, the Bosphorians having disco- 
 vered Scribonius to be a cheat in all his pretensions, had put him to death. 
 However, they would not submit to Polemon, but, though they had been van- 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. IS. c. 1. 2 Joseph, de Bello Jiirtaico, lib. 1. c. 16. et .\ntiq. lib. 16. c.9. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. Iib.l6. c. 1. 4 Ibid. c. 2. 5 Ibid.c. 1. 6 Ibid. lib. 15. c 14. 
 
 7 Ibid. lib. 16. c. 2. 8 Dion Cassius, lib. 54. p. 538. 
 
396 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 quished in battle by him on his first coming into the country, yet still stood 
 out against him; which brought Agrippa upon them with all his army; and a 
 dano-erous war ensued. Herod hearing of this, hastened to the assistance of 
 Ao-rippa with a fleet and army,' thereby further to ingratiate himself with him, 
 which he fully effected by this opportunity. For, coming up with him at Si- 
 nope in Pontus, when he was in some distress for want of such a supply as 
 Herod brought him, nothing could be more acceptable to him than his arrival 
 thither with it at that time. With this assistance Agrippa soon reduced the 
 Bosphorans to a thorough submission.^ Whereon Dynamis being given to Po- 
 lemon to wife, he had with her the kingdom of Bosphorus conferred on him; 
 and by the favour of Augustus, who confirmed the grant, held it with that of 
 Pontus and the Lesser Armenia, which he had before. He had been a long 
 time a faithful ally to the Romans, and had these kingdoms given him for the 
 reward of the many important services he had done them. He had not the 
 whole Pontus, but only that part of it which lay next Cappadocia. This from 
 him was afterward, for distinction sake, called Pontus Polemoniacus;' in which 
 kingdom his son of the same name afterward succeeded him by the favour of 
 Cahgula.'* After matters were thus settled in Bosphorus, Agrippa returned 
 through Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and Phrygia,* unto Ephesus in Ionia. Herod 
 accompanying him all the way thither, procured many favours of him in be- 
 half of several of the people of those parts, who prayed his mediation. And, on 
 his coming into Ionia," he had there an especial occasion to solicit him for his 
 favour in behalf of the Jews that had been settled in those parts. It hath been 
 above related, how Antiochus the Great had planted two thousand families of 
 the Babylonish Jews in Phrygia, Lydia, and other provinces there adjoining. 
 These being increased to a great number, and spread over all Lesser Asia, and 
 the isles, they were maligned and oppressed by the other inhabitants among 
 whom they dwelt, so that they would not permit them to live according to their 
 law and religion, or suffer them to enjoy the immunities and privileges which 
 had in that behalf been formerly granted to them, first by the kings of Syria, 
 and afterward by the Romans. Herod, on their application to him, undertook 
 their cause, and sohcited it so effectually with Agrippa, that he obtained for 
 them all that they desired, and all their grievances being redressed, and all their 
 immunities and privileges restored and confirmed to them in as ample a man- 
 ner as they had at any time before been in possession of them. After this, 
 Agrippa passed over to Samos, and Herod returned again into Judea.' On his 
 arrival at Jerusalem, having assembled the people together, he related to them 
 the successes of his journey, and what he had done and obtained for the Jews 
 of Lesser Asia; and then, the more to ingratiate himsglf with them, he remitted 
 to them one fourth part of their taxes, which was accepted with great rejoicing 
 and thankfulness by them. 
 
 Jin. 13. Herod '^).] — Lepidus being dead, who had borne the office of pontifex 
 maximus, or high-priest of Rome, Augustus took that office to himself,® as did 
 all his successors in the empire after him, as well Christians as heathens, till 
 the time of Gratian, who succeeded his father Valentinian in the year after 
 Christ 375. He, being a zealous Christian," thought it inconsistent with his re- 
 ligion to bear as much as the title of high-priest in heathen rites, and for this 
 reason first refused it; and all the rest that afterward succeeded him in the Ro- 
 man empire, following his example, did the same. 
 
 As soon as Augustus had entered on this office, he set himself on the reform- 
 ing of many things in the matters which were thereby put under his care.' 
 And he first began with examining into the prophetic books which then went 
 abroad. For a great number of these being at this time every where spread 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. IG c. 3. 2 Dion Cassias, lib. 54. p. 538. 3 Jiislin. in Novel. 28. 
 
 4 Dion (^assius, lib 59. p. 649. 5 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 16. c. 3. 6 Ibid. lib. 16. c. 4. 
 
 7 Ibid. c. 5. 8 Sueton. in Octavio, c. 31. Dion Cassius, lib. 54. p. 540. 9 Zosimue, lib, 4. 
 
 10 Sueton. in Octavio, c. 31. Dion Cassius, lib, 54. p. 540. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 397 
 
 abroad among the people, created great disturbances, and raised many vain 
 hopes and fears in the minds of men, according as they were interpreted for or 
 against what was then uppermost in the government. All these Augustus called 
 in, and caused most of them, to the number of two thousand volumes, to be 
 burned as spurious, reserving only those which bore the name of some of the 
 Sibyls for their authors. And these also he subjected to a strict 'examination, 
 and retained of them none other than such as were on this trial Judged genuine; 
 the rest he committed to the same flames as the former. Those that were judged 
 genuine he put into two golden cabinets, and laid them up in the temple of 
 Apollo,' which he had built in the palace, placing them there under the pedes- 
 tal on which the image of that heathen deity was there erected. These Sibly- 
 line oracles having been of great repute in the old heathen world, and also 
 often appealed to by the ancient writers of the Christian church, it is proper 
 that here I give some account of them, and also of those by whom they are said 
 to have been delivered. 
 
 The Sibyls were women of ancient times, said to have been endued with a 
 prophetic spirit,^ and to have delivered oracles foreshowing the fates and desti- 
 nies of kingdoms and states. We have, in the writings of the ancients, mention 
 made of ten of them,' the eldest of which being named Sibylla," all others of 
 the same sex, who afterward pretended to have the like fatidical spirit and 
 power, were from her called Sibyls; the most eminent of which were the ten I 
 have mentioned; and of these the most noted was she whom the Romans called 
 Sibylla Cumasa, and others Erythra?; for she was one and the same Sibyl who 
 had both these names.* She was born at Erythrse in Ionia, and therefore was 
 by the Greeks called Erythra;; but having removed from Erythrae to Cumae ia 
 Italy, and there delivered all her oracles, she was from thence by the Romans 
 and Italians called Cumae. The place at Cumae where she lived, and from 
 ■whence she is said to have given out her oracles, was a cave, or subterraneous 
 vault, digged out of the main rock. Justin Martyr,® who had been upon the 
 place, speaking of it, and the Sibyl which there prophesied, tells us as foUow- 
 eth:' — " This Sibyl, they say, being a Babylonian by descent, and the daughter 
 of Berosus, who wrote the Chaldaic History, came, I know not how, into Cam- 
 pania, and there delivered her oracles in a city called Cumje, situated at the dis- 
 tance of six miles from Baiae. I having been upon the place, did there see a 
 large chapel or oratory, which was all hewn out of the main rock, a work great 
 and wonderful: in which chapel, as the inhabitants made report unto me, ac- 
 cording as they had it by ancient traditions from their forefathers, the Sibyl gave 
 forth her oracles. In the middle of the chapel they showed me three hollow 
 places hewn out of the same rock, in which, being filled with water, they told 
 me she used to wash herself, and that then, after having put on her garment, 
 she retired into the innermost cell of that chapel, which was also hewn out of 
 the same rock; and there having settled herself upon a high advanced seat in 
 the middle of that cell, from thence uttered and gave forth her oracles." Thus 
 far Justin Martyr of this vault. Onuphrius writes,* that it continued to be seen 
 many hundred years after, until the year of our Lord 15-39, in which all Campa- 
 nia having been terribly shaken with an earthquake at Puteoly, huge mountains 
 of sand, gravel, and slime, were then cast up from the bottom of the sea, which 
 totally overwhelmed, and utterly ruined, this chapel of the Cumasn Sibyl. The 
 same Onuphrius tells us, that about nine years af^er, that is, in the year of our 
 Lord 15-18, having been upon the place, and made diligent inquiry of the inhabi- 
 tants, he found, that till that earthquake every thing in that vault was exactly as 
 • Justin had described it; but that then it was utterly destroyed. But travellers 
 
 1 Servius in Virgilii yflneid. lib. 6. ver. 69. „, , ,, , oi i 
 
 2 Vidcas de eis Opsopsuin, Salmasiiiin in Exercitationibiis ad Solinum, p. -5, ,0, &c. Blondclliim debibyl- 
 lis, Montacutiiim aliosque, ■, • , „ on 
 
 3 Lactantiiis de Faka Reliiione, lib. 1. c. 6. 4 Salmasius, ibid. p. 80. 
 
 5 Ari»toteles de Admirandts. Servius in Virgilii .lEneid. lib. 6. ver. SSI. 
 
 6 He wrote his First Apology for the Christian Religion, A. D. 140. 1 In Cohortatwnc ad Grsecos, 
 8 In libro de Sibyllis el Carminibus Sibyllinis. 
 
398 CX)NNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 are there still shown a vault, which they call the grotto of Sibyl/ even to 
 this day. 
 
 Of the time when this Sibyl lived there are various opinions. Justin Martyr, 
 in saying that she was by descent a Babylonian,* and the daughter of Berosus, 
 the historian, puts her below the time of Alexander. No doubt he mistook her 
 for Athenais,* the second Sibyl, ^ which was called the Erythrsean, who lived 
 about that time; but she never came to Cumai in Italy. Virgil'' makes her to 
 have lived at Cumae in the time of the Trojan war, and to have been contem- 
 porary with ^Eneas: and others place her in the time of Tarquin, the last king 
 of Rome. These last found their opinion upon the supposal, that it was she 
 herself that brought the books of her prophecies to that king; but this is no 
 where said. The story which they tell us of this matter is as followeth. 
 
 While Tarquin, the second of that name, reigned at Rome,^ there came a cer- 
 tain woman unto him of a foreign country, with nine books, containing the ora- 
 cles of the Sibyls, which she offered to sell to him, demanding for them three 
 hundred pieces of gold. But Tarquin refusing to give that price for them, she 
 burnt three of the nine, and then offered him the remaining six at the same 
 price, at which demand she being thought to be out of her wits, was rejected 
 with scorn and laughter; whereon she burnt three others of them, and then of- 
 fering him the remaining three, persisted still to demand the same price for 
 these as she first had for all the nine. At which strange procedure Tarquin be- 
 ing moved, and thinking that there might be something in it more than ordi- 
 nary, sent for the augurs to consult with them about it; who, on their examining 
 into the matter, told him that they found, by certain signs, that what he had de- 
 spised was a divine gift; that it was a great loss and damage that he had not 
 bought all the nine books that were first offered 4iim; and therefore pressed him 
 to give the woman for the remaining three the price which she asked. Whereon 
 the money being paid, and the books delivered to Tarquin, the woman gave him 
 strict charge to keep them safely, as containing oracles relating to the future 
 state of Rome; and after that she disappeared, and was no more seen. Hereon 
 Tarquin, putting these books into a stone coffer, laid them up in a vault under 
 ground in the temple of Jupiter in the Capitol, and appointed two of the principal 
 of the nobility to have the keeping of them, with strict charge not to divulge them, 
 or suffer any other besides themselves to have the perusal of them, or on any oc- 
 casion whatsoever as much as in the least to look into them; which was so strictly 
 required,'' that Marcus Attilius, one of the first to whose custody these books 
 were committed, having given liberty to Petronius Sabinus to take a copy of 
 these books, he was, for this breach of his trust, sown up in a sack and cast into 
 the river, which was a punishment among the Romans, that never else used to 
 be inflicted save only on parricides. After the dissolution of the regal power, 
 the commonwealth continued the same regard to these books, and craftily made 
 them a main engine of state in the ensuing government for the quieting of the 
 people in all disturbances that ever happened among them. For whenever any 
 great misfortune befel them, any prodigies appeared to fright them, or any other 
 accident or occasion made a i-uffle or disorder among the people, these books 
 were ordered to be consulted, and the keepers of them always brought forth 
 such an answer as served the purpose; and in many difficulties the governors of 
 that state helped themselves this way. And therefore there was nothing among 
 the Romans which they kept with a more strict and sacred care than these books, 
 that thereby the use of them might be made the better to answer the end de- 
 signed. For they always chose the keepers of them out of the chief of the no- 
 bility, assigned them this office for term of life, and exempted them from all 
 the burdens of the state, both military and civil, as men wholly consecrated to 
 
 I See Sanilys, Lassel. and others. 2 Justin. Martvr. in Cohortatione ad Cracos. 
 
 3 Strabo, lib. 13. p. 645. 4 ^neid. lib. 6. 
 
 5 Dionysiiis Halicarnas. lib. 4. Auliis Gellius, lib. 1. c. 19. Lactantius de Falsa Religione, lib. 1. c. 6. 
 Servius in Virsiliiiin ad lib. ti.ver. 72. 
 
 6 Dionysius Ilalicaruas, lib. 4. Valerius Ma.t. lib. 1. c. 1. s. 13. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 399 
 
 this one thing only. These at first were only two,' afterward they were aug- 
 mented to ten, and after that again to fifteen. None were allowed to look into 
 these books, save these only; and not they neither, but when on any exigency 
 of the state they were ordered so to do by a decree of the senate. These books'^ 
 were thus carefully kept till the civil wars of Sylla and Marius, when the Capi- 
 tol being accidentally set on fire, and burnt to the ground, these books were 
 burnt with it. This happened while Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, and Caius Nor- 
 banus Flaccus,^ were consuls at Rome, in the year before Christ 8'-i. But seven 
 years after, the Capitol being again rebuilt,'' Caius Scribonius Curio being then 
 consul, made a motion in the senate about restoring the SibylUne oracles. The 
 use of them, for the purposes above mentiontd, having been found very benefi- 
 cial to the commonwealth in cases of public difficulties, it was resolved by no 
 means to be without them, were it possible they could be any way again re- 
 trieved. And therefore, the senate having taken this matter into their considera- 
 tion, and understanding that there were none of these oracles then preserved at 
 Cumse, where that Sybil prophecied, whose books were burned, but that there 
 were some of them at Erythrse in Ionia, where she was born,^ they sent thither 
 P. Gabinius, M. Otacilius, and Lucius Valerius, three ambassadors from their 
 body, to take copies of them, and bring them to Rome; who having there ga- 
 thered together from the papers of several private persons, about one thousand 
 verses in the Greek language, pretended to be the prophecies and oracles of 
 this and other Sibyls, came back with them to Rome. And at the same time* 
 inquiry being also made at Samos, Ihum, and other cities in Greece, Sicily, Afri- 
 ca, and Italy, for the like oracles and prophecies of the Sibyls, great numbers 
 that pretended to be such were gotten together, and laid up in the Capitol, to 
 supply the place of those that were burnt. But there was this great difference 
 between the Sibylline books that were burned with the Capitol and those 
 that were afterward put in tlieir place, that whereas the former having 
 never been in any other hands than those to whose custody they had been 
 committed, were vulgarly known to none, it was otherwise as to the latter. 
 For they having been in the hands of the vulgar in all places where they were 
 collected before they were brought to Rome, were still, after that collection, vul- 
 garly known as before, and much more so, because the reputation which the 
 Romans gave them, by making this collection of them, made them the more to 
 be inquired after, and the more to be dispersed; whereby it came to pass, that 
 of all this collection laid up in the Capitol, there was scarce any one prophecy 
 or oracle of which there were not copies in private hands; and from them Virgil 
 had that Sibylline prophecy of the coming of Christ, and the restoring of justice, 
 righteousness, and blessedness, to the world by him, which he hath set forth 
 in his fourth eclogue; and from them came also the many other prophecies 
 which at this time went abroad of the same import. But the use which the 
 Romans proposed to make of these oracles being much defeated by their being 
 thus vulgarly known, a law was made,* that all that had any copies of them 
 should bring them in to the pretor of the city; and all were prohibited, under 
 pain of death, to retain any of them. But, notwithstanding, many that had 
 transcripts of these oracles still privately keeping them in their hands, and the 
 number increasing by new forgeries made of them, Augustus, on his taking on 
 him the high-priesthood of Rome, revived the law;' Avhereon so many copies 
 of these pretended prophecies being brought in as amounted to a great muhitude 
 of volumes, he ordered them all strictly to be examined, and having burned and 
 
 1 When thpv were only two, they were called Duumviri; when ten, they were called Decemviri; and when 
 fiftren Q'nndecimviri. *Thev were first made ten in the year of Rome 388(wh.ch was the year hefore Christ 
 m) and fifteen on the restoration of the Capitol, after it had been burned, and the laying up of a new col- 
 lection of Sibylline oracles in it. Anno "ti. , Ti ■■■ ^- -lU „ IK 1 
 
 2 Dionvsius Halicarnas. lib. 4. Plutarch, in Pylla. Appian. de Bellis Civilibus, lib. 1. 
 
 3 Tacitus, Hist. lib. 3. c. 7i>. Appian. ibid. Julius Ohsequensde Prodig. 
 
 4 Lactantius de Falsa Reli^rjone, lib. 1. c. 6. et de Ira Dei, c. 22. et de Falsa Sapientia, c. 1/. 
 
 5 I.actantius, ibid. Tacitus in Annalibus. lib. 6. c. 12. Dionysius Halicarnas lib. 4. 
 
 6 Tacitus in Annal. lib. fi. c. 12. Justin. Martyr, in Secunda Apo'.logia pro Clinstianis. 
 
 7 Tacitus, ibid. Suetonius in Octavio, c. 31. 
 
400 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 destroyed all that were disapproved, to the number above mentioned, deposited 
 the re^t for the use of the state. These afterward Tiberius caused to be exa- 
 mined over again,' and burned many more of them, preserving only such as 
 were of moment, and found worthy of approbation, for that service of the state 
 for which they were originally intended. And to these, as long as Rome re- 
 mained heathen, great recourse was made. For, about this time, on the coming 
 of Christ our Saviour, the great Oracle of all truth,- all other oracles ceasing, the 
 Sibylline prophecies, and the Sortes Virgilianae, the Sortes Praenestince with some 
 other like foolish inventions for divination, were the only oracles they had to 
 consult. And in this use the Sibylline prophecies continued till the year of our 
 Lord 399, when they were utterl}^ destroyed. For, not long before that time, a 
 prophecy being given out by the heathen Romans,^ pretended to be taken from 
 the Sibylline writings, which imported, that Peter having by magic founded the 
 Christian religion to last for the term of three hundred and sixty-five years only, 
 it was, at the end of this term, wholly to vanish, and be no more professed in 
 the world; and this term expiring in the year of our Lord 398 (for that was just 
 three hundred and sixty-five years after Christ's ascension into heaven, and the 
 first establishing of the Christian religion thereupon,) Honorius, the Roman em- 
 peror, taking the advantage hereof to convict these writings of manifest forgery 
 and imposture, ordered them all to be destroyed;'' and accordingly the next year 
 after (that is, in the year of our Lord 399,) Stilico, by virtue of a decree from 
 him, burnt all those prophetic writings, and pulled down and utterly demolished 
 the temple of Apolla, in which they were reposited. And the same year be- 
 came fatal to many other heathen temples in Africa, and elsewhere through the 
 Roman empire.'^ 
 
 There is still preserved, in eight books of Greek verse, a collection of oracles 
 pretended to be the Sibylline. This collection must have been made between 
 the year of our Lord 138 and the year 167. It could not be earlier; for therein 
 mention is made of the next successor of Adrian," that is, Antoninus Pius, who 
 did not succeed him till the year L38: and it could not be later, because Justirt 
 Martyr in his writings several times quotes it, and appeals to it, who did not out- 
 live the year 167, being then put to death under the fourth persecution. But 
 whether this was a true collection of the oracles called Sibylline, or a fictitious 
 composure made out of a pious fraud by some Christian of the time when it was 
 first published, is a question among learned men. Baronius,^ bishop Montague 
 of Norwich, and others,** would have it to be genuine, that is, to contain a true 
 collection of what was received among the heathens for the oracles of the Sibyls 
 before Christ was born. But most look on it as the spurious production of some 
 zealous Christian," who compiled it for the promoting of the interest of the reli- 
 gion he professed. For any one, say they, that shall with an unbiassed judgment 
 peruse the book, will find therein such an abstract of the history and doctrines 
 of the Old and New Testament, as must necessarily make him conclude none 
 but a Christian could write it; and in one place the compiler of it plainly ac- 
 knowledgeth himself to be so.^" Besides, the whole mystery of our salvation, the 
 method whereby it was to be accomplished, what belongs to the person of the 
 Messiah and his spiritual kingdom, his birth, crucifixion, resurrection, and as- 
 cension, are all more explicitly, clearly, and fully spoken of, in these pretended 
 prophecies, than they are in any of the true and undoubted prophecies of the 
 Old Testament; which is sufficient proof that they were written after they were 
 accomplished; it being by no means to be believed, that God would reveal him- 
 self by heathen prophets to the heathen nations more clearly, fully, and expli- 
 citly, than he had by his own true prophets to his own people. Besides, the 
 compiler of these prophetic books speaks of Christ's reigning here upon earth 
 
 1 Dion Cassius, lib. 57. p. 615. Tacitus, in Annal. lit), c. 32. 2 Plutarch, do Oraculorum Defectu. 
 
 3 Augu.st. de Civitate Doi, lib. i8. c. 53, 54. 4 Riitilii Itiiierariuiii, lib. 2. 
 
 5 Augustin. de Civitate Dni, lib. 18. c. 54 G Libro quinto. 7 In Appaiatu ad Annales. 
 
 8 Acts and Monuments of the Church before Christ. 9 See Casaubon, Blondel, and others. 
 
 10 Casaubon, lib. 8; where is this verse. Nos igitur Christi sancta de stirpe creati. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAxMENT. 40l 
 
 according to the notion of the Millenarians,' which plainly proves them to have 
 been written after the origin of that heresy, which could not have been till after 
 Christ's time, neither had it, till the second century, when it was first introduced 
 by Papias, bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia. Herein also is given a succession 
 of all the Roman emperors, from Julius Caesar to Antoninus Pius,' and the time 
 of his adopting M. Antoninus and L. Verus, in such manner, as manifestly shows 
 it to have been written rather as a history of things past, than as a prophecy 
 foretelling what was to come. And in the same book the pretended proj>hetess 
 tells us that she v/as wife to one of the three sons of Noah,^ and was with him 
 in the ark during the whole time of the deluge; and many other hke particulars 
 are contained therein, which savour all of ficti-on and imposture. All this put 
 together seems evidently to prove, that a great part of this book, instead of con- 
 taining a true collection of the oracles received for Sibylline among the heathens 
 before Christ's time, is nothing more than the invention and imposture of the 
 compiler. 
 
 But, on the other side, it is urged, for the truth and genuineness of this book, 
 that it was appealed to by Justin Martyr, and many others of the ancient writers 
 of the Christian church, as Athenagoras, Theophilus, Antiochenus. TertuUian, 
 the author of the Apostolical Constitutions, Lactantius, Eusebius, Jerome, Aus- 
 tin, &c. That Clemens Alexandrinus,^ who lived in the second century, tells 
 us, that Paul himself, in his preaching to the Gentiles, frequently referred to 
 these oracles of the Sibyls; that these contained in this collection are the same 
 that were received for such in the time of Cicero, which, they say, appears by 
 his mentioning the acrostichis, which is now found in them; that Josephus, in 
 the first book of his Antiquities (ch. v.) quotes the Sibylline oracle for the build- 
 ing of the tower of Babel, and the confusion of languages which followed there- 
 upon, and that very quotation is found in the present book. 
 
 To this it is replied, that Justin Martyr was a person of great credulity, who 
 believed and laid hold of every thing that he thought might make for the Chris- 
 tian religion, whereof instances have been above already given;* and he having 
 appealed to this book of Sibylline oracles, all the rest of the ancients that did so 
 were led to it by his example: that as to what Clemens saith of St. Paul's 
 quoting the Sibj'l, he could have this only by tradition; for there is nothing of 
 it in the scriptures: that for many years before the birth of Christ, many pro- 
 phecies went abroad under the name of Sibyls, foretelling his coming; and that 
 it is possible St. Paul might quote some of these in his preaching to the hea- 
 thens, is readily acknowledged. But this doth not prove ■ these eight books 
 which we now treat of to be a true and genuine collection of them. As to the 
 acrostics, Cicero indeed says," the Sibylline oracles were written in such sort of 
 verses; and that there are a certain number of acrostics' in this collection, is 
 acknowledged; but these are of a different sort from the acrostics mentioned 
 by Cicero. For, according to him, the acrostics of the Sibylline oracles were 
 so written, that the letters of the first verse of every section began all the fol- 
 lowing verses in the same order as they lay in that first verse. As for example; 
 supposing the first verse to be that which begins Virgil's Fourth Eclogue, 
 
 Sicelides musoe, paulo majora canamus, 
 to make the acrostics which Cicero mentions, the letter i, which is the second 
 letter, must begin the second verse: c, which is the third letter, the third verse; 
 e, the fourth verse; I, the fifth vei-se, and so on to the end: and when all the 
 letters of the first verse were thus exhausted, so as that the whole first verse 
 mio-ht be read downward in the initial letters of the following verses, as well as 
 forward in the first, there ended the section. And then another verse began 
 another section; and by the letters of it another acrostichis was made in the 
 same manner as the former, and so on through the whole volume. But the 
 
 1 Casaubon, lib. 2, 3. 2 Libro qiiinto. 3 Libro tertio in fine. 
 
 4 Strom, lib. 6. 5 Part 2, book 1. 6 De Oiviuauoae, lil>. i-t. 54. 7 Lio.fc 
 
 Vol. II — 51 
 
402 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 acrostics which are in the present collection, and are alluded to by Tertullian,' 
 and quoted by the emperor Constantine* and St. Austin,' are of another sort; 
 for in them the letters of the first verse do not become the initial letters of the 
 following verses in the manner above-mentioned; but the letters of these Greek 
 words i;'^=''^-xp.0T05, oecur.oi. £u,T>,p, j;T«po5, are the initial letters in these acrostics. 
 And the Enghsh of these Greek words being " Jesus Christ, the Son of God, 
 the Saviour, the Cross," and the substance of tlie acrostical verses whose initial 
 letters make these words being a summary of the principal parts of the history 
 and doctrines of the gospel, it is scarce to be imagined that any one in his wits 
 should think these to have been the acrostics which Cicero mentions, or to have 
 been at all existing in Cicero's time. It is most likely the compiler of this col- 
 lection, finding in Varro, Dionysius Halicarnassus, Cicero, and other writers 
 then extant, mention made of acrostics in the Sibylline oracles, invented these 
 on purpose to cloak the imposture which he was guilty of in the greater part 
 of the book, and so make the cheat the better go down by this imitation; but he 
 not hitting it exactly, the fraud, instead of being covered, is detected thereby. 
 As to the quotation of Joseph us concerning the Tower of Babel, and the con- 
 fusion of languages at the building of it, it is acknowledged, that certain verses 
 •went about in Josephus's time, under the name of the Sibyls, out of which Jo- 
 sephus quoted the passage mentioned; and that this very passage, though not 
 in the same words, is yet in substance in the third book of the collection of the 
 Sibylline Oracles, which we now treat of. But this doth not prove all that col- 
 lection to be genuine, and not, in a great part of it, the spurious production of 
 some impostor. But not to detain the reader with a long examination of all that 
 hath been said by learned men on this subject, I shall lay down what appears 
 to me to be the whole truth of the matter in these following positions. 
 
 I. The oracles of the Sibyls have from ancient times been in great reputation 
 both among the Greeks and Latins. For Plato'* and Aristotle,* as well as Varro, 
 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Livy, make mention of them with great re- 
 gard. But who, or how many, those Sibyls were, or when or where they lived, 
 various authors, as to these particulars, write variously of them; and most that 
 they say concerning them is manifestly fable and fiction. 
 
 II. How much soever they might pretend to the gift of prophecy, they could 
 not have it by divine inspiration. For most of the oracles that were produced 
 from them, when consulted by the Romans, directed to such idolatrous and 
 abominable rites," as cannot, without the greatest impiety, be said to come from 
 God. And one of these Sibyls, in the collection now extant,' confesseth her- 
 self to have been a vile adulteress, who, notwithstanding the law of her mar- 
 riage, had prostituted herself to a multitude, and lain with thousands; and how 
 can any breast that is polluted with so great a load of impurity, be ever thought 
 fit for the inhabitation of the Spirit of God? 
 
 III. If therefore they ever had the power of foretelling things to come, they 
 must have received it from diabolical spirits inspiring them therewith. For 
 these had their oracles in many places among the heathen nations in the times 
 preceding the birth of Christ, and most of them were delivered by women; so 
 it was at Delphos, and so it was at Dodona, and so in other places where temples 
 were erected to the heathen deities. But the world having been always too fond 
 of prophecies and predictions, this often gives advantage for the imposing of 
 false pretences under those names. We see enough of this in the credit that 
 Nostradamus' s Centuries, Nixon's Prophecies, and other such delusions, have in 
 
 1 De Baptismo. For there the Greek word 'lyjui, made out of thfi initial letters of these words, U(m; 
 Xpio-To;, Qiou r.o,-, Su^TMp, which make the^crostics in the eighth book of the Sibylline oracles, he plainly re- 
 fers to those acrostics. 
 
 2 In Oratione ad CoEtum Sanctorum apud Eusebium. 3 De Civiiate Dei lib. 18. c. 23. 
 4 In Phffidro. r, Dp Admirandis. 
 
 6 For out of these books they sometimes were commanded to sacrifice a Grecian man and a Grecian wo- 
 man and a Gallic man and a Gallic woman, by burying them alive in the Boarian Forum, or bullock market, 
 and for the most part as often as they were consulted, other sacrifices were made, according to the answers 
 from them, which were altogether as impious. 7 Lib. 2 et 7. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAiMENT. 408 
 
 our times gotten among many; but it was much more so in the heathen world. 
 It hath been above mentioned, how Augustus burned two thousand volumes of 
 these pretended oracles, and how Tiberius afterward destroyed many more of 
 them; but notwithstanding this, like hydra's heads, they grew and multipUed 
 by being cut off; and down as low as the time of Zosimus, who lived in the 
 fifth century, there were many collections of these oracles among the heathens, 
 even then, when heathenism was almost worn out. For he tells us,' he had 
 perused ttowx, xp-^^w^v <rui,»^u,yx,-, i. e. many collections of oracles. And there is 
 now scarce a nunnery beyond sea in which one or other of the sisters doth not 
 pretend to be inspired, and deliver oracles and prophecies determining the fate 
 of kingdoms and states. Sometimes an enthusiastic spirit, sometimes hysterical 
 fits, but mostly pride and vanity, lead them to these pretences; and most likely 
 the Sibyls had no better foundation for all these oracles of theirs, that have ob- 
 tained so great a reputation in the world. 
 
 IV. The stor}^ of the three books of the Sibyls sold to Tarquin. was all a 
 cheat and a fraud, devised for the convenience of the state. Some tell it of 
 Tarquinius Superbus,' and some of Tarquinius Priscus;* but most likely what 
 is said of it was done in the time of Numa, it being of a piece with all the rest 
 that he did for the establishing of the Roman state. For he built it all upon 
 superstition and imposture,'' pretending the direction of the goddess Egeria for 
 all his institutions, thereby the better to make them go down with the people. 
 And no doubt by a like device it was, that an unknown old woman, brought 
 from some foreign place, was suborned to act the part mentioned in the story, 
 and to burn six of the books, thereby to give the greater value to the other three. 
 And this artifice fully answered the end intended. For the consulhng of those 
 books, and the pretended answers from them, served very often for the quelling 
 and composing of many disorders and disturbances among the people, when 
 nothing else could. The manner in which these oracles were said to be given 
 forth, ^ was by ecstasy and enthusiastic rage, under which the inspired gave forth 
 their oracles, without understanding or as much as knowing what they said. 
 From hence Cicero** argues against them, because of the acrostics in which they 
 were written: for he rightly saith, that their being composed in such a sort of 
 verses, demonstrates them to be the product of art and contrivance, and not pos- 
 sibly to come from such as were in ecstasy and beside themselves. 
 
 V. None being allowed to inspect,^ or in the least peruse the oracles of the Si- 
 byls in the Capitol, that is, either those that were there laid up before the burn- 
 ing of that edifice in the time of Sylla, or those that were there laid up after it, 
 excepting the sacred college only, to whose keeping they were committed; the 
 members of this college were thereby enabled, whenever the consulting of 
 these oracles was decreed, to bring forth such an answer as would best serve 
 the purpose for which that decree was made. And this they always did, 
 whether they found it in these oracles or not, and herein lay the whole mystery 
 of this matter; and we have several instances wherein it was thus practised. 
 For when the great men of Rome had gotten from Ptolemy Aidetes, king of 
 Egypt, all the money he could give for the procuring of his restoration, when 
 expelled his kingdom, and they found it inconvenient for the state to do what 
 they had promised, they procured an oracle^ to be brought forth from the Sibyl- 
 line books to forbid the thing. And when Caesar had a mind to be declared 
 king, before he should begin his intended expedition against the Parthians," he 
 dealt with the keepers of those books, to give out an oracle as from them, that 
 
 1 Historiaruni, lib. 2. 
 
 2 Dionysius Halicarn. lib. 4. A. Gellius, lib. 1. c. 19. Pliii. lib. 13. C. 13. Solinus, c. 2. 
 
 3 LacVantius de Falsa Reli^ioiie, c. 6. Isidor. Grig. lib. 8. c. 8. 4 Plutarch, in Nuraa. 
 
 5 Cicero de Divinatione, lib. 2. c. 54. Virgilius .^rieid, lib. 6. Servius in eundeni. 
 
 6 De Divinatione, lib. 2. c. 54. 
 
 7 Dionysiiis Halicarn. lib. 4. Valerius Maximus, lib. 1. c. 1. s. 13. Cicero, ibid. 
 
 8 Dion Cassius, lib. 39. p. 98. Plutarch, in Pompeio, Catone, Cicerone, et Antonio. Cicero in Epistolis ad 
 L(;ntii!um. 
 
 9 Dion CaEsiup. lib. 44. p. 247. Plutarch, in Casare. 
 
404 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 the Parthians could not be overcome but by a king: upon which occasion Cicero 
 thus writes:' " Let us deal with the keepers of those books, to bring forth any 
 thing out of them, rather than a king, which neither the gods nor men will 
 henceforth bear at Rome." Which words plainly argue, that those books were 
 made use of as an engine of state, out of which the keepers of them brought 
 forth, under the name of oracles, such answers as they themselves contrived, 
 according as they thought they would best serve the end intended. 
 
 VI. After the first books of the Sibylline oracles, that had been laid up in 
 the Capitol at Rome, were burned with it, and thereon search was made for the 
 restoring of them from other places, as is above mentioned, abundance of pro- 
 phecies, under the name of the Sibyls, were every where produced:* and, by 
 reason of the reputation given them by that search, their number grew and 
 multiplied, every one bringing forth whatsoever prophetic writings he had by 
 him, and published them for the most part under the name of some Sibyl or 
 other, the better to recommend them to acceptance, and by these means, for 
 about eighty years before the birth of Christ, the world became filled with pro- 
 phecies of all sorts.^ 
 
 VII. Among these prophecies which then went about, there were several 
 which foretold the coming of the Messiah, and the greatness, bliss, and righ- 
 teousness, of his kingdom. Two of these have been already mentioned, that is, 
 that of Virgil's fourth eclogue; and the other spoken of by Julius Marathus, 
 neither of which can admit a rational interpretation any otherwise than when 
 applied to the Messiah. And it is particularly to be observed of the prophecy 
 spoken of by Julius Marathus, that the words whereby it is related are, Regem 
 populo Romano naturam parturire* i. e. " That nature was about to bring forth 
 a son that should be king of the Romans;" which phrase expresseth something 
 more than ordinary, both in the cause and the eftect. For here nature itself, 
 that is, the God of nature, is made the immediate cause of the birth; and he 
 must be more than an ordinary person that v/as to be produced by so extraor- 
 dinary a generation. But both these prophecies speak of the birth of the Mes- 
 siah in general, without naming in particular the people of whom he should be 
 descended, or the country where he should be born. But there were other pro- 
 phecies which determined both, and declared that he should come out of Judea: 
 and for this we have the testimonies of Tacitus and Suetonius, two eminent 
 Roman historians; the first of which, speaking of the time when Vespasian 
 waged war with the Jews, hath these words;^ "A firm persuasion had prevailed 
 among a great many, that it was contained in the ancient sacerdotal books, that 
 about this time it should come to pass that the east should prevail; and that 
 those who should come out of Judea should obtain the empire of the world." 
 And Suetonius, speaking of the same time, saith as followeth;* " There had pre- 
 vailed all over the east an ancient and constant notion, that the fates had de- 
 creed, that about that time there should come out of Judea those who should 
 obtain the empire of the world." The completion of those prophecies is by 
 both these ancient writers referred to the coming of Vespasian out of Judea to 
 the empire; which happened but a few years after the death of Christ, and the 
 beginning of his kingdom here on earth, to which they truly belonged. 
 
 VIII. God having ordained that the coming of his Son should by these pro- 
 phecies be foreshown to the heathens, and for some time before his appearing 
 to be proclaimed among them; this was accomplished by a twofold means; 1st, 
 by the dispersion of the Jews among them; and, 2dly, by the heathen oracles 
 themselves which they used to consult. For, 
 
 IX. First, for several years before the birth of Christ, not only Simeon and 
 
 1 De Divinatione, lib. 2. c. 54. 
 
 2 They were collected from the papers of private persons: so saith Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and So say 
 others. 
 
 3 This apppars by the two thousand volumes of them that Augustus burned, and the many others of tbem 
 that Tiberius destroyed the same way. 
 
 4 Sueton. in Octavio, c. 94. 5 Tacit. Hist. lib. 5. c. 13. 6 Sueton. in Vespasiano, c. 4. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 4(J5 
 
 Anna the prophetess/ but the whole nation of the Jews, were in earnest ex- 
 pectation of his coming, and of the redemption of Israel by him. And this 
 not only the history of the gospel in many places tells us, but Josephus the 
 Jewish historian doth also attest the same.'^ For he tells us, that the expecta- 
 tion which the Jews for some years before the destruction of Jerusalem had of 
 the arising of a great king from among them, who should have the empire of 
 the whole world, was the true cause which then excited them to that war 
 against the Romans, in which that city and the temple in it were utterly de- 
 stroyed: and Suetonius saith the same thing.^ The prophecies of Daniel and 
 other prophets of the Old Testament having not only spoken of the righteous- 
 ness, glory, and bliss, of the kingdom of the Messiah, but determined his ap- 
 pearance to the very time when it happened, gave just reason for this expecta- 
 tion; and, for above eight years before Christ's birth, the whole house of Israel 
 were big hereof. For so long Anna the prophetess being actuated by it,'' had 
 attended at the temple in fasting and prayer to wait his appearance; and there- 
 fore for so long tinje these prophecies, and the received interpretations of them, 
 being much talked of through all Judea, with a view to the speedy completion 
 of them, especially after Pompey had subjected that country to the Roman 
 yoke, from thence the same manner of discoursing of them, and the same ex- 
 pectations of their being speedily accomplished, became diffused to all the Jews 
 of the dispersions, wherever they were, all the world over; and great numbers 
 of them being then settled in Rome, and in the cities of Greece and the Lesser 
 Asia, as well as in other parts of the world, they there frequently spoke among 
 their heathen neighbours of these prophecies, and the expectations they then 
 had of their speedy completion; which being often rumoured about among the 
 heathen people in those places of the Jewish dispersions, at length insensibly 
 grew into reputation, and were received among them as if they had been pro- 
 phecies from their own oracles; and the most of them became ingrafted among 
 the oracles of the Sibyls, as if they had come from them. And from hence 
 most of those prophecies among the heathens, which, in the times above men- 
 tioned, predicted the coming of a great king out of Judea, who should in great 
 power and glory reign over the whole world, seem chiefly to have had their 
 original; for this notion the Jews then had of the Messiah, and it still continues 
 among them. 
 
 X. But secondly, another way of their being declared among the heathen, 
 seems to be from the heathen oracles themselves. Thus God forced Balaam to 
 prophesy of the coming of his Son out of Jacob;^ thus he made the magians 
 to come from the east to acknowledge and adore him,*^ and thus he forced the 
 devils themselves,' when cast forth by him, to own him to be the Son of God 
 most high: and thus also most probably the diabolical spirits which presided in 
 the heathen oracles, were, before their leaving those their habitations (which 
 they were compelled to do betbre the coming of our Saviour,) in hke manner 
 forced to proclaim him. And by these two means most probably was it, that 
 all the prophecies, which before our Saviour's birth were spread abroad among 
 the heathens concerning him and his kingdom, whether they were those called 
 Sibylline or others, were all introduced among them, there not being a third 
 way whereby it could be done. 
 
 XI. A collection being made of the predictions which had been received 
 among the heathens for oracles of the Sibyls, and by some heathen Greek di- 
 gested into a book of Greek verses about the time of our Saviour, or a little 
 before, and all those prophecies above mentioned relating to him, having been 
 found therein, this operated much to the advantage of Christianity in its earhest 
 times, so as to prove of great efficacy for the converting of many thereto: and 
 therefore, Christians, in their disputes with the heathens, often out of this book 
 
 1 Lute ii. 25—38. 2 De Bcllo Judaico, lib. 7. c. 12. 3 In Vespasiatio. 4 Luke ii. 37. 
 
 5 Numb. xxiv. 17. fi Matt. ii. 1—12. 7 Malt. viii. 29. Mark v. 7. Luke vUi. 28. 
 
406 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 making use of those oracles, and frequently appealing to them for the proof of 
 what they professed, they were from hence called Sibyllists.' This book was 
 afterward, about the time of Antoninus Pius, the Roman emperor, interpolated 
 with many additions by some Christian, who was more zealous than either 
 honest or wise therein: for by thus adulterating the oracles truly received as 
 Sibylline, with those of his own invention, which were never heard of among 
 the heathen before, he destroyed the authority of the whole, and the Christian 
 cause was much damaged thereby. The book made up of this mixture, I 
 reckon, is that which we now have: several, for the sake of the many spurious 
 particulars, Avhich are manifestly in it, think all the rest to be of the same sort, 
 and would therefore reject the whole. That the major part is justly thus con- 
 demned, I readily acknowledge, but cannot yield it for all the book.^ Celsus, 
 the greatest enemy that Christianity had among the ancients, chargeth the im- 
 posture no further than upon the interpolations, neither will I. But to return 
 to our history. 
 
 jin. 13. Herod 25.] — Alexander and Aristobulus, Herod's sons by Mariamne, 
 having on their return from Rome lived three years at home with their father,' 
 at length fell grievously under his displeasure. The young men in the heat of 
 their youth let fall many rash words, which expressed their resentments for the 
 death of their mother, with threats of revenge upon those who had been the 
 authors of it; at which Salome and Pheroras, who were the chief advisers of 
 her execution, being alarmed, laid plots for the ruin of the two young men, to 
 prevent their own. In order whereto, they took care that all the rash words 
 which these young men had at any time indiscreetly bolted out on the subject 
 of their mother's death, were all represented to Herod, as including threats 
 against himself; and, the more to ensnare them, frequent occasions were taken 
 to provoke them to speak out all the anger and indignation which they had con- 
 ceived in their minds concerning this matter; which being carried to Herod, 
 with all the malicious glosses and aggravations which the words could admit, 
 had all the effect which was intended, in exciting in him jealousies against these 
 his two sons, as if they were hatching ill designs against his person. And 
 therefore, whereas hitherto they had held the first place among his sons, as those 
 who were designed next to succeed in the kingdom on their father's death, he 
 brought Antipater, another son of his, to court, and placed him over their heads. 
 This he did in order to humble the two brothers, and bring them to a better 
 temper; but it worked the quite contrary way, in provoking them to greater dis- 
 contents, and more intemperate language than before; of all which notice being 
 constantly carried to Herod, it farther exasperated him against them; and Anti- 
 pater, who was a very crafty, as well as a very malicious man, was not wanting 
 to make the advantage of all this for his own interest. This Antipater was 
 Herod's eldest son by Doris his first wife; but she being divorced on his mar- 
 riage with Mariamne, her son was bred up in private, till he was brought to 
 court on this occasion; and, when fixed there, he soon brought his mother thither 
 also; and, from this time having the crown in his constant view, he became the 
 chief instrument in procuring the destruction of the two brothers, the better to 
 secure his succession to it on his father's death. 
 
 Agrippa^ being called to Rome,'^ Sentius Saturninus and Titus Volumnius 
 succeeded him in the government of Syria and Phoenicia; some would have 
 Saturninus only to have been president of the province, and Volumnius no 
 other than as legate, or else as Caesar's procurator under him; but Josephus 
 speaks of him as in joint commission. But before Agrippa departed," Herod 
 waited on him in Asia, carrying Antipater thither with him, whom he intro- 
 
 1 Origetips contra Celsum, lil.. 7. 
 
 2 Ibid. This Celsus was an Epicurean philosopher, who lived in the second century; and wrote a book 
 against.Christianity, which Origen answered. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 16. c. 6. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 17. 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 16 c. 6. 5 Ibid. c. 12, 13. 6 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 36. c. 6. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 407 
 
 duced to Agrippa's favour, and sent him to Rome with him,' where, by virtue 
 of recommendatory letters from his father, he got into the good grace of Augus- 
 tus, and many of the great men of Rome. But, while thus absent, he ceased 
 not to carry on his plot against the two brothers, often exciting Herod against 
 them by his letters,' which he craftily wrote in a style, that, concealing all 
 manner of malice against the accused, expressed only a concern for his father's 
 safety. 
 
 An. Ii2. Herod 26.] — Agrippa, on his return to Rome, was sent against the 
 Pannonians,^ who had revolted; but, on his coming against them, the rebels 
 being frightened by the terror of his name, submitted to such terms of peace 
 as were required; whereupon Agrippa returning, fell sick in Campania, and 
 there died. He was the chief favourite of Augustus, and having married Julia, 
 Augustus's only daughter, shared with him in the government, and bore a great 
 part of the burden of it. On his death, Augustus standing in need of another 
 assistant,^ made choice of Tiberius, the son of Livia by her former husband, 
 but very unwillingly, as knowing the man; but for want of a better, being ne- 
 cessitated to fix on him, he gave him his daughter Julia, the widow of the de- 
 ceased, to wife, causing him to divorce his former wife to make room for her. 
 
 An. 11. Herod '21. ~\ — The breach between Herod and his sons by Mariarane 
 still growing wider and wider, by the means of those that did ill offices between 
 them, it at length came to that pass, that Herod being no longer able to bear 
 them,'' took them along with him into Italy, and made this voyage thither on 
 purpose to accuse them before Augustus; and having found him at Aquileia, 
 he there brought the cause before him. His charge against them was, that they 
 carried themselves undutifuUy and insolently toward him, and had formed de- 
 signs, by poison, to take away his life. But of this last charge, wherein lay 
 the main of the accusation, nothing appearing but jealousies and groundless 
 suspicions, Augustus acquitted the young men; and having reconciled their 
 father to them, sent them all home made fully friends. Herod on his return to 
 Jerusalem, having called the people together in the temple, related to them the 
 event of his journey, and according to the power given to him by Augustus, he 
 named Antipater in the first place to succeed him in the kingdom, and next after 
 him the sons of Mariamne. 
 
 An. 10. Herod 28.] — Herod, after twelve years' time,^ having finished his 
 works at Straton's Tower, and brought them all to thorough perfection, he dedi- 
 cated the place with great solemnity, and in compliment to Augustus, from his 
 name of Caesar, called it Ceesarea. He there made, by an artificial mole of 
 great expense, an excellent port, large enough for a great number of ships to 
 ride safely in; and the city which he there built was, next to Jerusalem, the 
 largest, the best, and most magnificent, of all in that country; and when Judea 
 fell under the Roman yoke, this was mostly made the seat of the procurator 
 who governed that province." After this he built several other cities,^ as Anti- 
 patris, Cypron, and Phasaelis: the first he named from his father, the second 
 from his mother, and the third from Phasael his brother: and from him also he 
 named a large tower, which he built at Jerusalem, of equal size with that of 
 Pharus near Alexandria, calling it the Tower of Phasael, of which mention 
 hath been already made.' 
 
 An. 9. Herod 29.] — The Jews of Asia and Cyrene, being oppressed by the 
 heathen inhabitants among whom they dwelt, and not permitted to live accord- 
 ing to their own laws and religion, and the privileges formerly granted them, in 
 order hereto,® addressed themselves to Augustus for relief in this grievance, 
 and obtained from him an edict in their favour, whereby all was decreed for 
 them that they desired. 
 
 1 Joseph. Anliq. lib. IG. c. 7. 2 Dion Cassius, lib. 54. p. 541. Livir Epitome, lib. 136. 
 
 3 Dion Cassiiis, lib. 54. p. 5 43. Suet, in Octavio, c. 63. Tiberio, c. 7. 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 16. c. 7, 8. 5 Ibid. c. 9. 6 Arts .\xiii. 23, 24. 33. .\xv. 6. 13. 
 7 Joseph, ibid. fi.Part 2, book 2. 9 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 10. c. 10. 
 
408 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Salome, Pheroras, and Antipater,' pursuing their plot against the sons of Ma- 
 riamne, took care that so many false stories were carried to Herod concerning 
 them, and such ill representations of their conduct, were from time to time, 
 partly by their agents, and partly by themselves, continually made unto him, 
 that at length this caused another open breach between him and the two young 
 princes. 
 
 For they had, by these malicious artifices, so filled the old king's head with 
 jealousies and suspicions, that he could neither sleep by night, nor enjoy any 
 quiet by day, for fear of those plots and designs which hereby he was made 
 believe these two brothers were framing against him. To make discovery of 
 the imagined treason, he put all the confidants of the young princes upon the 
 rack, thereby to extort a confession from them of what they knew nothing of. 
 And the torments making some of them for the gaining of ease say any thing 
 that might obtain it, false stories were delivered instead of true confessions, 
 some of which bearing hard upon Alexander, he was hereon cast into prison 
 and loaded with chains, and more persons were put to the question to draw 
 from them accusations against him. Alexander, by these practices against him, 
 being made desperate, sent four papers to his father, wherein, to create the old 
 tyrant all the vexation and disturbance he was able, he made a confession of 
 plots and treasonable conspiracies which were never so much as thought of, and 
 named Pheroras and Salome, his brother and sister, with Rolemy and Sapin- 
 nius, his two prime ministers, and many other of his chief confidants, as ac- 
 complices herein. This had the designed effect, by creating the old tyrant 
 more perplexity and vexation than ever any thing had before: for being natu- 
 rally of a very suspicious temper, and the consciousness of his tyrannical and 
 oppressive conduct in the government making him more so, he swallowed for 
 truth all that Alexander's papers had represented to him; Avhereon, suspecting 
 every body, and trusting nobody, he raged like a madman against all, condemn- 
 ing some to death, and tormenting others, till they expired on the rack, because 
 they would not confess what they knew nothing of; whereby having turned his 
 palace into a slaughter-house, and filled it all over with confusion and horror, 
 he seemed to act as a madman, and one truly bereaved of his senses. 
 
 Jin. 8. Hero'd 30.] — While he was in this case vexing and tormenting himself 
 and others,' Archelaus king of Cappadocia, whose daughter Alexander had mar- 
 ried, came to his court, and by the interposal of his good offices brought all 
 things there again to rights. At his first hearing of the charge against Alexan- 
 der, he put on a seeming rage against him, that outdid that of Herod, threaten- 
 ing to take his daughter from him, and vented himself in such other bitter ex- 
 pressions against him, as at length brought Herod to be his advocate, and with 
 tears to plead with him for his son, that his wife might not be taken from him. 
 As soon as Archelaus found Herod in this temper, he came seriously to the 
 matter, and by his wisdom and good address managed it so, as to procure ano- 
 ther reconciliation between Herod and his sons; and hereon all jealousies and 
 suspicions being laid aside on one part, and all resentment and discontent on 
 the other, peace was again restored to that distracted family. Herod was very 
 sensible of the great kindness Archelaus did him in extricating him out of such 
 great difficulties; and therefore made him great presents in acknowledgment of 
 it, and on his return accompanied him in the journey as far as Antioch, where 
 he reconciled him to Titus Volumnius, the Roman governor of Syria, between 
 whom and Archelaus there had been before some difference. This Archelaus* 
 was grandson to that Archelaus who reigned in Egypt, and great grandson to 
 him of the same name that was general of Mithridates's army in his wars with 
 Sylla. Antony,^ from high-priest of Comana in Pontus, made him king of 
 Cappadocia, on the account of a criminal conversation he had with Glaphyra 
 his mother. 
 
 1 Jospph. Antiq. lih. 16. c. 11, 1-3. 2 Ibid. lib. 16. c. 12. 
 
 3 Dion Capsius, lib, 49. p. 4U. Strabo. lib. 12. p. 54a 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 409 
 
 After this Herod went to Rome to acquaint Augustus with what was done in 
 this affair; for he having written to him of this second breach with his sons, 
 and in his letters accused them of many high crimes and treasonable practices 
 against him, and pressed hard to have them brought to justice, it was thought 
 proper he should make this journey to give him an account of the reconcilia- 
 tion he had made with them. 
 
 While he was thus absent,' the thieves of Trachonitis, taking the advantage 
 of it, returned to their old trade, and ravaged with their depredations all the 
 parts of Judea and CcBle-Syria that lay within their reach; which created Herod 
 great trouble, and at length involved him in those difficulties with Augustus, as 
 had like utterly to have excluded him his favour, as will be hereafter related. 
 It hath been above mentioned, how Herod, having received from Augustus the 
 provinces of Auranitis, Trachonitis, and Batanaea, set himself to suppress those 
 thieves, which from the mountains and caves of Trachonitis infested all that 
 country. This having fully effected, he forced those freebooters to betake them- 
 selves to the culture of their land for their subsistence; but being soon weary of 
 this course of life, on Herod's former going into Italy with his two sons to ac- 
 cuse them before Augustus, they took that opportunity to revolt from him, and 
 return again to their old trade; but being quickly broken, and reduced by the 
 king's forces, forty of the ringleaders of them fled into Arabia Petraea, where 
 Syllreus, who governed all under Obodas king of that country, not only received 
 them under his protection, but gave them also a strong fortress in that country, 
 called Repta, for their retreat and safe habitation: from whence, on Herod's last 
 going to Rome, they made inroads into Judea and Ccele-Syria, and miserably 
 ravaged all those countries; and Syllaeus, out of the hatred he bore to Herod, 
 countenanced and protected them herein. The reason of Syllseus's hatred to 
 Herod was,* Syllteus would have married Salome, Herod's sister, and he had 
 gained her consent hereto; but Herod requiring that he should first turn Jew, 
 and Syllaeus not daring so to do, for fear, as he said, lest the Arabians should 
 stone him to death for it on his return, this broke off the match, and Herod 
 forced Salome to marry Alexas, a confidant of his;^ at which Syllaeus contract., 
 ing a great hatred against Herod, expressed it on all occasions, till at length, in 
 the pursuit of it, he procured his own ruin, as will be hereafter related. This 
 was the same Syllajus, who having undertaken to be guide to ^lius Gallus, in 
 his march into the southern parts of Arabia, betrayed him in all that expedition, 
 and made it wholly miscarry thereby, as hath been above related. 
 
 Herod on his return, finding his country much disturbed and damaged by 
 these Trachonite thieves," applied himself immediately to redress the mischief, 
 by punishing the authors of it. But not being able to come at them, by reason 
 of the protection given them in Arabia by Syllaeus, he resolved to revenge the 
 wrong on those that were related to them. And therefore passing into Tracho- 
 nitis, and searching through the whole country, he put all to death whom he 
 found there of the families and kindred of any of those who were at Repta; by 
 which those thieves being exceedingly exasperated, they, in revenge hereof, 
 renewed their inroads in a desperate manner, and damaged the country more 
 than ever before. 
 
 The pontifices at Rome having for thirty-six years,* from the time that Julius 
 Caesar reformed the Roman calendar, made every third year a leap year, in- 
 stead of every fourth, by this error three days were now added to the Roman 
 year more than should be: which being observed, Augustus this year, as high- 
 priest, rectified the mistake; and for the bringing of all to rights, ordered, first, 
 that for the twelve ensuing years no leap years should be at all; and, 2ndly, that 
 after the expiration of the said twelve years, the leap years should thenceforth 
 be made every fourth year; by the first part of which order the three superadded 
 days being flung out, and by the second the leap years fixed to their true times, 
 
 1 Jospph. Arttiq. 1i'>. IG. c. 1.1. 2 Ibid. c. ]I. 3 Ibid. lib. 17. c. 1. 4 Ibid. lib. 10. c. 13. 
 
 5 Sueton. in Octnvin. G. 31. Macrol). Saturnal. lib. 1. c. 14. Solin. c. 3. Plin. lib. 18. c. 35. 
 
 Vol. it.— 5-2 
 
410 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 according to Julius Cfesar's institution, the form of this year hath ever since 
 regularly proceeded, and is, under the name of the old style, still in use among 
 us even to this day, as hath been already' above mentioned. At the same time 
 that Augustus made this reformation,^ a decree passed the senate and people of 
 Rome, that the month hitherto called SextiUs should thenceforth from his name 
 be called Augustus, and so it hath been ever since in the Roman calendar, and 
 all others that are formed from it. 
 
 The re-edifying of the temple of Jerusalem by Herod being finished at the 
 end of nine years and a half from his first beginning of the building,'' he cele- 
 brated with great pomp and expense the dedication of it; and the day appointed 
 for it falling in with the day of the year when he first received the crown, this 
 augmented the solemnity. And it was very proper and requisite that this house 
 should be thus repaired and fitted up in its best dress, when he that was Lord 
 thereof was coming to it: for within less than four years after this Christ was born. 
 
 This year died Horace the poet,* and Msecenas his great patron,^ who, next 
 Agrippa, was the greatest favourite of Augustus, and was always a true and 
 faithful counsellor to him. 
 
 An. 7. ii/e/W3i.] — Herod being still vexed by the Trachonite thieves, who 
 had taken shelter in Arabia,** applied to Saturninus and Volumnius, the Roman 
 governors of Syria, with complaint against Syllaeus for his protecting of them; 
 and at the same time commenced a suit against him before the said governors 
 for a debt of sixty talents, which Syllseus had borrowed of him for the service 
 of king Obodas. To make answer to all this, Syllaeus was forced to appear at 
 Berytus before the said governors; and there, on Herod's having made good his 
 allegations against him, to stave off farther proceedings at that time, he bound 
 himself by oath within thirty days to pay the said debt, and deliver up all fugi- 
 tives to Herod that were within the dominions of Obodas. But when the day 
 came,' he performed neither of these engagements, but went away to Rome. 
 Whereon Herod applied again to Saturninus and Volumnius, and having ob- 
 tained their license to right himself by arms, marched into Arabia with an army, 
 and destroyed Repta, the nest of those thieves, and slew as many of them as 
 there fell into his hands. While he was doing this, one Nacebus, an Arabian 
 captain, coming to the assistance of those thieves, Herod gave him battle, and 
 in the conflict slew him, with twenty-five of his men, and put the rest to flight. 
 And after having thus revenged himself on those thieves and their abettors, he 
 marched back again without doing any hurt to the country; and on his return 
 placed three thousand Idumaeans in Trachonitis, to keep the thieves of that coun- 
 try from any more exercising their usual depredations. Syllseus at Rome, having 
 received an account of all this,* immediately went to Augustus with a lamenta- 
 t)le account, exceedingly magnifying the matter, as setting forth, beyond all 
 truth, that Herod ha^ invaded Arabia with a great army, ravaged and ruined 
 the country, pillaged Repta of a vast treasure there laid up, and slain two thou- 
 sand five hundred Arabians of the first rank, and with them Nacebus their 
 general, his friend and kinsman; at which Augustus being exceedingly oflended, 
 wrote Herod a very sharp letter, and for some time, on this account, Herod was 
 absolutely out of his favour, till at length he became informed of the exact truth 
 of the matter. 
 
 In the interim died Obodas, king of the Nabathsean Arabs,* being poisoned 
 by Syllceus. He had laid the plot for his death before he left Arabia, and his 
 whole business at Rome was to make an interest with Augustus for the succes- 
 sipn, when the avoidance should happen. But the Nabathseans, without making 
 any application to Augustus for a new king, or waiting his pleasure at all about 
 it, immediately placed on the throne of the deceased one ^neas, who after- 
 ward, by a name very common among the Arabian kings, was called Hareth, 
 
 ] Part 2, bonk 7, under the year 46. 
 
 % Sueton. ibid. Macrob. Saturnal. lib. 1. c. 12. Dion Capsius, lib. 54. p. .')52. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. c. 14. 4 Sueton. in Vita Horatii. 5 Dion Cassius, lib. .55. p. 55?. 
 
 B Joseph. Antiq. lib. 16. c. 13. 7 Ibid. lib. 10. c. 14. 8 Ibid. lib. 16. c. 15. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 4Jl 
 
 in Greek Aretas. The country where he reigned was Arabia Petraea, so called 
 from Petra, the metropolis; and the inhabitants being descended from Nebaioth,' 
 one of the sons of Ishmael, were from him called Nabathaeans. 
 
 Dionysius of Halicarnassus this year began to write his Roman history.* He 
 continued it down, in twenty books, to the time of the first Punic war, and 
 there ended it where Polybius begun. But of these twenty books, only eleven 
 now remain, the rest being lost. It is written in Greek, and is the fullest and 
 most accurate of all that have been written of the Roman affairs. He came to 
 Rome twenty-two years before he began the composure of this book, a great 
 part of which time he spent in collecting materials for it. 
 
 ^n. 6. Herod 3-2.] — Tiberius, the son-in-law of Augustus, on some discon- 
 tent, for which various causes are given by historians,^ left Rome and retired to 
 Rhodes, on pretence of improving himself in that place by his studies; where 
 he continued about seven years in a private life. He had a great difficulty in 
 the obtaining of Augustus's consent for this retirement, but greater afterward to 
 gain his permission to return. 
 
 Herod at this time was involved in great perplexities:'' his quarrel with the 
 sons of Mariamne again revived, and at the same time being out of favour with 
 Augustus on the account of Syllasus's information, the Trachonites taking the 
 advantage hereof, in conjunction with the Arabians, overpowered Herod's Idu- 
 maean guards which he had placed in that country, and began again their usual 
 depredations; and Herod durst not right himself on them, for fear of farther 
 displeasing Augustus. To remove the prejudices which Augustus had con- 
 ceived against him, he had sent two embassies to Rome; but neither of them 
 could obtain an audience from him. Of which these thieves having an account, 
 were encouraged thereby to carry farther on their ravages against him; which 
 at length growing to that height of oppression, as to be no longer borne, he re- 
 solved to make trial of a third embassy, and employed Nicolaus Damascenus 
 herein. On his arrival at Rome, being informed how much Augustus was pre- 
 possessed with Syllaeus's information against Herod, he durst not directly apply 
 to him about that matter. But finding there ambassadors from the Nabathseans, 
 he joined with them as their advocate, purposing in the pleading of their 
 cause, to bring in that of Herod's by the by, and thus, by a side M'ind to come 
 at the clearing of what was alleged against him. These ambassadors were then 
 at Rome on a two-fold account; the first, to compliment Augustus from their 
 new king; and the second to accuse Syllseus of the poisoning of Obodas, and 
 many other crimes which they had to object against him. As to the first part 
 of their commission, Augustus would give them no audience, though they 
 brought very submissive letters from Aretas, and very valuable presents, being 
 much displeased with him, in that he had entered on the government without 
 his consent. But as to the other part, that is, their accusation against Syllaeus^ 
 he appointed them a day for the hearing of it. In the management of which 
 cause, Nicolaus being the chief speaker-, after having laid open his other crimes, 
 which were very many, he at length charged him with being guilty of a great 
 affront upon Augustus himself, by audaciousl}-^ imposing on him lies and calum- 
 nies; and instanced in the account which he had given of the action of Herod 
 against the Trachonite thieves at Repta, which he averred was all false from 
 one end to the other: at which Augustus being startled, bid him make out that, 
 waiving all other particulars; which Nicolaus having done, by laying before him 
 the whole truth of the matter as above related; and Syllaeus, then present and 
 confronted, not being able to contradict any one point hereof, Augustus gave 
 sentence against him, that he should be carried back into Arabia, and made 
 pay his debt due to Herod, ^ and after that be put to death; which was accord- 
 
 J Gen. xxv. 13. xxviii.9. 
 
 2 Videas Vossinni rie Hist. Gr<ecis, lib. 2. c. 3. et Pra-fationem ipsiiis Dionysii ad Histonam suani. 
 
 3 P'letDii. in Tiberlo, c. 10. 4 Joseph. Aiitiq. lib. 16. c. 15, Ili. 
 
 5 This debt JospphMs(lib. 16. c. 13,") saith, was no more than sixty talent.'!. Nicolaus, in his speech to Au- 
 gustus, lays it at five haiidred talents; llie first perchance was the debt, and the other the forfeiture of th© 
 obligation 
 
412 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ingly executed upon him, he being beheaded at Rome, as Strabo, who lived in 
 those times, assures us.' Josephus tells us,^ that when he was carried back into 
 Arabia, he there refused to do any thing of what he had been enjoined by Au- 
 gustus; and therefore being hereof accused by Antipater in the behalf of Herod 
 his father, he was ordered to be again brought to Rome; and then most likely 
 was it that he was put to death in the manner as Strabo relates. 
 
 Augustus being hereby again reconciled to Herod, ^ was grieved that he had 
 given so much of his ear to Syllaeus's false accusations against him; and there- 
 fore, to make him amends, he had thought of expelling Aretas out of the king- 
 dom of the Nabathseans, which he had taken possession of without his consent, 
 and giving it to Herod: but, while he was thinking of it, letters were delivered 
 to him from Herod, which made him alter his purpose. For Antipater, Salome, 
 and Pheroras, continuing still to carry on their former plot against the sons of 
 Mariamne, for the reasons already mentioned,' they filled the old king's head 
 so full of jealousies, suspicions, and false accusations against them, and thereby 
 so thoroughly possessed him of their being in a conspiracy against his life, that, 
 although nothing was proved against them but their intention of making their 
 escape from him into some other countr}'', where they might live out of the 
 reach of his tyrannical cruelty, yet, on the proof of this one particular only, be- 
 lieving all the rest, he resolved on their destruction, and wrote to Augustus for 
 the obtaining of his leave accordingly to proceed against them, setting forth to 
 him all that he had to lay to their charge: and he sent Volumnius his marshal 
 de camp, and Olympus another of his friends, to Rome, with his letters wherein 
 all this was contained, giving them in direction, that in case they found Augus- 
 tus, by the means of Nicolaus's embassy, reconciled to him, then to deliver the 
 letters, but not otherwise. And therefore, on their arrival, finding that all was 
 again set right with Augustus, they presented him the letters, which being full 
 ,of invectives and bitter expressions against his sons, Augustus, on the perusal 
 .of them, considering his age, and present misfortunes about his children, 
 .'thought it liot proper in these circumstances, to burden him with the care of 
 .another kingdom; and therefore, retracting his resolutions as to this matter, he 
 sent for the Nabatha^an ambassadors, accepted their presents, and confirmed 
 Aretas in his kingdom. However, he wrote a kind letter to Herod, wherein, 
 having condoled his misfortune as to his sons, he gave him full liberty and 
 power to proceed against them according as their crime should be found to de- 
 serve, advising him to call a council at Berytus, and there, with the assistance 
 of the governors of the neighbouring provinces, together with Archelaus king 
 of Cappadocia, and oth^r friends and persons of honour, to hear and finally de- 
 termine the whole matter. Herod being much pleased with this letter, imme- 
 diately summoned a council to meet at the place mentioned,* calling thither to 
 it Saturninus and Volumnius, governors of Syria, and all others whom Au- 
 gustus's letter directed him to, excepting only Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, 
 v/ho being father-in-law to Alexander, was thought by Herod too much engaged 
 by that relation to be an impartial judge in this matter* The council being sat, 
 Herod accused his sons before them with that vehemence, and laid so many 
 things to their charge, that the majority, being overborne thereby, passed sen- 
 tence of condemnation against them, and left it to Herod to execute it as he 
 should think fit. Whereon sending them to Sebaste, he caused them there 
 both to be strangled. And thus ended the life of these unfortunate brothers, 
 who, by too much expressing their resentments for their mother's death, pro- 
 voked those who had been the chief authors of it, at length by like artifices to 
 procure theirs. In which tragedy, Salome the sister of Herod acted the chiefest 
 part; who being a very crafty and malicious woman, seldom stood out where 
 any mischief was to be done. She governed herself chiefly by Herod's inclina- 
 tions; and whatsoever wicked purposes she found him intent upon, she hu- 
 moured him, and always concurred with him therein; and by these wicked 
 
 1 Strabr*, lib. 16. p. 782. 2 Joseph. Anliq. lib. 17. c. 4- 3 I1)U. lib. 16. c. IC. 4 Ibid. lib. 16. c. 17. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 413 
 
 means she constantly maintained her interest with that bloody tyrant, and had 
 the first place in his favour and confidence as long as he lived. 
 
 At this time Zecharias saw the vision in the temple, of which we have an 
 account in the first chapter of St. Luke, as he there officiated in his course. 
 For the fuller understanding hereof, it is to be observed, that (he priests, ac- 
 cording to David's institution,' being divided into twenty-four courses,* eacJi 
 course attended at Jerusalem its week; and every course being divided into 
 seven classes, each class served its day at the temple; and each priest of that 
 class had his part in the service appointed him" by lot; and therefore Zecharias, 
 being of the course of Abiah, came up to Jerusalem in the week of his course, 
 there to officiate with the others of it in his office; and when the day of his ser- 
 vice came, his lot was to offer incense upon the altar of incense in the holy 
 place; and while he was officiating in that service, the angel Gabriel appeared 
 to him, and foretold to him the birth of his son John the Baptist, and the minis- 
 try on which he should be sent, whereof we have the history in the said first 
 chapter of St. Luke. 
 
 An. 5. Herod 33.] — The sons of Mariamne being dead, and Antipater having 
 nothing now that stood in his way to the crown but the life of Herod, to get rid 
 of him was the thing next in design;^ in order whereunto, Antipater entered 
 into a conspiracy with Pheroras and others,'' for the despatching of him by poi- 
 son. For Pheroras, though he had always found Herod a kind brother to him, 
 was at this time very much out with him on the account of his wife whom he 
 had lately married. On the death of his former wife, Herod offered him one 
 of his daughters,* which he had by Mariamne; but he being deeply smitten 
 with the love of a maid-servant in his house, married her, and rejected for her 
 sake the king's daughter; whereon she was given to Phasael, the son of Phasael, 
 Herod's elder brother. However, Herod after some time, to make up the dif- 
 ference," offered him the other daughter which he had by Mariamne, and Phe- 
 roras, to avoid absolutely breaking with him, consented hereto, and bound him- 
 self by an oath, to solemnize the marriage within a month; but at the month's 
 end he refused to perform his engagement, not finding in his heart to put away 
 the wife he had lately married, so much he doated upon her. This widening 
 the breach between the two brothers, Antipater took the advantage hereof to 
 engage Pheroras in his designs. And there was another occasion which did 
 set them farther at difference. About this time the whole nation of the Jews 
 being called upon to swear allegiance to Augustus and the king,* the Pharisees, 
 to the number of above seven thousand persons, refused the oath in the same 
 manner as they had done before,' upon a notion that it was against their law to 
 yield allegiance to any prince that was not of the stock of Israel.* Hereon 
 Herod imposed a fine upon them," for the punishment of the contumacy: this 
 Pheroras's wife, out of the zeal she had for that sect,^ paid all down for them; 
 in requital hereof, those men (who by false pretences had gotten among the vul- 
 gar, the opinion of a prophetic spirit) gave out, that God had determined the 
 transferring of the kingdom from the line of Herod to Pheroras and his issue 
 by this woman, which occasioned some seditious discourses and practices among 
 the people: of which Herod having gotten information, chiefly by the means 
 of Salome, several of the Pharisees were taken up upon it, and put to death. 
 Herod hereon calling a council of his friends, did therein set forth all this mat- 
 ter, and charging the original of the whole of it upon Pheroras's wife, com- 
 manded him to put her away, telling him, that he must either disov.m that wo- 
 man for a wife, or never more expect to be owned by him as a brother. To 
 this Pheroras answered, that nothing should ever make him renounce his belov- 
 ed wife; that he would rather die than live without her. Herod grievously re- 
 senting this answer, forbade Pheroras his house, and commanded Antipater, 
 
 1 2Chron. xxiv. 2 See Lightfoot's Temple Service, chap. 6. 9. 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 17. c. 1. 
 
 4 Ibid. lib. 17. c. 3. 6. 5 Ibid. lib. IG. c. 11. 6 Ibid. lib. 17. c. 3. 
 
 r Ibid. lib. 15. c. 13. See above, under the year 20. 8 Deut. ssvji. 15. 9 Joseph, ibid. 
 
414 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Doris his mother, and all the rest of his family, to have no more conversation 
 or correspondence with him or his wife; which as much angering Pheroras as 
 Herod was angered against him, he struck in the closer with Antipater in his 
 worst designs, and made himself a party with him in the plot to poison the old 
 king;' and that both of them might be out of the way when it should be exe- 
 cuted, thereby the better to avoid being suspected of it, Antipater procured to 
 be called to Rome,- there to attend upon Augustus, and Pheroras' gladly laid 
 hold of the commands laid upon him by Herod, to retire to his tetrarchy, swear- 
 ing never more to return as long as Herod should live, and he made his oath 
 good. For although Herod in a sickness, which a little after befei him, sent 
 earnestly to speak with him, he would not come. But notwithstanding a little 
 after, Pheroras falling sick, Herod made him a kind visit, and with great tender- 
 ness lamented his case, which soon after grew so bad that he died of it. After 
 Jiis death, ■* two of his freedmen made heavy complaints to Herod, that he had 
 been poisoned by his M'ife. Herod on this making strict inquiry, and putting 
 several to the torture, at length came hereby to the discovery of the plot which 
 was laid against himself by Antipater, Pheroras, and others, to take him off by 
 poison. This poison one Antiphilus, a friend of Antipater's, had got prepared 
 at Alexandria, by a brother of his that there practised physic, and from thence 
 brought it to Jerusalem, and there delivered it to Theudion, the brother of Do- 
 ris, Antipater's mother, who sent it by a freedman of Antipater's to Pheroras, 
 "who had undertaken to get it to be given to Herod, and he delivered it to his 
 wife to lay up, till there should be an opportunity of executing what was in- 
 tended by it. All which being made out by clear evidence, Herod sent for 
 Pheroras's wife, who confessed the whole, acknowledging that she had the poi- 
 son delivered to her to keep, but that Pheroras repenting of the plot, on Herod's 
 kind visiting of him in his last sickness, ordered her to fetch the poison and 
 cast it into the foe before his face, and that she accordingly did so, except- 
 ing only that she reserved a small part for herself to make use of it, if 
 there should be an occasion. Hereby it was clearly made out, that Anti- 
 pater having procured the death of his two brothers to make his way to 
 the crown, had now, for the same end, laid a most wicked plot' for the 
 poisoning of his father. 
 
 While this was doing in Judea, the temple of Janus was shut up at Rome. 
 Their usage was to lay open its gates in the time of war, and to shut them up 
 in times of peace. They had been shut only five times since the first building 
 of Rome. The first time was in the reign of Numa;* the second, after the end 
 of the first Punic war;^ the third, after Augustus had vanquished Antony and 
 Cleopatra,' and reduced thereby the whole Roman empire to a quiet submission 
 to him, which happened in the year before Christ 29; the fourth time,' four 
 years after, that is, in the twenty-fifth year before Christ, on Augustus's return 
 from the war which he had with the Cantabrians in Spain; and the fifth time,* 
 was in this year, under the reign of the same Augustus. For at this time there 
 was a general peace all over the world, and it continued for twelve years to- 
 gether; which was a proper prelude for ushering in his coming, who was the 
 Prince of Peace, Christ our Lord. 
 
 For in the sixth month after the angel Gabriel had appeared to Zecharias in 
 the temple,'* he was sent to Nazareth, a city of Galilee, to Mary, a virgin of 
 the house of David, lately espoused to Joseph of the same lineage, to declare 
 to her the good tidings, that of her was to be born the Son of God; whereon, 
 being overshadowed by the Holy Ghost," she conceived thereby; and at the 
 end of this year, Christ the Saviour of the World was born of her. 
 
 Augustus having issued out a decree for the taking of a description or survey 
 
 1 Joseph. Aritiq. lib. 17. C.6. 2 Ibid. lib. 17. c. 4. ' 3- Ibid. lib. 17. c. 5. 4 Ibid. lib. 17. c. C. 
 
 5 Livius, lib. 1. Plutarch, in Numa. 
 
 6 Livius et Plut. ibid. Vel. Pater, lib. 2. c. 38. Florus, lib. 2. c. 3. 
 
 7 Velleius Parer. lib. 2. c. 38. Dion Cassius, lib. 51. p. 457. Plut. in Numa. 8 Orosius, lib. 6. c. 20. 
 D Ibid. lib. 6. c. 22. 10 Luke i. 26. 36. 11 Luke i. 35. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT 4J5 
 
 of the whole Roman empire,' such as should contain an account of all the per- 
 sons, possessions, and estates therein, and the taxes issuable from them, it was 
 this year executed in Judea, in the manner as St. Luke in his Gospel relates. 
 Such an account used to be taken of the citizens of Rome every fifth year, and 
 they had officers on purpose appointed for it, called censors. Their' business 
 was to take an account,'^ and make a registration of all the Roman citizens, their 
 wives and children, with the age, qualities, trades, offices, and estates real and 
 personal, of all of them. Augustus first extended this to the provinces; and 
 three times during his reign he caused the like description to be made of all the 
 provinces of the Roman empire.' The first was in the year when Octavianus 
 Augustus himself was the sixth time, and M. Agrippa the second time, consuls, 
 that is, in the year before the Christian era 28; the second time in the consul- 
 ship of C. Marcius Censorinus and C. Asinius Gallus, that is, in the year before 
 the Christian era 8. And the last time, in the consulship of Sextus Pompeius 
 Nepos and Sextus Apuleius Nepos, that is, in the year of the Christian era M. 
 In the first and last time," he executed this with the assistance of a colleague. 
 But the second time he did it by himself alone; and this is the description 
 which St. Luke refers to. The decree concerning it was issued out the year I 
 have mentioned, that is, in the eighth year before the Christian era, which was 
 three years before that in which Christ was born. So long had the taking of 
 this description or survey been carrying on through Syria, Coele-Syria, Phoeni- 
 cia, and Judea, before it came to Bethlehem. And when it came thither, Jo- 
 seph, and Mary his wife, were called from Nazareth in Galilee,* the place of 
 their habitation, to this city of Bethlehem, the city of David, to which, as being 
 of the house and lineage of David, they did originally belong, that there, as 
 citizens of that place, they, their circumstances and estates, might be described 
 and registered among those who were of the same house and family with them; 
 and while on this occasion they tarried there, was it that Mary was delivered, 
 and the promised seed, Christ our Lord, by whom the world was to be saved, 
 was then born of her in that place, in the manner as in the Gospels is related. 
 That we allow three years for the execution of this decree, can give no just 
 reason for exception; for supposing the execution of it in every province of the 
 Roman empire to have been committed to the governor of it (and that it was 
 so in Syria, to Sentius Saturninus the Roman president of it,^ Tertullian doth 
 attest,) to carry this woi-k through all the countries that made up the province 
 of Syria, that is, through Syria, Ccele-Syria, Phoenicia, and Judea; three years 
 time was little enough for it. Joab' was nine months and twenty days in taking 
 an account only of ten of the tribes of Israel,® and of no more in them than 
 of the men that were fit for the wars." But the account taken by the decree 
 of Augustus at the time of our Saviour's birth extended to all manner of per- 
 sons, and also to their possessions, estates, qualities, and other circumstances. 
 And when a description and survey like this last mentioned was ordered by 
 William the Conqueror to be taken for England only, (I mean that of the 
 Doomsday Book,) it was six years in making;'" and the Roman province of 
 Syria was much more than twice as big as all England. But although this de- 
 scription or survey was at this time made for Judea, and every man's estate es- 
 timated and valued according as used to be done by the Romans for the laying 
 of their taxes, yet no payment of any tax was there made upon it till the 
 tw^elfth year after. Till then Herod, and after him Archelaus his son, reigning 
 in Judea, no taxes were then paid by the Jews of that country, but to these 
 
 1 Luke ii, 1, 2. 
 
 2 Censoris nfficium erat omnia patrimonii, dignitatis, EEtatis, artium, officiorumque discriniina in tabulas 
 referre. L. Floras, lib. 1. c. 6. Censores populi, tevitates, soboles, familias, pecuniasque censento. Cicero 
 de Legibus, lib. 3. 
 
 3 Sueton. in Octavio, c. 27. Monumentnm Ancyranum, (luod extat in notis Casauboni ad Suetoniumin 
 Grutero, et in Leunclavii pandectis Turcicis. 
 
 4 Sueton. ibid. 5 Luke ii. 4. 6 Adversus Marcionem, lib. 4. c. If). 7 2 Sam. xxiv. 8. 
 
 8 For Levi and Benjamin were not numbered, 1 Chron. xxi. 6. 2 Sam. xxiv. 9. 1 Chron. xxi. 5. 
 
 10 It was begun in the fourteenth year of king Vi^illiam the Conqueror, and not finished till the twentieth. 
 See Spelman's Glossary, under the woid Domesdei. 
 
416 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 princes only: but when in the said twelfth year, Archelaus was deposed, and 
 Judea put under the command and government of a Roman procurator, then 
 first were taxes paid the Romans for that country, Pubiius Sulpitius Quirinius, 
 who in Greek is called C^a-enius, being at that time governor, that is, president 
 of Syria. If it be asked for what reason then was this survey or description 
 of Judea made, if no taxes were then to be paid upon it? the answer is, Augus- 
 tus was then at work in the composure of a book containing such a survey and 
 description of the whole Roman empire, as that which our Doomsday Book 
 doth for England. In order whereto, his decree for this survey or description 
 we now treat of was made to extend to the depending kingdoms, as well as to 
 the provinces of the empire, that so he might have a full account of both for the 
 thorough completing of this work. However, taxes were by the people of the 
 provinces only paid to the Romans, and those of the dependant kingdoms to 
 their own proper princes. What tributes the Roman emperors had from these 
 dependant kingdoms were from the princes of them, not from the people. The 
 people paid their taxes to their princes, and the princes their tribute to the Ro- 
 man emperors. Of the book which Augustus made out of the surveys and de- 
 scriptions which were at this time returned to him out of every province and 
 depending kingdom of the Roman empire, Tacitus,' Suetonius, '^ and Dion Cas- 
 sius,"* make mention, and represent it to be very near of the same nature with 
 our Doomsday Book above mentioned. Putting all this together, the sum and 
 series of this matter appear to be as foUoweth: Augustus, three years before the 
 birth of Christ, issued out a decree for the making of a general survey or de- 
 scription of the whole Roman empire, and of every province and depending 
 state and kingdom in it, and committed it to the care of the governor of each 
 province to have it executed; and Sentius Saturninus, being then president of 
 Syria, was charged with it for that province, and the depending kingdoms, 
 states, and tetrarchies, that were within it: who having carried it on through all 
 the other parts of his province, three years after the date of the said decree, 
 executed it at Bethlehem, at the time when Christ was there born. But then, 
 though the survey or description was made for Judea, as well as for all other 
 parts of that province, and every man's possessions there were estimated and 
 ■valued, yet no tax was there laid or levied according to that valuation, till the 
 deposing of Archelaus, and the reducing of Judea under the Roman govern- 
 ment, in the twelfth year after, when Cyrenius was governor of Syria. So that 
 there were two distinct particular actions in this matter, done at two distinct and 
 different times; the tirst. the making the description or survey; and the second, 
 the laying and levying the tax thereupon. And what is in the first verse of the 
 second chapter of St. Luke, is to be understood of the former of these: and 
 what is in the second verse, only of the latter. And this reconciles that evan- 
 gelist with Josephus; for it is manifest from that "author, that Cyrenius" was not 
 governor of Syria, or any tax levied upon Judea, till Archelaus was deposed, 
 and that country brought under a Roman procurator; which was above eleven 
 years after Augustus's decree for making of the description above mentioned 
 was executed at Bethlehem. And therefore, the making of this description 
 cannot be that which was done while Cyrenius was governor of Syria; but the 
 other particular, that is, the laying and levying the tax thereupon, certainly was: 
 for then first was a Roman governor, under the name and style of procurator of 
 Judea, put over that nation, and then first M'ere they forced to pay taxes to the 
 Roman emperor; of which a full account is given in Josephus." And therefore, 
 if the second verse of the second chapter of St. Luke be so rendered, as to im- 
 
 1 Hist. lib. I.e. U.ibi (licit in hoc lihello. Opes pnblicaB continebantur, quantum civium sociorumque in 
 armis, qnot classes, regna, provincJEE, tributnaut vectiffalia, et necessitates, et larpitiones. 
 
 2 In Octavio, c. 101. ubi liaec habet. Augustus de tribus voluminibus post se relictis tertio cnmplexns csfc 
 breviariuin totius imperii, quantum militum sub signis ubique esset, quantum pecunise in Eerario, et fiscis, 
 et vectigalium residiiis. 
 
 3 Lib. 56. p. 531. ubi dicit. Tertius liber summam militum, redituum, impendiorum publicorum pecunisB in 
 Thesauris, aliaque id genus art priucipatum pertinentia indicabat. 
 
 4 Joseph. Anliq. lib. 18. c. 1. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 4I7 
 
 ply that the levying of the tax, according to the description mentioned in the 
 former verse, was first executed while Cyrenius was governor of Syria, this 
 will remove all difficulties, and the text can well bear this interpretation. 
 
 This year, in which Christ was born, is, according to the exactest computa- 
 tion (that of archbishop Usher,) the four thousandth from the creation; which 
 falls in exactly with the time, where an old tradition of the Jews placeth the 
 beginning of the days of the Messiah: for it saith,' that the world was to last 
 six thousand years, of which two thousand years were before the law, and two 
 thousand years under the law, and the last two thousand years were to be un- 
 der the Messiah. This tradition is said to be of great antiquity, and is still re- 
 tained with great veneration among that people, as one of the most authentical 
 of this sort. But its pretending to foretel when the world shall end, which the 
 scriptures tell us^ God hath reserved as a secret to himself, sufficiently proves 
 the vanity of it. However, since the Jews give such credit thereto, as to place 
 it among the most authentic of their traditions, it serves against them, 1st, to 
 prove the time when, according to their own doctrine, the Messiah was to come; 
 2dly, to convict them of their gross and most perverse infidelity, in that where- 
 as, Christ having been born in the four thousandth year of the creation, from 
 which, according to their tradition, the time of his appearance was to begin, 
 they have now suffered about one thousand seven hundred years to pass, and 
 have not yet acknowledged him. In answer hereto,^ they confess that the four 
 thousandth year of the creation was the time from whence the days of the 
 Messiah were to begin, and that this was the very time which was pointed out 
 by the prophecies of the Old Testament for the time of his coming; but say,' 
 that the fulfilling of them hath been delayed by reason of their iniquities. But 
 this is contrary to a general received doctrine among them; for they hold,'' that 
 when God foretels them of evil to come, he doth not always bring it to pass; 
 for on the repentance of sinners, he often repents of the evil denounced against 
 them,* as in the case of the Ninevites, and remits his threats, and pardons the 
 oflfenders. But then, when he foretels good things to come, he never fails of 
 their performance. And for this reason,*^ in the trial of a prophet, they make 
 it a certain sign of a false prophet, if the good which he foretels be not exactly 
 accomplished, but not so in a prophecy of evil things: for they say, that God 
 often abates of his threats, but never of his promises. And, indeed, there is this 
 reason for it, that promises transfer a right to them to whom they are made to 
 expect their performance; but threats give no right to any one to demand their 
 execution, but leave it still in the power of the threatener to drop or abate what- 
 soever he had threatened, according as he shall see cause for the same. 
 
 An. 4. Herod 34.] — Wise men from the east,^ of the sect of the Magians, 
 following the guidance of a star, came and worshipped Christ at Bethlehem; 
 and thereon followed Herod's design to destroy him, the flight of Joseph and 
 Mary with him into Egypt to prevent it, and the murder of the innocents at 
 Bethlehem, in the manner as related by St. Matthew in his gospel. Macrobius, 
 a writer of the fifth century,' tells us,* that, among those innocents, Herod slew 
 a young son of his own; and' that thereon Augustus made this reflection, That 
 it was better to be Herod's hog.than his son. But it is not likely that Herod 
 should have a child so young a^ those innocents at the age he was then of; the 
 death of Antipater, which happened about that time, considered with that of 
 Alexander and Aristobulus, formerly put to death. by him, may rathej- be thought 
 to have given the occasion for that sarcasm.- 
 
 For Antipater being returned from Rome into Judea," without knowing what 
 
 1 Talmud, in Tract. Saiihedrin. c. 11. 2 Matt. xxiv. 36. 
 
 3 VideasHuIsiiim de Tempore Adventus Messiae, lib. 1, part 2. 
 
 4 Maimonides in Praefatione ad Seder Zeraim, quam videas Latiiie versam in Pocockii porta Mosis. 
 
 5 Jonah iii. 10. 6 Maimonides,- ibid. p. 17— 27. 
 
 7 Matt. ii. 1, 2. The country of the Magians being Persia, it is most likely they came from thence, and 
 from thosie parts of it which lie about Balsora, that place lying directly east from Jerusalem. 
 S Saturnal. lib. 2. c. 4. 9 Joseph. Autiq. lib. 17. c. 7. 9. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 20, 21. 
 
 Vol. n.— 53 
 
418 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 had been discovered against him, was, on his arrival, arrested and taken into 
 custody; and being before Quintilius Varus, then newly arrived in those parts 
 to succeed Sentius Saturninus in the presidency of Syria, convicted of his trea- 
 sonable designs for the poisoning his father, had sentence of condemnation pass- 
 ed upon him; which being confirmed by Augustus, he was accordingly put to 
 death upon it; and, five days after that execution, died Herod himself, in the 
 seventieth year of his age, after he had reigned, from the time of his being 
 declared king at Rome, thirty-seven years, and from the death of Antigonus, 
 thirty-four. His death happened toward the end of this year, or else in the be- 
 ginning of the next: for it appears from Josephus,' that the paschal feast, which 
 was always celebrated in the beginning of the spring, followed soon after. 
 
 Knowing the hatred the Jews had for him, he concluded aright, that there 
 would be no lamentation at his death, but rather gladness and rejoicing for it 
 all the country over. To prevent this, he framed a project and resolution in 
 his mind,* which was one of the most horrid and most wicked, perchance, that 
 ever entered into the heart of man. For having issued out a summons to all 
 the principal and most eminent Jews of his kingdom, commanding their appear- 
 ance at Jericho (where he then lay,) on pain of death, at a day appointed; on 
 their anival thither, he shut them all up in the Circus, and then sending for 
 Salome his sister, and Alexas her husband, commanded them, that as- soon as 
 he was dead, they should send in the soldiers upon them, and put them all to 
 the sword: for this, said he, will provide mourning for my funeral aU over the 
 land, and make the Jews, in every family thereof, lament at my death, whether 
 they will or no; and when he had adjured* them hereto, some hours after he 
 gave up the ghost and died. But Salome and Alexas not being wicked enough 
 to do what they had been made solemnly to promise, rather chose to break their 
 obligation, than make themselves the executioners of so bloody and horrid a de- 
 sign. And therefore, as soon as Herod was dead, they opened the Circus, and 
 permitted all that were shut up in it to return again, every man to his own home, 
 without any wrong done to any of them. The history of this his most wicked 
 design takes off all objection against the truth of his murdering the innocents, 
 which may be made from the incredibility of so barbarous and horrid an act. 
 For this thoroughly shows, that there can nothing be imagined so cruel, barba- 
 rous, and horrid which this man was not capable of doing. In most of his ac- 
 tions, as described in this history, may be read the character of a most bloody, 
 cruel, and wicked tyrant, but in none more than these two. And the disease 
 of which he died, and the misery which he suffered under it, plainly show, 
 that the hand of God was then in a very signal manner upon him for the pun- 
 ishment of them. The account which Josephus,^ and from him Eusebius, 
 gives us of it as followeth: — 
 
 " Herod's disease grew yet more and more bitterly violent; God exacting this 
 vengeance upon him for the punishment of the many great enormities he had 
 been guilty of. He had a slow fever, not showing itself so much to the outward 
 touch and feeling, as more grievously burning him within. Moreover, he had 
 a strong canine appetite for meat, which nothing could satisfy. His bowels were 
 ulcerated, especially the colon gut, from whence he suffered grievous pains. His 
 feet being swollen, from thence issued forth a phlegmatic and shining humour. 
 Moreover, the disease had seized the lower part of his belly, and an ulcer broke 
 out in his genitals, breeding worms and lice; besides he had a shortness of 
 breath, and that very stinking and unsavoury. And he had also a troublesome 
 flux and rheum with it, and an asthmatic difficulty of breathing. And the pa- 
 tient not having strength to bear all this, there followed a convulsion of all the 
 parts of his body. And thus he died, in horrible pain and torment, smitten of 
 God in this signal and grievous manner for his many enormous iniquities." 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 17. c. 11. 2 Ibii). lib. 17. c. 8. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 21. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 17. c. 8. Eiiscb. Hist. Ecclesiast. lib. 1. c. 8. See also a like description of Ilerod'ft 
 disease in Joseph, de Bello Judaico, lib. 1. c. 21. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 419 
 
 And that most others of the great persecutors of God's people have died the like 
 manner of death, hath been already observed.' 
 
 Herod had nine wives, ^ and by them many children. Three of his sons he 
 put to death. Of the rest of his posterity I shall mention only such as are named 
 in the scriptures; and they are these following: — Of Malthace, one of his wives, 
 he had Archelaus^ and Herod Antipas;* by Cleopatra, another of his wives, he 
 had Philip;^ and by Mariamne, the daughter of Simon, the high-priest, Herod 
 Philip.** Aristobulus, whom Herod put to death, had by Berenice his wife, king 
 Agrippa (who slew James, the brother of John,^ and afterward was smitten of 
 God at CcEsarea,)^ and Herodias his sister:^ she first married Herod Philip her 
 uncle, '*^ and afterward eloped from him to marry Herod Antipas his brother. By 
 her first husband she had Salome" who danced off John Baptist's head, for re- 
 proving Herod Antipas for his incestuous adultery with her mother. To tliis 
 King Agrippa I. was born King Agrippa H.'* (before whom Paul pleaded his 
 cause,) and his two sisters Drusilla and Berenice; the first of which was wife to 
 Felix, the procurator or governor of J udea,'^ and the other was present with her 
 brother at Ctesarea,''' when Paul's case was there heard before him. Herod's 
 kingdom, after his death, was divided between Archelaus, Herod Antipas, and 
 Philip, his above-mentioned sons. Archelaus had Judea, Idumsea, and Samaria;'* 
 Philip, Auronitis, Trachonitis, Paneas, and Batanaea; and Herod Antipas, Galilee 
 and Persea. 
 
 An. 3. Archelaus 1.] — After Herod's death,^^ Joseph, being warned by an 
 angel in a dream, arose, and took the young child and his mother, and returned 
 out of Egypt into the land of Israel; and there he and Mary his wife settled 
 again at Nazareth in Galilee, the place of their former habitation; and there 
 Jesus grew up and dwelt with them, till the time that he entered on his pubUc 
 ministration. 
 
 And having thus brought down this work to the birth of our Saviour, and 
 here given a full account of it, I should leave what henceforth ensues to the 
 Christian ecclesiastical historian, to whom it properly belongs; but that the con- 
 nexion of the Old Testament with the New, not seeming fully to be made, 
 but where the grand prophecies concerning the Messiah, which we have in the 
 Old Testament, are completed in the New, I am necessitated, so far as this re- 
 quires, to go into the times of the gospel; but shall treat of them only in respect 
 to the events in which these prophecies are fulfilled, and such particulars as 
 lead to the explication of them, and that in so short a manner as I can. For a 
 fuller history of those times, I refer the learned reader to the centuriators of Mag- 
 deburgh and Boronius's Annals; and the English reader to the Ecclesiastical 
 History of Mr. Laurence Echard, which is the best of its kind in the English 
 tongue for the times which it treats of. 
 
 An. 2. Archelaus 2.] — The Armenians rebelling, and the Parthians confedera- 
 ting with them for their support, Augustus"' sent Caius Ceesar, his grandson, a 
 youth only nineteen years old, into the east against them. 
 
 An. 1. Archelaus 3.] — Who, from Egypt (where he first went,) passing 
 through Judea in his way toward Armenia,'* would not offer any sacrifice at Je- 
 rusalem, expressing by this refusal, the contempt which he had for the Jewish 
 religion; which Augustus approving of, commended him for it. 
 
 An. post C/iristum Dionysiano 1. Archelaus 4.] — The Christian era begun four 
 years after the birth of Christ. How this era was-first brought into use by Dio- 
 nysius Exiguus in the sixth century, and how he, mistook in the wrong placing 
 the beginning of it, hath been already shown in the preface to the first part of 
 
 1 Part 2, book 3. 2 Joseph, de Belle Judaico, lib. i. c. Ig. et Anliq. lib. 18. c. 7. 3 Matt. ii. 22. 
 
 4 Matt. xiv. 1. 3. G. Mark vi. Luke iii. viii. ix. xiii.xxiii. Acts- iv. 27. 5 Luke iii. 1. 
 
 6 Matt. xiv. 3. Mark vi. 17. 7 Acts xii. 1,2. 8 Acts x:i. 20—23. 
 
 9 Malt. xiv. 3. Mark. vi. 17. 10 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 7. 11 Matt. xiv. 6—1. Mark vi. 31— 29. 
 
 12 Acts XXV. xxvi. - 13 Acts xxiv. 24. 14 Acts xxv. 23. 
 
 15 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 17. c. 13. See also Matt. ii. 22. Luke iii. 16 Matt. ii. 19—23. 
 
 17 Zonarus ex Dione. 18 Sueton. in Octavio, c. 93. Orosius, Iib^7. c. 3. 
 
420 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 this History. As I have hitherto reckoned by the years before the beginning 
 of this era, so henceforth I shall reckon by the years after it. 
 
 An. 3. Archehms 5.] — Tiberius' was recalled from Rhodes in the eighth year 
 of his retreat thither, and returned again to Rome. 
 
 An. 3. Archelaus 6.] — Caius Cfesar having received a wound in Armenia,^ on 
 his return from thence, died of it at Limyra, a city of Lycia, Lucius his brother 
 having been sent into Spain, ^ died at Marseilles in his way thither the year be- 
 fore. They were the sons of M. Agrippa, by Julia, Augustus's daughter: and 
 therefore, being his grandsons, were adopted by him, and intended for his suc- 
 cessors in the empire. For which reason, it is supposed, their death'* was pro- 
 cured by the fraud of Livia; the wife of Augustus, to make way for Tiberius, 
 her son by her former husband, to be his successor in their stead. 
 
 An. 4. Archelaus 7.] — The Julian calendar, on the leaving out of the third 
 superfluous year, in manner as hath been above related," was again brought 
 into due order, and hath so continued ever since in the countries where it is 
 ©"bsexved. 
 
 Augustus, on the death of Caius and Lucius his grandsons, adopted^ Tibe- 
 rius, and thereby pointed him out for his successor in the empire. Livia had 
 another son by her former husband called Drusus, who died ten years before, 
 while, in the time of his second consulship, he was following the German wars, 
 He having left behind him a son of great worth, named Germanicus,' Augus- 
 tus, when he adopted Tiberius, at the same time forced him to adopt this Ger- 
 manicus. 
 
 An. 7. Archelaus 10.] — Archelaus having committed many great and tyran- 
 nical maleadministrations in his government,* ambassadors came to Rome, both 
 from the Jews and the Samaritans, to accuse him hereof before Augustus; 
 whereon he was called to Rome to answer for them. 
 
 An. 8. Axtgustus 38.] — On his appearing there, not being able to justify him- 
 self before the emperor, but being ibund guilty of all that was charged upon 
 him," he was deposed from his principality, had all his goods condemned to be 
 confiscated, and he himself was banished to Vienna in Gallia, after he had 
 reigned in Judea ten years. 
 
 Hereon Augustus, ^'^ having appointed Publius Sulpitius Quirinius (who ac- 
 cording to" the Greek way of writing that name, is by St. Luke called Cyrenius) 
 to be president of Syria," sent him into the east to seize the country which Ar- 
 chelaus had hitherto reigned over, and reduce it to the form of a Roman pro- 
 vince; and Coponius, a Roman of the equestrian order, was sent with him to 
 take on him the government of it, under the title of procurator of Judea. On 
 their arrival at Jerusalem, they seized all Archelaus's goods, according to the 
 sentence of confiscation passed against him by Augustus, and having in a great 
 part abolished the Jewish polity, established the Roman in its stead, and Copo- 
 nius took on him, in the name of Augustus, the administration of it, but' still in 
 subordination to the president of Syria, Judea being made a part of that pro- 
 vince. After this,'^ the power of life and death was taken out of the hands of 
 the Jews, and placed wholly in the Roman procurator, and his subordinate offi- 
 cers; and taxes were thenceforth paid immediately to the Roman emperor. 
 The description and registration of every man's possession was made eleven 
 years before by Sentius Saturninus: but the laying and levying of the taxes 
 according thereto was not put in execution till that country was reduced into 
 the form of a Roman province by Cyrenius, then governor of Syria in the man- 
 ner I have mentioned. The raising of these taxes'^ caused great disturbances 
 
 I Sueton. ill Tiberio, c. 13/ 2 Velleius Patnrculus, lib. 2. c. 102^ Tacitus Anna), lib. 1. c. 3. 
 
 3 Velleius ibid. Tacitus ib. lib. \. c. 3. Suetonius in Octavio, c. 05. 4 Tacitus Annal. lilj. 1. c. 3. 
 
 5 Macrob. Salurnal. lib. 1. c. 14. Solinus, c. 3. 
 
 G Velfeius Paterculun, lib. 2. c. 103. Sueton. in Tiberio, c. 21. 
 
 7 Suetonius in Tiberio, c. 1.5. Tacitus Annal. lib. 1. c. 8. Dion Cassias, lib. 55. 
 
 8 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 17. c. 15. et de Bello Judaico, lib. 2. 9 Ibid. 10 Joseph. Ibid. lib. 18. c. 1» 
 
 II Strabo writes it Kuf ino;, lib. 12. p. 5()9. 12 John xviii. 31. See Lightfoot on this place. 
 13 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. c. 1. et 2. Ue Bello Judaico, lib. 2. c. 12. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 421 
 
 among the -Jews, many opposing it, some under the notion of a universal liberty 
 that they were to have no king but God; and others, that they were not to own 
 a king, by paying taxes to him, that was of a foreign nation, because the law 
 commanded' not to set a stranger, which is not of their brethren, to be king 
 over them. The first was headed by one* Judas of Galilee, a turbulent and sedi- 
 tious man, of whom mention is made in the Acts of the Apostles (chap. v. 
 ver. 37;) but he was soon cut off, and all his followers suppressed. But the 
 other notion of not owning a foreigner to be their king still remained: for it was 
 a doctrine held and taught by the Pharisees, the predominant sect of the Jews, 
 and from them imbibed by the generality of that people. And hence it was, 
 that in the time of our Saviour's ministration, they had made it a question, 
 Whether they were to pay tribute to Cassar or no? For though they were forced 
 io submit hereto, yet, as to the legality of the thing, they generally held it in 
 the negative. And this was the reason that the publicans, that is, those of that 
 nation who were employed under the Romans for the gathering of those taxes, 
 were in so great odium and detestation among them; for they looked on their 
 employment as a constant breach of their law, and them for their acting therein 
 as apostates from it, and the worst of men, such as were not to be drunk or 
 eaten with, or admitted to common conversation. And hence it is, that in the 
 gospels we find publicans and sinners so often joined togetlier, and our Saviour 
 so often reproached for conversing with them. 
 
 At the same time that Cyrenius was in Judea, on the settling of this matter 
 of the tax,^ he deposed Joazar, the son of Boethus, from being high-priest, and 
 appointed Annas, the son of Seth, to succeed him in that office; in which he 
 continued several years. 
 
 In the same year while this was a-doing,'' our Saviour being then in the 
 twelfth year of his age, went up to Jerusalem with Joseph and Mary to the 
 passover, and there first appeared in the prophetic office, and the business of 
 his father, on which he was sent, in sitting among the doctors in the temple, 
 and there declaring the truth of God unto them. This was his first signal 
 coming to his temple,* foretold by the prophet Malachi, whereby, according to 
 the prophet Haggai," the glory of this latter house was made to be much greater 
 than that of the former. He had been personally there before, but now first 
 ministerially, as the messenger of the covenant, whereby the messages of life 
 and salvation were revealed unto men. And on this his coming began to be 
 fulfilled that signal prophecy of Jacob,^ " The sceptre shall not depart from 
 Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come." That by 
 Shiloh is here meant the Messiah, is on all hands agreed: and at the time of this 
 Lis coming, Cyrenius having reduced Judea into the form of a Roman province, 
 and instead of their former governors of their own nation, placed a Roman pro- 
 curator over them; then began the fulfilUng of this prophecy, which sixty-two 
 years after was fully completed in the destruction of Jerusalem; for then, that 
 is, at the time of this reduction of Judea to a Roman province, the sceptre and 
 the lawgiver from between their feet began to be taken from them; of which, in 
 the destruction of the temple and city of Jerusalem by Titus, they were wholly 
 deprived, and have never since had them again restored. 
 
 For the fuller explication of this prophecy, and of the manner of its comple- 
 tion, these following particulars are to be observed, 1st, By the sceptre in Judah 
 is meant the sovereignty in it, and by a lawgiver from between his feet, the ad- 
 ministration of justice by those of that same nation, and according to their own 
 laws: and both put together, imply such a political constitution of government, 
 as that whereby a nation is governed by its own princes; and this was that which 
 was not to depart from Judah till Shiloh should come. 2dly, This constitution 
 of government all Israel was possessed of, from their coming out of Egypt to 
 the time of the prevaihng of the Assyrian empire, they being till then under 
 
 1 Dent. xvii. 15. 2 Joseph, ibid. 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. C. 3. 4 Luke ii. 41—49. 
 
 5 Malachi iii. 1. 6 Haggai ii. 9. 7 Gen. xlix. 10. 
 
422 CONNEXION OF THE fflSTORY OF 
 
 their own princes (that is, first judges, and afterward kings,) and governed by 
 their own laws. But, 3dly, When the kings of Assyria had extended their em- 
 pire on this side the Euphrates, as far as Palestine, ten of the tribes of Israel 
 being carried into captivity, the sceptre then departed from those tribes, and the 
 lawgiver from between their feet: for their princes and their laws being then 
 taken away from them, they were never after that any more a people; but, being 
 scattered among the heathen nations of the east, their name and their nation 
 were absorbed and lost in them, and they have never since been any more 
 heard of. But, 4thly, The tribe of Judah, though they fell under the like cap- 
 tivity, yet afterward returned from it into their own land, and had there their 
 sceptre and lawgiver again restored to them: for being there embodied again 
 under the same constitution of government, they had again princes of their own 
 to be rulers over them, and' the administration of justice under them by their 
 own laws, in the same manner as before; and so they continued to have with- 
 out interruption (excepting only the three years and a half of Antiochus's per- 
 secution,) till the time that Coponius was made procurator of Judea. But 
 then- the power of life and death being taken from them, and placed in a 
 foreign governor, and justice being thenceforth administered by the laws of 
 Rome, instead of those of their own nation, then truly began the sceptre to de- 
 part from Judah, and the lawgiver from between his feet; and this departure was 
 fully completed in the destruction of Jerusalem sixty-two years after, and therein 
 this prophecy had its entire accomplishment. Till then, some few remains of 
 their power were still left among them: for they had still their sanhedrin or na- 
 tional council, and they had still their high-priest, with some shadow of au- 
 thority still lodged in both; and, in the administration of justice, some regard 
 was still had by the Roman governors to their old national law. But after the 
 temple and city of Jerusalem were destroyed by Titus, all this was absolutely 
 and wholly abolished; and from that time neither the sceptre nor the lawgiver 
 hath been any more found among them. For although near one thousand six 
 hundred and fifty years are now passed since that destruction, and great num- 
 bers of this people swarm all over the world, yet they have never been able to 
 embody again into a nation, either in their own or any other land; or have they 
 to this day ever found a place where they could re-establish their old constitu- 
 tion of law, or have a prince of their own to govern them by it. As to their* 
 ^chmalotarcha at Babylon, if that officer be still there in being, he is no more 
 than what their Alabarcha was at Alexandria, their Ethnarcha at Antioch, or 
 their Episcopus Judsorum in England, that is, the head of that sect in that 
 place, without sword or sceptre, or any power of coercion, or authority of juris- 
 diction, but what he hath by the voluntary submission of the Jews of that coun- 
 try, which was the old Babylonian province. And therefore nothing can be 
 more vain than what the Jews urge as to this matter, that is, that in this ^ch- 
 malotarcha is still preserved both the sceptre and the lawgiver in the tribe of 
 Judah; and that therefore the prophecy of Jacob above mentioned is not yet ful- 
 filled, nor the Messiah as yet come. 
 
 But against what I have here said of the explication and fulfilling of this pro- 
 phecy it may be objected, that after the Babylonish captivity we find none, ex- 
 cepting Zerubbabel to have had the government of the Jewish nation that were 
 of the tribe of Judah; that the high-priests had mostly the regency of the land, 
 who were of the tribe of Levi; and that after the Asmonean princes, Herod and 
 Archelaus his son reigned in Judea, who were descendants of the Idumeans, 
 and not of any of the tribes of Israel. To this I answer, that after the captivity, 
 the tribe of Judah swallowed all else that were left of the other tribes of Israel, 
 and all from that time were called Jews, and reckoned as one of the sons of Ju- 
 
 1 See the charter they had for this from Artaxerxes Lorrgimanus, king of Persia, Ezra vii. 
 
 2 John xviii. 31. 
 
 3 i. e. The head of the captivity. Such an officer the Bahylonish Jews had, to whom they paid a volun- 
 tary submission. He was always chosen by them out of the house of David. But this office hath been long 
 BJnce antiquated, though some of the Jews pretend, that it is there still in being even to this day. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 423 
 
 «Jah. And as to Herod,' Nicolas of Damascus, who lived in his court, attests 
 him to have been descended from one of those Jewish families which returned 
 from the Babylonish captivity. But whether this were so or not, it is no where 
 denied but that he was descended from ancestors who had by proselytism been 
 long engrafted into the name and nation of the Jews, and thereby been made at 
 least adopted sons of the tribe of Judah; and therefore, he cannot be reckoned 
 as a stranger to it. 
 
 The sum therefore is: the sceptre and the lawgiver remained among the 
 Jews till both began to be taken from them by the Romans, on their reducing 
 Judea into the form of a Roman province; and then Christ, the Shiloh pro- 
 mised, began his coming, as the Messiah, by then first entering on his father's 
 business for which he was sent. And that this exactly fell in with the time of 
 this change, plainly appears: for Christ was then in the twelfth year of his age;^ 
 and the twelfth year from Christ's birth was that whereon Coponius entered on 
 his governm-ent: for Herod lived one year after the birth of Christ; and after 
 the death of Herod, ^ Archelaus reigned ten years, and the next year after the 
 Romans seized Judea, and made it a province of their empire. Christ therefore 
 first appeared in the temple as the Messiah at that very time when the sceptre 
 and the lawgiver first began to depart from Judah; and the sixty-two years after 
 that, this departure was fuUy completed in the destruction of the temple and 
 city of Jerusalem, and tlie utter abolishing of the whole Jewish policy and con- 
 stitution of government in that land, which hath never since, either there or 
 any where else, been again revived. 
 
 Jin. 10. Augustus 40.] — JMarcus Ambivius" was sent by Augustus to be pro- 
 curator of Judea, in the place of Coponius. And this same year died Salome 
 the sister of Herod, a woman who, by her crafty and malicious intrigues, had 
 caused great mischief in her brother's family. 
 
 An. 12. Augustus 42. Tiberius 1.] — Tiberius^ was admitted into co-partner- 
 ship of command and sovereignty with Augustus in all the provinces and armies 
 of the Roman empire, and a decree passed both the senate and the people of 
 Rome to confirm him in it. And from hence the fifteenth year of Tiberius, 
 mentioned in the Gospel of vSt. Luke, is to be reckoned. 
 
 An. 13. Augustus 43. Tiberius 2.] — Augustus having called Ambivius from 
 Judea, sent thither Annius Rufus to be procurator of that province in his stead. 
 
 An. 14. Augustus 44. Tiberius 3.] — Augustus Caesar** died at Nola in Campa- 
 nia, on the 19th of August, after he had lived seventy-six years wanting thirty- 
 five days; for he was born on the 23rd of September, in the sixty-third year before 
 the Christian era, and died on the 19th of August in the fourteenth year of that era. 
 The time of his reign was just ftfty-six years, reckoning it from the time of his 
 entering on his first consulship, which was on the same day of the year in 
 "which he died: but if we reckon it from the Actiac victory, his reign will then 
 be forty-four years, wanting fourteen days; for that victory was gained on the 
 2nd of September, and the day of his death was the 19th of August, as hath 
 been already here mentioned. And the Actiac victory being that which gave 
 him the whole Roman empire, and absolute sovereignty over it, by that we 
 here reckon the years of his reign after the deposition of Archelaus, and the 
 making Judea a province of the Roman empire. On his death,'' he was suc- 
 ceeded by Tiberius, the son of Livia his wife by her former husband. He had 
 been made his partner before in the supreme command of the provinces and 
 armies, but now the whole empire devolved on him, and that not only in the 
 provinces and armies, but also in the sovereign city of Rome itself, and thereby 
 he became, in the same manner, as Augustus had been before, lord of all. He 
 was fifty-five years old when he first entered on this succession, and reigned 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 2. .2 Luke ii. 42. 3 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 17. c. 15. 
 
 4 Ibid. lib. 18. c 3. 5 Velleius Patercul. lib. 2. c. 121. Sueton. in Tiberio, c. 21. 
 
 6 Ibid. lib. 2. e. 123. Sueton. in Octavio, c. 100. Tacitus, lib. 1. c. 5. 7. Dion Cassius, lib. .56. p. 589, 590. 
 
 7 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. c. 3. Velleius Patercul. lib. 2. c. 124. Tacit Annal. lib. 1. c. 7. Sueton. in Tibe- 
 zio, c. 24. Dion Cassius, lib. 57. 
 
424 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF 
 
 from this time over the whole Roman empire' twenty-two years, seven months, 
 and seven days. 
 
 An. 15. Tiberius 4. — 1.] — Tiberius^ sent Valerius Gratus into Judea, to be 
 procurator of that province in the place of Annius Rufus; in which government 
 he continued eleven years. 
 
 An. 17. Tiberius 6. — 3.] — The death of Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and 
 of Antiochus king of Commagena, and Philopater king of Cilicia, which all 
 happened the same year, causing some disturbances in those countries,^ Tibe- 
 rius laid hold on this occasion to recall Germanicus from his Germanic legions 
 (where he feared his power and interest with the soldiery,) to send him into 
 the east, pretending that those disturbances could no otherwise be removed than 
 by the wisdom of Germanicus; and therefore caused a decree to pass the se- 
 nate, whereby was committed to his charge the government of all the provinces 
 of the east beyond the ^gean sea. 
 
 A?i. 18. Tiberius 7. — 4.] — Germanicus,* passing into the east, reduced Cap- 
 padocia and Commagena into the form of Roman provinces; and having quieted 
 the disturbances that were in Armenia, made Zeno, the son of Polemon king 
 of Pontus, king of that country, to the great satisfaction both of the nobility and 
 populacy of it, he having been bred among them, and made himself always ac- 
 ceptable to them. After this he marched into Syria, and there took up his 
 v.'inter-quarters. C. Piso was then president of that province. ^ He was sent 
 thither at the same time that Germanicus went into the east; and his private 
 commission from Tiberius was, to be a curb and a check upon Germanicus, and 
 to create him all the trouble and vexation he was able; and he failed not exe- 
 cuting to the utmost all that was given him in charge as to this matter. 
 
 An. 19. Tiberius 8. — 5.] — Germanicus in the® spring passed from Syria into 
 Egypt, and there took a view of all the curiosities of that country, sailing up 
 the Nile from Canopus, as far as the borders of Ethiopia. On his return into 
 Syria,^ he fell sick, and died at Antioch of poison, administered to him by the 
 fraud of Piso and Blancina his wife; so Germanicus complained in his sick- 
 ness, and so it was generally thought; and it was not doubted, but that it was 
 by secret® instruction from Tiberius himself that this villanous act was done. 
 Germanicus had by many eminent qualifications gained the esteem and affec- 
 tion of all men to a high degree: this produced such an envy and jealousy in 
 Tiberius, that he could not rest till by these treacherous means he had pro- 
 cured his death. This^ caused a general grief and mourning all over the em- 
 pire, especially at Rome, and also a rage and wrath equal thereto, against Piso 
 and his wife, the supposed authors of his death. 
 
 An. 20. Tiberius 9. — 6.] — And therefore, as soon as they returned to Rome,'" 
 they were both arraigned for it before the senate. But Piso there finding his 
 condemnation unavoidable, fell on his own sword to prevent the sentence, and 
 so died by his own hands. 
 
 An. 23. Tiberius 12. — 9.] — Valerius Gratus" having removed Annas from be- 
 ing high-priest, after he had been fifteen years in the office, substituted Ishmael, 
 the son of Fabus, in his place. 
 
 An. 24. Tiberius 13. — 10.] — But in the next year after, being displeased with 
 his choice, he again removed Ishmael," and promoted to this office Eleazar the 
 son of that Annas whom he had lately deposed from it. 
 
 An. 25. Tiberius 14. — 11.] — But after a year's time," he removed him also, 
 and made Simon, the son of Camith, high-priest in his stead, who continued in 
 this office no longer than his predecessor. 
 
 An. 26. Tiberius 15.^12.] — For the next year after was appointed to suc- 
 
 1 nion Cassiiis, lib. 58. p. 639. 2 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. c. 3. 
 
 3 Tacitus Anna!, lib. 2. c. 5. 42, 43. Joseph, ibid. 4 Ibid. lib. 2. c. 54. 56. Sueton. in Caligula, c. 1. 
 
 5 Ibid. hb. 2. c. 55. 6 Ibid. lib. 2. c. 59—61. 
 
 7 Tacitus Aniial. lib. 2. c. 69—72. Sueton. in Caligula, c. 1. 8 Sueton. in Caligula, c. 2. 
 
 9 Tacitus Anna!, lib. 2. c. 71, 72. Sueton. in Caligula, c. 5, 6. 
 
 10 Tacitus Annal. lib. 3. c. 10—15. Dion Cassius, lib. 57. p. 615. 11 Joseph, Antiq. lib. 18. c. 3. 
 
THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. 405 
 
 ceed him,' by the same Gratus, Joseph, surnamed Caiaphas,- the son-in-law of 
 Annas above mentioned; which two were the high-priests that are spoken of 
 in the gospels to have had the chief hand in the prosecuting of our Saviour to 
 his crucifixion.^ And this same year Valerius Gratus being recalled,'' Pontius 
 Pilate was sent by Tiberius to be procurator of Judea in his stead, a man tho- 
 roughly prepared for all manner of iniquity; which he accordingly executed 
 through his whole government. Philo Judseus chargeth him to have been guilty 
 therein of selling justice, ° and giving any sentence for money, of rapines, of in- 
 juries, of murders, of unjust tormentings, of putting men arbitrarily to death, 
 without process or sentence of law, and of excessive cruelty through his whole ad- 
 ministration; and by such a hardened temper of iniquity he was thoroughly fitted 
 for the giving of that unjust sentence, whereby he condemned to death Him that 
 is the Lord of Life. 
 
 This year was the fifteenth of Tiberius, from the time that he was admitted 
 to reign in copartnership with Augustus. And this was that fifteenth year of 
 the reign of Tiberius mentioned by St. Luke,^ in which St. John the Baptist 
 first preached the baptism of repentance for the remission of sins.'' And there- 
 in the gospel of Jesus Christ had its beginning:^ for Christ appeared for the re- 
 vealing of this gospel first by this his messenger sent before his face, to prepare 
 the way for his personal appearance; which was accordingly made by him three 
 years and a half after. First, therefore, John the Baptist begun the ministry 
 of the gospel in this fifteenth year of Tiberius, and continued in it for three 
 years and a half; that is, he begun it about the time of the paschal feast, and 
 continued it till the feast of tabernacles in the fourth year after. And then, 
 John being cast into prison,'' Christ appeared to take it on him in person, and 
 personally carried it on three years and a half more. So that the whole term 
 of Christ's ministry, while he was here on earth, as executed first vicariously 
 by John, his forerunner, and afterward personally by himself, was exactly seven 
 years; and these seven years constituted the last of the seventy weeks in Dan- 
 iel's prophecy.*" How at the beginning of this week ended the sixty-two weeks 
 of this prophecy, which pointed out the time of the coming of Christ in the 
 ministry of his gospel, and how this last week then begun, and how in that 
 week the covenant was confirmed with many, and how in the last half of it the 
 Levitical sacrifices and oblations were made to cease, and in the conclusion of 
 the said weeks the Messiah was cut off, hath been already shown in the first 
 part of this history; and therefore I need not here again repeat it. 
 
 ^n. 33. Tiberius 19.] — At the time appointed by this prophecy, Christ be- 
 came a sacrifice for us, to make reconciliation for our iniquities, and died upon 
 the cross for the expiation of them; and thereby having purchased his spiritual 
 kingdom over us, he took possession of it on his resurrection from the dead. 
 For then his church, which is his kingdom, had its beginning; and therein 
 were fulfilled two other of Daniel's prophecies relating to this his kingdom, the 
 first contained in the second chapter of that prophet, and the other in the se- 
 venth; both which foretold, that the kingdom of the Messiah should come on, 
 and grow upon the decay of that of the Romans. For by the four kingdoms, 
 set forth by the four metals of Nebuchadnezzar's image in the first of those 
 prophecies, and by the four beasts in the other, are meant the four monarchies 
 of the Babylonians, the Persians, the Macedonians, and the Romans: and that, 
 after the decay of the kingdom of the Romans, the kingdom of the Messiah 
 should commence, is plainly expressed in both these prophecies. For what is 
 said of the king of the next succeeding kingdom, in the first of these prophe- 
 cies, that "his kingdom should never be destroyed, but should stand for ever;'"' 
 and, in the second of them, that "there was given to him dominion and glory 
 and a kingdom, that all people, nations, and languages, should serve him, and 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. c. 3. 2 John xviii. 1. 3. 3 Luke iii. 2. John xviii. 13. 24. Acts iv. 6. 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. c. 3. 5 In Libre de Legatione ad Caium. 6 Luke iii. 1- 
 
 7 Mark i. 4. Luke iii. 3. 8 Mark i. 1 9 Matt. iv. 12. 17. 10 Dau. ix, 11 Dan. ii. 44. 
 
 Vol. n.— 54 
 
4^Q CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF, &c. 
 
 that his dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away, and 
 his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed,"' can be understood of none 
 other than of Christ and his kingdom. And therefore the strength of the Ro- 
 man empire beginning to decay In the reign of Tiberius, then accordingly com- 
 menced the beginning of the kingdom of the Messiah in the erection of his 
 church here on earth. In the first of these prophecies,'' the Roman empire is 
 set forth by legs of iron, and feet of iron and clay mingled together: this im- 
 plies the two sorts of governments which the Romans were under; first, the 
 legal government under their old constitution, and the other the arbitrary and 
 tyrannical government under their emperors. As long as the first remained, the 
 empire of Rome stood firm and strong upon it, as upon legs of iron. But when 
 the secoiid commenced, and in the place of legal government succeeded arbi- 
 trary will and pleasure, then clay was mingled with iron in the feet; and there- 
 by the basis was made weak, on which the whole structure was founded. As 
 long as Augustus lived, who was a prince, wise, just, and clement, the clay in 
 the foundation of his government was as sti'ong and as firm as the iron. But 
 when Tiberius succeeded,^ who had more of the beast in him than of the man, 
 and governed for the most part without reason or justice, by a most barbarous 
 and cruel will and pleasure, the clay began to moulder, and the foundations of 
 this kingdom to grow weak and decay. And at this very time, when it began 
 so to do, Christ's kingdom commenced, in the erection of his church: and where 
 that begun, there the Jewish church, with the whole Mosaic economy, ended. 
 And this being the utmost term to which I proposed to bring down this work, I 
 shall here put a conclusion to it, with my most humble and hearty thanksgiving 
 and praise to Almighty God, that he hath of his great mercy and goodness given 
 me hfe and strength to enable me thus to complete it. 
 
 1 Dan. vii, 14. 2 Dan, ii. 33. 40. 3 See his life in Suetonius. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 FOREGOING HISTORY. 
 
 < 
 
 o !E 
 
 
 
 
 
 3-3 
 
 2,7 
 
 -f 
 
 m' ^ 
 
 •< « 
 
 ■ c" 
 
 S ?5 
 
 "^2, 
 
 
 
 
 
 - to 
 
 
 cc5 
 
 ■< 3 
 
 291 
 
 H 1 
 
 «14- 
 
 
 CO 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 290 
 
 o 
 
 iil5 
 
 289 
 
 3 
 
 ii;i6 
 
 268 
 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 287 
 
 5 
 
 18 
 
 286 
 
 fi 
 
 19 
 
 285 
 
 7 
 
 2a 
 
 284 
 
 8 
 
 S 1 
 
 283 
 
 9 
 
 i 2 
 
 •< 3 
 
 282 
 
 10 
 
 281 
 
 11 
 
 -n 4 
 
 280 
 
 12 
 
 S 5 
 
 279 
 
 13 
 
 5| 6 
 
 3- 
 
 278 
 
 14 
 
 ? 7 
 
 277 
 
 15 
 
 ' 8 
 
 276 
 
 21 
 
 03 
 
 9 
 
 275 
 
 i 2 
 
 3- 
 
 10 
 
 274 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 273 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 272 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 271 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 270 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 269 
 
 8 
 
 16 
 
 268 
 
 9 
 
 17 
 
 267 
 
 10 
 
 18 
 
 266 
 
 11 
 
 19 
 
 265 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 264 
 
 13 
 
 21 
 
 263 
 
 14 
 
 22 
 
 262 
 
 15 
 
 23 
 
 26 
 
 ^23 
 S24 
 o25 
 
 ZD 3 
 
 ? 4 
 5 
 
 Eleazar, the brother of Simon the Just, succeeds him in the high priesthood 
 at Jerusalem. 
 
 Demetrius makes great preparations to recover his father's dominions in 
 Asia and the east. 
 
 His army revolting from him, he is driven out of Macedon, and makes a 
 desperate attempt upon Asia; wherein failing of success, he is brought 
 into great distress. 
 
 Demetrius is forced to yield himself prisoner to Seleucus. 
 
 Ptolemy Soter resigns his kingdom to Pfiiladelphus his younger son; where- 
 on Ceraunus the elder flies out of Egypt, first to Lysimachus, and after- 
 ward to Seleucus. 
 
 The watch-tower of Phanis finished, and the worship of Serapis first brought 
 into Egygt. Ptolemy Soter dies. 
 
 Seleucus and Ljsimachus prepare for a war against each other. 
 
 Seleucus takes Sardis, and makes himself master of Lesser Asia. 
 
 Lysimachus is slain in battle by Seleucus. 
 
 Seleucus is slain treacherously by Ptolemy Ceraunus, who thereon becomes 
 king of Blacedon. 
 
 Antiochus Soter succeeds Seleucus. The Gauls make an irruption into 
 Greece, vanquish and slay Ptolemy Ceraunus; are vanquished and ex- 
 pelled by Sosthenes, 
 
 The Gauls make a second irruption into Greece under the command of 
 Brennus. They are vanquished and ruined. 
 
 The remains of the Gauls pass into Lesser Asia, and there settle in Galatia. 
 The Hebrew scriptures first translated into Greek. 
 
 Antigonus Gonatas the son of Demetrius succeeds Sosthenes in the king- 
 dom of Macedon. 
 
 Antiochus vanquisheth the Gauls, and thereby frees Lesser Asia from their 
 ravages; hence he is called Soter, ;. e. the Saviour. 
 
 The Romans having after a six years' war driven Pyrrhus out of Italy, be- 
 gan to be of great renown in the east, whereon Ptolemy sent an embassy 
 to them to pray their alliance. 
 
 The Romans send an embassy to Ptolemy, and make an alliance with him. 
 
 Pyrrhus slain at Argos. 
 
 Philadelphus, and the Athenians and Lacedemonians make w^ar upon An 
 tigonus Gonatas king of Macedon, now gtown powerful since the death 
 of Pyrrhus, but without success. 
 
 Sotades the lewd poet put to death. 
 
 Magas, governor of Lybia and Cyrene for Ptolemy Philadelphus his brother, 
 rebels, and makes himself king of those countries. 
 
 Antiochus king of Syria, and Ptolemy king of Egypt, make w-ar upon each 
 other. 
 
 Philetserus, the first founder of fhe Perganienian kingdom, dies, and is suc- 
 ceeded by Eumenes his brother's son. Antigonus of Socho, president of 
 the Sanhedrin at Jerusalem, dies. 
 
 Nicomedia in Bithynia, built by Nicomedes the king of that country. Eu- 
 menes overthrows Antiochus, and thereby establisheth himself at Perga- 
 mus. 
 
428 
 
 A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 
 26J 
 260 
 259 
 
 258 
 
 257 
 
 256 
 
 255 
 ■254 
 
 253 
 252 
 251 
 
 250 
 
 249 
 
 248 
 247 
 
 246 
 
 244 
 
 243 
 
 242 
 
 238 
 237 
 236 
 
 235 
 
 234 
 233 
 232 
 231 
 230 
 
 229 
 
 228 
 227 
 226 
 
 19 
 
 > 1 
 
 3 
 
 I' ^ 
 
 3- 
 C 
 
 h3 
 
 69 
 
 £. 3 
 ? 4 
 
 Antiochus Soter dies at Antioch, and is succeeded by Antiochus Theus his 
 son. 
 
 Antiochus vanquished and slew Timarchus tyrant of Ephesus. Berosus the 
 famous Babylonian historian flourished. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelplius built Berenice, a port on the western shore of the Red 
 Sea, and thereby drew all the trade of the east into Egypt, and Alexan- 
 dria thenceforth became its principal mart. 
 
 Magas king of Lybia and Cyrene, made peace with Ptolemy on terms of 
 marrying his daughter, who was his only child, to Ptolemy's eldest son, 
 and thereby uniting Lybia and Cyrene again to Egypt. 
 
 Magas died; whereon Apame his widow would, contrary to the late con- 
 tract, have married her daughter to Demetrius the son of Demetrius, late 
 king of Macedon, but Demetrius being slain, the lady was sent into 
 Egypt. 
 
 And Apame retiring into Syria to Antiochus her brother, there excited him 
 to a war against Ptolemy, which lasted several years, to his great da- 
 mage. 
 
 Ptolemy carries on his war against Antiochus by his lieutenants. 
 
 Philadelplius is very diligent in gathering together books, pictures, and sta- 
 tues, for the adorning and replenishing of his museum and library, for 
 which Aratus the Sicyonian was one of his agents in Greece. 
 
 Manasseh the high priest of the Jews dying toward the end of this year, 
 was succeeded by Onias, the second of that name, the son of Simon the 
 Just. 
 
 While Antiochus was pursuing his war against Ptolemy, the Parthians re- 
 belled in the east, under the leading of Arsaces, who on this occasion 
 first founded the Parthian empire. The Bactrians revolted at the same 
 time. 
 
 Peace was made between Ptolemy and Antiochus, on the terms that Anti- 
 ochus divorced Laodice his former wife, and married Berenice the daugh- 
 ter of Ptolemy. 
 
 Arsinoe, the sister and beloved wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus, dies. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus dies in the end of the year, and is succeeded by Pto- 
 lemy Euergetes his son. 
 
 Antiochus puts away Berenice; and recalls Laodice, who poisons him, cuts 
 oft' Berenice and her son, and makes Seleucus Callinicus her son king. 
 Euergetes, for revenge hereof, niarcheth into Syria, slays Laodice, and 
 reduceth under him a great part of the Syrian empire. 
 
 Callinicus, having provided a great fleet for the reducing of the revolted ci- 
 ties of Asia, loseth it all in a storm, whereon those cities, out of compas- 
 sion to his case, returned again to him. 
 
 Callinicus, being overthrown in a great battle by Ptolemy, calls in Antio- 
 chus Hierax his brother to his assistance. 
 
 Ptolemy maketh peace with Seleucus Callinicus. 
 
 Hierax maketh war upon Callinicus his brother, and overthrows him in a 
 battle near Ancyra; and is immediately after, while sore of that battle, 
 fallen upon and overthrown by Eumenes of Pergamus. 
 
 Eumenes of. Pergamus dies, and is succeeded by Attalus his uncle's son, 
 who first took the style of king. While the two brothers in Syria war 
 against each other, Arsaces seizeth Hyrcania, and adds it to Parthia. 
 
 Hierax being overcome by Callinicus, flees first into Cappadocia, and from 
 thence into Egypt, where he is made a prisoner by Ptolemy. 
 
 Ptolemy applies himself to augment his library at Alexandria, and makes 
 Aratosthenes his library keeper. 
 
 Seleucus Callinicus marcheth into the east to reduce the Parthians, but re- 
 turns without success, being recalled by some commotions in Syria. 
 
 Seleucus makes a second expedition against Arsaces, and is vanquished, 
 and taken prisoner. " ' 
 
 Onias sends Joseph his nephew on an embassy to king Ptolemy. Joseph 
 farms of that king all his revenues of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, and Judea. 
 
TO THE FOREGOING HISTORY. 
 
 429 
 
 ft) 
 
 o a; 
 
 225 
 224 
 223 
 
 219 
 218 
 
 215 
 214 
 213 
 212 
 
 S 1 
 
 3 
 
 9- 3- 
 4 
 5 
 C 
 
 210 
 209 
 
 207 
 
 206 
 
 205 
 204 
 
 203 
 
 202 
 
 200 
 199 
 
 198 
 
 197 
 
 3 1 
 
 W 1 
 
 > 1 
 
 98 
 99 
 100 
 101 
 
 103 
 104 
 
 105 
 
 106 
 
 107 
 
 108 
 109 
 
 110 
 
 111 
 
 113 
 114 
 
 115 
 
 116 
 
 Seleucus Callitiicus being dead in Parlhia of a fall from his horse, is suc- 
 ceeded in Syria by Seleucus Ceraunus his eldest son. 
 
 Seleucus niarchelh into Lesser Asia, to make war upon Attains king of 
 Pttrgamus. 
 
 He is there poisoned by those about him. Achoeus revengeth his death upon 
 the authors of it. 
 
 Antiochus, brother of Seleucus, succeeds him. Makes Ilermias his chief mi- 
 nister, Achaeus governor of Lesser Asia, and Alexamlor and Molon, two 
 brothers, governors of Persia and Media. The Colossus at Rhodes over- 
 thrown. 
 
 Euergetes being dead, is succeeded by Philopator his son. Alexander and 
 Molon rebel. Antiochus sends an army against them, and niarchcth with 
 another into CoeleSyria. His former army is beaten, and the other re- 
 turns without success. 
 
 Antiochus goes in person against Alexander and Molon, vanquisheth and 
 destroys them both. Achseus rebels, and usurps Lesser Asia. Hermias put 
 to death. 
 
 Antiochus takes Seleucia, Tyre, Ptolemais, and Damascus, and thereby 
 makes himself master of almost all CoeleSyria and Phrenicia. 
 
 Antiochus vantiuisheth Nicolas, Ptolemy's lieutenant in Ca^le-Syria and 
 Phoenicia, and makes himself master- of all Galilee, Samaria, and the land 
 beyond Jordan as far as Rabbah of the children of Amnion. 
 
 Ptolemy overthrows Antiochus in a great battle at Raphia, and recovers 
 again all Coele-Syria and Phoenicia. Ptolemy comes to Jerusalem, and 
 would have entered into the inner temple; is forbid by Simon the high 
 priest. 
 
 Peace being made with Antiochus, and Ptolemy again returned into Alex- 
 andria, he would have destroyed all the Jews of Egypt. He is providen- 
 tially hindered. Antiochus vanquisheth Achseus, and shuts him up in 
 Sardis. ^ , . 
 
 Antiochus takes Sardis, puts Acheeus to death, and recovers all Lesser Asia. 
 
 A rebellion in Egypt. It was mastered by Ptolemy. 
 
 Antiochus marcheth into the east to reduce the Parthians, and other re- 
 volted provinces. He recovers Media, and drives Arsaces thence, who 
 had lately seized that province. 
 
 Antiochus pursues Arsaces into Parthia, and drives him thence into Hyr- 
 cania. „ . . 
 
 Pursues him into Hyrcania, and there besiegeth, and takes Syringis. 
 
 Antiodius and Arsaces waste each other in divers conflicts, neither gaining 
 anv considerable advantage over the other. 
 
 Antiochus growing weary of the war with Arsaces, makes peace with him, 
 and yield's to him Parthia and Hyrcania. 
 
 Antiochus makes war with Euthydemus king of Bactria. Ptolemy Philo- 
 pator gives liimself wholly up to a most profligate course of life at Alex- 
 andria. . , ,■ .1 
 
 Antiochus makes peace. with Euthydemus, marcheth into India, renewetli 
 there his league with Sophagasenus, the king of that country, and win- 
 ters in Carniania. » . t. j 
 
 He returns through Persia, Babylonia, and Mesopotamia, unto Antioch, and 
 there takes the name of the Great, from his success in this expedition. 
 
 Ptolemy Philopator being dead, is succeeded by Ptolemy Epiphanes, an in- 
 fant of five years old. Agathoclea the concubine, and Agalhocles the fa- 
 vourite of the late king, are slain in a tumult. 
 
 Antiochus and Philip king of Macedon make a league to .'seize all Ptolemy s 
 dominions, and divide them between them, and Antiochus accordingly 
 seized Palestine and Cccle-Syria. 
 
 Scipio vanquished Hannibal in Africa. Hereon the Alexandrians, finding 
 the power of the Romans to be great, implore their protection for their 
 infant king, and offer them the tuition of him, which the Romans ac- 
 cept of. f t f 
 
 The Romans send M. .^milius Lepidus into Egypt, to take care of the af- 
 fairs of the infant king, who having settled them under the ministry of 
 Aristomenes an Acarnanian, returns to Rome. 
 
 Aristonienes sends Scopas into Greece to hire mercenaries, who brought 
 thence six thousand stout jEtolians into Ptolemy's service. 
 
 Antiochus waging war with Attains king of Pergainus, Aristomenes took 
 the advantage of it to send Scopas into Palestine and Co'leSyria, who 
 recovers Jerusalem, Jiidea, and many other places, to king Ptolemy. 
 Antiochus iKiving made peace with Attains, returns into Coele-byria, van- 
 quisheth Scopas in a great battle at Paneas, near the fountains of Jor- 
 dan, and recovers all that was lost the former year. 
 Antiochus goes with a great fleet and army into Lesser Asia, in order to 
 make war upon the Romans. Attalus king of Pergamus dies, and is suc- 
 ceeded by Eumenes, the eldest of his four sons. 
 
430 
 
 A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 S - 
 
 3* 
 
 C 3 
 O 
 
 h5 
 
 r o 
 
 = p 
 
 196 
 
 22 
 
 9 
 
 117 
 
 195 
 
 O 1 
 
 3 
 S' 
 
 10 
 
 118 
 
 194 
 
 ? ~ 
 
 11 
 
 119 
 
 193 
 102 
 
 H 3 
 
 S. 4 
 
 12 
 13 
 
 120 
 121 
 
 191 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 122 
 
 190 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 123 
 
 189 
 
 7 
 
 16 
 
 124 
 
 188 
 187 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 125 
 
 120 
 
 186 
 
 10 
 
 19 
 
 127 
 
 185 
 184 
 183 
 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 
 20 
 21 
 22 
 
 128 
 129 
 130 
 
 182 
 181 
 
 14 
 :15 
 
 23 
 
 24 
 
 131 
 
 132 
 
 180 
 
 179 
 
 178 
 177 
 
 176 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 19 
 
 20' 
 
 3 i 
 
 o 
 
 5 2 
 ^ 3 
 ^ 4 
 
 3* 
 
 S'" 5 
 
 3 
 
 a> 
 
 133 
 
 134 
 135 
 136 
 
 137 
 
 
 
 
 175 
 
 1.21 
 
 O 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 138 
 
 174 
 
 2.22 
 
 7 
 
 139 
 
 173 
 
 3.23 
 
 8 
 
 140 
 
 172 
 
 1.24 
 
 9 
 
 141 
 
 171 
 
 » 2 
 
 10 
 
 142 
 
 170 
 
 P 3 
 
 IJ 
 
 143 
 
 169 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 144 
 
 1C8 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 145 
 
 167 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 146 
 
 ■< 3 
 
 Oi I 
 
 S 2 
 3 
 
 2" 4 
 
 Anliochus passeth the Hellespont, seizeth the Thracian Chersonesus, and 
 rebuilds Lysimachia. Scopas lays a dangerous plot against king Ptolemy: 
 he is discovered, and put to death. 
 
 Hannibal comes to Antiochus, and confirms him in his resolution of making 
 war upon the Romans. Simon the high priest of the Jews being dead, is 
 succeeded by Onias the Third, his son. 
 
 Eratosthenes, the library keeper at Alexandria, being dead, is succeeded in 
 that office by Apollonius Rhodius. 
 
 Antiochus marries his daughter Cleopatra to Ptolemy Epiphanes, king of 
 Egypt. 
 
 Antiochus, king Antiochus's eldest son, dieth at Antioch. Antiochus pass- 
 eth into Greece, to make war upon the Romans. 
 
 Antiochus marries his host's daughter at Chalcis, is beaten by Acilius the 
 Roman consul, at Thermopylie, and forced to a precipitate flight by sea 
 into Asia. His fleet beaten near Mount Corycus. 
 
 Antiochus's fleet beaten near Myonnesus. Lucius Scipio passeth the Hel- 
 lespont, vanquisheth Antiochus near Mount Sipylus, and forceth him to 
 an ignominious peace. 
 
 The Romans give the provinces of Caria and Lycia to the Rhodians, and 
 all the rest of Lesser Asia to Eumenes king of Pergamus. Manlius suc- 
 ceeds L. Scipio in Lesser Asia. 
 
 Manlius vanquisheth the G.auls of Lesser Asia, and reduceth them into order. 
 
 Hyrcanus is sent by Joseph his father on an embas.^y to king Ptolemy on 
 the birth of his eldest son. Antiochus is slain while he attempted to rob 
 the temple of Jupiter in Elymais. 
 
 Seleucus Philopator succeeds him in Syria. Ptolemy poisons Aristomenes, 
 and makes Polycrates his chief minister in his stead, and gives himself up 
 to all manner of looseness. 
 
 Ptolemy by his maleadministrations drives the Egyptians into a rebellion. 
 
 Masters it by the wisdom and valour of Polycrates. 
 
 Ptolemy, after having granted the revolted nobility terms of peace, and 
 thereby gotten them within his power, perfidiously puts thern all to death. 
 
 Ptolemy, as he was preparing for war against Seleucus king of Syria, is 
 
 poisoned by those about him, and dies. 
 Ptolemy Philometor his eldest son, an infant of six years old, succeeds him 
 
 under the tuition of Cleopatra his mother. 
 Philip king of Macedon dying, is succeeded by Perseus his son. 
 
 Perseus king of Macedon marries Laodice, the daughter of Seleucus king of 
 
 Syria. 
 Simon, the protector of the temple, quarrels with Onias the high priest; is 
 
 driven out of Judea; flies into Syria; and brings Heliodorus to rob the 
 
 temple. Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, a hostage at Rome, ex- 
 
 clranged for Demetrius, the son of Seleucus. 
 Seleucus king of Syria being dead, is succeeded by Antioclnis Epiphanes his 
 
 brother, newly returned from Rome. Jason buys the high priesthood of 
 
 him, -and supplants Onias his brother. 
 
 Jason introdnceth heathen rites into Jerusalem, and sends offerings to 
 Hercules of'Tyre. 
 
 Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, dies. The tuition of the young king falls into 
 the hands of Lennseus and Eulacus; they demand of Antiochus the resti- 
 tution of CoeleSyria and Palestine, and thereby cause a long war between 
 the two kings. 
 
 Menelaus, another brother of Onias's, supplants Jason, and buys of Antio- 
 chus the high priesthood. Whereon Jason flies to the Ammonites. 
 
 Onias is put to death at Antioch. Lysimachus, Menelaus's deputy at Je- 
 rusalem, slain in a tumult. Antiochus makes his first expedition into 
 Egypt, and cains a great victory near PeUisiuiji. 
 
 Antiochus makes his second expedition into Egypt, gains another victory, 
 and m.ikes himself master of all Egypt, except Alexandria. Philometor 
 being fallen into the hands of Antiochus, the Alexandrians make Physcon 
 king. Antiochus in his return takes and miserably destroys Jerusalem. 
 
 Antiochus. makes his third expedition into Egypt. Attempts the siege of 
 Alexandria without success. Philometor being left in Egypt to make war 
 with Physcon, comes to an agreement with him, upon terras that they 
 shmildjointly reign together. 
 
 Antiochus makes his fourth and last expedition into Egypt; is forced by the 
 Roma'jis'to return. Apollonius sent by him to complete the ruin of Jeru- 
 salem, built the fortress on Mount Acra. Antiochus begins his persecu- 
 tion of the Jewish religion. Mattathias and his sons take arms against 
 him. 
 
 The seven Maccabnean brothers and their mother martyred, and the perse- 
 cution. against the Jews is violently carried on. 
 
TO THE FOREGOING HISTORY. 
 
 431 
 
 
 160 
 165 
 164 
 
 163 
 16-2 
 161 
 
 160 
 159 
 
 157 
 15b 
 155 
 
 153 
 152 
 
 150 
 149 
 148 
 
 147 
 146 
 
 = 1 
 
 p 
 
 3- 3 
 
 » 
 
 4 
 5 
 'C 
 
 '-' 1 
 
 3 
 
 = 2 
 
 142 
 141 
 
 140 
 139 
 
 147 
 
 148 
 149 
 
 150 
 151 
 152 
 
 153 
 
 154 
 
 '£ 1 
 
 3 
 
 S^i 
 
 15fi 
 157 
 158 
 
 159 
 
 160 
 161 
 
 3. 
 
 ■d - 
 
 171 
 172 
 
 16 
 11 
 
 12 
 
 > 1 
 2 2 
 
 I 3 
 
 a 
 
 S 4 
 5 
 
 O 1 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 173 
 
 174 
 
 Mattathias being dead, Judas is made captain of the Jews in his stead. He 
 vaiKiuishfilh Apollonius and Seron. Aiitiochus went into the east. Nica- 
 nor and Tiniotheus, two of his captains, vanquished by Judas. 
 
 Judas vaiiquisheth Lysias; recovers Jerusalem and the sancuiary; restores 
 the daily worship; institutes the feast of the dedication, and forufietti 
 Bethsura against the Edomites. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes being dead in the east, is succeeded by Antiochus Eu- 
 pator his son, under the tuition of LysiaS". Judas vanquishcth the Edom- 
 ites and Ammonites; ^overthrows and slays Timotheus, and relieves the 
 Jews in Gilead. 
 
 Judas vanquisheth Lysias the second time, overthrows another Timotheus 
 in Gilead, and forceth Lysias, in his third expedition agaijist him, to terms 
 of peace. Menelaus is slain, and Alcimus made high priest in his stead. 
 
 Demetrius returns from Rome; seizeth the kingdom of Syria, slays Eupator 
 and Lysias; sends first Bacchides, and after that Nicanor, against the 
 Jews. 
 
 Nicanor vanquislied and slain by Judas, and all his army cut off to a man. 
 Bacchides, being sent to revenge this blow, slays Judas in battle, and 
 miserably oppresseth the Jews. ' Jonathan made their captain instead of 
 Judas. 
 
 Alcy mus dying, Baccliides returns, and the Jews thereon enjoy peace for two 
 years. 
 
 Demetrius drives Ariarathes king of Cappadocia out of his kingdom, and 
 makes Holophernes king in his stead. Eumenes king of Pergamus dies, 
 and is succeeded by Attains his brother. 
 
 Bacchides came again into Judea; being worsted by Jonathan and Simon at 
 the siege of Bethbasi, makes peace with the Jews, and returns. 
 
 Ariarathes is restored by Attains, and Holophernes flees to Antioch. 
 
 Physcon obtains a decree from the senate of Rome against his brother. 
 
 By virtue whereof he lands with an army in Cyprus, is there vanquished 
 and taken prisoner; but is restored to Libya and Cyrene by the kindness 
 of his brother. 
 
 Demetrius giving himself wholly up to sloth and luxury, and neglecting the 
 government, loseth the aflfection of his people, whereon Alexander Balas, 
 an impostor, sets up against him. 
 
 He being owned by the Romans, lands at^Ptolemais, and great numbers re- 
 volt to him. Jonathan declares for him, and is made high priest. 
 
 Demetrius, in the first conflict, gets the better of Alexander; but Alexander 
 having the kings of Pergamus, Cappadocia, and Egypt, on his side, is soon 
 again recruited by them. 
 
 Andriscus, another impostor, sets up in Macedon, pretending to be the son 
 of Perseus. The war is carried on in Syria between Demetrius and Alex- 
 ander. 
 
 Demetrius vanquished and slain in battle; whereon Alexander, bring settled 
 in the kingdom of Syria, marries Cleopatra, the daughter of king Ptolemy. 
 
 Onias, the son of Onias, builds a temple in Egypt like that at Jerusalem. 
 A sedition at Alexandria between the Jews and the Samaritans. 
 
 Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, lands in Cilicia for the recovery of his fa- 
 ther's kingdom. Apollonius, one of his generals, vanquished by Jonathan 
 in Phoenicia. 
 
 Hipparchus of Nicsea in Bithynia, the famous astronomer, flourisheth. 
 
 Ptolemy comes to the assistance of Alexander, finding a plot laid for his 
 life, is alienated from him, and joins with Demetrius. Alexander being 
 vanquished, flees into Arabia, and is there slain, and Ptolemy dies of his 
 wounds. 
 
 Physcon succeeds in Egy^t, and reigns cruelly. Demetrius doth the same 
 in Syria; the Antiochans mutinv against him, are quelled by three thou- 
 sand Jews sent to Demetrius's assistance. Jonathan besiegeththe tortress 
 at Jerusalem, but eaniiot take it. 
 
 Tryphon brings Antiochus the infant son of Alexander into Syria, and 
 claims for him his father's crown. Multitudes revolt to him. Jonathan 
 declares against Demetrius, and twice defeats his generals; is treache- 
 rously murdered by Tryphon. 
 
 Simon succeeds Jonathan. Tryphon having made away Antiochus, declares 
 himself king. Simon defeats his designs upon Judra, and declaring for 
 Demetrius, hath a grant from him of the sovereignty <Jf Judea. 
 
 Simon takes the fortress of Jerusalem, utterly demolishes it, and digs down 
 the hill on which it stood. 
 
 Demetrius goes into the east, and is there taken prir^oner by the Parthians. 
 The sovereignty of Judea confirmed to Simon and his posterity by the 
 unanimous consent of all the people of the Jews in a general congrega- 
 tion met at Jerusalem. 
 
 Queen Cleopatra, on Demetrius's being takcn^ prisoner, sent to Antiochus 
 Sidetes, the brother of the captive Icing, and offers to him herself in mar- 
 riage, and the crown of Syria with her. 
 
 Antiochus accepting of the offer, lands in Syria, marries Cleopatra, and 
 having vanquished Tryphon, takes him and puts him to death. Cende- 
 bfEUs is sent by him against Simon, and is vanquished by Judas and Joha, 
 Simon's sons. 
 
432 
 
 A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 
 
 137 
 130 
 
 133 
 132 
 131 
 
 130 
 
 129 
 128 
 
 127 
 
 126 
 125 
 124 
 
 123 
 
 122 
 
 121 
 120 
 
 119 
 118 
 117 
 
 liG 
 115 
 114 
 
 P 3 
 
 4 
 5 
 C 
 
 110 
 109 
 
 108 
 107 
 
 3 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 3 
 § 5 
 
 176 
 177 
 
 180 
 181 
 182 
 163 
 
 184 
 185 
 
 187 
 188 
 189 
 
 190 
 
 191 
 
 192 
 193 
 
 194 
 195 
 196 
 
 197 
 198 
 199 
 
 200 
 
 201 
 
 203 
 204 
 
 205 
 206 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 a 1 
 
 I 3 
 
 5 
 
 N 1 
 
 S 5 
 • 6 
 
 7 
 
 Attalus, king of Pergamus, being dead, is succeeded by Attalus, the 
 son of his brotlier Euuienes. He was a monster of cruelty, and 
 Physcon continued to be the like monster in Egypt. 
 
 Antiochus Sidetes, with great wisdom and temper, restores the affairs 
 of Syria, and makes that kingdom again to flourish. 
 
 The Alexandrians, to avoid the cruelty of Physcon, most of them de- 
 sert the place. Whereon other inhabitants are invited to repeople 
 it. An embassy from Rome came thither to him at the same time. 
 
 Simon is basely murdered with two of his sons by Ptolemy his son-in- 
 law. John succeeds his father, and defeats the murderer of his de- 
 sign of usurping the government. Antiochus Sidetes besiegeth Jeru- 
 salem, and maketh peace with John. This John is called Hyrcanus. 
 
 Ambassadors from Antiochus Sidetes address themselves with presents 
 to Seipio Africanus, junior, being then at the siege of Numantium. 
 which he puts into the public treasury. 
 
 Attalus, king of Pergamus, dies, and makes the people of Kome his 
 heirs. 
 
 Jesus, the son of Sirach, translates out of Hebrew into Greek the book 
 called Ecclesiasticus, written by Jesus his grandfather. 
 
 Antiochus Sidetes marcheth into the east against the Parthians, and 
 at first gets several victories over them. 
 
 Antiochus Sidetes is vanquished and slain in the east. Demetrius 
 Nicator returns and-recovers his kingdom. John Hyrcanus shakes 
 off the Syrian yoke, and makes himself independent. Takes Se- 
 chem, and destroys the temple on Mount Gerizini. Physcon expelled 
 out of Egypt for his cruelly. 
 
 Hyrcanus conquers the Edomites, and makes them all embrace the 
 Jewish religion. Phrahates, king of Parthia, slain by the Scythians. 
 
 Ptolemy Physcon vanquishes the Egyptians, and recovers his kingdom. 
 Demetrius marcheth into Egypt, and besiegeth Pelusium. Hyrcanus 
 renews his league with the Romans. 
 
 Physcon sets up Alexander Zebina, an impostor, against Demetrius, to 
 claim the crown of Syria. Whereby Demetrius is recalled from the 
 siege of Pelusium la defend his own kingdom. 
 
 Demetrius, vanquished by Zebina in battle, flees to Tyre, and is there 
 slain. Zebina thereon becomes king of Syria. 
 
 A great plague in Libya, Cyrene, and adjacent countries, caused by a 
 multitude of locusts. 
 
 Seleucus, the eldest son of Demetrius, succeeding his father, is slain 
 by Cleopatra his own mother. Mitlnidates Eupator succeeds Mith- 
 ridates Euergetes in the kingdom of Pontus. 
 
 Antiochus Grypus, second Son of Demetrius, is set up to be king of 
 Syria against Zebina. 
 
 Antiochus Grypus vanquisheth Zebina, and recovers all Syria. Zebina 
 taken in his flight and slain. 
 
 In this year was made the famous Opimian wine. 
 
 Cleopatra, preparing poison for her son Grypus, was forced to drink it 
 herself, and so died. 
 
 Ptolemy Physcon, king of Egypt, dies. Ptolemy Lathyrus succeeds, 
 ill conjunction with Cleopatra his mother in Egypt and Cyprus; and 
 Apion, a bastard son, in Libya and Cyrene 
 
 Antiochus Cyzicenus, son' of Antiochus Sidetes, by Cleopatra, and 
 half-brother of Gr'ypus, seizeth part of the Syrian kingdom. 
 
 Grypus gets a victory against Cyzicenus. Alexander, the second 
 son of Physcon, made king of Cyprus, by Cleopatra his mother. 
 
 Cyzicenus having recruited his army, fights another battle with 
 Grypus. and gains the victory. Grypus flees out of the kingdom to 
 Aspendus. 
 
 Grypus returned from Aspendus, and recovered part of his former do- 
 minions; henceforth Grypus reigned at Antioch, and Cyzicenus at 
 Damascus. 
 
 Aristobulus and Antigonus, sons of Hyrcanus, besiege Samaria. Cy- 
 zicenus, coming to its relief, is vanquished by the two brothers. 
 
 Cyzicenus. having received six thousand auxiliaries from Egypt, again 
 attempts the relief- of Samaria, but without success. Samaria is 
 taken and demolished: hereon Hyrcanus makes himself master of 
 all Judea, Samaria, and Galilee. 
 
 Hyrcanus breaks with the Pharisees, and goes over to the sect of the 
 Sadducees. , 
 
 Hyrcanus dies, and is succeeded by Aristobulus his eldest son, who 
 first of his family wore the diadem, and took the name of king. La- 
 thyrus e.'ipelled Egypt, reigns in Cyprus, and Alexander in Egypt. 
 
TO THE FOREGOING HISTORY. 
 
 433 
 
 
 
 ft|^ 
 
 h 
 
 w^. 
 
 3 =■ 
 
 It 
 
 o 
 
 r* 2 
 
 C PS 
 
 3' ^ 
 
 ■ o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ]06 
 
 > 1 
 
 o 
 
 11 
 
 207 
 
 18 
 
 9 
 
 105 
 
 > 1 
 
 12 
 
 208 
 
 19 
 
 10 
 
 104 
 
 S 2 
 
 13 
 
 209 
 
 20 
 
 11 
 
 103 
 
 Z.3 
 
 s 
 
 =3 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 210 
 
 21 
 
 12 
 
 102 
 
 p 4 
 
 15 
 
 211 
 
 22 
 
 13 
 
 101 
 
 5 
 
 16 
 
 212 
 
 23 
 
 14 
 
 100 
 
 6 
 
 17 
 
 213 
 
 24 
 
 15 
 
 99 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 214 
 
 25 
 
 16 
 
 98 
 
 8 
 
 19 
 
 215 
 
 26 
 
 17 
 
 97 
 
 9 
 
 20 
 
 21b 
 
 27 
 
 18 
 
 96 
 
 10 
 
 21 
 
 217 
 
 » 1 
 2 
 
 19 
 
 95 
 
 11 
 
 22 
 
 218 
 
 i 2 
 
 20 
 
 94 
 
 12 
 
 23 
 
 219 
 
 3 
 
 21 
 
 93 
 
 13 
 
 24 
 
 220 
 
 4 
 
 > 1 
 
 = 
 
 W 
 c 
 
 92 
 
 14 
 
 25 
 
 221 
 
 1' 
 -5' 
 
 ^ 2 
 
 91 
 
 15 
 
 2G 
 
 222 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 90 
 
 16 
 
 27 
 
 223 
 
 3 
 
 2. 2 
 
 89 
 
 17 
 
 26 
 
 224 
 
 4 
 
 §3 
 
 3- 
 
 88 
 
 18 
 
 29 
 
 225 
 
 5 
 
 " 4 
 
 87 
 
 19 
 
 30 
 
 226 
 
 6 
 
 > 1 
 
 3 
 
 3' 
 
 86 
 
 20 
 
 31 
 
 227 
 
 7 
 
 g 2 
 
 g 
 
 3 
 
 85 
 
 21 
 
 32 
 
 228 
 
 8 
 
 §■ 3 
 
 Arislobuliis conquers Itiirtta, slays his brother Antigonus, dies, and is 
 succeeded by Alexander Jannieus his brother. Ponipey and Cicero 
 born at Rome. 
 
 Alexander Jannasus besiegeth Ptolemais. Lathyrus passing from Cy- 
 prus into Palestine with an army, forceth him to raise the siege. 
 
 Alexander Jarmxus, vantjuished by Lathyrus, lost most of his army in 
 the defeat, and is brought to great distress; calls in Cleopatra, queen 
 of Egypt, to his assistance. 
 
 Cleopatra comes with a fleet and army into Palestine against Lathy 
 rus her son, besiegeth Ptolemais. Lathyrus invades Egypt, ex- 
 pecting to make himself master of it in his mother's absence in Pa- 
 lestine. 
 
 Lathyrus is beaten out of Egypt. CJeopa»ra takes Ptolemais. Jan- 
 njBus there waits on her. After this, passing over Jordan, he lays 
 siege to Gadara. 
 
 Ptolemy Lathyrus returns into Cyprus, and Cleopatra into Egypt. 
 Grypus marrying Celene the daughter of Cleopatra, and receiving 
 great sums of money with her, renews his war with Cyzicenus. 
 Janneeus takes Gadara and Damathus, hut is defeated by Theudorus. 
 
 Jannieus takes Raphia and Anthedon, and blocks up Gaza. 
 
 Jannxus besiegeth Gaza, which is vigorously defended. 
 
 Jannxiis takes Gaza, puts the inhabitants to the sword, and razeth 
 the place to the ground. Grypus treacherously murdered by one of 
 his own domestics, is succeeded by Seleucus his eldest son. 
 
 Ptolemy Apion, king of Lybia and Cyrene, dies, and leaves the Romaiv 
 people his heirs. Cyzicenus, on the death of Grypus, seizeth Antioch. 
 Seleucus makes head against him. 
 
 Tigranes begins to reign in Armenia. The Jews mutiny against 
 Alexander JannsEUs in the temple at the feast of tabernacles, where 
 on he slew of them six thousand persons. 
 
 Jannieus made the inhabitants of Gilead and the land of Moab to be- 
 come subject to him. Seleucus having vanquished Cyzicenus, toofe 
 him prisoner, and put him to death. 
 
 Antiochus Eusebes. the son of Cyzicenus, vanciuisheth Seleucus, an* 
 forceth him to flee to Mopsuesti'a, where he is slain. Philip his bro- 
 ther succeeds him, is vanquished by Eusebes at the River Orontes,, 
 but again recruits. 
 
 Eusebes marries Selene the widow of Grypus, is vanquished by Philip, 
 and flees into Parthia. Demetrius, a fourth son of Grypus, seizelh- 
 Damascus. Jannajus vanquished by Obodas, an Arabian king, witlj 
 the loss of almost all his army. 
 
 Hereby the Jews, being encouraged to rebel, begun a war against him, 
 which lasted six years. Mithridates begun those hostilities upon the 
 allies of the Romans, which produced the Milhridatic war. 
 
 Mithridates marries his daughter Cleopatra to Tigranes king of Arme- 
 nia; whereon Mithridates draws him into confederacy against the 
 Romans, and seizes Cappadocia and Bithynia. 
 
 Mithridates vanquisheth three Roman armies, and seizeth all Lesser 
 Asia. Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, murdered by Alexander her son; 
 whereon Lathyrus is recalled. The Jews, by the help of Demetrius 
 Euchirus, vanquish .Alexander. 
 
 Demetrius being vanquished by his brother Philip, and sent captive 
 into Parthia, Alexander recovers strength against the Jews. Mithri- 
 dates passeth his army into Greece, there to make war against the 
 Romans. 
 
 Demetrius Euch.'erus dies in Parthia. Eusebes returns into Syria, and 
 again recovers some part of that country. Antiorhus Dionysius, the 
 youngest son of Grypus, seizeth Damascus. Alexander Jannaeus 
 gains a decisive victory over his rebel subjects. 
 
 Alexander Jannaeus having taken Bethome, in which the remains of 
 the rebel party were shut up, cruelties eight hundred of them, and 
 thereby puts an end to that war. Sylla, the Roman general, gets 
 three victories over the forces of Mithridates, and drives them out 
 of Greece. 
 
 Mithridates forced to make peace with the Romans on their own 
 terms, and Sylla thereon returns to Italy. Philip takes Damascus. 
 Dionysius again recovers it, but is afterward slain in Arabia, and 
 Aretas king of Arabia Petrsa is made king of Damascus. He van- 
 quisheth JanniEus in battle, but afterward gives him peace. 
 
 Vol. II.— 55 
 
434 
 
 A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 
 33 
 
 83 
 
 82 
 
 69 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 > 1 
 
 |3 
 
 ■ O 
 
 229 
 
 9 
 
 230 
 
 ■^ 1 
 
 
 J9 
 
 231 
 
 2 
 
 232 
 
 3 
 
 233 
 
 4 
 
 234 
 
 5 
 
 235 
 
 6 
 
 236 
 
 7 
 
 237 
 
 8 
 
 238 
 
 9 
 
 239 
 
 10 
 
 240 
 
 11 
 
 241 
 
 12 
 
 242 
 
 13 
 
 243 
 
 14 
 
 244 
 
 15 
 
 245 
 
 16 
 
 Alexander Jannfeus recovers many places that had revolted from him dur- 
 ing his war with the rebels, and much enlargeth the borders of his king- 
 dom. After Sylla's departure, Munena, whom he left in the government 
 of the Proper Asia, befiins war again with Mithridates. 
 
 The Syrians, weary of the wars caused among them by the Seleucidee, ex- 
 polled them all, and chose Tigranes, king of Armenia, to be their king. 
 Eusebes fleetli into Cilicia. But Celene, his wife, still holds Ptolemais, 
 and some other parts thereabout. Alexander Jannaeus takes Gaulana, 
 and other places beyond Jordan. 
 
 Alexander Jannaeus still carries on his conquests beyond Jordan; and, after 
 having been absent three years from Jerusalem on these wars, returns 
 thither with triumph. After this, giving himself up to luxury and drunk- 
 enness, he contracts a quartan ague, which he could never get rid of 
 
 Ptolemy Lathyrus having reduced Thebes in the Upper Egypt, which had 
 rebelled against him, dies, after having reigned thirty-six years. Ptolemy, 
 a bastard son, succeeds him in Cyprus, and Berenice, his only legitimate 
 child, in Egypt. 
 
 Alexander, the son of that Alexander who slew his mother, marries Bere- 
 nice, and in her right becomes king of Egypt; but a few days after slew 
 her, and reigned as in his own right fifteen years. 
 
 Alexander Jannaeus, after having been afflicted with a quartan ague three 
 years, dies of it, and is succeeded by Alexandra, his wife, who reconciles 
 the Pharisees to her, and by that means reigns peaceably to the end of 
 her life. 
 
 Alexandra being settled on the throne, makes Hyrcanus her eldest son high 
 priest, and puts the ministration of the government in the hands of the 
 Pharisees. Tigranes, having built Tigranocerta, depopulates many cities 
 in Lesser Asia, Assyria, and other circumjacent countries, by carrying 
 the inhabitants thence to people it. 
 
 The Pharisees having gotten the management of all affairs under Queen 
 Alexandra, grievously oppressed all that were of the parly opposite to 
 them. 
 
 Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, dying, leaves the Romans his heirs, who 
 thereon reduce that kingdom into the form of a province under them; and 
 at this time do the same with Libya and Cyrene, formerly left them in the 
 same manner by Ptolemy Apion, the last king of those countries 
 
 Mithridates seizeth Paphlagonia, and draws the other provinces of Lesser 
 Asia into revolt from the Romans, whereon began the third Mithridatic 
 war. 
 
 M. Cotta and L. I,ucullus are sent against Mithridates. Cotta had Bithy- 
 nia, and Lucullus Proper Asia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia, assigned them for 
 their provinces. Cotta begins the war unfortunately, being beaten with 
 great loss both at sea and land. 
 
 Whereon Mithridates besiegeth Cyzicus. Lucullus forceth him to raise the 
 siege with the loss of the greatest part of his army. Selene sent her two 
 sons, which she had by Antiochus Eusebes, to Rome, to claim the king- 
 dom of Egypt in her rieht. 
 
 The Jews which were of the party of Alexander, are placed in the forts and 
 garrisons, there to be secured from the oppressions and cruelty of the 
 Pharisees. Herod the Great is born. Mithridates, after the raising the 
 siege of Cyzicus, flees into Pontus, and his forces which he left behind on 
 the Asian coast are vanquished by Lucullus both by sea and land. Lucul- 
 lus pursues Mithridates into Pontus, and besicgelh Amisus. 
 
 Lucullus vanquisheth Mithridates, and forceth him to flee out of Pontus 
 into Armenia. Aristobulus being sent by his mother against Ptolemy, 
 prince of Chalcis. seizeth Damascus. 
 
 Selene enlarging herself in Syria, Tigranes comes with an army against 
 her, shuts her up in Ptolemais, and having there taken her prisoner, puts 
 her to death. Lucullus declares war against Tigranes, takes Synope and 
 Amisus, and marcheth into Armenia. Alexandra, queen of Judea, dies. 
 Hyrcanus her eldest son seizing the crown, is forced to quit it, after three 
 months, to Aristobulus, his younger brother. 
 
 Lucullus vanquisheth Tigranes in Armenia, and takes Tigranocerta, but 
 neglecting to pursue the advantage of it, lost the opportunity of ending 
 the war, which displeased the Romans, and lost his interest with them 
 both in the camp and city. 
 
 Tigranes, with the assistance of Mithridates, gets another army into the 
 field, and is again beaten by Lucullus, whereon Lucullus would have 
 marched to .Artaxata, the metropolis of Arminia, but being hindered by his 
 soldiers refusing to follow him so far north, he marched back, and passing 
 Mount Taurus, winters at Nisibis, in Mesopotamia, where his army mu- 
 tiny against him. 
 
 Of which Mithridates taking the advantage, recovers several places in Pon- 
 tus, and distres.selh the Romans, left there to keep the country; whereon 
 Lucullus with difficulty prevails with his mutinous army to inarch to 
 their relief, but before their arrival, Triarius was beaten with the loss of 
 seven thousand men. After this, Lucullus's arniy would no more obey 
 him. 
 
TO THE FOREGOING HISTORY. 
 
 435 
 
 
 ^5 
 
 4660 
 
 Pompey sent from Rome to succeed Lucullua, receiveth from him tlie army, 
 and Lucull'is returns home enriched with creat sp<iils. I'ompey makes 
 alliances with Phrahates, kin;,' of Partliia. Vanquishelh Mitlirulates, and 
 forceth him to flee into Scytliia. Whereon marching' into Armenia, he 
 forcetli Tigranes to submit to liim, and thereon gives him peace. 
 
 Pompey compiers the Iberians, the Albanians, and the Colchiaiis: in the 
 interim Mithridates flees into his kiii<,'doiii of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, 
 where Pompey, not being able to follow him, marcheth into Syria, and 
 rcduceth it to the form of a Roman province. The Egyptians, liaving ex- 
 pelled Alexander, make Auletes their king. Hyrcaniis renews the war 
 upon. Aristobiilus for the crown of Judea. Pompey winters in Pontus, and 
 there sets out a fleet against Mithridates. 
 
 On his return into Si ria in the ensuing spring, Hyrcaniis and Aristobulus, 
 each by their agents, apply to him for assistance. He orders them to ap- 
 pear personally before him for his taking cognizance of their rause; and 
 returns again into Pontus to provide against the designs of Mithridates, 
 who was making great preparations in Bosphorus for a new war. But 
 while he was eagerly labouring herein, his army revolt, make Pharnaces 
 his son king, and the old king is forced to kill himself to make room for 
 him to ascend his throne. 
 
 On Pompey 's coming to Damascus, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus appear before 
 him, each to make good their pretensions. Pompey promiseth to come to 
 Jerusalem, there to decide the matter. Aristobulus, suspecting sentence 
 would go against him, provides for war; whereon Pompey enters Judea, 
 makes Aristobulus his prisoner, takes Jerusalem, and restores flyrcanus; 
 returns into Pontus, and makes peace with Pharnaces. Augustus Cesar 
 is born. 
 
 Scaurus being made the first president of Syria, invades Arabia Petrsea. By 
 the means of Antipater, peace is made between him and Aretas, the king 
 of that country. Pompey having wintered at Ephesus, returns to Rome 
 in the spring. Marciiis Philippiis is made president of Syria. 
 
 Pompey celebrates a very splendid and glorious triumph at Rome for his 
 victorious finishing the Mithridatic war. He chose for it his birthday, 
 beins then forty-five years old. 
 
 Pompey. Crassus, and Julius Caesar, confederate together for the supporting 
 of each other, and the dividing of the Roman empire between them. Dio- 
 dorus Siculus the famous Greek historian flourisheth. Lentulus Marcel- 
 linus succeeds Marcius Pliilippus in the presidency of Syria. 
 
 Julius Cffsar, being consul, procures a decree of the people for his having^ 
 Illyrium and both the Gauls for his province, to govern it as proconsul 
 for five years, which was the foundation whereon he built all his future 
 power and grandeur. 
 
 Gabinius, being consul this year, obtains Syria for his province. Cato is 
 sent todrive Ptolemy out of Cyprus, and to take the confiscation of all his 
 goods. The Egyptians e.xpel Auletes their king, and make Berenice, his 
 daughter, queen. Cicero is banished Rome and ftaly. 
 
 Berenice, queen of Egypt, marries Seleiicus Cybinsactes, the last of the Se- 
 leucian family; but, disliking him for his ill behaviour, puts him to death, 
 and marries Archelaus, high priest of Comana in Pontus. Ale.xander, the 
 son of Aristobulus, and after him Aristobulus himself, having made their 
 escape from the Roir.an fetters, each in their turn raise new troubles iii 
 Judea. Gabinius vanquisheth them both, and sets up a new form of go- 
 vernment in the land. 
 
 Orodes, having murdered Phrahates his father, succeeds him in the king- 
 dom of Parthia. Gabinius having undertaken to restore Auletes to hi» 
 kingdom of Eaypt, marcheth his army that way. Antony, one of his 
 lieutenants, being sent before him, takes Pelusium. Cicero is recalled 
 from his banishment. 
 
 Gabinius, on having notice hereof, enters Egypt with all his forces; van- 
 quisheth and slays Archelaus in battle, and restores Auletes. On his re- 
 turn, he siippresseth Alexander, who had raised new troubles in Judea 
 during his absence in Egypt. Crassus, being consul, obtains the province 
 of Syria for five years, and resolves on a war with the Parthians. 
 
 Gabinius, on his return to Rome, is there for his maleadministrations in his 
 province, condemned and banished. Crassus, on his coming into Syria, 
 plunders the temple of Jerusalem, passeth the Euphrates, to make war 
 upon the Parthians, and gains several advantages over them, placeth gar- 
 risons in several places in Mesopotamia, and then brings back the rest of 
 his army into Syria, and there puts them into wiraerquarters. 
 
 Crassus airain passeth the Euphrates to carry on his war against the Par- 
 thians, is vanqtiished and slain by them in a great battle, with the loss 
 of twenty thousand men slain, and ten thousand taken prisoners. Cassius 
 his questor escapes, eathers together the remains of his broken army, and 
 with them defends the province. 
 
 Cassius defeats an army of the Parthians that invaded Syria, marches into 
 Judea, takes Terachaea, forceth Alexander to terms of peace, and sup- 
 presseth the faction of Aristobulus in that country. 
 
436 
 
 A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 4670 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 13 
 
 2 1 
 
 
 
 -a 
 
 50 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 49 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 48 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 47 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 46 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 45 
 
 19 
 
 7 
 
 44 
 
 20 
 
 8 
 
 43 
 
 21 
 
 9 
 
 42 
 
 22 
 
 10 
 
 41 
 
 23 
 
 n 
 
 40 
 
 1.24 
 
 > 
 
 3 
 C 
 
 12 
 
 39 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 Cicero made governor of Cilicia, and Bibulus of Syria. Bibulus delaying his coming 
 into his province, Cassius governs it. The Parthians besiege Antioch. Cassius de- 
 fends it; forceth the enemy to raise the siege; and falling on thoni in their retreat, 
 gives them a great defeat, and slays therein Osaces their general, and then returns 
 to Rome on tlie arrival of Bibulus. Cicero vanquisheth the Cilicians of the moun- 
 tains, and makes them submit. Ptolemy Auletes dies in Egypt, and is succeeded by 
 Ptolemy his eldest son, and Cleopatra his eldest daughter, jointly together. 
 
 The Parthians again besiege Antioch, and Bibulus in it. Are called back to suppress 
 an insurrection at home; whereon Bibulus returns to Rome. CcEsar passeth the Ru- 
 bicon, and the war broke out between him and Pompey; the latter retreats to Brun- 
 dusium, and Csesar there follows him. Q,. Metellus Scipio succeeds Bibulus in llie 
 presidency of Syria. 
 
 Pompey gets out of Brundusium and passeth the Adriatic. Csesar hereon returns to 
 Rome, releaseth Aristobulus, and sendeth him into Judea. Pompey's party poison 
 him, and Scipio puts Alexandei to death at Antioch. Cssar from Rome pas.seth into 
 Spain, reduceth that country, and returns again to Rome about the lime of the au- 
 tumnal equinox; hasteneth from thence to Brundusium, and there passeth the Adri- 
 atic with seven legions against Pompey; leaves the rest at Brundusium, with An- 
 tony, to be brought after him. 
 
 Ca>sar, having gotten over all the rest of his army, in the first beginning of the spring, 
 he and Pompey encamped against each other at Dyrrachium. Csesar receives a de- 
 feat, whereon he marrhetli into Thessaly. Pompey follows hiu); and, in the plains 
 of Pharsalia, it came to a decisive battle between them, in which Pompey, receiving 
 a total defeat, flees to Lesbos, and from thence to Egypt, vvhere he is slain. Ca'sar, 
 following him, comes to Alexandria: hath Pompey's head there presented to him. 
 Fie there engagelh in a dangerous war, to support the cause of Cleopatra against 
 her brother. 
 
 In this war, by the help of Antipater, and forces brought him out of Judea, he van- 
 quisheth Ptolemy, and he being drowned in his flight, Caesar makes Cleopatra queen 
 of Egypt, and then passing into Syria, makes Sextus Ciesar president of it; vanquish- 
 eth Pharnaces in Pontus, returns to Rome, and is there made dictator. Antipater, 
 being appointed procurator of Judea, makes Herod, one of his sons, governor of Ga- 
 lilee; and Phasael, another of them, governor of Jerusalem. Herod, having put to 
 death an eminent thief in Galilee, is put upon a trial for his life for it. 
 
 Caesar passeth into Africa, and there subdues the remainder of Pompey's party, who 
 had there retreated; gives (irder for the rebuilding of Carthage and Corinth; and then 
 returns to Rome, and there reforms the Roman calendar. Cscilius Bassus raiseth 
 troubles in Syria, procures Sextus CiEsar to be slain by his own soldiers, and then 
 sets up to be president of Syria. 
 
 The first Julian year. Casar vanquisheth the sons of Pompey at Munda in Spain, and, 
 on his rettirn, is made perpetual dictator. Statins JMarcus, sent by Caesar to be pre- 
 sident of Syria, carries on the war against CEEcilius Bassus, and besiegeth him iu 
 Apamca. 
 
 The walls of Jerusalem rebuilt. Cssar slain in the senate-house at Rome. Octavianus, 
 after called Augustus, heads his parly at Rome, and drives Antony Iheiice. Brutus 
 and Ca.ssius, the murderers of C-esar, leaving Italy, the former seizeth Greece and 
 Macedon, and the other Syria, where he puts an end to the war of Cwcilins Bassus. 
 
 Octavianus vanquisheth Antony at the battle of Mutina; after that, he, Antony, and 
 Lepidus, constitute a triumvirate. Brutus and Cassius prepare for war against them. 
 Antipater poisoned by the fraud of Malichus. Phasael and Herod revenge his death 
 by cutting oft'the murderer. 
 
 Brutus and Cassius, having made themselves masters of all beyond the Adriatic, as far 
 as Euphrate=, Octavi.nnus and Antony pass into Macedon against them, and having 
 vanquished thern at Philippi, force them both to slay themselves. Hereon Octavianus 
 returns to Rome, and Antony passeth into Asia. Antigonus. the son of Aristobulus, 
 raiseth new troubles in Judea. He is vanquished by Herod. 
 
 The vanquished party apply to Antony against the sons of Antipater without success. 
 Cleopatra comes to Antony at Tarsus, and there first bewitcheth him with her 
 charms. His forces sent to plunder Palmyra meet with a baflle. Cleopatra return- 
 ing to Alexandria, he follows after her, and there spends the ensuing winter. In the 
 interim Pacorus, with a Parthian army, masters all Syria and Phoenicia. 
 
 Antony's friends having made war against Octavianus in Italy, and being vanquished 
 by him. Antony passeth thither with a great fleet. On his marrying Octavia, the 
 sister of Octavianus, peace is made between them. In the interim, the Parthians, 
 having made themselves masters of all Lesser Asia and Syria, take Jerusalem, slay 
 Phasael, make Hyrcanus prisoner, and settle Antigonus on the throne of Judea. 
 Herod hereon fleeing to Rome, is there made king of Judea. Ventidius gaineth two 
 victories over the Parthians. 
 
 Herod besiegeth Jerusalem, and there hardly presseth Antigonus. Ventidius gains a 
 third victory over the Parthians, slaying about thirty thousand of them, and, among 
 them, Pacorus, their general, the king's son; whereon he again recovers from them 
 all Syria and Phoenicia. ,'\ntony returns into Syria, besiegeth Samosata: Herod goes 
 thither to him; Joseph his brother, whom he left to command in Judea during his 
 absence, fights the enemy against order, and is slain. Herod, on his return, reveng- 
 eth his death, in a great victory over Pappus, Antigonus's general, slaying him in 
 battle, with the moat of his army. 
 
TO THE FOREGOING HISTORY. 
 
 437 
 
 02 
 
 5 
 
 -3 2 
 
 3 S 
 
 38 
 
 37 
 
 22 
 
 Antony, having spent the winter with Cleopatra at Alexandria, saileth from 
 thence in the spring for Italy, and from thence back again into Syria, to make 
 preparations for the Parthian war. Herod married Mariamme, and, in conjunc- 
 tion with Sosius, president of Syria, besiegeth Jerusalem with a close siege, and 
 presseth it hard on every side. 
 
 After a half year's siege, Jerusalem is taken. Antigonus is sent prisoner to An- 
 tony at Antiocli, and there beheaded; and Herod is settled in the full possession 
 of the kingdom of Judea. Oroder, king of Parthia, is murdered by Phrahates 
 his son, who thereon succeeds liim in the kingdom. He releaseth Hyrcaiius out 
 of prison, and permits him to live in full freedom among the Jews of Babylonia. 
 
 P. Canidius, one of Antony's lieutenants, vanquishelh the Arininians, the Alba- 
 nians, ,nnd Iberians, and carries his victorious arms as far as Mount Cacasus. 
 Antony makes an unfortunate expedition against the Parthians, and returns 
 with the loss of the ni.ijor part of his army. Sexlus Pompeius is vanquished, 
 and driven out of Sicily, and Lepidus deposed from his triumvirate. 
 
 Antony, after his miscarriage in his Parthian e.xpedition, spent most of the ensu- 
 ing year at Alexandria in dalliances with Cleopatra. Herod makes Aristobulus, 
 the br<ither of Mariamne, high priest, and afterward murders him. Sextus Pom- 
 peius taken and put to death in Asia, by the order of Antony. 
 
 Herod in danger of being put to death by Antony for the murder of Aristobulus, 
 escapes by the means of large sums of money presented to Antony. Antony 
 marcheth into Armenia; and, having there treacherously drawn Artabazes, 
 king of that country, into his power, carries him in chains to Alexandria, and 
 enters that place in triumph, and then distributes the eastern provinces of the 
 Roman empire among the children of Cleopatra. 
 
 Disgusts happen between Antony and Octavianus, which broke out into a war, 
 that ended in the ruin of Antony. Hereon Antony draws all his force into 
 Greece, and spends a great part of this year at Athens in making warlike pre- 
 parations both by sea and land. 
 
 Octavianus drives all the friends of Antony from Rome. Hereon Antony sends 
 a bill of divorce to Octavia; and other provocations are given on both sides to 
 inflame matttjrs for the ensuing war. All the east engagelh on one side, and 
 all the west on the other. Herod by the order of Antony makes war with Mal- 
 chus, king of Arabia Petrsa, in the behalf of Cleopatra, and is worsted by him. 
 
 But the next year after, having gained a complete victory over him, he brought 
 him to his terms. Octavianus vanquisheth Antony and Cleopatra at Actium; 
 whereon Cleopatra flees to Alexandria, and Antony repairs thither to her. Oc- 
 tavianus, having settled the aflfairs of Italy, Greece, and Lesser Asia, winters 
 at Samos. 
 
 Herod addresseth himself to Octavianus, and makes his peace with him. Octavi- 
 anus passeth through Lesser Afia and Syria to Pelusium; and, having taken 
 that place, forceth Antony and Cleopatra to kill themselves. Hereon he re- 
 diicoth Egypt into the form of a Roman province, and marching from thence 
 through Syria, takes up his winter-quarters in Proper Asia. 
 
 Octavianus returns to Rome, and enters it in three triumphs. Herod, in a fit of 
 rage and jealousy, puts Mariamne, his beloved wife, to death, and afterward 
 bitterly repenteth of it. 
 
 Herod puts Alexandra, the mother of Mariamne, to death. 
 
 The monarchy of the whole Roman empire is, by the unanimous consent of the 
 senate and people of Rome, conferred on Octavianus, with the name of Augus- 
 tus, which he atid his successors ever after bore. 
 
 Salome, the sister of Herod, informing him against Costoliarus, her own husband, 
 causeth him, with several others, to be put to death. Petronius is made prefect 
 of Egypt in the place of Cornelius Gallus. Herod becomes an occasional con- 
 formist to the heathen rites, whereby he gives great offence to the Jews. 
 
 Herod rebuilds Samaria, and calls it Sebasle. Augustus's name growing great, 
 many foreign nations send ambassadors to him to desire his friendship. A 
 grievous famine happens in Judea; against which Herod takes great care to re- 
 lieve his people, and thereby much ingratiates himself with lliem. 
 
 Absolute and arbitrary power is given Augustus by decree of the senate. Herod 
 builds him a stately palace on Mount Zion. ^lius Gallus begins his expedition 
 into the Southern Arabia, for which Herod furnished him with live hundred 
 men out of his guards. 
 
 iElius Gallus, having lost more than half his men in his march into the Southern 
 Arabia, returns without success. Candace, queen of Ethiopia, invaded Egypt; 
 is repulsed by Petronius, and pursued into her own country. Plir.ihalcs, king 
 of Parthia, being expelled Parthia by his own people, is restored by llie Scythi- 
 ans, and sends ambassadors to Augustus to pray his friendship. Herod builds 
 Herodium. 
 
 Herod begins to build Caesarea, which he finished in twelve years' time; sends the 
 sons of Mariamne to Rome for their education, and receives from Augustus, 
 Trachonitis, Auranitis, and Batanaea, in addition to his former dominions. 
 Agrippa hath the government of the east committed to him. Herod waits on 
 him at Mitylene. Herod, having suppressed the thieves of Trachonitis, is ac- 
 cused about it before Agrippa, which turns to the confusion of the accusers. 
 
 Augustus recalls Agrippa. marries his daughter Julia to him. and leaves him to 
 govern the west, while he goes into the east. He winters at Samos. and there 
 grants peace to Candace, queen of Ethiopia, whom Petronius had reduced to a 
 necessity of there suing to him for it, by reason of the several victories he had 
 gained over her. 
 
438 
 
 A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 19 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 17 
 
 21 
 
 16 
 
 22 
 
 15 
 
 23 
 
 14 
 
 24 
 
 13 
 
 25 
 
 12 
 
 28 
 
 11 
 
 27 
 
 10 
 
 28 
 
 9 
 
 29 
 
 8 
 
 30 
 
 7 
 
 31 
 
 6 
 
 32 
 
 5 
 
 33 
 
 4 
 
 34 
 
 3 
 
 I 2 
 i I 
 
 > 1 
 
 |2 
 "3 
 
 Augustus passeth through Lesser Asia into Syria. Herod is there accused before him 
 on the account of the Trachonites. Zenodoriis, tetrarch of Paneas, and the Gadar- 
 enes, who promoted the cause, failing in it, slay themselves, and Paneas is given to 
 Herod. Phrahates, king of Parthia, for the obtaining of the friendship of Augustus, 
 restores all the prisoners and ensigns taken in the wars of Crassus and Antony. 
 After this, Augustus having settled all the aflairs, he returns, and winters again at 
 Samos. 
 
 While Augustus lay there, an embassy came to him from Porus, king of India, to pray 
 his friendship. Angustus relumed to Rome, and is there received with great honour, 
 on the account of the restored ensigns and prisoners brought back with him. Herod 
 proposed the new building of the temple at Jerusalem, and accordingly sets about 
 the making ready the materials for it. 
 
 .iT^lius Gallus, succeeding Petroiiius in the prefecture of Egypt, visits the upper parts 
 of that country, as far as Ethiopia, having with him Strabo the geographer through 
 all his progress. 
 
 Herod having, after two years' preparation, made ready all materials for the building 
 of a new temple at Jerusalem, pulled down the old one. Augustus adopted Caius 
 and Lucius, the sons of Agrippa by his daughter Julia. 
 
 Herod fetched home from Rome Alexander and Aristobulus. his sons by Mariamne, 
 and married the eldest of them to Glaphyra, the dauehter of Archelaus, king of Cap- 
 padocia, and the other to Berenice, the daughter of Salome his sister. 
 
 Agrippa being sent again into the east, Herod invites him into Judea, and there treats 
 him with great splendour and magnificence. 
 
 Agrippa wageth war with the Bosphorans, and having, by the assistance of Herod 
 (who went thither in person to him with his forces,) subdued them, giveth that coun- 
 try to Polemon king of Pontus. In reward for this service, Herod procures from 
 Agrippa to the Asiatic Jews a confirination of all their privileges formerly granted 
 to them. 
 
 Augustus, on the death of Lepidus, takes the office of high priest of Rome, and, by 
 virtue thereof, examines the Sibylline books, and burns such as he judged spurious, 
 and deposits the rest in the temple of Apollo, which he had built within the palace. 
 Herod breaking with the sons of Mariamne, sets upAntipaler against them. Agrip- 
 pa returns to Rome, and Sentius Saturninus and Titus Voluranius have the presi- 
 dency of Syria after his departure. 
 
 Agrippa is sent against the Pannonians, and, having reduced them to terms of sub- 
 mission, returns, and dies in Campania. Hereon Augustus marries his daughter 
 Julia to Tiberius, and makes him his assistant in the empire, in the same manner 
 as Agrippa was before. 
 
 The breach between Herod and his sons by Mariamne growing to a great height, He- 
 rod accuseth them before Augustus, who makes reconciliation between them. Herod 
 returns to Jerusalem, gives an account hereof to the people, and names to them 
 Antipater for his heir. 
 
 Herod having finished his works at Caesarea, gives it that name, in the dedication of 
 it, in honour of Augustus Csesar. He builds also Cypron, Antipatris, Phasaelis, and 
 the tower of Phasael at Jerusalem. 
 
 The Jews of Asia and Cyrene, being oppressed by their heathen neighbours, obtain 
 relief of their grievances, and a farther confirmation of their privileges. The breach 
 between Herod and his sons by Mariamne is again revived, and carried by Herod 
 to a great height. 
 
 Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, comes to Jerusalem, and makes another reconciliation 
 between Heri)d and his sons. Herod goes to Rome to acquaint Augustus of it. In 
 the interim, the Trachonite thieves make great ravages in his territories: but, being 
 repulsed by Herod's lieutenants, flee into Arabia, and are there protected by Sylljeus. 
 Augustus corrects an error in the Julian year, and gives his name to the month of 
 August. Herod fiiiisheth the temple at Jerusalem, and dedicates it. 
 
 Herod pursues the Trachonite thieves into Arabia, and there destroys their fortress, 
 which SyllfEus had given them, and cuts off all of them that fell into his hands: for 
 which being accused by Syllapus to Augustus, for some time is out of his favour on 
 this account. Obodas, king of the Nabathaeans, dies, and Aretas succeeds him. 
 
 Tiberius retires to Rhodes. The third breach happened between Herod and his sons by 
 Mariamne. Herod, having recovered the favour of Augustus, writes to him of it, 
 and obtains his permission to proceed against them; whereon having procured them 
 to be condemned in a council at Berytus, he caused them bnth to be strangled. Za- 
 charias saw the vision whereby was foreshown to him the birth of John the Baptist. 
 
 A plot of Autipater's against his father's life detected. The angel Gabriel foreshows 
 to the Virgin Mary that Christ should be born of her; which was accordingly accom- 
 plished at t' <■ end of the year, at Bethlehem, she being then delivered of him at that 
 place, and the young child was called Jesus. 
 
 Joseph and Mary flee with the young child Jesus into Egypt to avoid the cruelty of 
 Herod. Antipater, on his return from Rome, is convicted before duintilius Varus, 
 president of Syria, of his intended parricide, and is condemned and put to death for 
 it, and five days afterward died Herod himself. 
 
 Archelaus succeeded Herod in Judea, Idumea, and Samaria; Herod Antipas in Galilee 
 and Peraea; and Philip in Auronitis, Trachonitis, Pansas, and Batanea. Joseph and 
 Mary, with the child Jesus, return out of Egypt, and settle at Nazareth in Galilee. 
 
 The Armiiiians rebelling, and the Parthians confederating with them, Caius Caesar, 
 Augustus's grandson, is sent into the east, and lands in Egypt. 
 
 Passing from thence into Syria, through Judea, refuseth to sacrifice at Jerusalem 
 
TO THE FOREGOING HISTORY. 
 
 439 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 n 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 15 
 16 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 23 
 
 24 
 25 
 
 1H42 
 
 > 
 3w44 
 
 4H 1 
 55^ 2 
 65 3 
 
 7p 4 
 
 o 
 8= 5 
 
 9 6 
 
 10 7 
 
 11 8 
 
 12 9 
 
 13 10 
 
 14 ]1 
 
 15 12 
 
 The Christian era, according to Dionysius Exiguus, begins four years after the 
 true time of Clirist's birth. 
 
 Tiberius, being recalled from Rhodes, returns to Rome. Lucius Casar, the younger 
 grandson of Augustus, dies at Marseilles. 
 
 Caius Caesar, the elder grandson of Augu:$tus, having received a wound in Arme- 
 nia, dies of it in his return. 
 
 The Julian calendar is set right. Augustus, on the death of his two grandsons, 
 Caius and Lucius, adopts Tiberius, and forceth him at the same time to adopt 
 German icus. 
 
 Archelaus, being accused before Augustus for many maleadministrations in his 
 government, is cited to Rome, there to answer for the same. 
 
 Where, being convicted of them, he is deposed, and banished to Vienna in Gallia, 
 all his goods decreed to be confiscated, and his principality to be made a Roman 
 province; which decree P. Snipitius duirinius, then sent to be president of Syria, 
 e.vecuted, and Coponiiis is made procurator of Judea. 
 
 Great troubles ensued among the Jews on this change, especially on the account 
 of the tax then laid upon them. Christ, in the twelfth year of his age, came into 
 the temple, and there sat among the doctors. 
 
 Marcus Ambivius is sent by Augustus to be procurator of Judea, in the place of 
 Coponius. Salome the sister of Herod dies. 
 
 Tiberius was admitted into copartnership of power with Augustus in the provinces 
 of the empire. 
 
 Annius Rufus is made procurator of Judea in the place of Ambivius. 
 
 Augustus Ctesardied at Nola, in Campania, on the nineteenth of August. Tiberius 
 succeeds him in the whole empire. 
 
 Tiberius sends Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea. 
 
 Some disturbances happening in the east, Germanicus is sent thither under pre- 
 tence to quell them. 
 
 Germanicus reduceth Cappadocia and Commapena into the form of Roman pro- 
 vinces, and settles the affairs of Armenia. 
 
 Germanicus visiteth Egypt, and on his return into Syria, dieth at Antioch, of poi- 
 son given him by Piso, president of Syria. 
 
 Piso on his return to Rome, hi-ing accused of poisoning Germanicus, slew himself, 
 to avoid being condemned for it. 
 
 Valerius Gratus removes Annas from being high priest, after he had been fifteen 
 years in that office, and substitutes in his place Ismael the son of Fabus. 
 
 Eleazar, the son of Annas, is made high priest in the place of Ismael. 
 
 Simon, the son of Camith, is made high priest in the place of Eleazar. 
 
 Joseph, surnamed Caiaphas, son-inlaw of Annas, is made high priest in the place 
 of Simon. Pontius Pilate is sent by Tiberius to he procurator of Judea in the 
 place of Valerius Gratus. The miiiistry of the gospel is first begun by John the 
 Baptist, the forerunner of Jesus Christ, which he carries on three years and a half. 
 
 John being put in prison by Horod Antipas, about the time of the autumnal equi- 
 nox, Christ appeared personally in the minisay o-r Iii^ gospel, and carried it oa 
 three years and a half more, to the time of Li; '.ruafi/jon. 
 
 Christ was crucified, rose again from the de&d, ht-i f A/etded up into heaven. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ABRAHAM held in veneration by the Magi, i. 202, 
 
 Ace and Aeon, Ptolemais so called, ii. 59. 
 
 Acichorius, the Gaul, invades Pannonia, ii. 25. 
 
 Achtean commonwealth, what it was, ii. 180. 
 
 Achaeus, his good services to Seleucus Ceraunus, ii. 
 68; refuses the kingdom of Syria, ti'J; recovers part 
 of it, ib.; usurps it, 73; besieged in Sardis, 81; be- 
 trayed and delivered to Antiochus, ib.; beheaded, ib. 
 
 Achillas makes war upon Caesar at Alexandria, ii. 
 308; put to death, 309. 
 
 Achoris, king of Egypt, his wars with the Persians, 
 his death, i. 345. 350. 
 
 Acrostics mentioned by Cicero, what they were, ii. 
 401. 
 
 Actium, battle of, ii. 371. 
 
 Adamantius, why Origen so called, ii. 45. 
 
 Adoration paid the king of Persia by the Greeks, i. 
 353. 
 
 .^lius Gallus, his unsuccessful e.xpedition against 
 the Troglodytes in the east, ii. 387. 
 
 vEtolians invite Antiochus the Great to make war 
 on the Romans in Greece, ii. 93. 
 
 Agathoclea, her wickedness, ii. 74; plunders Ptole- 
 my's treasury at his death, 84; endeavours to usurp 
 the regency, ib.; killed, 85. 
 
 Agathncles, her brother, his treason, ii. 84; killed, 85. 
 
 Agathocles, governor of Parthia for Antiochus, oc- 
 casions the loss of the province by sodomy, ii. 56. 
 
 Agathocles, son of Lysimachus, his actions against 
 Demetrius, ii. 13; murdered by means of his aunt 
 and stepmother Arsinoe, 23. 
 
 Agesilaus, king of Sparta, his wars against the Per- 
 sians, i. 340; ill conduct, ,342; his parley withPhar- 
 nabazus, corruption, 343; greedy of money, 355; his 
 treachery, ib.; makes Nectanebus king of Egypt, 
 ib.; his death, 356. 
 
 Agrippa, a favourite of Augustus, marries Julia his 
 daughter, ii. 390; his sons by her, 394; entertained 
 at Jerusalem, 395; his expedition to Bosphorus, ib.; 
 his death, 407. 
 
 Ahasuerus, see Astyages, i. 107; see Cambyses, JC5. 
 194. See Artaxer.ies Longimanus, 220; conjectures 
 about him, 221; his kindness to the Jews, 222. 
 
 Ahaz, kins of Judah, his wicked reign, i.61. 70; and 
 distresses, 62; and losses, 63; becomes tributary to 
 Arbace.*, 68; his idolatry, ib.; his death and igno- 
 minious burial, 70. 
 
 Ahazlah, king of Israel, partner in the trade to 
 Ophir with Jehosaphat king of Judah. i. 65. 
 
 Ahikam, his friendship to Jeremiah, i. 98. 
 
 Alcaudonius king of the Arabs offers himself by auc- 
 tion, ii. 3)8. 
 
 Alcibiades put to death at the instigation of the La- 
 cedemonians, i. 335. 
 
 Aldus, his edition of the Septuagint, ii. 47. 
 
 Alexander the Great, his birth, i. 358; victories in 
 Greece, 366; his army in .-Vsia, ib.; victories there, 
 ib.; sacrifices to God at Jerusalem, 371; his cruelty 
 and vain glory, 372; reduces Egypt, 373; his vanity 
 and cruelty, 374; builds Alexandria, ib.: punishes 
 the Samaritans for the death of Andromachus, 
 376; ma.sters the Persian empire, 378; plunders Per- 
 sepolis, 379; burns it, ib.; his luxury there, ib.; 
 weeps over Darius's dead body, 380; his swift 
 marches, ib.; builds another Alexandria, 381; wars 
 with the northern Asiatics, ib.; kills Clitus, ib.; 
 Callisthenes. 382; his vanity, ib.; march to India, 
 383; conquests and return, ib.; his lust and cruelty, 
 385; his riches, 386; his designs, 387; his death, 388; 
 his burial, 393. 
 
 Alexander made governor of Persia by Antiochus 
 the Great, ii. 69; rebels, ib.; and slays himself, 71. 
 
 Alexander made king of Eaypt by Cleopatra his mo- 
 ther, ii. 241; leaves the kingdom, 346; persuaded by 
 
 Vol. 1L— 56 
 
 her to return, ib.; kills her, 251; expelled for it, ib.; 
 
 slain, ib. 
 
 Alexander his son reigns there by favour of the Ro- 
 mans, ii. 257; murders his wife, ib.; expelled by the 
 Alexandrians, 274; his death, ib.; he is not named 
 by Ptolemy the astronomer, ib. 
 
 Alexander Jannaeus made king of Judcn. ii. 243; deals 
 doubly with Ptolemy Lathyras king of Cyprus, 244; 
 is overthrown by liini, ib.; assisted by Cleopatra, 
 mother of Lalhyrus, ib.; his interview with her, 
 245; beaten by tlie Philadelphians, 246; hated by the 
 Pharisees, ib.; takes and sacks Gaza, ib.; affronted 
 in the temple, and kills six thousand Jews, 248; 
 makes the Arabians and Moabites tributary, ib.; 
 worsted by the Arabs, 249; hated by the Jews, ib.; 
 Iheir bold saying to him, 25); he is routed and flies, 
 ib.; his wars with them continued, 252; reduces 
 them, 253; his extreme severity, ib.; fifty thousand 
 of them killed, 354; takes Pella, and drives away 
 the inhabitants, 256; enlarges his conquests, ib;. 
 his vices, ib.; his death, ib.; his good advice to his 
 wife about the government which he left her, 257. 
 
 Alexander, son of Aristobulns, escapes from Rome, 
 ii, 292; makes war in Judsea, and is pardoned by 
 Gabinius, ib.; routed by him, 296; makes peace with 
 Cassius, 30); tried and beheaded by command of 
 Poinpey. 302. 
 
 Alexandra queen of Judea favours the Pharisees, u, 
 2.59; her death, 265; an error concerning her cor- 
 rected, ib. 
 
 Alexandra, Mariamne's mother, her scandalous be- 
 haviour at her daughter's death, ii. 382; put to 
 death, 383, 
 
 Alexandria built, i. 374; now a village, ib.; peopled 
 with Jews, 375. 
 
 Alexandria, Jews very numerous there, ii. ,38; trade 
 of the east brought thither, 54; inhabited by three 
 sorts of people, 78; vaulted under ground, 309; as 
 at this day, ib. 
 
 Alexandrian copy of the Septuagint, by whom writ- 
 ten, ii, 48; its antiquity, ib, 
 
 Alexandrians, their skill in astronomy, ii, 157; sedi- 
 tion. 177; leave tlieir city, 194, 
 
 Altar for burnt offerings described, i, 147, 148. 
 
 Amasis usurps the kingdom of Egypt, i, 117; viceroy 
 to Nebuchadnezzar, 118; slays Apries, 119; hia 
 death, 165; indignities offered him afterward, 166. 
 
 Amathus taken and razed by the king of Judea, ii. 
 249, 
 
 Amisus in Pontus, long siege of, by the Romans, ii. 
 263; made a free city by LucuUus, 264. 
 
 Animianus Marcellinus corrected, ii, 17, 
 
 Amnion, king of Judah. his wicked reign, i. 87; his 
 death, ib,; revenged, ib. 
 
 Ammonites carried into captivity by the Assyrians, 
 i. 116. 
 
 Ammonins, minister to the impostor Balas of Syria, 
 ii, 178; his cruelty, ib,; plots against the king of 
 Egypt, 180; slain, ib. 
 
 Amos, his prophecy of the captivity of the Jews ful- 
 filled, i,68. 
 
 Amyrtffius reicns in the fens of Egypt, i, 257; reco- 
 vers the whole kingdom, 321; dies, and is succeeded 
 by his son, 332, 
 
 Anaclateria of Ptolemy, what it was, ii, 9). 
 
 Ananelus, an obscure man made high-priest by 
 Herod, ii. 357. 
 
 Andreas solicits Ptolemy for the Jews, ii, 28. 
 
 Andriscus, an impostor, pretends to the kingdom of 
 Macedon, ii. 174. 
 
 Andronicus. governor of Antioch, puts Onias the 
 high priest to death, ii. 112; punished for it, ib. 
 
 Angels of the churches, why the Asian bishops so 
 called, i. 306. 
 
 Angli, their oriein, ii. 246. 
 
 Anna the prophetess, her marriage, ii. 247; the same 
 
442 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 mentioned by St. Luke, ib.; Iier religious exercises 
 in the temple, 252; lier expectation of Christ, 345. 
 Anna, Tubit's wife, carried into captivity, i. 72. 
 
 Annius, a lying historian, i. 418. 
 
 Anointing of kings and priests, i. 100. 
 
 Antalcidas, the Lacedemonian, his bad peace witii 
 the Persians, i. 344. 347; starves himself to death, 
 347 352. 
 
 Antigonus of Socho, chosen president of the Sanhe- 
 drin, ii. 11; his learning, ib.; death, 52; an:l charac- 
 ter, ib. 
 
 Antigonus, his government after Ale.\ander's death, 
 i. 391; his war, 3J3; sets up for himself, 395; wars 
 with Eumenea, 390; puts him to death, 400; his 
 greatness, ib.; wars with Seleucus, 402; with Ptole- 
 my, 404; causes Alexander's sister to be murdered, 
 409; liis cruelty, ib.; takes the title of king, 411; his 
 ill nature, 412; confederacy against him, 413; routed 
 and slain, 414. 
 
 Antigonus Gonatas, son of Demetrius king of Mace- 
 don, routs the Gauls, ii. 27; marries the daughter 
 of Seleucus, and has peaceable possession of the 
 kingdom, 49; besieges Athens, 50; drives Cleomenes 
 out of Sparta, 70. 
 
 Antigonus, brother to Aristobulus king of Judea, 
 murdered by an artifice of the queen, ii. 242. 
 
 Antigonus, Aristobulus's younger son, set up by a 
 faction, ii. 324. 328; cuts Hyrcanus's ears off, 329; 
 the kingdom given from him by the Rouians, 330; 
 surrenders himself to Antony's general, 337; put to 
 death by order of Anthony, 338. 
 
 Antioch built, i. 410; why called Tetrapolis, ib. 
 
 Antioch made a free city by Ponipey, ii. 270. 
 
 Antiochus Soter, son of Seleucus, how he got his fa- 
 ther's wife Stratonice, ii. 15; succeeds him, 25; wais 
 for the kingdom of Macedon, 4H; yields it to Anti- 
 gonus, ih.; beats the Gauls, and is (hence culled So- 
 ter, ib.; defeated by Eumenes, ,53; his death, ib. 
 
 Antiochus Theus succeeds his father Soter, ii. 53; 
 marries his sister Laodice, ib.; his wars with Ptole- 
 my Philadelphus, 56; loses his eastern provinces, 
 ib.; divorces Laodice, and marries Ptolemy's daugh- 
 ter Berenice, 57; turns off Berenice, and retakes 
 Laodice, 60; poisoned, ib. 
 
 Antiochus Hierax, vi'hy so called, ii. 62; routs his 
 brother Seleucus, ib.; his misfortunes and death, 
 63, 64. 
 
 Antiochus the Great ascends the Syrian throne, ii. 
 69; wars with Ptolemy Philopater, 70; reduces the 
 eastern rebels, 71; loses the battle of Raphia, 76; 
 gains upon Atlalus, 77; reduces Acheeus, 81; his 
 Parthian war, 82; his march into India, 84; his 
 league against the young king Ptolemy Epiphanes, 
 85; takes Sidon, 87; is at Jerusalem, ib.; his decree 
 in favour of the Jews, ib.; his successes in Asia 
 Minor, 8!1; gives audience to the Roman ambassa- 
 dors in Thrace, 89; flies into a passion, PO; suffers 
 by a storm, ib.; Hannibal with him, 91; engaged by 
 him in a war with the Romans, ib.; makes alliances, 
 92; his mourning for his son Antiochus, 193; begins 
 the war with the Romans rashly, ib.; marries a 
 young woman in his old age, 94; driven into Asia, 
 95; his fleet beaten, ib.; sues in vain for a peace 
 with the Romans, 96; routed by them, ib.; pays a 
 prodigious sum for a peace, 97 (note 2;) a saying of 
 his on the loss of his provinces to them, 98; rohs the 
 temple of Jupiter Belus. and is murdered, ib.; Dan- 
 iel's prophecies of him fulfilled, ib. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, his son, an hostage at Rome, 
 ii. 97; obtains the crown, 106; his extravagances, 
 ih.; and madness, 107; nicknamed Epinianes, ib.; 
 treated at Jerusalem, 110; routs the Egyptians, 113; 
 puts the Jewish ambassadors to death, ib.; his vic- 
 tories in Egypt, 114; his cruelly and profaneness at 
 Jerusalem, 115; his immense booty, ib.; invades 
 Egypt again, 116; gives audience to ambassadors 
 in favour of Ptolemv, ib.; his severe decree against 
 the Jews, 120; his folly at Daphane, 128; his death 
 and wicked character, 136; Daniel's prophecies 
 concerning him fulfilled, 138, &c.; succeeded by his 
 son, 141. 
 
 Antiochus Eupalor, ii. 142; his breach of faith to the 
 Jews, 148; put to death by his brother Demetrius, 
 151. 
 
 Antiochus Theos, son of Balas. expels Demetrius, 
 king of Syria, ii. 184; kind to Jonathan, 185; mur- 
 dered by his minister Tryphon, 186. 
 
 Antiochus Sidetes, brother nf Demetrius, marries his 
 wife, ii. 190; kills the usurper Tryphon. and ob- 
 tains the kingdom of Syria, 191; wars with Simon, 
 ib.- overruns Palestine, 197; compels Hyrcanus to 
 
 sue for peace, ib.; his benignity saves the Jews from 
 destruction, 198; sends presents to Scipio in Spain, 
 199; his expedition against the Parthians, 200; 
 killed, 201. 
 
 Antiochus Grypus made king of Syria by his mother, 
 ii. 209; educated at Athens, ib.; forces his mother to 
 drink the poison she had prepared for him, 210; 
 his arguments with his wife not to murder her sis- 
 ter, 211; forced to fly, ib.; his death and successors, 
 247. 
 
 Antiochus's son drowned, ii. 249. 
 
 Antiochus Dionysius, youngest son of Grypus, seizes 
 the kingdom of Damascus, ii. 353; slain, 256. 
 
 Antiochus Cyzicenus, Grypus's design against him, 
 ii. 211; marries Cleopatra, sister and wife to Lathy- 
 rus king of Egypt, ib ; routs Grypus, and revenges 
 the death of his wife, 212; routed by the Jews, ib.; 
 opposes his nephew Seleucus, 248; put to death, ib. 
 
 Antiochus Eusebes, his son, succeeds him, ii. 248; 
 marries his uncle Grypus's widow. 349; forced to 
 fly to the Parthians. ib.; they restore him to part 
 of his dominions, 253; dies in obscurity, 250; his 
 widow keeps part of Syria, 257. 
 
 Antiochus Asiaiicus, his son, reigns over a small part 
 of Syria, ii. 259; reduced to a private life, 274; in 
 liim ended the Seleucidee, ib. 291. 
 
 Antiochis, daughter of Antiochus the Great, imposes 
 two suppositious princes on the Cappadocians, ii. 
 169. 
 
 Antipater conspires the death of Alexander, i. 368; 
 dies, 395. 
 
 Antipater, father of Herod, his intrigues to restore 
 Hyrcanus to the kingdom of Judea, ii. 274; assists 
 CiEsar at Alexandria, 310; very serviceable to him, 
 ib.; and to the Jews with Ca-sar, 312; his wisdom 
 and family, ib.; settles the government of Judea, 
 313; prevents Herod's invading Judea, 314; poisoned 
 by the ungrateful Malichus, 322. 
 
 Antonio, castle of at Jerusalem, described, ii. 216; 
 called Baris at first, ib.; what use it was put to, 217; 
 the pontifical robes kept there, 218. 
 
 Antony, general of the horse to Gabinius in Asia, 
 ii. 2'.i2; seizes the passes of Egypt, 294; his genero- 
 sity, 295; consul at Csesar's death, 319; his oration 
 upon it, ib.; outwitted by Octavianus, 320; declared 
 a public enemy, ib.; routs Brutus, 323; his grandeur 
 and lust, 324, 325; is kind to Herod and the Jews, 
 ib.; enamoured of Cleopatra, ib.; orders the Jewish 
 ambassadors to be slain. 325; falls out with, and is 
 reconciled to Octavianus, 327; bribed by Herod, 330; 
 procures the crown for him, ib.; his luxury at 
 Athens, 332; balked in the siege of Samosata, 335; 
 goes to Cleopatra, ib.; to Ital)', 336; his expedition 
 against the Parthians, 358; his error and ill success, 
 359: his great loss, 31 0; betrayed by Artabazes. ib.; 
 governed by Cleopatra, ib.; his life with her, 362; 
 affronts his wife Octavia to please Cleopatra, 364; 
 llis profuseness to her disobliges the Romans, 3('.6; 
 revenges himself on Artabazes, ib.; his treachery 
 in that case offends Octavianus, 367; the Romans 
 offended at his triumph in Alexandria, ib.; gives 
 kingdoms to Cleopatra's children, ib.; his vanity, 
 lb.; misses an advantage against Octavianus, 369; 
 his extravasant will, ib.; fights Octavianus at Ac- 
 tium, 370, 371; flies after Cleopatra, ih.; deserted, 
 371; acts the part of Timon of Athens, 373; his lewd- 
 ness with Cleopatra to the last, ib.; sues for peace 
 in vain, .375; deserted by his fleet at Alexandria, 
 .376; exclaims against Cleopatra, ib.; his character, 
 ib.; kills himself, ib. 
 
 Antonius. his son, in favour with Augustus, ii. 377; 
 put to death, ib. 
 
 Antonv joins with Paul the monk in setting up monk- 
 ery, 'ii. 237. 
 
 Apame, her scandalous love for Demetrius, son of 
 Poliorcetes, ii. 55; the occasion of a war between 
 Antiochus Theus and Ptolemy Philadelphus, 56. 
 
 Apis, the Egyptian God, described, i. 167; killed by 
 Cambyses,'l(i8; by Ochns, 363. 
 
 Apollo, of Tyre, chained by them, i. 369. 
 
 Apollonius 'TyansEUS, history of him a fable, i. 422. 
 
 Apostates, how hated and used by the Jews, ii. 80. 
 
 Apollonius Rhodius, library-keeper at Alexandria, ii. 
 92. 
 
 Apollophanes Antiochus's physician, his advice at a 
 council of war, ii. 73. 
 
 Apollonius, lieutenant to Antioch Epiphanes, de- 
 stroys Jerusalem ii. 120; routed and slain. 128; se- 
 veral persons of that name distinguished. 178. 
 
 Apries succeeds his father Psammis, king of Egypt, 
 i. 108- decefves Zedekiah, 110; forced to fly from 
 
INDEX. 
 
 443 
 
 the usurper Araasis, 117; slain by him, 119; his 
 pride, ib. 
 
 Apronadius, Icing of Assyria, i. 77; his death, 79. 
 
 Aquila of Poiitus, his Paraphrase ou the Bible, ij, 
 344; his apostacy, ib. 
 
 Aquila undertakes a translation of the Bible in oppo- 
 sition to the Septuagiiit, ii. 41; his method in it, 4:{. 
 
 Arabs preserve and restore the ancient names of 
 places, i. 97. 
 
 Aratus the poet favoured by Ptolemy, ii. 59. 
 
 Aratus expels Nicocles tyrant of Sicyon, ii. 56; gene- 
 rously assisted by Pti.femy Philadelphus, and why, 
 ib. 
 
 Arbaces founds the second Assyrian monarchy, i. 61. 
 Vide Tiglath Pileser. 
 
 Arbela, Darius routed there, i. 378. 
 
 Arbitrary power, the ill eftects of it, i. 335. 
 
 Arclielaus son of Herod succeeds him, ii. 419; he is 
 banished by Augustus to Vienne in Gallia, 4'20. 
 
 Archias's avarice ii. 17i; the occasion of his hanging 
 himself, ib. 
 
 Archiinagus, high-priest of the Magians, i. 200; Da- 
 rius takes that office, 204. 
 
 Aretas, king of Arabia, chosen king of Damascus, ii. 
 2.53 
 
 Argyraspides, why Alexander's soldiers so called, i. 
 390; betrays Eumenes, 400. 
 
 Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, opposed by an im- 
 postor, ii. 169; refuses the king of Syria's sister in 
 marriage, ib. 
 
 Arid.'Eus, Alexander's bastard brother, made king, i. 
 390; an idiot, ib.; murdered, 398. 
 
 Arimanius, the evil god of tbe Persians, tc i. 173. 
 
 Aiiobarzanes chosen king of Cappadocia, ii. 250; tlie 
 Romans his friends, ib. 
 
 Aristeas, his account of the Septuagint confuted, ii. 
 27, &c. 
 
 Aristides the Athenian, his exploits, i. 212. 
 
 Aristobulus succeeds Hyrcanus in the principality of 
 Judea, ii. 241; assumes the title of king, and mur- 
 ders his mother, ib.; shares the government with 
 Antigonus's brother, and murders him, ib.; forces 
 the Ituraeans to be proselytes to the Jewish reli- 
 .gion, 241; murders his bniiher by the artifice of his 
 wife, 242; dies of remorse, ib. 
 
 Aristobulus owned king of Judea by his elder 
 irotlier Hyrcanus. ii. 266; deposed by Ponipey. ib. 
 &c.; the time of his reign ascertained, ib.; not 
 owned by the Romans, 270; has audience of Pom- 
 pey, 280; his plea, ib.; departs without taking leave 
 of him, 28]; offends him, ib.; his unsteadiness, ib.; 
 put in chains by Ponipey, 283; carried away for his 
 triumph, 285. 287; escapes fron. Rome, 293; renews 
 the war, and is again taken, 294; joins withCasar, 
 and is poisoned, 303. 
 
 Aristobulus, the last of the Asmona;an princes. He- 
 rod's jealousy of him, ii. 363; beloved by the Jews, 
 ib.; murdered bv Herod's crafty cruelty, ib. 
 
 Aristobulus, his "account of the translation of the 
 Septuagint, ii. 2 •; confuted, 35; liis commentaries 
 on Moses suspected, ib. 
 
 Aristonicus, his war with the Romans for the king- 
 dom of Pergamiis. ii. 199. 
 
 Aristotle instriicted by a learned Jew, ii. 35: his 
 works, how preserved, 255; studied by the Christian 
 schoolmen from an ill translation, 104. 
 
 Aristotle, how many lines his works consisted of, i. 
 275; his birth and "life, 363; his converse with a Jew, 
 363. 360. 
 
 Ark of the covenant described, i. 151; its history, 152, 
 &c. 
 
 Arkianus, king of Babylon, i. 77. 
 
 Arphaxad. See Deioces. 
 
 Arsaces occasions the revolt of Partbia from Antio- 
 chus, ii. 56; founds that kingdom, and enlarges it, 
 05: settles, ib.; gives his name to his successors, ib. 
 
 Arsaces, his son, leagues with Antiochus the Great, 
 ii. 83; his successors, 189. 
 
 Arses has only the name of king of Persia, i. 364; 
 slain, ib. 
 
 Arsinoe, wife of Lvsimachus, contrives the death of 
 his .-on Acathocles, ii. 23; banished, 24; marries her 
 brother Ptolemv Philadelphus, ib.; beloved by him, 
 25; her death. 58. 
 
 Arsinoe, wife of Ptolemy, and daughter of Lysiraa- 
 chus, divorced by him and banished, ii. 24. 
 
 Arsinoe, wife and sister to Ptolemy Philopater, her 
 courage, ii. 70; put to death, 83. 
 
 Arsinoe; sister to Cleopatra, Caesar's mistress, led in 
 triumph by him, ii. 311; murdered by Antony to 
 please Cleopatra, ib. 
 
 Artabasanes, son of Darius, yields the crown to his 
 younger brother, i. 193. 
 
 Artaxerxes, third son of Xerxes, made king, i. 220; 
 slays his elder brother, 221; why surnamcd Longi- 
 nianus, ib.; is Ahasuerus, ib.; his army routed in 
 Kgvpt, 224; bribes the Lacedemonians, 255; his 
 death, 318. 
 
 Artaxerxes Mnemon, why so called, i. 334; his nego- 
 ciations with the Greeks, 340, Slc.; his incestuous 
 marriages, 356; death, 357. 
 
 Artaxerxes. See Smerdis. 
 
 Artemon personates Antiochus Theus, ii. 60. 
 
 Arundel, earl of, a column concerning Seleucus king 
 of Syria, brought by him out of Italy, ii. 58. 
 
 Asander made governor of Bosphorus by Pharnaces, 
 ii. 311.; usurps the kingdom, 313; rout.s Mithridates, 
 to whom Caisar gave it, ib.; has quiet possession 
 of it, jh. 
 
 Ashdod, its strength, i. 82; blockade of twenty-nine 
 years, ib.; Jeremiah's saying of it, ib. 
 
 Ashes, the manner of a death in Persia, i. 319. See 
 the thirteenth chapter of Maccabees. 
 
 Asia Proper, and the Less, distinguished, ii. 199, 
 (note 5.) 
 
 Asidaeans, who they were that joined Mattatliias, ii. 
 124. 219. 
 
 Askalon, temple of Venus, robbed by the Scythians, 
 i. 88. 
 
 Asmoiiipan race, when they became possessed of the 
 high-priesthood, ii. 174; of the first class of the sons 
 of Aaron, ib.; their way of dealing with the con- 
 quered, 256; the length of their reign over Israel, 
 338; Ashpaltites, lake of Sodom, why socalled,i.406. 
 
 Assassination-plot against Herod, ii. .385. 
 
 Associations of the Egyptians against Ptolemy Epi- 
 phanes, ii. 103. 
 
 Assyrian empire, its duration, i. 61. 90. 139. 
 
 Astacus, Nicoiiiedia built on its ruins, ii. 53. 
 
 Astyages, of Media, marries one of his daughters to 
 Nebuchadnezzar, i. 90; another to Canibyses king 
 of Persia, 104; succeeds his father Cyaxares, 108; 
 the same with Ahasuerus, ib.; his death, 129. 
 
 Astronomers of the Sabian sect, i. 173. 
 
 Atheism punished by the .Mhenians, i. 321. 
 
 Athenians qnarrel with Darius, i. 180; murder his 
 herald, 191: quit their city for fear of Xerxes, 210; 
 Persian fleet in their harbours, ib.; refuse to make 
 peace with the Persians, 212: destroy their fleet and 
 armies, ib.; assist the Egyptians, 224; rout the Per- 
 sians, ib.; their losses in Egypt, 250; allowed two 
 wives, and why, 317; use a Persian ambassador 
 honourably, 318; vanquished by the Lacedemo- 
 nians, .'533; put Socrates to death, and repent of it, 
 339; assist Euagoras against Artaxerxes, 346. 
 
 Athens burnt by the Persians, i.^12; plague there, 
 313. 317; walls rebuilt by Conon, 344; taken by De- 
 metrius, 410. 419. 
 
 Athens besieged by Antigonusking of Macedon, ii. 51. 
 
 Atropatians. now the Georgians, their king submits 
 to Antiochus, ii. 72. 
 
 Attains king of Pergamus succeeds Eumenes. ii. 63; 
 curtails the Syrian empire, ib.; overthrown by An- 
 tiochus the Great, 69; his league with the Romans, 
 and death, 88; how it happened, ib. 
 
 Attains, brother of Eumenes king of Pergamus, 
 made king by him, ii. 169: resigns to his nephew, ib. 
 
 Attains Philoinetor succeeds his uncle Atlalus. ii. 
 192; hi^ vices and folly, 199; dies, and leaves his 
 goods to the Romans by will, ib. 
 
 Attilius Marcus, his severe punishment for suffering 
 the Sibyls books to be copied, ii. 398. 
 
 Augustus, the name given to Octavianus Cisar by 
 the senate, ii. 383; ambassadors to him from the In- 
 dians. &c. 385; set above the laws by the senate, 
 360; obliges the Parihians to restore Crassus's cap- 
 tives and ensigns. 388; values himself upon it, 393; 
 preserves the Sibylline oracles, and other prophe- 
 cies, 397; orders the empire to be surveyed al the 
 time of OUT Saviour's birth, 414; when he taxed it, 
 416; his death. 423; his good character. 426. 
 
 Azarias one of Jiidas Maccabeeus's commanders, his 
 ill conduct, ii. 144. 
 
 Azelmelic made king of Tyre by Alexander, and why, 
 i. 309. 
 
 Azotus taken by John son of Simon, ii. 192. 
 
 B. 
 
 Babylon, confusion in that kingdom, i. 79: taken by 
 the Assyrians, ib.; its grandeur under Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, 119, 120, &.C.; taken by Cyrus, 137; its king- 
 
444 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 dom Jestrnyed, 138; prophecies about it falfilled, 
 139; rebels against Darius, 178; cruelty of the citi- 
 zens, 17it; taken and destroyed, ib.; taken by Alex- 
 ander, 379; by Demetrius, 407; entirely ruined, 420. 
 
 Babylonians, how early they made astronomical ob- 
 servations, i. 1"23. 
 
 Bacchides sent by the king of Syria against Judas 
 Maccabseiis, ii. Itjl!; kills him, ib.; his cruelly, ib.; 
 worsted by Jonathan, 367; quits Palestine, ib.; re- 
 turns andinakes peace with the Jews, I'O. 
 
 Bactria revolts from Antiochus, ii. .57; the largeness 
 of the province, ib. 
 
 Bagdad, situation of it, i. 421; where Seleucia was, 
 423; whence its name, ib. 
 
 Bagoas, the Egyptian eunuch, favourite to Ochus, i. 
 3U3; why ofi'ended at him, ib.; his revenge, ib.; 
 makes Darius king, 365. 
 
 Bagorazus, his fidelity to Artaxerxes, and death, i. 
 318. 
 
 Bagoses, the Persian governor, lays a mulct on the 
 Jews' sacrifices, i. 354. 
 
 Balas, called also Alexander, an impostor, pretends 
 to the kingdom of Syria, ii. 173; makes Jonathan 
 high-priest, 174; the Romans declare for him, ib.; 
 obtains the Syrian empire, and is kind to Jona- 
 than, 175; marries the king of Egypt's daughter, ib.; 
 his mal-administration, 178; the cruelty of his fa- 
 vourite, ib.; killed, 280. 
 
 Balascia, in India, kings of Alexander's race there, 
 i. 38.3. 
 
 Balch, in Persia, the residence of the Persian king, i. 
 19!); of the Magians, ib.; the Archimagus settled 
 there by Zoroaslres, 201. 
 
 Balsam trees in Judea, ii. 282, 283; do not grow there 
 naturally, ib. 
 
 Barls, castle of, at Jerusalem, built by Hyrcanus, ii. 
 216; the seat of the Asmonwan princes, 217; de- 
 scribed, ib. 
 
 Baronius abuses Eusebius, ii. 230; corrected, 400; his 
 Annals recommended, 413. 
 
 Barsna, Memnon's widow, marries Alexander, i. 368; 
 murdered, 408. 
 
 Barach employed by Jeremiah to publish his prophe- 
 cies, i. 99; hides himself, 10); his brother sent by 
 Jeremiah to Babylon, with his prophecies against 
 that city, 1015. 
 
 Baruch, the book so called supposed to be a fiction, 
 and why, i. 106. 
 
 Baruch, epistles of, not in the Hebrew Canon, ii. 32. 
 
 Barzapharnes, the Parthian governor of Syria, seizes 
 Hyrcanus, prince of the Jews. ii. 328. 
 
 Bassus Caecilius gets Sextus Ca?sar, Julius's lieute- 
 nant in Syria, murdered, ii. 315; commands his ar- 
 my, ib.; baffles Antistius Vetus, ib.; again, 318. 
 
 Batelnims, who they were, i. 299; what account of 
 their authority, ib. 
 
 Bath kol, a kind of prophecy, what it was, ii. 215; 
 like the Sortes Virgilianae, ib. 
 
 Bede. an epistle penned by him, ii. 161. 
 
 Bel and the Dragon, a fable, i. 164. 
 
 Bel, temple of, destroyed by Xerxes, i. 215. 
 
 Bel, his image set up by Nebuchadnezzar, i. 115. 
 
 Belesis founds the kinsdom of Babylon, i. 61. 
 
 Belgius the Gaul invades Macedonia, and is defeated, 
 ii. 25. 
 
 Belibus succeeds Esarhaddon king of Assyria, i. 77. 
 
 Belshazzar. See Nabonadius. 
 
 Belus, temple of, at Babylon, i. 120; its tower men- 
 tioned bv Herodotus, 123; bigger than that of Jeru- 
 salem, ib.; Alexander's design to rebuild it, 387. 
 
 Ben Sira, a book among the Jews so called, unskil- 
 fully taken for Ecclesiasticus, ii. 200. 
 
 Berenice gets Ptolemv to make her son king, though 
 he had an elder brother, ii. 16. 
 
 Berenice, city of. built by Ptolemy Phlladelphus. ii. 54. 
 
 Berenice, daughter of .Apame, gets her mother's gal- 
 lant assassinated, ii.55, 56. 
 
 Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy, married to Antiochus 
 Theus, ii. 57; she is turned off, and flies, 60; mur- 
 dered, ib. 
 
 Berenice, wife of Ptolemy Euergetes, her hair turned 
 into a constellalion, ii. 61. 
 
 Berhiea, Aleppo, so called anciently, ii. 148, (note 12;) 
 2.'i2. 
 
 Berishith Rahba, a commentary on Genesis, ii. 344. 
 
 Beroea taken by Pyrrhus, ii. 13. 
 
 Berosus the historian, when he lived, ii. 53; an ac- 
 count of him, ib. 
 
 Besstis, his treason to Daritis. i. 380; declares himself 
 king, ib.; punished by Alexander, 381. 
 
 Bethsan in Palestine, called Scythopolis, ii. 147, 
 
 Bethshean taken from the Jews by the Scythians, i. 
 88; thence called Scythopolis, ib. 
 
 Betis the eunuch, Alexander's cruelty to him, i. 372. 
 
 Bias makes his city renowned for justice, ii. 171, 
 (note 3.) 
 
 Bible, the Jewish, i. 271; some books want the cor- 
 rectness of others, 272, 273; how read, ib.; how at 
 first written, 274; concordance made to it. 276; of 
 its vowels and pointing, 281; wherein the Samaritan 
 and Jewish ditfer, 285; when it ends, 332. 
 
 Bible, Christian, when divided into chapters, i. 277, 
 Sec; books added to it after Ezra's time, ii. 342, 343. 
 
 Bible of Bononia said to be Ezra's, a cheat, i. 291. 
 
 Bible, English translation corrected, ii. 353, (note 1.) 
 
 Bible, vindicated by the Chaldee and other para- 
 phrases, ii. 353. 
 
 Bible used by Christians in divinations, ii. 216. 
 
 Bibulus made governor of Syria, ii. 301; loses two of 
 his sons in Egypt, 302. 
 
 Bigthan and Teresh, their conspiracy against king 
 Ahasuerus, i. 256; discovered by Mordecai, ib. 
 
 Bishop of the Jews, an officer in England so called, 
 ii. 222, (note 3.) 
 
 Bishops, their temporal power distinguished from the 
 spiritual, ii. 110, 111. 
 
 Bishops, in king William III.'s time, justly deprived 
 by the state, ii. Ill; still such of the Church univer- 
 sal, ib. 
 
 Bitumen found in the lake of Sodom, i. 406. 
 
 Boated to death, the manner of it in Persia, i. 223. 
 
 Boccharis, king of Egypt, burnt alive, i. 71. 
 
 Bolis, the Cretan, his treachery, ii. 81. 
 
 Books of holy scripture, how divided by the Jews, i. 271. 
 
 Branehida>, a Milesian family, betray their temple,!. 
 214; settled in Persia by Xerxes, ib.; destroyed by 
 Alexander the Great, ib. 
 
 Brass, Corinthian, when first made, ii. 180. 
 
 Brazen serpent destroyed by Hezekiah, i. 71; the Pa- 
 pists' impudence about it, ib. 
 
 Brennus, the Gaul, invades Macedonia, and is de- 
 feated, ii. 26; dies of despair and drunkenness, ib.; 
 a saying of another Gaul of the same name to the 
 Romans, 97, (note 2.) 
 
 Brutus seizes Macedonia and Greece after the death 
 of Caesar, ii. 320; lefeated. 323; kills himself, ib. 
 
 Burial place of the kings of Judah described, i. 77. 
 
 Burial place, honourable, denied to wicked kings by 
 the Jews, i. 70 
 
 Buxtorf, his great learning, ii. 356. 
 
 Byzantium seized by the Gauls, ii. 26. 
 
 Cabbalists, Jewish doctors so called, i. 285. 
 
 Cabbala, what, i. 285. 
 
 Cadusians subjected by Artaxerxes, i. 348; their man- 
 ners, 349; said to be part of the ten tribes, ib. 
 
 Cadytis, Jerusalem so called by Herodotus, i. 96.296. 
 
 Ca>sar, Julius, raises vast sums in his consulship, il. 
 288; passes the Rubicon, and begins the civil war, 
 303; reduces Spain, 304; routs Pompey, 305; follows 
 him to Esrypt, 306; hears the cause between Ptole- 
 my and Cleopatra, 307; in love with Cleopatra, .308; 
 distressed at Alexandria, 310; routs the Egyptian 
 fleet, ib.; in great danger, ib.; makes war for the 
 sake of Cleopatra, 311; his decree in favour of the 
 Jews, ib.; his long stay with Cleopatra, ih.; how 
 he came by the motto, yevi vidi vici, 312; routs 
 Cato and Scipio in Africa, 314; reforms the Roman 
 calendar, 316; made perpetual dictator, 318; killed, 
 ib.; his murder revenged, 372. 
 
 Caesarea built by Herod, ii. 382; made a good port, ib. 
 
 CzEsareum, a palace built by Herod at Jerusalem, ii. 
 387. 
 
 Caesar, Cains, Augustus's grandson, sent into the 
 east, ii. 419; on his return dies of his wounds, ib. 
 
 Caiaphas made hishpriest of the Jews by the Ro» 
 mans, ii. 424, 425. 
 
 Calendar, Jewish, when made, i. 178; Vide note 8. 
 
 Calendar, Egyptian, reformed by the Romans, ii. 378. 
 
 Calendar. Jewish, reformed, ii. 154; Roman reformed 
 by Caesar, 316; Gregorian, 317. 
 
 Callippic cycle, what it was, ii. 154. 
 
 Callimachus the poet, favoured by Ptolemy, ii. 59; his 
 satire asainst his disciple Apolionius, library-keep- 
 er at Alexandria. 92. 
 
 Callisthenes, the philosopher, his observations of the 
 Chaldainn astronomy, i. 123; killed by Alexander's 
 order, 382. 
 
 Callisthenes burnt for burning the temple gates at Je- 
 rusalem, ii. 131, 1.33, 
 
LNDEX. 
 
 445 
 
 Calves, golden, set up by Jeroboam, carried from Je- 
 rusalem by the Assyrians, i. 69. 
 
 Cambyses, son of Cyrus, succeeds him.i. IG5; his war 
 with E?ypt, ib.; succfisses, ItJii; his agents in Ethio- 
 pia despised, 167; his army destroyed, ib.; whips llie 
 Egyptian priests, and Itills their god Apis, J68; sets 
 his successors an example of incestuous marriages, 
 lfi9; kills his wife, ib.; his madness, ib.; bis death, 
 170. 
 
 Candace, queen of Ethiopia, routed by the Roman.s, 
 ii. 388. 
 
 Canon (Jewish) of scripture, when completed, i. 270. 
 276. 424. 
 
 Captains, Alexander's, assume the name of kings, i. 
 31)0; establish four great monarchies, 415; Daniel's 
 prophecy of them fulfilled, ib. 
 
 Captivity (head of) an officer among the Jews at 
 Babylon, i. 128, 129. 
 
 Captivity, Jewish, at Babylon, who the head of, ii. 
 222. 423. 
 
 Carrha;. called Haran in scripture, ii. 229, 230; Cras- 
 sus defeated there, 236. 
 
 Carthage destroyed, ii. 180. 
 
 Carthaginians league with Xerxesagainst the Greeks, 
 i. 208; routed in Sicily, 211. 
 
 Cassander, son of Antipater, supposed to have poi- 
 soned Alexander, i. '.iSSi his designs against Alex- 
 ander's children, 395; puts Olympias to death, 398; 
 and murders Roxana, 408; and her son, ib.: takes 
 tlie title of king, 411; divisions among his family, 
 419. 
 
 Cassius Parmensis put to death by Octavius, ii. 372. 
 
 Cassius dissuades Crassus from going against the 
 Parlhians, ii. 298; his good retreat after Crassus's 
 defeat, 299; repulses the Parthians, 300; routs and 
 kills Osaces the Parthian general, 301; seizes Syria 
 after the death of Osar, 320; his strength, 321; 
 Dolabella kills himself for fear of him, ib.; defeated, 
 323; kills himself, ib. 
 
 Cato, the Roman general, routs Antiochus the Great 
 in Greece, ii 95. 
 
 Celsus, well acquainted with the scriptures, ii. 41; 
 the greatest enemy of the Christians, ii. 40(i. 
 
 Cendebsns, general of the Syrians for Antiochus Si- 
 detes, routed by the sons of Simon, ii. 191. 
 
 Chaldee paraphrases on the Bible, ii. 341; necessary 
 for the Jews, ib.; language learnt and spoken by 
 the Jews, ib.; a true standard of it in Daniel and 
 Ezra, 343; three dift'erent dialects of it, 346. 
 
 Chapters, the division of scripture into them, i. 276; 
 why scripture divided into chapters, 277. 
 
 Chares of Lindus, builds the Colossus at Rhodes, ii. 70.' 
 
 Charrae in Mesopotamia, the Haran of the scripture, 
 i. 391; Abraham dwelt there, ib.; Crassus routed, 398. 
 
 Chasidim or Asidieans, who the people so called, ii. 
 124. 
 
 Children, three carried captives from Judea to Baby- 
 lon, i. 100; preferred there, 102; their zeal for their 
 religion, ib. 
 
 Chinese called Seres by the Romans, ii. 48. 
 
 Chinzerus king of Babylon, his reign, i. 72. 
 
 Chiniladaniis succeeds his father Nabuchodonosor, 
 king of Assyria, i. 88; his effeminacy, 89. 
 
 Christ's coming. Daniel's prophecy of seven weeks 
 concerning it made clear, i. 127, &c.; when they 
 begin, 231. 24); when completed, ib.; perplexed, 251, 
 252. 
 
 Christ born four years after the temple of Jerusalem 
 was re-edified by Herod, ii. 411; when Augustus 
 surveyed the Roman empire, 414; called Shiloh, 
 422; his first appearance in his mission, 425; he is 
 crucified, ib.; Daniel's prophecies of him fulfilled, ib. 
 
 Christ proved to be the Messiah by the Jewish tar- 
 gums, ii. .352; prophecies of him fulfilled, 353; by 
 Pagans, 404; fiireshown to the heathens by prophe. 
 cies, 405; the Jews' expectation of him, ib. 
 
 Christ honours the feast of dedication, appointed by 
 Judas Maccaba^us, with his presence, ii. 1.33. 
 
 Christian Fathers well skilled in the Jewish learning, 
 ii. 350. 
 
 Christian churches make use of different translations 
 of the Bible, ii. 47. 
 
 Christians, names given them by the Jews, ii. 202. 
 
 Chronics, book of, more modern than the rest, i. 424. 
 
 Chronicon Alexandrinum preferred in some things to 
 Eusebius, ii. 112; why so called, ib. 
 
 Chronology of the Jews, why erroneous, ii. 340. 
 
 Cicero, whence his name, ii. 210 (note ];) his birth, 
 243; commands in Cilicia, 301; saluted Imporator, 
 302; proscribed by the triumvirate, 321; his saying 
 of the Sibylline oracles, 403, 404. 
 
 Cimmerian Bosphorus, what counlrj- so called, ii. 273. 
 
 Cimon, his descent, i. liKl; his relation to Thucyd'ides' 
 191; his wars against the Persians, 219; destroys 
 their fleet, 224; recovers his father's territory ib • 
 tried for life, and why, ib. j ' > 
 
 Clearchus leads a Grecian army to assist Cyrus 
 against Artaxerxes, i. 335; slain, 33C. 
 
 Cleomenes kills himself in the streets of Alexandria 
 ii. 76. 
 
 Cleopatra, Alexander's sister, murdered by order of 
 Antigonus, i. 409. 
 
 Cleopatra, mother of Ptolemy Philometor, regent of 
 Egypt, li. 104; her death, 109. 
 
 Cleopatra, queen of Syria, her many husbands, ii. 
 206; occasions the death of her husband Demetrius, 
 201; nmrders her own son to reign in his stead, ib.'; 
 attempts to murder another son, 209; her wicked- 
 ness, ib.; forced to drink poison, 210. 
 
 Cleopatra, wife to Antiochus Cyzicenus, murdered 
 by her sister Tryphsena. ii. 212. 
 
 Cleopatra, mother of Lathyrus and Alexander, kings 
 of Egypt and Cyprus, her ambition, ii.2ll; how 
 she expelled Lathyrus, 245; her tyranny, 246; killed 
 by her son Alexander, 251. 
 
 Cleopatra associated in the kingdom of Egypt with 
 her brother, ii. 342; gains Caesar by her beauty, 308; 
 she has the kingdom given her by him, 311; poi- 
 sons her other brother, 323; refuses to aid Cassius, 
 ib.; charms Antony, 325; her bold design to draw 
 her fleet over land to the Red Sea, 372; rejects an 
 offer of peace on the terms of killing Antony, 375; 
 her treachery to Antony, ib.; flies to a tower for 
 fear of him, 370; she kills herself, ib.; her charac- 
 ter, ib. 
 
 Cleophis, queen of the Assacans, prostitutes herself 
 to Alexander, i. 383; has a son and successor by 
 him, ib. 
 
 Clitus killed by Alexander, i. 381. 
 
 Clodius debauches his own sister, Lucullus's wife, ii. 
 289; raises a mutiny against him, 289; his lewdness, 
 ib.; and turbulent spirit, ib.; procures the banish- 
 ment of Cicero, 290. 
 
 Coans refuse to deliver Hipjmcrates to Artaxerxes, i. 
 314. 
 
 CoBle-Syria, what that country was, ii. 78. 
 
 Colossus of Rhodes thrown down, ii. 69; described, ib. 
 
 Comanians, priests of the moon, their number, ii. 278. 
 
 Comets, appearances of them, ii. 209. 
 
 Concordance ( f.atin,) the first that was made, i. 276. 
 
 Concordance (Hebrew,) when made, i. 277. 
 
 Conon, the Athenian, his friendship to Euagoras of 
 Salamine, i. 338; comniamis Artaxerxes' fleet, 340; 
 his men not paid,:J41; he complains of it, 342; beats 
 the Lacedemonian fleet, 344; rebuilds the walls of 
 Athens, ib.; put to death, .345. 
 
 Conon of Samns, the nialhematician, his gross flat- 
 tery of Berenice, wife to Ptolemy Eiiergetes, ii. 61. 
 
 Constellation, why called Coma Berenices, ii. 61. 
 
 Conquerors, their detestable character, i. 372. 
 
 Conquests as uncertain as riches, ii. 377. 
 
 Contributions of the Jews toward rebuilding their 
 temple, their amount, i. 147. 
 
 Coponius seizes the government of Judea in Augus- 
 tus's name, ii. 420. 
 
 Coptus on the Nile made a mart for the eastern 
 trade, ii. .55. 
 
 Corinth destroyed, ii. 180. 
 
 Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, refuses to marry 
 Ptolemy Physcon, king of Egypt, ii. 151. 
 
 Cornelius Agrippa, why taken for a conjurer, i. 200. 
 
 Corupedinn, a fight there between Seleucus and Ly- 
 simachns, ii. 23. 
 
 Coryciis. naval fight of, between the Syrian and Ro- 
 man fleets, ii. 95. 
 
 Cos, island of, Hippocrates born there, ii. 54; Berosus 
 there, ib. 
 
 Cotto, the Roman consul, vanquished by Mithri- 
 dates, ii. 260. 
 
 Court, outer, of the temple, what it was, ii. 185, 
 (note 5.) 
 
 Crassus, his riches, i. 2.58, 2.59. 
 
 Crassus enters on the Parthian war against the opi- 
 nion of the Tribunes, ii. 298; plunders the temple 
 of Jerusalem, ib.; his ill conduct in Parthia, ib.; 
 robs the temple of Hierapniis, ib ; neglects good ad- 
 vice, 299; routed and slaMi, 300. 
 
 Craterus sent by Alexander to lead the old Macedo- 
 nians home, i. 389; governs Macedonia after his 
 death. 390; slain, 392. 
 
 Crates, deputy governor of Jerusalem, made governor 
 of Cyprus by Autiochus Epiphanes, ii. 114- 
 
446 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cretans, their bad character, ii. 81, (note 7.) 
 
 CroBsus succeeds his father Alyattes in the kingdom 
 of Lydia, i. 1^8; commands the Bahylonian army, 
 131; his wars, I'M; routed hy Cyrus, ib.; his saying 
 as he was to die, 135; favoured by Cyrus, ib.; de- 
 ceived by oracles, 135, 13(3; ordered to be slain by 
 Camhyses, 169; how saved, ib. 
 
 Ctesiphon stands where Scleucia did, i. 423. 
 
 Ctesias the Cnidian, physician to Arta.\prxes Mne- 
 mon, i. 338; his history, ib.; copied by Diodorus Si- 
 culiis and Trogus Pomppius, ib. 
 
 Cumse, the Sibyl's cave there described, ii. 397. 
 
 Cuthites, people of Judea, why so called, i. 79; odious 
 name anroiig the Jews, 162; the original of the Sa- 
 maritans, 331. 
 
 Cyaxares king of Media defeated by the Scythians, i. 
 88; his death, 108. 
 
 Cyaxares, son of Astyages king of Media, i. 104; 
 called Darius the Median by Daniel, ib.; succeeds 
 his father, 12!); called Cyrus to his assistance, ib.; 
 is declared king of Babylon, 140; his death, 142. 
 
 Cycle of the moon, when, for what, and by whom 
 invented, i. 311. 
 
 Cycle, how it differs from a period, ii. 155; of nine- 
 teen years the best, 156. 
 
 Cycle of eighty-four years, when begun by the Jews, 
 ii. 154; how made up, ib.; wliolly abolished, IGl. 
 
 Cycles treated of, ii. 154, &c. 
 
 Cynocephalus, battle of, between the Romans and 
 Macedonians, ii. 89. 
 
 Cyprus, nine kings there, i. 3C0; mastered by Ptole- 
 my, 419. 
 
 Cyprus delivered to the king of Syria, ii.n4. 
 
 Cyrenean Jews, from whom descended, i. 395. 
 
 Cyreneans made free by the Romans, ii. 241; subjected 
 to them, 259. 
 
 Cyrilhis Lucaris, patriarch of Constantinople, pre- 
 sents king Charles I. with the Ale.fandrian copy of 
 the Septnagint, ii. 48. 
 
 Cyrus, his birth, r. 104; commands the Median army, 
 129; his descent, ib^; his education, 130; reduces Ar- 
 menia, 131; his wars in Assyria, 132; routs Croesus, 
 134; his generosity, 135; takes king Crcesus, ib.; liis 
 victories, 136; conquers Babylon, 137; highly favours 
 Daniel, 141; is king of Persia, Media, and Babylon, 
 142; favours Daniel, 143; his decree and reasons for 
 restoring the Jews, 144; decree for rebuilding the 
 temple, ib.; death, 165. 
 
 Cyrus, son of Darius Nothus, made governor of 
 Lesser Asia, i. 332; assists the Lacedemonians 
 against the Athenians, ib.; his pride and cruelty, 
 333; plots against Artaxerxes Mnemon, 134; par- 
 doned, ib.; new designs against his brother Artax- 
 erxes, 335; slain, 336. 
 
 D 
 
 Damaratus the Spartan serviceable to Xerxes, i. 193. 
 
 Damascenus, Nicolas, his history, ii. 261. 
 
 Damascus taken by Arbaces, i.C4; by Alexander, 361; 
 the rich plunder there, ib. 
 
 Damascus taken by Antiochus the Great, ii. 14; De- 
 metrius Eucairus. son of Antiochus Grypus, made 
 king of it, 249; Pompey's court there, 276. 
 
 Daniel, book of, writ in Chaldee and Hebrew, i. 163; 
 the prophecy concerning Xerxes, 209; of seventy 
 weeks relating to the Messiah made clear, 127; 
 contains three branches, 244. 
 
 Daniel carried into captivity by Nebuchadnezzar, i. 
 100; his greatness, ib.; reveals the king's dream, ib.; 
 his great piety, 108; and fame for wisdom. 111; he 
 prophecies to king Belshazzar, 137; just before he 
 was slain, ib.; in high favour with Cyrus, 141; 
 prays for the Jews, ib.; in the lions' den, ib.; his 
 prophecy of our Saviour, 127; favoured by Darius 
 the Median. 143; his great age, death, and charac- 
 ter, 162; his building in Susa, 163; prophpcvof Alex- 
 ander, 371, 378; of his successors, 390. 414, 415. 
 
 Daniel, book of, the Septuagint version faulty, ii. 43. 
 a prophecy of his touching the marriage of Antio- 
 chus Tlieus with Ptolemy's daughter Berenice ful- 
 filled, 58; to whom the prophecies in his eleventh 
 chapter are to be applied, ib.; his prophecy of the 
 effects of Berenice's marriage fulfilled, 62; of An- 
 tiochus the Great, 98; and of the Plulemies, 99; of 
 Seleuciis Philopater, 105; of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 ib. &;c.; the end of his prophecies relating to the 
 Kings of Syria and Eeypt, 139; the persecution of 
 the Jews, ib.; Porphyry the Pagan owns the full 
 completion of them, 140; relate also to antichrist, 
 141; what is meant by his time, times, and half a 
 
 time, ib.; how much of the book written- in Cftaf' 
 dee, 281; not allowed to be a prophet, and why, 
 344, 345, (note 2.) 
 
 Daphne, city of, its lewdness, i. 417. 
 
 Darics, money so called, when coined, i. 141; its 
 value, 142. 
 
 Darius thtr Median. See Cyaxares, 
 
 Darius, king of Media, with two other kings, routed 
 by Lucullus, ii. 170. 
 
 Darius, the son of Hystaspes, made king of Persia by 
 the neighing of his horse, i. 174; forwards the re- 
 building of the temple, 175; his unsuccessful expe- 
 dition against the Scythians, 183; invades India, 
 184; his wars with the Macedonians and Greeks, 
 191: bis heralds murdered in Greece, 192; his losses 
 in Greece, ib.; disposes of his crown, 193; high- 
 priest of the Magians, 201. 
 
 Darius Nothus, his reign, i. 319; his brother Arsites's 
 rebellion, ib.;^ otlier troubles, ib.; his cruelty, 320; 
 impolicy, 321; a fine saying of his at his death. 335. 
 
 Darius Codomannus made king by Bagoas, i. 365; his 
 mean post before he was king, ib ; puts Bagoas to 
 death, 365; routed by Alexander, 367, 368; seized 
 by Bessus, 378; murdered, 380. 
 
 Darius, son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, his rebellion, i. 
 350. 
 
 Datames, Artaxerxes's General, his great character, 
 i. 349. 
 
 David, his riches, i. 64. 258. 
 
 David, sepulchre of, the story of the treasure there 
 false, ii. 198. 
 
 Day, hours of. how reckoned by the Jews, i. 305. 
 
 Death of princes foretold, i. 169, (note 2) 
 
 Decrees, Cyrus' and Artaxerxes' for restoring the 
 Jews, i. 144; Darius's, 176; in their favour, 222, 
 (note 7;) for the destruction of the Jews, procured 
 by Hanian, 257, 258. 
 
 Dedication, feast of, appointed by Judas Maccabsus, 
 ii. 133; honoured with Christ's presence, ib. 
 
 Deioces, first king of the Medes, i. 76; the founder of 
 Ecbatana, ib.; routed by Nabuchodonosor, 82. 
 
 Deiotarus made king by Pompey, ii. 277, 278; Cice- 
 ro's oration for him, 278, (note 1.) 
 
 Deists, Epicureans, i. 409. 
 
 Delphos, the Gauls defeated there, ii. 26. 
 
 Delta in Egypt, so called from its figure, ii. 311, 
 (note 1.) 
 
 Demetrius, son of Antigonus, beaten by Ptolem.y, i. 
 402; his victory over Cilles, ib.; his generosity, ib.; 
 takes Athens, 411; his victory over Ptolemy's 
 brother, ib.; has the title of king, ib.; his saying to 
 Seleucus, 418. 
 
 Demetrius Phalereus's character, i. 411; gets the king- 
 dom of Macedon, 420. 
 
 Demetrius Soter, son of Seleucus Philopater, set aside 
 in the succession by the Romans, ii. 144; his escape 
 from Home, 151; seizes the kingdom of Syria, 152; 
 courts the Romans, 168; assists an impostor in 
 Cappadncia. 170; a pint against him, 172; distressed 
 by an impostor, 176; killed, ib. 
 
 Demetrius Nicator, his son, attempts for the king- 
 dom, ii. 178; obtains it, 180; his ill qualitieSi 182; 
 assisted by Jonathan in his distress, 183 his vices, 
 187; routed and taken by the Parthians, 189; kept 
 in easy captivity, 190; returns and recovers his 
 kingdom, 201; overthrown by an impostor, 207; 
 killed, ib. 
 
 Demetrius, his great preparations for war, ii. 13; 
 abandoned by his army, ib.; straitened, ib.; fights 
 his way through his enemies, 14; surrenders him. 
 self to Seleucus, ib.; his way of living afterward, ib. 
 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes quits the siegeof Rhodes, ii. 69. 
 
 Demetrius, his son, murdered for his amour with 
 Apame, ii. 55. 
 
 Demetrius, son of Grypus, expels Antiochus Eiisebes, 
 ii. 249; assists the jews against their king, 251; his 
 death, 252. 
 
 Demetrius the Phaleran, first president of the museum 
 at Alexandria, ii. 21; prince of Athens, ib.; his 
 story, ib.; dissuades Ptolemy from disinheriting his 
 eldest son, 22; imprisoned, and dies of the bite of 
 an asp. 23. 
 
 Demetrius the historian, what of him preserved by 
 Eusehius, ii. 40. 
 
 Demncrifns, founder of the atowical philosophy, i. 
 320; atheistical, ib. 
 
 Detimark, a court of justice there like a Jewish San- 
 hedrim, ii. 293. 
 
 Dercyllidas, the Lacedemonian, commands against 
 the Persians in Asia, i. 338; in danger, 340. 
 
 Deuteronomy, not all written by Moses, i. 179. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 447 
 
 Diagoras, the Melian, condemned at Athens for 
 Atheism, i. 321. 
 
 Dicaearchus, his treason and punishment, ii. 91. 
 
 Dinocrates, the architect, proposes to biild an extra- 
 ordinary temple for Arsiuoe at Alexandria, ii. 58. 
 
 Dioclesian, the era of his persecution, il. 377. 
 
 DIodorits Siculus, whence he took his history, i. 338. 
 
 Diodorus Siculus, the historian, when he flourished, 
 ii. 288; some account of him, ib. 
 
 Dionysius Exiguus, his rules for keeping Easter ob- 
 served, ii. 15S1; introduces the Christian era,ii. 421. 
 
 Dionysius HalicarnassEeus, when he began to write 
 his history, ii. 411; four years before Christ, ib. 
 
 Divination by arrows, how, i. 1011. 
 
 Divination, a way of it used by Christians, ii. 216. 
 
 Diviner, Egyptian, a story of one, i. 404, 405. 
 
 Doctors (Jewish,) their titles,!. 270. 
 
 Doctors of the Jewish law cease, ii. II; receive, ib.; 
 compose the Jewish Sanhedrim, 12; Mishnical, the 
 first of them, 52; of the law, slain by king Alexan- 
 der for opposing his priesthood, 80; of the divinity 
 school at Jerusalem, 190; their degree of Gaon, 
 what, 222. 
 
 Dolabella, distressed byCassius, kills himself, ii. 322. 
 
 Doomsday Book, how long making, ii. 415, (note 10.) 
 
 Dor, near Mount Carmel, taken by the Syrians, ii. 74. 
 
 Drachm of gold, its value, i. 147. 
 
 Draught of the Temple of Jerusalem, i. 149, 150. 
 
 Dream of king Antigonus, ii. 208. 
 
 Durazzo, Caesar worsted there by Pompey, ii. 304. 
 
 Dynamis, granddaughter of Mithridates, her mar- 
 riages to the Bosphoran kings, ii. 395. 
 
 E. 
 
 Eagle, how it came to be the Roinan standard, ii. 246. 
 
 Earth and water demanded of the Greeks by Darius, 
 in token of submission, i. 191. 
 
 Earthquake, a terrible one in Judea, ii. 370. 
 
 East India trade, a full account of it from David's 
 time to the present age, i. (i5, &c. 
 
 Easter, how settled by the first Christians, ii. 157; 
 the use of the British church about it, 159; a schism 
 about it in Britain, ib.; rules for keeping it observed, 
 160; when it will fall any year, 101; a scheme of it 
 e.xplained, 162. 
 
 Ebal, Mount, disputes between the Jews and Sama- 
 ritans about it, i. 330, 331. 
 
 Ebionites, their heresy explained, ii. 42. 
 
 Echatana, by whom founded, i. 76; taken by Nabu- 
 chodonosor, B2; another city, 170; Cauibyses de- 
 ceived by the name, ib. 
 
 Ecclesiastical history, Mr. Echard's the best in Eng- 
 lish, ii. 419. 
 
 Ecclesiasticus, hook of, when published, ii. 3S,(note 1;) 
 translated in Egypt by Jesus, the son of Siraeh, 199; 
 not written by Siraeh, ib.; the Latin version has 
 more in it than the Greek, 200. 
 
 Ecron, and its territory, given to Jonathan the high- 
 priest by Balas the impostor of Syria, ii. 199. 
 
 Eclipse, an, i. 104. 
 
 Edoui, part of the kingdom of Judea. i. 64; revolts, 65. 
 
 Edoiyites, where they dwelt, ii. 135; slain by Judas 
 Maccabasus, 142. 
 
 Egypt, anarchy there, i. 76; civil wars, 82; attacked 
 by the Scythians, 88; by Cambyses, 166; by Xerxes, 
 208; rebels against Artaxerxes, 224; reduced, 258; 
 revolts from Darius Nothus, 320; reduced, 332; civil 
 wars there, 335; conquered by Ochiis king of Per- 
 sia, 362; history of it, ib.; reduced by Alexander, 
 373. 
 
 Egypt, how long governed by the Ptolemies, ii. 376; 
 liow long a Roman province, ib. 
 
 Egyptians, their barbarous worship, i. 168; van- 
 "quished by Cambyses, ib. 
 
 Egyptians will not ofter the blood of beasts in their 
 sacrifices, ii. 19; murder a man for killing a cat, 19; 
 (note 3.) 
 
 Elath, a port of Edom, whence the Jews traded to 
 Ophir, i. 64; lost and recovered, 65; lost entirely, 66. 
 
 Elath, a great mart of the Tyrians, ii. .54. 
 
 Eleazar succeeds his brother the high-priest, ii. 11. 
 
 Ele,izar the martyr, ii. 123. 
 
 Eleazar, brother of Judas, his rash action and death, 
 ii. 148. 
 
 Eli, his family left out of the pedigree of high-priests, 
 i.84. 
 
 Eliakim, minister of state to Manasseh, his history, 
 i. 80, 81. 
 
 Eliashib, the high-priest, his profanation of the tem- 
 ple, i. 315; death, 321. 
 
 Elohini; this word equally applicable to false gods as 
 to the true one, i. !I5. 
 
 Elugo, a village in Asia,i. 421; Babylon stood there 
 ib. ' 
 
 Elulanis, king of Tyre, his unfortunate wars with the 
 Assyrians, i. 72. 
 
 Elymais, temple of Diana, attempted to be rf>bbed 
 by Antiochus Epipiianes, ii. 135; as that of Belus 
 had been by his father, 137. 
 
 Ensign used by the Konians, ii. 246. 
 
 Epamiu(mdas, his death and character, i. 354. 
 
 Ephesus, taken by Antiochus the Great, ii. 89. 
 
 Ephron, taken by storm and razed by Judas Macca- 
 bcBus, ii. 147. 
 
 Epicrates, general to Antiochus Cyzicenus, his trea- 
 son, ii. 212. 
 
 Epicurus, when he appeared, i. 409. 
 
 Epicureans, wherein they differed from the Saddu- 
 cees, ii. 53. 219; the boast of their founder, 220. 
 
 Epigenes, Antiochus's general, murdered, for pre- 
 tended treason, ii. 71. 
 
 Epiplianius, bishop of Salamine, his account of the 
 Septuagint, ii. 31; confuted, 38. 
 
 Era, Christian, when begun, ii. 420. 
 
 Era, Julian, corrected as it is now, ii. 420. 
 
 Era of the SeleuciiliE, or of contracts, i. 403, why 
 called by the Arabs Taric Dilcariiain, ib.; of the 
 creation of the world, ib; of the Julian period, ib. 
 
 Era of the Seleucidie and the Julian, how they difler, 
 ii. 125. 140. 149. 
 
 Era of the Aclic victory, ii. 377. 
 
 Era of the Dioclesian, ii. 377. 
 
 Era, Philippic, ii. 378. 
 
 Eratosthenes the Athenian, made library-keeper by 
 Ptolemy Euergetes, ii. ib.; a piece of his extant, his 
 death, 92. 
 
 Eroslratus burns the temple of Ephesus, and why, i. 
 358. 
 
 Ei^irhaddon succeeds his father Sennacherib, king of 
 Assyria, i. 77; the Asiiapper of Ezra, 79; his con- 
 quests, 80; his death, 82. 
 
 Esau, called Edom, and why, i. 68. 
 
 Esdras, a book too absurd for the Papists, i. 270; 
 written before Josephus, 2:i5, (note 2.) 
 
 Estiongeber, a port whence the Jews traded to Ophir, 
 i. 64. 
 
 Essenes, a sect of the Jews, their opinions about pre- 
 destination and freewill, ii. 224; never mentioned 
 by our Saviour, and why, 225; a large account of 
 them, ib. &c,; their great purity, ib,; their novi- 
 tiates, 227; their sabbaths, ib.; for the immortality 
 of the soul, 228; their prophecies, 229; their number, 
 230; their ethics, 231; haters of servitude, 235; their 
 mean fare, ib.; what Pliny says of them, 236; errors 
 of Papists about them, ib.; of Deists, 237; Christ 
 said to be one of them, 238. 
 
 Esther, her birth and education, i. 224; first concubine 
 to Artaxerxes I,ongimanus, ib.; befriends Ezra in 
 his commission to return to Jerusalem, 226; made 
 Queen, 227; her favourable reception by the king, 
 260, &c.; promotes Neheniiah by her interest, 293. 
 
 Esther, hook of, by whom written, i. 424. 
 
 Ethiopians, their message to Cambyses, i. 167. 
 
 Euagoras, king of Salamine, pardoned by Artaxerxes 
 at the request of Conon, i. 3.18; his war with the 
 Persians, 346, Sec: murdered, 351. 
 
 Euagoras, king of Salamine, put to death, i. 361. 
 
 Evilmerodach succeeds his father Nebuchadnezzar, 
 i. 127; releases king Jehoiachin out of prison, ib.; 
 is slain, 128. 
 
 EulJEus the eunuch, a wicked minister of Ptolemy's, 
 ii. 115. 
 
 Eumenes succeeds bis uncle PhiletEerus the eunuch 
 in the kingdom of Pergamus, ii. 52; defeats Antio- 
 chus Soter, 53; overruns Asia Minor, 63; his luxu- 
 ry, ib. 
 
 Eumenes, one of Alexander's captains, obtains Cap- 
 padocia and Paphlaeonia, i. 3'.lfl; his character, 391; 
 his wisdom, ,3ii2. 395; a stratagem of his, 399; seized 
 by his own soldiers and sold to Antigonus, 400; and 
 siain, ib. 
 
 Eumenes succeeds his father Attains, ii. 82; founds 
 the library at Pergamus, ib.; his love to his bre- 
 thren, ib.; refuses to marry a daughter of Antio- 
 chus the Great, 92; relieved by the Romans, 95; 
 they give him some of Antiochus's provinces, 97; 
 assists the king of Cappadocia against an impos- 
 tor, 169; his death, ib. 
 
 Eusebius abused by Baronius, ii. 236, (note 2.) 
 
 Euthydemus makes himself king of Bactria, ii. S3; 
 allowed that title by Antiochus. 84. 
 
448 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Expiation day, how celebrated among the Jews, ii. 12. 
 
 Extemporary prayer reproved, i.302. 
 
 Ezekiel carried into captivity by Nebuchadnezzar, i. 
 103; called to be a prophet, 108; his vision of the 
 cherubims, ib.; carried in a vision from Babylon to 
 Jerusalem, ib.; his prophecy against Tyre, 112; 
 against Zedekiah, ib.; against Egypt, IJ4. 
 
 Ezra, his ample commission from Artaxerxes to re- 
 turn to Jerusalem, i. 126; his descent, ib.; his learn- 
 ing, ib.; journey to Jerusalem, and business there, 
 ib.; and power, 22T; puts away the Jews' strange 
 wives, 25b; collects the books of the law of Moses, 
 265; highly honoured by the Jews, ib.; how he col- 
 lected a correct edition of the scriptures, ib.; 292; 
 adds to it, 179; and writes several books, 180; 
 changes the old Hebrew character into the Chaldee, 
 ib.; completes and solemnly publishes the law of 
 God, 296. 
 
 Ezra, book of, by whom written, i. 424. 
 
 Ezra, how much of the book of, written in Chaldee, 
 ii. 341, (note 2.) 
 
 Faction, the danger of it, and best way to suppress it, 
 ii.248; a reflection on factious ministers applied to 
 our own state, 254. 
 
 Famine in Judea, ii. 387. 
 
 Fast kept in memory of the destruction of Jerusalem 
 and the temple, i. 112. 
 
 Fasts kept by the Jews in their captivity, i. 112; and 
 afterward, 232. 
 
 Fasts, incredible ones, told of the Jewish Essenes, ii. 
 234. 
 
 Fathers, ancient, their strange opinion of the reco- 
 very of the Bible, i. 270. 
 
 Fathers, ancient, their account of the Septuagint 
 ii. 31, &c. 
 
 Favourites, their danger, ii. 85, &c. 
 
 Faust, John, invents printing, i. 200, (note 2.) 
 
 Feast of the dedication appointed by Judas Macca- 
 baeus, ii. 127; of the tabernacles, what, ib.; of the 
 dedication when celebrated, 133. 
 
 Feasts appointed by magistrates in authority, com- 
 mendable, ii. 133. 
 
 Fictions, Jewish, about two Messiahs, ii. 353, 354. 
 
 Fimbria, the Roman general, his victories over 
 Mithridates, ii. 254. 
 
 Fire, worshipped by the Persian Magi, i. 172, 173; al- 
 terations in their worship by Zoroastres, 197. 
 
 Flaminius, T. duintius, vanquishes the Macedo- 
 nians, ii. 88. 
 
 Forms of worship vindicated, i. 301. 
 
 Free-will, opinions of the Jews concerning it.ii. 221. 
 
 Gabinius made governor of Syria by procurement of 
 Clodius, ii. 288; alters the government of Judea, 
 289; his covetnusness, 294; replaces Ptolemy Au- 
 letes on the Egyptian throne, 295; routs Alexander, 
 son of Aristobulus king of Judea, 296; his corrup- 
 tion, ib.; tried for it and banished, 297. 
 
 Gabriel, archangel, declares to Zacharias the future 
 birth of his son St. John Baptist, ii. 413. 
 
 Gadarean ambassadors complain of Herod to Augus- 
 tus, ii. 390; kills themselves, 391. 
 
 Galatians in Asia, their original, ii. 27; subdued by 
 Attains, 63; their increase, 64; swarms of them in 
 the east, ib.; governed by Deiotarus, made king by 
 Pompey, 278. 
 
 Galilee conquered by the Syrians, ii. 71. 
 
 Gallus, why Ptolemy Philopaterso called, ii. 79. 
 
 Gallus, Cornelius, Virgil's friend, kills himself, and 
 why, ii. 384. 
 
 Gamaliel, a scribe, or doctor of the Jewish law, ii. 12. 
 
 Gamaliel, president of the Sanhedrim in our Sa- 
 viour's time, ii 340; his long life, ib. 
 
 Ganymede, the Egyptian eunuch, supplants Achillas 
 the general, ii. 308; distresses Cfesar, 309. 
 
 Gaugamela. Darius routed there, i. 378. 
 
 Gauls, beat Ptolemy Ceraunus, ii. 24; are cut in 
 pieces, ib.; first enter Asia, 25; four thousand of 
 them put to death in Egypt, 51; suppressed by the 
 Romans, 98. 
 
 Gaurs, the Persian Magi, now so called, i. 208. 
 
 Gaza taken by Alexander, i. 372. 
 
 Gaza taken and plundered by the Syrians, ii. 87; by 
 Alexander Jannaeus, king of Judea, 247. 
 
 Gazara taken by Simon, ii. 188; he builds a palace 
 there, ib. 
 
 Gedaliah made governor of Judea by Nebuchadnez- 
 zar, i. 112; murdered by the Jews, 113. 
 
 Gelo, king of Sicily, slays the Carthaginian general, 
 and burns their fleet, i. 211; kills and takes their 
 mighty army, ib. 
 
 Gemara, what, i. 269. 
 
 Genealogies, Jews exact in them, i. 296; why some 
 difierence between those collected by Ezra and Ne- 
 hemiah, ib. 
 
 Gentiles, Jews forbidden to marry with them, i. 316, 
 317; they break that law, 322, 323. 
 
 Gerizim, temple of, built in opposition to that of Jeru- 
 salem, i. 322; said by the Samaritans to be the 
 right place, 332; their additions to Deuteronomy 
 concerning it, 330; disputes about it, ib. 
 
 Germaniciis adopted by Tiberius, ii. 420; sent into 
 the east, 424; poisoned, ib. 
 
 Gilead conquered by the Syrians, ii. 75; balsam trees 
 there, ii. 282. 
 
 Glaphyra, mother of Archelaus, procures him the 
 kingdom of Cappadocia, ii. 408; her criminal con- 
 versation with Antony, ib. 
 
 Glory, false notions of it, i. 372, 373. 
 
 Goals of expiation, what they were, ii. 13. 
 
 Gods, heathen, how they first came to be worshipped, 
 i. 71, 72. 
 
 Gold, Attic talent of, its value, i. 184; gold and silver 
 more plentiful in Solomon's days than now, 259; 
 how the ancient gold and silver mines were lost, ib. 
 
 Golden calf carried away by the Assyrians, i. 69. 
 
 Golden image, Nebuchadnezzar's, its size and cost, 
 i. 124, 125. 
 
 Gorgias sent against Judas Maccabseus, and routed, 
 ii. 130, 131; again, 146. 
 
 Government, the benefits of it hardly make amends 
 for the mischief done by governors, ii. 288. 
 
 Grabe, Dr. undertakes an edition of the Septuagint, 
 ii. 49. 
 
 Granicus, battle of, i. 366. Darius defeated there, ib. 
 
 Greek, when first spoken in Egypt, ii. 18. 
 
 Gregory XIII. reforms the calendar, and makes the 
 NewStyle, ii. 159. 317. 
 
 Grotius, what he says of the book of Judith being a 
 fable, i. 84; of (he book of Baruch, 107. 
 
 Groves used by the Jews for worship, i. 308 
 
 H. 
 
 Habakkuk contemporary with the prophet Jeremiah, 
 i. 98. 
 
 Hadassah. See Esther. 
 
 Haggai the prophet animates the Jews to rebuild the 
 temple, i. 175; his death. 194. 
 
 Haciographa, what parts of the Bible so called by 
 the Jews, i. 391. 
 
 Hagiographa of the Jews, what it was, ii. 345. 
 
 Ham the son of Noah is Jupiter, i. 374. 
 
 Haman the Amalekite, favourite to Artaxerxes, his 
 story, i. 251; his riches, 258; his signal destruction, 
 262. 
 
 Hamestris, Xerxes's wife, her cruelty, i. 216; not the 
 same with queen Esther, 217. 222. 
 
 Hamilcar, general of the Carthaginian army, con- 
 federate with Xerxes against Gieece, i. 208; slain, 
 211. 
 
 Hannibal goes to Antiochus the Great, ii. 96; engages 
 him in a war with the Romans, ib.; suspected by 
 Antiochus. 93; his good advice to him, ib.; beaten 
 at sea by the Rhodians, 95; he flies after the peace 
 between the Romans and Antiochus, 97. 
 
 Hebrew character, present, when first used, i. 280; 
 language, when it ceased among the Jews, i. 284. 
 
 Hebrew tongue ceased to be spoken by the Jews, ii. 
 34. 341; why preserved by the Jews in Egypt, 342. 
 
 Hebron dismanlled by Judas Maccaba?us. ii. 147. 
 
 Hecataeus the historian favours the Jews, i. 406. 
 
 Heliodorus, treasurer of Syria, how punished for his 
 sacrilege, ii. 104; see 2 Mac. cap. iii.; poisons Se- 
 leucus his master, 105; usurps the crown, 106. 
 
 Heliogabalus, the first man that wore silk clothes in 
 the west, ii. 385. (note 8.) 
 
 Heliopolis in Egypt, why Onias built his temple- 
 there, ii. 177. 
 
 Hellenists, Jews, why so called, ii. 39, (note 1.) 
 
 Hephestion's death, i. 387; Alexander puts his physi-- 
 cian to death, ib. 
 
 Heraclides sets up an impostor in Syria, ii. 173. 
 
 Herbertus de Losinga.bishopof Norwich, a remarka- 
 ble story of his simony, ii. 215. 
 
 Hercules, a name not known to theTyrians, ii. 109. 
 
 Heresy, Manichsean, what it was, i. 173, (note 4.) 
 
INDEX. 
 
 449 
 
 Herraias, Antiochus the Great's minister, his treason 
 and cruelty, ii. 71, 72) himself, wile, and children 
 killed, ib. 
 
 Herod the Great, king of Judea, founds a sect which 
 took his name, ii. 239; his compliance with the Pa- 
 gan idolatry, 240; his birth and descent, 2til; made 
 governor of Galilee, 313; defiles the Sanhedrin, ib.; 
 made governor of CoeleSyria by Sextus Cssar, 315; 
 assists Cassius against Cctavianus, 321; Cassius 
 gives him leave to revenge his father's death, 322; 
 marries Mariamne, Hyrcanus's grand-Jaughter, 
 324; routs Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, ib.; 
 bribes Antony, and is in his favour, 32o; declared 
 tetrarch by him, ib.; distressed by the Partliians, 
 328; builds Hcrodium, and why, ib.; is at Rome, 
 and bribes Antony to assist him, 330; his design 
 more moderate than the sovereignty at first, ib.; 
 his audience of the senate, ib.; made king, ib.; his 
 war with Antigonus, ib.; with the thieves, 331; 
 with Antigonus, 335; wounded, ib.; routs and kills 
 Antigonus's general, ib.; marries Mariamne, 337; 
 begins his reign with bloody executions, 3.39; cuts 
 otf the Sanhedrin, ib.; surprises Aristobulus and 
 Alexandra, as they were flying to Egypt, 303; called 
 to account by Antony, 384; gets clear, ib.; his jea- 
 lousy of Mariamne, 365; puts his uncle Joseph to 
 death in a fit of it, 366; royally entertains Cleopa- 
 tra at Jerusalem, ib.; tempted to lewdness by her, 
 ib.; his unfortunate expedition against the Ara- 
 bians, 370; put upon it by Antony, ib.; has a great 
 victory over the Arabians, ib.; puts king Hyrcanus 
 to death, 374; waits on Octavianus Caesar after 
 the defeat of Antony, ib.; confirmed in the king- 
 dom by Octavianus, ib.; otiended with his beloved 
 Mariamne, ib.; entertains Cctavianus and his army, 
 375; grants bestowed on him by Octavianus, 379; 
 enraged at Mariamne's contempt of him, 381; has 
 her tried, condemned, and executed, 382; he repents 
 of it, and raves, ib.; his cruelty, 384; builds an am- 
 phitheatre, and exhibits shows in honour of Au- 
 gustus, ib.; his acts of cruelty, 385; builds cities and 
 forts, ib.; a good act of his, 386; hated for his ty- 
 ranny, ib.; marries an ordinary priest's daughter, 
 388; makes her father high-priest, ib.; builds Hero- 
 dium, ib.; Augustus's favour to hiiu, 389; visits 
 Agrippa, 390; and Augustus, ib.; in favour, ib.; 
 builds a temple to Augustus, ib.; jealous of the 
 Jews, 393; builds the temple anew, 394; president 
 of the Olympic shows, 395; honoured there, ib.; 
 marries his. sons by Mariamne, ib.; entertains 
 Agrippa, 396; helpful to him, ib.; obtains favours of 
 him for the Jews, ib.; jealous of his sons by Ma- 
 riamne, 382; accuses them before Augustus, 407; 
 builds more cities, ib.; imprisons his son Alexan- 
 der, ib.; mad with jealousy, 408; reconciled to him 
 by means of Archelaus kins of Cappadocia, ib.; 
 perplexed by the thieves of Trachonitis, 409; dedi- 
 cates the new temple, 410; loses Augustus's favour, 
 ib.; reconciled to him, 402; has his consent to pro- 
 ceed against his sons by Mariamne, ib.; puts them 
 to death, ib.; his son Antipater plots against him, 
 413; persecutes the Pharisees, ib.; quarrels with 
 his brother Pheroras, ib.; Antipater's design to 
 poison him is discovered, ib.; has him put to death, 
 417; he dies, ib.; his horrid design to prevent the 
 Jews rejoicing at it, ib.; his disease and misery, 
 418; Josephiis's account of his death, ib.; his wives 
 and posterity, ib.; said to be of Jewish extraction, 
 423; Augustus's saying of his cruelty to his sons, 
 417. 
 
 Herodians, a sect among the Jews, their opinions, ii. 
 238; joined by the Sadducees, 240. 
 
 Herodium, a palace built by IJerod, ii. 39S. 
 
 Herodotus, what he says of Sennacherib, i. 76; re- 
 marks on his history, 126; when born, 208; his ac- 
 count of Jerusalem, 290; when he wrote, ib. 
 
 Hestiicus, tyrant of Miletus, his advice in favour of 
 Darius, i. 183; suspected by the Persians, 185; cru- 
 cified, 188; his story, ib. &c. 
 
 Hesychius, his edition of the Septuagint, i!. 47. 
 
 Hexapala, an edition of the Bible so called, ii. -14; 
 Montfaucon's book so called censured, 4(5. 
 
 Hezekiah succeeds his father Ahaz, i. 70; begins a 
 reformation, 71; his wars, 72; refuses to pay tribute 
 to the Assyrians, ib.; being sick, is miraculously 
 cured, 73; proud of his alliance with the king of 
 Babylon, ib.; Isaiah rebukes him for it, 74; and for 
 his "league with the king of Egypt, ib.; liis death 
 and honourable burial, 77. 
 Vol. II.— 57 
 
 Hezekias, a Jewish priest, with Ptolemy in Egjpt, L 
 404; assists Ilecatjeus in his history, ib. 
 
 Ilierapolis plundered by Crassus, ii. 298. 
 
 IJierax made governor of Antioch by the impostor 
 Balas, ii. 178; he retires into Egypt, and is made 
 prime minister by Ptolemy Physcon, 171; 
 
 High-priests, their succession among the Jews, i. 83. 
 
 High priest of the Jews had the teujporal as well as 
 ecclesiastical power, ii. ])|; how long, ib.; how 
 long in the family of Jozadac, and the Asmonsans, 
 174; persons incapable to be so, 2J3. 
 
 Hilkiah finds the law of Moses, i. 89. 270. 
 
 Hillel, a Jewish doctor of the Sanhedrin, why spared 
 by Herod, ii. 398, 399; his descent, quality .ind cha- 
 racter, 339; descended from David, ib.; happy in his 
 posterity, ib.; his great age, ib.; his difference with 
 Sliammai, his vice-president of the Sanhedrin, 340; 
 his numerous disciples, 340,341. 
 
 Hillel the Second, inckes the present Jewish calen- 
 dar, ii. 399. 
 
 Hipparchus of Nicaea, the astronomer, when he 
 flourished, ii. 179. 
 
 Hippias, the Athenian tyrant, revolts to the Persians, 
 i. 192; slain, ib. 
 
 Hippocrates the physician refuses Artaxerxcs's invi- 
 tation to his court, i. 314. 
 
 Hirom, king of Tyre, a part of the Old Testament 
 said to be translated for him, ii. 40. 
 
 Histories, forged one, i. 418. 
 
 Histories, ancient, lust, ii. 139, 140: errors in several, 
 ii. 280. 
 
 Hody, Dr., his account of the Septuagint the best, ii. 49. 
 
 Holophernes, general of the Assyrians, destroyed 
 with his army in Palestine, i. 83. 
 
 Holophernes, a supposititious prince, pretends to the 
 kingdom of Cappadocia, ii. 169; expels the right 
 heir, ib.; expelled himself, 171; plots against Deme- 
 trius his benefactor, 172. 
 
 Holy fire of the temple described, i. ICO. 
 
 Holy of holies, a place in the temple, i. 154. 
 
 Homer's Iliad, highly, esteemed by Alexander, i. 372. 
 
 Horace's death, ii. 4i0. 
 
 Hoshea makes himself king of Israel, i. 69; tributary 
 to the Assyrians, ib.; favours the true worship, ib.; 
 vihat is said of him on that account in scripture, 
 ib.; joins with Sabacon against the Assyrians, 71; 
 taken by them, and imprisoned, ib. 
 
 Hugo, cardinal, divides the Bible into chapters, i. 
 276; made the first concordance, ib. 
 
 Hyrcanus, son of Joseph, his embassy to Ptolemy 
 Epiphanes, ii. 100; an account of his birth out of 
 Josephus, ib.; his deceit, 101; kills two of his bro- 
 thers, and wars with the rest, 102; kills himself, ib. 
 
 Hyrcanus, son of Simon, made general of the Jews 
 by his father, ii. 188; routs Cendebsus, and takes 
 Azotns, 192; secures the succession after the mur- 
 der of his father. 196; is forced to sue for peace of 
 Antiochus Sidetes, 197; accompanies Antiochus 
 in his expedition against the Parthians, 200; en- 
 larges his dominions, and throws ofi"all subjection 
 to the Syrians, 202; forces the Edomites to embrace 
 the Jewish religion, ib.; his ahibassador well enter- 
 tained at Rome, 205; his rich presents to the Ro- 
 mans, ib.; his league with Zebina the impostor of 
 Syria, 206; his sons rout Antiochus Cyzicenus king 
 of Syria, 212; buys Scythopolis and other places of 
 Epicrates, Antiochus's general, ib.; takes Samaria 
 and razes it, ib.; his greatness. 213; is a Pharisee, 
 ib.: a bold saying of one of that sect to him, ib.; 
 leaves the Pharisees, and joins with the Sadducees, 
 214; his death and prophecies, 215. 
 
 Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, succeeds queen Alex- 
 andra in Judea, ii. 265; routed by Aristobulus his 
 brother, ib.; resigns the crown to him, ib.; restored 
 by Pompey, 266; the time of his reign ascertained, 
 ib.; his love of ease, 275; flies to Aretas king of 
 Arabia, and is assisted by him, ib.; has audience of 
 Pompey, 280; his claim, ib.; joins with Pompey, 
 284; restored to the high-priesthood and government, 
 but not to the sovereignty, by Pompey, 285; assists 
 Scaurus, the Roman lieutenant, 286; his power 
 lessened by Gabinius, 291; assists Ccesar, 310; Cisar 
 restores him to the sovereignty, 312; his favour to 
 Herod. 314; rebuilds the walls of Jerusalem by leave 
 from Caisar, 318; his ears cut off, and he is deli- 
 vered to the Parthians, 329; released by the tyrant 
 Phrahates, 357; honourably maintained by the 
 Jews in Parthia. ib.; tempted to Jerusalem by He- 
 rod, ib.; put to death by him, 374. 
 
450 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 T. 
 
 Jaciraiis made high-priest, ii. 149; enters Palestine 
 with the Syrians, 15J; his treachery and cruelty, 
 ib.; put in possession of the country by the Syrians, 
 lf)6; his apostacy, 107; his death, jb.; a judgment on 
 his profaiieness, 108. 
 Jaddua the higii priest meets Alexander in his ponti- 
 fical robes, i. 370; his recei)tion by Alexander, ib.; 
 carries him into the temple, 371. 
 Jannes and Jambrcs, two Egyptian magicians, ii. 345. 
 Janus, temple of, shut, ii. 414; but five times till the 
 
 year of our Saviour's birth, ib. 
 Jason buys the high-priesthood of Antiochus, ii. 108; 
 he introduces heathen customs, ib.; sends offerings 
 to Horculus, ib.; brought out by his brother, 110; 
 flies, ib ; seizes the government, 115; his cruelty, ib. 
 Jason the historian, who he was, ii. 127; abridged in 
 
 the second book of Maccabees, ib. 
 Ibis, a poem writ by Calliniachus, why so called, ii. 
 
 9'2; a name used also by Ovid, ib. 
 Idolaters, two sects of them only in the world, i. 172. 
 
 first worshipped the planets, 173. 
 Idolatry, Jews prone to it before their captivity, why 
 not alter it, i. 309; Samaritans charged with it by 
 the Jews, 332. 
 Idumaea, Arabia Petraea so called, i. 68; differs from 
 
 the IduniKa in Judea, ib. 
 IduniBeans, who they were, ii. 135; they all embrace 
 
 the Jewish religion, 202. 
 Jeconiah, or Jehoiachin, succeeds his father king Je- 
 hoiakiin, i. 103; his wickedness, ib.; sent in chains 
 to Babylon, ib.; released, 108; favoured, ib. 
 Jeffery of Monmouth, his history forged, i. 418. 
 Jehoahaz succeeds his father king Josiah, i. 95; his 
 
 wicked reign, 96; carried captive into Egypt, ib. 
 Jehoiakim made king of Judah by the king of Egypt, 
 i. 96; his wickedness, 97; slays Uriah the propliet, 
 9S; put in chains by Nebuchadnezzar, 99; swears 
 fealty to him, and is restored, ib.; as wicked as 
 ever, 101; persecutes the prophets, ib,; rebels against 
 Nebuchadnezzar, 103; slain, ib. 
 Jehoram king of Judah loses Edom, i. 65. 
 Jehosaphat, his trade for gold, i. 65; unsuccessful, ib. 
 Jeremiah, when called to the prophetic office, i. 89; 
 his mourning for king Josiah, 94; proclaims God's 
 judgments against king .lehoiakim, 97, 98; his dan- 
 ger and escape, 98; prophecies of Nebuchadnezzar's 
 invasion, 99; imprisoned, ib.; employs Baruch to 
 publish his prophecies, ib.; hides himself, 101; pro- 
 phecies against Jeconiah, 103; his prophecies re- 
 lating Jo the Babylonians, 104; dissuades Zedekiah 
 from entering into a league against Nebuchadnez- 
 zar, 105; writes to the Jews in captivity, ib,; de- 
 nounces judgment against Semaiah, who wrote 
 against him, 106; sends his prophecies against Baby. 
 Ion to that city, ib.; prophecies to Zedekiah his cap- 
 tivity, 109; is imprisoned, ib,; again, 110; well used 
 by order of Nebuchadnezzar, 112; carried into Egypt, 
 113; prophecies against the Jews there, 114; con- 
 jectures of his death, 114, 115. 
 Jeremiah, one verse of this book only written in 
 
 Chaldee, ii. 34), (note 2.) 
 Jeremiah's prophecy of seventy years, how fulfilled, 
 i. 142, 143. 171; of Babylon's destruction, 178. 181. 
 215. 
 Jericho, famous for its balsam, ii. 282; Pompey re- 
 ceives the news of Mithridates's death there, ib. 
 Jerome the Cardian, an historian, i. 407; despises the 
 
 Jews, ib. 
 Jerome, the use he made of Origen's edition of the 
 scripture versions, ii. 46; his account of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes's lewdness, 107; hissayingof Porphyry's 
 owning the prophecies of Daniel, 140, (note 1;) his 
 learning, 349; abused by the Jews, ib. 
 Jerusaleni besieged, i, 62; taken in the reign of Ahaz, 
 ib.; improved by Hezekiah, 78; called Cadytis, 97; 
 how called now by the Turks and Arabs, ib.; taken 
 by the king of Egypt, ib.; named the Holy City by 
 the Asiatics, Oti; taken by Nebuchadnezzar, 99; 
 again, 103; plundered by him, 99; again, 103; burnt, 
 112; priests celebrate the feast after the Babylonish 
 captivity, 147; its distance from Babylon, 176; 
 walls rebuilt, 204; peopled, 295; entered by Alexan- 
 der, 371; by Ptolemy, 394. 
 Jerusalem, strange sishts seen in the air there, ii. 
 114; taken by Antiochus Epiphanes, 115; the slaugh- 
 ter there, 110; plundered, burnt, and the citizens 
 massacred by the Syrians, 119; taken by the Ro- 
 mans, 284; by Herod the Great, and the Romans, 
 337. 
 
 Jeshua, high-priest of the Jews after their restOfS* 
 
 tion, i. 143; his descent, ib. 
 Jesus, the son of Sirach, translates Ecclesiasticus, il 
 
 200. 
 Jewish writers, wretched historians, ii. 348. 
 Jews lose their trade into the southern sea, i. 66; 
 their first captivity by Arbaces, 68; ten tribes lost, 
 79; tributary to the king of Egypt, 99; carried away 
 captives by Nebuchadnezzar, 100; when their Ba- 
 bylonish captivity conmienced, ib. 103; fly into 
 Egypt from the Assyrians, 113; prophecies about 
 their destruction fulfilled, 116; pursued into Egypt, 
 119; how they evade the prophecies concerning the 
 sceptre departed from Judah, 129; restored, ib. 130; 
 their number, 144; some of all the tribes return, ib.; 
 the poorest of them return, 146; and fewer in num- 
 ber than those that stayed, ib.; they resettle, ib.; 
 thoroughly restored, 147: when first so called, 177; 
 their privileges confirmed by Xerxes, 208; are in 
 his great army, 209; Haman procures an order for 
 their destruction, 258; when driven out of the east 
 by the Turks, 270; their hatred to the Samaritans, 
 325: curse them, ib.; how they dift'er from them, 325, 
 326; as great idolaters as they, 326; sent into cap- 
 tivity by Ochus the king of Persia, 361; favoured by 
 Alexander, 370, &c.; their privileges in Egypt, 375; 
 refuse to work on the rebuilding the ten)ple of 
 Belus at Babylon, 388; refuse to submit and break 
 their oath, 394; one hundred thousand carried cap- 
 tives into Egypt, ib.; people Alexandria, 404; nume- 
 rous under Ptolemy, 410; in Syria under Seleucus, 
 423. 
 Jews, vast numbers of them captives in Egypt, ii. 28; 
 released, ib.; had no conmiunication with the 
 Greeks till Alexander's time, 33; speak Chaldaean, 
 ib.; and Greek, 39; neglect the Septuagint because 
 liked by the Christians, 41; read the scriptures in 
 Hebrew or Chaldee since Justinian's time, 42; 
 Ptolemy Philopater's decree against them, 78; their 
 hatred to apostacy, 79; cruelly used by Ptolemy, 80; 
 miraculously saved, ib.; forty thousand of them de- 
 stroyed, 82; Antiochus's decree in their favour, 87; 
 how they came into Asia Minor, 88; Lacedemo- 
 nians claim kindred with them, 103; have the free- 
 dom of Antioch, 108; their deputies put to death by 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, 113; his severe decree against 
 them, 120; killed for circumcising their children, &c. 
 122; forced to celebrate the feast of Bacchus, ib.; 
 threatened to be all sold for slaves, 130; hated by 
 other nations, 135; the Romans their friends, 144; 
 have a chief magistrate over them wherever they 
 dwell, 154, (note 4;) have a short peace, 167; their 
 embassies to Rome and Sparta, 168. 186; freed from 
 the Syrian yoke by Simon, 187; letters from the 
 Romans to the eastern kings in their favour, 191; 
 called impious, and hated, 197: names given by 
 them to the Christians, 202; their proselytes reputed 
 to he of the same nation, ib.; the names of their 
 governors in other countries, 22, (note 3;) hated 
 there, 2C0; apply to Pompey for liberty, 280; Cassar 
 makes a decree in favour of them, 312; lose their 
 sovereignty, and are taxed by the Romans, 420; 
 have had no government by their own princes and 
 laws since our Saviour's mission, 421, &c.; their 
 high-priests made by the Romans in Christ's time, 
 424. 
 Images, how hated by the Jews, i. 248, (note 4.) 
 Iniperator, what sense that title was taken in at 
 Rome before Augustus's time, ii. 380; how then and 
 afterward, ib. 
 Inarus, prince of the Libyans, chosen king by the 
 Egyptians, i. 224; defeated by the Persians, 257; 
 taken, ib.; crucified, 264. 
 Incense offerings, why instituted, i. 304. 
 Initial letters, names made of them in use among the 
 
 Jews, ii. 126. 
 Intermarriages of the Jews with other nations, how 
 
 forbidden, ii. 203, (note 3.) 
 Johanan the high-priest slays his brother Jeshua, i. 
 
 353. 
 Johannes Grammaticus, his endeavours to save the 
 
 Alexandrian library, ii. 120. 
 John Baptist, when he began to preach, i. 246. 
 Jonathan Ben Uzziel, his Chaldee paraphrase on the 
 prophets, ii. 341; a character of it, 344; the respect 
 paid him, 345. 
 Jonathan the Sadducee, his speech to Hyrcanus 
 
 against the Pharisees, ii. 214. 
 Jonathan, brother to Judas Maccabaeus, succeeds him 
 in the command of the Jews, ii. 167; fights on a 
 sabbath, ib.; makes peace witJi the Syrians, ITOj 
 
INDEX. 
 
 451 
 
 seUlM at Miclimash, ib ; courted by two parting in 
 Syria, 173; settles at Jerusalem, ib.; accepts of ihe 
 office of high-priest from Balas the pretender of 
 Syria, ib.; faithful to Balas, 174; routs Apollonius 
 the general against him, 170; rewarded by Balas, 
 ib.; his interview with Ptolemy, ib.; his govern- 
 ment enlarged, 182; assists Demetries king of Syria 
 in his distress, 183; ill used by him, joins with An- 
 tiochus against him, ib.; ront.s his forces, ib.; sur- 
 prised by Tryphon's treachery, 185; murdered by 
 him, 186; his stately tomb, ib. 
 
 Jonathan the Jew, his letter to tlie Lacedemonians, 
 mentioned, 1 Maccab. ii. 103. 
 
 lonians rebel against Darius, i. 180. 18S; recover 
 their liberty after Xerxes's defeat, 215. 
 
 Joppa made a seaport by Simon, ii. 187; its name and 
 use continued, 188. 
 
 Joseph, one of Judas Maccabsus's commanders, his 
 ill conduct, ii. 144. 
 
 Joseph succeeds Antigonus of Socho, as president of 
 the Jewish Sanhedrin, ii. 52. 
 
 Joseph, nephew of Onias the high-priest, his embassy 
 to Ptolemy Euergetes, ii. U5; his kind entertain- 
 ment, 66; his good fortune in that court, 07; diffi- 
 culties in Josephus about him, ib.; an amour of his, 
 100; sends his son Hyrcanus to Ptolemy Epiphanes, 
 ib.; ousted of his office by Hyrcanus, 102. 
 
 Joseph of Arimathea, a scribe or doctor of the Jewish 
 law, ii. 12. 
 
 Joseph comes out of Egypt with Jesus Christ, ii. 119. 
 
 Josephus, many great mistakes in his history, i. 91. 
 194. 251. 253. 371. 
 
 Josephus, his account of the Septuagint, ii. 2J); con- 
 futed, 36; difficulties in him corrected, 67; a decree 
 of Antiochus the Great preserved in his history, 
 100; corrected, 103; again corrected, 120; again cor- 
 rected, his descent from the Asnionaean race, 199; 
 when he wrote, ib ; again corrected, 206, (note 1;) 
 a blunder of liis taken notice of by Scaliger, 207; 
 corrected, 279, &c. 
 
 Joshua, the son of Perachia, made president of the 
 Sanhedrin, ii. 86; a fable of him with respect to 
 Christ, ib. 
 
 Josiah succeeds his father Amon king of Judea at 
 eight years old, i. 87; his piety, 88; reigns over the 
 whole twelve tribes, 89; reforms them, ib.; rends 
 his clothes at hearing Moses's law read, ib.; his so- 
 lemn celebration of the passover, ib.; his rash en- 
 gagement with the king of Egypt, 93; he is slain, 
 ib.; the great. mourning for him, 94. 
 
 Iphicrates, the Grecian captain, assists the Persians, 
 i. 393; accused by them, and cleared, 350. 
 
 Ipsus, battle of, i. 414; establishes the four monar- 
 chies after Ale.vander's death, ib. 
 
 Isaac's prophecy of Esau fulfilled, i. 65. 
 
 Isaiah, his prophecies to Ahaz, i. 61; of Christ, 62; his 
 direction for the cure of king Hezekiih, 74; rebukes 
 that king's pride, ib.; and foreign alliances, ib.; his 
 prophecy against Sevechus king of Egypt, ib.; of 
 the destruction of Sennacherib's army by a blast, 
 75; said to suffer martyrdom under Manasseh, 78; 
 his prophecy of the Babylonians fulfilled, 100. 179; 
 of Babylon fulfilled, 422. 
 
 Isaiah, chap. xi. lii. and liii. prophetical of Christ, ii. 
 353, ,354; the Targums so understand them, ib. 
 
 Ishmacl, his treachery, i. 113 
 
 Ismenias the Theban, his trick to avoid adoring Ar- 
 taxerxes, i. 353. 
 
 Isocrates, two of his orations made for the king of 
 Cyprus, i. 351; paid for them, ib. 
 
 Isocrates the Grammarian surrendered for vindicating 
 the murder of Octavius the Roman ambassador at 
 Laodicea, ii. 168; the senate will not punish him, 
 and why, 169. 
 
 Issus, battle of, i. 168; Darius defeated there, ib. 
 
 Ithobal, king of Tyre, his saying of the prophet Dan- 
 iel, i. 111. 
 
 Ituraians forced to turn Jews, ii. 241. 
 
 Juba, son of the king, led in triumph by Ctesar, ii. 
 314; favoured by him, 315; his learning and works, ib. 
 
 Judah, sceptre departing from it, how that prophecy 
 was fulfilled, ii. 421. 
 
 Judas Maccaba;us, his flight into the wilderness, u. 
 120; succeeds his father in the connnand of the 
 Jew5 against the Syrians, 125; routs and slays 
 Apollonius the Syrian general, 128; routs and slayg 
 Seron, 129; rontsGorgias, 131; and Timotheus, ib.; 
 and Nicanor, 132; and Lysias's great army, ib.; he 
 recovers the sanctuary at Jerusalem, and appoints 
 the feast of dedication, 132; falls on the Edomites, 
 142; and Ammonites, ib.; routs Timotheus again^ 
 
 ib.; and slays him, 143; relieves the distressed Gi- 
 leadites, 144; routs Lysias again, and obliges the 
 Syrians to make peace, 145; burns the ships at Jop- 
 pa, and why, 146; vanquishes the wandering Ar.iba, 
 ib.; routs and takes Timotheus the son, 147; takes 
 Ephron by storm, and razes it, ib.; dismantles He- 
 bron, ib.; his interview with Nicanor, 165; escapes 
 his treachery, ib.; defeats and slays him, 166; sends 
 an embassy to Home, ib.; he is .slain, ib. 
 
 Judas, an Essene, his remarkable prophecy of the 
 death of Antigonus, son of Hyrcanus, ii. 242. 
 
 Judea, when a Roman governor first put over it, ii. 
 416. 
 
 Judith, book of, written in Chaldce, i. 83; various 
 translations, 84; alterations in them, ib.; disputes 
 about it, 81; undetermined, ib. 
 
 JugiEus, king of Babylon, his reign, i. 73. 
 
 Julius Marathus, his prophecy of the coming of our 
 Saviour, ii. 404. 
 
 Jupiter Hamnion, is Ham the son of Noah, i. 37.3; 
 priests of, corrupted by Ale.xander, 374; vvlio is de- 
 clared his son, ib. 
 
 Justin Martyr, his account of the Septuagint, ii. 30; 
 when he wrote his first apology for the Christians, 
 ib., (note 3;) a confutation of his account of the 
 Septuagint, 37; very credulous, ib.; his description 
 of the Sibyl's cave at Cumae, 397; his credulity, 401. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kakergeles, why Ptolemy Physcon so called, ii. 181. 
 Karraites, a sect of Jews, their opinions, ii. 221; their 
 
 numbers lately, 222. 
 Kebia, a point of heaven to which the Persians turn 
 
 in worship, i. 197. 
 Keraius made governor of Samaria by Antiochus the 
 
 Great, ii. 95. 
 Keri Cetib, their original, i. 271; what they are, ib., 
 
 (note 3.) 
 Kerman in Persia, the fire-temple of the Magi there 
 
 still, i. 201. 
 Kingdoms, Daniel's four, the Roman monarchy one 
 
 of them, ii. 425. 
 Kings, how anointed, i. 161. 
 Kings, menial servants to Tigranes king of Armenia, 
 
 ii.SM. 
 Ktistes, why Mithridates king of Pontus so called, ii. 
 
 208. 
 
 Labienus, a Roman, serves the Parthians against 
 Anthony, ii. 320; routs Saxa, Antony's general, 
 327; defeated and put to death, 329. 
 
 Laborosoarchod succeeds his father Neriglissar in the 
 kingdom of Baby Ion, i. 132; his tyranny, ib.; slain, ib. 
 
 Lacedemonians league with Ihe Persians, i. 322; van- 
 quish the Athenians, .333; war against the Persians, 
 335; their hatred to Alcibiades, ib.; to Conon, 345; 
 base otfers to the Persians, ib.; make shameful 
 peace with them, ib.; brought low by the Thcbans, 
 352. 
 
 Lacedemonians claim kindred with the Jews, ii. 103; 
 their way of eating, 231, (note 1.) 
 
 Larab sacrifices, of what kind, i. 354. 
 
 Lampsacus joins with Smyrna against Antiochus the 
 Great, ii. 89. 
 
 Language, Greek, ancient and modern very different, 
 i. 268. 
 
 Language, Hebrew, treated of, i. 285. 289. 
 
 Language, Scriptures should be in the vulgar, ii. 343. 
 
 Laodice, divorced by Antiochus, ii. 57; taken again, 
 60; poisons him, ib.; gets the crown for her son, ib.; 
 slain by Ptolemy Euergetes, ib. 
 
 Laodice, daughter of Seleucus king of Syria, married 
 to Perseus king of Macedon, ii. 103; stops at Delus, 
 and makes presents to the temple, ib.; an inscrip- 
 tion in praise of her set up by the people, 104; the 
 marble now at Oxford, ib.: murdered by Aunnonius, 
 minister to the impostor Balas, 178. 
 
 Laodicea built, i. 416. 
 
 Lara, Cohen de, a Jew of Hamburgh, his learning, ii. 
 350. 
 
 Lasthenes, minister to Demetrius Nicator, his ill 
 conduct, ii. 182. 
 
 Lathyrus Soter, king of Egypt, forced by his mother 
 to divorce one sister and marry another, ii. 210; 
 whence his name, ib., (note 13;') expelled by his 
 mother, 241; offended by Alexander king of Judea, 
 244; overthrows him, ib.; his cruelty, ib.; leaves 
 Palestine, ib.j makes Demetrius Euca;rus king of 
 
452 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Damascus, 249; recalled by the Egyptians, 251; re- 
 duces Thebps, 258; his death, ib. 
 
 Law, oral and written, ditferently esteemed by the 
 Jews, i. 261). 
 
 Law, oral, how conveyed down, i. 268. 
 
 Law, written, into how many sections divided, i. 273. 
 
 Law, the Hebrew text of it set to musical notes, how 
 read in public assemblies, ii. 343. 
 
 Leap-years made, ii. 378. 
 
 Learned men, how apt to run into error, ii. 18; fly 
 out of Egypt from Ptolemy Physcon, and spread 
 learning in Greece and Asia, 194; when they flour- 
 ished in the west, ib. 
 
 Legions, how many men they consisted of, ii. 337, 
 (note 4.) 
 
 Lemnians, their flattery of the Seleucides, ii. 53. 
 
 LeniEus the grammarian, translates Mithridates's 
 medicinal commentaries, ii. 27G; a freed man of 
 Pompey's, ib. 
 
 Lennaeus, governor of Ptolemy Philometor, ii. 109; 
 occasions the war with Antiochus Epiphanes, ib. 
 
 Lentuhis, author of the civil war between Pompey 
 and Cffisar, killed, ii. 300. 
 
 Leonidas, king of Sparta, defends the straits of Ther- 
 mopylae against Xerxes, i. 210; slain, ib. 
 
 Leonorius the Gaul seizes Byzantium, ii. 26; passes 
 into Asia, 27. 
 
 Lepidus dismissed of the triumvirate, and lives ob- 
 scurely, ii. 361. 
 
 Lepidus, M. iEmilius, his embassy in favour of Ptol- 
 emy Epiphanes, ii. 86; appoints him a guardian, ib. 
 
 Leptines murders Octavius the Roman ambassador 
 at Laodicea, ii. 150; oflers himself to the senate to 
 be punished, 168; they neglect him, ib. 
 
 Leviticus, a passage in our translation corrected, ii. 
 125, (note 2.) 
 
 Librarian, a cardinal such to the Pope, ii. 22; arch- 
 bishop of Rheims so in France, ib. 
 
 Library, Alexandrian, an account of it, ii. 20; the 
 method of the Ptolemies in collecting it, ib.; a great 
 part of it burnt, ib.; recruited by Cleopatra, ib.; de- 
 stroyed by the Saracens, ib.; burnt in Csesar's vvars, 
 308. 
 
 Library of Pergamus, by whom founded, ii. 89. 
 
 Liturgy, Zoroastres', i. 198; Jewish, 300. 
 
 Livia married to Octavianus Ca;sar, ii. 336; causes 
 the death of his grand-sons to make room for Tibe- 
 rius, 420; Livy, an error in him corrected, ii. 97, 
 (note 2.) 
 
 Lizards, Eglo like them breed in the ruins of Baby- 
 lon, i. 421. 
 
 Loadstones, a great experiment of their virtue pro- 
 posed by Dinocrates to Ptolemy, ii. 58. 
 
 Locusts, vast numbers of them, ii. 201. 
 
 London, the largest city in the world, i. 420. 
 
 Long livers, i. 234. 
 
 Lorenzo de iVIedicis, a great restorer of learning, ii, 
 194, 195. 
 
 Lots, the manner of them, how by their event the 
 Jewish high-priest appointed the scapegoat and 
 the goat for sacrifice, ii. 12. 
 
 Lucian, his edition of the Septuagint, ii. 46. 
 
 Lucius, Augustus's grandson, his death, ii. 420. 
 
 Lucullus, his riches and magnificence, i 259, (note 4.) 
 
 LucuUus lets Mithridates escape out of envy to Fim- 
 bria, ii. 2S3; sent against him when consul, 2C0; 
 forces him to raise the siege of Cyzicus, ib.; beats 
 his fleets, 262; puts a Roman senator to death, ib.; 
 declares war with Tigranes for not delivering up 
 Mithridates, 264; reforms the abuses in the pro- 
 vinces, ib.; games instituted in honour of him, ib.; 
 recalled, ib.; makes free cities, ib.; his bold and 
 quick march into Armenia, ib.; routs Tigranes's 
 vast army with a very small one, 269; routs him 
 again, and two kings liiore, 270, (note 1;) takes Ni- 
 sibis, ib.; his soldiers mutiny, ib. 
 
 Lutarius the Gaul, his acts in Thrace and Asia, ii.27. 
 
 Lycophron the poet, favoured by Ptolemy, ii. 59. 
 
 Lysander the Spartan, his victory over the Athe- 
 nians, i. 334. 
 
 Lysandra, wife to Agathocles, flies to Seleucus, ii. 23. 
 
 Lysias, lieutenant to Antiochus Epiphanes, routed by 
 Judas Muccab.TBUs, ii. 132; seizes the government for 
 Antiochus Eupator, 142; makes peace with the 
 Jews, 145. 148; put to death, 1.52. 
 
 Lysimachia rebuilt by Antiochus the Great, ii. 89; 
 his design in it, ib. 
 
 Lysimacbus, one of Alexander's captains, takes the 
 title of king, i. 411; marries Arsinoe, daughter of 
 Ptolemy, ii. 23; his cruelty, ib.; routed and slain, ib. 
 
 Lysimachus, deputy to the usurper Menelans at Jc 
 rusalem, murdered by the people, ii. 113. 
 
 Lysimachus kills his brother, and betrays Gaza to 
 the Jews, ii. 247. 
 
 M. 
 
 Maccabees, their history written by Jason, i. 395; 
 the second book an epitome of that history, ib. 
 
 Maccabees, the first book an accurate history, ii. 126, 
 127; its title, 127; who taken to be the author of it, 
 ib.; versions of it, ib.; an error in it corrected, 180. 
 
 Maccabees, the second book, the epistles in the be- 
 ginning spurious, ii. 127; versions of it, ib. 
 
 Maccabees, two first chapters of the second book fa- 
 bulous, ii. 36. 
 
 Maccabees, third book, an account of it, ii. 80. 
 
 Maccabees, a fourth book, written by Josephus, ii. 81. 
 
 Maccabees, whence the word, ii. 126. 
 
 Macedonian soldiersdisgustedv.-ith Alexander,!. 386; 
 humble themselves to him, ib. 
 
 Machares, son of Mithridates, kills himself for fear 
 of him, ii. 273. 
 
 Machaeras, a Roman general, slays the Jews whom 
 he was sent to assist, ii. 334. 
 
 Maecenas, his advice about Agrippa.ii. 300; his death, 
 410. 
 
 Magas, his rebellion against Ptolemy his half-brother, 
 ii. 51; his luxurious life and character, 55. 
 
 Magi, one of them usurps the Persian throne, i. 169; 
 they are murdered, 171; why so called, ib.; worship- 
 pers of fire, 173; their opinions, ib.; worship altered 
 by Zoroastres, 195. 199; their learning, 200; their 
 fire-temple still in being, 201; called Gaurs by the 
 Turks, 207; their worship sufl'ered by the English at 
 Bombay, &c. 208. 
 
 Magians, three orders of priests among them, i. 200. 
 
 Magnesia, battle of between the Romans and Antio- 
 chus the Great, ii. 96. 
 
 Magus, Simon, Justin Martyr deceived about a statue 
 of him, ii. 37. 
 
 Mahomet, the story of his loadstone false, ii. 58. 
 
 Maimonides, his good abridgment of the Talmud, i. 
 269. 
 
 Malachi, his death, i. 193; when he lived, 314. 
 
 Malichus the Jew, his treachery, ii. 322; slain by 
 Herod, with Cassius's leave, 323. 
 
 Manahem, his prophecy of Herod's being king, ii. 340. 
 
 Manasseh king of Judah, his idolatry, i. 78; said to 
 kill Isaiah, ib.; carried captive into Assyria, 80; his 
 restoration and reformation, ib.; fortifies Jerusa- 
 lem, 86; his death, 87. 
 
 Manasseli the high-priest's son marries a woman of 
 Samaria, i. 322; high-priest of the temple there, 324. 
 
 Manetho dedicates his history to Ptolemy, i. 362. 
 
 Marathon, battle of, i. 192. 
 
 Mardoc-Empadus succeeds his father Belesis king of 
 Babylon, i. 72; his name in scripture, ib.; sends am- 
 bassadors to congratulate Hezekiah on his reco- 
 very, 73. 
 
 Mardonius, Xerxes's general, his wars in Greece, i. 
 191; slain, 212. 
 
 Mareotis, lake of, its extent, ii. 232, (note 5.) 
 
 Mariamne, her beauty and merit, ii. 330; her mar- 
 riage to Herod, 337; and descent, ib.; Herod jealous 
 of Antony's love to her, 365; ofiends Herod, 374; 
 provokes him to rage against her, 381; condemned 
 to death, and executed, ib. 
 
 Mariamne, a woman of an inferior rank, married to 
 Herod, ii. 38S. 
 
 Marius ends the Cimbrian war, ii. 246. 
 
 Marius Marcus, a Roman senator, general for Mith- 
 ridates, put to death by Lucullus, ii. 262. 
 
 Marks, Greek, in use among the grammarians in 
 Origen's time, ii. 45. 
 
 Maronites still preserve the Syrian language, ii. 346. 
 
 Marriage, incestuous, of Antiochus, ii. 15; Syrian 
 kings of that descent, ib 
 
 Marsham, Sir John, his skill in chronology, ii. 64. 
 
 Marsyas, Cleopatra's general, routed by Physcon, ii. 
 205; pardoned by the king, ib. 
 
 Masorah, what, i. 285. 
 
 Masorites, Jewish critics so called, i. 285; inventors 
 of the vowel points, ib.; their profession, ib.; 
 whence their name, ih.; their continuance. 290. 
 
 Mattaniah, son of Josiah. made king by Nehuch.id- 
 nezzar, i. 104; changes his name to Zedekiah, ib. 
 
 Maltalhias, of the Asmonaean race, his descei.t and 
 children, ii. 122; he refuses to obey Antiochus's de- 
 cree against his religion, 123; his bold behaviour be- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 453 
 
 •fore that king's officer, 123; his brave actions in de- 
 fence of his cnuntry, 124; his care to recover the 
 law, 125; his death and charge to his sons, 1215. 
 
 Maiisolus, king of Caria, his death and noble monu- 
 ment, i. 359. 
 
 Medes, kingdom of, founded, i. 76; their treachery to 
 the Scytliians, 100. 
 
 Megabyzus the Persian, disgusted, i. 225; wars in 
 Egypt, 250; revolts, 263; reconciled to Arta.\er.ves, 
 ib.; ill used, Sfil. 
 
 Megasthenes the historian, when he flourished, i. 
 4i!l; counterfeit book of his put out by Annius of 
 Viterbo, ib. 
 
 Memnon the Rhodian, his good advice to Darius Co- 
 domannus, i. 3(J0; his widow marries Alexander, 
 368. 
 
 Memnon, statue of, at Thebes, Straho's account of 
 it, ii. 394. 
 
 Memphis, called Mesri from the grandson of IVoah, i. 
 07; magistrates put to death by Canibyses, 106; be- 
 sieged, 225. 257: taken by Alexander, 273. 
 
 Menedemus the philosopher, when ho died, ii. 34. 
 
 Metielaus supplants his brother, and buys the high- 
 priesihood of Antiochus Epiphanes, ii. iOS); takes a 
 heathen name, ib.; apostatizes, ib. Ill; assisted by 
 Antiochus, ib.; robs the temple, 112; gets Onias the 
 high-priest to be put to deatli at Daphne, ib.; his 
 deputy murdered at .TenisaleiU, 113; conducts An- 
 tiochus into the holy of holies, 115; put to death at 
 Aleppo, 148, (note 12.) 
 
 Mentor, the rapidity of his conquests, i. 362. 
 
 Merits too much, fatal to ministers of state, ii. 350. 
 
 Meroe, sister and wife to Cambyses, murdered by 
 him, i. 169. 
 
 Mesessiniordacus king of Babylon, i. 79. 
 
 Messiah, the Jewish notion of his coming, ii. 404,405; 
 when his kingdom commenced, 4-25. 
 
 Messiahs, two to come according to llie later Jews, 
 ii. 384. 
 
 Messias, Isaiah's prophecies of him to king Ahaz, i. 
 62; Daniel's prophecy of him, 14J; Zoroastres', 207; 
 when Daniel's of the seventy weeks concerning 
 him begins, 227. 
 
 Metiochus, son of Miltiades, taken by the Phoeni- 
 cians, i. 190; well used, ib. 
 
 Meto the Athenian invents the cycle of the moon, i. 
 311; his cycle, when made, ii. 155. 
 
 Miletus taken by the Persians, i. 189. 
 
 Millenarian opinion, when introduceil, ii. 401. 
 
 Miltiades theAlhenian, prince of the Thracian Cher- 
 sonesus, i. 183; routs the Persians at the battle of 
 Marathon, 192. 
 
 Mina of silver, its value, i. 147. 
 
 Ministers, Christian, the service they do civil to go- 
 vernment, i. 310. 
 
 Mishnah, a book of traditional law, preferred by the 
 Jews to Moses, i. 268, 269; by whom composed, 425. 
 
 Mifhnical times, when they began, i. 424. 
 
 Mishnical doctors, two great ones spared by Herod, 
 ii. 338; the succession of the heads of them, and the 
 order of their traditions, ib. 
 
 Mithridates the eunuch conspires the death of Xerxes, 
 i. 220; boated to death, 223. 
 
 Mithridates king of Parthia, takes Demetrius king 
 of Syria prisoner, ii. 188; gives him his daughter, 
 but keeps him captive, 189; his good laws, ib. 
 
 Mithridates the Great, kingof Parihia, his succession 
 to the crown, ii. 204. 
 
 Mithridates Euergetes, king of Pontus, slain by 
 treachery, ii. 208. 
 
 Mithridates Eupalor his son, succeeds him, ii. 208; 
 comets at his birth, and at his accession to the 
 throne. 209; murders his mother and brother, ib.; 
 murders his nephews, and seizes Cappaiiocia, 250; 
 why off.mded with the Romans, ib.; expels Nic()- 
 medes king of Bithynia, ib ; varniuishes the Roman 
 generals, and puts them to a cruel death, 251; or- 
 ders eighty thousand Romans to be massacred, 252; 
 seizes Athens, and draws the Greeks over to his 
 party, 253; his armies beaten by Pylla, 254; routed 
 by Fimbria, ib.; escapes by sea, ib.; begs peace of 
 the Romans, 255; his second war with them under 
 Murena, 256; makes a second peace with Sylla, ib.; 
 vanquishes the consul Cotta, 2U0; forced to raise 
 the siege of Cyzicus, ib.; forced to fly to Tigranes 
 king of Parthia for protection, 263; assisted by him, 
 268; his letter to the king of Parthia for help, ex- 
 tant in Sallust, 269; a panic fear seizes him, 270; 
 he vanquishes Fabius. and distresses Lncullus's 
 lieutenants, ib.; routs Triarius, ib.; routed by Pom • 
 pey, 271; retreats to Bospliorus, 273; his treasury 
 
 memoirs, and medicinal commentaries taken, 276; 
 author of the medicine called Mithridate, ib.; sues 
 for peace, 277; but will not submit to ba-fe terms, 
 ib; his desperate project to march against Rome, 
 278; his son made king by his army, 279; lie kills 
 himself, ib.; his character, ib. &c.; murders his chil- 
 dren, ib.; five of his sons and two of his daughteru 
 in Pompcy's triumph, 280; the length of his war 
 with the Romans, ib.; Poinpey honourably buries 
 him, 286; his riches, ib. 
 
 Mithridates, king of Pergamus assists C-esar, ii. 308; 
 has the kingdom of Bo.^phorus given him, 313; 
 killed in endeavouring to possess himself of it, ib. 
 
 Mizpa, a place of prayer among the Jews, ii. 130. 
 
 Moawias, the caliph, takes Rhodes, and sells the Co- 
 lossus, ii. 70. 
 
 Molon made governor of Media by .\ntiochus the 
 Great, ii. 69: rebels, ib.; and slays himself, 71. 
 
 Moiiaises, the Parthian, useful to Antony in that 
 war, ii. 358; his generosity to him, 359. 
 
 Monkery, its ill foundation, ii.236; its rise, 237. 
 
 Monks, British, maintained by their labour, ii. 226, 
 (note 1.) 
 
 Montague, bishop corrected, ii. 400. 
 
 Months, intercalary, used by the ancients, ii. 145. 
 
 Moon, cycle of nineteen years, when, by whom, and 
 for what invented, i. 311; the use the Christians 
 make of it, 313. 
 
 Mnpsuestia taken and razed by the sons of Grypus, 
 ii. 249. 
 
 Mordecai, porter to Artaxerxes Longimanns, i. 224; 
 discovers a conspiracy against his life, 256; oll'ends 
 Hauian, 2.57; on what account, 2.59; represents the 
 danger of the Jews to Esther, ib.; in great power, 
 261. 
 
 Bloses, the book of his law found, i. 89; written co- 
 pies of it first taken by command of king Josiah, 
 270; a copy found by Ililkiah, ib.; a correct edition 
 of it by Ezra, 271; in what manner, ib.; solemnly 
 published by him, 296; rare among the Jews before 
 their captivity, 298. 
 
 Mosnllain, a Jew of Egypt, his story, i. 405. 
 
 Mother and her seven sons martyred, ii. 123. 
 
 Mount Acra, the citadel at Jerusalem built by the 
 Syrians, so called, ii. 134. 
 
 Muie, Cyrus so called, and why, i. 136. 
 
 Murena renews the war with Mithridates without 
 
 , sufficient ground, ii. 256; recalled by Sylla, ib. 
 
 Musa, Antonins, the physician, cures Augustus, ii. 
 .389; kills Marcellus, ib. 
 
 Museum of Alexandria, the habitation of learneil 
 men, ii. 21; a description of it, ib.; Christian doc- 
 tors bred there, ib. 
 
 Mutina, now Modena, besieged by Antony, ii. 321. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nabathaean Arabs, Antigonus's wars with them, i. 
 406. 
 
 Nabonadius, king of Babylon, i. 132; Daniel prophe- 
 sies to him, 137; slain, ib.; Daniel with him just be- 
 fore, ib. 
 
 Nabonassar, Belesis king of Babylon, so called in 
 scripture, i. 61; confusions after his death, 72. 
 
 Nabopnllassar, seizes the kingdom of Babylon, i. 90; 
 marries Nebuchadnezzar to the king of Assyria's 
 daughter, ib.; takes Nineveh, ib.; his death, 102. 
 
 Nabuchodonosor, his victory over the Medes, i. 82; 
 his revels upon it, ib.; a name common to the kings 
 of Babylon, 90. 
 
 Napata, the metropolis of Ethiopia, destroyed by the 
 Romans, ii. .388. 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar invades Palestine, i. 98; tsikcs Jeru- 
 salem, 99; his conquests, U>2; succeeds his father, 
 ib.; his dream interpreted by Daniel, ib.; causes tho 
 false prophets among the Jews to be roasted to 
 death, 106; overruns Kgypt, 114; sets up the golden 
 image. 115; enlarges and beautifies Babylon, 119; 
 the height and value of his golden images, 124; his 
 palace and hanging gardens, 125; his pride, 127; his 
 dist.'Tction, ib.; his restoration, ib.; his death, ib. 
 
 Nebuzaradan burns the temple and city of Jerusalem, 
 i. 112; uses Jeremiah well, ib.; his victories. 115. 
 
 Nectanabis, king of Egypt, first of the Sebennite 
 race, i. 350; wars with the Persians, ib. 
 
 Nectanebus made king of Egypt, i. .355; the last Egyp- 
 tian that reigned there. 162. 
 
 Necus succeeds his father Psammitichus king of 
 Egypt, i. 90: his attempts in navigation, ib.; wars 
 with the king of Babylon, 93.; his kind message to 
 king Josiah, 95; beats the Babylonians, 96« '"akw 
 
4M 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Judah tributary, 96; routed by Nebuchadnezzar, 
 98, 99; his death, lO:!. 
 
 Nehelaniite, Seniaiah the, writes against the prophet 
 Jeremy, i. lUli. 
 
 Nehemiah and Mordecai, leaders of the Jews after 
 their restoration, i. 144; not the same with those 
 mentioned in Esther, ib. 
 
 Nehemiah succeeds Ezra as governorofJudea, under 
 the Persians, i. 29-2; cupbearer to Artaxerxes, ib.; 
 rebuilds the walls nf Jerusalem, 293; settles ge- 
 nealogies, 2!t6; attends Ezra when he read the law 
 he had collected to the people, ib.; his riches and 
 generosity, 310; goes to the Persian court and re- 
 turns, 314; drives Tobiah the Ammonite out of the 
 temple, 315; his reformations, 316. 321; holy scrip- 
 tures end with his last act of it, 332. 
 
 Neliemiah, book of, more modern than the rest, i. 
 424, 425; great part written in Chaldee, ii. 343. 
 
 Nephereus, king of Egypt, assists the Spartans 
 against the Persians, i.341. 
 
 Neriglissar, son-in-law to Nebuchadnezzar, succeeds 
 him. i. 128; slain, 131; his good character, 132. 
 
 Nicanor sent against Judas Maccabeus, ii. 130; 
 routed, 131; loath to fight against him, 1.52; forced 
 to it, ib.; his treachery to Judas, 165; his blasphemy, 
 ib.; defeated and slain, ib. 
 
 Niocles, king of Cyprus, his generosity to Isocratos, 
 i. 351. 
 
 Nicocreon, king of Cyprus, inquires about the Egyp- 
 tian god rferapis, ii. 18. 
 
 Nicodemus, a scribe or doctor of the Jewish law, ii. 11. 
 
 Nicolas the ^tolian, his fidelity to Ptolemy, ii. 74; 
 defeated, ib. 
 
 Nicolaus, Herod's ambassador at Rome, his good 
 conduct, ii. 411. 
 
 Nicomedes of Bithynia at war with his brother Zi- 
 pcEtes, ii. 25; the kings of Bithynia descended from 
 him, ib.; calls the Gauls into Asia, ib.; builds Nico- 
 media, 53. 
 
 Nicomedes driven out of his kingdom by Mithridates, 
 ii. 250; gives his country to the Romans, 259. 
 
 Nicopolis built by Pompey, ii. 271. 
 
 Nicopolis, another city so called, built by Octavianus 
 Ca!sar, ii. 371. 
 
 Nile had seven mouths formerly, i. 350; the nature of 
 it, il). 
 
 Nineveh besieged by the Medes, i. 88; taken and de- 
 stroyed by the king of Babylon, 90; prophecies of it 
 fulfilled, ib.; its bigness, ib.; now called Mosul, the 
 seat of the patriarch of the Nestorians, 91. 
 
 Nisan, first month of the year in the ecclesiastical 
 account, i. 296. 
 
 Nisibis in Mesopotamia taken by Lucullus, ii. 270. 
 
 Nitetis, Cyrus's wife, her story, i. 165; Nitocris, queen 
 of Babylon, her good government, i. 134. 
 
 Nixon's and Nostradamus's prophecies compared 
 with the Sibyls', ii. 402, 403. 
 
 Nobilius Flaminius, his annotations on the Septua- 
 gint, ii. 48. 
 
 Nobles called friends by the Macedonian kings, ii. 
 173, (note 7.) 
 
 Nomad, the wandering Arabs so called, ii. 146. 
 
 Nonioi, the provinces of Egypt so called, ii. 232, 
 (note 4.) 
 
 5Ionacris, rock of, its water poisons, i. 389, (note 1.) 
 
 Northumbrians, why so called in ancient times, ii. 
 160, (note 6.) 
 
 Numbers, translation of a passage in that Book cor- 
 rected, ii. 353. 
 
 O. 
 
 Oath of fidelity required by Herod, ii. 393; refused by 
 the Jews, ib.; again, 413. 
 
 Ocha a Persian princess, buried alive by her brother, 
 i. 358. 
 
 Ochus puts Sogdianus, his brother, to death, i. 318. 
 See Uarius Nnthus. 
 
 Ochus, son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, his policy to se- 
 cure the crown, i. 356; his cruelty, ib.; conquers 
 Egypt, 362; his laziness and luxury, 363; poisoned, 
 and mangled after his death, ib. 
 
 Octapla, an edition of the Bible so called, ii. 44. 
 
 Octavia married to Antony, ii. 327; ill used by him, 
 304. 368; divorced by hini, ib. 
 
 Octavius Cn. a Roman ambassador, and ancestor of 
 Augustus, murdered at Laodicea, ii. 150. 
 
 Ortavius, afterward Augustus, born, ii. 285; an ora- 
 cle concerning his birth, 286; adopted by Caesar, 319; 
 his proceedings on news of his death, ib; outwits 
 Antony, 320; his youth, ib.; his quarrel with Anto- 
 ny, 367; several reasons for it, 368; the consuls 
 
 against him, ib.; destroys Antony's reputation, 3C9; 
 declares war against Cleopatra,"ib.; his policy in it, 
 ib.; builds Nicopolis, and why, 371; beats Antony at 
 Actium, ib.; his great expedition, 374; rejects Anto- 
 ny's submissive otfers of peace, 375; his cruelty to 
 Antony's sons and friend, 377; views Alexander 
 the Great's body, ib.; his contemptuous saying of 
 Apis, the god of the Egyptians, ib.; generosity to 
 Herod, 379; the contenders for the Parthian empire 
 apply to him, 360; his triumph and honours, ib.; he 
 has the Roman empire put into his hands by the 
 senate, 383; has the name of Augustus, ib. 
 
 CEnanthe, the mother of Ptolemy Philonietor's mi- 
 nions, killed, :i. 85. 
 
 Oil, holy, wanting in the second temple, i. 160. 
 
 Olthaces, king of Colchis, taken prisoner by Pompey, 
 ii. 27.3; led in triumph before him, ib. 
 
 Olympias, Alexander's mother, her cruelty, i. 398; 
 put to death, ib. 
 
 Onia, the caliph, commands the library at .Alexandria 
 to be destroyed, ii. 21. 
 
 Onias the Second, succeediManasseh the high-priest, 
 ii. 51; his diilness and maladministration, 65, &c.; 
 his covetousness, ib. 
 
 Onias the Third, his grandson high-priest, ii. 92; de- 
 posits Hyrcanus's treasure in the temple, 102; 
 brought out bv his brother Jason, 107; put to death 
 at Antioch, 102. 148. 
 
 Onias, hi.? son, flies to Egypt, ri. 149; is highly fa- 
 voured by the king, 175; builds a temple there, ib.; 
 serviceable to Queen Cleopatra, 181. 
 
 Onion in Egypt built by Onias the Jewish high priest 
 there, ii. 177. 
 
 Onkelos, his Chaldee paraphrase upon the law, ii. 
 341; his the first paraphrase in order of place, 343; 
 at Gamaliel's funeral, ib.; his paraphrase the 
 best, ib. 
 
 Ophelias, one of Alexander's captains, his history 
 and death, i. 410. 
 
 Ophir, the Jews trade for gold thither, i. 64, 65; the 
 trade to it the same as to tlie East Indies now, 66; 
 conjectures about its situation, ib. 
 
 Opimiiis, wine called from his consulship, its excel- 
 lence and age, ii. 209. 
 
 Orocles, mysterious, deceive king Croesus, i. 135; fail 
 after the coming of Christ, ii. 215. 
 
 Oral law highly esteemed by the Jews, i. 266; re- 
 jected by the Samaritans, 329. 
 
 Oramasdes the good god of the Persians, i. 174. 
 
 Origen, his edition of the versions of the Scriptures, 
 ii. 43; corrects the Septuagint, 44; a scheme of his 
 edition of those versions, ib.; his pains about the 
 Septuagint, 45; the Greek marks he made use of, 
 ib.; why called Adamantius, ib.; what remains of 
 his edition, 46. 
 
 Orodes, king of Parthia, kills his father, ii. 274; and 
 brother, ib.; sends to Crassus, to know why he 
 made war upon him, 298; kills bis general after his 
 victory over Crassus, 300; claps Pompey's ambas- 
 sador in chains, 305; runs mad, 333; makes his eld- 
 est and worst son king, 350; murdered by him, 357. 
 
 Orosius, an error in him corrected, ii. 189. 
 
 Orsines barbarously used by Alexander, i. 385. 
 
 Osaces, the Parthian general, routed and killed by 
 Cassius, ii. 301. 
 
 Osiris, the Egyptian god described, i. 168. 
 
 Ostanes, the' Magian high-priest in Greece with 
 Xer.ves, i. 214. 
 
 Oswey, the Saxon king, his saying of St. Peter's 
 keys, ii. 160. 
 
 Otanes the Persian discovers the imposture of Smer- 
 dis, i. 171. 
 
 O.xatres, Darius's brother, yields himself to Alexan- 
 der, i. 381; generously dealt with, ib. 
 
 Pacorus. son of the Parthian king, his war with An- 
 tony, ii. 326; routed by Ventidius, 333; his charac- 
 ter and death, ib. 
 
 Palestine, its south-west bounds, i. 103; what that 
 country was, ii. 77. 
 
 Palmyra, what was its name in Solomon's time, i. 97; 
 an account of it, ii. .325. Tadmor its Scripture 
 name, ib.; its sreat trade, ib. 
 
 Pammenes the Thehan assists Artabazus, i. 359. 
 
 Paneas, battle of, between the Syrians and Egyp- 
 tians, ii. 87. 
 
 Panthea, her love to her husband, i. 135. 
 
 Papias, bishop, introduces the niillenarian opinion 
 ii lUl 
 
INDEX. 
 
 455 
 
 Papyrus, paper first found out, i. 375. 
 
 Parmenio sent into Asia by Philip, i. 3G4; takes Da- 
 mascus for Alexander, 3liT; his saying to Alexander 
 on his civility to the Jewish high-priest, 370; put 
 to death by the command of Alexander, 381. 
 
 Parthia, kings of, great tyrants, ii- (35; their succes 
 sion, 18a. 
 
 Parthians rout and take Demetrius, king of Syria, ii. 
 J9«; Iheir limit.s, ib. 
 
 Parysatis queen of Persia, her cruelty, i. 320. 334. 337; 
 banished by her son Artaserxes Mnenion, and re- 
 called, ib. 
 
 Patrick, St., sent to convert the Irish, ii. 159. 
 
 Patrocles, general for Anliochus Soter, cut off with 
 his army by the Bithynians, ii. i5. 
 
 Patroclus, Ptolemy's admiral, puts the poet Sotades 
 to an uncommon death, ii. 51. 
 
 Paul of Thebais, the founder of monkery, ii. 237. 
 
 Pausanias, king of Sparta, commands the Grecians 
 at the battle of Platfea, i. 212; their fleet against 
 the Persians. 215; his treachery, 217; deposed, ib.; 
 put to death, ib. 
 
 Pausanias abused by Attains, i. 364; kills Philip of 
 Macedon, ib. 
 
 Pausiris succeeds Amvrtaeua his father in the king- 
 dom of Egypt, i. 332- 
 
 Pekah, kins of Samaria, his attempts against king 
 Ahaz, i- 1)2; Isaiahs prophecy of him fulfilled, ib. (i9. 
 
 Pelopidas the Theban, his great actions, i. 352, 353; 
 will not adore Artaxerxes, 353. 
 
 Peloponnesian war begins, i. 313; the double dealings 
 of the Persians, 321; their wisdom in it, ib.; end of 
 it, 334; fatal to the .•Vthenians, ib. 
 
 Pentateuch, Samaritan copy of it. i. 326; brought into 
 Europe, 327; another, ib.; dilfers from the Jewish, 
 328: a mistake concernins it, 331. 
 
 Perdiccas, governor of .\ridaEus. Alexander's brother 
 and successor, i. 390; ill success in Egypt, 392. 
 
 Pergamena, why parchment so called, i. 370. 
 
 Pergaiuus, library of, given to Cleopatra by Antony, 
 ii. 20; how it came to be a kingdom, 52; the end of 
 it, 199. 
 
 Persepolis sacked by Alexander, i. 379; burnt, ib. 
 
 Perseus, king of Macedon, his marriage, ii. 104; over- 
 thrown by the Romans, 119. 
 
 Persia, greatness of that empire, i. 3fiO. 
 
 Pestilence, Thucydides's account of it, i. 313. 317. 
 
 Pestilence and famine in Judea, ii. 3f^2. 
 
 Petronius routs Candace, queen of ^Ethiopia, ii. 388. 
 
 Pharaoh Hophra, see Apries. 
 
 Pharaoh Necho. see Necus. 
 
 Pharisees disoblige Hyrcanus, ii. 214; are popular, 
 218; an account of them, 219; their opinions, 223, 
 &c.; conceited of their holiness, 224; pride and num- 
 bers, ib.; in what they differed from the Herodians, 
 239; in favour with qiieen Alexandra, 258; their re- 
 venge on their persecutors, 2.59. 
 
 Pharnabazus, the Persian, leaiues with the Lacede- 
 monians, i. 321; kills .•\lribiades at their desire. 335; 
 makes a truce with them, 339; accuses Tissa- 
 phernes, 340; parleys with .^gesilau-s. 344; his ac- 
 tions in Esypt, 351; a fine saying of his. .352. 
 
 Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, made king by his 
 army, ii. 278; submits to Pompey, 280; made king 
 of Bosphorus by him, ib.; makes war on the Ro- 
 mans, 312; routs Doinitius Calvinus, ib.; routed by 
 Caesar, ib. 
 
 Pharnacvas the Persian eunuch, his treason, 318; put 
 to death, 320. 
 
 Pharsalia. battle of, ii. 304. 
 
 Phariis of Esypt finished, ii. J6, (note 3;) a descrip- 
 tion of it, 17. 
 
 Phedyma, wife to Smerdis the impostor king of Per- 
 sia", discovers him. i. 171: married to Darius, 174. 
 
 Phoenicia, what that country was, ii. 78. 
 
 Phila, wife of Demetrius, poisons herself for his mis. 
 fortunes, ii. 14. 
 
 Philadelphia built where Rabbath stood, ii. .50. 
 
 Phllanimon murders queen Arsinoe, ii. 83; murdered 
 himself, 85. 
 
 Philet^rus the eunuch, founder of the kingdom of 
 Pergamus, his death, ii. 52. 
 
 Philip king of Macedon, master of Greece, i 364; 
 prepares for a war with Persia, ib.; slain. 365; his 
 family destroyed, 420; leagues with Anliochus 
 asainst the young king Ptolemy Epiphanes, ii. 85; 
 overthrown by the Romans. 89. 
 
 Philip, son of Antiochus Grypns. his contest for the 
 Syrian empire, ii. 249; vanquishes his brother De- 
 flietrius, 251; takes and loses Damascus '255 
 
 Philippi, battle of, ii. 323. 
 
 Philo, his account of the Septuagint, ii. 29: confuted, 
 30; elder than Josephus, 229; hyperbolizes, 2.T4, 
 (note 1;) ib., (note 2;) when he went ambassador to 
 Rome, 230; his account of Pontius Pilate, 425. 
 
 Philostratus, his history of Apollonius Tyanaeus, a 
 fable, i. 422. 
 
 Phocion the .-Vthenian sent to the assistance of the 
 Persians, i. 3t>0. 
 
 Phcenicia, its extent, i. 41G. 
 
 Phrahates king of Parthia, routed by Anliochus Se- 
 detes, ii. 201$ routs and slays him. ib.; marries his 
 daughter, ib.; his imprudence, 204; is routed and 
 killt-l, ib. 
 
 Phrahates, another king of Parthia, makes peace 
 with Pnmpey, ii. 271; refuses an alliance with 
 Mithridates, ib.; killed by his sons, 294. 
 
 Phrahates, son of Orodes, made king of Parthia, ii, 
 350; his cruelty, 357; murders his father, ib.; his 
 contest with Tiridates, 379 388; marries an Italian 
 woman, and is governed by her, 391; poisoned by 
 her, 392. 
 
 Phraortps, king of Media, his defeat and death, i. 87. 
 
 Pictures forbidden to the Jews, ii. 125. (note 2.) 
 
 Pilate, Pontius, his wicked character, ii. 425. 
 
 Piso.Cn., poisons Germanicus.ii. 420, kills himself, ib. 
 
 Pisuthnes rebels asainst Darius Notlius. i. 320. 
 
 Plataea, battle of Persians routed there, i. 212. 
 
 Plato born. i. 317; his death, 303. 
 
 Plancus provoked by Cleopatra to desert Antony, ii, 
 369. 
 
 Pliny, what he writes of the Essentean Jews, ii. 236. 
 
 Plutarch, an error in the translation corrected, ii. 
 193, (note 5.) 
 
 Polemon made king of Pontus by Augustus, ii. 396; 
 his son made king of Armenia, 424. 
 
 Pollio, a friend to Herod, ii. 389; entertains his 
 sons, ib. 
 
 Polybius. his agreement with Josephus. as to Antio- 
 chus Epiphanes's death, ii. 1.36; his advice to De- 
 metrius the Syrian prince at Rome, 150; the end of 
 his history. 180; some account of him, ib. 
 
 Polvctatns, minister to Ptolemy Epiphanes, his wis- 
 dom, ii. 103. 
 
 Polygamy, Socrates plagued by it, i. 317, 318. 
 
 Polysperchon, governor of Alexander's sons, i. 395; 
 murders one of them, 408. 
 
 Polyxenidas, .•\ntiochus's admiral, beaten by the Ro- 
 nians, ii. 95; beats the Rhodiaiis, ib. 
 
 Pompey born, ii. 243; sent to succeed Lucullus in 
 Asia, 270; routs Mithridates, and builds Xicopolis, 
 271; decides the contest between Tigranes and his 
 son, 272; subdues the Albanians and Iberians. 273; 
 Colchis, ib.; the Syrian empire, 274; twelve kings 
 attend on him, 27(i; call princes to an account, ib.; 
 Jewish ambassadors with him, 277; disposes of 
 kineiloms, ib.; enters Judea, 281; receives the news 
 of Mithridates's death there, 282; takes Jerusalem, 
 2.-4; profanes the temple, and does not prosper after 
 it, 285; his great donatives to the soldiers, 286; his 
 speech to the senate, and triumph, ib.: routed by 
 Ciesar, and tlies in disguise, 305; his flight to Egypt, 
 300; he is killed, ib. 
 
 Pompey's sons and party destroyed, ii. 364. 
 
 Pontifex Maximus, how long the Roman emperors 
 enjoyed that olfice, ii. 396. 
 
 Pontus. kingdom of, founded, ii. 208; succession of 
 the kings, ib. 
 
 Popillius, the Roman ambassador to Anliochus Epi- 
 phanes, his bold treatment of that prince, ii. 119. 
 
 Porphyry, his saying of Daniel's prophecies, i. 162; 
 wolf acquainted with the scriptures, ii. 40; owes 
 the full completion of Daniel's prophecies, 139; a 
 bitter enemy to the scriptures, ib. 
 
 Porus vanquished by Alexander, i. 383; generously 
 used by him. ib. 
 
 Poms, king of India, his embassy to Augustus, ii. 
 .393; his presents, ib. 
 
 Prayers, forms of, vindicated, i. 303; extemporary re- 
 proved, ib. 
 
 Prayers. Jewish, i. 259. .301; against the Christians, 
 299; loo long, 302; times of, ib. 
 
 Preaching, the great use of il.i. 309. 
 
 Predestination, opinions of it held by the Jews, ii. 
 221, &c. 
 
 Premnis, city of Ethiopia, garrisoned by the Romans, 
 
 ii. 388. 
 Prienians, their honesty, ii. 171. 
 Priest, camp, i. 159. 
 Priests, Jewish, their courses after the captivity, 1. 
 
456 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 145; rich vestments worn by them, 148; officiate 
 bare-footed, lb.; their steady constancy admired by 
 Ponipey, ii. 285. 
 
 Prodicus the heretic, a follower of Zoroastres's opi- 
 nions, i. 207. 
 
 Prophecy, spirit of, when it ceased, i. IGO. 103. 
 
 Prophecies, Sibylline, of Christ before his coming ii. 
 401); others, 404; again, 405. 
 
 Prophecies, some not to be understood till fulfilled, 
 ii. 141; various kinds, 215; when they began aud 
 ceased, ib. 
 
 Prophetical books of Scripture, when first read in the 
 synagogues, i. 273; into how many sections di- 
 vided, ib. 
 
 Prophets, when first read in the Jewish synagogues, 
 ii. :W. 125. 177. 
 
 Proselytes, their privileges in whole or in part, i. Slti; 
 two sorts of them among the Jews, ii. 203. 
 
 Protagoras condemned for atheism at .Athens, i. 321. 
 
 Provinces, the Roman empire divided into two sorts, 
 ii. 383; imperial and senatorial, ib. 
 
 Psalms cxlvi. c.\lvii. cxlviii., by whom said to be 
 written, i. 181. 
 
 Psammenitus succeeds his father Amasis king of 
 Egypt, i. 166; conquered by Cambyses, 107. 
 
 Psammis succeeds his father Necus king of Egypt, i. 
 103; dies, 108. 
 
 Psammitichiis makes himself king of Egypt, i. 8J; 
 wars with the Assyrians, ib.; his death, 90. 
 
 Psammitichus II. reigns many ages after the First, i. 
 336; descended from him, ib.; his avarice and cruel- 
 ty, ib. 
 
 Psammuthis, king of Egypt, his short reign, i. 350. 
 
 Ptolemais married to Demetrius, ii. J4. 
 
 Ptolemais built where Ace stood, ii. 59; surrendered 
 to Antiochus the Great, 74; Jonathan tempted by 
 the offer of it to his destruction, 185; taken by Ti- 
 granes, 263. 
 
 Ptolemy has the government of Egypt after Alexan- 
 der's death, i. 390. 392; his wisdom and benignity, 
 393; takes Jerusalem, 394; wars with Anligonus, 
 401; routs Demetrius, 403; his generosity, 404; peo- 
 ples Alexandria, ib.; when his reign commenced, 
 412; highly honoured by the Rhodians, 413; his 
 wives, 419. 
 
 Ptolemy Soter forms a confederacy against Deme- 
 trius, ii. 13; marries a daughter to him, 14; asso- 
 ciates his son, 15; his death and character, 17; his 
 learning, 19. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus associated by his father, ii. 15; 
 succeeds his father, ib.; improves his father's li- 
 brary, 20; puts Demetrius the president of it in pri- 
 son, 23; marries his sister Arsinoe, ib.; has the 
 Septuagint tran.slated, 27, &C.; sends ambassadors 
 to Rome, .50; his generosity to the Roman ambas- 
 sadors, ib.; his war With Magus and Antiochus 
 Soter, 51, 52; his contrivance to bring the trade of 
 the east to Alexandria, 54; his fleet. 55; his war 
 with Antiochus Theus, ib.; his liberality to Aratus 
 of Sicyon, 56; curious in statues, 58; his death, ib.; 
 and character, 59; his immense riches, ib. 
 
 Ptolemy Ceraunu.*! deprived of the succession by 
 Philadelphus, ii. 16; flies to Seleucus, ib.; murders 
 Scleucus, 24; his wickedness and death, ib. 
 
 Ptolemy Euergetes, the trick he put on the Athenians 
 for their original books, ii. 20; puts his brother Ly- 
 simachus to death, 58; his victories in Asia, 60; and 
 booty, ib.; why named Euergetes, 61; sacrifices at 
 Jerusalem, ib.; prefers Joseph the Jew, 66; his 
 death, 70. 
 
 Ptolemy Philopater succeeds Euergetes, ii. 70; his 
 murders, ib.; wickedness, ib.; visits Jerusalem, 76; 
 denied entrance into the holy of holies, 77; his dis- 
 honourable peace with Antiochus, ib.; his decree 
 against the Jews, 78; uses them cruelly, ib.; he fa- 
 vours them, 80; a rebellion against him, 81; liis 
 wickedness, 83; his death, 84. 
 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes succeeds him, ii. 84; a leacue 
 against him, 86; put under the tuition of the Ro- 
 mans, ib.; a guardian set over him by them, ib.; a 
 plot against him, 90; his enthronization, 91; poi- 
 sons his faithful minister Aristomenes, 102. 
 
 Ptolemy Philometor, a comment on the five books of 
 Moses dedicated to him, ii. 29; succeeds his father, 
 104; almost conquered by Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 114; his cowardice, ib.; deposed to make room for 
 his brother, 116. 
 
 Ptolemy Euergetes the Second, ii. 116; called also 
 Phy.ccon, ib.; the two brothers join together ajrainst 
 Antiochus, J17; they owe their kincdom to the Ro- 
 rtians, 119; they fall out between themselves, 149; 
 
 Philometor comes to Rome afoot, ib.; matters ad- 
 justed between him and Physcon by the Romans, 
 150; Physcon at Rome, 151; Philometer's ambassa- 
 dor ordered to depart Rome, 154; Physcon's mal-ad- 
 ministration, and Philometor's benignity, 171; 
 Philometor's goodness to Physcon, ib.; Philometor 
 kind to the Jews, 175; restores Demetrius to the 
 kingdom of Syria, 180; dies of his wounds, ib.; 
 Physcon marries his wife, and murders her son, 
 181; his wickedness, 192; his deformity, 196; his 
 cruelty, 202; forced to fly, ib.; murders his son, 204; 
 his cruel murder of another son, ib.; grows merci- 
 ful, 205; his death. 210. 
 
 Ptolemy Lathyrus, vide Lathyrus. 
 
 Ptolemy Apion, king of Cyrene, gives his kingdom to 
 the Romans, ii. 247. 
 
 Ptolemy Auletes, Lathyrus's natural son, made king 
 of Egypt, ii. 274; his effeminacy, ib.; pays Ca;sarsi.\ 
 thousand talents, 268; ill used at Rome, 291; re- 
 stored by Gabinius and Antony, 294; puts his 
 daughter to death, 295; dies, 302. 
 
 Ptolemy, Dionysius Neos, king of Cyprus, ii. 288; de- 
 posed by the senate of Rome, 289; poisons himself, 
 2'JO; his riches, ib. 
 
 Ptolemy, brother and husband to Cleopatra, asso 
 ciated with her in the kingdom of Egypt, by their 
 father Auletes, ii. 302; murders Pompey, 306; Ca:sar 
 gives the cause between him and his sister against 
 him, 308; drowned, 311. 
 
 Ptolemy, his brother, made a nominal king by Casar, 
 ii. 308; poisoned by Cleopatr,H, 323. 
 
 Ptolemy Macron, bribed by Menelaus, has the Jewish 
 deputies murdered, ii. li3; a revolter from the king 
 of Egypt, 114; in favour with the king of Syria, ib.; 
 his advice to persecute the Jews, 120; grows a 
 friend to them, 142. 
 
 Ptolemy, son of Ahubus, and son-in-law to Simon the 
 Jew, murders him, and two of his sons, ii. 176; 
 flies, ib. 
 
 Ptolemy, prince of Clialcis, kills his son for love of 
 Alexandra a Jew, ii. 324. 
 
 Punic war, the beginning of it, ii. 52; the second 
 ended, 85; the third, 180. 
 
 Piirim feast, the Jewish Bacchanals, i. 112. 
 
 Pyrrhus marries Ptolemy's daughter, i. 4J9; his 
 rise, ib. 
 
 Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, in the confederacy against 
 Demetrius, ii. 13; made king hy Demetrius's army, 
 ib.; driven out of Italy by the Romans, 50; slain, ib. 
 
 Pythagoras, disciple of Zoroastres, imitates him, i. 199. 
 204, 205; a mistake in history concerning him and 
 his doctrine, 205; he learned the doctrine of the im- 
 mortality of the soul from Zoroastres, ib. 
 
 Pythius, his riches, i. 258. 
 
 Q. 
 
 auestor, treasurer to the Roman army, his office, ii. 
 
 199. 
 Quintilis, themonthof July so called,ii. 317, (note 1.) 
 
 R. 
 
 Rabhah, called also Philadelphia, taken by the Sy- 
 rians, ii. 75. 
 
 Rabbi, how long the Jewish doctors have been so 
 called, i. 270. 
 
 Rahbinists, Jews for the Talmud so called, ii. 222. 
 
 Rajas, petty kings of India in Augustus's time, ii. 
 393; their descendants tributary to the Mogul to 
 this day, ib. 
 
 Raphia, battle of, between the kings of Egypt and 
 Syria, ii. 70; Ptolemy Epiphanes married there, 92. 
 
 Raphon, battle of, between Judas Maccabxus and 
 the Syrians, ii. 146. 
 
 Ray, Mr. an error of his about the invention of paper 
 corrected, i. 376. 
 
 Razis the Jew, his inimitable courage, ii. 165. 
 
 Red Sea, not so called from its redness, i. 67. 
 
 Red Spa, how far from the Mediterranean, ii. 37.3. 
 
 Recibilus, king of Babylon, i. 79. 
 
 Religious worship of any kind, theimpiety of affront- 
 ing it, i. 169. 
 
 Reports, surprising, of the battle of Mycale, and 
 Paulus .(Emilius cleared up, i.213. 
 
 Rhinocorura, a great mart of the Tyrians, ii. 54. 
 
 Rhodes taken by the Saracens, ii. 69. 
 
 Rhodians, the honours they paid to Ptolemy, i. 412; 
 their sordid practice, ii. 69; rewarded by the Ro- 
 mans for beating Hannibal, 95. 97. 
 
 River of Egypt, so called in Scripture, not the Nile, 
 i. 102. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 457 
 
 Robes, the high-priests, the manner of keeping them, 
 ii. 218. 
 
 Romanists, their vain pretences to infallibility, ii. 
 194; their Church abominably corrupted many cen- 
 turies ago, 310; errors about tlie Essenaean Jews, 
 23G. 
 
 Romans begin to grow famous, ii. 50; send ambassa- 
 dors to Egypt, ib.; the generosity of their ambassa- 
 dors, ib.; rewarded by the senate, ib.; undertake the 
 tuition of Ptolemy Epiphaiies, 8(i; their embassy to 
 Anliochus the Great in Thrace, liO; force liim to beg 
 a peace, 97; they reward their confederates with 
 Antiochus's provinces, ib.; their dominion in Asia 
 settled, ib.; their commanding enibassy to Antio- 
 chus Epiphanes to give peace to Egypt, 119; de- 
 clare the Jews their friends, 1G6; their generous 
 proceedings towards those that niuitiered their am- 
 bassadors in Syria, 1(59; favour an impostor in Cap- 
 padocia, 171; and another in Syria, 173; letters 
 from them to the eastern kings, in favour of the 
 Jews, 191; send ambassadors to inspect the affairs 
 of their allies in the east, 195; their sobriety and 
 moderation, ib.; they seize on the kingdom of Per- 
 gamns. r,J9; their decree in favour of the Jews, 205; 
 make iheCyreneans free, 247; the kings of Bithynia 
 and Cappadocia implore their protection, and have 
 it, 250; they begin the Mithridatic war with ill suc- 
 cess, ib ; massacred in Asia by order of Mithridates, 
 25-3; seize on Nicomedia, 259, 2G0; and Cyrene, ib.; 
 ill treat the princes of Syria, 2()1; their conquests 
 in the east, 271, &c.; make the Syrian empire a 
 province, 274; their empire, how enlarged by Pom- 
 pey, 287; their injustice to Ptolemy, king of Cy- 
 prus, 289; their Parthian war unjust, 298; the end 
 ' of their commonwealth, 383. 
 
 Ro.xana, a Persian princess, sawn asunder, 1. 334. 
 
 Roxana, Alexander marries her, i. 382; her cruelty to 
 Darius's daughters, 390; put to death, 408. 
 
 Rnffinus, his account of the mother and her seven 
 sons, martyrs, ii. 124; an error in him about the 
 word Maccabseus, 126. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sabacon, the Ethiopian, takes the king of Egypt, and 
 burns him, i. 72; called so in scripture, ib.; his 
 death, 73; his son Sevechus, called Sethon by Hero- 
 dotus, succeeds him as king of Egypt, 75. 
 
 Sabbath, a great number of Jews killed, because they 
 would not defend themselves upon it, ii. 123; laws 
 made to allow defence on it, ib.; the strict keeping 
 of it sometimes fatal to the Jews, 284. 
 
 Sabians, planet-worshippers, i. 172; first worshipped 
 them per sacclla, ib.; after by images, and why, ib. 
 173. 
 
 Sabians, image-worshippers so called, i. 172; what 
 they were, 173; the sect founded by the Babyloni- 
 ans, 214; their seat at Charrs, where Abraham 
 dwelt, 397. 
 
 Sacrifices, no living creatures offered by the Egj'p- 
 tians and others of the ancients, ii. 19. 
 
 Sadducees, Epicureans, i. 409; their rise and heresy, 
 ii. 52, 53; grow up to it gradually, 214; an account 
 of them, 219; Epicurean deists, ib.; own only the 
 five books of Moses, 220; are few, and of quality, ib. 
 
 Sadoc, scholar of Antigonus of Socho, the founder of 
 the sect of the Sadducees, ii. 53. 219. 
 
 Saint Paul thought to speak of Isaiah's martyrdom, 
 i. 78. 
 
 Salathiel, son of Jehoiachin, is called king of Baby- 
 lon, i. 128. 
 
 Salianns the Jesuit's criticisms on Scaliger, ii. 206; 
 on Josephus, 212, (note 8.) 
 
 Salmaneser succeeds his father Arbaces, i. 69; his 
 names in scripture, ib.; carries Jeroboam's golden 
 calf from Bethel, ib.; carries the Israelites into cap- 
 tivitv, 72; makes Tobit his purveyor, ib. 
 
 Salome, Herod's sister, her treachery to her husband, 
 ii. 384; her death, 42.3. 
 
 Samaria, when and by whom peopled, i. 79; people 
 idolaters, 81; temple there. 324; refuge of refractory 
 Jews, ib.; cursed by Zerubbabel, 325; how they dif- 
 fer from the Jews, 326; expect Christ, 329; taken 
 and razed bv Hyrcanus, ii. 212; rebuilt by Herod, 
 and called Sebaste, 385. 
 
 Samaritans are refused a share in rebuilding the 
 temple, i. 101; obstruct it, 170; humbled, 175: again 
 by Xerxes, 208; bv Alexander, 254; receive only the 
 five hooks of Moses, 326; true worshippers, 3:^3; 
 their false dealings with the Jews, ii. 120; disown 
 God and his worship to please Autiochus Epi- 
 VoL. II.— 58 
 
 phanns, 121; their advocates put to death by Ptole- 
 my Philometor, 177; their religion, 219; sounder 
 than the Jinvs about a future state and the resur- 
 rection, 220. 
 
 Sameas the Jew, his prophetic saying of Ilerod, ii. 313. 
 
 Sanballat the Ilonorite, a friend" to the Samaritans, 
 i. 253; hates the Jews, 314; marries his daughter to 
 the high-priest's son, ib.; builds a temple at Sama- 
 ria, 324. 
 
 Sanhedrins, two kinds of thetn among the Jews, ii. 
 224, (note 5;) more erected by the Romans, 292. 
 
 Saosduchinns succeeds his father Esarhaddou king 
 of Assyria, i. 82. See Nebuchodonosor. 
 
 Saracens destroyed all libraries, ii. 46. 
 
 Sardis taken and burnt, i. JH7; taken by Seleucus,ii.23. 
 
 Sarpedon, general for Demetrius, defeated by tlie 
 usurper Tryphon's army, ii. 187. 
 
 Saturn, his worship forced upon the Egyptians by the 
 Ptolemies, ii. 19. 
 
 Scaliger, Joseph, his blunders corrected, ii. 206. 
 
 Scape-goat eaten by the Saracens, ii. 12. 
 
 Sceptre departing from Judah, how that prophecy 
 was fulfilled, in Christ's coining, ii. 421. 
 
 Scheme to know when Easter will fall any year, ii. 
 162. 
 
 Schoolmen, Christian, study Aristotle from a Saracen 
 translation, ii. 194. 
 
 Scipios, Lucius and Africanus sent against Anlio- 
 chus the Great, ii. 95; overthrow him, 96. 
 
 Scipio, Publius Africanus, junior, his enibassy to 
 Egypt, &;c. and attendance, ii. 195; how he received 
 the king of Syria's presents in Spain, 199. 
 
 Scopas, the jl^tolian, revolts to the Egyptians, ii. 8G; • 
 commands their army, 87; taken and stripped by 
 Antiochus, ib.; liis treasonable plot against Ptole- 
 my, 90; put to death, ib 
 
 Scotia, Ireland so called, ii. 161, (note 2;) when that 
 name was given to North Britain, ib. 
 
 Scribes, the same as doctors of the Jewish law, ii. II. 
 224; chiefly of the Pharisees, ib. 
 
 Scribonius, an impostor, put to death in Bosphorus, 
 ii. 395. 
 
 Scriptures translated, ii. 28. 39, &c.; 43, (note 7;) hea- 
 then authors well acquainted with them, 40; trans- 
 lated by the Papists in opposition to the Protes- 
 tants, 41, (note 2.) 
 
 Scythians, their conquests in Media and Upper Asia, 
 i. 88; driven out of them, 100; routed by Darius, 204. 
 
 Sebaste, Samaria so called by Herod, ii. 385. 
 
 Selene, wife of Antiochus Grypus, slain by Tigranes, 
 ii. 263; her incest, ib. 
 
 Seleucia built, i. 420. 
 
 Seleucia and Babylon the same, i. 422. 
 
 Seleucia seized by the Egyptians, ii. 73; recovered by 
 the Syrians, 74; made a f^ree city by Pompey, 276. 
 
 Selencus made governor of Babylon, i. 393; his small 
 beginning, 402; his greatness, 411; lakes the title of 
 king, ib.; wars with the king of India, 413. 
 
 Seleucus, his compassion for Demetrius, ii. 15; his 
 forces beaten by him, ib.; his generous treatment 
 of him when his prisoner, ib.; takes Sardis fronj 
 Lysimachus, 2.3; routs and kills him, ib.; murdered 
 by Ptolemy Ceraunns, ib. 
 
 Seleucus Callinicns, how he came to succeed his fa- 
 ther Antiochus Theus, ii. 60; shipwrecked, 61; a 
 column relating to him in Oxford, t32; routed by 
 Antiochus his brother, 63; defeats him, 64; taken 
 prisoner by Arsaces, 65; his death, and children, 08, 
 
 Selencus Ceraunns, his son, succeeds him, ii. 68; poi- 
 soned, ib. 
 
 Seleucus Philopater succeeds his father Antiochus the 
 Great, ii. 102; sends his son Demetrius to Rome, 
 and why, 104; is poisoned, 105. 
 
 Seleucus, son of Demetrius, murdered by his mother, 
 ii. 207. 
 
 Seleucus, son of Antiochus Grypus, succeeds him, ii. 
 247; burnt. 249. 
 
 Seleucus Cvbiosactns. who he was, ii. 257; put to 
 death by "his wife, 291. 
 
 Sennacherib succeeds his father Salmaneser king of 
 Assyria, i. 73; wars with Hezekiah, ib.; who pays 
 him a great tribute, 74; overruns Egypt, ib.; retires, 
 and invades Judea, 75; raises the siege of Pelusium, 
 ib.; his blasphemous message to king Hezekiah, ib.; 
 routs the Egyptians and Ethiopians, 70; his army 
 killed by an .-ingel in Judea, ib.; that angel brought 
 on them a hot wind, ib.; what Herodotus says of 
 him. ib.; slain by hi? sons. 77. 
 
 Sennacherib, the .Assyrian king, Jewish doctors de- 
 scended from him, ii. 339. 
 
 Septuagint, au account of the translating it, ii. 21. 
 
498 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 27, &c.; an older translation of the Scriptures, 29, 
 30; the several authors that wrote of the miracu- 
 loiisness of it confuted, 33, &c.; only five employed 
 in that translation of the Bible, 34; the opinion of 
 learned men against it, ib.; true cause of making 
 it, 39, 40; not translated at once, 39. 177; in the Alex- 
 andrian dialect, 39; neglected, ib.; spreads, 40; a 
 translation in opposition to it, 42; faulty, 44; Ori- 
 gen's pains about it, ib., &c.; the law most exactly 
 translated, ib.; editions of it, 45; three principal 
 ones, 47; modern ones, ib.; Alexandrian copy of it 
 in St. James's library the best, 48; the Vatican the 
 next, 80; translated by the Jews of Egypt, 177. 
 
 Sepulchres of the Jewish kings described, ii. 198. 
 
 Serapaeum, a temple at Alexandria built by the 
 Ptolemies, ii. iiO. 
 
 Serapis, image of, brought to Egypt, ii. 17; mistaken 
 for the patriarch Joseph, 19; first worshipped in 
 Sinope, ib.; brings a new way of worship into 
 Egypt, ib. 
 
 Serbonis, lake of the danger of it, i. 361. 
 
 Seres, their ambassadors at Rome, their long journey, 
 ii. 385; the Cliinese so called, ib.; first made silk as 
 now made, ib. 
 
 Servant, Hebrew, what was paid for redemption of 
 one, ii. 36. 
 
 Servitude abhorred by the Essenes, ii. 234. 
 
 Sevechus, king of Egypt, his weakness and misfor- 
 tunes, i. 74; his death, 77. 
 
 Sextilis, month of, called Augustus, ii. 380. 
 
 Sextus Quintus, Pope, his edition of the Septuagint, 
 ii. 47. 
 
 Shammai, a Jewish doctor of the Sanhedrin, why 
 spared by Herod, ii. 338; his difference with Hillel, 
 340. 
 
 Shebna, an ill minister of IVIanasseh's, removed, i. 80. 
 
 Shechem, Jacob's well there, i. 331; the seat of the 
 Samaritans since Alexander's time, 377. 
 
 Shekel of silver, its value, i. 147. 
 
 Shekels with Samaritan characters, i. 281. 
 
 Shechinah, the cloud in the temple, i. 155. 
 
 Ships, great ones, built by Ptolemy Philadelphus, ii. 
 55. 
 
 Shusham, a gate of the temple, why so called, i. 181. 
 
 Sibyls, wicked, ii. 402; fictions and impostures relat- 
 ing to their oracles, ib. &c. 
 
 Sibylline oracles preserved by Augustus, ii. 397; what 
 the Sibyls were, ib.; their books destroyed, 398; 
 others put in their place, 399; when all were ut- 
 terly destroyed, ib.; falsified by a Christian, 400, &c. 
 
 Sidon burnt, i. 360. 
 
 Sights, strange ones in the air at Jerusalem, ii. 114. 
 
 Silk, first made by the Chinese, ii. 385; its value at 
 first, ib.; how and when first made in the west, ib.; 
 the ancients odd notion of the growth of it, ib., 
 (note 8.) 
 
 Silo, Ventidius's lieutenant in Palestine, his avarice 
 and double dealing, ii. 331. 
 
 Simeon, president of the Sanhedrin when Christ was 
 born, ii. 339. 
 
 Simeon, son of Gamaliel, perished with Jerusalem, 
 ii. 339. 
 
 Simeonites enlarge their borders, i. 78. 
 
 Simon, Father, reproved, i. 290; ii. 355. 
 
 Simon the Just succeeds his father Onias in the high- 
 priesthood, i. 415; his good character, 423; com- 
 pletes the Canon of the Bible, 424; alterations on 
 his death, ii. 12. 
 
 Simon, son of Onias the second, succeeds him in the 
 priesthood, ii. 77; his death, 92. 
 
 Simon made governor of the temple, ii. 104; his quar- 
 rel with the high-priest Onias, ib. 
 
 Simon, brother of Judas Maccabieus, his success in 
 Galilee, ii. 144; takes Betbsura, 184; he rules in the 
 place of his brother Jonathan, 187; his ambassadors 
 well received at Rome, ib.; is made free sovereign 
 prince of the Jews, ib,, &c.; takes Gazara, 188, 
 (note 1;) and the citadel of Jerusalem, ib.; mur- 
 dered with two of his sons, by the treason of his 
 son-in-law, 196. 
 
 Siracides, when he published his book of Ecclesias- 
 ticus, ii. 38. 
 
 Sisamnes, an unjust judge, his punishment, i. 183. 
 
 Sisigambis, mother of Darius Codomannus, her de- 
 scent, i. 358; prisoner to Alexander, 360; her grief 
 for his death, 390; dies, ib. 
 
 Slaves make themselves masters of Tyre, i. 369. 
 Smerdis, brother of Carabyses, murdered by him, i. 
 168. 
 
 Smerdis, an impostor, succeeds Cambyses king of 
 
 Persia, i. 169, &c.; unkind to the Jews, 171; mar- 
 ries Cyrus's daughter, ib.; his imposture discovered, 
 ib.; he is slain, ib. 
 Smyrnians, their flattery of Stratonice, ii. 53; their 
 league with the Magnesians in favour of Seleucus, 
 62; they raise a column to commemorate it, ib.; 
 that column now in Oxford, ib.; join with those of 
 Lampsacus against Antiochus the Great, 89. 
 Socrates justly plagued by his two wives, i. 319; put 
 to death, 339; the father of moral philosophy among 
 the Greeks, ib.; his name abused by Sodomites, ii. 51. 
 
 Sodalities at Rome, what they were, ii. 239. 
 
 Sodom, lake of, its nature, i. 406. 
 
 Sogdianus kills Xerxes the younger, and usurps the 
 Persian throne, i. 318; put to death, ib. 
 
 Solomon, his immense riches, i. 64, (note 3;) his vast 
 commerce, 66. 
 
 Solomon's temple, the bigness of it, i. 151. 
 
 Solyniius, the Jew, puts his daughter to bed to his 
 brother, ii. 101. 
 
 Sortes VirgilianEB and PraenestinzE, what they were, 
 ii. 399. 
 
 Sosibius, the friendship he is said to have had for the 
 Jevvs,'u. 28. 
 
 Sosibius, minister to Ptolemy Philopatcr, his cruelty, 
 ii. 70; his wickedness, 73; puts Clueen Arsinoe to 
 death, 83; resigns the ministry, ib.; called the long- 
 liver, 85; his character, ib.; his son made guardian 
 to Ptolemy's son, ib. 
 
 Sosthenes, the Macedonian, defeats the Gauls, ii. 25; 
 his death, 49. 
 
 Sotades, a lewd satiric poet, put to death for libelling 
 Ptolemy Pliiladelphus, ii. 51. 
 
 Star in Bethlehem, foretold by Zoroastres, i. 207. 
 
 Statira, queen of Persia, her revenge, i. 334; poisoned, 
 337. 
 
 Statira, Darius's daughter, married to Alexander, i. 
 386; dies, 390. 
 
 Stilico burns the Sibylline books, and the temple of 
 Apollo, ii. 400. 
 
 Stones, polluted, of the altar laid up, ii. 134. 
 
 Strabo the geographer visits the statue of Memnon, 
 ii. 394; his account of it, ib.; when he wrote, ib. 
 
 Strato the Syrian saved by his slave, i. 369; his de- 
 scendants kings of Tyre, ib. 
 
 Straton's Tower, called" Caesarea by Herod, ii. 385. 389. 
 
 Stratonice, how her husband Seleucus came to give 
 her to his son, ii. 15. 
 
 Stratonice, one of Mithridates's beloved mistresses, 
 yields to Pompey, ii. 280; that king's revenge, ib. 
 
 Style of writing, whence so called, i. 375. 
 
 Suetonius, what he writes of prophecies of our Sa- 
 viour's coming, ii. 404. 
 
 Supralapsarians, how they agree with the Jewish 
 Essenes about free-will and predestination, ii. 224. 
 
 Surat, some of Zoroastres's sect still there, i. 208. 
 
 Surenas, the Parthian general, routs and kills Cras- 
 sus, ii. 300; killed himself by the Parthian king, ib.; 
 his character, ib. 
 
 Susa, Daniel, governor of that province, i. 163. 
 
 Susanna, the elders that would have corrupted her, 
 i. 106; the history doubted, 164. 
 
 Syene, tower of, in Ezekiel, a wrong translation, i. 
 119, (note 1.) 
 
 Sylla sent against Mithridates, ii. 253; takes Athens, 
 ib.; obtains three victories over Mithridates's 
 generals, 255; concludes a treaty with him, and 
 why, ib.; seizes the works of Aristotle for his own 
 use, ib.; makes a second peace with Mithridates, 
 256. 
 
 Syllaus, the Arabian, his treachery to the Romans, 
 ii. .387; Herod refuses him his sister, 409; sets Au- 
 gustus against Herod, 410; condemned by him, and 
 beheaded, 412. 
 
 SymniHchus translates the Old Testament, and 
 why, ii. 42; his method in it, 43. 
 
 Synagogue, great elders of, i. 424; when they began 
 and ended, 425. 
 
 Synagogue, its worship, what it was, ii. 125; how the 
 men and women sit in it, 2.34. 
 
 Synagogues, the original of them among the Jews, 
 i. 298; not before the captivity, ib.; their number, 
 299; service performed in them.ib.; how many days 
 in the week, 304; manner of reading the Scriptures 
 in them, ib.; ministers of the synagogue service, 
 who. .S06. 
 
 Synojip made a free city by Lucullus, ii. 264. 
 
 Synopsis Sacrae Scriplurae, a book so called, ascribed 
 to Athanasius, ii. 200. 
 
 Syria, kingdom of, in Damascus, destroyed by Ar- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 459 
 
 baces king of Assyria, i. 64; how divided, 416; its 
 cities assume tlieir liberty, ii. 343; made a Human 
 province, 273. 
 
 Syriac version of the Bible still in use, ii.40; its anti- 
 quity, ib.; said to be quoted by St. Paul, 41. 
 
 Syrians expel the race of Seleucid<E, and choose Ti- 
 granes king of Armenia, their king, ii. -ioO, 257. 
 
 Tachos, king of Egypt, driven out of his kingdom by 
 his subjects, i. :J55. 
 
 Tacitus, what he says of prophecies about our Sa- 
 viour's coining, ii. 404. 
 
 Tadmor, Palmyra so called in scripture, ii. 325; and 
 now, ib.; a description of it, and its great trade, ib. 
 
 Talents, Eiiboic and Attic, reduced Roman money, 
 ii. 97, (note 2.) 
 
 Talmud, Jewish, what it consists of, i. 269; Maimo- 
 nides's abridgement, 270. 
 
 Talmud, the Septuagint translation not mentioned 
 in it, ii. 42; a quotation out of it, 215; when pub- 
 lished, 221; divisions about it, ib. 
 
 Talmud, Babylonish, when composed, ii. 350; Jerusa- 
 lem, when composed, ib. 
 
 Talmuds, two, of Jerusalem and Babylon, i. 296; 
 when completed, ib. 
 
 Tanais river, mistakes of authors about it, i. 381. 
 
 Tannaim, Jewish doctors of the law so called, i. 268. 
 
 Targums, Chaldee Paraphrases on the Bible, why so 
 called, ii. 341; how many sorts of them are now 
 extant, 342, 343; speak of Christ, 349; probably read 
 by our Saviour, 351; their antiquity, 352. 
 
 Targum, Jerusalem, agrees with the New Testa- 
 ment, ii. 347. 
 
 Taric Dilcarnain, a Jewish era, i. 403; why so called, 
 ib. 
 
 Tarshish, of its situation and trade, i. 66; in the East 
 Indies, ib. 
 
 Tatian, his account of Berosus, ii. 53; Tatnai, the 
 Persian governor of Palestine, his kindness to the 
 Jews, i. 175. 
 
 Temple of the Lord, the cry of a Jewish faction, ii. 
 338; Ilerod cuts them off" ib. 
 
 Temple of Ephesus burnt by Erostratus, i. 358; re- 
 built by Dcnocrates, 374. 
 
 Temple of Jerusalem burnt twice on the same day 
 of the year, i. 112; the incredible sums laid out in 
 building it, 65; burnt, 112; rebuilt by Cyrus's de- 
 cree, 144; what each Jew paid toward it, 147; how 
 intent the Jews were upon it, 151; second not so 
 magnificent as the first, ib.; improved afterwards, 
 ib.; the glory of the first, in what it consisted, ib.; 
 the rebuilding of it opposed by the Samaritans, 1G2. 
 170; revived under Darius, 175; when finished, 177; 
 Alexander there, 371; the sept of it not to be pro- 
 faned, ii. 87; defiled by Antiochus Epiphanes, 115; 
 destroyed, 119; dedicated to Jupiter Olympiiis by 
 the Syrians, 122; began to be built anew by Herod, 
 394; nineteen years before Christ, ib.; building in 
 our Saviour's time, ib. 
 
 Temple of Jupiter Hammon, where built, i. 373; Alex- 
 ander visits it, 374. 
 
 Temple of Samaria built in opposition to that at Je- 
 rusalem, i. 324; Josephus's mistake about it, 371; 
 dedicated to Jupiter, ii. 121. 
 
 Temple of Sardis burnt by the Ionian Greeks, i. 186, 
 187; occasions great mischiefs, ib. 
 
 Temple in Egvpt not owned by the Jews at Jerusa- 
 lem, ii. 128;" when built, 176; the Septuagint fa- 
 vours it, 177. 
 
 Temples to be revered in all religions, ii. 27; an ex- 
 traordinary one intended at Alexandria by Ptole- 
 my, for Arsinoe his wife, 58. 
 
 Tennes, the Sidonian, his treachery, i. 359. 
 
 Teridates. an attempt against him, occasions the 
 loss of Parthia to Antiochus, ii. 56. 
 
 Teriteurhmes, the Persian, his tragical story, i. 334. 
 
 Testament, Old and New, histories of facts between 
 them, i. 332; New, first divided into verses by R. 
 Stephens, 278; Old, the best version of it, ii. 41. 
 
 Tetrapla, an eilition of the Bible so called, ii. 43. 
 
 Tetrapolis, cities so called, and why. i. 416. 
 
 Texts of the Bible quoted from the Chaldee Para- 
 phrase bv our Saviour, ii. 351. 
 
 Thales the' philosopher, when he lived, i. 104; fore- 
 tells an eclipse, ib. 
 
 Thf'hais in Et'vpt, a colony of Samaritans sent 
 thither by Alexander, i. ,378. 
 
 Thebans oppose a bad peace with the Persians, i. 
 
 3.50; overthrow the Lacedemonians, 352; subdued 
 by Alexander, 365. 
 
 Thebes in Greece taken by Alexander, i. 366. 
 
 Thebes in Egypt called No-Ammon in scripture, i. 
 75; Nahum's prophecy of it, ib.; destroyed bef(irc 
 Nineveh, ib.; ruined by Ptolemy Lathyrus, ii. 257. 
 
 Tliecla, a noble Egyptian lady, wrote the St. James's 
 copy of the Septuagint, ii. 48. 
 
 Themistocles beats the Persians in the Straits of 
 Salamis, i. 211; his power envied by the Lacedemo- 
 nians, 217; accused by them, but accpiitted, ib., 
 forced to quit Greece, 218; flies to Xerxes, ib.; high- 
 ly honoured by him, 219; his escape out of Greece 
 discussed, ib.; his resolute death, 224. 
 
 Theocritus the poet favoured by Ptolemy, ii. 59. 
 
 Theodotion translates the scriptures, and why, ii. 42, 
 &c.; his method in it, 43. 
 
 Theodotus governor of Bactria, makes himself king, 
 ii. 5(1. 
 
 Theodolus, his son, succeeds him, and leagues with 
 Arsaces, ii. 63; driven out by Euthydcnms, 83. 
 
 Theodotus the vTItolian, governor of CoeleSyria, be- 
 trays it to the Syrians, ii. 73; and why, ib.; his 
 courage, 76. 
 
 Theodotus the rhetorician, his advice to Ptolemy to 
 kill Pompey, ii. 3U6. 
 
 Therapeutic, profession among the Essenes, what it 
 was, ii. 232. 
 
 Thermopylffi, Straits of, battle there, i. 210. 
 
 Tliermusa. an Italian woman, marries Phrahates, 
 king of Parthia, ii. 391; poisons him, ib. 
 
 Thessalonice, killed by her son, i. 420. 
 
 Thimbro, the Lacedemonian, his wars in Asia, i. 
 337; his banishment. 338. 
 
 Thoas the .(Etolian, his embassy to engage Antiochus 
 the Great in a war with the Romans, ii. 93; he 
 flies for it, 97. 
 
 Thncydidos, his noble descent, i. 191; his history cor- 
 rected, 219. 
 
 Tiberius's fifteenth year, how reckoned, i. 246; born 
 three months after his mother was married to Oc- 
 tavius Cffisar, ii. 33ti; the first action he was em- 
 ployed in, 392; Augustus marries him to his daugh- 
 ter Julia, 407; does not like him, ib.; retires to 
 Rhodes, and lives privately, 411; returns to Rome, 
 420; adopted by Augustus, ib.; the commencement 
 of his reign, as in Luke, 423, (note 2;) 424; his bad 
 character, 425. 
 
 Tigers, when first brought from India, ii. 393. 
 
 Tiglat.'i Pileser, Arbaces so called in scripture, i. 62; 
 hired by king Ahaz to assist him, 63; carries the 
 Jews into captivity, 68; an error of archbishop 
 Usher's concerning him rectified, 69; his death, ib. 
 
 Tigranes restored to the kingdom of Armenia by the 
 Parthians, ii. 247; expels Ariobarzanes king of 
 Cappadocia, 250; chosen king of Syria, 2.57; builds 
 Tigranocerta,259; the methods he took to people it, 
 and his country, ib.; he neglects Mithridates, 203; 
 puts Selene, widow of Antiochus Grypus and An- 
 tiochus Eusebes to death, ib.; his pride, 264; affronts 
 Lucullns, ib.; leagues with Mithridates against the 
 Romans, 268; his vast army routed by Liicullus's 
 very small one, 269; routed again by Lucullus. 270; 
 defeats his son Tigranes, 272; puts a price on Mith- 
 ridates's head, and submits in a base manner to 
 Pompey, ib. 
 
 Tigranes, his son, refuses Pompoy's decision, and is 
 a part of his triumph, ii. 272. 
 
 Tigranes made king in the place of his brother Ar- 
 taxias, ii. 392. 
 
 Tigranocerta. when and where built, ii. 2.59. 264, 
 (note 4;) taken by Lucullus, 269; reduced to a vil- 
 lage, ib. 
 
 Tiniagoras the Athenian adores the king of Persia, i. 
 353; sentenced to die for it, 259, (note 7.) 
 
 Timarchus, tvrant of Miletus, slain by Antiochus 
 Theus, ii. 53. 
 
 Timotheus, a persecutor of the Jews, routed, ii. 131; 
 again, and slain, 142, 143. 
 
 Timotheus, his son, undertakes the war against the 
 Jews, ii. 143; routed and taken prisoner, 146. 
 
 Tirhakah the Ethiopian assists Sovechus king of 
 Ecypt, i. 75; succeeds him, 77; his death. 79. 
 
 Tiridates contests the crown of Parthia with Phra- 
 hates, ii. 380. 388. 
 
 Tisri, why the first month of the Jewish year, i. 147. 
 
 Tissaphernes the Persian leagues with the Lacede- 
 monians, i. 322: Cyrus, son of Darius, wars with 
 him. 336; in favour with .\rtaxerxes. 337; begs a 
 tructf ot the Lacedemonians, 338; he fears the Gre- 
 
460 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ciana, 340; routed by them, 341; accused by Pharna- 
 bazus, 339; beheaded, 342. 
 
 Tithraustes cuts off Tissaphernes's head, and suc- 
 ceeds him in his government, i. 343; bribes the 
 Greeks, ib. 
 
 Titiiis, formerly of Sextus Pompeius's party, puts him 
 to death, ii. 364; hated by the Romans for it, ib.; 
 provoked by Cleopatra to desert Antony, 369. 
 
 Titus, his triumph for the taking of Jerusalem, i. 153. 
 
 TIepolemus, made minister to Ptolemy Philopater by 
 the Egyptian council, ii. 83. 
 
 Tobiah the Ammonite profanes the temple in Nehe- 
 miah's time, i. 314. 
 
 Tobit carried into captivity, 1. 72; advanced by the 
 king of Assyria, ib.; opinions of the book so called, 
 91; first written in Chaldee, 92; several versions of 
 it, ib. 
 
 Trachonitis, country of, given to Herod by Augustus, 
 ii. 389; the inhabitants thieves, 389, 390. 
 
 Trade carried on by the Jews, i. 64; lost, 65; what it 
 included, ib. 
 
 Trade, East India, how it passed from the Jews to 
 the Syrians, from them to the Tyrians, from them 
 to the Egyptians, from them to the Portuguese, 
 and from them to the English and Dutch, i. 66; the 
 great advantages, of it, 401. 
 
 Trade of the east, how carried on by the Tyrians, ii. 
 54, 55; by the Palmyrenians, 326. 
 
 Traditions rejected by the Samaritans, i. 329; times 
 of, when they began, 425. 
 
 Traditions, the zeal of the Pharisees for them, ii. 
 223, 224. 
 
 Transmigration of souls believed by the Pharisees, 
 ii. 222. 
 
 Triarius the Roman general routed by Mithridates, 
 ii. 270; Pharnaces his son routed in the same place 
 by CiEsar, 312. 
 
 Tribes, Jewish, the names of several of them lost 
 when the Septuagint version was made, ii. 33. 
 
 Triumvirate of Pompey, Crassus, and CiEsar, ii. 287; 
 of Oclavius Antony, and Lepidus, 321; their divi- 
 sion of the empire, 327. 
 
 Troglodytes, where their country was, ii. 387. 
 
 Trogus Pompeius, whence he took his history, i. 338. 
 
 Tryphaena murders lier sister Cleopatra in a temple, 
 ii. 211; and is put to death by Cyzicenus her sister's 
 husband, 211, 212. 
 
 'Tryphon, called also Diodotus the Syrian, his designs 
 against Demetrius Nicator, ii. 182, 183; sets up his 
 brother Antiochus against him, ib.; takes Jonathan 
 by treachery, 185; murders him and his master An- 
 tiochus, 186; declares himself king of Syria, ib. 
 •Tyrannion the grammarian, preserves Aristotle's 
 works, ii. 255. 
 
 Tyre, Ezekiel's prophecy against it, i. Ill; when 
 built, 115; besieged by Nebuchadnezzar, ib.; taken, 
 117; new built in an island, ib.; taken by Alexan- 
 der, 369; besieged by Antigonus, 401. 
 
 Tyrians, friends to Solomon, i. 64; take the trade 
 from the Jews and Syrians, 66; favoured in it by 
 the Persians, ib.; besieged and straitened by the 
 Assyrians, 72; Isaiah's prophecy against them, 73; 
 help the Jews to rebuild the temple, 164; recover 
 their privileges, 185; mastered by their slaves, 369; 
 governed by magistrates, called Sufletes or Judges, 
 from the Hebrew Shophetim, 118. 
 'Tyrians, their trade, ii. 54; their city delivered to An- 
 tiochus the Great, 74; know not the name Her- 
 cules, the Hercules Tyrius of the Greeks being a 
 mistake, 109, (note 1.) 
 
 V. 
 
 "Valentinian, the title of Pontifex Maximus, refused 
 by all his successors, ii. 396. 
 
 Vashti queen of Persia displeases Artaxerxes, i. 223; 
 divorced, ib. 
 
 Vatablus, first divided the Latin Bible into verses, 
 with numbers affixed, i. 277. 
 
 Ventidius, Antony's lieutenant, defeats the Par- 
 thians, ii. 329; Labienns's soldiers terrified hereby, 
 desert him, ib.; Labienus taken and killed, ib.; 
 routs the Parthians again, and slays their general, 
 ib ; his exactions in Palestine, 331; his victories 
 over the Parthians, 333; his Policy, ib.; envied by 
 Antony, 334; triumph? at Rome, ib.; was himself 
 led in triumph, ib.; his mean beginning, ib.; out of 
 favour with Antony, and why, 356. 
 
 Verse, a line in prose, i. 275. 
 
 'Verses, the reason of dividing the Scripture into 
 ■ verses, i. 273- when bejj'uu by the Jaws, ib. 
 
 Verses, whether distinguished at first as now in the 
 Hebrew Bibles, or only by lines, i. 274. 
 
 Verses, when numbers added to them in the Hebrew 
 Bibles, i. 278; at first distinguished by letters, 277. 
 
 Vietorius of Limoges, his cycle, ii. 158. 
 
 Villius Puhlius, ambassador from the Romans to An- 
 tiochus the Great, his cunning, ii. 93. 
 
 Virgil attributes to PoUio what was foretold of Jesus 
 Christ, ii. 331. 399; can admit of no just interpreta- 
 tion,- but as applied to the Messiah, 404. 
 
 Virgiliana; Sortes, what they were, ii. 400. 
 
 Virgin Mary, her miraculous conception of our Sa- 
 viour, ii. 414. 
 
 Vision of Serapis, seen by Ptolemy, ii. 17. 
 
 Vowel points, their original, i.282; none in the books 
 used in the Jewish synagogues, ib. 
 
 U. 
 
 Udiastes the Persian, his tragical story, i. 334. 
 
 Universities, Jewish, i. 263; in Assyria, ib. 
 
 Uriah the prophet slain by king Jehoiakim, i. 98. 
 
 Urim and Thnnmiin treated ol', i. 155, &c. 
 
 Usher, archbishop, a mistake of his in chronology 
 
 rectified, i. 219; another about Ahasuerus, 221; 
 
 about the seventy weeks' prophecy, 142; procures 
 
 a copy of the Samaritan Pentateuch, 152; corrected, 
 
 ii. 103. 
 Usury forbidden to the Jews, i. 294; their extortion, ib. 
 
 Weeks, seventy, prophecy concerning the coming of 
 our Saviour,'i. 227, &c.; differences about it, 231; 
 reconciled, 240; first seven of them in Daniel's pro- 
 phecy, when ended, 322. 
 
 Wedding, mirth of one spoiled by Jonathan, ii. 167. 
 
 Whipping, the manner of it among the Jews, ii. 214, 
 (note 5.) 
 
 Will, Antony's extravagant one offends the Romans 
 ii. 369. 
 
 William Rufus, a great Simoniac, ii. 216. 
 
 Winds, Etesian, what they are, ii. 306, (note 4;) like 
 our trade winds, ib. 
 
 Women delivered the heathen oracles, ii. 402. 
 
 Word Ao>05, how explained in the Chaldee para- 
 phrases on the Bible, ii. .'355. 
 
 Worship, forms of, vindicated, i. 302; Jews, what it 
 is, ib. &.C. 
 
 Writing, manner of it by the ancients, i. 375, &c. 
 
 Xantippus, the Athenian general, destroys the Per- 
 sian army and fleet, i. 2)2; his successes, ib. 
 
 Xenophon's history preferable to Herodotus's for 
 what relates toCvrus.i. 1.30; his retreat out of Per- 
 sia with the Greeks, 3.36. 
 
 Xerxes, a younger son of Darius, demands and ob- 
 tains the crown, i. 192, 193; confirms the Jews' 
 privileges, 208; his wars in Egypt, ib.; preparations 
 for his wars with the Greeks, 209; his prodigious 
 army, ib.; enters Greece, 210; and Athens, 211; 
 frighted and returns inglorionsly, ib.; his army de- 
 stroyed, 212; and fleet, 213; his great disappoint- 
 ment, ib.; destroys the Grecian temples, and why, 
 214; a zealous Magian, ib.; returns to Susa, ib.; de- 
 stroys the temples of the Sabines, ib.; his incestu- 
 ous love and cruelty, 215, &c.; sets a price on The- 
 mistocles's head, 218; how he receives Inm, ib.; 
 weary of his war with the Greeks, 220; murdered, 
 221; supposed by Scaliger to be Ahasuerus, ib. 
 
 Xerxes, son of Artaxerxes Longimanus, his short 
 reign, i. 319. 
 
 Ximenes, cardinal, his edition of the Septuagint, ii. 
 47; an account of it, ib. 
 
 XintEtas, Antiochus the Great's general in the east, 
 destroyed with his army. ii. 71. 
 
 Xiphares murdered by his father Mithridates, ii.2S0. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Year, the beginning of the Jewish, i. 147. 2flG. 
 
 Years, called weeks by the Jews, i. 227. 
 
 Year. Chaldean, three hundred and sixty-five days, 
 
 i. 239; Jews and Greeks used lunar years, ib.; 
 
 Arabs and Turks, 240; Greek year consisted of 
 
 three hundred and sixty days, 239. 
 Years, sabbath of, how reckoned, i. 210. 
 Year, lunar and solar, the difference between them. 
 
 i. 311. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 461 
 
 Year, a very plentiful one, ii. 209. 
 
 Year, Julian solar, eleven minutes longer than the 
 
 true tropical solar, ii. J64. 
 Years, Julian, of what days they consist, ii. 156. 
 Year, Roman, what days it consists of, ii. 316. 
 Year, Esyplian, ii. 377. 
 Years, leap, made, ii. 378; by Augustus, every fourth 
 
 year, 410. 
 
 Zabdiel, king of Arabia, delivers up Anliochus to 
 
 Tryphon, ii. 182, 183. 
 Zacliarias, his vision in the temple, ii. 413. 
 Zadakim, Jews, why so called, ii. 124. 219. 
 Zaretis, why Diana so called, ii. 137. 
 Zarniariis, a gymnosophist ambassador from a king 
 
 of India to Augustus, ii. 3il3; burns himself in his 
 
 presence at Athens, ib. 
 Zebina, Ale.xandcr, an impostor, pretends to be the 
 
 son of the impostor Balas, ii. 20ti; reigns in Syria, 
 
 207r leagues with Ilyrcanus, ib.; his good character, 
 
 ib.; put to deatli, 20'J. 
 Zechariah, his death, i. 193. 
 Zedekiah, king of Judali, his wicked reign, i. 104; rebels 
 
 against Nebuchadnezzar, 108; will not hearken 
 
 to Jeremiah, 109; is taken prisoner and bound in 
 
 chains. 111. 
 Zend, Zoroastre,s's book so called, and why, i. 201; 
 
 taken out of the scripture, 202. 
 Zendichees, Arab Epicureans, 1.400. 
 Zonodorus, his exactions upon the Trachonitcs, ii. 
 
 389. 
 
 Zenodotus of Ephesug, librarian to the Ptolemies, 
 ii. 21. 
 
 Zeiihaniah, contemporary with the prophet Jeremiah, 
 i. 98. slain, 112. 
 
 Zerubbabel, one of the leaders of the Jews after their 
 restoration, i. 144; Cyrus's governor of Jiidca, ib.; 
 his assistants, ib.; the prophet Haggai's messages 
 to liiin, 175; goes to Darius, 182; said to curse the 
 Samaritans. ,325. 
 
 Zeu.\is sent by Antiochus to beg peace of the Ko- 
 mans, ii. 97. 
 
 Zibbor Sheliach, a priest among tlie Jews, his office, 
 i. 306. 
 
 Zichri, the Ephraimite, wars with king Ahaz, i. 62. 
 
 Zidonians, help the Jews to rebuild the temple, i. 164. 
 
 ZipiEtes, king of Bithynia, dies of joy, ii. 25. 
 
 ZipsEtes, his son, at war with Nicomedes his brother, 
 ii. 25. 
 
 Zocatora island, supposed to be Ophir, i. 66. 
 
 Zoilus, the critic on Homer, hated by Ptolemy, ii. 59. 
 
 Zopyrus, his cruel stratagem on himself to serve Da- 
 rius, i. 179. 
 
 Zoroastres, the Persian prophet, his first appearance, 
 i. 194; of Jewish descent, ib.; a servant of Daniel 
 the prophet, 195; alters the Magian religion, 196; 
 has a Jewi.5h platform, 198; has Pythagoras for big 
 disciple, 199; no magician but a philosopher, 200; re- 
 sides at Balch in Persia, 199. 201; presents his reve- 
 lations to Darius, ib.; his book taken from scrip- 
 ture, 202; slain, 203; held in esteem by the Greeks, 
 204; Pliny's saying of him, ib.; and others, ib.; said 
 to have foretold the coming ofChrist, 207; how many 
 lines his works consisted of, 275. 
 
 THE END. 
 
BS1197.1.P941836V.2 
 
 The Old and New Testament connected, in 
 
 Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library 
 
 1 1012 00029 2369