German. Latin 
 
THE V ^,. 
 
 -^ nr r 
 
 HP]IDELBERG CATECHISM 
 
 IN 
 
 CSmitaw, Wi^im m\& (Bn^Mt: 
 
 WITH AN 
 
 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 PREPAEED AND PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTION OF TETE GERMAN REFORMED 
 CHURCH IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 TERCENTENARY EDITION 
 
 NEW YORK : 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER, 124 GRAND STREET. 
 
 CHAMBERSBURG, Pa.: M. KIEFFER & CO. 
 1863. 
 

 Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1863, 
 
 Bt CHARLES SCRIBNER, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. 
 
 JOHN F. TROW, 
 
 PKISTBR. »TEHEOTYPKR, AND ELICTROTYPER, 
 
 18 4 50 Greene Street, 
 Hev York. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 This volume has been prepared by a Committee of the Synod of the German 
 Reformed Church in the United States, appointed at the annual meeting held at 
 Harrisburg, Pa., in 1859; and is designed to commemorate the Three Hundredth 
 Anniversary of the formation and adoption of the Heidelberg Catechism. 
 
 The resolution under which the Committee was appointed, orders "the prepara- 
 tion of a critical standard edition of the Heidelberg Catechism in the original Ger- 
 man, and Latin, together with a revised English translation, and an historical intro- 
 duction, to be published in superior style as a centennial edition, in 1863." Agree- 
 ably to these instructions, we pubUsh a comprehensive historical and theological 
 Introduction, and a critical edition of the Catechism in four texts : Old German,, 
 Latin, Modern Gennan, and English, printed in parallel columns. 
 
 The Introduction furnishes a succinct but full account of the origin and forma- 
 tion of the Catechism, its reception in the different branches of the Protestant 
 Church, and its fortunes in Europe and America ; and compares its genius and the- 
 ology with that of other Reformed and Lutheran confessions, both of earlier and 
 later date. 
 
 It has not been considered desirable to accompany the text, from page to page, 
 with notes and references to authorities. It may suffice to state, that for its histori- 
 cal material in particular, use has been made mainly of the following works : Heney 
 Alting's Sistoria de JEcclesiis Palatinis ; J. Che. Köcher's Eatechetische Ge- 
 schichte der Meformirten Kirche / Plaj^ick's Geschichte der protestantischen TheO' 
 logie ; Hekrt Simon Van Axpen's Geschichte und Literatur des Heidelh. Kate- 
 chismus / J. Che. W. Augxjsti's Einleitung in die beiden Saupt-Katechismen der 
 Evangel. Kirche ; Rien^ckee's Articles on the Heid. Cat. in Ersch and Grfber's 
 
4 PREFACE. 
 
 Allg. EneyJdop. d. Wissenschaften und Künste ; Seisen's Geschichte der Reformat 
 tion zu Heidelberg y' Vierokdt's Geschichte der Reformation im Grossherzogthum 
 Raden ; Ebrakd's Das Dogma vom Seiligen Abendm,ahZ und seine Geschichte ; 
 Karl Sudhoff's C. Olevianus und Z. Tlrsinv^ Lehen und ausgewählte Schriften. 
 Reference may be made properly, also, to J. W. Nevin's History and Genius of 
 the Heidelberg Catechism,, published at Chambersburg, Pa., in 1847. 
 
 The Catechism, as given in the first column, is the original text, the ipsissima 
 verba of the third edition of 1563. Failing in our endeavor to obtain, in Europe, a 
 copy of the editio princeps, we have had recourse to the work of Dr. H. A. Nie- 
 meyer, entitled, Collectio Confessionum in Ecclesiis Reformatis Publicatarum, 
 which furnishes the text as originally issued. We reprint it word for word, and 
 letter for letter ; with three exceptions. "We insert, as being evidently necessary to 
 complete the grammatical construction, the word " ich " after " Dasz " in the first 
 line of the fifty-second answer, so as to read : Dasz ich in allem Trübsal ; and the 
 word " wil " before " lehren," in the second line of the seventy-third answer, so as 
 to read : Nit allein dz er vns damit wil lehren. We depart also from Niemeyer, by 
 putting in brackets the memorable addition to the eightieth answer, to indicate that, 
 whilst it belongs to the Catechism as approved by the Elector, Frederick the Pious, 
 as received by the Church of the Palatinate, and published in the third edition, it 
 is nevertheless not a part of the original Catechism as completed by the authors, as 
 first adopted by the Synod of the Palatinate, and published in the first edition, 
 which was accompanied by the celebrated proclamation of the Elector, under date 
 of the 19th of January, 1563 ; and that therefore, although authentic, it possesses 
 less ecclesiastical authority than the other portions of the answer.* For the same 
 general reason, we repeat the brackets in the other columns. 
 
 This original text is the ultimate standard of the Catechism. It is the noi'm by 
 which all subsequent editions in German, and all translations into other languages, 
 are to be judged. As such the Committee have regarded it ; and have consequently 
 omitted in the Modem German text and in the EngUsh translation, as being without 
 authority, all words and phrases which have been added in the Latin and introduced 
 into later German editions, but are not warranted by the German edition of 1563. 
 
 The Latin is the translation made by Joshua Lagus and Lambertus Pithopoeus, 
 
 * For a history of the 80th question see the Historical Litroduction, pp. 37-40 ; also the article by 
 the Rev. Dr. C. Ullmann, in the Tercentenary Monument, pp. 130-135. 
 
PREFACE. 5 
 
 and published in the same year with the approval of the Elector. We have edited 
 the text from a Genevan edition, which has the following title : " Catechesis 
 Religionis Cheistiak^, Quje in Ecclesiis et Scholis Electoralis Palatikatus 
 TRADiTUR. A Friderico Sylburgio Wetterano Graecfe conversa. Genevae. Apud 
 Matthseum Berjon, M.DC.IX." No liberty has been taken with the language of 
 this edition, or more specifically, with the words of the text ; but the punctuation 
 being defective, we have modified it, by an application of the same general princi- 
 ples which have regulated us in determining the punctuation of the Modern German 
 and the English. 
 
 The Latin translation, as regards classic style and fidelity to the original, pos- 
 sesses only ordinary merit. Here and there, words and phrases are added. In some 
 instances, the language is a paraphrase instead of a translation ; in others it fails to 
 give the true sense of the original Gei'man. It cannot, accordingly, be assigned a 
 place beside the original text. It has no normal authority. Yet it possesses great 
 value for the purposes of reference and comparison. 
 
 The Modern German text is edited on the basis of the original Catechism as pub- 
 lished by Niemeyer, no clause or word being allowed to stand imless warranted by 
 this criterion of judgment. It difiers from the old text only in so far as the German 
 language of to-day itself differs from the German language in use three hundred 
 years ago. The difference pertains to orthography, the inflection of noims and 
 verbs, the gender of nouns, and to certain words and idioms which are now nearly 
 or altogether obsolete. In the execution of this part of the work, the Committee 
 acknowledges the valuable cooperation of the Rev. Prof. Philip Schaff, D. D. 
 
 Taking the original text, furnished by Dr. Niemeyer in his Collectio Confes- 
 sionum^ as the basis, the Committee has diligently compared the following works : 
 Der Heidelberger Catechismvs^ by Ernst G. A. Böckel, in his work entitled. Die Be- 
 kenntniszschriften der evangelisch-reformirten Kirche^ pp. 395-424 ; an edition dated 
 at Heidelberg, Sept. 1st, 1684 ; the official edition of 1724 " Nach dem Exemplar de 
 Ao. 1684 revidirt," and embodied in the Chur-Pfaltzische Kirchen- Ordnung ; The 
 Heidelberg Catechism^ published in the German translation, by Dr. F. A. Larape, of 
 Dr. John D'Outrein's Gülden Kleinod der Lehre der Wahrheit, Bremen, 1721 ; a 
 reprint of the Catechism contained in Christoph Stähelin's Gatechetischer Hamz- 
 Schatz, first published at St. Gall, in 1724 ; and a number of later editions issued in 
 Europe and America, which it is deemed imnecessary to notice in detail. 
 
6 PREFACE. 
 
 The English text is a new translation. The oldest English version is from the 
 Latin, by Dr. Henry Parry, Bishop of Worcester, and was first published at Oxford, 
 in 1591. Of this version there is a revision,* on the basis also of the Latin, which we 
 have been able to trace as far back as the year 1728 ; but cannot ascertam by whom 
 the revision, which varies from Parry's version in many places, was executed, or 
 when it was first published. 
 
 The received translation, now in use in the American German and Dutch Re- 
 formed Churches, is a different work, and was probably made originally in Holland 
 during the early part of the last century, but when precisely, or by whom, is not 
 known. Li point of fidelity to the original and general merit, it is greatly superior 
 to previous translations ; but, like its predecessors, the text is not based on the Ger- 
 man. The language throughout is governed mainly by the Latin ; and the work 
 must be a translation either of the Latin or of the Dutch version. As the result of 
 a careful comparison, we discover that whenever the received text adopts a word or 
 clause that does not stand either in the German or Latin, the same word or clause is 
 found in the Dutch version ; and, on the contrary, when a clause, contained both in 
 the German and Latin, is omitted in the Dutch version, the same clause is omitted 
 in the received English text. Though the received English text in some places 
 departs from the Latin and follows the German, this fact appears to be no evidence 
 that the translation was modified by reference to the German ; for in these instances 
 the Dutch version also departs from the Latin and follows the German. The most 
 probable opinion, therefore, sustained by internal evidence, is that this English text 
 is a translation from the Dutch version ; and that the Dutch version is a translation 
 of the Latin, modified by comparison with the original German, and by certain addi- 
 tions and omissions, which, in the absence of any historical authority, may be justly 
 attributed to the Dutch translator.! 
 
 When, early in 1764, English preaching was first introduced into the Dutch 
 Church, by the settlement at Flushing of Dr. Laidlie, originally from Scotland, the 
 Consistory resolved at once to prepare and publish in English a book of Psalms set 
 to music, the Confession of Faith, the Catechism, and Liturgy ; and, in May of that 
 
 * Parry's version and the revision are both reprinted in the "Mercersburg Review," vol. xiii, 1861, 
 pp. 71-133. 
 
 f The Dutch version is attributed to Rev. Peter Dathenus, and was first published in 1566. See an 
 article in the Tercentenary Monument, by the Rev. Dr. G. D. J. Schotel, p. 158. 
 
PREFACE. 7 
 
 year, committed the matter to Dr. Laidlie, and appointed three members of the Con- 
 sistory as a committee of conference. In July, a copy of the prepared Heidelberg 
 Catechism was laid before the Consistory, and, after comparing it with the Dutch 
 text and the former translation, was unanimously approved ; but it did not appear in 
 print until 1767, when it was published and bound up with the Book of Psalms. In 
 the preface to this work the Catechism is represented to be a revision of a transla- 
 tion ; * the translation, no doubt, from an unknown source, which was previously 
 used, in Holland, among the refugees from England. It is the Catechism ia this 
 revised form of Dr. Laidlie, which, in 1771, was formally adopted by the Synod of 
 the Protestant Reformed Dutch Church, and during the second and third decades 
 of the present century, when the English language began to prevail among the Ger- 
 mans, passed over, though without any formal Synodical sanction, into the German 
 Reformed Church, where it has continued in general use to the present time. 
 
 The new English text, prepared by the Committee, differs from the received text, 
 and, so far as known, from all previous English versions, in being a translation, not 
 of the Latin or Dutch, but of the original German. The Committee has been gov- 
 erned, in making the translation, by three leading principles : First, to translate only 
 from the German edition of 1563, as being the ultimate standard of judgment, and 
 refer to translations and all subsequent German editions, not as possessing coordinate 
 authority, but as subordinate aids to the correct xmderstanding of the original. 
 We have accordingly, as in the Modem German text, eliminated every word that 
 has crept into later editions, but is not supported by the text of the ultimate 
 standard. Secondly, to make a faithful translation. It has been the aim of the 
 Committee to express the true sense of the German correctly in the idioms of the 
 English language, without weakening or strengthening a single phase of thought. 
 Thirdly, to employ Anglo-Saxon words ; avoiding, as far as practicable, the use of 
 Latin and Greek derivatives. 
 
 The language of the received text has been adopted to the extent that it could 
 be done consistently with the free operation of these principles. 
 
 The Committee- has edited the Creed in Modern German and English. The 
 
 * For these historical data we are indebted to the Rev. Thomas De Witt, D. D., of New York, who has 
 drawn them from records of the Dutch Church. In a private letter to the chairman of the Committee, he 
 remarks : " I think the evidence conclusive that the edition used in our churches and yours is a careful 
 revision from the former translation, made by Dr. Laidlie." 
 
8 PREFACE. 
 
 Creed, as it stands in the Heidelberg Catechism, being a translation of the form of 
 faith which comes down to us from the primitive Church through the medium of 
 the Greek and Latin language, this translation is a proper subject of Criticism and 
 review. The meaning of words, in the course of time, is modified and changed. 
 The term hell no longer conveys the old sense unequivocally. It has, therefore, 
 after much reflection, been dropped. Hades is substituted, because it is the original 
 word, and expresses more fully and definitely the idea of the Creed. A correspond- 
 ing change has been introduced into the Modern German text. 
 
 The Scripture references have all been verified, and the errors, occurring in Nie- 
 meyer's edition, corrected. 
 
 The difierent parts of the work were each, at first, referred for preparation to a 
 Bub-committee, composed of one or two members, who afterwards reported the re- 
 sults of their labor to the entire Committee, which held meetings from time to time, 
 and subjected these reports to a critical and thorough revision. Whilst, therefore, 
 the different parts emanate originally from particular individuals, the work in its 
 final form, as now issued, is properly the joint product of the Committee as a whole. 
 
 No time nor labor has been spared in the endeavor to discharge properly the 
 important trust of Synod ; yet we do not presume that the work is faultless. As it 
 is, however, we commit it to the Church, in the hope that it may advance and 
 extend the knowledge of the Reformed faith, and hand down the principal Confes- 
 sion of the Reformed Church to coming generations, with new affection and honor. 
 
 The Committee is composed of the following members : E. V. Gerhart, D. D. ; 
 John W. Nevin, D. D. ; Henry Harbaugh, D. D, ; John S. Kessler, D. D. ; Daniel 
 Zacharias, D. B. ; William Heyser, Esq. ; Rudolph F. Kelker, Esq. ; and Lewis H. 
 Steiner, M. D. 
 
 Lancaster, Pa,, Sept. 14<A, 1863. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 TO 
 
 THE HEIDELBEEG CATECHISM. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 AMONG the symbolical books of the Evangelical Eeformed 
 Church, there is no one which is more entitled to consideration 
 than the Heidelberg Catechism. Whether we look at its character or 
 its history, it must be allowed to be of central significance for the 
 general confessional interest to which it belongs. Nowhere else have 
 we the proper genius and life of the Reformed Church, as it stood in 
 the latter half of the sixteenth century, exhibited and portrayed in 
 the same happily comprehensive form. No formulary has entered more 
 largely into the inward history of this Church as a whole ; none has 
 better claims to be considered of ecumenical authority for its faith. 
 
 In order that we may properly understand its merits, it is necessary 
 for us, first of all, to consider its origin, as conditioned by the circum- 
 stances under which it was ushered into the world. This requires 
 that we should first glance at the ecclesiastical state of the Palatinate 
 at the time, and then notice more particularly the personal figures that 
 are seen to move conspicuously in the work of its preparation. 
 
12 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 THE PALATINATE AND THE KEFORMATIOTT. 
 
 The title Palatinate {Pfalz) belonged formerly to two adjoining 
 provinces of Germany, which were distinguished as Upper and Lower. 
 The first {Oberpfalz) bordered on Bohemia and Bavaria; the other 
 {Unteiyfalz) was situated on both sides of the Ehine, touching on 
 different sides Mayence, Wirtemberg, Baden, Alsace, and Lorraine. It 
 is frequently styled the Palatinate of the Mliine^ and has always been 
 known as one of the most fertile regions of Germany. The political 
 divisions and changes to which the whole country has been subjected, 
 in the progress of history, render it difficult to identify it on a 
 modern map. 
 
 Heidelberg, the ancient capital of the Palatinate, became conspicuous, 
 at an early date, in the history of learning, by its celebrated university, 
 established in the latter part of the fourteenth century. The founder of 
 this noble institution, to whose influence Germany stands indebted for 
 so much of her cultivation, was the Elector Rupert^ surnamed from the 
 color of his beard the Red. The undertaking was solemnly sanctioned 
 by a bull of Pope Urban VL, a. 1385, in which Heidelberg is declared 
 especially worthy, by the salubrity of its air and the fruitfulness of the 
 surrounding country, to become such a general fountain of science. 
 The new university was required to conform to the model of the insti- 
 tution at Paris, and was endowed also with the same rights and privi- 
 leges. Throughout the following century, we find in the Palatinate a 
 wholesome influence at work, in connection with this seat of learning, 
 in favor of letters and religion ; which contributed largely, no doubt, 
 in the midst of all adverse agencies, toward the general movement that 
 served to usher in subsequently the great age of the Reformation. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 13 
 
 The Eeforination, however, did not at once find favor in the Pala- 
 tinate. A certain measure of interest, it is true, was drawn toward it 
 from the beginning ; Luther had been heard in Heidelberg as early as 
 1518 with earnest, admiring attention ; a powerful impression was left 
 by him on the minds of a number of young theologians, whose names 
 became conspicuous afterward in the Protestant movement ; and it 
 was soon found that the new doctrine was taking root, at least in cer- 
 tain parts of the land. But still the cause, for a long time, met with 
 no efficient public encouragement or support ; the reigning powers, on 
 the contrary, both spiritual and political, were against it ; and such 
 progress as it made, therefore, was without much " outward observa- 
 tion" for the most part, and comparatively silent. The university, 
 besides having declined seriously from its earlier life and vigor, was so 
 entii'ely bound, in its foundations, revenues, and rights, to the Church 
 of Rome, that it was hardly possible for any belonging to it to occupy 
 any other posture than one of direct hostility to the Reformation. 
 The Government, at the same time, gave the movement no countenance. 
 Louis the Pacific^ as he was called, was not indeed absolutely opposed 
 to the idea of ecclesiastical reform ; his general spirit inclined him 
 also to forbearance and toleration. But it was against his whole 
 nature, nevertheless, to fall in positively with what proposed to be 
 a revolutionary change in the entire constitution of the Church ; and he 
 made it a point, accordingly, not to allow innovations which threatened 
 in this way to disturb the public peace. He was succeeded in 1544 by 
 his brother, Fi^edevick 11.^ surnamed the Wise^ under whom, as is 
 generally known, before he had himself made up his mind as to what 
 course he should pursue in Church affairs, the people themselves took 
 the matter in hand, having become now quietly prepared for the change, 
 and on a certain occasion, in the principal church at Heidelberg, as the 
 
14 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 mass was about to be celebrated, struck up suddenly the popular Protes- 
 tant bymn, JEs ist das Heil uns Icommen her ; signifying in sucli strange 
 way tbeir wisb to bave done, once and for all, witb tbe old religion 
 and worship. This memorable event took place on Sunday, the 20th 
 of December, 1545, and at once determined the Elector in favor of the 
 Keformation. It was ordered that the service of the mass should be 
 held in the vernacular language, that the sacrament should be dis- 
 tributed in both kinds, and that the priests should be allowed to 
 marry. The very next year, however, all was changed again by the 
 unfortunate issue of the war of Smalcald ; in consequence of which the 
 so-called Interim of the Emperor Charles V. was forced upon the 
 Palatinate, bringing along with it, in fact, a restoration of the Catholic 
 system to its former authority and power. But it was after all a tem- 
 porary repression only of the Protestant movement, and not its full 
 arrest. Four years later, the power of the Emperor was unexpectedly 
 broken by Maurice of Saxony, and he found himself compelled, in the 
 famous Pacification of Passau, to consent to the religious freedom of 
 the German States. The Peace of Augsburg followed in 1555. 
 Frederick took new heart in favor of the Eeformation, introduced an 
 evangelical church service, and on the 11th of November, 1555, opened 
 in the Augustinian convent at Heidelberg, the famous Sapienz-college, 
 as it was called, for the education of ministers. It was only, however, 
 under the following prince, Otho Henry ^ who had long been devoted to 
 the new religion, and who succeeded his uncle, Frederick, in the year 1556, 
 that the Protestant cause became fully established in the Palatinate. 
 
 But now, unfortunately, the Protestantism of Germany was no 
 longer in harmony with itself ; and its inward divisions threw them- 
 selves at once in füll force on the infancy of this new Church, threaten- 
 ing it with universal confusion. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 15 
 
 The great sacramental controversy of tlie sixteentli century includes 
 in its history two entirely distinct periods. As carried on in the fii'st 
 place between Luther and the Swiss divines, with Zuingli, so long as 
 he lived, at theii* head, it was brought ostensibly to a close by the 
 memorable Wittenberg Concord of 1536. This was not considered 
 absolutely satisfactory, indeed, on either side. But men's minds had 
 become weary with contention, and it was held desirable at all events 
 to make the most of a present truce, where it seemed so difficult to 
 come to a true and lasting peace. The result of all, moreover, had 
 been undoubtedly a partial moderation of extreme views on both sides. 
 It was felt, more widely of course than it was expressed, that Luther 
 on the one hand, as well as Zuingli on the other, had gone too far ; 
 and that the truth was to be sought in a middle position, rather than 
 with either of these champions separately considered. Luther himself 
 probably saw, that the truce involved some feeling of this sort ; and 
 this may have had its influence on the effort, with which he sought 
 toward the close of his life to have the controversy renewed. The 
 effort, however, produced no effect. Ten years after the date of the 
 Concord, a. 1546, he was taken to his rest. The truce still continued. 
 Many flattered themselves that it had become in fact the grave of all 
 former theological hostilities. But this expectation was vain. The 
 general difference of the two confessions had not yet been brought to a 
 true inward reconciliation ; and the question was too important to be 
 permanently sacrificed to the interests of any mere prudential com- 
 promise. It might slumber for twenty years ; but it could not sleep 
 always. In due time, accordingly, the truce, as a matter of course, 
 came to an end. We may find much to quarrel with in the spirit of 
 those who led the way in the new rupture that followed. But the 
 rupture itself was necessary. It lay in the religious position of the 
 
16 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 age. It belonged of right, we may say, to tlie Mstory of the Refor- 
 mation. 
 
 It was in tlie bosom of the Lutheran Churcli, primarily, that the 
 new sacramental war was engendered. There had been here, since 
 1536, a broad, though quiet, and to a great extent unconscious, falling 
 away from the extreme view of the great Reformer, as we find it ex- 
 pressed in the original Augsburg Confession. Under the influence of 
 this mitigated sentiment, Melancthon, the illustrious author of the Con- 
 fession, had allowed himself, in 1540, as all the world knows, to change 
 the language of its tenth article, on the subject of Christ's presence in 
 the eucharist ; so as to make it affirm nothing more than the communi- 
 cation of his body and blood in the transaction, instead of declaring 
 them, as in 1530, to be actually under the form of the bread and wine. 
 In this way the article had come to be held very extensively in a 
 simply Calvinistic sense (which must never be confounded, however, 
 with the sense of Zuingli) ; and Calvin • himself, during his residence 
 at Strasburg, had no difficulty in subscribing to the Confession in such 
 altered form, as we find him also, while there, taking part in the general 
 affairs of the Lutheran Church, on that basis, without any sort of 
 hesitation whatever. There was a quiet general consent, for years, to 
 own the common Lutheran faith of Germany in this broad Melanctho- 
 nian view ; and it is easy enough to see, from the relations in which 
 both Frederick II. and .Otho Henry stood to Melancthon himself, that 
 this was the only type into which it was intended from the beginning 
 to cast the late-born Protestantism of the Palatinate. It was to be 
 Lutheran ; it was to have for its standard the Augsburg Confession ; 
 no one thought of anything else ; but it must be Lutheranism in the 
 most free and comprehensive sense of the term, such as all could sub- 
 scribe to who were willing to take the Confession in its author's latest 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 17 
 
 sense. Sucli were tlie circumstances, we say, under which the Palati- 
 nate passed over to the Lutheran, or what was then the only German 
 Protestant camp. It was, however, a deceitful calm. The spirit of the 
 old church orthodoxy was, in truth, not yet by any means extinct. It 
 existed still under a latent form, and, as the event proved, in great 
 strength. The progress of more liberal views only served to rouse it 
 finally, first to jealousy, and then to open, violent resistance. It needed 
 thus no great provocation, in the end, to bring on a second grand con- 
 fessional strife, altogether more general and fierce than the first. 
 
 The signal for this was given by a sort of trumpet blast on the 
 part of the memorable Lutheran polemic, Joachim Wes'tpJial, preacher 
 in Hamburg, who felt himself called, in the year 1552, to sound an 
 alarm throughout Germany against the errors of the Swiss Churches, 
 in a special tract devoted wholly to the subject. The immediate object 
 of this assault was the sacramental theology of Switzerland, especially 
 as represented now by the world-renowned authority of Calvin ; but 
 the true secret of the outbreak lay mainly, no doubt, in the home rela- 
 tions of the German Church itself, as we have just now had them under 
 consideration. Westphal was but the organ of the interest he repre- 
 sented ; the interest, namely, of Lutheran orthodoxy within the bosom 
 of the Lutheran Church, in its first show of violent reaction against a 
 tendency in the Church itself, which was now felt to threaten its own 
 life ; and it was some consciousness of this, unquestionably, that served 
 to inspire him with confidence and courage, in the daring responsibility 
 he thus ventured to assume before the Christian world. As it wa«, 
 the war cry found no immediate echo or response. Men seemed to 
 pause in anxious suspense, as with the secret feeling that they had 
 come to stand on the eve of a great conflict, whose consequences no 
 one could calculate or foresee. Westphal renewed his attack the follow- 
 3 
 
18 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 iüg year, in a second publication ; and tlie year after again, in a third. 
 Tlien Calvin came out upon him fiercely in self-defence. Gradually the 
 fight thickened, and grew more and more general. It was no longer 
 Germany at war with Switzerland ; but Germany convulsed with the 
 elements of discord and division in her own bosom. In every direction 
 the land was agitated with ecclesiastical strife, carried on between 
 those who claimed to be true Lutherans, and those who were stigma- 
 tized as Crypto-Calvinists, or treacherous Philippists, all beneath the 
 common banner of the Augsburg Confession. By such vast critical 
 process, reaching through many long years of commotion, were the 
 two great Protestant schools conducted finally to the full sense of their 
 own original diiference and distinction. Lutheranism became conse- 
 quentially complete at last in the Form of Concord ; and the faith of 
 the Reformed Church, as exhibited in the several Calvinistic Confes- 
 sions which appeared in the midst of this controversy, and especially, 
 we may say, as embodied comprehensively in the Heidelberg Catechism., 
 was openly acknowledged in large sections of Germany, where the 
 Reformed Church as such had been previously unknown. 
 
 Such was the general condition of the Lutheran Church in Germany 
 when the banner of Protestantism first began to wave triumphantly 
 over the Palatinate. This was, as a matter of course, a Lutheran ban- 
 ner ; but the Lutheranism it represented, as we have seen, was that of 
 Melancthon and the variated form of the Augsburg Confession. More 
 than this, the auspices under which the Protestantism of the Palatinate 
 took form and shape fi^om the beginning, explain the matter as we 
 may, were such as to -produce a certain liberal sympathy with the 
 Reformation as it existed in other lands, different altogether from what 
 was then the reigning sentiment of the Lutheran Church. One striking 
 evidence of this is found in the fact, that a cordial welcome was ex- 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 19 
 
 tended here to the persecuted exiles of the Reformed Churches of the 
 Netherlands, England, and France, when all Germany besides treated 
 them with cold indifference or cruel scorn — some even going so far as 
 to stigmatize them "martyrs of the devil." Friendly relations were 
 cultivated with foreign Protestants ; men of acknowledged Zuinglian 
 and Cahdnistic views were openly patronized, and put into places of 
 power and trust ; and altogether the idea seemed to prevail, that the 
 Church of the Palatinate was called to hold a sort of irenical middle 
 position between the Lutheran and Reformed communions, where it 
 might be possible for both to come together at last in the bonds of a 
 common faith. 
 
 The times, however, were unpropitious to any such thought as this. 
 It was not possible that the confessional war, which had broken out 
 again with such violence in Germany generally, should not force its 
 way also into the Palatinate. The very liberty of faith which was 
 enjoyed there seemed rather to invite it ; as it made room for the 
 presence of all factions, and the free utterance of all opinions. Luther- 
 anism was there of course, then, in its rigid temperament and type — 
 uncompromising, intolerant, full of angry, pugnacious zeal — as well as 
 Lutheranism in its milder Melancthonian form. Heidelberg became in 
 fact a general rendezvous for all religious parties ; where they came 
 together, however, not as had been fondly hoped, to settle terms of 
 amity and peace, but only to hold promiscuous fight, as on a common 
 battle field, over theii* several subjects of difference and division. 
 
 FEEDERICK THE PIOUS. 
 
 In these circumstances it was, that on the death of Otho Henry, in 
 1559, the electoral power passed into the hands oi Frederick the Third^ 
 
20 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 whose honorable distinction it is to be known in history under the 
 surname of the Pious^ and who has won for himself at the same time 
 imperishable renown as the Father of ilie Heidelberg Catechism. 
 
 " With right," exclaims the historian of the Catechism, Henry Simon 
 van Alpen, " is his name for us of undying memory ; with right he 
 shines in the temple of immortality ; with right the most distant pos- 
 terity weaves a garland round his urn ; and when this also may wither, 
 still shall not his merits fade. Even when we think away the prince, 
 away all dignities and titles of honor, away purple, sceptre, and king- 
 dom, he stands before us still incomparably great. For educational 
 and charitable foundations he did more than all his predecessors. He 
 devoted to them the entire proceeds of all the suppressed convents. 
 He renounced the customary pomp of courts, loved simplicity of man- 
 ners, in order that he might spend fi'om his own proper revenue, in the 
 service of learning and piety, twenty thousand dollars a year. With 
 the most diligent personal application he tried the reigning systems of 
 the time, and then, with warm, unwavering zeal, held fast what he had 
 found in this way to be time." 
 
 This is indeed high praise ; but from all that we know of the man 
 in his actual history and work, it can hardly be considered extravagant. 
 He appears to have been in all respects what we may call a model 
 prince ; in whom the most excellent mental endowments were joined 
 to the best qualities of the heart, and whose whole life was a commen- 
 tary on his wisdom and virtue. His religious character in particular 
 commanded the universal respect of his own age, as it has been the 
 admiration of all later times. Piety with him was no empty sentiment 
 or simply outward profession ; it formed the ruling power of his life ; 
 and as has been well remarked, it took in the prince no less than the 
 man. There was no ostentation about it ; no care to force itself into 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 21 
 
 notice and respect ; but it made itself felt in all Ms relations, public as 
 well as private. Others might make tlieir religion secondary, if not 
 altogether ancillary to their politics ; with Frederick III. politics, and 
 all else, must bend to the superior claims of religion. There is somö- 
 thing beautiful indeed in the childlike simplicity with which he speaks 
 of his princely office and trust in this view. For himself, at least, his 
 work was theocratic, in the best sense of the tei-m. He was, in his 
 own eyes, prince and ruler, " by the grace of God," in order that he 
 might lead his people in the way of righteousness, asnd show himself a 
 true " nui'sing father " to the Chui'ch. 
 
 Coming into power with this deep sense of official responsibility, 
 there was enough in the religious condition of the Palatinate to engage 
 his zeal, as a reformer, jfrom the very beginning of his administration. 
 Theologically and ecclesiastically, all was in confusion. Instead of 
 being a centre of union and peace, Heidelberg had become an arena 
 for aU sorts of discord and strife. Zuinglians, Calvinists, Philippists, 
 and ultra Lutherans, all sought to make themselves heard and felt. 
 Confessional schism was the order of the day, in city, university, and 
 court. Conspicuous among the combatants, in particular, were the 
 general superintendent, Hesshus, and IClehiZj assistant minister in the 
 church of the Holy Ghost, whose contentions seemed to threaten for 
 a time the very existence of both Church and State. Finding more 
 moderate measures for the promotion of peace unavailing, the Elector 
 had recourse finally to the extremity of dismissing them both from 
 office on one and the same day ; vainly hoping that it might still be 
 possible, in this way, to bring about a general union of parties in his 
 land. His next step, accordingly, was to propose a formula of faith in 
 regard to the Lord's Supper, the great subject of controversy, such as 
 all might be able to accept and adopt, and which would serve the 
 
22 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 purpose of preventing future dissension. To support himself in this 
 proposition, he called in the counsel of Melancthon, sending a special 
 messenger to Wittenberg to lay before him the whole case. This drew 
 forth the celebrated Judgment of Melancthon, which became public 
 soon after, when he had himself descended to the grave, and served to 
 involve his memory in no small reproach with the stiff confessional 
 party, to whose views it was found to be opposed. It approved the 
 Elector's course in silencing the sacramental controversy, and recom- 
 mended the use of a general form for the administration of the Lord's 
 Supper, such as 1 Cor. x. 16, which would offer no room for doubtful 
 disputation. The counsel was gladly received and followed ; and on 
 this basis now, matters came to a temporary settlement toward the 
 close of the year 1559. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to say, however, that the settlement had no 
 tendency whatever to produce any real harmony between the conflict- 
 ing interests, which were thus bound to silence and peace. Some of 
 the more rigid Lutheran ministers found it necessary to give up their 
 places ; and the alarm was raised from the outside, led off in particular 
 by the exiled Hesshus, that the Elector was seeking to introduce 
 Calvinism into the Palatinate. On the other hand, Frederick himself 
 could not fail to become more and more dissatisfied with the tone and 
 spirit of the extreme Lutheran party, and thus more and more con- 
 firmed also, of course, in his original favorable disposition toward the 
 Reformed Church. Not only his sympathies, however, but his studies 
 also, and his prayers — and there is no doubt but that both were perse- 
 veringly earnest and sincere — contributed to lead him in this direction. 
 The effect of all was, that having surrounded himself with congenial 
 counsellors and helpers, many of them eminent men from other lands, 
 he determined finally to carry out the work of reformation among 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 23 
 
 his people in a way to suit his own convictions of truth and right, 
 without any ftu'ther regard to impracticable schemes of compromise 
 and union. In other words, he made up his mind, that the religion 
 of the Palatinate should be ordered and established, both in doctrine 
 and worship, after the Reformed type in general, and not after the 
 Lutheran. 
 
 This brought with it the necessity of an efficient provision for the 
 proper education of a ministry suitable to the new condition of the 
 Church. Many of the Lutheran pastors now relinquished their charges, 
 while others were dismissed for their refractory turbulence. There 
 was a different class of them indeed, more or less conformable, or at 
 least not contumaciously dissenting, who were allowed to retain th^^'^ 
 places. Quite a niunber of ministers besides came in from abroady^ 
 either followers of Melancthon, from different parts of Germany, or 
 refugees from Belgium and other neighboring places. But the case 
 called for more general and permanent help. . New care, accordingly, 
 was bestowed upon the university, and the restoration in particular 
 of its theological faculty. With Peter Boquin here, a distinguished 
 Calvinistic professor, previously introduced from France, were asso- 
 ciated now, after the dismissal of Paul Einhorn, his previous Lutheran 
 colleague, the distinguished Hebrew scholar Immanuel Tremellius^ an 
 Italian Jewish convert to Catholicism, who had afterward embraced 
 the Protestant faith in Switzerland, and Caspar Olevianus, whom 
 Heidelberg had received not long before as an exile from the city of 
 Treves. New life also was infused into the Sapienz-college, as a school 
 of preparation, especially for young men looking to the holy ministiy. 
 Here also the services of Olevianus were employed for a time. But 
 the care of it soon after devolved upon Zacharias Ursinus, who be- 
 came the successor of Olevianus also, as professor of theology, in the 
 
24 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 "university; the popular pulpit powers of this last occasioning his 
 designation to a diflerent sphere of work. 
 
 But it was not enough to settle the outward scheme of religion and 
 worship in this general way, and to provide the requisite machinery 
 for carrying it on ; the true idea of a religious reformation required 
 that the heart and life of the people generally should be reached and 
 apprehended, moulded and controlled by what were considered to be 
 the salutary powers of the Gospel in this form. It speaks well, both 
 for the wisdom and the piety of Frederick, that his mind was turned to- 
 ward this object, as one of paramount importance, from the beginning. 
 As the chief shepherd of his people, in a political sense, he felt himself 
 bound to care for their spiritual welfare in a universal view.. The 
 condition of the land, in this respect, called for help. If thei'e had 
 been disorder and confusion in the theological world of the Palatinate, 
 there was disorder and confusion no less in its general congregational 
 life. No fixed system -of religious instruction prevailed ; no proper 
 regard was had, in particular, to the right Christian training of the 
 young. There were Catechisms for this purpose, indeed, but they were 
 not clothed with any public authority ; and the best among them, those 
 of Luther and Brentz, were not in full confessional hannony with what 
 had become now the reigning faith of the land. In place of these, 
 some ministers used formularies of their own composition ; while many 
 gave no attention to the subject whatever. Altogether, it would seem, 
 from the changes and distractions through which the land had passed, 
 a very general indifference to church training had taken possession of 
 the congregations ; while such training as there was, by its want of 
 consistency and uniformity, might be said to be shorn of more than 
 half its proper worth. All this Frederick saw and felt ; and it became 
 with him, accordingly, the grand object of his reformatory administra- 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 25 
 
 tion to provide a practical remedy for the evil, by bringing in a new 
 Catechism^ the general use of which, secured by proper sanctions, might 
 serve to stamp the impress of a common popular faith on the whole 
 religious life of the Palatinate. 
 
 That such in fact were the views of this great and good prince in 
 undertaking this master work of his reign, appears plainly enough 
 from the introductory preface, written with his own hand, which ac- 
 companied its original publication ; a document so wholly character- 
 istic of the man and his position, that it cannot be amiss to quote it 
 here in the form of a free general synopsis. Beginning with a saluta- 
 tion " to all and every, our superintendents, pastors, preachers, sacris- 
 tans and schoolmasters of our Electoral Palatinate of the Khine," he 
 goes on to say that both the word of God and his own sense of natural 
 duty bound him to use the trust of government, which God had placed 
 in his hands, not only so as to consult for the peaceful welfare of his 
 people, by promoting among them a sober, upright, and virtuous life ; 
 " but also, and mainly, to lead and bring them continually more and 
 more to the sincere knowledge and fear of the Almighty, and of His 
 salutary word, as the only foundation of all virtue and obedience." 
 His predecessors, of happy memory, had indeed endeavored, by various 
 Christian ordinances and institutions, to secure this end ; but as yet no 
 result had been reached, which could be considered fully answerable to 
 the wants of the land. Hence he felt himself called upon, not simply 
 to renew former measures, but to go yet farther in the same good direc- 
 tion. The youth of his land in particular, he adds, might be said 
 especially to suffer from a defect of proper religious training, both in 
 the schools and in the parish churches ; being in some cases altogether 
 •neglected, and in other cases taught irregularly from various Cate- 
 chisms according to the free fancy of their teachers, and after no estab- 
 4 
 
26 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lished or uniform metliod ; the result of whicli was mucli confusion 
 and deficiency of sound religious views. Tliere could be, however, 
 " no steady maintenance of either Christian or worldly office, govern- 
 ment and administration, also no increase and growth of sobriety, 
 honesty, and all other good virtues, unless the young, above all things, 
 were kept and held from the start to the pure learning of the holy 
 Gospel, and the right knowledge of God,- in some fixed and settled 
 form." He had considered it, therefore, the first duty of his Govern- 
 ment, to make provision for this most necessary object. And so now, 
 accordingly, he proceeds to say, " with counsel and cooperation of our 
 whole theological faculty, here present, as well as of all the superin- 
 tendents and leading ministers of the Church, we have caused to be 
 made and set forth, both in the German and Latin tongues, a Summary 
 Instruction^ or Catechism, of om' Christian religion from the "Word of 
 God; in order that henceforth not only the youth may be piously 
 trained and kept to such doctrine in the same form, but that the 
 preachers and schoolmasters also may themselves have a sure standing 
 rule and measure, how to conduct themselves in the instruction of the 
 young, and not presume to make daily changes, or to bring in strange 
 doctrine, at theii^ own pleasure. This same Catechism, then, ye are 
 all and every one of you graciously exhorted and commanded, for the 
 honor of God and our subjects, as also for the advantage and good of 
 your own souls, tliaiikfully to receive ; also to inculcate it diligently 
 and well, according to its true sense, on the young in churches and 
 schools, as likewise on the people generally from the pulpit ; to teach, 
 work, and live according to it, with the full hope and confidence that 
 if the young be thus taught and brought up with earnestness in the 
 Word of God, the Almighty will grant unto us also a bettering of life, 
 with temporal and eternal prosperity." 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 27 
 
 We cannot say mucli for the literary merits of tMs remarkable 
 State paper. It is not written with rhetorical grace or force. But as 
 a commentary on the piety of the prince, and a monument of his broad, 
 far-seeing political wisdom, it is deserving certainly of all admiration ; 
 while it must ever be of the greatest interest for what it serves to 
 reveal, of the spirit that presided over the formation of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism from the very beginning. It is a curious exemplification at 
 the same time, we may add, of the Cesarean episcopacy of the Protes- 
 tant German States in the age of the Eeformation ; Erastianism — as it 
 has been named, from the distinguished physician Thomas Emstus^ a 
 leading politico-ecclesiastical counsellor in Frederick's court — exhibited 
 here in its most respectable form. 
 
 TJESINUS AND 'OLEVIAlTrS. 
 
 Having resolved on the introduction of a new Catechism, Freder- 
 ick's next care was to select suitable persons for the solemnly respon- 
 sible task of its composition. His choice, however, was soon made, 
 and, if we may judge from the result, with great wisdom. It fell, as is 
 well known, on Caspar Olevianus and Zachaeias ÜESimis. There 
 is something striking at once in this choice. They were both young 
 men, the first but twenty-six, the other only twenty-eight years of age ; 
 and both of them, though by birth and education Germans, were still 
 comparatively strangers in the Palatinate, who had been called to the 
 service of the Church there from abroad only a short time before. 
 These are circumstances which at first blush seem not to look well for 
 the Elector's judgment ; but rightly considered, they go rather to form 
 a strong presumption in its favor. With the vast sense he had of the 
 responsibility of his undertaking, as the one grand work of his reign, 
 
28 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 it is not to be conceived tliat lie could select Ms instruments for it 
 without care ; and Ms general reputation for wisdom may be taken 
 as a guaranty, tHat Ms care in the case would be exercised to good 
 purpose and with sure effect. The choice of these young strangers, in 
 preference to all others — not made, we may be sure, without the con- 
 senting counsel of the eminent men who stood around him as advisers, 
 both in Church and State — may be regarded as itself the best proof 
 probably we could have, in the circumstances, that the designation 
 was the result of full circumspection and mature thought. Only so 
 can we understand how, in such a case, a man like Frederick III. could 
 make at all an appointment of this sort. 
 
 Zacharias Ursinus (family name Bear) was born at Breslau, in 
 Silesia, on the 18th of July, 1534. His family connections were 
 MgHy respectable, though his -father's house stood in somewhat 
 reduced circumstances. At the age of sixteen, he was sent to the 
 university at Wittenberg ; where he spent seven years as a student, 
 supported in part at least by an honorary stipend from his native 
 town. During this period, he made great acquirements in classical 
 literature, philosophy, and theology. He was considered, besides, 
 quite a master of poetry ; and composed himself various productions 
 in Latin and Greek verse, which were much admired, Melancthon, 
 the ornament of the university, conceived a very high regard for 
 his abilities and attainments, and admitted him to an intimate per- 
 sonal friendship which continued to the end of his own life. This 
 of itself forms one of the best recommendations we could possibly 
 have of the character of Ursinus. In the year 1557, he accompa- 
 nied his illustrious preceptor to the conference at Worms ; after 
 which, to extend his knowledge of the world, he travelled to 
 Heidelberg, Strasburg, Basel; and then still farther through Swit- 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 29 
 
 zerland to Lausanne and Geneva. Next we find Mm in France, 
 visiting Orleans and Paris ; from wliicli last place, however, lie soon 
 returned again to Switzerland, finding special satisfaction, it seems, 
 in his intercourse with the Reformed theologians of that country. 
 On his return to Wittenberg the following year, 1558, he received 
 a call from the magistracy of his native city to the rectorship of 
 its principal school, the Elizabethan gymnasium. Here his services 
 gave great satisfaction. But the confessional feud of the Lutheran 
 Church was now at work in Breslau also, as in other places. There 
 was a Melancthonian interest in the city, and on the other hand a 
 powerful faction breathing the spirit of such men as Westphal and 
 Hesshus. It soon came out from his lectures, that Ursinus was 
 of one mind with his preceptor and friend, if not indeed more 
 latitudinarian still, on the doctrine of the sacrament. This brought 
 upon him the odious reproach of Calvinism ; so that he found himself 
 compelled, in self defence, to publish a tract on the subject — the 
 ability of which, we are told, called forth the warm admiration of 
 Melancthon. But the general state of things continued to be un- 
 pleasant ; and the youthful theologian made up his mind at length, 
 to resign his situation, and withdraw from the place. He was 
 allowed to retire with an honorable dismission, which expressed the 
 hope that the city of his birth might enjoy his services again at 
 some future time. This took place on the 26th of April, 1560. 
 
 He was at no loss now in what direction to turn his pilgrim 
 steps. " I will betake me," he said, " to the Zürichers ; whose repu- 
 tation is not indeed great here, but who have so famous a name 
 with other Churches, that it cannot be obscured by our preachers. 
 They are pious, thoroughly learned men, with whom I have resolved 
 to spend my life. God will provide for the rest." To Zurich, 
 
30 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 accordingly, lie came early in the montli of October. Here lie met 
 again his former fiiends, Bnllinger and Peter Martyr, surrendering 
 himself to this last in particular as his theological guide and instruc- 
 tor. But his stay in Zurich was, after all, only of short duration; 
 and it was through the intervention of Peter Martyr precisely, that 
 it was brought unexpectedly to an end. 
 
 Frederick III. had conceived a great veneration for this aged 
 servant of God, and wdshed to secure his aid in carrying forward 
 the reformation of the Palatinate. Martyr felt himself too old to 
 undertake any such service, and declined the call to Heidelberg, as 
 he had just before declined a similar invitation from England. In 
 doing so, however, he took occasion to direct the attention of the' 
 Elector to his youthful friend and disciple, Zacharias Ursinus ; and 
 the result of all this was a negotiation, which ended in the removal 
 of this last from Zurich to Heidelberg. Here he became settled, in 
 the course of the year 1561, as a professor in the theological faculty 
 of the university, and as principal at the same time of the Sapienz- 
 college. 
 
 He is represented as having been a man of much modesty ; quiet, 
 though at the same time ardent, and even passionate, in his natural 
 spirit; uncommonly assiduous and laborious in the prosecution of 
 his proper work. He had no talent for preaching; but as an 
 academic lecturer, he was in a high degree popular; being distin- 
 guished for his solidity, fulness of learning, and happy power of 
 communication. 
 
 Caspar Olevianus (vernacularly Olewig), born August 10, 1536, 
 of well-conditioned parents, in the city of Treves, after passing 
 through different schools in his native place, was sent in his four- 
 teenth year to Paris, to complete his education. His studies were 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 31 
 
 continued subsequently at Bourges, with special reference to the 
 profession of law ; but here an awakening providence, as in the 
 case of Luther, determined him suddenly to the service of religion 
 and the Church. One of his fellow students at Bourges was a son 
 of Count Frederick of Simmern (afterward Frederick III. of the 
 Palatinate), a young prince of great promise, with whom he had 
 formed a very intimate friendship. As they were walking together 
 one day on the bank of a neighboring river, they fell in with some 
 drunken German students, of noble rank, who proposed to cross 
 the stream in a boat. Olevianus tried hard to dissuade them from 
 the rash undertaking ; but they were not to be turned from their 
 fi^olic, and the young prince was induced to become one of their 
 party. In the middle of the river they set themselves to rocking 
 the boat in mad play, till at last it turned over, and all of them 
 found a watery grave. Olevianus, from the shore, threw himself 
 into the flood for the purjDose of saving his friend; but it was 
 only with the greatest difficulty that he was himself rescued from 
 being drowned. The occasion proved a crisis for his religious life. 
 Previously to this, he had been led secretly to embrace the Reformed 
 faith in France ; but now, " out of the depths," and as it were from 
 the very jaws of death, he bound his soul by a vow to become an 
 open confessor of the same faith, by devoting himself to the service 
 of the Gospel in his native land. 
 
 He took his degree afterward, indeed, as doctor of civil law, 
 and returned home in that character. But his heart was no lono;er 
 in the profession ; he looked upon himself as one consecrated to 
 the work of the ministry; and it became his great object now to 
 qualify himself, by proper studies, for this vocation. His admira- 
 tion of Calvin led him for this purpose to Geneva. Then again 
 
32 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION". 
 
 we find Mm at Zuricli witli Peter Martyr, at Lausanne with Theodore 
 Beza, and afterward once more in Geneva; where he now formed 
 the acquaintance of that ardent herald of the cross "William Farel, 
 who urged him to cut short his studies and get home as soon as 
 possible to preach. Not long after. May, 1559, he returned in fact 
 to Treves, being then in the twenty-third year of his age. 
 
 Here he obtained at once an appointment to the charge of a 
 school ; which gave him the opportunity of instilling into the minds 
 of his pupils the principles of evangelical religion. A month later, 
 we find him venturing a sermon openly before the people in favor 
 of the Reformation. The cause had already won many secret friends 
 in the place, among whom were some of the magistrates and other 
 leading citizens. The preaching of Olevianus was full of inflamma- 
 tory zeal, and attended with vast popular effect. As a matter of 
 course, it called forth violent opposition on the part of the reigning 
 religion. Treves was thrown into universal commotion. In the end, 
 the leaders of the evangelical party, with Olevianus at their head, 
 were thrown into prison ; from which they were set free, only after 
 much negotiation, at the end of ten weeks, under the condition of 
 a heavy fine and immediate banishment from the city. Thus ended 
 the episode of the Reformation at Treves, after a few months of 
 stormy success. It was a complete victory for the Roman Church; 
 the memory of which is kept up in the place to this day by the 
 observance of what is called the Olevian Procession on Whit- 
 monday, to 'thank God for this deliverance from the heresy of 
 Olevianus, and to confirm the good city of Treves year after year 
 in the Catholic faith. 
 
 Driven thus from his native city, Olevianus was at once welcomed 
 by Frederick III. into the service of the Church at Heidelberg. Here 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 33 
 
 we find him at work, in the year 1560, in the Sapienz-college, and 
 somewhat later in the theological faculty also of the university ; from 
 both of which situations, however, as we have already seen, he was 
 relieved the following year by Ursinus, whose talents more especially 
 fitted him for such academic service, while it seemed desirable to make 
 use of the peculiar gifts of Olevianus in a more practical and popular 
 way. By general consent, he was called to occupy the pulpit, first in St. 
 Peter's church, as it was called, and then in the church of the Holy Ghost. 
 
 AUTHORSHIP OF THE HEIDELBEEG CATECHISM. 
 
 Such were the men to whom the Elector intrusted the responsible 
 task of preparing his new Catechism for the Palatinate. If we have 
 reason to be struck with the fact of their appointment to so grave an 
 office, we shall find no less occasion for surprise in considering the way 
 in which the appointment was fulfilled. 
 
 It is something wonderful, in the first place, that the Catechism 
 should be in fact the production of two authors ; for it appears to be 
 certain, that the double authorship in this case was of the most real 
 and positive character, involving throughout not simply an outward, 
 but a true inward cooperation also, which it is curious to note, 
 and by no means easy to understand. The Catechism was not the 
 work of Ursinus, approved by Olevianus, nor on the other hand the 
 work of Olevianus, approved by Ursinus ; it was the joint production 
 of both ; and it was this, not in the way of any mechanical putting 
 together of their different contributions to the work, but in the way 
 rather of an organic fusion, which refers the whole work to both 
 authors, and makes it impossible to know or say, what in it belongs to 
 one and what to the other. This curious fact, moreover, becomes still 
 5 
 
34 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 more curious, wlien regard is had. to the difference of temperament and 
 nature, wLicli we know to have existed between the two men. They 
 were in many respects constitutionally unlike each other, and formed 
 to move in different spheres of thought and life. Ursinus stands out 
 before us as one born to occupy the lecturer's chair, didactic, dialectic, 
 theoretic, and we may add respectably dry. In Olevianus, on the 
 other hand, we have the man of action and eloquence, the practical 
 reformer, the ardent popular preacher, in whom imagination and pathos 
 combined to clothe the logic of religion with beauty as well as power. 
 They seem not such men, as one would have expected to get along 
 harmoniously altogether in a work of this sort. And yet, strange to 
 say, their difference of mind and spirit appears to have formed no bar 
 whatever to the execution here of then- joint commission. Their con- 
 joint labors were in truth perfectly harmonious ; and what is most 
 remarkable of all, they seem to have been so blended together, that 
 the distinctive characters of the men are as it were poured into the 
 very constitution of their work ; so that it is ■ hardly too much to say, 
 that we may find the spirit of Ursinus married to the spirit of Olevi- 
 anus in the whole composition of the Catechism, from beginning to end. 
 Everywhere you have the didactic severity of the one, and the pathetic 
 unction of the other, combined and joined together in a way that is 
 altogether peculiar and strange. Such as it is, the Catechism could 
 not have been the separate production of either Olevianus or Ursinus. 
 It needed their joint authorship to be what it is in fact. 
 
 With all this must be joined now, in the second place, the consider- 
 ation that the whole work was planned and executed within the course 
 of less than a single year. It was the will of the Prince that his 
 favorite measure for the reformation of the Palatinate, should as quickly 
 as possible be carried into effect ; and the men who were charged with 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION". 35 
 
 tlie preparation of the Catechism went to work, accordingly, with a 
 haste which seemed hardly compatible with the solemnity and great- 
 ness of their undertaking. The joint composition of the book, which 
 we have found to be so surprising in any view, becomes in these 
 circumstances still more strange ; since it would appear to have been 
 not so much the result of long deliberation and care, as a sort of genial 
 inspiration rather, moving immediately and directly to its end ; a thing 
 truly wonderful, as involving here not a single mind only, but two 
 minds of such different make and type. 
 
 We must not, however, fall into the error of supposing, on the 
 other hand, that the free spontaneous production of the Catechism, in 
 this way, went forward in purely subjective style, without study and 
 the proper use of previously existing material and help. We know 
 the reverse of this to have been true. Full regard was had to older 
 Catechisms, especially such as had appeared in different parts of the 
 Reformed Church ; and it is very easy to trace in the new formulary 
 the influence in particular of Calvin's Catechism, and of that composed 
 by the celebrated Lasky. In the way of preparation for their joint 
 work, moreover, each of the two fellow-laborers put his hand in the 
 first place to a separate private composition in catechetical form : 
 Olevianus, in a free, popular sketch, framed on his favorite idea of the 
 Covenant of Grace ; Ursinus, in a twofold, larger and smaller, Cate- 
 chesis, setting forth the rudiments of the Christian religion. Out of 
 such learning and diligent study grew forth in the end the Heidelberg 
 Catechism as we have it now ; and yet, with all this, it is no compila- 
 tion simply from these sources. It cannot be said to be outwardly 
 taken even from the preliminary separate productions of its own 
 authors, as little as it shows itself to have been borrowed in any such 
 outward way from the Catechisms of Lasky and Calvin. Full use is 
 
36 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 made in it indeed of the material wticli was tlius provided for its 
 service ; but it is easy to see that this use was not slavish but free. 
 When it came to the joint production, all was brought to take in some 
 way a new, original, and independent shape. The Catechism has thus 
 a fresh life of its own, and deserves to be considered a true spiritual 
 creation, in which form and matter unite themselves throughout to 
 produce the conception of a single harmonious whole. 
 
 What part precisely each of the two authors took in the formation 
 of the work, seems to be altogether uncertain. It has been common 
 to refer its ultimate formal composition exclusively to Ursinus ; but 
 there is evidence enough in the structure of the publication itself, that 
 this supposition is by no means correct. The hand of Olevianus 
 appears not unfrequently in the language and style of the Catechism, 
 as truly as his spirit breathes in its thoughts. Ursinus wrote his 
 preliminary Catachesis, it must be remembered, in Latin ; whereas the 
 original composition of the Heidelberg Catechism was in German ; and 
 its German unquestionably is not so much in the manner of Ursinus, as 
 it resembles rather the more easy and fluent popular style of Olevianus. 
 
 The Elector Frederick is said to have taken a direct interest 
 himself in the whole progress of the work, even assisting occasion- 
 ally in the way of suggestion or advice; so near did it lie to his 
 heart. The circumstance deserves notice, not of course as being of 
 any account for the character of the Catechism, but as it serves to 
 illustrate the character of the Prince. 
 
 PUBLICATION OF THE CATECHISM. 
 
 As soon as the work was complete, toward the close of the year 
 1562, the Elector called together a Synod of the superintendents 
 
HISTORICAL mXRODUCTIOISr. 37 
 
 and principal pastors of tlie Palatinate at Heidelberg, to whom it 
 was submitted in form for examination and trial. The examination 
 proved altogether satisfactory ; the new formulary was not only 
 approved, but applauded ; and a request was made to have it pub- 
 lished at once, by authority of the government, for general use. 
 At the same time, it was placed in the hands of two competent 
 scholars, Joshua Lagus and Lambertus Pithopoeus, to be translated 
 into Latin, for the higher seminaries and schools. Not long after 
 accordingly, with the opening of the following year, the work made 
 its appearance from the press in both languages, German and Latin, 
 "printed in the Electoral City of Heidelberg," and introduced with 
 the Elector's memorable preface, bearing date, " Tuesday, the nine- 
 teenth day of the month January, in the year of our dear Lord and 
 Saviour Christ one thousand five hundred and sixty-three." Both 
 the German and the Latin impressions may be considered original 
 editions ; but the true original and properly authentic text is of 
 com'se only the German, from which the other was a mere trans- 
 lation, and in which, as it has been long ago remarked, all is not 
 only more beautiful, but more impressive also and emphatic. 
 
 It is generally known that the first printed forms of the Catechism 
 exhibited a remarkable variation in regard to the famous 80th ques- 
 tion, on the ground of which it has been generally supposed in 
 later times that it passed almost immediately through three different 
 editions. Copies of the work in its first style are extant, for ex- 
 ample, in which the conclusion of this question is given differently, 
 while they refer at the same time to a previous impression, with this 
 strange note on the last page : " What was overlooked (übersehen) 
 in the first print, in particular folio 55, has now been added by com- 
 mand of his Electoral Grace." The page referred to is that which 
 
38 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 contains tlie 80tli question, in which a comparison is drawn between 
 the Lord's Supper and the Koman Mass. The difference in these 
 copies is, that in some the closing malediction appears in full, as it 
 now stands, whereas in others it lacks the clause, " and an accursed 
 idolatrij^^ stopping short with the words which go before. Connecting 
 this variation with what is said of the "oversight" of a previous 
 print, we do seem indeed at first sight to have three different editions 
 of the Catechism. 
 
 There has been, however, a curious mystification here again, in 
 . ^'^regard to the supposed peculiarity of the first edition — proceeding, no 
 ' ^ > doubt, from the somewhat ambiguous meaning of the word übersehen 
 ^_1 O^as applied to it in the notice just quoted. Henry Alting, in the first 
 ^^^ place, in his Historia de Eccles. Palat.^ falls strangely enough into the 
 error of supposing, that the 80th question did not appear in the first 
 edition of the Catechism at all, but " was added and inserted in its 
 place " immediately after, in a second edition, by special command of 
 the Elector. Köcher, in his Catechetical History of the Keformed 
 Church, has also this view, telling us, on the authority not only of 
 Alting but of Ludovicus Fabricius also, that the 80th question " for 
 unknown and hardly to be discovered reasons" was left out of the 
 first edition, and referring us at the same time to the note at the end 
 of the second edition as of itself proving the truth of the statement ; 
 although he finds himself embarrassed again in his notion of only two 
 editions, by the fact of that other variation which has been mentioned 
 as holding among different copies of what was taken to be the second 
 edition ; a difficulty, which throws him finally upon the conjecture, 
 that the change in question was made while this edition was going 
 through the press, so as to make a difference in the copies. Van 
 Alpen again, in his History of the Catechism, follows in the same 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 39 
 
 track ; seeming to think tkat tke 80tli question was at first dropped 
 from the manuscript as originally prepared, through fear of giving 
 offence, but that the Elector came afterward to have more courage, 
 and ordered it to be printed ; though it needed still a thii'd edition, it 
 would seem then, to bring him fairly up to the point of rounding it 
 off as it now stands. The late work of Sudhoff also on Olevianus 
 and Ursinus, strange to say, repeats the old mistake. 
 
 But this whole difficulty with the first issue of the Catechism is 
 known now to be imaginary and gratuitous. Copies are still extant 
 to show that there was indeed such an issue, differing from what are 
 called the second and third editions ; but the difference is not in any 
 such hiatus as would be created by the entii-e absence of the 80th 
 question. The question, in fact, appears there in its place ; only it stops 
 short with the proper objective representation of its subject, without 
 going on to denounce the Mass as a " denial of the one sacrifice and 
 sufferings of Jesus Christ and an accursed idolatry." This bitter 
 execration, as we may call it, came out in later issues, first in part 
 only, and then in full form as we have it now ; occasioning thus three 
 different phases of the 80th question, and so three different impressions 
 in fact of the Catechism. Köcher's conjecture in regard to the second 
 variation, then, may be easily applied also to the first, and offers us no 
 doubt the true key for the proper explanation of the whole matter. 
 The thi-ee impressions are in fact so many varieties only of one and 
 the same issue, which was subjected to two different changes in 
 passing through the press, so as to give the addition to the 80th 
 question, first in part, and then in full as it now stands. The addi- 
 tion belongs of course to the Elector ; and the reason which has been 
 assigned for it is in all probability correct, the provocation namely 
 with which he was affected, on hearing of the anathemas which the 
 
40 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Council of Trent had pronounced not long before against the Prot- 
 estants. He felt it necessary, it seems, in his great displeasure, to 
 stop the press twice, in order that he might hurl back his ban upon 
 the Catholics in somewhat of the same style. 
 
 In any view the appendix, to say the least of it, was in bad taste ; 
 and it proved to be afterward for the Reformed Church of the 
 Palatinate a source of no small trouble and harm. In the social and 
 religious changes through which the country was called to pass, it 
 became the occasion for much reproach and strife, and finally for such 
 open hostility as threatened for a time to destroy not only the use of 
 the Catechism itself, but the rights and liberties also of the whole 
 Church, of whose faith it w"as the acknowledged standard and symbol. 
 
 In this first threefold issue of the Catechism, the questions were 
 not numbered ; the biblical proof passages, which formed an original, 
 distinguishing peculiarity of the work, were cited by chapters only, 
 not verses ; and there was no division of any sort into lessons. Before 
 the end of the same year, however, it appeared again in the new 
 Kirchen Ordnung (Church Directory), printed at Mosbach, arranged 
 and divided in the manner of later times. The first separate edition 
 in this form belongs, we are told, to the year 15 V3. 
 
 No time was lost in bringing the new religious text book into use. 
 It was not considered by any means enough to have it prepared and 
 published by authority ; it was intended to have it wrought into the 
 very life of the people, that it might give form and shape, unity and 
 harmony, to their general faith ; and no pains were spared now, accord- 
 ingly, to bring it into universal, vigorous practical use. It was to be 
 a book in every way for the whole people. We have seen how the 
 Elector, in this view, solemnly committed it in the beginning to the 
 ministers of education and religion, charging them to make use of it 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 41 
 
 constantly and diligently in their work. The new Kirchenordnung of 
 1563 was so framed as to make it an integral part, the very ground 
 and basis we may say, of the whole church system of the Palatinate. 
 
 The pulpit must be bound by it as a perpetual directory and rule. 
 Preaching was to be indeed from the Bible, the only sufficient standard 
 in the end of faith and practice ; but it must be from the Bible, at the 
 same time, in the sense of the Catechism, and care must be taken to 
 quote and bring in the language of the Catechism, to enforce and 
 support the preaching, as well as to make the formulary itself honor- 
 able in the eyes of the people. In any case, moreover, the pastors of 
 the Palatinate were not to have general liberty to preach from any 
 part of the Bible, at their own pleasure ; for how was it to be supposed 
 that they could all use such freedom to proper edification ? They 
 must keep themselves to such parts as were sanctioned and ordered by 
 the inspectors or superintendents of the ecclesiastical districts to which 
 they belonged, whose province it was to see that the true interests of 
 the people were rightly consulted in the matter. Then the Catechism, 
 besides, must be formally read before the people from the pulpit, a 
 prescribed section or lesson on each Sunday, as part of the morning 
 service, so as to go over the whole of it once every ten weeks. To 
 crown all, an afternoon service was established for the sole object of 
 expounding and enforcing its instructions. For this purpose it was 
 divided into fifty-two Sundays, or parts, on each one of which the 
 minister was to preach in succession, until he had gone, in this way, 
 during the course of the year, over the whole book. Catechetical 
 preaching became thus a general standing institution for the Palatinate. 
 It is easy to see what force it must have carried with it, to clothe the 
 Catechism with authority and power, and to make it the reigning 
 measure of religious thought for the land. 
 6 
 
42 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 But care was taken, at tlie same time, tliat tlie work of tlie pulpit 
 in this form should be properly supported by a con*esponding work 
 of the school. The whole business of education, from the mother's 
 knee up to the theological chair of the university, must be so 
 ordered as to have its religious basis throughout in the Catechism. 
 The school teachers were in fact part of the ecclesiastical establishment 
 of the land ; and" it was their province in particular to see that the 
 young were diligently trained in the knowledge of the Catechism from 
 the beginning, so as to be qualified in due time for a full religious 
 profession. Then the ministers themselves must have their minds cast 
 into it as a mould of doctrine, by its being made a prominent part of 
 their theological education. Thus it was that Ursinus himself, imme- 
 diately after the publication of the Catechism, commenced a course of 
 lectures upon it in the Sapienz-college ; which he continued then to 
 repeat yearly till as late as 1577. Notes of these lectures, taken by 
 different hands, were given after his death to the public ; but it soon 
 appeared that they were not in such a form at all as to do justice to 
 his memory ; whereupon the celebrated David Parens^ one of his 
 most distinguished disciples, was requested to review and revise the 
 material, and to put the whole into what he might consider worthy 
 and suitable shape. In this way was brought to pass the work which 
 has been handed down, with much commendation, to later times, as the 
 Commentary of Ursinus on the Heidelberg Catechism. Its true and 
 proper authorship belongs largely, it would appear, to David Pareus. 
 
 THEOLOGICAL AISTD POLITICAL OPPOSITIOlSr TO THE CATECHISM. 
 
 The publication of the Heidelberg Catechism was in truth a grand 
 historical act on the part of the Palatinate, which gave new form and 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 43 
 
 direction to its whole life ; and it is no wonder, therefore, that it drew 
 upon itself almost immediately the excited attention of all neighboring 
 lands. For Germany in particular, it was a fact of most ominous 
 significance, carrying in it nothing less than a principle of disorder and 
 revolution for the whole Protestant German Church. It was the lift- 
 ing up of what was felt to be the Calvinistic or Reformed standard in 
 the land of Luther himself, where its erection seemed to involve, not 
 only treason to his doctrine, but injuiy also to his memory and name. 
 
 True, the movement in the Palatinate did not openly propose to be 
 a formal transition from the Lutheran Confession to the Reformed, in 
 the sense of breaking absolutely with the general Protestantism of 
 Germany, as it then stood under the common banner of the Confession 
 of Augsburg. We have seen that there were two different forms of 
 Lutheranism in Lutheran Gennany itself, for which the Confession of 
 Augsburg had by no means the same sense, while both claimed to 
 stand alike within its broad confessional shadow. The Lutheranism 
 of Melancthon, and his Augustana variata, was indeed coming to be 
 decried more and more, by what claimed to be the Lutheranism of the 
 Confession in its original form ; but it was still of regular and fair 
 standing in the general German Church, and came in for its full share 
 in all the political benefits that were guaranteed to Protestants of the 
 Augsburg faith in the German Empire. Within the range of this wide 
 moderate interest now, as we know, Frederick IIL had considered 
 himself to stand before he undertook his reformatory work in the 
 Palatinate ; and it does not seem to have entered into his mind at all, 
 that this work of itself amounted to anything like an abandonment of 
 his former position, in favor of another and altogether different order 
 of Protestantism. He was an admirer of Calvin ; but not so as to be 
 in his own view a deserter of Luther. As long as Melancthon lived. 
 
44 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 he looked to him for counsel and advice. He brought in a new Cate- 
 chism ; but he did not intend, in doing so, to renounce his allegiance 
 to the Augsbm-g Confession. He had no difficulty in subscribing to it 
 afterward, as he had subscribed to it before. Why should his Calvin- 
 istic S3niipathies and tendencies be considered any bar to that, when 
 it was known that Calvin himself had been willing to accept it in 
 the same way without any hesitation? Then as to the authors 
 of the Catechism. They were indeed in open correspondence and 
 fellowship with the leaders of the Reformed Chm'ch in Switzerland. 
 But they had not renounced certainly their interest, by birth and 
 education, in the Protestantism of Germany. Ursinus had been one 
 of Melancthon's favorite disciples ; and the position which Olevianus 
 sought to maintain as a reformer, at Treves, just before he came to 
 Heidelberg, was in the name and under the shield wholly of the Augs- 
 burg Confession. Altogether, the religious change which was now 
 introduced into the Palatinate could not be considered a deliberate, 
 systematic rupture with the universal Lutheran German Church. If its 
 aspect in this direction might seem to be, in one view, wholly polemical, 
 there was another undoubtedly, in which it was intended at least that 
 it should be full only of friendship and peace. 
 
 But it was not easy, or rather we may say, it was altogether im- 
 possible, as matters then stood, for Lutheran Germany to look upon 
 the case in any such irenical light as this. It was felt that the Befor- 
 mation in the Palatinate had in fact gone so far as to involve an 
 inward falling away from the distinctive creed of Luther, and a real 
 passing over to the Reformed camp. It was in vain to think of 
 finding an apology for it with Melancthon, or Melancthon's school. 
 If this might be considered in any sense the natural issue and end of 
 Melancthonianism, let the abettors of that system now look to it, and 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 45 
 
 lay it well to heart ; for what could serve better to show that it had 
 been infected all along with the secret virus of Calvinism, and that it 
 was high time for it therefore to be exploded from the oi-thodoxy of 
 the Lutheran Church ? It is a most significant fact, that the Melanc- 
 thonian theologians of Wittenberg found it necessary to come out, 
 among the first, with an unfavorable "Judgment," as it was called, 
 against the new Catechism. 
 
 What was to be expected then, we may well ask, from the zealots 
 for Lutheranism in its rigid and strict form ? Only, of course, what 
 took place in fact ; a general storm of indignation, which threatened, if 
 it were possible, to cover the Catechism with everlasting shame and 
 contempt. Foremost among its adversaries stood forth the virulent 
 Hesshus, with his True Warning against the Heidelberg Calvinistic 
 Oatecliism. A much more respectable opponent presented himself in 
 the person of the celebrated Matthias Flacius Ill}Ticus ; a man of great 
 learning, who seems, however, to have had his very being in the 
 element of religious controversy. The "little German Calvinistic 
 Catechism " is in his eyes full of all sorts of dangerous error, a hellish, 
 more than devilish leaven of sacramentarian fanaticism, only made 
 worse by its " pretending to be evangelical, or of the Augsburg Con- 
 fession." His Refutation came out in the year 1563. Passing by 
 other attacks, we simply notice besides the Censure of the Wirtemberg 
 divines, Brentz and Jacob Andrea, in which eighteen questions in 
 particular of the Catechism were subjected to severe criticism. Thus 
 did it draw attention upon itself, and become at once the signal for 
 war on all sides. 
 
 Ursinus drew up in popular form an Apology for the Catechism, 
 against the objections particularly of Matthias Flacius, which was 
 published a. 1564, in the name of the theological faculty of the 
 
46 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION". 
 
 Heidelberg University. He issued also a tract, early in tlie same 
 year, in reply to the censure of Brentz and Andrea. Both of these 
 vindications appear, joined with the Catechism itself, in the Neu- 
 stadt edition of 1595, which has always been highly prized on this 
 account. 
 
 The Conference of Maulbron about the same time, in which the 
 theological leaders of Wirtemberg and the Palatinate held a regular 
 debate, in the presence of their respective Princes, for six days in 
 succession, on the main confessional questions of the day, contributed 
 materially to help forward the general controversy in which the 
 Catechism was thus unhappily involved. The disputation was mainly 
 between Ursinus and Olevianus on the one side, and Jacob Andrea, 
 the excellent chancellor of the university of Tubingen, on the other. 
 The subjects discussed were, the uhiquity of Christ's glorified hu- 
 manity, and the sense of the sacramental clause, TTiis is my body. 
 Both parties of course claimed the victory. On both sides were 
 published some time after what professed to be true and faithful 
 reports of the debate ; in the case of which, each side charged the 
 other with gross misrepresentation and wrong. So it came, as the 
 result of all, not to concord and peace, but only to more active war. 
 
 In these circumstances, the Flacian party, conceiving more and 
 more hatred toward the whole course of things in the Palatinate, felt 
 itself justified in seeking to bring in political force for the purpose of 
 abating, if it were possible, the theological nuisance. By the Reli- 
 gious Peace of 1555, the freedom of religion, and protection of the 
 Empire, were secured to German Protestants, only as they held to the 
 Confession of Augsburg. No other faith, calling itself Protestant, 
 could claim any such benefits and rights. Hence the question began 
 to be raised now, whether the Elector Frederick HI. could be allowed 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 47 
 
 to enjoy any longer the advantages of tliis political compact. Had he 
 not forfeited, by his present religious position, all right and title to be 
 considered still within its terms ? Christopher, Duke of Wirtemberg, 
 between whom and Frederick there had subsisted heretofore a more 
 than common intimacy, became in particular possessed with this 
 opinion, through the polemical zeal of his theologians, and set himself 
 systematically to work, to engage his princely colleagues in a common 
 eöbrt, under such view, against the new religion of the Palatinate. It 
 was a conspiracy, in fact, against the magnanimous Elector, which 
 threatened not only his kingdom, but his life. 
 
 Occasion for carrying it into effect seemed to be offered oppor- 
 tunely, by the diet which the Emperor Maximilian II. had sum- 
 moned to meet at Augsburg in the spring of the year 1566. 
 Frederick was fully aware of his danger; but he would not allow 
 himself to be dissuaded from attending the diet. Here it soon 
 appeared that the mind of the Emperor, influenced by Lutheran not 
 less than by Catholic counsels, had already prejudged the whole 
 cause ; for having on a certain day called together all the orders of the 
 Empire, among them Frederick himself, he proceeded at once, without 
 any sort of previous deliberation or vote, to have a decree engrossed 
 and read ; whereby the Elector Palatine was charged with religious 
 innovations, with the use of a Catechism not ag^reeinsr with the 
 Augsburg Confession, and with having brought Calvinism into his 
 dominions; all which things he was required now to change and 
 abolish, on pain of exclusion from the peace of the Empire, with all 
 its consequences both for himself and for his land. 
 
 On hearing this, we are told, the Elector withdrew for a short 
 time, as it were to collect his soul for the occasion ; but soon returned 
 again, attended by his son Prince Casimir bearing in his hands a 
 
48 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Bible, and in the presence of the assembled Princes entered upon that 
 memorable defence, which has made the occasion an epoch in the 
 history of the Heidelberg Catechism for all subsequent times. 
 
 Modestly, but firmly, he addressed himself to the Emperor's sense 
 of justice and right ; while he did not fail to remind him, at the same 
 time, that in matters of faith and conscience he could acknowledge but 
 one Master, the Lord of lords and King of kings. Where the salva- 
 tion of the soul was in question, it was God only who could properly 
 command or be obeyed. He was ready, nevertheless, to make answer 
 to his Imperial Majesty, as the case required. Calvin's books he had 
 never read, and could not pretend, of course, to know exactly what 
 Calvinism was. But he had subscribed in good faith to the Frankfort 
 Recess, and to the Augsburg Confession, at Naumburg, along with 
 other Princes now present ; and in that same faith he continued still, 
 as believing it to be grounded in the Holy Scriptures ; nor did he 
 believe that any one could convict him of having swerved from this 
 profession, in anything that he had done. As for his Catechism, it 
 was all taken from the Bible, and so well fortified with marginal 
 proof texts, that it could not be overthrown. What he had publicly 
 declared before, he now solemnly professed again in this august 
 assembly : that if any one, of whatever order or condition, could show 
 him anything better from the Scriptures, he would take it as the 
 highest favor, and willingly yield himself to God's truth. Here was 
 the Bible at hand for the purpose ; if his Majesty, or any of those 
 present, were pleased to do him this service, he should have his most 
 hearty thanks. Till this were done, he trusted in his Majesty's 
 gracious forbearance. Should this expectation be disappointed, how- 
 ever, he said in conclusion, he would still comfort himself in the sure 
 promise of his Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, made to him as well as 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 49 
 
 to all believers, tliat what lie might lose for his name in this life 
 should be restored to him a hundred fold in the next. 
 
 This bold and manly address made a deep impression upon the 
 assembly. All were constrained to admire the Elector's earnestness, 
 and his truly heroic spirit. Augustus of Saxony was so moved, that 
 he came up to him, and exclaimed, touching him lightly on the 
 shoulder : " Frederick, you are more religious than all of us together ! " 
 The Margrave of Baden also, as the convention was breaking up, 
 remarked to some of the Princes : " Why do ye trouble this man ? 
 He has more piety than the whole of us ! " 
 
 It was in fact a signal victory over all the plans and expectations 
 of his enemies. It was felt amono^ the Protestant Princes, that things 
 were in danger of being carried too far ; and when it came to a vote 
 on the subject, accordingly, it was found to be the sense of the diet 
 finally, in opposition to the judgment of the Emperor, that the Elector 
 of the Palatinate was stiU to be regarded and treated as belonging to 
 the alliance of the Augsburg Confession. In this way, the attempt to 
 arm the political power of the Empire against the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism proved a complete failure. 
 
 The Elector returned to Heidelberg, safe and sound, amidst the 
 general joy of his people, on the Friday before Whitsuntide. On the 
 evening before the sacred festival, being present at the preparation 
 for the communion in the church of the Holy Ghost, he grasped 
 Olevianus by the hand in view of the whole congregation, and 
 exhorted him to continue steadfast in the good cause. The next day 
 he partook of the sacrament, in company with his son Casimir and the 
 whole court. 
 
50 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 THE CATECHISM IN ITS OWN LAND. 
 
 The Catecliisni was thus fairly entlironed in the Palatinate, as the 
 acknowledged symbol of its religious faith and life ; and for the space 
 of ten years now it wrought there effectually, and without hindrance, 
 in the accomplishment of its proper work. We are not to suppose, 
 however, that the cause which it represented in the Palatinate went 
 forward with an even and smooth course, or that its future was 
 spanned only with the rainbow of promise and hope. The reverse of 
 all this was painfully true. 
 
 Internal difficulties, of the most serious character, sprang up in the 
 bosom of the new Church, filling it with agitation and strife. One 
 great source of trouble was the question of bringing in the Calvinistic 
 system of church discipline, as established at Geneva; a measure 
 powerfully and successfully supported by Olevianus, but most bitterly 
 opposed by Erastus and a party who ackowledged him for their 
 leader. This opposition, based on an unchurchly feeling generally, 
 was found to embrace then other rationalistic sentiments; a view of the 
 sacraments in particular, which made them to be mere acts of religious 
 profession and nothing more ; and finally a secret leaven of Arianism 
 itself, which came out suddenly at last, to the no small confusion of 
 the party, in the astounding apostasy of Adam Neuser and John 
 Sylvanus. Neuser, it is known, made his escape, found his way to 
 Constantinople, became there a regular Mohammedan, and died as an 
 atheist in honible shame and distress ; while Sylvanus was made to 
 pay the penalty of his blasphemous heresy, like Servetus, by a public 
 execution. This was a scandal of course for the whole Keformed 
 Church; which the zealots for Lutheran orthodoxy failed not to 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 51 
 
 improve as an argument, to show liow Calvinism led over logically 
 to Arianism and the religion of the Turks. 
 
 Then there was besides a constantly impending danger for the 
 Heidelberg Catechism, and its whole cause, in the fact that the Ui3per 
 Palatinate, as it was called, having Amberg for its capital, and being 
 in many respects a separate government with its own privileges and 
 rights, obstinately refused, along with its present Governor, to accept 
 the reformation of Frederick in this form ; and this present Governor, 
 unfortunately, was no other than the Elector's eldest son, Prince 
 Louis, the heir apparent to the Electorate itself. No wonder that the 
 father was anxious to overcome this opposition, and to have the same 
 form of religion established throughout his dominions. All his efforts 
 for the purpose, however, proved ineffectual. Lutheranism, in its 
 most stringent type, continued to hold its own in the Upper Palat- 
 inate ; and its presence there was a dark cloud, which boded con- 
 tinually no good, but endless mischief rather, to the whole Palatinate 
 of the Rhine. 
 
 The cloud burst, when Frederick the Pious died. His death took 
 place on the 26th of October, 1576, in the sixty-first year of his age, 
 and was marked by the same piety that had distinguished his life. 
 As he felt his end approaching, he said to those who stood around his 
 bed : " I have lived here long enough for you and for the Church ; I 
 am called now to a better life. I have done for the Church what I 
 could ; but my power has been small. He who possesses all power, 
 and who has cared for His Church before I was born, still lives and 
 reigns in heaven ; and He will not forsake us. Neither will He allow 
 the prayers and tears, which I have so often poured forth to God upon 
 my knees in this chamber, for my successors and the Church, to go 
 unanswered and without effect." Shortly before his dissolution, he 
 
52 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 had tlie 31st Psalm and tlie ITtli chapter of the Gospel of St. John 
 read to him by Tossanus, with a suitable prayer ; after which he sank 
 gently into the arms of death. 
 
 The year following the death of his father, the new Elector, Louis ^ 
 came with his com-t to Heidelberg, and began immediately to take 
 measures for changing the whole religious state of the Palatinate into 
 a new form. All was required, by suasion or by force, to become 
 Lutheran. The revolution was at once radical and unmerciful ; a sad 
 examj)le of confessional fanaticism, on the details of which it is not 
 necessary here to dwell. 
 
 The more prominent theologians were soon compelled, of course, to 
 quit their places ; among them were the authors of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism, Olevianus and Ursihus. 
 
 The first person, indeed, on whom the marked displeasure of the 
 new 23rince fell, was Olevianus. He was known to have been the soul 
 practically of the late ecclesiastical reformation ; and his great influence 
 with the people seemed to make it desirable now, that both his tongue 
 and his pen should be silenced among them as soon as possible. He 
 was accordingly excluded at once from the church council, forbidden 
 to preach, teach, or write, and, to crown all, placed under civil arrest. 
 In the end, however, so much was gained by the remonstrance of his 
 friends, that he was allowed to leave the country. He found a new 
 sphere for his activity afterward in Berleburg and Herborn ; a sphere 
 in which he continued to distinguish himself by the same qualities and 
 powers in the service of religion, which had appeared in him to so 
 much advantage before. His ministry, everywhere earnest and full of 
 zeal, embraced all forms of action and work, in the interest always of 
 the Reformed Church. To this period belongs, among other labors, 
 his most important theological publication, on the Covenant of Grace ; 
 
HISTORICAL mTRODUCTION. 53 
 
 by wMcli lie deserves to be considered tlie proper founder of wliat is 
 called the federal theology, as is acknowledged by Cocceius himself, 
 the subsequent completer of the scheme. Hs death took place March 
 15, 1587, in the full triumphant assurance of Christian faith and hope. 
 
 Ursinus, when his turn also came to quit Heidelberg, found an 
 honorable refuge with Prince Casimir, second son of the late Elector, 
 who held at Neustadt a small territorial government of his own, and 
 made it his business to encourage and succor there, as much as he 
 could, the cause now so cruelly persecuted by his Lutheran brother. 
 Under his auspices a new seminary of learning arose in Neustadt, 
 which, bearing the title of the Casimirianum, not only rivalled, but for 
 a time threw into the shade the old university of Heidelberg. Here 
 Ursinus continued to labor, true to the faith of his own dishonored 
 Catechism, till the day of his death. 
 
 We can hardly suppose it, indeed, to have been with him any very 
 great sacrifice to quit his situation at Heidelberg ; for this had become 
 for him years before a burden, which he found to be more than he could 
 well bear. He had been diseased in body and mind, and was yet at the 
 same time oppressed with labors altogether too great for his strength. 
 His spiiit shrank from the world around him, and yielded itself to a 
 sort of morbid hypochondria, that seemed to color everything in life 
 vrith its own sombre hue. The theoloo:ical and ecclesiastical ao^itations 
 of the time filled him with disquietude and pain. There is something 
 indeed almost ludicrous, at times, in the helpless tone of his complaints. 
 The part he was required to take in the Maulbron Conference gave 
 such a shock to his nervous system, as made it a very nightmare for 
 his memory ever after, " I have received a wound from this conflict," 
 we hear him say, in a letter to Bullinger, " which I do not expect to 
 have healed in this life." Again, writing to his friend Crato, in 1566, 
 
54 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lie says : " I am weary of all things in this life, and for the most part 
 execrate them with horror and disgust. So I keep me as much as 
 possible to the monastery in which I dwell, and avoid not only the 
 society and conversation of men, but also the very sight of them." So, 
 in 1572, to the same: "I am more and more weary of all things in 
 life." He speaks of his situation frequently as a perpetual round of 
 tribulation and distress, and longs for death at times as a relief In 
 such circumstances, we cannot feel that he lost much in being requii'ed 
 to seek another home. He had no property to leave behind, and but 
 little to carry away ; for he was always poor, and lived in the very 
 plainest style. 
 
 His settlement at Neustadt, however, brought with it no escape 
 from his constitutional ailments and troubles. He continued the same 
 sickly, sensitive, hypochondriacal man to the end ; but in spite of his 
 infirmities, the same diligent student also, and laborious worker with 
 the pen. Here he published in particular his celebrated work Admo- 
 nitio Christiana, against the Form of Concord and the Ubiquitarians, 
 which commanded the attention and widely extended admiration of 
 the age. It formed indeed, we may say, the last great act of his life. 
 His weary pilgrimage came to an end on the 6th of March, 1583, 
 before he had completed the forty-ninth year of his age. 
 
 He was buried in the choir of the church at Neustadt, where his 
 colleagues erected also a suitable monument to his memory. The in- 
 scription describes him as a genuine and true theologian, distinguished 
 for resisting heresies in regard to the Person and Supper of Christ, an 
 acute philosopher, a prudent man, and an excellent instructor of youth. 
 A funeral oration was pronounced on the occasion, in Latin, by the 
 celebrated Francis Junius, which is still important for the picture it 
 preserves of his mind and character. Its representations, of course, are 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 55 
 
 • 
 
 somewliat rlietorical, and some allowance must be made for tlie color- 
 ings of friendship and recent grief ; but after all proper abatement on 
 tMs score, it is sucli a glowing eulogy as, coming fi'om one so intimately- 
 familiar with the man, must be allowed to tell greatly to his praise. 
 
 In this same year, 1583, the Elector, Louis YL, also died, in the 
 midst of his days, and the triumph of Lutheranism in the Palatinate 
 came suddenly to an end. Under the regency of Prince Casimir ^ the 
 whole face of things was once more changed. The Reformed faith and 
 worship were restored to their former honor. The Form of Concord 
 sank into disgrace ; while its rival standard, the Heidelberg Catechism, 
 rose gloriously into view again as the ecclesiastical banner of the land. 
 In a short time, the entire order of the Chui'ch was restored as it had 
 stood at the death of Frederick the Pious. 
 
 The fortunes of the Catechism after this in the land of its birth 
 were variable, being always more or less controlled by the eventful 
 political history of the country. 
 
 The bloody tragedy of the Thirty Years' War, in the next century, 
 as is commonly known, brought years of desolation and sorrow on 
 Heidelberg and the Palatinate, and restored the whole land again to 
 the possession and power of the Roman Catholic Church. Crowds of 
 foreign monks came in, laying claim to the property which had been 
 previously taken from the monasteries and convents. The Reformed 
 ministers were expelled. The Catechism fell. All assumed once more 
 a Catholic aspect. Large numbers of the people consented to change 
 their religion, in order to save themselves from expatriation and worldly 
 loss. The university became a Jesuit college. 
 
 By the Peace of Westphalia, in 1648, the mighty sorrows of the 
 country were at length brought to an end. The Bavarian supremacy 
 ceased, and the government fell once more into the hands of its true 
 
56 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and proper sovereign. Then was the Reformed Churcli seen rising 
 again as it were from the ashes of her former glory, a spectacle of 
 mournful interest to Churches of the same faith in other lands. Of 
 three hundred and forty-seven preachers who had been settled in the 
 Palatinate of the Rhine, at the beginning of the war, only forty-two 
 were found remaining in it when the war closed, in a few towns and 
 villages occupied by the Swedes ; and only fifty-four returned fi"om the 
 general banishment, to resume the work of the ministry in their native 
 land. There followed, however, a period of forty years, in which the 
 land had peace and rest, and during this time the Church was gradu- 
 ally restored to something of her former state. But her old confessional 
 supremacy, we may say, had passed away forever. 
 
 Finally, by a change in the line of succession, the electoral sover- 
 eignty of the Palatinate, in the year 1685, passed into Catholic hands; 
 and soon after the French war followed, once more filling the land 
 with desolation, and assuming the character of a crusade in favor of 
 the Roman Church. Protestants were compelled in many cases to fly 
 the country ; while Catholics, on the other hand, came in from abroad 
 to fill their places. Peace was restored again in 1697; but the 
 Protestant cause was not able to recover its lost advantages and rights. 
 Romanism was become a strong interest in the land, and had usurped 
 in various ways both power and wealth which once belonged to the 
 Reformed Church. Now it was particularly that the Heidelberg 
 Catechism became more than ever, in this direction, a subject for angry 
 vituperation and quarrel. The 80th question, which had all along 
 been a cause of offence, was held up now to special odium, as being not 
 merely injurious to the Catholic Church, but insulting also to the 
 Catholic government of the State. Controversy and excitement in 
 regard to it filled the land for years, till it came finally to an explosion, 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 5^ 
 
 wBicli for a time threatened to overthrow the Keformed Church of the 
 Palatinate altogether. 
 
 In the year 1719, during the reign of Charles Philip, some book- 
 seller, a Catholic, who was authorized to print Protestant books, had 
 allowed himself to publish an edition of the Heidelberg Catechism, to 
 which was inconsiderately prefixed the Elector's coat of arms, with the 
 words underneath : By authority of his Electoral Serene Highness. 
 This roused the Komanists to a perfect tempest of fanatical zeal. The 
 Prince, mildly enough disposed himself, was so urged and pressed from 
 all sides, that he found it impossible to withstand the tumult ; and so 
 finally a decree appeared, in his name, requiring the entire suppression 
 of this edition, and forbidding thenceforward the use of any copies of 
 the Catechism that should contain the 80th question. This was a blow 
 aimed at the very existence of the Catechism ; and through it at the 
 life of the Reformed Church, of whose confessional rights in the State 
 it was the acknowledged symbol and pledge. 
 
 As a matter of course, this tyrannical measure called forth loud 
 remonstrance and complaint. Foreign powers also — England, Prussia, 
 the States General of Holland and West Friesland, and some of the 
 Reformed German Principalities — were moved to interfere, partly by 
 letter and partly by embassy, earnestly demanding that their oppressed 
 brethren of the Reformed faith might have their rights restored to 
 them in the free use of their Catechism. Altogether there was much 
 discussion, argument, and diplomatic negotiation ; the end of which 
 was, however, that the Elector found it necessary to recede from the 
 high ground he had taken, and to revoke his offensive decree the very 
 next year after it was issued. Under certain general conditions, for 
 the sake of form and to save appearances, it was' declared that the 
 restriction on the printing of the Heidelberg Catechism was removed, 
 8 
 
58 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and that the Reformed Churcli in the Palatinate might go on to use it, 
 without let or molestation, as before. 
 
 THE CATECHISM IN OTHER LAITOS. 
 
 Had the Heidelberg Catechism existed for the Palatinate only, it 
 must have risen and fallen wholly with the fortunes of the Reformed 
 Church in that interesting land. In that case, its historical import- 
 ance would be circumscribed by comparatively narrow bounds. The 
 Church of the Palatinate had its glory, for the most part, in the 
 beginning. It never recovered itself in full fi'om the shock of the 
 Thirty Years' War ; and after the year 1685, when a Roman Catholic 
 prince succeeded to the Electorate, it declined still more and more ; 
 till finally, instead of being, as it was at first, the head of all the 
 Reformed Churches in Germany, it became one of the least consid- 
 erable among them, and sank indeed almost entirely out of sight. 
 
 But the Catechism has a wider history than that of the particular 
 Church to which it owes its birth. It very soon passed beyond the 
 limits of the Palatinate, and became the property also of the Church 
 in other lands. Its popularity and diffusion in this way demand 
 now some general notice. 
 
 As soon as it became known indeed, the formulary commanded, 
 not only the respect, but the admiration of the entire Reformed 
 Confession. On all sides, it was welcomed as the best popular 
 summary of religious doctrine that had yet appeared on the part of 
 this division of the Protestant world. Distinguished divines in other 
 countries united in bearing testimony to its merits. It was considered 
 the glory of the Palatinate to have produced it. Writing to a friend, 
 the great and good Henry Bullinger says : " I have read with great 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 59 
 
 interest tlie Catecliism of the most illustrious and gracious Prince, 
 Frederick, Elector of the Palatinate; and in doiiig so, have heartily- 
 blessed God who perfects the work he has begun. The arrangement 
 of the book is clear, and the matter is set forth with the greatest 
 purity and trath ; all is plain, pious, edifying ; comprising large and 
 copious things in compact brevity. I think that no better Catechism 
 has yet been published. Glory to God, from whom is all success." 
 This may be taken as an example of the way in which the work was 
 received generally throughout the Eeformed Church. With a sort 
 of general silent consent, it rose into the character of a common 
 standard or s}Tnbol, answering in such view to what Luther's Cate- 
 chism had become for the Lutheran Confession. Far and wide it 
 became the basis, on which systems of religious instruction were 
 formed by the most excellent and learned divines. In the course of 
 time, commentaries, paraphrases, and courses of sermons were written 
 upon it almost without number. Its popularity was shown strikingly 
 by the manifold translations that were made of it into different 
 languages and tongues. It passed in this way, through various 
 hands, into Hebrew, Ancient Greek, Latin, Modern Greek, Low 
 Dutch, French, English, Spanish, Italian, Bohemian, Polish, Hunga- 
 rian, Arabic, Malay, and we know not what other strange dialects 
 besides. Few works have gone through as many different versions. 
 No Catechism or Confession of modern times, it would seem, has 
 enjoyed such a truly Pentecostal " gift of tongues." 
 
 SwiTZERLA]!fD, from the beginning, held the Heidelberg Catechism 
 in the highest esteem. Various Catechisms had been in use here 
 before its appearance ; in particular, those of Leo Juda and Bullinger 
 (out of which grew afterward the Catechism of Zurich), and in some 
 respects towering above all others the ever-memorable Catechism of 
 
60 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Calvin. In tlie midst of tliese established formularies, however, tlie 
 new text book of tlie Reformed faitli, sent fortli from tlie Palatinate, 
 found also general acknowledgment, and was soon invested witli a 
 sort of universal authority, as a bond of religious belief for the land 
 at large. In St. Gall it was formally introduced, in the course of time, 
 into tlie schools and churches. The Catechism of Zurich, which 
 might be denominated rather the Swiss Catechism from its universal 
 use in the country, underwent in the year 1609 a remarkable revision, 
 which was so ordered as to conform it more than before to the 
 Heidelberg Catechism ; the difference being mainly in its method 
 only, and the comparative brevity of its matter. By the Swiss 
 deputies at the great Synod of Dort, the Heidelberg Catechism was 
 acknowledged to be of symbolical authority and force for all the 
 Helvetic churches. The high credit in which it stood appears also 
 from the numerous editions of it published in that country, and from 
 the commentaries and expositions with which it has been honored in 
 different quarters. 
 
 In France, the Reformed Church made use of the Catechism of 
 Calvin, which was often called simply the French Catechism. Pub- 
 lished in its rudiments first at Basel, in French 1536, in Latin 1538; 
 and then changed, a. 1541, into its full form of question and answer, 
 as it now stands ; this admirable production soon gained for itself a 
 name and reputation, in all parts of the Reformed Church, which 
 resembled in many respects the vast popularity of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism itself. It was translated into Hebrew by Immanuel 
 Tremellius, for the benefit of the Jews, and into Greek by Robert 
 Stephens, for the benefit of the Patriarch of Constantinople ; appeared 
 'also in the leading modern European tongues ; and was honored with 
 many commentaries and expositions by learned men of different 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 61 
 
 countries. Vast attention was given by tlie Frencli Cliurcli to cate- 
 chetical instruction. For a whole century, we find in tlie acts of 
 almost every Synod some reference to the subject, showing of what 
 vital account it was considered to be for the general interests of 
 relio-ion. Though not brought anywhere into formal public use, the 
 Heidelberg Catechism was held always in the highest respect; as 
 appears from the fact, among other things, that different translations 
 of it were made into the French language. 
 
 In ExGLAisTD also, and Scotlaistd, we find it received with like high 
 regard. Immediately after its formation, it was translated into the 
 language of these countries, and became thus extensively known and 
 admired in both of them, as an approved summary of the Keformed 
 faith. 
 
 The Heidelberg Catechism, soon after its appearance, was adopted 
 as a symbolical book in the remote kingdom of Hungaey, and came 
 there into general use both in churches and schools. Teachers as 
 well as ministers were required to take an oath, that they cordially 
 embraced the system of truth contained in it, and that they would 
 follow it faithfully in all their religious instructions. In Polaisd also, 
 it was more in credit and use than any other Catechism. 
 
 The Reformed doctrine gained ground in Germaisty, far beyond 
 the bounds of the Palatinate. This was owing partly to the influence 
 exerted by neighboring countries, particularly Switzerland and the 
 Netherlands; but still more, no doubt, to the dialectic crisis, by 
 which Lutheranism itself became complete in being carried out to its 
 last consequence, the Form of Concord. A large amount of crypto- 
 Calvinistic feeling, which had prevailed in the Church as moderate 
 Melancthonian Lutheranism, was forced by this onward movement to 
 seek for itself a different ecclesiastical position. In all directions, 
 
62 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 accordingly, we liave disclosed to our view, with the advance of time, 
 tlie presence of Reformed views and principles in distinction from the 
 Lutheran, and in different lands a more or less general profession of 
 the Reformed faith. In these lands we hear of various Catechisms, 
 which secured for themselves a certain amount of respect and use. 
 In the end, however, we find them all either supplanted altogether, or 
 made to take a secondary character and rank, by the Catechism of 
 the Palatinate ; which attained in this way to a sort of universal 
 authority, as the leading symbol of the Church. In Juliers, Cleves, 
 and Berg, it was early introduced into the churches and schools ; and 
 in 1580 it was invested in form with the fall authority of an 
 ecclesiastical standard. So afterward in Hesse Cassel, Anhalt, and 
 the several free cities which had embraced the Reformed faith. It 
 became, in a word, the acknowledged confessional symbol of the 
 German Reformed Church at large, in its difference from the other 
 great Protestant Confession. Hence we find even in Prussia, at the 
 beginning of the last century, a royal order, requiring all ministers of 
 Reformed congregations to lecture on the Heidelberg Catechism every 
 Sabbath afternoon, according to the practice observed in Holland. 
 
 As in the Palatinate, so likewise in Germany at large, this sym- 
 bolical significance of the Catechism was fully attested also by the 
 contradiction it endured both from Lutherans and Romanists. It 
 was a sign everywhere to be spoken against by the enemies of the 
 Reformed faith. The notable 80th question, in particular, was laid 
 hold of by Catholics, as a favorable occasion at all times for holding 
 it up to reproach. In some cases, when it was known that the 
 minister was to preach upon this question, troublesome persons would 
 slip into the church for the purpose of creating interruption and 
 disorder. Not unfrequently, fanatical well-fed monks might be heard. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIOK 63 
 
 at tlie public fairs, abusing the book in tbe most scurrilous style; 
 wliile tlie press, of course, was made to do its full share of similar 
 service, in the way of abusive pamphlets and tracts. 
 
 In no foreign country, however, was the Heidelberg Catechism so 
 generally received, or so highly honored, as in the Netheelakds. 
 It came here to a second home, which seemed to be no less natural to 
 it in the end than the land of its birth. 
 
 The Reformation was matured in this land, amid the storms of 
 political revolution. The same convulsions which set the Church 
 free, gave birth also to a new and powerful Republic. From the 
 beginning, various influences conspii^ed, to incline the country to the 
 Calvinistic rather than the Lutheran creed. In the end, this tendency 
 completely prevailed. The celebrated Belgic Confession, prepared 
 mainly at first by Adrian Saravia, in the spirit and very much in the 
 form also of the Confession used by the Reformed Church in France, 
 was publicly adopted in Flanders in the year 1562 ; after which it 
 came into authority gradually throughout the country. Especially 
 did the Reformed faith predominate in the seven Northern Provinces, 
 which in the year 1579 constituted themselves into an independent 
 State. 
 
 In the Walloon churches of the Netherlands, using the French 
 language, the Catechism of Calvin was in common use. The Dutch 
 congregations used at first the Catechism of Emden, drawn up origi- 
 nally by Lasky, and translated afterward into the Dutch language by 
 Jolin Utenhoven. As soon, however, as the Catechism of the Palati- 
 nate came to be known, it took precedence of both, and continued to 
 grow in credit, till it became in a short time of acknowledged 
 symbolical authority throughout the Church. As early as the year 
 1566, Peter Gabriel made use of it for public religious instruction, at 
 
64 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Amsterdam. In tlie year 1568, in a general Synod lield at Wesel it 
 was recommended, tliat in tlie Frencli churclies of the Netherlands the 
 Catechism of Geneva (Calvin's) should continue to be employed, and 
 that where the Dutch language prevailed use should be made of the 
 Heidelberg Catechism. The Synod of Emden in 1571 renewed this 
 recommendation in somewhat stronger terms. Finally the Synod 
 held at Dort in 1574 changed the advice into a decree, making the 
 Heidelberg Catechism thus to be of full symbolical authority for the 
 whole Dutch Reformed Church. Soon after this we find it required, 
 that the ministers should eveiywhere preach upon it on Sunday 
 afternoons, so as to go over the whole of it once a year. Then it was 
 made a rule, that ministers and schoolmasters, as well as professors 
 of theology, should bind themselves, by a solemn subscription of their 
 names, to be governed by it in all their religious teaching. The city 
 of Gouda in South Holland undertook, some time after, to introduce 
 a new compend of religious instruction into its schools. But the 
 ministers of the place were called to account, and publicly censured 
 for the attempt. Indifference to the Heidelberg Catechism, was 
 considered to be disaffection to the proper orthodoxy of the Reformed 
 Church. So entirely identified did it become in this way with the 
 reigning religious life of the Netherlands, that it was known and 
 spoken of at last simply as the Belgic Catechism. 
 
 Here again, however, the Catechism had its enemies, as in other 
 lands. The Romanists stigmatized it as a public pest ; and to show 
 their hatred toward it, would publicly burn it at times or whip it 
 with rods ; while argument and wit were employed also to bring it 
 into contempt. There was opposition to it besides, however, from a 
 different quarter. As it pleased not the high-toned Lutheranism of 
 Germany, so it suited not the low-toned Arminianism of Holland. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 65 
 
 Arminius himself professed to be satisfied in tlie main witli its 
 doctrines; but lie had difficulties with it again in regard to several 
 points, and wished there might be a revision of it, to remove its 
 objectionable features. After his death, his fi'iends, the Remonstrants, 
 as they were called, continued to talk in the same style. They found 
 much in the Catechism that called for correction. It had been 
 introduced too hastily into the Church, they thought, and without 
 proper examination of its merits. They were not willing to have it 
 read and preached upon in the pulpits, as though it were part of 
 God's Word ; and they protested of course, then, against being bound 
 to it by subscription or oath. These difficulties led to the calling of 
 the great National Synod of Dort in the year 1618, to which deputies 
 were invited at the same time from the Reformed Churches generally 
 in other lands. Being requested and ordered to present here their 
 objections to the Catechism, the Remonstrants, with Episcopius at 
 their head, offered such a list of them at last, as left hardly a question 
 untouched, and formed a book quite equal in size to the Catechism 
 itself The result of all, as is generally known, was the condemnation 
 of the views held by the Arminian party, and their exclusion from the 
 bosom of the Reformed Church. 
 
 Along with this a solemn judgment was passed in favor of the 
 Heidelberg Catechism, which served more than all before to establish 
 its confessional significance and weight. On the part of the States 
 General it had been requested, that the work might be carefully read 
 over and considered, so as to have the opinion of each delegate taken 
 in regard to its merits. This was done in form ; and the result was, 
 we are told, a full and unanimous approval of the Catechism as it 
 stood, which was then embodied in the following memorable declara- 
 tion: "That in the united judgment of all the theologians present, 
 9 
 
66 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 botli foreign and Belgic, the doctrine contained in the Palatine Cate- 
 chism was in harmony with the Word of God at all points ; that 
 there was nothing in it in this view that seemed to require change or 
 correction ; and that it formed altogether a most accurate compend of 
 orthodox Christian faith ; being, with singular skill, not only adapted 
 to the understanding of the young, but suited also for the advan- 
 tageous instruction of older persons ; so that it could continue to be 
 taught with great edification in the Belgic churches, and ought by 
 all means to be retained." When we remember the ecumenical 
 character of the Synod, and consider the circumstances under which 
 this testimony and ratification were given, the whole action must be 
 counted highly honorable to the Catechism, as it goes also to invest 
 it with an authority which may well challenge the respect of the 
 universal Reformed Church. 
 
 The greatest attention was paid to catechetical instruction in the 
 Netherlands. Here, no less than in the Palatinate, it became an 
 institution, embracing in its operations the entire economy of educa- 
 tion and religion. It must begin in the family, go forward in the 
 school, and perfect its work finally in the great congregation, as a 
 necessary discipline for both young and old. The pastors must 
 faithfully keep up the afternoon service on the Catechism every 
 Sunday; besides visiting the schools frequently, and holding cate- 
 chetical exercises, once a week if possible, in private houses. It 
 became a sort of standing sneer with the Remonstrants, that the book 
 was made to be of canonical authority. The Bible might be, indeed, 
 the ultimate rule of faith and practice in Holland ; but good care was 
 taken by the National Church, that it should be the Bible only as 
 read and construed through the Heidelberg Catechism. 
 
 It is easy to understand how this system of catechetical teaching. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 67 
 
 as it prevailed both in Germany and Holland, tended to multiply 
 commentaries and expositions of every sort on the small but mighty 
 text book, which lay at its foundation. Köcher, in his Catechetical 
 History of the Reformed Church, gives us notices, in alphabetical 
 order, of more than a hundred such works, besides referring to a 
 number of others not so well known. A simple glance at this 
 catalogue, bristling with such names as Beelsnyder, Groenewegen, 
 Van der Hagen, Hakvoord, Van Hattem, Van Hoeke, Van der Steeg, 
 Van der Hooght, Van der Kemp, Van Pothoysen, Venhuysen, and 
 others of like sound, is sufficient to show that the main part of this 
 literature belongs to the Dutch. The best in either language, how- 
 ever, was commonly translated into the other ; while quite a number 
 of these publications on both sides appeared originally in Latin. A 
 number of them were highly popular in their time, and passed 
 through many editions. Deserving of special notice in this view is 
 the " Golden Jewel " of John D'Outrein, published originally at 
 Amsterdam, 1*719, in the Dutch language ; afterward translated into 
 German ; and then diligently revised and enlarged by Frederick 
 Adolphus Lampe. This large work has been honored with edition 
 after edition, and may be said indeed to have carried with it, for a 
 time, a sort of symbolical authority for ministers and teachers, both in 
 Germany and Holland. Peter De Witte's Commentary, Amsterdam, 
 1658, translated into English as well as German, was also repub- 
 lished a great many times, and had an immense reputation. Of earlier 
 date, 1617, the work of Festus Hommius for a long time was more in 
 use perhaps than any other ; which, however, seems to have been 
 a collection or compilation from different sources, beginning with 
 Ursinus himself, rather than an original exposition by the author 
 whose name it bears. 
 
68 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The literature of tlie Catechism includes besides a number of works 
 founded upon it, or suggested by it in various ways ; different abbrevi- 
 ations of it, in the way of extract or summary, for common plain use ; 
 and what must not be omitted, various paraphrases of it also, more or 
 less full, in verse and rhyme. Thus we have, as early as 1597, Pincer's 
 " Paraphrasis," and afterward Plante's "Epigrammata Sacra," both 
 written upon it in Latin verse. Christian Klaarbout brought it out at 
 Amsterdam, 1725, question and answer, in full Dutch metre, under the 
 sounding title : " The Lustre of the Reformed Church, Shining forth in 
 a brief Summary of Sacred Divinity from the Heidelberg Catechism." 
 "We read also of other attempts to do it honor in the same way. 
 
 So far we have been looking only at the countries of Europe. The 
 Heidelberg Catechism, however, has not held itself to these bounds. 
 With the Dutch colonies, it has gone of course into Asia and Afi'ica ; 
 but what is of far more account, it has crossed the Atlantic, and found 
 in Ameeica also a new history and a new home. 
 
 More than two centuries have now passed, since it was first erected 
 as a standard of evangelical orthodoxy on the island of Manhattan, 
 where the city of New York has since grown to such vast importance. 
 Around it rallied the faith of thousands, transplanted through succes- 
 sive years from the old world to the shores of the new. In the midst 
 of ecclesiastical convulsions and rude political storms, the Reformed 
 Dutch Church of America, clinging fast to her hereditary creed, has 
 since struck her roots deep into the soil, and spread forth her boughs 
 luxuriantly to the face of heaven, till she has become known and 
 honored throughout the whole Christian world. A century later in 
 origin, the American German Reformed Church — sprung indeed, in a 
 certain sense, from the same womb, or at least nursed in the beginning 
 by the same maternal arms — comes forward also to claim our attention. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 69 
 
 She too has had her deep waters to pass through, whose billows had 
 wellnigh swallowed her up. But the favor of "Him who dwelt in 
 the bush" has accompanied her, notwithstanding, in the midst of her 
 most gloomy seasons of trial. Though sorely tost, during a long night 
 of desolation, on dark tumultuous seas, with little notice and less 
 sympathy, she has not abandoned still the martyr faith of her fathers. 
 No force has yet proved sufficient to wrest from her grasp the precious 
 legacy bequeathed to her in the Heidelberg Catechism. At this hour, 
 she clings to it with an attachment that promises to grow stronger 
 only as it becomes more intelligent ; rejoicing and glorying in it, as at 
 once the true key to her ecclesiastical life, and the bond by which she 
 is. to grow and become fully compacted together, in all coming time, as 
 " a holy temple unto the Lord." 
 
 CATHOLIC CONSTITUTION OF THE SYMBOL. 
 
 The high estimation in which, as we have now seen, the Heidelberg 
 Catechism has always been held throughout the entire Keformed 
 Church, is at once in itself an argument of its great worth. For it was 
 by its inward merits wholly that it came to such general honor and 
 regard. Its authors, we have seen, were as theologians comparatively 
 young ; not in the rank of the Reformers properly so called, and with- 
 out any particular ecclesiastical weight for the Church at large. The 
 Catechism was wholly a provincial interest in the beginning, intended 
 to serve the wants of a single country, just entering the sisterhood of 
 older Reformed Churches, without reference at all to any broader 
 use. No sooner had it appeared, however, than it began to fix upon 
 itself the attention and admiration also of other lands. It might have 
 been supposed that Calvin's Catechism would be more likely, than 
 
70 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 any other, to become of classical authority for the Church at large. 
 But this, with all others, gave way in such view to the new Catechism 
 of the Palatinate. While other Catechisms continued to be provincial 
 only, or national, this assumed more and more the character of a 
 catholic or general symbol. So while each country had also its own 
 Confession of Faith, Helvetic, Gallic, Belgic, or otherwise, the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism seemed to move among them all with entire ease and 
 freedom, as a common bond of union for the whole Church. It was 
 welcomed and applauded in Switzerland, France, England, Scotland, 
 and Holland, as well as by all who were friendly to the Reformed 
 faith in Germany itself. Nor was this praise transient, an ephemeral 
 burst of favor, followed again by general neglect. On the contrary, 
 the authority of the Catechism grew with its age. It became the Cate- 
 chism distinctively of the general Reformed Church ; the counterpart in 
 full thus to Luther's Catechism, in its central relation to the Lutheran 
 Church. In this character, we find it quoted and appealed to, on all 
 sides, by both friends and foes. It formed the text book of theology 
 in learned universities. Profound divines (Ursinus, Alting, Piscator, 
 Cocceius, Schultens, and others) have made it in this way the basis of 
 their dogmatic systems. Innumerable pulpits and schools have lent their 
 aid to give it voice and power in the world. It has been as the daily 
 bread of the sanctuary to millions, generation after generation. Never 
 has a Catechism been more honored, in the way of translations, com- 
 mentaries, and expositions. Never was any work of the sort so 
 scattered, like leaves of the forest, in countless editions from the press. 
 Such vast popularity creates at once a powerful presumption in 
 favor of the book, as it goes also to show us something of its peculiar 
 character and constitution. The different national branches of the 
 Reformed Church, though forming together one general communion in 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. ^l 
 
 distinction from tlie Lutlieran, have yet never been wholly of one 
 mind in their confessional views. There was a material difference, in 
 the beginning, between the Zuinglian and the Calvinistic types of 
 doctrine. Calvin's doctrine of the decrees again was not received 
 everywhere in the same form ; and with the course of time, especially, 
 the relation between this and the doctrine of the sacraments became 
 the occasion for differences of apprehension, which affected seriously 
 the whole form and structui'e of theological thought. We can easily 
 see, that there was a difference in this way between the Helvetic 
 Church and the Galilean ; that neither of these were just the same 
 with the Belgic ; and that the Scotch Chui'ch again had its own 
 national peculiarities, distinguishing it in a very marked manner from 
 all the rest. It lay in the nature of circumstances, at the same time, 
 that the Reformed Church in Germany, conditioned from the first by 
 other elements and relations, should also have a character of its own, 
 and not be simply the transcript of some other church life brought in 
 passively from abroad. Now that the Heidelberg Catechism should 
 have been able, in the midst of all these differences, to gain such wide 
 acceptance and common favor, can be accounted for only by supposing 
 it to be so constructed, that we have in it what may be called the 
 proper substance of the Reformed faith in its most general view, and t 
 nothing more. The fact is an argument at once for its broad, irenical, ( 
 catholic spirit, and yet no less, at the same time, for its faithfulness to 
 the common belief of the Church. Its catholicity, in other words, as \ 
 regards its own confessional system, is not that of indifference and 
 negation simply ; it is eminently active and positive ; in this respect 
 like the Apostles' Creed, in its relation to the whole profession of 
 Christianity, than which, as there is no symbol more largely catholic, 
 so is there none also more positive and vitally fundamental to all true 
 
72 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION". 
 
 Christian faith. Only so can we understand, how it should have 
 happened to the Heidelberg Catechism, above all other Catechisms and 
 Confessions, to acquire and keep for itself as it has done the ecumenical 
 credit, which has all along been allowed to it in the history of the 
 Reformed Church. 
 
 It is one great merit of the Catechism, that it is not offensively 
 polemical or controversial in any direction. Its object is in general 
 to affirm, more than to contradict and deny. It is of course Protestant 
 throughout, in opposition to Romanism ; and Reformed also through- 
 out, in opposition to Lutheranism ; and it was not possible, as the 
 world then stood, that this opposition in both cases should not assert 
 itself, indirectly at least, in strong terms. Such theological thrusts 
 were naturally singled out as occasions for odium and reproach, in the 
 beginning, by the parties toward whom they were directed ; but look- 
 ing at the matter now, in the calm light of history, we have reason to 
 be surprised, on the whole, that it is so free from provocation in this 
 form. Even its antagonism to the Roman Catholic Church, if we 
 except the unfortunate and somewhat apocryphal appendix to the 
 80th question, is managed in a general spirit of moderation, which it 
 was by no means easy to maintain in the middle of the sixteenth 
 century. 
 
 SACEAMEKTAL DOCTELNE. 
 
 The controversial relations of the Catechism with the Lutheran 
 Church were determined mainly of course by the sacramental question, 
 and look continually to that order of Lutheran thinking, which came 
 to its culmination finally, as the true and proper orthodoxy of the 
 Church, in the Form of Concord. This brand of discord, as it proved 
 to be afterward, had not yet indeed made its appearance ; but such 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Y3 
 
 men as Brentz and Andreae were busily engaged in preparing the way 
 for its advent ; and the course of things in the Palatinate had much 
 to do, undoubtedly, with the theological movement which was thus 
 in their hands. Near the close of the year 1559, the superintendents 
 and theologians of the province of Wirtemberg had met in Synod at 
 Stuttgard, and adopted a new confession of faith, which was intended 
 especially to fortify the orthodoxy of the land, against the irruption of 
 such errors as were supposed to be at work in the neighboring king- 
 dom of Frederick the Third. In this Stuttgard Confession, as it was 
 called, the peculiar distinctions of full-toned Lutheranism, as distin- 
 guished not simply from the Zuinglian, but also from the Calvinistic 
 and Melancthonian sacramental theories, were formally proclaimed as 
 the only true faith of the Church ; and in particular, the last conse- 
 quence of the system, the transcendental ubiquity or omnipresence of 
 Christ's glorified body, as a result of the so-called commiüiicatio idio- 
 matum^ was for the first time unshi'inkingly declared to be a necessary 
 part of the Lutheran creed. It was in truth an embryonic anticipa- 
 tion of the Form of Concord itself, and opened the way for the 
 general ubiquitarian controversy of which this was finally the grand 
 confessional outgrowth and birth. 
 
 Coming out now in the midst of this controversy, the Heidelberg 
 Catechism took ground quietly against all such spiritualization of 
 Christ's body, by simply affirming, on the subject of His ascension and 
 glorification (qu. 46-48), that He " was taken up from the earth into 
 heaven, and in our behalf there continues until He shall come again 
 to judge the living and the dead " — " that according to His human 
 nature, He is now not upon earth, but according to His Godhead, 
 majesty, grace, and Spirit, He is at no time absent from us ; " which, 
 however, involves no disjunction of His two natures; " for since the 
 10 
 
Y4 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Godhead is incompreliensible and everywhere present, it must follow 
 that it is indeed beyond the bounds of the Manhood which it has as- 
 sumed, but is yet none the less in the same also, and remains personal- 
 X ly united to it." This of course, then, conditions again the view that 
 is taken of our communion with the Saviour in the Lord's Supper ; 
 which holds good, we are told qu. 76, "though Christ is in heaven 
 and we on the earth ; " the Lord's Supper being an assurance (qu. 80) 
 " that by the Holy Ghost we are ingrafted into Christ, who with His 
 true body is now in heaven, at the right hand of God His Father, 
 and is to be there worshipped" — whereas the Roman Mass teaches 
 " that Christ is bodily under the form of bread and wine, and is there- 
 fore to be worshipped in them." 
 
 It was here mainly that the Suabian theologians found occasion 
 for assailing the Catechism with those strictures, which drew forth 
 Ursinus again so vigorously in its defence. In the Maulbron Con- 
 ference of 1564, which proved so severe a trial to his morbid spirit, 
 the discussion was occupied for five days with the subject of Christ's 
 glorification and omnipresence in the world, coming only on the sixth 
 and last day to the question of His presence in the Holy Eucharist. 
 Then we have the same controversy — " infelix bellum ubiquitarium 
 et sacraraentarium " — ^kept up for years through the press. Finally, 
 the Form of Concord came out; and the last great publication of 
 Ursinus, as we have seen, was his Christian Admonition in reply, 
 which was held by many to be the ablest work that the whole 
 controversy had produced. 
 
 There is no room for any mistake, thus, with regard to the 
 sacramental and Christological teaching of the Heidelberg Catechism, 
 so far as antagonism to Lutheran theology in this form is concerned. 
 But we need to have this main issue, as it stood at the time, distinctly 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. '^S 
 
 and clearly before our minds, in order that we may not fall into tlie 
 mistake, on tlie other side, of lowering its sense to the measure of 
 wholly different relations. To deny the allenthalhenheit (everywhere- 
 ness) of Christ's glorified body, and so to reject the notion of its local 
 comprehension in the sacramental elements, did not amount by any 
 means, in the sixteenth century, as for many it might seem to do now, 
 to a denial of the objective working of His human bodily life in the 
 sacrament, in any and every way. Clearly the Catechism could mean 
 no such radical negation as that ; for this would have been to turn 
 into something worse than folly its professed relations to the Lutheran 
 Church, as well as the whole ubiquitarian controversy itself, so ear- 
 nestly carried on by its friends, for years, with the theologians of 
 Tübingen. As we have seen before, the Catechism was not intended, 
 in the beginning, to be a ruptm'e in full with the German Lutheran 
 Church. It was supposed to be in harmony with the Confession of 
 Augsburg, as explained by Melancthon himself. In its sacramental 
 doctrine, therefore, it was held to come fairly within the range of the 
 tenth article of that Confession in its changed form ; which, it will be 
 remembered, differs from its original form, only in not making the 
 communication of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament to be in 
 and under the elements, while it is stul declared to go along with 
 them, as part of the transaction, in the most real way. The mystery 
 of the fact itself remains as a necessary article of faith ; only the 
 question of the mode or manner of it is left without any sort of 
 determination. In this view, unquestionably, the doctrine of Melanc- 
 thon here must be considered the doctrine also of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism. So far as the fact of the sacramental mystery is concerned, 
 the last was supposed at least to mean all that was required by the 
 first. 
 
 K 
 
76 mSTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 We can Lave no better authority or evidence on this subject tlian 
 the formal defence of the sacramental doctrine of the Catechism, 
 which was di'awn up by Ursinus himself, at the request of the Elector 
 Frederick, and published March, 1564, in the name of the whole 
 theological faculty of Heidelberg, for the very purpose of setting 
 before the world the true position of the Palatinate with regard to 
 this whole subject. The work to which we refer is the famous 
 " Gründlicher Bericht," the same which in Latin bears the title : 
 " Vera doctrina de sacra Jesu Christi coena." Here we have the 
 points urged, as a matter of course, that the body of Christ is in 
 heaven ; that it cannot be, therefore, in the sacramental bread ; that 
 the elements are signs and seals of the things they represent, and not 
 the things themselves ; that these require a different kind of giving 
 and receiving, and are enjoyed only through the right use of the 
 sacrament ; that they become ours then, not by the mouth, but only 
 by faith ; and that unbelievers, consequently, receive in the sacrament 
 its outward signs only, and nothing more. All this is abundantly 
 plain. But the very object of the vindication is to show, that all this 
 is by no means the whole of the Heidelberg doctrine, as it was the 
 fashion of its calumniators to misrepresent. The signs, we are told, 
 are not void signs, figures only of something which has place without 
 them. Where the sacrament is rightly used, that is, where faith is at 
 hand, the proper organ for the reception of the heavenly gift, this gift 
 goes along with the outward exhibition which is made of it by the 
 signs, really and truly ; so that they are in very deed, through the 
 power of the Holy Ghost, the medium and organ of its communication 
 at the time. They are not themselves the gift ; they have no power 
 in themselves to produce it ; but still they are so bound to it in the 
 way of certification and pledge, by the wonder-working power of 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 77 
 
 God's Spii'it, that they become in tlieir right outward use actual 
 vehicles of it to the inward appropriation of faith. What is thus 
 communicated to the believer, moreover, is not simply the merits of 
 Christ, the benefits He has procured for us by His death, but Christ 
 Himself, His " person, substance, and being," through which alone, it is 
 said, we can have any part in such benefits and merits. This mystical 
 union forms the general law of the Christian life ; which it is then the 
 object of the sacrament, however, not simply to signify in such general 
 view, but to actuate and carry into effectual force in the very article 
 of its own transaction. And what is thus received, we are told 
 farther, is not the life of Christ simply as exhibited in His divine 
 nature, but more especially His proper human life, nothing less in 
 truth than that once crucified body in which He reigns, now risen 
 from the dead, at God's right hand in heaven. " The Lord's Supper," 
 it is said in plain terms, " is a visible, but in no sense a mere empty 
 or vain sign, wherein all believers not only partake of all Christ's 
 benefits, but also, since Christ thereby hath promised and therewith 
 testifies as much, are fed and refreshed with the true, essential body 
 and blood of Christ Himself, as really and certainly as with the 
 visible bread and wine." Again, in terms if possible still more 
 explicit and strong, we have the declaration : " That the body and 
 blood of Christ are in His Hohj Supper, and that they are therein 
 also truly eaten and drunken, we know from God's Word, and confess 
 as much with mouth and heart before God and all angels and men ; 
 but that He is therefore in the hread^ we find not written in God's 
 Word." Here we have the distinction, which serves to explain all. 
 Not in the bread ; but yet none the less in the transaction. Not 
 therefore in the way of any local comprehension ; but yet none the 
 less certainly, in a way transcending, for faith, all merely local rela- 
 
Y8 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tions by tlie power of the Holy Ghost ; actus in actu thus, the 
 working of the Spirit in His own sphere going along with the sacra- 
 mental ministration in the sphere of nature, and filling out the true 
 and proper sense of it in another order of existence altogether. In 
 this view the fact of the Saviour's glorified body being in heaven only, 
 and not on the earth, is considered to be no bar at all to the idea of 
 a real communion with it in the sacrament. It can seem so only 
 to those whose minds are so preoccupied with the notion of local and 
 physical connection, that they have no power to rise to the far higher 
 conception of a true dynamical connection through the Spirit. Even 
 in the sphere of nature, there are what may be called physical unions 
 of things locally separate and distinct, which far exceed in intimacy 
 and closeness all merely local contact or inbeing. Such is the union 
 of the vine with its branches, and the union of the head with the 
 members of the human body.; which are especially employed in the 
 New Testament to represent the very mystery of which we are now 
 speaking, the communication of Christ's life to His people. Why 
 then should it be thought a thing impossible for this to have place 
 in the sacrament, so that, although " Christ is in heaven and we on 
 the earth," we may nevertheless come into communion there with His 
 blessed body itself, through the working of the Holy Ghost, in a way 
 surpassing all natural understanding ? " The ascension of Christ into 
 heaven," the theologians of Heidelberg, with Ursinus at their head, 
 here tell us, " leaves His body indeed in the Holy Supper, but not in 
 the bread ; for the Holy Ghost, by whose power and working things 
 far asunder as regards place are as closely bound and joined as though 
 they were together in the same place, unites and binds us, who are on 
 the earth, with the body of Christ which is in heaven, a thousand 
 times more closely and firmly than the members of our body are 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. »79 
 
 bound together. For wliicli reason tlie body of Christ is not alone in 
 the Lord's Supper, but is also eaten therein." 
 
 After all this we can feel no surprise, in finding the last part of 
 the " Gründlicher Bericht " devoted to the purpose of showing, that 
 the Heidelberg doctrine of the Lord's Supper stood in no op230sition 
 whatever to the tenth article of the Augsburg Confession. 
 
 It is easy to recognize here the general sacramental system of 
 Calvin ; but we have no right to say, that it was borrowed exactly 
 from Calvin himself. It seems rather to have been reached in an 
 independent way, as the result of what we have seen to be the 
 Melancthonian tendency of thought in Germany itself; though the 
 influence of Calvin had something to do also, no doubt, with Ursinus 
 especially, in determining the particular form of its conception and 
 expression at certain points. With the merits of the theory we are 
 not now concerned. Let it pass for what it is worth ; all we wish is 
 to have it fairly understood, that this, and no other, is the scheme of 
 thinking, which underlies the sacramental doctrine of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism. With all its opposition to the notion of a local presence 
 of Christ's body in the sacrament, and the thought of everything like 
 a corporal and carnal partaking of it in the use of the sacramental 
 elements, the Catechism seeks just as earnestly on the other hand to 
 save, in a different way, what may be called the proper mystery of the 
 institution in this view, against all attempts to drag it do-wTi into the 
 sphere of mere nature. Its view is mystical, making heavy demands 
 on faith ; not rationalistic, requiring for its apprehension only the 
 common reason of men. So much, indeed, is evident at once from the 
 labored effort, which so strikingly characterizes the phraseology of its 
 several questions in relation to this whole subject. The doctrine 
 plainly struggles throughout, that in avoiding the Scylla of materialism 
 
80 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 on tlie one side, it may not faU over to tlie Chaiybdis of an equally 
 false spiritualism on tlie other. 
 
 EESEKVE ON THE DECREES. 
 
 Substantially Calvinistic as the Heidelberg Catechism is, however, 
 in its doctrine of the sacraments, it has carefully refrained from com- 
 mitting itself in like manner to Calvin's doctrine of the decrees. This 
 is the more remarkable, as both of its authors, Ursinus and Olevianus, 
 are known to have been themselves strenuous disciples here of the great 
 Genevan teacher ; which, however, only goes again with other things 
 to show, how in this work a sort of general objective spirit, in their 
 ecclesiastical surroundings, seems to have taken possession of them, 
 and to have made use of them as organs for reaching its own end. 
 There is an innate opposition here, unquestionably, between the two 
 sides of Calvin's system, as it was taught by himself in the sixteenth 
 century ; his theory of election and reprobation can never be made to 
 agree fully with the old church idea which he labored with so much 
 ingenuity to conserve in his theory of the sacraments. Where an 
 abstract unconditional decree is made to be the principle of the whole 
 Christian salvation, in such way that this is supposed to be only for a 
 predestinated number of the human family, and to have no real regard 
 whatever to any who may stand from their birth outside of such 
 election — it is not easy to see certainly, how much earnest can be 
 made with the outward, historical, organic character of Christianity 
 generally, or how there can be any room in particular for the concep- 
 tion of sacramental grace in a truly objective form. And so it has 
 been found in fact, in the history of the Reformed Church, that these 
 two forms of thinking have not been able to exist in fall force for any 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION^. 81 
 
 lengtli of time together. Where the Calvinlstic theory of the decrees 
 has been allowed to rule the course of theology, the Calvinistic theory 
 of the sacraments has gradually lost its meaning altogether ; whereas, 
 in proportion as the sense of the sacramental has prevailed anywhere, 
 as in Germany especially, the doctrine of the decrees has been held 
 only with much qualification and reserve. In any view, it must be 
 considered a recommendation of the Heidelberg Catechism, that it has 
 i not allowed itself to go into this labyrinth of speculation ; and most 
 of all, that it has not made a metaphysical principle, in this way, the 
 root and regulating law of its religious teachings. For children in 
 particular, all such constructions of Christianity are something to be 
 deprecated and deplored. But we may go farther and say, that they 
 are out of character in any confession or creed, designed for general 
 church use, or proposed as the basis of common Christian communion. 
 Universally, indeed, an extensive, complicated creed must be regarded 
 as a great evil ; and the Church is to be congratulated, that can be 
 content to measure its orthodoxy by so simple and general a formulary 
 as the Heidelberg Catechism, to the exclusion of every less liberal 
 standard. No platform of ecclesiastical faith should ever be less large 
 and free ; whether even this be not too circumscribed, may well be 
 made a question. 
 
 Some have presumed to say, that the Catechism carries with it 
 an actually Arminian sense at times, in the view it takes of the plan 
 of salvation. We have seen already, that Arminius himself, and his 
 party in Holland, affected to consider it in general harmony with their 
 views. But we know, at the same time, that the plea was never 
 allowed to be of any real force in their favor. The party themselves 
 showed clearly enough that they felt the real sense of the Catechism 
 to be strongly against them, by their persevering endeavors to 
 11 
 
82 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 destroy its authority and credit ; wliile the Synod of Dort, speaking 
 not simply for the Dutch Church, but for the Reformed Confession 
 in all lands, took it fully into their confidence and trust as a true 
 exposition of their coromon faith. It requires, indeed, very little 
 examination, to perceive that the order of thinking which runs through 
 the whole work is utterly opposed to the Pelagian scheme in every 
 form. Nowhere do we find represented in more decided terms, the 
 helplessness of man, through the fall, on the one hand, and the absolute 
 sovereignty of God's grace, in the work of his salvation, on the other. 
 
 Thus, as we know, the Catechism has its first part devoted entirely 
 to the consideration of the misery of man in his fallen state, as some- 
 thing necessary to be well understood, in order that we may come to 
 any proper knowledge of our redemption through Christ. It begins, 
 accordingly, by asserting in the strongest manner the general depravity 
 and corruption of our nature, brought to pass through the wholesale 
 ruin of the fall. Not only is the fact affirmed, that all men are 
 involved in the terrible contradiction of sin, (qu. 3-5) ; but this fact 
 is referred also to its true ground, as holding, not just in the individual 
 will, but in the common life of the race itself (qu. 6, 7). " Our nature 
 is become so corrupt, that we are all conceived and born in sin." The 
 evil is deep and broad as humanity itself, and not of a kind therefore to 
 be ever surmounted by the individual man in himself considered. This 
 at once strikes at the root of all Pelagianism. The ruin is organic, 
 and as such, needs an organic redemption — a redemption of humanity 
 in its wholeness first of all, as the only way of bringing true deliver- 
 ance to any particular or single life embraced in this whole. That 
 which is born of the flesh, the nature of man in its fallen state, is flesh, 
 and in and of itself must ever remain such ; can never leave itself 
 behind ; can never transcend really and truly its own sphere (qu. 8). 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 83 
 
 Our spiritual nature, in this way, is in ruins ; its powers paralyzed ; 
 " wholly unapt to any good, and prone to all evil ; " though still under 
 law, and possessed of a capacity for salvation. If it be asked now, 
 how this tremendous lapse originally took place, no attempt is made 
 to fathom the full depth of the mystery. We are only told, in general 
 tei'ms, that it came not from God, but from the free will of man him- 
 self. Our first parents were holy, and had power to keep their first 
 estate ; they were under no supralapsarian necessity of falling ; but by 
 their own wilful disobedience they fell in fact, and so brought sin and 
 death upon the entire race (qu. 9). The origin of sin, beyond this, the 
 Heidelberg Catechism seeks not to explain. It rejects all Manichean 
 necessity on the one side, while it rejects also all Pelagian freedom 
 on the other ; and, like the Bible itself, takes its course firmly between 
 these two irreligious extremes, leaving the understanding to manage 
 its own embarrassment in the case as it best can. There are truths in 
 this way, truths too of the most important and most immediately 
 practical sort, whose very nature it is to involve dialectic contradic- 
 tions, not to be reconciled by the understanding in its common form. 
 The mind must receive them, if they are to be received at all, through 
 another sort of knowledQ:e altosfether. 
 
 What was lost in Adam, the Catechism goes on to teach in the 
 next place, has been recovered for us again, and more than recovered 
 in Christ. He is the fountain of the whole Christian salvation 
 (qu. 18), having in Himself all the qualifications which are needed to 
 constitute a perfect medium of reconciliation or atonement between 
 the human nature and the divine (qu. 12-17) ; being in His own 
 person in fact the fullest conjunction of both ; so that " the same 
 human nature which has sinned " is brought to make full satisfaction 
 for sin, and to become thus the righteousness of God for the race at 
 
g4 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 large, in Him and through Him as the second Adam. To the full 
 benefit of this glorious redemption, however, only those of the race 
 come, who are united to Christ by faith ; which involves the living 
 apprehension, not simply of an abstract doctrine, but of the whole 
 perennial fact of Christianity itself, as we have it embodied in the 
 Apostles' Creed (qu. 21-59). The great cardinal doctrine of justifi- 
 cation by faith alone, through the imputation of Christ's " satisfaction, 
 righteousness, and holiness," in opposition to the idea of any merit on 
 the part of the believer himself, is asserted in the strongest terms 
 (qu. 60-64). But this threefold imputation is held to be of such a 
 character, at the same time, that the grace which is thus objectively 
 made over to us in Christ, carries along with it from the very start the 
 principle of our personal sanctification. The apprehension and appro- 
 priation of it tlirough faith, cause it to become at once the power of a 
 new divine life in the subject of this faith ; " for it is impossible " 
 (we are told, qu. 64) " that those who are implanted into Christ, by 
 true faith, should not bring forth fruits of thankfulness." Faith itself, 
 which thus comprehends in itself the whole force of the Christian life, 
 is no product simply of the thinking and willing of men. The Holy 
 Ghost " works it in our hearts by the preaching of the Holy Gospel, 
 and confirms it by the use of the Holy Sacraments " (qu. 65-85). 
 
 All is of grace ; and the divine sovereignty reigns supreme 
 throuo-hout the entire work. But now when we fall back upon the 
 4eep questions that concern the relation of this sovereignty to human 
 freedom, the Heidelberg Catechism, as in the case of the origin of sin 
 before, is again significantly silent. Not only does it shrink from 
 asserting the supralapsarian theory of the decrees — the fall and ruin 
 of the whole race ordained from all eternity, in order to open the way 
 for the predetermined salvation of a certain limited number of the 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 85 
 
 race — ^wtlch is after all the only really consistent form of metapliysical 
 Calvinism ; but the whole doctrine of the decrees is left untouched, 
 : except as it may seem to be comprised in the doctrine of God's 
 / almighty and everywhere present providence. The idea of predestina- 
 tion to life is brought no closer than this : that of the fallen posterity 
 of Adam those only are saved by Christ, who " by true faith are 
 ingrafted into Him, and receive all His benefits " (qu. 20) ; or that the 
 Son of God gathers and preserves for Himself, out of the whole hiunan 
 race, unto everlasting life, " a chosen communion, in the unity of the 
 true faith" (qu. 54). Still less, of course, do we hear formally of 
 anything like a decree of absolute reprobation ; or of what is the neces- 
 sary consequence of this, and only another manner of expressing the 
 same thing, such a limitation of the atonement, as makes it be of no 
 force whatever for humanity in general, but only for a fragmentary 
 part of it, numerically settled and fixed beforehand in the Divine 
 Mind. The Catechism knows nothing of any such particular redemp- 
 tion, offered to all, but intended only for some, and carrying in it for 
 others no possibility of salvation whatever. On the contrary, regardless 
 here of all difficulties, and true to all sound religious feeling, it plainly 
 declares, in conformity mth the unequivocal sense of the Scriptures 
 themselves, that Christ " bore, in body and soul, the Tvrath of God 
 against the sin of the whole human race " (qu. 37) ; which is of course 
 implied also in what is asserted before of its being necessary for Him 
 to be very man, in order that the " same human nature " which sinned 
 in Adam, might in Him again, as the new Adam, " make satisfaction 
 for sin," and so " obtain for, and restore to us, righteousness and life " 
 (qu. 16, 17). 
 
 So also if the question be asked, whether God's grace be irresist- 
 ible in the conversion of men, and incapable of being altogether lost 
 
 / 
 
86 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 afterward, we look in vain for any direct answer to it in the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism. It holds itself here, as before, to the general, popular 
 representations of the Bible, without pretending to solve the philo- 
 sophical problems that lie behind them. As it does not teach an 
 unconditional election, so neither does it affirm the absolute invincible- 
 ness of grace in the work of conversion ; while the doctrine of what is 
 called the necessary perseverance of the saints is left by it, in great 
 measure at least, unmooted and unsettled. 
 , / It is a peculiarity of the Catechism, indeed, that it makes faith to 
 include in it an assured confidence of a personal interest in the 
 everlasting righteousness and salvation of the Gospel (qu. 21) ; on the 
 ground of which then the believer is represented throughout, as 
 enjoying a present certainty of all that has been procured for him by 
 Christ, on to the full blessedness of heaven itself in the end. This is 
 brought out especially in the very first question, with great beauty 
 and force. But in all this, regard is had not so much to the idea of a 
 decree of election on the part of God, making salvation certain for His 
 chosen ones in an outwardly objective view, as to the sense rather 
 which they have in themselves of the all sufficiency of His grace, and 
 of their own security as being comprehended in its present power. 
 They know themselves to have in Christ all things that pertain to 
 godliness and salvation, not only for this world, but also for that 
 which is to come. But no such inward persuasion, however true and 
 clear it may be in itself, can ever authenticate the outward fact of 
 their being predestinated, without the possibility of failure, to ever- 
 lasting life ; nor can it be said properly to rest at all on the 
 knowledge of any such fact. We know, moreover, that the inward 
 persuasion may itself fail and come to an end, at least for a time ; 
 for all admit the possibility of such temporary backslidings and 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 87 
 
 defections, in the case of believers, as shall completely eclipse, while 
 they last, any assurance they may have had before of the certainty 
 of their own salvation. This of itself then is sufficient to show, that 
 the mere confidence of faith, however just, is not at once a conclusive 
 argument for the continuation of its own present good estate unto the 
 end ; and so the strong language of the Catechism in regard to this 
 confidence may agree very well, after all, with the supposition that 
 there is such a thing as falling away hopelessly from a state of gi'ace. 
 The ark may include all that is necessary to outride the flood, and 
 land its rescued ones on Ararat in the end ; and they may have, while 
 in it, the fullest assurance of their safety in this way ; but that is not 
 just in and of itself such a foregone certainty of their final deliverance, 
 as makes it impossible for them to forsake the ark, and so lose their 
 hold on what was real and true for them only while remaining in its \/ 
 bosom. These two terms, as we know, the assurance of Christian ' 
 hope on the one hand, and the peril of coming short of the same hope 
 on the other, are joined together all through the New Testament, as 
 cooperating forces or motives in the work of our salvation. We are 
 to give diligence to " make our calling and election sure ; " we are to 
 " fear lest, a promise being left us of entering into His rest, any of us 
 should seem to come short of it ; " " we are made partakers of Christ, 
 if we hold the beorinnino; of our confidence steadfast unto the end." 
 The teaching of the Catechism in regard to the perseverance of the 
 saints goes thus far, but it cannot be said to go any farther. All back 
 of this is a philosophical question, which it nowhere pretends to solve 
 1 or settle. 
 
 Here then is a material difference between the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism and many of the larger Confessions of Faith which have 
 appeared in the Reformed Church. It may be said indeed, that the 
 
88 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Calvinistic points to which we have now referred are at least involved 
 or implicated in its general system of doctrine. So it must have 
 seemed, of course, to that part of the Reformed communion, for which 
 these points had become of confessional authority ; since it could not 
 otherwise have been indorsed, as it was for instance by the Synod of 
 ^ Dort, as sound and orthodox. But this only shows that the Cate- 
 chism leaves these points untouched ; allowing room thus, as the Bible 
 itself also does, for different methods of carrying out its general 
 doctrine. These strong Calvinistic positions hold beyond its practical 
 horizon. The Belgic Church might consider them necessary to com- 
 plete her theological system ; but there has always been a part of the 
 Reformed Church, in Germany more particularly, which has not 
 received them, though willing enough to own the general platform of 
 the Heidelbers: Catechism. This is so constructed as to afford fair 
 opportunity for such difference. The authors of it seem to have held 
 their own theological convictions purposely in a certain measure of 
 abeyance, in order that they might be true to the church life around 
 them ; which, as we know, included much that could never have been 
 satisfied with extreme Calvinism on the subject of the decrees. Or 
 rather perhaps, as we shall see presently, the peculiar order and 
 method of their work, after it had been once fairly adopted, served to 
 determine its reigning character here, with a sort of inward necessity 
 flowing from the nature of the subject itself. 
 
 Some have gone so far as to charge the Catechism with contra- 
 dicting itself, because it is thus comprehensive in its views ; appearing 
 occasionally to favor in one direction, what it may be thought to 
 oppose again in another. But in this it only resembles the broad 
 comprehensiveness of the Sacred Scriptures themselves ; which also 
 countenance, in some cases, what seem to be conflicting views ; though 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 89 
 
 it must always be assumed, of course, that they are not such in fact, 
 but require only a deeper knowledge than we now have, to be seen in 
 their proper concord and agreement. All great truths indeed, it has 
 been said, are polar ; carry in themselves opposing forces or powers, 
 whose very contradiction is found to be necessary at last to the true 
 harmony of their constitution. 
 
 CONCEPTION AND PLAN. 
 
 Much depends for the spirit of the Catechism, no doubt, on the 
 plan of its construction. This is in a measure peculiarly its own, and 
 differs materially from what was common in formularies of this sort 
 before. The Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed, 
 form of course the proper basis of all right catechetical instruction, to 
 which must be joined then some notice of the Word and Sacraments 
 as means of grace ; but it is not at once so clear in what order these 
 general topics should be handled, and then there may be much differ- 
 ence of judgment also as to what exactly should be embraced under 
 each division. The common method has been to commence with the 
 Law, as set forth in the Decalogue, connecting with it the being of 
 God and His general relations to the world, so as to open the way to 
 the knowledge of sin, and the true idea of the Gospel as a system of 
 salvation by grace. Luther's Catechism starts in this way with the 
 Ten Commandments, So the Catechism of Zurich, based on the 
 Catechisms of Leo Juda and Bullinger ; which, as we have said before, 
 has much in common with the Heidelberg Catechism, but differs from 
 it in being shorter, and also in the different arrangement of its matter. 
 It consists of four parts : the first treating of God, of the Scriptures, 
 and of the Law ; the second, of the articles of the Creed ; the third, 
 12 
 
90 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of thankfiilness and the Lord's Prayer ; and tlie fourtli, of tlie Sacra- 
 ments. Lasky's Catechism again has the same fourfold order, begin- 
 ning with the knowledge of God and the Ten Commandments. In 
 Calvin's Catechism .we have the order partially changed : first the 
 Creed ; next the Decalogue ; then the Lord's Prayer ; and finally the 
 Word and Sacraments ; — all in answer to the general question : In 
 what manner is God to be rightly honored ? The difficulty with this 
 whole method is, that it runs almost necessarily into the form of mere 
 didactic representation. The teaching is made to hinge too much on 
 some speculative principle, and assumes a sort of outward character, 
 as a scheme of knowledge simply for the understanding. Christianity 
 comes to appear in this way a theory, rather than a living fact. It 
 is especially worthy of note now, that the preliminary, experimental 
 Catechisms of Ursinus (larger and smaller) were themselves con- 
 structed according to this general fashion, following in particular the 
 order of Calvin. But, strange to say, the Heidelberg Catechism came 
 out immediately after on another plan altogether. How the authors 
 were led to it, we are not informed. It would seem to have some 
 connection with that idea of the Covenant of Grace which entered so 
 largely, as we know, into the thinking of Olevianus, and is fore- 
 shadowed to some extent in the spirit of his previous Catechism for 
 children ; but there is evidence enough that it belongs also to the 
 independent judgment of Ursinus. Altogether the case is one of the 
 singularities that so stiikingly characterize the authorship of the book. 
 The method here followed, as it has often been remarked, is that 
 of St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans (with the omission of chap. 
 9-11); a threefold division, namely, in which we have the fact of 
 Christianity represented in its own living, historical order, as it 
 appears first in the fallen condition of man, then in the work of 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 91 
 
 redemption, and finally in tlie fruits of righteousness wMcli spring from 
 tlie joyful, believing apprehension of such great mercy. The concep- 
 tion is easy and simple, but at the same time profound and comprehen- 
 sive ; and we may readily see, what a vast improvement it brings with 
 it at once into the whole organization of catechetical instruction. 
 
 "We have the old material still, the Decalogue, the Creed, the 
 Lord's Prayer, with the Church and Sacraments ; but it is no longer in 
 the form of so many separate parts, put together in merely outward 
 conjunction, or subordinated at best to a speculative scheme of 
 divinity ; they are worked up into the general subject to which they 
 belong, according to what may be called the law of its own inward 
 movement and progress. Thus, although the first part of the Cate- 
 chism has to do with the knowledge of sin, which comes only through 
 the knowledge of law, we are not referred at once for this purpose, as 
 in Luther's Catechism, to a formal explication of the Ten Command- 
 ments. " The Decalogue," says Ursinus, " belongs to the first part so 
 far as it is a mirror of our sin and misery, but also to the third part as 
 being the rule of our new obedience and Christian life." With good 
 judgment, accordingly, the consideration of it in detail is reserved for 
 this ethical sphere ; while simply the sum of the law, as given by our 
 Saviour Himself, is employed to bring its scattered rays to a burning 
 focus, in the first part, on the fact of our common human depravity, 
 considered in its spiritual principle and root (qu. 4). In the second 
 part, then, we have the Creed and the Sacraments ; and along with the 
 Ten Commandments, in the third part, also the Lord's Prayer. There 
 is a beautiful order in this way, from first to last, in which all these 
 catechetical elements seem to find their appropriate place, and by 
 means of which they enter naturally and easily into the constitution 
 of the work as a whole. 
 
92 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Then, as we have said, tlie structure of tlie work is not theoretical, 
 but prevailingly practical. It is not a system of knowledge merely 
 for tke understanding, in which the truths of religion are set forth in 
 the character of abstract thought and general theological doctrine ; it 
 is a representation rather of the great facts of religion in their own 
 living and concrete form, so ordered as to address itself continually to 
 the believing contemplation of the heart and soul. 
 
 The Catechism of Geneva abounds with fine devotional sentiments, 
 which we find frequently turned to account in the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism ; but somehow they seem to be farther away from us, and more 
 a matter of cold reflection, in the first case, than they are felt to be in 
 the second. Compare the two formularies, for example, on the topic 
 of Divine Providence. " Why dost thou call God Creator only," it is 
 asked with Calvin, " when to maintain and preserve creatures in their 
 condition is somethins; much better than to have made them at first ? " 
 Answer : " It is not meant by tliis word only, that God so created His 
 works once as to have no care of them afterward. But it must be so 
 understood rather, that the world, as it was made by Him once, is by 
 Him now also preserved ; so that the earth, and all other things, stand 
 not otherwise than as they are upheld through His power, and as it 
 were by His hand. Moreover, since He has all things under His hand, 
 it follows from thence also that He is the supreme ruler and lord of 
 all. Therefore from His being creator of heaven and earth, it is 
 proper to understand, that it is He alone who with wisdom, goodness, 
 and power, governs the whole course and order of nature ; who is the 
 author both of rain and drought, of hail and other tempests, and also 
 of fair weather ; who by His benignity makes the earth fruitful, and 
 again renders it barren by withdrawing His hand ; from whom proceed 
 both health and sickness ; under whose command finally are all things. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 93 
 
 and whose will they obey." Tlien follow two other questions, on the 
 subjection of bad men and devils to this universal government, and 
 the advantage of our knowing that they are thus under God's almighty 
 control. It is all beautiful and gi-and ; but who can help feeling, at 
 the same time, with how much more beauty and grandeur the same 
 thoughts are represented to us, in the inimitable, poetical simplicity 
 and pathos of the 2Tth and 28th questions of the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism? We give them here in full. Qu. 27 : "What dost thou mean 
 by the Providence of God ? " Answer : " The almighty and every- 
 where present power of God, whereby, as it were by His hand. He 
 still upholds heaven and earth, with all creatures ; and so governs 
 them, that herbs and grass, rain and drought, fruitful and barren years, 
 meat and drink, health and sickness, riches and poverty, yea all things, 
 come not by chance, but by His fatherly hand." Qu. 28 : " What does 
 it profit us to know, that God has created, and by His providence still 
 upholds all things ? " Answer : " That we may be patient in adversity ; 
 thankful in prosperity ; and for what is future, have good confidence 
 in our faithful God and Father that no creature shall separate us from 
 His love ; since all creatures are so in His hand, that without His will 
 they cannot so much as move." 
 
 Calvin's Catechism is theological throughout, a theory of religion 
 based on the doctrine of God and His relations generally to the world. 
 So much is signified in its very first question : " What is the chief end 
 of human life ? " This is made to be such a knowledge of God as 
 leads to His proper glorification. Then it follows : " How is He to be 
 rightly glorified or honored ? " To which we have the answer, resolv- 
 ing the subject theoretically and didactically into four main parts: 
 " By our reposing in Him our whole trust ; by our endeavoring to 
 devote our whole life to Him in obeying His will ; by our calling 
 
^i HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 upon Him as often as we are in any need, seeking safety in Him and 
 all desirable good ; and finally, by acknowledging Him, both with 
 heart and mouth, to be the sole author of all good things." This four- 
 fold scheme then is made to lead and rule the entire subsequent course 
 of instruction, imparting to it necessarily something of its own scho- 
 lastic complexion. Even the Apostles' Creed, in this way, fails to 
 exercise its proper power over the form and manner of religious 
 thought. It determines indeed the order of the first part ; but the 
 sense of its historical significance is too much lost in its subordination 
 to mere theoloo-ical reflection. 
 
 o 
 
 / In the Heidelberg Catechism all is different. It offers us no specu- 
 lative scheme of theology, but throws itself at once into the bosom of 
 what we may call the actual work of redemption in its historical form. 
 It is anthropological, beginning with the constitution of man, as it 
 finds him in his present fallen state ; and then again it is soteriological, 
 following out the great facts of the new creation in Christ Jesus, as 
 we have them exhibited to our contemplation in the Creed. Its 
 character in this respect is strikingly represented in its opening 
 question, which reveals to us at once the principle and comprehensive 
 sum of the entire work. " What is thy only comfort in life and in death ? " 
 Answer : " That I, with body and soul, both in life and in death, am 
 not my own, but belong to my faithful Saviour Jesus Christ, who with 
 His precious blood has fully satisfied for all my sins, and redeemed me 
 from all the power of the Devil ; and so preserves me that without the 
 vrill of my Father in heaven, not a hair can fall from my head ; yea, 
 that all things must work together for my salvation. Wherefore, by 
 His Holy Spirit He also assures me of eternal life, and makes me 
 heartily willing and ready henceforth to live unto Him." No question 
 in the whole Catechism has been more admired than this, and none 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 95 
 
 surely is more worthy of admiration. "Where shall we find, in the 
 same compass, a more beautifully graphic, or a more impressively full 
 and pregnant, representation of all that is comprehended for us in the 
 grace of our Lord and Savioui' Jesus Christ ? For thousands and tens 
 of thousands, during the past three hundred years, it has been as a 
 whole system of theology in the best sense of the term, their pole star 
 over the sea of life, and the sheet anchor of their hope amid the waves 
 of death. But what we quote it for now, is simply to show the mind 
 that actuates and rules the Catechism throughout. We have here at 
 once its fundamental conception, and the reigning law of its construc- 
 tion ; the key note, we may say, which governs its universal sense, and 
 whose grandly solemn tones continue to make themselves heard 
 through all its utterances from beginning to end. 
 
 EELATIOK TO THE APOSTLES' CREED. 
 
 It belongs to the practical, historical character of the Catechism, 
 as now described, that it falls in readily with what may be called the 
 natural movement of the Apostles' Creed, and allows itself to be ruled 
 largely by its proper confessional spirit. 
 
 This primitive symbol, as we know, is not a summary of doctrinal 
 truths proposed in didactic style for the understanding, but an 
 exhibition rather of the living process of Christianity itself for the 
 intuitional vision of faith ; a panoramic representation, we may say, 
 of the grand facts of redemption, made to pass before the eye of the 
 spectator, gazing upon them from within the sphere of the new creation 
 itself to which they belong. The principle of Christianity here, that 
 from which its whole being in the world starts and proceeds, is the 
 revelation of God in Christ, the mystery of the Incarnation ; which, 
 
96 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 where it has come to be apprehended with true faith, in the spirit of 
 St. Peter's memorable confession, Thou art the öhrist^ the Son of the 
 Living God^ is found to involve, with inward, necessary, historical 
 consequence, all the other articles of the symbol, out to the resurrection 
 of the body and the life everlasting. Where the Creed is allowed to 
 exert its natural and proper influence, as the original norm of all right 
 Christian thinking, we shall have always a theology and a church life 
 materially different from what will be found to prevail where this is 
 not the case. By holding the mind to the true Christological and 
 historical point of observation, it serves to keep it from the eiTor of a 
 merely speculative or metaphysical construction of Christian doctrine. 
 A theology which flows in the order of the Creed, and breathes the 
 spirit of the Creed, becomes in this way concrete, and not simply 
 abstract; organic, and not simply logical and systematic; historical, 
 and not simply dogmatic ; and with all this churchly also and sacra- 
 mental, and not simply didactic and preceptive. 
 
 It follows then, that where the system of religious thought has 
 already fallen away seriously from this order, there will be no proper 
 sense for the symbolical authority of the Creed, and no power to use 
 it in a free and natural way. It could not be incorporated at all, for 
 example, into the Westminster Catechism ; which, with all its merits, 
 moves from first to last in a wholly different order of thought. It 
 suffers also a certain measure of constraint, as we have seen, in the 
 admu'able Catechism of Geneva. But with the Heidelberg Catechism 
 the case is altogether different. We will not say, that even this is 
 fully answerable in all respects to the genius of the Creed, or that the 
 Creed finds in it everywhere its natural sense and right exposition. 
 We can easily enough see, that a theological interest is allowed at 
 times to bend the symbol from its true course ; as in the arbitrary 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 97 
 
 gloss, for example, on tlie descent to hades, adopted in tlie 44tli 
 question from Calvin. But witli all this, there is a real inward corre- 
 spondence between the Catechism and the Creed, which in the circum- 
 stances is truly remarkable. The Creed is here not simply as an 
 outward text, made to accommodate itself to the purposes of religious 
 instruction in one part of the Catechism; but as the central basis 
 rather of the whole work, in which all its parts come together and 
 find their true construction and sense. However it may have come to 
 pass, the fundamental idea of the Catechism, the scheme on which it 
 is projected, leads over of itself to the " articles of our catholic, un- 
 doubted Christian faith," as they are presented to us in the Creed ; 
 the exposition of which then follows, in the second part, as a simple 
 history of the great work of redemption, carrying forward with natural 
 ease the general theme proposed in the first question. The spirit of 
 the Creed, in this way, seems to enter into the whole constitution of 
 the work, influencing its course of thought, and giving form and 
 complexion to its conceptions, even beyond what was designed always 
 or distinctly premeditated in the mind of its authors. For it is not 
 too much to say, that in the composition of the Catechism we have 
 something more than mere outward thought and reflection. It carries 
 in it, unquestionably, to some extent, the genial inspiration of a true 
 work of art ; in which the mind of the artist is seized and borne away 
 by what we may call the mind of his subject, so as to become for it 
 the more or less passive organ simply of its own self-production. 
 Only in such view can we account for much, that must otherwise ever 
 appear strange and perplexing in the authorship of the book. 
 
 13 
 
98 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ONLY FOE THE SPHERE OF GRACE. 
 
 It is a distinguisliing feature of tlie Heidelberg CatecMsm, showing 
 its general affinity with the spirit of the Creed, that its teachings 
 throughout are more confessional than didactic, uttered everywhere 
 from the stand-point of faith and personal experience, rather than from 
 that of mere knowledge and outward consideration. 
 
 How different in this respect is the style of instruction that meets 
 us in the Catechism of Geneva. "What is the chief end of life?" 
 Answer : " That men may know God, by whom they have been 
 created." " What reason have you for saying this ? " Answer : " Be- 
 cause He has created us, and placed us in this world, that He might 
 be glorified in us ; and it is just certainly, that our life, which has its 
 beginning from Him, should be referred to His glory." " But what is 
 the highest good of man ? " Answer : " This same thing." " Why do 
 you hold this to be the highest good ? " Answer : " Because without 
 it our condition is more unhappy than that of any sort of brutes." 
 And so on to the end of the chapter. All is general and theoretic ; 
 question and answer are alike external to their object, stand as it were 
 on the outside of it altogether, and look toward it only through the 
 medium of dry, frigid reflection. 
 
 So with the more modern Westminster Catechism. " What is the 
 chief end of man ? " — ^general again, and philosophically theological, as 
 before. Answer : " Man's chief end is to glorify God, and to enjoy Him 
 for ever." " What rule hath God given, to direct us how we may glorify 
 and enjoy Him ? " Answer : " The word of God, which is contained in 
 the Scriptui'es of the Old and New Testaments, is the only rule to direct 
 us how we may glorify and enjoy Him." *' What do the Scriptures 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 99 
 
 principally teach ? " Answer : " The Scriptures principally teach, what 
 man is to believe concerning God, and what duty God requires of 
 man." Doctrine for the understanding simply, matter of theoretic 
 contemplation at best, from first to last. An admirable compend of 
 metaphysical divinity, after its own order and in its own kind ; but 
 all impersonal and ideal, a description of Christianity in the abstract, 
 more than the felt appropriation of it in any way as a living and 
 present fact. 
 
 Contrast with this now, the tone and manner, in which the voice 
 of religion is made to address us fi'om the Heidelberg Catechism ; and 
 who can help feeling, that we are introduced by it into another 
 spiritual element altogether. Question and answer move here from 
 the very start, in the actual bosom of the new life of grace itself, and 
 involve all along the practical acknowledgment of the great facts of 
 the Christian salvation, in the form of experimental, personal faith. 
 The stand-point of the whole Catechism, in this respect, is significantly 
 proclaimed in its first question, the echo of whose silvery music we 
 seem to hear in all that follows. " What is thy only comfort in life 
 and in death ? " Not : What is God ? Nor yet : What is the chief 
 end of man ? Nor even : What is the comfort of a true Christian in 
 this world ? But with an application brought home at once to the 
 learner's own case : What is Christianity in thee and for thee, O child 
 of Adam, planted in Christ ? In full keeping with which then, we 
 have the magnificent answer before quoted, all couched in the same 
 intensely personal terms, and breathing the same spirit of faith. It is 
 nothing less than a full appropriation of the grace of the Gospel, 
 answerable for example to the import of those great words of St. Paul : 
 "Who hath delivered us from the power of darkness, and hath 
 translated us into the kingdom of His dear Son ; in whom we have 
 
100 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 redemption througli His blood, even the forgiveness of sins." I am not 
 my own, tlie catechumen is made to say, I belong to my faithful Saviour 
 Jesus Christ ; He has died for me ; has fully satisfied for all my sins, 
 and delivered me from all the power of the Devil ; He preserves me 
 with His almighty power, and by His Holy Spirit assures me of 
 eternal life. So throughout the Catechism. All is so constructed as 
 to hold continually, not only in the element of personal experience, but 
 in the element of such experience advanced to the consciousness and 
 sense of a true personal interest in the salvation of Jesus Chiist. 
 
 Thus true faith is described to be (qu. 21), "not only a certain 
 knowledge whereby I hold for truth all that God has revealed to us 
 in His word; but also a hearty trust, which the Holy Ghost works in 
 me by the Gospel, that not only to others, but to me also, forgiveness 
 of sins, everlasting righteousness, and salvation are freely given by 
 God, merely of grace, only for the sake of Christ's merits." So on the 
 topic of God's work of creation under the first article of the Creed 
 (qu. 26), the question is not just what we are to understand by it ; to 
 which the answer might be : " His making all things of nothing, 
 by the word of His power, in the space of six days, and all very good." 
 It looks rather to what is involved in the apprehension of the fact as 
 an exercise of faith — that faith by which "we xmderstand (Heb. 11 : 3) 
 that the worlds were framed by the word of God." It is an inquiry 
 into the relation of a believing Christian to this foundation truth of 
 religion. "What dost thou believe when thou sayest, I believe in 
 God the Father, Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth ? " Answer : 
 " That the eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who of nothing 
 made heaven and earth, with all that in them is, who likewise upholds 
 and governs the same by His eternal counsel and providence, is for the 
 sake of Christ His Son, my God and my Father ; in whom I so trust, 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 101 
 
 as to have no doubt that He will provide me witli all things necessary 
 for body and soul ; and further, that whatever evils He sends upon 
 me in this vale of tears, He will turn to my good ; for He is able to 
 do it, being Almighty God, and willing also, being a faithful Father." 
 Another classical example truly of the reigning mind, as well as of the 
 peculiar force and beauty, of the Catechism. 
 
 Take again the 32d question, where, after the explanation of the 
 name Christ, or Anointed, in its reference to our Saviour's threefold 
 office of Prophet, Priest, and King, it is suggestively asked: "But 
 why art thou called a Christian ? " No merely general and impersonal 
 view of the case will suffice ; the interrogation goes at onoe to the 
 interior life of the subject, and the answer must come again from the 
 respondent's o^vn soul : " Because by faith I am a member of Christ, 
 and thus a partaker of His anointing ; in order that I also may confess 
 His name ; may present myself a living sacrifice of thankfulness to 
 Him ; and may with free conscience fight against sin and the Devil in 
 this life, and hereafter, in eternity, reign with Him over all creatures." 
 The prophetical, priestly, and kingly functions, all in this way not 
 simply copied but, as it were, actually transfused into the believer, 
 through his living union as a Christian with the living Christ. 
 
 The 52d question, on the second coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
 the 56th, on the "forgiveness of sins," the 57th, on the "resurrection 
 of the body," the 58th, on the "life everlasting," the 60th, on justifica- 
 tion, might all be quoted here, as so many rich examples, in the same 
 inimitable strain, of the peculiarity now under consideration — ^the way, 
 namely, in which the Catechism refers all Christian truths to the 
 stand-point of actual personal faith and experience ; and there is 
 a strong temptation to quote them, certainly, in the intrinsic beauty 
 of the questions themselves. But we find it necessary to forbear, and 
 
102 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 content ourselves at present witli simply making mention of them in 
 this general way. 
 
 This very peculiarity of the Catechism, however, on which the 
 beauty and power of it so largely depend, has been made at times a 
 matter of objection to it ; as being supposed to encourage in all who 
 use it the thought that they are true Christians, when many of them 
 may not be so in fact. It is not safe, especially, we are told, to put 
 the language of personal piety, in such strong terms, into the mouths 
 of children and young people generally ; they are in danger of being 
 deluded by it into the notion, that they have in their mere outward con- 
 nection ^ith the Church all that is required for their salvation, so as to 
 take no interest in the subject of religion under any more inward view. 
 The Catechism, in other words, is so constructed, it has been imag- 
 ined, as to foster spiritual ignorance, presumption, and carnal security, 
 in the minds of those for whom it should be a discipline rather of 
 conviction and conversion ; a purpose which it might serve much more 
 effectually, according to this view, if it were so framed as to represent 
 the idea of religion in a general theoretic way, holding the mind of the 
 catechumen steadily on the outside of it, and leaving the question of 
 his personal relations to it open always for separate adjudication at the 
 bar of his own conscience. 
 
 The objection is plausible, and falls in well especially with what 
 may be considered perhaps the reigning tone of religious thought at 
 the present time ; but it becomes of no force, as soon as we reflect that 
 it holds against the general faith and practice of the Church in past 
 ages, and against the whole teaching of the New Testament, just as 
 strongly as it holds against the Heidelberg Catechism. The Church, 
 from the beginning, has always considered her children sacred to God, 
 and in covenant with Him, by Holy Baptism ; and on the ground of 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 103 
 
 this relation, lias sought to instil into them, from the first, the con- 
 sciousness and sense of their being Christians, as the necessary condi- 
 tion of their growing up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. 
 In this way also Christianity is made to be a matter of personal 
 appropriation throughout, in all the early Creeds ; they move in the 
 orbit of the Christian life itself, and not on the outside of it ; they are 
 the language of faith for the faithful only. The spirit of the Catechism 
 in this respect, then, is in full harmony with the spirit of the Apostles' 
 Creed, from which indeed it seems to be in large measure derived. 
 What is of still more account, however, it is in full harmony also with 
 all Apostolic teaching, as we have it especially in the New Testament 
 Epistles. This too proceeds everywhere on the assumption, that those 
 to whom it is addressed belong already to Christ and not to the world. 
 It is Christian instruction for such as are considered to be within the 
 bosom of Christianity ; not a scheme of doctrines and duties offered 
 for the consideration of those who are still on the outside of it, and 
 personally strangers to its grace. This is so palpable, that it is only 
 wonderful how it should be so frequently forgotten or overlooked. 
 These Epistles, as we all know, address themselves to the " elect," to 
 those who were " called to be saints," to the " faithful in Christ Jesus," 
 and go on the hypothesis throughout that these titles were not idle, 
 nominal distinctions only, but designations rather of a real state of 
 grace, which laid the foundation for all that they were expected to be 
 or to do as followers of Christ. No fear was felt, it seems, that the 
 acknowledgment of such a general state of grace, in the case of those 
 who belonged to the Church, might lead to indifference or presump- 
 tion ; on the contrary, it is made the main argument and motive 
 always for a holy life. " Ye are bought with a price " (1 Cor. 6 : 20, 
 in the very spirit of the 1st question of the Catechism), " therefore 
 
104 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 glorify God in your body and in your spirit, whicli are God's." Let 
 tlie fact of your election, witli its glorious opportunities, privileges, 
 and powers, engage you to all diligence (2 Pet. 1 : 10) in making " your 
 calling and election sure." Having sucli promises (2 Cor. Y : 1), " let 
 us cleanse ourselves from all filthiness of tlie flesli and spirit, perfecting 
 lioliness in the fear of God." Such is the tenor everywhere of these 
 New Testament instructions and exhortations. All relations, for those 
 addressed, are held to be Christian relations ; all duties, growing out 
 of them, find their ultimate sense and force only in Christ. He is the 
 principle of the new ethical creation, into which husbands and vdves, 
 parents and children, masters and servants, have here come by their 
 common Christian character and profession. All depends on their 
 having power to know and honor the fact of their own heavenly 
 distinction in this view, so as to " walk worthy of the vocation where- 
 with they are called." Children, we see, as well as others, have place 
 in this glorious citizenship of the saints, however we may suppose 
 them to have come into it ; and being there, they are to be known, 
 and also to know themselves, as being " in Christ " no less than their 
 believing parents, and not simply as being candidates for the Christian 
 profession at some future time. They come in, with other classes, for 
 their full proportion of Apostolic counsel and care, subject to no dismal 
 exclusion whatever from the membership of Christ's Church. They are 
 exhorted to obey their parents " in the Lord " (Eph. 6:1; Col. 3 : 
 20) ; which implies, of course, that they are " not strangers and 
 foreigners, but fellow citizens with the saints, and of the household of 
 faith;" and it is charged upon fathers (Eph. 6:4; Col. 3 : 21) to 
 treat them — not as children of the Devil — but as children of God, by 
 reverencing their tender personality, and bringing them up "in the 
 nurture and admonition of the Lord." 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 105 
 
 What we mean now by all this, is simply to show, that the New 
 Testament Epistles have the same religious bearing toward those 
 whom they address, which we have seen to be held by the Heidelberg 
 Catechism toward its probationers and pupils. In both cases alike, 
 the teaching is " from faith to faith," the utterance of Christianity for 
 the use of such as are supposed to stand within its own sphere. This 
 would seem to be a sufficient vindication, then, of the peculiar con- 
 struction of the Catechism in this respect. It is not a system of 
 instruction for unbelievers, and such as are outside of God's covenant. 
 Like the Lord's Prayer and the Creed, it is for those only who have 
 been initiated into the life of the Church ; and in putting the full 
 confession of Christianity into their lips, it cannot be said certainly to 
 venture more than St. Paul does, when he says (1 Cor. 6: 11) to the Corin- 
 thian Christians collectively : " Ye are washed, ye are sanctified, ye are 
 justified, in the name of the Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of our 
 God ; " or to go beyond his strong language to the sorely erring 
 Galatians (Gal. 3 : 26, 21) : "Ye are all the children of God, by faith 
 in Christ Jesus ; for as many of you as have been baptized into Christ, 
 have put on Christ." 
 
 It will not do to say, of course, that St. Paul's assumption in this 
 whole case was both for his own mind, and in actual fact, a mere 
 complimentary or benevolent fiction — as when a physician, for example, 
 tries to inspire his patient with the confidence of returning health, 
 though knowing him to be under the power of a deadly disease. No 
 one knew better than the Apostle himself, that many of those whom 
 he addressed as Christians were in a condition of great spiritual 
 unsoundness and defect ; and no one could be more ready to charge 
 home upon them this mournful fact, in the most sweeping and unre- 
 served terms. But with all this, he never allows himself to question 
 14 
 
106 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 for a moment tlie value of tlieii' Christian estate in itself considered ; 
 and what seems strange, he is never willing to have it questioned 
 either, or doubted, in their own minds. Where the tact of a modern 
 revivalist would be ready at once to discourage every such ulterior 
 ground of trust, as a refuge of lies, the different wisdom of St. Paul 
 forces it into view, and lays all stress upon it, for the highest purposes 
 of religion itself. It is with him, we repeat, no fiction, but a glorious 
 reality, lying at the foundation of the whole grace of the Gospel. It 
 is nothing less in truth than that doctrine of the Church, that great 
 idea of organic, sacramental Christianity, which runs through his 
 universal teaching, and forms with him the basis of all faith and piety 
 in every less general view. 
 
 In making its catechumens to be Christians, the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism proceeds undoubtedly on the same general theory of religion ; 
 it is not an ecclesiastical fiction merely that is put forward in the case ; 
 they are taken to be, not hypothetically only, but really and truly, in 
 the state of grace and salvation which they are instructed to lay claim 
 to as their own. This does not mean, of course, that they are held to 
 have come in all cases to such a clear, firm sense and assurance of their 
 good estate as the Catechism puts into their lips ; but it does mean, 
 that this good estate is theirs by heavenly right, and that it is their 
 privilege and duty to be assured of it, and to lay claim to it, in this 
 way. The theory is, that they are Christians by being in the Church, 
 and thus in actual covenant with God through His Son Jesus Christ ; 
 and that all they need to make them personally righteous and holy, 
 is that they should believe this great fact, and accord to it its proper 
 influence over their hearts and lives. 
 
 Substantially the same view, indeed, was held by the entire Protes- 
 tant Church in the beginning ; as it had been held by the Catholic 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 107 
 
 Churcli also, tlirougli all previous ages ; and it was considered one of the 
 monstrous innovations of the fanatical Anabaptists, (as well as of the 
 rationalistic Socinians,) that they would hear of no such objective 
 sanctification and grace. Both the Lutheran and the Kefornied commu- 
 nions, it deserves to be well considered, stood here on the same ground. 
 So far as the matter of covenant relation to God through union with 
 the Church is concerned, the Heidelberg Catechism at least goes quite 
 as far as the Catechism of Luther. They differ, it is true, in the force 
 they assign to Baptism, the sacrament of introduction into this state 
 of grace. With Luther, it is itself the thing it represents, God's act of 
 mercy, setting the subject over at the time from the power of darkness 
 into the kingdom of His dear Son. To the question, "What doth 
 Baptism profit ? " he answers without any sort of hesitation : " It 
 works remission of sins, delivers from death and the Devil, and gives 
 eternal salvation to all who believe in it, according to the word and 
 promise of God." In the Heidelberg Catechism, the sign and the 
 thing signified are held as it were more apart ; but still the sacrament 
 is taken to be a seal and certification of the grace it represents, an 
 authenticating act on the part of God, which makes it to be objectively 
 present and sure for the baptized person, as much as if it were in the 
 outward sign itself, requiring only faith on his part to give it full 
 efficacy for the purposes of his salvation. The force of it in this view 
 is strikingly represented, in what is said of Infant Baptism in the 74th 
 question ; where it is asked : " Are infants also to be baptized ? " To 
 which the answer follows : " Yes ; for since they as well as their 
 parents belong to the covenant and people of God, and both redemp- 
 tion from sin and the Holy Ghost, who works faith, are through the 
 blood of Christ promised to them no less than to their parents ; they 
 are also by Baptism, as a sign of the covenant, to be ingrafted into the 
 
108 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Christian Churcli, and distinguished from the children of unbelievers, 
 as was done in the Old Testament by Circumcision, in place of which 
 in the ISFew Testament Baptism is appointed." The amount of all 
 plainly is, that Baptism, if it be not itself the origin and ground of 
 that gracious relation to God which is denominated the covenant, is 
 nevertheless such a ratification of it under the immediate hand of God 
 Himself, that all who are baptized must be held to be within the range 
 of the covenant, and to have its benefits assured to them, if only they 
 can be brought to believe and improve the fact, in the most actual and 
 real way. But this is at once nothing less than that idea of baptismal 
 grace, potential Christianity, sanctification to the service of God by 
 being in the Church, of which we are now speaking ; and which, as 
 we say, underlies and conditions the teaching of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism from beginning to end. It addresses itself everywhere to 
 those who are considered to be really within the covenant of grace ; 
 and it addresses them therefore as Christians, whose duty as well as 
 right it is to respond to the claims of this gracious condition, and to 
 make its benefits their own through the joyful appropriation of faith. 
 
 EDUCATIONAL EELIGIOIS'. 
 
 In all this we have the proper conception of educational religion, 
 which entered so largely into the whole catechetical system of the 
 sixteenth centuiy, but for which, unfortunately, with much of our 
 modern Christianity, the power of appreciation seems to have passed 
 away altogether. Education, of course, supposes always the existence 
 and presence potentially of that which it is expected to bring out in 
 the way of actual development and growth. As a stone cannot be 
 cultivated into a plant ; and as no training again can cause a plant to 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 109 
 
 become an animal ; so in the spiritual world also it is not possible, by- 
 mere nurture of any sort, to carry tbe evolution of life beyond tlie 
 principles and germs wliicL. are already imbedded in its own constitu- 
 tion. This applies emphatically to the new creation in Christ. It can 
 never be brought to pass, in the way of simple derivation from the 
 powers and possibilities of our common human natui*e, in its fallen 
 Adamic state. That which is born of the flesh — we are solemnly 
 assured — is flesh ; it remains as such hopelessly bound to its own 
 sphere, and can in no way be brought to transcend it. If it were 
 pretended then to take such as by their natural bu'th are in this state 
 only, and to train them into Christianity by mere teaching and disci- 
 pline, as they might be trained for example into the knowledge of 
 some worldly art or science, the pretension would well deserve to be 
 rejected as both false and vain. The idea of educational religion in 
 such form, would be neither more nor less than Pelagianism without 
 disguise ; and if there were no room to conceive of any other founda- 
 tion on which to build, in the case of children, than such as is exhibited 
 to us in their original condition, we can easily enough see that it must 
 involve a contradiction to think or to speak of building them up as 
 Christians in any such way. Then the modern Puritanic or Baptistic 
 sentiment after aU would be right, and the old Catholic sentiment 
 wi'ong ; we must look upon our childi^en, and teach them to look upon 
 themselves, as without lot or portion in God's family — " the children 
 of wrath even as others " — until such time as they might come, in their 
 isolated, separate capacity, to a true awakening and conversion by the 
 Spirit of God, on the outside of the Church altogether. For such 
 thinking, as a matter of course, the old catechetical system, the old 
 sacramental system, the old chm'ch system in general, can never appear 
 reliable and satisfactory ; for the simple reason that it has no faith 
 
110 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 whatever in tliat wliicli lay at tlie foundation of all this old Chris- 
 tianity, a gracious condition, namely, supposed to be already at hand 
 in the case of all who belonged rightfully to the Church, in virtue of 
 which they were considered to be no longer nature or flesh only, but 
 to have part also in the supernatural economy of the Spirit. The 
 capacity for Christianity which Pelagius heretically pretended to find 
 in the birth of nature, St, Augustine referred to a higher birth of 
 grace, which was effected, as he believed, by the sacrament of Baptism ; 
 and in one form or another, the same view substantially has always 
 been held, wherever the idea of educational religion has been found to 
 carry with it any sort of practical force. 
 
 Only in such view, indeed, can we understand what educational 
 religion means, or have any right sense of what it is to bring up our 
 children in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. In some way we 
 must be assured that they belong to Christ, and not to Satan, if we 
 are to encourage in them at all the Christian consciousness, which the 
 conception of such culture implies from the very start. There must 
 be a basis here on which to build — not in nature merely, or our own 
 wilful imagination, but in grace ; of whose presence, then, we need to 
 have some outwardly objective evidence and pledge. In that case, it 
 will be possible for us to look upon our children as Christians from 
 the beginning, and so to make them the subjects of a positively 
 Christian culture throughout, according to the injunction of St. Paul, 
 for which otherwise there would be no room whatever. Then reli- 
 gious education for the young will not be negative merely, an outward 
 discipline intended to prepare the way for Christ at some future time, 
 or a moral training for the purposes only of the present life ; nor will 
 it stand simply in lessons and rules presented to the understanding ; 
 but it will aim rather, as all true education does, to reach its subjects 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. HI 
 
 througli tlie power of tlie life wliicli is supposed to belong to tliem in 
 common with their teachers. In other words, it will be organic, 
 reproductive, the continuous ongoing, we may say, of the " law of the 
 spirit of life in Christ Jesus." For any such process the idea of the 
 Church is indispensable ; for with this only can we have the superna- 
 tural element — in distinction from the element of mere nature — in 
 which it may be felt possible at all for the work of the Spirit to 
 proceed in such manner. To be brought up and educated in the Lord 
 is to be first planted in the life of the Church ; and then to be so 
 comprehended in this, and so nurtured by it from the beginning, in 
 the trustful use of all its means of grace and salvation, that the soul 
 shall have the sense of it formed into itself as part of its own con- 
 sciousness, and grow up in it always as the natural home and habit 
 of its thoughts ; just as in the order of nature, the life of a family, or 
 the constitutional spirit of a whole people, is found to pass onward 
 from one generation to another in the same organic way. 
 
 This does not imply, by any means, that such covenant relation- 
 ship to God involves of itself a natui-al, spontaneous growing up into 
 the matui-ity of the Christian life, without obstacle or let, and with no 
 farther care, from the beginning. There must be, of course, the proper 
 conditions of outward Christian training — the vivifying action of 
 spiritual light, and air, and heat, in the family and in the Church — 
 and the proper inward disposition of obedience and faith also on the 
 part of the subject, (come whence or how it may), to secure any such 
 result as that ; and as these terms of success are in general only most 
 imperfectly at hand in the actual state and character of the Christian 
 world, it need be no matter of surprise that the grace of God, in the 
 form of which we are now speaking, should seem to be bestowed upon 
 very many altogether in vain ; or that where this may not be the case, 
 
112 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 it should be found reacHng its object at last only in the way of more 
 or less violent reaction and conversion from a life of sin. But with all 
 this, the reality of the grace itself, in its own- positive, objective 
 character, must not be questioned or undervalued. " For what if 
 some did not believe ? " St. Paul exclaims (Rom. 3 : 3, 4), referring 
 to this very subject in its relation to the Jews ; " shall their unbelief 
 make the faith (or fidelity) of God without effect ? God forbid : yea, 
 let God be true, and every man a liar." That is, in the Christian 
 economy : If ten thousand baptized members of the Church despise 
 their birthright in God's family, like Esau, shall their unbelief nullify 
 the reality of God's grace made sure to them in the holy sacrament of 
 Baptism? Nay rather; though all prove false to the covenant of 
 salvation thus signed and sealed in their favor by the hand of the 
 Almighty, let us not dare to turn into fiction the sign manual of the 
 Almighty Himself. Baptismal grace is no fiction ; it is the real 
 possibility of salvation, conferred, by divine gift, upon all whom 
 Christ thus blesses and brings into full union with His Church ; and 
 for all the purposes of educational religion, nothing is more neces- 
 sary than that both Christian parents themselves, and their baptized 
 children, should be thoroughly imbued with the believing sense of 
 this truth. 
 
 The Heidelberg Catechism now, we say, is constructed on this 
 theory or scheme of Christianity altogether. It assumes that the 
 baptized children of the Church are sealed and set over to the service 
 of God by the sanctifying or separating act of their Baptism itself, that 
 they belong to the congregation and people of Christ, that they have 
 part in the covenant of grace, that they are of the household of faith ; 
 and it aims accordingly everywhere, to stir up their jninds to a 
 knowing and believing apprehension of this great grace, that they 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 113 
 
 may be engaged by it to die unto sin and live unto holiness. In this * 
 respect, however, it was only in keeping, as we have abeady said, 
 with the general thinking and practice of the Church in the age of 
 the Reformation ; and it is not difficult to see, that the entire cate- 
 chetical system, in particular of the sixteenth century, owed its whole 
 interest, and vigor, and success, to the same theory of Christianity and 
 no other. It is not intelligible on any other ground ; and with the 
 giving way, accordingly, of the old belief in baptismal grace, and 
 educational religion, we find that it has in fact lost its hold upon the 
 practice of our modern Churches in large measure altogether, 
 
 MODERN BAPTISTIO THEOEY AND PEACTICE. 
 
 For that such a general falling away from the old church belief 
 on this subject has actually taken place with a large part of our 
 modern Protestant Christianity, is a fact too plain, we think, to be 
 disputed by any intelligent student of history. In this country 
 especially, we meet with the painful evidences of it in every 
 direction. 
 
 We have whole denominations among us, large and powerful, 
 which may be said to have started into existence on the very principle 
 of undervaluing all organic and educational piety, and which glory in 
 being a sort of practical protest, in this way, against the sacramental 
 and churchly views of other times. A sacramental religion is for 
 them a religion of forms only, and nothing more ; and educational 
 piety they take to be a mere soporific delusion for the most part, that 
 rather hinders than helps the great work of coming to Christ. As for 
 themselves, they have found out what they conceive to be a far more 
 excellent way. For what have been supposed to be the objective 
 15 
 
114 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 • factors of the new creation in Christ Jesus, they throw themselves 
 upon the purely subjective side of the process ; making the work of 
 Christianity to be an inward transaction wholly between each indi- 
 vidual singly considered and his Maker, on the outside of the Church 
 altogether; in which, by dint of certain spiritual experiences, he is 
 held to pass from death unto life, and so to be qualified for the 
 communion of the Church below, as having his citizenship already 
 with the true Israel of God on high. We are all familiar with the 
 way in which this theory tends to discourage and bring into discredit 
 everything that is not found to agree with its own chosen machinery 
 for the accomplishment of religious ends. For all especially that 
 carries with it here the character of the gentle and the continuous — 
 God's " still, small voice," as it causes itself to be felt in the daily light, 
 and air, and dew of heaven — it has no sympathy nor understanding. 
 It must have the Holy Ghost — or what it takes to be the Holy Ghost 
 — in the form of whirlwind, tempest, and fire, or it will not believe in 
 His presence at all. The common beauty of the sanctuary, thus, is 
 without comeliness in its eyes. Baptism is of less solemn significance 
 for it than the anxious bench. It owns no household religion, in any 
 full and proper sense of the term. Catechisms, and the entire appa- 
 ratus of catechetical instruction as it once prevailed, have come to seem 
 to it no more than the useless lumber simply of the long-buried past. 
 
 We have whole sects, we say, a church membership amounting 
 altogether to millions in our American Christendom, whose ecclesi- 
 astical life is openly based on this unchurchly foundation alone. But 
 the change of which we are speaking goes far beyond these bounds, 
 and is but too apparent everywhere in those denominations also which 
 still profess to make account of their historical descent from the age of 
 the Keformation. Neither the Lutheran Church, nor any part of the 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 115 
 
 Reformed Church in this country, Dutch, Scotch, or German, (to say 
 nothing now of the Episcopal Church, or of the Congregationalism of 
 New England), can be said to stand here firmly on the ground which 
 was occupied by their religious ancestry in the beginning. There is 
 not the same faith among them which there was of old in sacramental 
 grace, in the church membership of children, and in the possibility of 
 bringing them up as Christians in the nurture of the Lord, from their 
 earliest years. The Baptistic principle, as it may be called, has entered 
 widely into theu* theology and church life, bringing them to make 
 large concessions practically to the unchui'chly spirit around them ; so 
 that they find it hard to bear up against its assumptions and j^reten- 
 sions, and are more and more in danger always of being swept away 
 by it from their ancient moorings altogether, and driven forth into the 
 open sea of spiritualistic fanaticism and unbelief This unquestionably 
 is the great reason, why in certain quarters, within these communions, 
 such small stress has come to be laid on Infant Baptism ; why so little 
 account is made of church schools ; and why the systematic catechiza- 
 tion of the young, as a door of introduction to the Lord's table, has 
 fallen into such general neglect. The faith which once lay at the 
 foundation of these things has been secretly undermined, till there 
 is no power at last of dealing with them in any truly earnest way. 
 
 Let it be well understood and considered, then, that there is a 
 necessary connection between the catechetical practice of former times, 
 and the general theory of Christianity in the bosom of which it 
 flourished and had power ; and that it is vain to dream of restoring it 
 to honor or force, in any other connection. Where the old idea of 
 educational religion, based on the sense of covenant relation to God 
 and baptismal grace, has come to be regarded with distrust ; where 
 the use of confirmation, or some equivalent mode of bringing the young 
 
116 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 into full communion with the Church, has fallen into nes-lect or dis- 
 esteem, and the only safe way of making Christians is supposed to be 
 that of experimental, subjective excitement and stimulation, on the 
 outside of these church ajDpliances altogether ; there, most assuredly, 
 the old idea of catechetical instruction also will be found to have lost 
 its meaning, and there vnll be no longer any power to use a church 
 Catechism at all in the manner of the sixteenth century. If there be 
 any semblance left at all of such teaching, it will be only in the milk- 
 and-water style of such Bible lessons as are made to serve their ephem- 
 eral purpose in Sunday schools, following no fixed rule, and leaving 
 behind them no solid indoctrination whatever. It is not possible for 
 an altogether unchurchly Christianity to be a truly catechetical Christi- 
 anity, whether this unchurchliness show itself in the pietistic or in the 
 openly rationalistic form. Socinianism and Anabaptism had indeed 
 their Catechisms ; but they never entered into the religious life of the 
 bodies to which they belonged. Arminianism in Holland could never 
 stomach the church use of the Heidelberg Catechism ; it was all for 
 the Bible, unbound by any formulary of this sort. So in modern 
 times, we cannot conceive of any vigorous system of catechetical 
 instruction — in the fashion, for example, which we find reported to 
 have been common throughout the whole Reformed Church at the 
 Synod of Dort — as being upheld and prosecuted now among Unitari- 
 ans, Quakers, Baptists, Methodists, or any of the openly unchurchly 
 sects that go to make up the mass of our American Christianity. 
 They move, and have their being, in a wholly diJöferent order of 
 religion. They are, we may say, constitutionally uncatechetical as 
 well as unchurchly ; and must belie their own existence, should they 
 think of asserting or pei"petuating their life now in any such chui'chly 
 way. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, 117 
 
 PRESENT ALTERNATIVE. 
 
 It is thus a very great and solemn question, whicli is brought home 
 to the German Reformed Church in America at this time, in connection 
 with the Tercentenary Jubilee of the Heidelberq Catechism. It 
 is not simply whether we shall continue, or not, to honor the Cate- 
 chism, as it has been honored by the Church before us in other lands ; 
 but this rather, whether we are prepared, or not, to abide by the 
 theory and scheme of Christianity to which it belonged in the begin- 
 ning, and without which all honor shown toward it can deserve to be 
 considered no better than an empty farce. 
 
 We have seen for what purpose it was originally framed, in what 
 way it was used of old, and of what ecclesiastical system it formed all 
 along an integral part. It stands before us as a witness for what was 
 the church faith and church practice of the whole Evangelical Protest- 
 ant world in the beginning, both Lutheran and Reformed. The faith 
 and the practice went hand in hand together ; so that neither can be 
 rightly understood now, or earnestly honored, in separation from the 
 other. In this age of Catechisms, it was part of the general Christian 
 creed to believe in the Church, as being in an important sense the 
 Mother of all Christians — without whose continual intervention, 
 according to Calvin (Inst, iv, ch. 1, § 4) there can be no true regen- 
 eration or growth unto everlasting life, as "beyond her bosom also 
 neither remission of sins is to be hoped for, nor any salvation." Along 
 with this went the idea of ministerial powers and forces in the Church, 
 which were held to be superior to the order of mere nature ; gifts and 
 workings of the Spirit there, as they were to be found nowhere else ; 
 sacramental mysteries, which were not only signs of the heavenly and 
 invisible, but certifying seals also of its objective presence ; outward 
 
118 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 covenant riglits and privileges ; baptismal grace, and tlie sanctification 
 of children to the service of God in this way, as truly as if Christ had 
 laid His hands upon them, and blessed them for such purpose. This, 
 we say, was the reigning belief; and because it was so, the age 
 addressed itself vigorously everywhere, as we have seen, to the work 
 of educational religion, aiming to build in such style on the foundation 
 which was supposed to be at hand in the established order of the 
 Church. Hence the full and universal subordination of the school to 
 the sanctuary. Hence the significance of the Catechism, as an organ 
 of Christian instruction. Hence the catechetical system, in all its 
 ramifications of discipline, whether private or public, kept up con- 
 tinually, as the grand support of both altar and pulpit, from one end 
 of the year to the other. 
 
 We are surrounded now, as Ave have just seen, with a wholly 
 different practice, which is the fruit and evidence also of a wholly 
 different faith. What that faith is, or rather what it is not, has been 
 mentioned already in general terms. It is the absence of all belief in 
 that side of Christianity, which is represented to us in the idea of the 
 Church, as being in any way the organ and medium of grace for the 
 children of men. In this respect, our modern sects generally are of 
 one mind. Calling themselves evangelical, and professing to be 
 wholly governed by the Bible, they yet shut their eyes systematically 
 to the plain sense of half the New Testament, and turn into a nullity 
 every part of it that owns the fact of sacramental grace, or makes 
 account of outward covenant interest in Christ. They will have it 
 that there is no such covenant, other than that into which the world 
 at large is brought, by the death of Christ, and by the free offer of salva- 
 tion now in His name. They are all of them thus constitutionally 
 Baptistic ; having no power to see in the church membership of infants 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 119 
 
 and young children anything more than an empty form, and never 
 daring to make any practical earnest with the thought of their sanctifi- 
 cation to God. Such has come to be the reigning habit of thought, it 
 is but too plain, with our American Christianity in general at the 
 present time ; leading everywhere, with inward logical necessity, to 
 what we have just seen to be its proper counterpart in ecclesiastical 
 life and practice. 
 
 Between these two different systems, then, the German Reformed 
 Church is required now deliberately and intelligently to make her 
 choice. The Heidelberg Catechism belongs to one of them, and it does 
 not belong at all to the other. If it is to be maintained still in true 
 honor, as a symbolical book, it must be with the free acknowledgment 
 of the old church views and ways with which it was joined in the 
 beginning. It cannot be dissociated from these, without being shorn 
 at the same time of its proper spirit and life. No attempt to ingraft 
 it into a constitutionally different church system can ever be successful. 
 Taken out of its own original surroundings, like an exotic plant in 
 strange soil, it can only languish and die. It cannot be made to 
 flourish, with any true confessional force, where there has come to be a 
 want of faith in the old idea of Christian nurture, founded on covenant 
 sanctification and baptismal grace. It can never be incorporated 
 effectually with any scheme of religious thinking, which has lost the 
 power of understanding what is meant by Confirmation, and along with 
 this all sense of the true motherhood of the Church in relation to her 
 baptized children. There may be, indeed, in such circumstances, an 
 affectation of zeal for the venerable symbol, ostentatiously assumed for 
 effect. There may be a readiness, at such a time as this especially, to 
 join in glorifying its merits, and in garnishing the sepulchres of the 
 righteous men to whom it owes its bh'th. But all such honor will 
 
120 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 prove to be in tlie end hypocritical and vain. In the midst of it, tlie 
 Catechism itself will be quickened into no real life. It will be 
 honored only as a dead monument of the past, without the possibility 
 of its being restored to any enduring practical use. 
 
 GENEEAL MERnS OF THE CATECHISM. 
 
 In every view, we may say, the Catechism of the Palatinate, now 
 tln-ee hundred years old, is a book entitled, in no common degree, to 
 admiration and praise. It comes before us as the ripe product of the 
 proper confessional life of the Reformed Church, in the full bloom of 
 its historical development, as this was reached at the time when the 
 work made its appearance. Its wide-spread and long-continued 
 popularity proclaims its universal significance and worth. It must 
 have been admirably adapted to the wants of the Church at large, as 
 well as admirably true to the inmost sense of its general life, to come 
 in this way into such vast credit. Among all Protestant symbols, 
 whether of earlier or later 'date, there is no other in which we find the 
 like union of excellent qualities combined and wrought together in 
 the same happy manner. It is at once a Creed, a Catechism, and a 
 Confession ; and all this in such a manner, at the same time, as to be 
 often a very Liturgy also, instinct with the full spirit of worship and 
 devotion. It is both simple and profound ; a fit manual of instruction 
 for the young, and yet a whole system of divinity for the old ; a text 
 book, suited alike for the use of the pulpit and the family, the theo- 
 logical seminary and the common school. It is pervaded by a scientific 
 spirit, beyond what is common in formularies of this sort ; but its 
 science is always earnestly and solemnly practical. In its whole 
 constitution, as we have seen, it is more a great deal than doctrine 
 merely, or a form of sound words for the understanding. It is doctrine 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 121 
 
 appreliended and represented continually in the form of life. It is for 
 tlie heart eveiywhere full as much as for the head. 
 
 Among its characteristic perfections deserve to be noted always, 
 with particular praise, its catholic spirit, and the rich mystical element 
 that pervades so largely its whole comj)osition. 
 
 Its catholicity appears in its sympathy with the religious life of 
 the ancient Church, in its care to avoid the thorny dialectics of Calvin- 
 ism, in the preference it shows for the positive in religion as opposed 
 to the merely negative and controversial, and in the broad and free 
 character generally which distinguishes the tone of its instructions. 
 Considering the temper of the times, and the stormy relations in the 
 midst of which it had its birth, it is remarkably free from polemical 
 passion and zeal. We have seen how largely it is imbued with the 
 historical spirit of the Creed. It not only makes use of it as an out- 
 ward text, but enters with hearty interest and affection also into its 
 general spirit ; with the sound and most certainly correct feeling, that 
 no Protestant doctrine can ever be held in right form, which is not so 
 held as to be in truth a living outgrowth from this primitive Christian 
 symbol in the consciousness of faith. 
 
 The mystical element of the Catechism is closely connected with its 
 catholic, historical spirit. This is that quality in religion, by which it 
 goes beyond all simply intellectual apprehension, and addresses itself 
 directly to the soul, as something to be felt and believed even where it 
 is too deep to be expressed. The Bible abounds in such mysticism. 
 It prevails especially in every page of the Apostle John. We find it 
 largely in Luther. It has been often said, that the Reformed faith, as 
 distinguished from the Catholic and the Lutheran, is unfriendly to 
 religion in this form ; that it moves supremely in the sphere of the 
 understanding, and so is ever prone to run into rationalism ; and it 
 
122 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIOK 
 
 must he confessed, tliat tliere is some show of reason for tlie charge, 
 so far at least as regards what may be considered the constitutional 
 tendency here of the Keformed Confession. Zuingli's great fault, as 
 well as his chief strength, lay in the clear intellectuality of his nature. 
 Calvin had a deeper sense of the mystical, but along with this a still 
 vaster power of logic also, which made it difficult for the sentiment to 
 come with him to its proper rights. His theory of the decrees, for 
 example, does violence continually to his theory of the sacraments. 
 As we have it in the Heidelberg Catechism, however, the Reformed 
 system rises happily superior to all objection of this soi*t. Free regard 
 is had in it throughout, indeed, to the lawful claims of the under- 
 standing ; one of its authors at least was thoroughly versed in all the 
 dialectic subtleties of his age, and an uncommonly fine logic in truth 
 distinguishes its composition in eveiy part. But along with this runs, 
 at the same time, a continual appeal to the interior sense of the soul, 
 a sort of solemn undertone sounding from the depths of the invisible 
 world, which it needs an unction fi*om the Holy One fully to hear and 
 understand. The words are often felt to mean, in this way, more than 
 they literally express. Simple, beautiful, and clear, in its logical 
 construction, the symbol moves throughout also in the element of 
 fresh religious feeling. It is full of sensibility, and faith, and joyous 
 child-like trust. Its utterances rise at times to a sort of heavenly 
 pathos, and breathe forth almost lyrical strains of devotion. 
 
 In this way, the inward spirit of the formulary communicates itself 
 with powerful effect even to its outward form ; so that its very 
 language and style are found to be in large measure, as a late German 
 vrriter expresses it, " unübertrefflich schön " — beautiful in the highest 
 degree. This is to be understood, of course, as holding good especially 
 of the German original ; where thought and language are more imme- 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 123 
 
 diately of one birth, and the first shines through the last as the direct 
 genial utterance of its own life. But the eloquence of thought be- 
 comes necessarily eloquence of speech also, into whatever tongue it 
 may be ti-anslated, in proportion precisely to the fidelity with which 
 the translation is made. Thus it is that the Bible has a character of 
 simplicity, beauty, and grandeur in its style, which it is not in the 
 power even of a bad version wholly to destroy. Its thoughts clothe 
 themselves with a sort of necessary eloquence, in all languages. And 
 80 in the same way it is easy to perceive and feel the peculiar force of 
 the Catechism also, in almost every form of translation or version ; 
 while, however, the nearer any version may come to the exact sense of 
 the original, the more in the nature of the case may it be expected to 
 come near to it also in such outward grace of expression. The 
 English language in particular, by reason of its native affinity with 
 the German, admits this kind of translation in the case to the fullest 
 extent ; so that nothing more is needed here than a version, following 
 as closely as possible, in the use of old Saxon words, the very 
 letter of the original, to represent the quality of which we are now 
 speaking with full efi'ect. The Catechism speaks the language of faith 
 / and deep personal conviction ; its words come from the heart, and take 
 hold upon the heart. It speaks the language of life ; its words are 
 pictural, concrete, of universal meaning and sense, significant for all 
 classes and conditions alike. It speaks the language of devotion, in 
 words that breathe communion with the Spirit of God. It speaks 
 everywhere the language of authority and power, in words that carry 
 with them no uncertain sound, but go always directly and precisely 
 to their own point. A certain priestly solemnity and unction are 
 felt, in this way, to run through all its teachings ; so that, in listening 
 to them, we seem indeed to hear the voice of the Church itself, and 
 
124 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION". 
 
 not the words simply of any single teacher speaking in its name. It 
 was the sense of this in part, no doubt, which led some formerly to 
 challenge for the composition of the Catechism a sort of supernatural 
 character ; something of inspiration in fact, or at least an extraordinary 
 baptism of the Spirit, embracing both matter and form, which might 
 be said to approach toward inspiration. Always simple, often beauti- 
 ful, it becomes at times even grand and sublime. Portions of it, at 
 least, are like " a very lovely song of one that hath a pleasant voice, 
 and can play well on an instrument," There is music in its tones, and 
 not unfrequently the very rhythm and cadence of unconscious poetry 
 in its whole movement. Quite a number of questions, rivalling or 
 approaching more or less the magnificent beauty of the first, might 
 easily be quoted as examples of such rhetorical felicity ; but it is 
 enough to refer to them now in this general way. One of the most 
 striking peculiarities of this grand old Catechism, unquestionably, is 
 its religious eloquence. 
 
 Rej^resenting, as we have seen it to do, the general confessional life 
 of the Reformed Church in the age of the Reformation, the Heidelberg 
 Catechism carries with it a special historical force for all times. We 
 may say indeed, that its existence is interwoven with the very being 
 of Protestantism itself; inasmuch as we have in it the genial, living 
 expression of what was a necessary constituent of this vast religious 
 movement in the beginning. It belongs to the creative period of the 
 two great Protestant Confessions ; and comes before us here as the 
 spontaneous utterance of the Reformed type of faith, in its difference 
 from the Lutheran, as well as in their common opposition to that 
 which prevailed in the Church of Rome. Its polemical relations in 
 this way, more generally silent than expressed, are at the same time 
 plastic forces, which go everywhere to determine its positive constitu- 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 125 
 
 tion and character ; making it to be for the integral idea of Protestant- 
 ism what no Catechism or Confession could ever possibly have become 
 under other circumstances. It is a mirror of the mind and spirit of 
 the Reformed Confession, as this was comprehended organically in the 
 entire movement of Christianity and the Church, when the distinction 
 first arose ; a particular symbol, reflecting thi^oughout the lights and 
 shadows of what may be denominated the comparative symbolism of 
 the age. In this view, history shows it to be of vital account for the 
 whole course of the Reformation. In the original antithesis of the\ 
 Confessions, it was recognized on all sides as the representative banner ] 
 of the entire Reformed Church. With the triumph of Rationalism in j 
 later times, it became more and more an empty name, till we find itj 
 sunk at last into almost universal neglect. Indifterence to all positive ) 
 religion, and contempt for the Catechism, went hand in hand together. 
 And now that this period of spiritual dissolution, in the old world, 
 has come to be followed again with a wholesome reaction, which is 
 bent on building up in new form what it was the fashion before to pull 
 down and destroy, one of the most striking facts connected with it is 
 the resurrection of the Heidelberg Catechism once more to life and 
 honor. Even the Confessional Union, which has for its object the 
 consolidation of the Reformed and Lutheran Communions into a single 
 Evangelical Protestant Church, is felt to require this ; since there can 
 be no positive taking up of the full, whole sense of the Reformation 
 in any such way, that shall not be found to involve in the end a real 
 synthesis, or true inward reconciliation, of its old opposing forms of 
 faith. All attempts to provide for such confessional amalgamation by 
 wholly new formularies have signally failed ; and it has come to be 
 generally understood now, that if the union is ever to be anything 
 more than a lifeless relation between dead Churches, it must embrace 
 
126 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in it the substantial spirit of the self-same symbols, in which is 
 enshrined still the power of theii' original life. Thus we have what 
 has been called a resuscitation of the Heidelberg Catechism in the new 
 Catechism of Baden, as well as in other Catechisms lately produced 
 for the use of the Evangelical Union in Germany ; and along with 
 this a general reawakening of interest in the formulary, which has 
 made the Tercentenary of its formation on the other^ side of the 
 Atlantic only less memorable, than the observance of the same 
 jubilee, during this year of secular terrors and sorrows, in the United 
 States. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to say, that the zeal, which has been thus 
 renewed for the old classical symbol of the Reformed Church, is no 
 blind devotion to it as a mere outward tradition, and has no tendency 
 whatever to promote an exclusive, sectarian spirit. It is wide-hearted 
 and free, moving throughout in the hallowed interest of Christian 
 love, and studying the things that make for unity and peace. It is 
 zeal, not for the letter that enslaves and kills, but for the spirit which 
 works always toward freedom and life. It does not hold the Cate- 
 chism to be the end of all wisdom, absolutely faultless and in every 
 respect complete ; and it involves no disposition to make it a stiflP, 
 unyielding sarcophagus, for the thinking of the Reformed Church, at 
 all points, to the end of time. It is honored simply for what is felt 
 to be in it the positive substance of a once gloriously spoken martyr 
 faith, which can never pass away; and occasion is now taken, by 
 means of it, to emphasize and intone the rights of this faith, as St. Paul 
 magnified his special office of Apostle to the Gentiles, not for the 
 purpose of division, but to make room rather for the end of all strife, 
 through the full integration of the doctrine of Christ, on a higher 
 plane, under a new, more broadly catholic and perfect form. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 127 
 
 Altogether, tlie German and Dutch Reformed Churches in this 
 country have good reason to glory in their common symbol, and to 
 cling to it with abiding affection as the most precious heii'loom of 
 their denominational existence. Though not for them here the palla- 
 dium of civil and political rights, as it has been in times past for 
 Churches in other lands, it is still the charter and warrant of their 
 proper ecclesiastical constitution, without which they can have no 
 right to continue their existence as particular Churches at all. They 
 owe it to the world, as well as to themselves, to remain confessionally 
 and ecclesiastically true to their own historical life ; and they can 
 claim for themselves no more honorable distinction, in the Christian 
 Commonwealth, than to be known and spoken of as the Chueches of 
 THE Heidelberg Catechism. 
 
THE 
 
 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM 
 
 IX 
 
 GERMAN, LATIN AND ENGLISH. 
 
 ISimmUmx^ Mxtim. 
 
 17 
 
130 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 CATECHESIS 
 
 Catechismus 
 
 ober 
 e^iriftli^er Unbcrri^t. eeligionis christians. 
 
 Sßaö tft beitt einiger trofl in Itbm 
 önb in j!erkn? 
 
 ^ntiDort* 
 3)af id) mit €ei6 onb ©eel, t)e^be in 
 leBen onb in j!erl)en'*), nic^t mein^), 
 fonber nteine^ getreten ipeilanbgs :^^efu 
 ß^^rifti eigen Bin*=), ber mit feinem 
 t^eirren Uut^), für alte meine fünben 
 üotf omlid) ^^ejalet ^), ün mid) an§ attem 
 gjralt be^ ^eufeU erlofet ^at^, »nb 
 alfo beiDaret^), bap o^ne ben mitten 
 meinet S5ater^ im ipimmetö, lein ^aax 
 öon meinem l^aupt fan fatten^), ja anä) 
 mir atte^ ju meiner fetigleit bienen 
 muf')+ !DarnmB er mi(^ anct) bnr^ 
 
 «) Korn. 14. fc) 1 Cor. 6. c) 1 Cor. 3. 
 d) 1 Pet. 1. e) 1 loh. 1. et 2. /) 1 loh. 3. 
 g) loh. 6. Ä) Matt. 10. Luc. 21. i) Kom. 8. 
 
 I. 
 
 QucB est unica tua consolatio in 
 vita et in morte f 
 
 Quod aüimo pariter et corpore, 
 sive vivam, sive moriar, non mens, 
 sed fidissimi Domini et Servatoris 
 mei Jesu Ciiristi sum proprius, 
 qui pretioso sanguine suo pro om- 
 nibus peccatis meis plenissima solu- 
 tione facta, me ab omni potestate 
 diaboli liberavit, meque ita conser- 
 vat, ut sine voluntate Patris mei 
 coelestis, ne pilus quidem de meo 
 capite possit cadere : im6 vero etiam 
 omnia saluti mese servire oporteat. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 131 
 
 !J)er 
 
 THE 
 
 ^eiMJcrgcr tatei5i§intt§. Heidelberg catechism. 
 
 Stage 1* Question 1. 
 
 2ßa^ x\i beiti einiger Zxo^ im ße^en What is thy only comfort in life 
 unb im ©terpen? and in death ? 
 
 5(ntwort* 
 2)af i(^ mit SeiB unb (Seele, Beibe^ 
 im Sekn nnb im ©terkn, nic^t mein, 
 fonbern meinet getreuen ^eilanbeö 3efu 
 (S()rifti eigen Bin, ber mit feinem t^eu^ 
 ren 23Iute für alle meine ©ünben üoH* 
 lommen Bejahtet, unb mi(^ au^ alter 
 ©emalt be^ ^eufet^ erlöfet )!)Cii, unb 
 alfo t)eira^ret, baf o!^ne ben SBiüen 
 meinet S5ater^ im ^immel fein ^aar 
 öon meinem Raupte fann fatten, ja au(i) 
 mir WXt^ gu meiner ©eligleit bienen 
 muf ♦ ADarum Sr mic^ au(i^ bur^ feinen 
 
 Answer. 
 That I, witli body and soul, both 
 in life and in death, am not my 
 own, but belong to my faithful 
 Saviour Jesus Christ, who with 
 His precious blood has fully satis- 
 fied for all my sins, and redeemed 
 me from all the power of the Devil ; 
 and so preserves me, that without 
 the will of my Father in heaven 
 not a hair can fall from my head ; 
 yea, that all things must work to- 
 gether for my salvation. Where- 
 
132 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 feinen ^eilige ®eifl beö ewigen lebend Quocirca me quoque suo Spiritu de 
 üerft(^ett^), ünb }m fortbin px lekn vita aeterna certum facit, utque ipsi 
 üon ^er^en tüiltig onb bereit nta^t^* deinceps vivam promptum ac para- 
 
 k) 2 Cor. 1. Ephes. 1. Eom. 8. l) Eom. 8. 
 
 tum reddit. 
 
 grag. 
 SBieuiel |lü(f feinb bir notig ju tuif^ 
 fen, baf bn in biefem troji feligli^ leben 
 ünb fterben mogeft? 
 
 n. 
 
 Quot sunt tibi scitu necessaria, 
 ut illa consolatione fruens heate 
 vivas et moriaris f 
 
 Stntnjott» 
 
 3)re9 ftö^O* @tftti(J) ii?ie grof 
 meine funbe önb elenb fe^en^)* 3wm 
 anbcrn, njic x^ öon alten meinen [ün=^ 
 ben ünb elenb erlofet werbe'')* S5nb 
 jum brüten, mie tc^ ®ott für foI(^e er^ 
 lofung fott bamlbar fein^)» 
 
 a) Luc. 24. 1 Cor. 6. Tit. 3. h) loh. 6. et 
 15. c) loh. 17. d) Eph. 5. 
 
 Tria. Primum, quanta sit peo- 
 cati mei et miserise meae magnitudo. 
 Alterum, quo pacto ab omni pec- 
 cato et miseria liberer. Tertium, 
 quam gratiam Deo pro ea libera- 
 tione debeam. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 133 
 
 l^etttgen ©eij^ beö emtgen Sebenö ux^ 
 fid)ert, unb ^^m fott^^in ju leten oon 
 ^erjen Ji?ilttg unb fccreit madjU 
 
 fore, by His Holy Spirit, He also 
 assures me of eternal life, and makes 
 me heartily willing and ready lience- 
 fortli to live unto Him. 
 
 2Bie öiete (BtMt ftnb bit nöt^ig ju 
 »ilfen, baf bu in biefem Zxoftt feligUd) 
 lefcen nnb jlerfcen ntögefi? 
 
 5(ntn)ott* 
 3)ret @tii(fe* Stfltid), n?te gro^ meine 
 (Siinbe nnb Slenb fet* Bum ^tnbern, 
 n)ie ic^ üon alten meinen «Sünben unb 
 (?Ienb ertöfet luerbe* Unb jnm ^Dritten, 
 wie id) ©Ott für foId)e Sriöfung fo0 
 banifcar fein» 
 
 Question 2. 
 
 .öö^d; many things are necessary 
 for thee to Icnow, that thou in this 
 comfort mayest live and die hap- 
 pily f 
 
 Answee. 
 
 Three tilings: First, the great- 
 ness of my sin and misery. Sec- 
 ond, how I am redeemed from -all 
 my sins and misery. Third, how I 
 am to be thankful to God for such 
 redemption. 
 
134 CATECHISMIJS. 
 
 Ser erfte X^tü. pkima pars. 
 
 S^ott beö menfi^en elcnb. i>e HOMmis miseeia. 
 
 Srag. III. 
 
 Sooner erfennejhi betn elenb ? Z/hde tuam miseriam cognoscis f 
 
 5tuf bem ®e[e| ©otteö 0* Ex Lege Dei. 
 
 a) Rom. 3. 
 
 ?!tag. ly. 
 
 SÖa^ erforbert benn ba^ ©ottUiJ) Quid a nobis ^ostulat Lex Dei f 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 
 '^x^ lehret »n^ (S^rtjk^ in einer Id docet nos Christus summatim, 
 
 fumma, 5D^att^* am 22* 2)U fott Matth. xxii : Diliges Dominum De- 
 
 liei>en ®ott beinen Herten, »on urn tuum,ex totocorde tuo,ex tota 
 
 ganzem l)er^ett, oon ganger anima tua, ex tota cogitatione tua, 
 
 feelen, üon ganzem gemut^ ünb et ex omnibus viribus tuis. Istud 
 
 alien Irefftem 3)if ifi baö fur*- est primum et maximum manda- 
 
 nemBj^e onb baö grojie ©etot: tum. Secundum autem simile est 
 
 !^aö anbcr a^et ifl bem gleic^, liuic: Diliges proximum tuum sicut 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 135 
 
 Ser erftc X^til 
 
 Sooner eriennefi bu bein Slenb? 
 
 5(ntmort» 
 5(uö bent ©efe^ ©otte^. 
 
 THE FIRST PART. 
 
 OF MAN'S MISERY. 
 
 Question 3. 
 Whence hnowest thou thy misery': 
 
 Answee. 
 Out of tlie Law of God. 
 
 ^tage 4. 
 SBag erforbert benn Id^ göttliche 
 ©efe^ üon un^ ? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 !Dteg lehret unö d^riftu^ in einet 
 ©umnta, 2}^att^* ant 22: ^u foltjl 
 liefen ©Ott beinen iperrn üon 
 ganzem ^erjcn, »on ganger 
 (Seele, öon ganzem ©entüt^ 
 unb allen Gräften* Dieö ij^ 
 ba^ oornc^ntjie unb ba^ größte 
 ©ebot» 2)a^ anbete a^tx ijl 
 
 Question 4. 
 What does the Law of God re- 
 quire of us f 
 
 Answee. 
 This Christ teaches us in sum, 
 Matth. 22: Thou shalt love the 
 Lord thy God with all thy heart, 
 and with all thy soul, and with all 
 thy mind, and with all thy strength. 
 This is the first and great com- 
 mandment ; and the second is like 
 unto it : Thou shalt love thy neigh- 
 
136 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 !Du folt beinen ^tä)^tn liefen teipsum. Ab istis duobus man- 
 aU bic^ felB^» Sn biefen datis tota Lex et ProplxetsB pen- 
 jwe^en ©cBottcn fanget baö dent, 
 ßan^e ©efe^ »nb bie ^ro^l^e^ 
 ten. 
 
 Äanjhi btf atte^ oollomli^ l^al* 
 ten? 
 
 5tntn)ott» 
 ^iein"): !Denn t(^ ^in öon S^latur 
 geneigt ©ott onb meinen ^tä^fUn ju 
 Raffen ^). 
 
 a) Eom. 3. 1 loh. 1. 5) Eom. 8. Ephes. 2. 
 
 $at ben ®ott ben menfc^en alfo U^ 
 ünb öerlert erfi^affen? 
 
 Stntwott* 
 SfJein ^) : fonber ®ott 1)at ben nten^ 
 fd)en gut, önb na<J) feinem eknbilb er^ 
 [(Raffen ^), baö ift, in war'^afftiger ge^» 
 re(^tigleit on l^eitigleit, auff bj er ©Ott 
 feinen fc^opffer tec^t erlente, önb öon 
 ^er^en Iiet)te, önb in emiger feligleit 
 mit Jm Ithkf Jm gu Iol)en önb ju !ptei^ 
 fenO. 
 
 a) Gen. 1. h) Gen. 1. c) 2 Oor. 3. Colos. 3. 
 Ephes. 4. 
 
 V. 
 
 iV^m ÄöBc omnia perfecte servare 
 potes f 
 
 Minime. Natura enim pro- 
 pensus sum ad odium Dei et 
 proximi. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Num ergo Deus Twminem ita 
 pravum etperversum condidit? 
 
 Nequaquam. Imo vero bonum 
 et ad imaginem sui condidit eum, 
 hoc est, vera justitia et sanctitate 
 prseditum, ut Deum creatorem 
 suum recte cognosceret, ex animo 
 diligeret, cum eo beatus in seternum 
 viveret, idque ad eum laudandum 
 et celebrandum. 
 
THE HEIDELBEKG CATECHISM. 
 
 137 
 
 bem gtci(f): X)u fotlfi betnen 
 ««allien lieBcn al^ bid) feUj^. 
 3n biefen jmeien ©efcoten l^an^ 
 ßct ba^ ganje ®efe^ unb bic 
 
 ^annfl: bu biefen Mt^ ijoltlommen 
 l^alten? 
 
 ^dn : benn id) bin üon Statut ge^» 
 neigt, ©Ott xtnb meinen 9Zä^j^en ^u 
 l^affen* 
 
 bor as thyself. On tliese two 
 commandments hang all the law 
 and the prophets. 
 
 QUESIION 5. 
 
 Canst thou keep all this perfect- 
 
 lyf 
 
 Answee. 
 No: for I am "hj nature prone 
 to hate God and my neighbor. 
 
 ^at benn ®ott ben 9}ienfd)en alfo 
 1)0^ unb öerfe^tt etfc^affen ? 
 
 S(ntn)ort* 
 Wxxix fonbern©Dtt ^at ben Wtxi^ 
 f^en gut unb nad^ feinem (SbenBitb 
 etf<^affen, baö ift, in ma^r^aftiger @e^ 
 te^tigleit unb ^eiligleit; auf ba§ er 
 Oott feinen ©(^ö^fer red)t erienne, 
 unb öon ^erjen liebe, unb in ewiger 
 ©eligleit mit 3^^ ^^be, 3^n ju loben 
 unb ^u greifen* 
 
 Question ^. 
 Z>w^ 6^0 J create man thus wicked 
 and perverse ? 
 
 Answee. 
 No : but God created man good, 
 and ajpter His own image, that is, 
 in righteousness and true holiness ; 
 that he might rightly know God 
 his Creator, heartily love Him, and 
 live with Him in eternal blessed- 
 ness, to praise and glorify Him. 
 
 18 
 
138 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 SOBoI)er !ompt benn foI(^e oerbet^tc 
 art beö menfc^en? 
 
 5(up bem fatt »nb onge^orfant unfer 
 erjlen (Altern 5{bamö üitb Suen im 
 5)arabei^ "), ba ünfet Statur alfo öet^ 
 gifftet njorben, baf tub alte in funben 
 empfangen onb geboren n^otben^)* 
 
 a) Gen. 3. Eom. 5. i) Psal. 51. 
 
 ??tag. 
 @etnb mir a^er bermaffen öerberBt, 
 ba§ n^ir gan^ onb gar untüchtig feinb 
 ju einigem gutem, onb geneigt ju allem 
 J fen ? 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 Sa ") : (So fei ben, ba§ n)ir burc^ ben 
 ®ei|! ©otte^ njiberge^oren werben^)* 
 
 a) lohan. 3. lob. 14. et 15. Esai. 53. h) lo- 
 han. 3. 
 
 Stag* 
 3;^ut benn ®ott bem menf(^en nid)t 
 ijnre(I)t, ba§ er in feinem gefe^ üon jm 
 forbert, ba^ er nid)t fan t!^un ? 
 
 5tntn)ort* 
 Ü^lein ^) : 5)enn ®ott ^at ben men^ 
 f(^en alfo erf(^affen, ba§ er e^ lonbtc 
 
 a) Eplies. 4. 
 
 vn. 
 
 Unde igitw existit Ticec naturoB 
 humance pravitas ? 
 
 Ex lapsu et inobedientia primo- 
 rum parentum Adami et Evse. Hinc 
 natura nostra ita est depravata, ut 
 omnes in peccatis concipiamur et 
 nascamur. 
 
 vni. 
 
 An vero adeo corrwpti sv/mus^ 
 ut ad hens agendum prorsus non 
 simus idone% et ad omne vitium 
 proclives f 
 
 Certe ; nisi per Spiritum Sanctum 
 regeneremur. 
 
 IX. 
 
 An non igitur Dens homini 
 injuriam facit^ qui ab eo in lege 
 flagitet^ quce prcestare non queatf 
 
 Minime. Nam Deus hominem 
 talem condiderat, ut ea praestare 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 139 
 
 Stage l . 
 SBo'^et fommt benn folc^c oerbet'^te 
 Strt be^ 2)Jenfc^en? 
 
 %x^ bem Sail xinb Unge'^orfam un*= 
 ferer erften Altern, Slbant unb (Söa, im 
 ^arabte^, ba imfere 5'latur alfo »er^ 
 giftet irorben, bap mir 5tl(e in (Sünben 
 em:pfangen unb geboren »erben* 
 
 Question 7. 
 Whence then comes this depraved 
 nature of man ? 
 
 A]srs"WEE. 
 From the fall and disobedience 
 of our first parents, Adam and Eve, 
 in Paradise, whereby our nature 
 became so corrupt, that we are all 
 conceived and born in sin. 
 
 Stage 8. 
 ®inb tt)it at)et bennafen »erberBt, 
 ba§ mir ganj unb gar xtntiid)tig ftnb gu 
 einigem ©uten unb geneigt ju attem 
 S3öfen? 
 
 5(ntmort* 
 
 Sa; eg fei benn, bap mir burd> ben 
 ®ei|! ©otteg miebergel5oren merben» by the Spirit of God. 
 
 QuESTioisr 8. 
 
 But are we so far depraved^ that 
 we are wholly unapt to any good 
 and prone to all evil f 
 
 Answee. 
 Yes; unless we are born again 
 
 Stage 9» 
 %\)VX benn ©ott bem ^D^Jenf^en ni^t 
 unrei^t, bap Sr in feinem ©efe^e üon 
 i^m forbert,maö er nict)t t^un fann? 
 
 5(ntmort* 
 9lein : benn ®ott ^at ben SO^JenfAjen 
 alfo erfi^affen, bap er eg lonnte t^n ; 
 
 Question 9. 
 Does not God then wrong man, 
 hy requiring of him in His law 
 that which he cannot perform ? 
 
 Answee. 
 No : for God so made man, that 
 he could perform it ; but man, 
 
140 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 t^n: ber Wtn\ä) akr l)at fi(^ önb 
 alte feine nad)!onnnen, auö anftljftung 
 be^ :^eufel0, bur($ mutmitligen mige^or=' 
 fam berfeIHgen gaben beraubt» 
 
 2Bit ®ott fol(^en ünger)orfam onb 
 abfalt ongeitrafft laffen ^inge^en ? 
 
 3(ntn)ott» 
 5[Rit nt(^ten ^) : fonber er jürnet 
 f^reiilic^, be^be ober angeborne »nb 
 n?ürdlid)e fünben, önb n)il fie auf ge=* 
 rechtem örtl)eil jeitüd) onb emig j^raffen, 
 tüic er gcfprod)en :^at: 25 er flu (^t 
 fei^ ieberman, ber ni(^t bleibet 
 in allem bem, baö gefc^rieben 
 liefet in bem bu(^ beö ©efe^eö, 
 baf erö t^ue^)* 
 
 o) Eom. 5. Heb. 9. l) Deut. 27. Gal. 3. 
 
 grag» 
 
 Sft benn ®ott ni(^t auc^ barm^ 
 ^er^ig? 
 
 StnttDort* 
 ©Ott ift vooi barm'^erlig*), er iji 
 aber auc^ gcre(^t ^), ber^alben erforbert 
 feine gere^tigleit, bap bie funbe, ml^t 
 
 a) Exo. 34. h) Exo. 20. Psal. 5. 2 Cor. 6. 
 
 posset ; verum homo, impulsore 
 diabolo, sua ipsius contumacia, se et 
 omnem posteritatem divinis illis 
 donis orbavit. 
 
 X. 
 
 Nitm Dens lianc contumaciarrh 
 et defectionem lioininis dimittit im- 
 punitmn ? 
 
 Imo vero horrendis modis irasci- 
 tur, cum ob innata nobis peccata, 
 tum ob ea, quae ipsimet committl 
 mus ; eaque justissimo judicio tem 
 poralibus et aeternis suppliciis punit 
 quemadmodum ipse pronunciat 
 Maledictus omnis, qui non perma 
 net in omnibus, quae scripta sunt 
 in libro legis, ut ea faciat. 
 
 XI. 
 
 An non igitur Dens etiam est 
 Tniserioors f 
 
 Est ille quidem misericors, verum 
 ita ut etiam sit Justus. Quapropter 
 postulat ejus justitia, ut quod ad- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 141 
 
 bet Tltn\ö) ahtx '^at fi^ unb atlc feine through the instigation of the 
 
 S'Za($lommen, au^ Stnjliftung be^ Ztu=' Devil, by wilful disobedience de- 
 
 ^tUf biir^ mut^wittigen Unge^otfant prived himself and all his posterity 
 
 berfelbigen (3abtn UxmUU of this power. 
 
 forage 10. Question 10. 
 
 SBtlt ©Ott foIcj)en Unge^otfam unb Will God suffer such disobedience 
 
 5(bfall ungejhaft lajfen l^inge^en? and apostasy to go unpunished f 
 
 5(ntn)ort. 
 50^it mieten; fonbetn Sr jurnet 
 fc^retfUc^, kibe^ über angeborne unb 
 tütr!Ii(^e (Sünben, unb mill fie auö ge^ 
 red)tem Uttl^eil jeitli^ unb eiuig ftra^ 
 fen, tüie dx gefproc^en ^at : 25erflu<^t 
 fei Sebetntann, ber ni(^t Meibet in 
 attem bent, bag ge[d)rieben jle^et in 
 bent 33u(^ be^ @e[e|eg, baf et eö 
 tl^ue* 
 
 Answee. 
 By no means ; but He is terribly 
 displeased with our inborn as well 
 as actual sins, and will punish them 
 in just judgment in time and eter- 
 nity, as He has declared: Cursed 
 is every one that continueth not in 
 all things which are written in the 
 book of the law, to do them. 
 
 i^tagc 11* 
 Sil benn ®ott mä)t' ana) fcarm* 
 ^etjig? 
 
 5(ntnjort* 
 
 ®ott ifl wo^l barnt^er^ig, St ijl 
 
 aber auc^ geregt; ber^atben erforbert is likewise just ; wherefore His jus- 
 
 fcinc ©erec^tigleit, ba§ bie ©itnbe, tice requires that sin, which is com- 
 
 Question 11. 
 Is then God not also merciful f 
 
 Answee. 
 God is indeed merciful, but He 
 
142 CATECHISMÜS. 
 
 tüiber btc atterpd)fte matefiet ©otteö versus smnmam Dei majestatem 
 
 Begangen i|!, aucj) mit ber ^6(!)jle, baö commissum est, id etiam ut summis, 
 
 x% ber ewigen jiraff an leit on feel ge^ toe est, sempiternis, cum animi turn 
 
 jlrajft tuerbe* corporis suppliciis luatur. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 143 
 
 welche triber bte alterpd^fic 2}?a}ef!dt mitted against tlie most high ma- 
 
 ©otteg begangen ifl, auc^ mit ber jesty of God, be also punished with 
 
 pd)j!en, ba^ x% ber emtgen ©träfe an extreme, that is, with everlasting 
 
 !2eib unb (Seele gejlraft »erbe» punishment both of body and soul. 
 
144 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 ^tx ankx Xijtil SECuroi pars. 
 
 SBon bcö dJltnl^tn Srlöfuitg. de hominis libekatione. 
 
 Stag* 
 Wieweit tüir benn naä) bem gerechten 
 t>rtl;eil ®otteö jettüf^c ünb eroigc firaff 
 oerbient l)akn : mie m6d)len mir biefer 
 flrajf entgelten, önb miberum^ ju gna^ 
 ben lommen? 
 
 ^(ntiDort* 
 ©Ott mit bap feiner gered)tigleit ge^ 
 nug gefi^e^e"), bernjegen Tnüjfen it>ir 
 berfelbeu entweber biird) önö felbft, ober 
 burd) einen anbern uollomene kjalung 
 t^un^). 
 
 a) Exo. 20. et 23. h) Rom. 8. 
 
 f^tag. 
 
 Tonnen wir al)er burc^ ön^ felbj^ k^ 
 falling tl^nn? 
 
 XII. 
 
 Quoniam igitur justo Dei judi- 
 cio tennporalihus et ceternis poenis 
 ohnoxii sumus ' estne reliqua ulla 
 ratio aut via, qua his poenis lihere- 
 mur, et Deo reconciliemur f 
 
 Vult Deus suae justitiae satisfieri : 
 quocirca necesse est, vel per nos, 
 vel per alium satisfaciamus. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Possumusne ipsi per nos satis- 
 facer e f 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 145 
 
 Ser stoeite ^IjciL the secOiND papj. 
 
 ^ott bt§ Mtn\^tn ©rlöfung. oe man's redemption. 
 
 ^rage 12* 
 2)tc»eil mir beim na6) bent gerec^* 
 ten Utt^eil ©otte^ 3eitticf)e unb emtge 
 (Strafe »erbienet ^abtn; n)ie ntöcf)ten 
 mir biefer (Strafe entgegen, unb xok^ 
 berunt ^u @naben lommen ? 
 
 %nttooxt* 
 ©Ott voxU, ba§ feiner ®ere(^tig!eit 
 genug gefcj)e^e; be^iuegen ntiiffen tuir 
 berfelben entmeber buret) tmö felbjl ober 
 burc^ einen 5lnbern ooKfommene S3e=' 
 ja^Iung tl^un* • 
 
 Question 12. 
 /S'mce then, htj the righteous judg- 
 ment of God, we deserve temporal and 
 eternal punishment, what is required 
 that we may escape this punishment 
 and he again received into favor ? 
 
 Answee. 
 God wills tliat His justice be 
 satisfied; therefore must we make 
 full satisfaction to the same, either 
 by ourselves or by another. 
 
 ?5rage 13. 
 können mir akr burc^ un^ fet^fl 
 
 SSeja^lung t^un? 
 19 
 
 Question 13. 
 
 Can we ourselves mahe this satis- 
 faction f 
 
146 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 5!J?it ni^tl : fonber mir ma^tn au(^ Nulla ex parte : quin etiam debi- 
 bie fc^ulbt noä) tegU(^ groJTer")* turn in singulos dies augemus. 
 
 a) lob. 5. et 15. Matt. 6. 
 
 Äan aba }tgenbt eine Ho|[e dxtatux 
 für ÜU0 fcejalen? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 Äeine: T)tnn erpic^ mit ©Ott an 
 feiner anbern Sreatur ftraffen, ta^ ber 
 menfc^ öerfcbulbet l^at^)* ßxm an^ 
 bern, fo Ian and) feine HoJTe dreatiir 
 ben taj! be^ emigen jorn^ ©otteö miber 
 bic funbe ertragen, »nb anbere baruon 
 crlofen^)* 
 
 a) Heb. 2. b) Psal. 138. 
 
 grag* 
 2Öaö mnffen mir ben für ein ^xttltx 
 unb (briefer fu^en? 
 
 ^tntmort* 
 ©inen folc^en, ber ein marer*), »nb 
 geregter menfi^ ^), on boc^ fterfer ben 
 atte Sreatnren, ba^ ifi, jugleic^ marer 
 ©Ott fer)* 
 
 a) 1 Cor. 15. 5) lere. 33. Psal. 53. 2 Oor. 5. 
 Heb. 7. c) Esai. 7. Kom. 8. lere. 23. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Potestne uUa creaturarum^ in 
 coelo vel in terra^ quce tantum crea- 
 tura sit^ pro nobis satisfacere ? 
 
 Nulla. Nam principio non vult 
 Deus, quod homo peccavit, id in 
 alia creatura plectere ; deinde nee 
 potest quidem, quod mera tantum 
 creatura sit, iram Dei adversus pec- 
 catum sustinere, et alios ab ea 
 liberare. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Qualis ergo qucerendus est media- 
 tor et liberator f 
 
 Qui verus quidem homo sit, ac 
 perfecte Justus, et tamen omnibus 
 creaturis potentior, hoc est, qui 
 simul etiam sit verus Deus. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 147 
 
 Stntwott* Answee. 
 
 SJJit nt(^ten: fonbern xoix ma^cn By no means: on tlie contrary, 
 auc^ bie (Sc^ulb nocf) tdgltc^ gtof er* we daily increase our guilt. 
 
 ^axin abix trgenb eine Hope Sreatur 
 für unö teja^len? 
 
 Question 14. 
 Can any mere creature make sat- 
 isfaction for us? 
 
 5tntwort» 
 teilte: benn erftlid) will ®ott an 
 feinet anbetn Srcvitur ftrafen,n)a0 ber 
 S5?en[6 oerfc^iilbet ^at ; jum 5(nbern, 
 fo lann au(^ leine Hofe Sreatnr bie 
 Cajl be^ ewigen ßorneö ©otteö nnber 
 bie ©iinbe ertragen, nnb ^nbere baoon 
 erlöfen* 
 
 Ajstswek. 
 None : for first, God will not 
 punish, in any otlier creature, that 
 of wMcli man has made himself 
 guilty ; and further, no mere crea- 
 ture can sustain the burden of 
 God's eternal wrath against sin, 
 and redeem others therefrom. 
 
 ^rage 15* 
 2Baö müfTen mir benn für einen 
 50'littter unb (Sriöfer fu(J)en? 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 (Sinen foId)en, ber ein toa^rer unb 
 gerechter 5!}ienfc^, unb bo(^ jlärfer benn 
 alte Kreaturen, ba^ tjl, jugleic^ toa^rer 
 ©Ott fei* 
 
 Question 15. 
 What manner of mediator and 
 redeemer then must we seek f 
 
 Answee. 
 One who is a true and sinless 
 man, and yet more powerful than 
 all creatures, that is, one who is at 
 the same time true God. 
 
148 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 Sßarumt) mup er ein voaxtx öub öe= 
 renter menfd; fein? 
 
 XYI. 
 
 Our necesse est eum verum liomi- 
 nem^ et quidein perfecte justum 
 
 esse t 
 
 5(ntwott* 
 2)arumB, ba§ bie gere<^tig!eit ©ot^ Quia justitia Dei postulat, ut 
 
 tc^ erforberf*), ba§ bie menfc^li(^e na= eadem natura humana, quae pecca- 
 
 tur, bie gefünbiget ^at, fur bie fünbe vit, ipsa pro peccato dependat; qui 
 
 bejale: önb aber einer, ber felbft ein vero ipse peccator esset, pro aliis 
 
 fünber iuere, ni(^t fonbte für anbere depeudere non posset. 
 
 a) Eom. 5. h) 1 Pet. 3. Esai. 53. 
 
 %xaQ. 
 SBarinn muf er jugleic^ nearer ®ott 
 fein? 
 
 XVIL 
 
 Quare oportet eum simul etiam 
 vere Deum esse f 
 
 5(ntnjort. 
 
 ^af er au^ Irafft feiner Ootf^eit, Ut potentia suae divinitatis, onus 
 
 ben ta^t be0 jorn^ ©otte^, (xx^ feiner irse divinse carne sua sustinere, no- 
 
 tnenfd)^eit ertragen"*), ön ün^ bie ge^ bisque amissam justitiam et vitam 
 
 xe^tigleit, onb baf leben enterben ^), reparare ac restituere possit. 
 »nb mibergeben mD(J)te'')* 
 
 d) Esai. 53. Act. 2. 1 Petr. 3. V) loh. 3. 
 Act. 20. c) lohan. 1. 
 
 ^rag> XVIII. 
 
 2Ber iji aber berfelbe mittler, ber Quis autem est ille Mediator^ qui 
 
 pgteid) marer ®ott, önb ein »arer ge^ simul est verus Deus^ et verus per- 
 
 re(^ter menf(^ ijl? fecteque Justus homo f 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 149 
 
 ^ragc 16* . Question 16. 
 
 SKarum mxif er ein magrer unb ge^ Why must he be a true and sin- 
 renter SfJlenfd) fein? less man ? 
 
 5(ntnjort* 
 2)antm, xotxl bte @ere(^ttg!ett ®ot^ 
 te^ erforbert, bap bte menfc^Iii^e S'^atur, 
 bte gefiittbtget ^at, für bte ©itttbe be=* 
 ja'^Ie; aBer Sitter, ber felBft eitt ©iitt^ 
 ber iväre, ttic^t föttttte für ^itbere It^ 
 ^a^tett* 
 
 Answee. 
 Because tlie justice of God re- 
 quires, tliat the same human nature 
 which has sinned should make 
 satisfaction for sin; but no man, 
 being himself a sinner, could satisfy 
 for others. 
 
 ^ragc 17. 
 SBarum tttuf er pgletcj) wahrer 
 ©Ott fein? 
 
 5(nttDort* 
 !J)af er an^ Äraft feiner (Botf^ett 
 bie Saft beö Bornen ©otteö an fetner 
 SD^enf^'^ett ertragen, unb un^ bte ®e^ 
 rec^ttglett unb 'i)0.^ CeBen erwerben 
 unb tüteber ge^en möcf>te* 
 
 Question 17. 
 Why must he he at the same time 
 true God? 
 
 Answee. 
 That by the power of his God- 
 head he might bear, in his man- 
 hood, the burden of God's wrath, 
 and so obtain for and restore to 
 us righteousness and life. 
 
 i^rage 18* Question 18. 
 
 Sßer if! a^er berfelbe ^DZittler, ber But who now is that Mediator^ 
 
 jitgleii^ nja^rer ®ott unb ein wahrer who is at the same time true God 
 
 gerechter 3}ienf^ ijt? and a true^ sinless Man ? 
 
150 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 iBnfer ^err Sefu^ S^rtjlu^^) ber 
 ünö jur uoUfomenen erlofxmg ünb ge* 
 rec^tiglett gefd)enlt i^^). 
 
 a) Matt. 1. 1 Tim. 3. Luc. 2. b) 1 Cor. 1. 
 
 5(ntn?ort* 
 5(u9 bem '^eiligen (Suangelio, meI(I)S 
 ©Ott felbji anfengltc^ im ^arabci^'') 
 ]^at offenbaret : folgenbö buret) bie ^ei^ 
 lige ©r^ueter^) mib ^rop^eten taffen 
 üerlunbigen, önb huxä} bic opffer önb 
 anbere ceremonien be^ gefe^eö fürgeMl* 
 bet*"), (Enbltc^ aber burc^ feinen einge^ 
 liel)ten ©on erfüllet "^)* 
 
 a) Gen. 3. b) Gen. 22 
 
 Dominus noster Jesus Christus, 
 qui factus est nobis a Deo Sapientia, 
 Justitia, Sanctificatio et Redemptio. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 ühde id sets f 
 
 Ex Evangelio: quod Dens pri- 
 mum in Paradiso patefecit, ac dein- 
 ceps per Patriarclias et Prophetas 
 propagavit; sacrificiis, reliquisque 
 cerenioniis legis adumbravit; ad 
 extremum vero per Filium suum 
 unigenitum complevit. 
 
 Heb. 1. Act. 3. et 10. 
 3) Korn. 10. Gala. 4. 
 
 et 49. Eom. 1. 
 c)Ioli. 5. Heb. 10. 
 
 ^rag* 
 SBerben benn alte ntenfd)en juiberum 
 bur^ S[)rt|^um felig, toie fie bur^ 
 Stbam fmb verloren toorben? 
 5(ntmort* 
 S^lein: fonber attetn btejentgen, bte 
 burc^ maren glauben }m werben einge== 
 teilet, ünb alte feine too^It^aten an^ 
 nenten^)* 
 
 a) loh. 1. Isai. 53. Psal. 2. Eom. 11. Heb. 
 4. et 10. 
 
 XX. 
 
 Num igitur omnihus hominibuSj 
 qui in Adamo perierant^ per CJiriS' 
 tum Salus redditur f 
 
 Non omnibus, verum iis tantum, 
 qui vera fide ipsi inseruntur, ejusque 
 beneficia omnia amplectuntur. 
 
. THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 151 
 
 5tntn?ort. Answee. 
 
 Unfer ^etr 3efuö S^rij^u^, bet unö Our Lord Jesus Christ, who is 
 
 ^ur üoUlommenett (Srlöfung unb ©e= freely given unto us for complete 
 
 re<^ttgleit öefc^enlt ift> redemption and righteousness. 
 
 ^ragc 19^ Question 19. 
 
 2Bo^et metft bu bag? TFAmce Tcnowest thou tliisf 
 
 5(ntWort* Answer. 
 
 Stuöbcml^eiltgeneöangelium: met^ From the Holy Gospel: which 
 
 c^e^ ®ott felBft anfänglt(^ im ^arabte^ God Himself first revealed in Para- 
 
 ^at gcoffenBatet ; in ber ^olge bur(^ bie dise ; afterwards proclaimed by the 
 
 l^citigen (gtjoäter unb ^rop()etcn laffen holy Patriarchs and Prophets, and 
 
 üerlünbigen, unb burc^ bie O^fer unb foreshadowed by the sacrifices and 
 
 anbete (S^erentonien be^ ©efe^e^ üotge^ other ceremonies of the law; and 
 
 t)ttbet; enbli(^ akr burd) feinen einge^ finally fulfilled by His well-beloved 
 
 liel)ten ©o^n ctfüttet* Son. 
 
 ^rage 2 0* Question 20. 
 
 Serben benn atte SJZenf^en mtebetum vlre all men then saved hy Christy 
 
 bur(^ G^^ttftum [elig, mt fte burc^ 5(bam «<9 ^Aey have perislied hy Adam ? 
 finb oerloren worben? 
 
 5(ntiDort* Answee. 
 
 9Zetn ; fonbern altein bteientgen, bie No ; only such as by true faith 
 
 bUT(i) magren ©Iau6en 3^nt werben are ingrafted into Him, and receive 
 
 einöerletBt, unb alle feine 2Öot;It|aten all His benefits, 
 annehmen* 
 
152 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 2Öaö ift marer gtauB? 
 
 a^ tjl nic^t aUdn em geiuiffe er!ant=^ 
 nuf , barbur(^ ic^ atte^ für mar ^oltt, 
 toa^ öttö ©Ott in feinem mort ^at offen^* 
 lant ") : fonber and) ein :^er^Iid)eö öer^ 
 tramen^), n)etd)eö ber ^eilige ©eljt'') 
 burd)ö Suangelium in mir toxvcätf^), 
 baf ni^t altein anbern, fonber au^ 
 mir üerget)nng ber «Sünben, emige ge^ 
 red)tig!eit onb feligfeit üon ®ott ge^ 
 fc^endt fei^), au§ tanter gnaben, attein 
 üm^ beö oerbienjlö S^rifti mitten^)* 
 
 a) Heb. 11. lacob. 2. h) Rom. 5. et 10. 
 c) 2 Cor. 4. Ephes. 2. (f) Eom. 1. e) Heb. 2. 
 Eom. 1. /) Ephes. 2. Rom. 3. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 Quid est vera fides f 
 
 Est non tantum certa notitia, qua 
 firmiter assentior omnibus, quae 
 Deus nobis in verbo suo patefecit, 
 sed etiam certa fiducia, a Spiritu 
 sancto per Evangelium in corde 
 meo accensa, qua in Deo acquiesco, 
 certo statuens, non solum aliis, sed 
 miM quoque remissionem peccato- 
 rum, seternam justitiam, et vitam 
 donatam esse, idque gratis, ex Dei 
 misericordia, propter unius Cliristi 
 meritum. 
 
 grag* 
 2Öa^ ift aBer einem S^rifien not^ ju 
 glan"ben? 
 
 Stnttoort* 
 
 setter toaö ünö im (Suangetio üer== 
 
 l^eiJTen toxti"), metd)^ onö bie 5trticfel 
 
 ünferö atgemeinen üngejmeiffette Sl^rifi^ 
 
 Ii(^e ©tauBen^ in einer fumma teuren* 
 
 a) lob. 20. Matt. 28. 
 
 xxn. 
 
 Qucenam sunt illa, quce necesse 
 est liominem Cliristianum Gliedere ? 
 
 Omnia, qusB nobis in Evangelio 
 promittuntur, quorum summa in 
 Symbolo Apostolieo, seu in capiti- 
 bus catliolicee et indubitatse omni- 
 um Ckristianorum fidei, breviter 
 comprebenditur. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 153 
 
 grage 21* 
 
 Sg ijt ntd)t aUtin eine geiDtffe @r^ 
 lenntnif, baburi^ x^ Wit^ für »a^r 
 l^alte, maö unö ©Ott in feinem SÖortc 
 l^at geoffenBaret ; fonberu and) ein 
 ]^erjli(^e^ Sertrauen, jDetc^eö bet !^eilige 
 ©eift burd) baö Soangelium in mir 
 tt)irlet, ba^ ni(^t allein ^nbern, fonbern 
 aud) mir 35ergeBnng ber (Sünben, endige 
 ©ere^tigleit unb ©etigleit üon ®ott 
 gefc^enlet fei, au^ lauter Onaben, allein 
 um beö SSerbienfte^ (S^rij^i iüillen* 
 
 Question 21. 
 What is trice faith f 
 
 Answee. 
 It is not only a certain knowl- 
 edge, whereby I hold for truth all 
 that God has revealed to us in His 
 word ; but also a hearty trust, which 
 the Holy Ghost works in me by the 
 Gospel, that not only to others, but 
 to me also, forgiveness of sins, ever- 
 lasting righteousness and salvation, 
 are freely given by God, merely of 
 grace, only for the sake of Christ's 
 merits. 
 
 grage 22> 
 2ßa^ ifi a^er einem S^ri|!en not^ig 
 p glaukn ? 
 
 5tntn)ort* 
 Wit§, njae un0 im Söangelium oer== 
 ]^ei§en mirb, tuelc^e^ unö bie 5trti!el 
 unfere0 allgemeinen unge^eifelten 
 c^rifili($en ©lau^en^ in einer (Summa 
 le'^ren* 
 
 QUESTIOIT 22. 
 
 What is it then necessary for a 
 Christian to believe f 
 
 Answee. 
 All that is promised us in the 
 Gospel, which the articles of our 
 catholic, undoubted Christian faith 
 teach us in sum. 
 
 20 
 
154 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 gtag. XXIII. 
 
 2Bie lauten btefelkn? Qitod est ilhid Symlohim f 
 
 Sc^ gtau^ in ®ott ^<xitx, Credo in Deum, Patrem om- 
 
 bctt allme^ttgen, ©c^o^jffer nipotentem, creatorem coeli et 
 
 l^immcU ünb bet erben* terrae. 
 
 S5nb in S^fum S^^rijlum, fei^ Et in Jesum Christum Filium 
 
 nen ein g el) o men ©on önfern ejus unigenitum, Dominum nos- 
 
 ^@3^9ft5^, bet empfange ijl »on trum: qui conceptus est de Spiri- 
 
 bent Zeitigen ©eifi, gemote auf tu Sancto, natus ex Maria vir- 
 
 ^Jiaria ber Sungframen, gelit^ gine; passus sub Pontio Pilato, 
 
 ten »nber pontio pilato, ge=^ crucifixus, mortuus, et sepultus; 
 
 creu^iget, gejlorben unb begta^ descendit ad inferna; tertia die 
 
 ben, abgefiiegen ju ber gellen, resurrexit a mortuis; ascendit ad 
 
 am britten tage »iber auffer^* coelos, sedet ad dextram Dei Pa- 
 
 fianben oon ben tobten, auffge^ t^'is omnipotentis ; inde venturus 
 
 faren gen ^immel, fi|et ju ber est judicatum vivos et mortuos. 
 
 Siechten ©otte^ beö anme(^ti=* Credo in Spiritum Sanctum, 
 
 gen SSater^, öon bannen er Credo sanctam Ecclesiam catholi- 
 
 !onten wirb, ju rid)ten bie Ie*= cam; sanctorum communionem ; re- 
 
 fcenbigen önb bie tobten» mission em peccatorum; carnis re- 
 
 3^ alaul) in ben Beitiaen surrectionem ; et vitam seternam, 
 (Beijt, eine ^eilige altgemeine 
 S^rijltid)c Äird)c, bie gemein^ 
 f(^afft ber ^eiligen, oerge^bung 
 ber funben, aufferj^e^ung beö 
 flcif(^c^ »ttb ein ewigö leben. 
 
THE HEroELBERG CATECHISM. 155 
 
 garage 23* Question 23. 
 
 4Bie tauten biefelkn ? What are these Articles f 
 
 5(nt»ort* Answer. 
 
 3d) gtau!)e an ®ott 25ater, I believe in God the Father 
 
 ben Stllmäc^ttgen, (Sd)öpfer Almighty, Maker of heaven and 
 
 ^immet^ unb ber (grben* earth. 
 
 Unb an 3efum dl^rtfium, fet== And in Jesus Christ, His only 
 
 nen etngeBornen ®ol)n, unfern begotten Son, our Lord: who was 
 
 ^etrn: ber empfangen ifl öon conceived by the Holy Ghost, bom 
 
 bent l^etUgen ©eijie, gct)oren of the Virgin Mary; sufferedunder 
 
 auö 5!}Zarta ber Jungfrau; ge^ Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, 
 
 litten unter ^ontio ^itato, and buried; He descended into 
 
 gelreujiget, gejtorben unb be^ hades; the third day He rose from 
 
 graben; l^inabgefa^ren in baö the dead ; He ascended into heaven, 
 
 5tobtenretd^; ant britten Za^t and sitteth at the right hand of 
 
 «jteber auferfianben öon ben God the Father Almighty; from 
 
 ^Tobten; aufgefahren gen iptnt- thence He shall come to judge the 
 
 met, fi^et ju ber 9le^ten ®ot- ^l^^i^k and the dead, 
 
 tes? be« atlma^tigen SSater«; I believe in the Holy Ghost : the 
 
 »on bannen dx fommen mirb Holy Catholic Church ; thecommu- 
 
 ^u rieten bte Sebcnbigen unb nion of saints; the forgiveness of 
 
 bie Slobten* sii^s ; the resurrection of the body, 
 
 S(^ gtaube an ben fettigen and the life everlasting, 
 ©etjl:: eine Zeitige attgemeinc 
 ^ir(^e; bie ®emeinfc()aft ber 
 fettigen; 35ergebung ber ©un^ 
 ben; Slufcr j^c^ung be« f^tei* 
 f(S^cö, unb ein ewige« geben» 
 
156 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 fBk werben biefe %xMd a^t^ 
 tl;eilt? 
 
 5ltttwort* 
 
 3n bret) t^etL T)er erfte ift öon 
 ©Ott bem 35ater, onb onfer erf(^opffung* 
 !Der anber oon @ott bem «Son, onb 
 önfcr eriofimg. 'Dn britt öon @ott 
 bem ^eiligen Oeijt, onb önfer ^tx^ 
 
 ^rag> 
 2)ien)eil nur ein einig ©ottli^ wefen 
 ifi *) : iüarumB nennejk brei^, ben SSa* 
 ter, (Son »nb i^eiligen ©eift? 
 
 5tnt»ott* 
 
 !I)arum"6 baf ftd) ©ott atfo in feinem 
 »ort geojfenBaret I;at^), ba§ biefe brei^ 
 ünberf(i)iebli(^c ^erfonen, ber einig 
 n?a'^r^fftig emig ®ott feinb* 
 
 a) Deut. 6. i) Esai. 61. Psal. 10. Matt. 3. 
 et 28. 1 loh. 5. 
 
 XXIY. 
 
 In quot pa/i'tes disi/i^ibuitfwr Two 
 Symbolum f 
 
 In tres partes. Prima est de Deo 
 Patre, et nostri creatione. Altera 
 est de Deo Filio, et nostri redemp- 
 tione. Tertia est de Deo Spiritu 
 Sancto, et nostri sanctificatione. 
 
 xxy. 
 
 Cum una sit tantum essentia di- 
 vina^ cur tres istos nominas, Pa- 
 trem^Filium^ et Spiritum Sanctv/m? 
 
 Quia Deus ita se in verbo suo 
 patefecit, quod tres lige distinct89 
 personae sint unus ille verus et seter- 
 nus Deus. 
 
THE HEroELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 157 
 
 2Bie werben biefe %xixtd at>ge* 
 t^eilt? 
 
 Sn btet ^^eile: !l)er erjie ijl »on 
 ©Ott bem 3}ater, utt't) imferer (Srfc^af== 
 fung; ber anbete öon ®ott bem 
 (Boljntf nnb unferct (Sriöfnng; ber 
 britte öon ®ott bem ^eiligen ©etfle, 
 unb unferer ^eitignng* 
 
 forage 25* 
 X)teiüeil nur ein einiget göttltcf)e^ 
 SBefen t|l, marnm nennej^ bn brei, ben 
 35ater, ©o^n unb ^eiligen ®etjl ? 
 
 SlntiDort» 
 ^arnm, t»eil ft^ ®ott alfo in feinem 
 Sßort geojfenBaret f)atf baf biefe brei 
 unterf^ieblic^en ^erfonen ber einige, 
 jDa^r^afttge, ewige ®ott fmb* 
 
 QuiESTiois' 24. 
 How <we these Articles divided f 
 
 Answer. 
 Into three parts : Tlie first is of 
 God the Fatlier, and our creation ; 
 tlie second, of God the Son, and our 
 redemption ; the third, of God the 
 Holy Ghost, and our sanctification. 
 
 Question 25. 
 
 Since there is hut one Divine 
 Being, why speakest thou of three. 
 Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ? 
 
 Answer. 
 Because God has so revealed 
 Himself in His word, that these 
 three distinct Persons are the one, 
 true, eternal God. 
 
158 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 ^on (Boit hm ^attt. 
 
 DE DEO PATEE. 
 
 2Öa0 gtaukjhi, wenn bu \prxä)% 
 3(ä) Qlaub in ®ott 25ater, bett altme(^^ 
 tige, <S(^6^ffer ^hnelö önb ber erben? 
 
 5(nttDort» 
 2)af ber ewig SSater »nfer^ iperrn 
 3efu d^xxftif ber ipimel önb (Srben 
 fantpt aüem, »a^ brtnnen i% au§ nic^t^ 
 erfc^affen*"), auc^ biefelbtgen no(^ bur(^ 
 feinen ewigen rl;at unb furfe^ng er'^ett 
 »nb regieret ^) : umh feinet ©on5 
 d^rijli mitlen, mein ©ott »n mein 
 SSater fe^ ^^), auff vodä)tn ic^ alfo öer^^ 
 trawe, ba§ i(^ nic^t s^eiffel, er n»erbe 
 mi(^ mit aKer notburjft leib^ »nb ber 
 feelen üerforgen*^), a\xä} aUt^ ökl, fo 
 er mir in biefem }amert()al jnfc^iiJet, 
 mir lu gut wenben *) : biemeit er^ 
 t^un fan, aU ein attmet^tiger ©ott ^) : 
 »nb auä) t^un mil aU ein getren^er 
 2}aterO* 
 
 a) Gen. 1. Psal. 33. 5) Psal. 104. Matt. 10. 
 Heb. 1. Psal. 115, c) loh. 1. Rom. 8. Gal. 4. 
 Ephes. 1. d) Psal. 55. Matt. 6. Luc. 12. 
 e) Rom. 8, /) Rom. 10. g) Matt. 6. et 7. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 ^2^i6? credis cum dicis : Ceedo 
 IN Deum Pateem ojo^ipotentem, 
 
 CEEATOEEM CCELI ET TEEEiE ? 
 
 Credo seternmn Patrem Domini 
 nostri Jesu Cliristi, qui coeluin et 
 terram, cum omnibus, quae in iis 
 sunt, ex nihilo creavit, quique eadem 
 aeterno suo consilio et Providentia 
 sustentat ac gubernat, propter 
 Chiistum, Deum meum et Patrem 
 meum esse; itaque sie ei confido, 
 sie in eo acquiesco, ut non dubitem, 
 quin provisurus sit omnibus, cum 
 animo, tum corpori meo necessa- 
 riis : quin etiam, quae mihi mala in 
 Lac aerumnosa vita immittit, ea in 
 meam salutem sit conversurus; cum 
 et facere id possit, ut omnipotens 
 Dens, et facere id velit, ut be- 
 nignus Pater. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 159 
 
 ^ott (Bott bcm ^attx. 
 
 OF GOD THE FATHER. 
 
 2ßaö ölaukft bu, wenn bu fprtc^ft : 
 3(3^ glauBe an ©ott S5ater, ben 
 StUmäc^ttgen, (Sc^ö|)fer iptm^ 
 melö unb bet (Srben? 
 5tnt»ott* 
 
 2)af ber etoige 25ater nnfere^ ^errn 
 3efu S^rtj^t, ber Fimmel unb (Erbe, 
 fammt altem it)a^ barinnen \^, auö nid)tö 
 erf(I)affen, anc^ btefelbigen no(i) bur(^ 
 feinen ett)igen ülatl; unb 25orfe()ung et* 
 l^ält unb tegtett, um feinet ©o^ne^ 
 ß^tifti »iüen mein ©Ott xmb mein 
 S5atet fei ; auf n^elc^en ic^ atfo öetttaue, 
 baf iä) ni(^t ^njeifte, (St wetbe mxä) mit 
 attet 5'lot^butft Ceibeö unb bet (Seele 
 üetfotgen, aud) aUeö Hebet, fo St mit 
 in biefem 3cimmett^t s^ifc^i^it, mit ju 
 gut n?enben ; bieweit (St eö tt;un lann, 
 aU ein attmä(^tiget ©ott, unb au^ 
 t^un Witt, al^ ein getteuet SSater* 
 
 Question 26. 
 
 What dost thou believe when thou 
 sayest : I believe est God the Fa- 
 ther Almighty, Maker of heaven 
 AND earth ? 
 
 Answer. 
 
 That the eternal Father of our 
 Lord Jesus Christ, who of nothing 
 made heaven and earth, with all 
 that in them is, who likewise up- 
 holds and governs the same by His 
 eternal counsel and providence, is 
 for the sake of Christ His Son my 
 God and my Father; in whom I 
 so trust, as to have no doubt that 
 He will provide me with all things 
 necessary for body and soul; and 
 further, that whatever evil He sends 
 upon me in this vale of tears He 
 will turn to my good; for He is 
 able to do it, being Almighty God, 
 and willing also, being a faithful 
 Father. 
 
160 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 2ßa^ üerfte^ej^u butc^ bie furfe^ung 
 (*5otte^? 
 
 Xk attmec^ttge onb gegeniuerttge 
 frafft ©otte^''), burc^ «?eH)e er ^liüel 
 unb erbe, fampt aüen dreaturen, glcii^ 
 al^ mit feiner I)anb no(^ er^elt^), i?nb 
 alfo regiert, ba§ laub onb graf , regen 
 unb burre, frud)tBare on önfru<^tbare 
 jar, effen önb trinken "), gefunb^eit önb 
 fran(!§eit*) reii^t^m'b onb armut!^^) 
 ünb aUt^f ni(^t o^e gefe^r, fonber üon 
 feiner üdterU(^en ^anb ünö julomme* 
 
 a) Act. 17. 5) Heb. 1. c) lere. 5. Act. 14. 
 d) loh. 9. e) Prou. 22. 
 
 XXYII. 
 
 Quid est Providentia Deif 
 
 Omnipotens et ubique praesens 
 Dei vis, qua coelum ac terram cum 
 omnibus creaturis tanquam manu 
 sustinet ac gubernat ; ut quae terra 
 nascuntur, pluvia item et siccitas, 
 fertilitas et sterilitas, cibus et po- 
 tus, bona et adversa valetudo, divi- 
 tiae et paupertas, omnia denique, 
 non temere aut fortuito, sed pater- 
 no ejus consilio et voluntate con- 
 tingant. 
 
 grag* 
 2Öa^ fur nu^ belommen wir au^ er^ 
 fantnu^ ber fd}6pffung ünb fürfe^ng 
 ©otte^? 
 
 5lntn)ort* 
 !t)ap wir in aller wiberwertigleit ge* 
 bultig^), in gIMfeligleit bandbar^) 
 mtb aup pfünftig guter juuerfic^t ju 
 ünferm getrenjen ©ott ün SSater fein 
 fotten, ba§ ünö leine ß^reatur öon feiner 
 
 d) Eom. 5. lacob. 1. lob. 1. V) Deut. 8. 
 1 Thess. 5. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 Quid nobis prodest Jicec cognitio 
 creationis et providentice divincef 
 
 Ut in adversis patientes, in se- 
 cundis grati simus, in futurum vero 
 optimam in Deo fidissimo Patre 
 spem repositam habeamus, certo 
 scientes nihil esse quod nos ab ejus 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 161 
 
 forage 27. 
 2ßa0 oer|^eI)ft bu untet bet S5or*= 
 fe^ung ©otte^ ? 
 
 5(ntmort* 
 ;i)tc aümäc^tigc unb gcgcnn?atttgc 
 Äraft ©otte^, buri^ meiere (Sr ^tmmel 
 unb dx'Cif fammt atten Kreaturen, gteid) 
 dö mit feiner ^anb noc^ erl^ält, unb 
 alfo tegiert, baf ^aub unb ©raö, 9?e^ 
 gen unb X)ürre, fru(^tfeare unb un^ 
 fru(^tBare ^a^xt, (SjTen unb ^rinlen, 
 ©efunb^eit unb Äran!(;eit, ületc^t!^um 
 unb 5(tmut:^, unb %Ut^f nt(^t üon o^n* 
 gefäl)r, fonbern öon feiner oäterlic^en 
 ^anb unö julomme* 
 
 Question 2Y. 
 TFAöi^ «ib.s'^ tJiou understand hy the 
 Providence of God? 
 
 Answer. 
 The almighty and everywhere 
 present power of God, whereby, as 
 it were by His hand. He still up- 
 holds heaven and earth, with all 
 creatures; and so governs them, 
 that herbs and grass, rain and 
 drought, fi'uitful and barren years, 
 meat and drink, health and sick- 
 ness, riches and poverty, yea, all 
 things, come not by chance, but by 
 His fatherly hand. 
 
 i^rage 28. 
 2Öa0 für 5lu^cn "belommen ttJtr au^ 
 ber Sr!enntni§ ber @d)ö^fung unb 
 S5ürfe^ung ©otte^? 
 
 2(ntn)ort. 
 X)af \X)\x in aller 2ßibern?arttg!eit 
 gebulbig, in ©liicffeligleit banlbar, 
 unb auf'^ ßulünfttgc guter 3uöerfi(^t 
 ju unferm getreuen ®ott unb SSater 
 fein fotten, baf unö leine (Sireatur »on 
 
 Question 28. 
 Wliat does it profit us to hnow 
 that God has created, and hy His 
 providence still upholds all things f 
 
 Answee. 
 That we may be patient in ad- 
 versity ; thankful in prosperity ; 
 and for what is future, have good 
 confidence in our faithful God and 
 Father, that no creature shall sep- 
 
 21 
 
162 
 
 CATECmSÄIUS. 
 
 liek [gelben wirb "), bicmeil aUt (Jrea* 
 tute alfo in feiner ^anb fmb, ba§ fte 
 ftc^ one feinen tinllen aud) nic^t regen 
 no<^ bewegen fonnen"^)* 
 
 c) Rom. 8. d) lob. 1. Act. 17. Prou. 21. 
 
 amore abstrahat ; quandoquidem 
 omnes creaturse ita sunt in ejus po- 
 testate, ut sine ejus arbitrio, non 
 modo nibil agere, sed ne moveri 
 quidem possint. 
 
 ^on ®ott bcm Son, 
 
 f^tag. 
 2ßarnm~b mirbt ber ®on ©otte^ 
 Sefu^, baö i% feIigma(J)er genant ? 
 
 5(ntmort* 
 X)aruml) bap er ünö feiig ma(i)t üon 
 unfern funben'') onb bap I)e^ feinem 
 anbern einige feligleit ju fu(^en noc^ ju 
 flnbenijt^)* 
 
 a) Matt. 1. &) Act. 4. 
 
 Srag* 
 ©laufen benn bie auä) an ben eini^ 
 gen fetigmad)er 3efum, bie jre feligleit 
 ünb ^eil be^ ^eiligen, bei Jnen ^db% 
 ober anberj^roo fni^en ? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 5^ein : fonber fte oerleugnen mit ber 
 t^at ben einigen ©eligmac^er onb $ei== 
 
 DE DEO FILIO. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 Quare Filius Dei a^ppellatur Je- 
 sus, lioG est, Salvator ? 
 
 Quia nos salvat ab omnibus pec- 
 catis nostris ; nee uUa salus vel peti 
 aliunde debet, vel alibi reperiri 
 potest. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 Creduntne igitur Uli in unicum 
 8ervatorem Jesum, qui a Sanctis, 
 aut a se, aut aliunde felicitatem so- 
 lutemve qucerunt? 
 
 Non; etsi enim verbo quidem 
 eo Servatore gloriantur, re ipsa ta 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 163 
 
 feiner 8iek [(Reiben »irb ; biemeil alle arate us from His love ; since all 
 
 dreaturen alfo in feiner ^anb fmb, creatures are so in His hand, that 
 
 ba§ fie fic^ oI;ne feinen SBilten ana) without His will they cannot so 
 
 nid^t regen nod) kmegen lönnen* much as move. 
 
 S5on (Bott htm (Bo^nt. 
 
 forage 29* 
 SBarnm mirb ber (So^n ©otte^ 
 5efuö, ba^ ift, ©eligmai^er genannt? 
 
 5(ntwort» 
 X)arum, »eil @r unö felig maä)t oon 
 unfern (3ünben, xmb n^eil ki feinem 
 
 OF GOD THE SON. 
 
 Question 29. 
 Why «t9 the Son of God called 
 Jesus, that is, Saviour ? 
 
 Ajstswee. 
 Because He saves us from our 
 sins : and no salvation is to be 
 
 5(nbern einige (Seligleit ju fu^en nod) either sought or found in any 
 ^u flnben ij!» other. 
 
 ^rage 30* 
 ©tauten benn bie and) an ben eini^ 
 gen (Seligmad)er Sefum, bie i^re (Selig^ 
 feit unb ^eil bei ^eiligen, ki fi(^ 
 felbjl, ober anber^n?o fu(5^en? 
 
 5lntnjort* 
 S^letn; fonbern fie öertäugnen mit 
 ber %^(xi ben einigen ©eligma^^er unb 
 
 Question 30. 
 Do such then believe in the only 
 Saviour Jesus, who seeh their sal- 
 vation and welfare of saints, of 
 themselves, or anywhere else f 
 
 Answee. 
 No ; although they may make 
 their boast of Him, yet in act they 
 
164 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 lanb 3efum, oB fte ftc^ fein gtei(^ t^^ 
 tnen^). 3)enn cntwcber ^efu^ nit ein 
 öolfornnet ^eilanb fein mup : ober bie 
 biefen ^eitanb mit ojatem glauben an^ 
 nemen, mü|Ten aüc^ in Jm ^aben, ba^ 
 gu trer fetigleit üonnoten i|i^)* 
 
 a) 1 Cor. 1. Gala. 3. h) Esai. 9. Ool. 1. 2. 
 loh. 1. 
 
 SÖarumb ift er ei;riftu^, baö i)l, ein 
 gefalzter genant? 
 
 5(ntwort* 
 X)a§ er öon ®ott bem 35ater öer^ 
 orbnet, önb mit bem ^eiligen ©eift^) 
 gefaltet i% lu önferm oberften ^rop^e= 
 ten önb ^e^rer, ber ön^ ben :^eimU(^en 
 r'^at onb mitleit ©otteö oon onfer erto^ 
 fung ool!omli(^ offenbaret''): 23nb ju 
 önferem einigen ^ol)cn ^riefler, ber önö 
 mit bem einige opffer feinet leib^ erto^ 
 fet l^at, önb jmerbar mit feiner fürbit 
 für bem 35ater oertrit ") : S5nb gu "on^ 
 ferm ewigen £6nig, ber unö mit feine 
 »ort ün ©eijl regiert ^), onb be^ ber 
 erworbenen erlofung f^ü^et nnb er* 
 l^elt* 
 
 a) Hebr. 1. 5) Psal. 110. Hebr. 7. Eom. 8. 
 c) Psa. 2. Luc. 1. fZ) Pvom. 5. Matt. 28. . 
 
 men abnegant tmicuin Servatorem 
 Jesum. Necesse est enim, aut Je- 
 sum non esse perfectum Servatorem, 
 aut qui eum Servatorem vera fide 
 amplectuntur, eos omnia in ipso 
 possidere, quae ad salutem requi- 
 runtur. 
 
 XXXT. 
 
 Quare appellatur Cheistus, lioc 
 est^ unctusf 
 
 Quod a Patre ordinatus, et Spi- 
 ritu Sancto unctus, sit summus Pro- 
 plieta ac Doctor, qui nobis arcanum 
 consilium et omnem voluntatem 
 Patris de redemptione nostri pate- 
 fecit ; et summus Pontifex, qui nos 
 unico sacrificio sui corporis redemit, 
 assidueque pro nobis apud Patrem 
 intercedit; et Rex, qui nos suo 
 verbo et Spiritu gubernat, et par- 
 tam nobis salutem tuetur ac cou- 
 servat. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 165 
 
 ^etlanb S^fum, ob fte ft(^ fein gteid) 
 rühmen» 2)enn entiDeber Sefu^ nic^t 
 ein üotrtommener ^eilanb fein mu^, 
 ober bie biefen .^eitanb mit n^a^^rem 
 ©lankn annel;men, müjfen StHeö in 
 3^m ^aben, baö ju il^rer ©eliqleit üon=* 
 nöt^en iji* 
 
 deny tlie only Saviour Jesus. For 
 eitlier Jesus is not a complete 
 Saviour, or they who by true faith 
 receive this Savioui-, must have in 
 Him all that is necessary to their 
 salvation. 
 
 Batum t|^ (Sr S^rij^ug, baö i|!, 
 ein ©efalbter genannt ? 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 SBeil dx üon ®ott bent S5ater ux^ 
 otbnet, nnb mit bem ^eiligen @eifte 
 gefalbet x% ju unferm obet|!en ^rop^e^ 
 ten unb Setter, ber un^ ben ^^eimli^en 
 diat^ unb 2Öitten ©otte^ üon unferer 
 ©rlöfung uottfommen offenbaret; nnb 
 IVL unferm einigen ipo^en^jriefter, ber 
 unö mit bem einigen Opfer feinet Cei^ 
 be^ ertöfet ^at, unb immerbar mit fei^* 
 ner Fürbitte üor bem SSater öertritt ; 
 unb in unferm ewigen Äonig, ber un^ 
 mit feinem SCßort unb ®eift regiert, 
 imb bei ber ernjorbenen Sriöfung 
 fd)üöet unb erhält* 
 
 QuilSTION 31. 
 
 Why is He called Cheist, that is. 
 Anointed f 
 
 Answee. 
 Because He is ordained of God 
 the Father, and anointed with the 
 Holy Ghost, to be our chief Prophet 
 and Teacher, who fully reveals to 
 us the secret counsel and will of 
 God concerning our redemption; 
 and our only High Priest, who 
 by the one sacrifice of His body 
 has redeemed us, and ever liveth 
 to make intercession for us with 
 the Father ; and our eternal King, 
 who governs us by His word and 
 Spirit, and defends and preserves 
 us in the redemption obtained for us. 
 
166 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 SBarumt luirjl abtx bu ein St;ti|t 
 genent ? 
 
 2)a§ i(^ but(^ ben gtauBen ein glieb 
 S^rijii'') önb alfo [einer falhmg t^eit^ 
 l^apg Un*), auff ba§ au(^ id) feinen 
 ^amtn Belenne"), mi(^ jm ju einem 
 leBenbigen bancfopjfer barfteüe'^), onb 
 mit freiem gewiffen in biefem lekn 
 juiber bie funbe önb ^enfet ftreite, nnb 
 ^er naä) in etoigleit mit jm ökr alte 
 (Steaturen ^^erfdje* 
 
 a) Act. 11.1 loh. 2. 6) Act. 2. loel. 2. Mar. 
 8. c) Kom. 12. Apoc. 5. d) Rom. 6. Apoc. 1. 
 
 Stag* 
 SatumB I)ei|l et ®ottc5 einge^orner 
 (Son, fo bD(^ wit au^ linber ©otte^ 
 fmb? 
 
 5(nttt)ort* 
 Darum baf S^rijln^ allein ber ewig 
 naturlii^ ®on ©otte^ ifl'"): tuir a^er 
 ömB feinet ttjitle auf gnaben ju linbern 
 ©otteö angenommen fmb'')* 
 
 o) loh. 1. Heb. 1. i) Rom. 8, Ephes. 1. 
 
 %xaQ. 
 Sßarumt) nennefht jn önfern ^errn ? 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 6*^^' -ü^ro ^i^ Christianus aj^el- 
 laris ? 
 
 Quod per fidem memlbruni sum 
 Jesu Christi, et unctionis ipsius 
 particeps, ut et nomen ejus con- 
 iitear, meque sistam ipsi vivam gra- 
 titudinis hostiam, et in hac vita, 
 contra peccatum et Satanam, libera 
 et bona conscientia pugnem, et post- 
 ea seternum cum Christo regnum 
 in omnes creaturas teneam. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 Quam ob causam Christus voca- 
 tur Filius Dei uihgenitus, cum nos 
 quoque simus filii Dei ? 
 
 Quia solus Christus est coseter- 
 nus et naturalis seterni Patris Filius; 
 nos autem propter eum, ex gratia, a 
 Patre adoptati sumus. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 Qua de causa o/pjpellas eum Do- 
 minum NOSTEUM ? 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 167 
 
 2Barum jDtrj^ aUx bu ein S^tijl 
 genannt ? 
 
 %ntrr>oxt. 
 
 Seit {$ burc^ ben @tankn ein 
 ®Iieb S^rifti, nnb atfo feiner ©albung 
 tl^eil^aftig bin ; auf ba§ ana) ic^ feinen 
 Si^amen belenne, mid) ^^m ju einem 
 lebenbigen 3)an!opfer barfteüe, nnb 
 mit freiem ©emiffen in biefem Seben 
 tuiber bie (Sünbe nnb ben Teufel ftreite, 
 imb l^ernac^ in Smigleit mit S^nt über 
 aUt Kreaturen ^errf(J)e* 
 
 Question 32. 
 
 But why art thou called a Cliris- 
 tian f 
 
 Answee. 
 
 Because by faith I am a member 
 of Christ, and thus a partaker of 
 His anointing ; in order that I also 
 may confess His name; may pre- 
 sent myself a living sacrifice of 
 thankfulness to Him; and may 
 with free conscience fight against 
 sin and the Devil in this life, and 
 hereafter, in eternity, reign with 
 Him over all creatui'es. 
 
 ^rage 33* 
 Sßarnm ^eipt Sr ©otte^ cingc* 
 borner ®o^n, fo bod) mir auc^ 
 Äinber ©otte^ fmb ? 
 
 5(ntmort» 
 X)arnm, w»eit S^rijlu^ allein ber 
 emige natiirlid^e (So^n ©otte^ ift ; toir 
 aber nm feinetmiÜen au^ ©naben ju 
 ^inbcrn ©otte^ angenommen ftnb» 
 
 grage 34» 
 SBarum nennefi bu 3^n unfern 
 ^crrn? 
 
 Question 33. 
 Why is He called God^s only 
 begotten Son, since we also are the 
 children of God? 
 
 Answer. 
 Because Christ alone is the eter- 
 nal natural Son of God ; but we 
 are children of God by adoption 
 through grace for His sake. 
 
 Question 34. 
 Why cdllest thou Him our Lord \ 
 
168 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 !Da§ er ünö mit Itib öub feel öon 
 ber fünben, ünb au^ alUra gemalt be^ 
 ^teufel^, ni^t mit gott ober fitkr, fon^ 
 ber mit feinem t^en?ern Slut, jl)m jum 
 eigentl^umb erlofet onb erlaufft ^at^)^ 
 
 a) 1 Pet. 1. et 2. 1 Cor. 6. 
 
 2ßa^ ^eift, baf er empfattgen ift öon 
 bem ^eiligen ®ei|!, geboren aujj SO^iaria 
 ber 3w^gftan?en? 
 
 5tntn?ort» 
 Dap ber emige ®on ©otte^, ber 
 luarer ünb ewiger ©ott ift'"") önb blei^ 
 bet^), mare mcfc^Iid^e natur, anf bem 
 fleifc^ önb Blut ber 3ungfran?en '^a^ 
 tia"), bur(^ mürcfung be^ ^eiligen @ei|!^ 
 an fi($ genomen ^at^), auff bap er auc^ 
 ber tvare famen !l)auib0 fet)*) feinen 
 Wbern in allem gleid)^), aufgenom^ 
 men bie fünbe^)» 
 
 a) loh. 1. Eom. 1. b) Rom. 9. Gal. 4. 
 e) lohan. 1. d) Matt. 1. Luc. 1. Ephes. 1. 
 6) Psal. 132. Korn. 1. /) PhU. 2. g) Heb. 4. 
 
 ^rag XXXVI. 
 
 2Öaö nu^ Belomeftu au^ ber ^eiligen Quem fructum percipis ex sancta 
 cmpfengnuf ünb gel>urt ß^rijii? conceptione et nativitate (JJiristi? 
 
 Quia corpus et animam nostram 
 a peccatis, non auro nee argento, 
 sed pretioso suo sanguine redemit, 
 et ab omni potestate Diaboli libe- 
 ravit, atque ita nos sibi proprios 
 vindicavit. 
 
 XXXY. 
 
 Quid credis cum dicis : Concep- 
 
 TUS EST PER SpIEITUM SaNCTUM, 
 NATUS EX MaEIA VIEGINE ? 
 
 Quod ipse Filius Dei, qui est, et 
 permanet verus ac ssternus Deus, 
 naturam vere liumanam ex carne et 
 sanguine virginis Marias, operatione 
 S]3iritus Saneti assumpsit; ut simul 
 sit verum semen Davidis, fratribus 
 suis per omnia similis, excepto pec- 
 cato. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 169 
 
 SBetl dx un0 mit Seit unb ©eete öon 
 ber (Sunbe, unb auö alter ©ematt be^ 
 ^eufel^, nid)t mit ©olb cber (SilBet, 
 fonbern mit feinem t^euren 33lut, 3f)tn 
 
 Answee. 
 
 Because, not witli silver or gold, 
 
 but witli His precious blood, He 
 
 has redeemed and purchased us, 
 
 body and soul, from sin and from 
 
 jum (gigent:^um erlöfet unb erlaufet ^at* aU the power of the Devü, to be 
 
 His own. 
 
 ^rage 35* 
 fBa^ ^ei§t, ba§ (Sr em^jfangen ij^ 
 »on bem l^eitigen ©eijie, ge^ 
 fcorenau^SO^iaria ber^w^Sftau? 
 
 5(ntn?ort* 
 T)a^ ber ewige ©o^n ©otte^, ber 
 wahrer unb ewiger @ott ift imb Hei6et, 
 ttja'^re menf(^Ii(^e 9*latur auö bem 
 ^eif(i) unb S3Iut ber Jungfrau 5!Jiaria, 
 bur(^ SÖirlung beö ^eiligen ©eijleö, an 
 f{(^ genommen !^at;auf baf (Er auä) ber 
 wa'^re ©ame ^iDaoibö fei, feinen 23rü^ 
 bern in ^Item glei(^, aufgenommen bie 
 ©ünbe* 
 
 Question 35. 
 What is themeani7igof: Conceiv- 
 ed BT THE Holy Ghost, bokn of 
 
 THE ViEGIN MaEY ? 
 
 Answee. 
 That the eternal Son of God, 
 who is and continues true and 
 eternal God, took upon Him the 
 very nature of man, of the flesh and 
 blood of the Virgin Mary, by the 
 operation of the Holy Ghost; so 
 that He also might be the tiTie 
 seed of David, like unto His breth- 
 ren in all things, sin excepted. 
 
 I^ragc 3 6. Question 36. 
 
 2Ba^ für ?lu|en fcelommj! bu au^ What henefit dost thou receive 
 
 ber ^^eiligen (Smpfdngnif unb ©e^^urt from the holy conception and lirth 
 
 e^rifti? of Christ? 
 22 
 
170 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 !Da§ cr öttfet mittler x^, on mit \tu 
 net önf^ulb ünb öollommenen ^eiligleit 
 meine fnnbe, barin \ä) bin empfangen, 
 für ©otteö angefi^t Wotätr). 
 
 a) Psal. 32. 1 Cor. 1. 
 
 ^rag* 
 2ßa^ üerfte^ef^u bur(^ ba5 mortlein 
 gelitten? 
 
 StntJDort* 
 3)ap er an leib önb feel, bic gan|c 
 jeit feinet lebend anff erben, fonbertic^ 
 aber am enbe beffetben, ben jorn @otteö 
 wiber bie fünbe beö ganzen menf(^Iid)en 
 gef^lec^tö getragen ^af), auff ba§ er 
 mit feinem leiben, atö mit bem einigen 
 (Sbnopffer^), önfer leib onb feel oon 
 ber emigen üerbamnnf erlofcte, ün önö 
 ©otteö gnabe, gerei^tigleit ün ewigem 
 leben erwürbe* 
 
 a) 1 Pet. 2. Esai. 53. l) 1 loh. 2, et 4. 
 Korn. 3. 
 
 ^rag. 
 SOßarumb '^at er ünber bem 9^i(^ter 
 ^ontio ^ilato gelitten? 
 
 Slntwort» 
 5lu[f ba§ er önf(^ulbig onbcr bem 
 
 Qiiod is noster sit Mediator, et 
 sua innocentia, ac perfecta sancti- 
 tate, mea peccata, in quibus con- 
 ceptus sum, tegat, ne in conspectum 
 Dei veniant. 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 Quid credis cum dicis 
 
 Passus 
 
 EST? 
 
 Eum toto quidem vitse suae tem- 
 pore, quo in terris egit, praecipue 
 vero in ejus extremo, iram Dei ad- 
 versus peccatum universi generis 
 humani corpore et anima susti- 
 nuisse, ut sua passione, tauquam 
 unico sacrificio propitiatorio, corpus 
 et animam nostram ab seterna dam- 
 natione liberaret, et nobis gratiam 
 Dei, justitiam et vitam setemam 
 acquireret. 
 
 xxxvm. 
 
 Quid causce fuit^ cu/r sub judice 
 Vgkyio Vtlkto pateretur ? 
 
 Ut innocens coram judice politico 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 171 
 
 2)a§ Sr unfer 2}JittIer ifi, unb mit 
 fetner llnf(^ulb unb üotllommenen ipet^ 
 lig!eit meine ©ünbe, barin id) Bin 
 empfangen, oor ©otteö Stngefii^t 
 Bebedet, 
 
 %xaQt 37. 
 2Öaö üerjle^j! bu unter bem SBört^ 
 lein: ©elitten? 
 
 5(ntmort* 
 ÜDaf dx an Seifc unb ©eete bie 
 ganje B^it feinet gebend auf (Srben, 
 fonberticj) akr am (Snbe t)eJTeIt)en, ben 
 Born ©otteö »iber bie ®ünbe be^ gan^ 
 ^en menfcl)Ii(^en ®efd)Ied)tö getragen 
 l^at, auf bap dx mit feinem Seiben, at^ 
 mit bem einigen (Sii^nopfer, imfern 
 geiB unb ®eete öon ber ewigen 35er^ 
 bammni^ erlofete, unb un^ ©otteö 
 @nabe, ©erec^tigleit unb emige^ ^tbtxi 
 txvouxU* 
 
 Answee. 
 That He is our Mediator, and 
 witli His innocence and perfect 
 holiness covers, in the sight of 
 God, my sin wherein I was con- 
 ceived. 
 
 Question 37. 
 What dost thou understand by 
 tJieword: Suffeeed? 
 
 Answee. 
 That all the time He lived on 
 earth, but especially at the end of 
 His life, He bore, in body and soul, 
 the wrath of God against the sin 
 of the whole human race ; in order 
 that by His passion, as the only 
 atoning sacrifice. He might redeem 
 our body and soul from everlasting 
 damnation, and obtain for us the 
 grace of God, righteousness and 
 eternal life. 
 
 forage 3 8. Question 38. 
 
 SBarum ^at dx unter bem Ülic^ter WTiy did He suffer under Pon- 
 
 ^ontio ^ilato gelitten ? tius Pilate, as judge f 
 
 5i(nttt)ort* Answee. 
 
 S(uf bap dx unf(^ulbig unter bem That He, being innocent, might 
 
1^2 
 
 CATECHIS3HUS. 
 
 »eMd)en Slic^ter öetbamt würbe ^), damnatus, nos a severo Dei judicio, 
 »nb un^ bamit »on betn ftrengen Ott^eil quod omnes manebat, eximeret. 
 ©otte0, ba^ okr m^ ge^en folte, er=^ 
 lebiget^)* 
 
 a) Luc. 23. loh. 19. 
 2 Cor. 5. Gal. 3. 
 
 5) Psal. 69. Esai. 53. 
 
 3ft Co etiua^ me^r, ba§ er ijl: ge^ 
 creu^tget morben, benn fo er eitte^ an^ 
 bern tobt^ geftorkn tDere ? 
 
 5(ntn?ort* 
 3ci, 2)cnn barburd) "bin ic^ gemif, 
 ba^ er bte öermalebei^ung bie auff mir 
 läge, auff fi(^ gelaben ^aBe*)» 3)ie^ 
 njeit ber tob be^ (^reu^e^ öon ®ott öer^ 
 flud)t iuar'')* 
 
 d) Galat. 8. &) Deut. 21. Galat. 3. 
 
 ?^tag> 
 SÖarutnB ^at S^rijhi^ ben tob ntuf* 
 fen leiben ? 
 
 5(nttt)ort* 
 
 CDarumB, bap üon wegen ber gere(^^ 
 tigleit önb warl^eit ") ®otte^, ni(i)t an^ 
 berjt fur onfere fünben mo^te bejalet 
 werben, benn huxö) ben tobt be^ @on^ 
 ©otteö''). 
 
 a) Gen. 2. h) Heb. 2. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 JEstne "oero quiddam am/plius^ 
 quod APFixxjs EST CEUCi, quam si 
 alio genere mortis affectus esset f 
 
 Sane amplius. Ex Lac enim re 
 sum cert US, eum maledictionem, 
 quae milii incumbebat, in se rece- 
 pisse ; nam mors crucis a Deo erat 
 maledicta. 
 
 XL. 
 
 Cur necesse fuit, ut CTiristus ad 
 MOETEM usque se demitteret ? 
 
 Propterea, quod justitiae et veri- 
 tati Dei nullo alio pacto pro nostris 
 peccatis potuit satisfieri, quam ipsa 
 morte Filii Dei. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 173 
 
 iDettUc^en ^xd)kx üerbaminct mürbe, 
 uttb unö bamtt »on bent ftrengen Ux^ 
 t^dl ©otte^, baö ükr un^ ergel^en 
 foKtc, crlebigte* 
 
 be condemned by the temporal 
 judge, and thereby deliver us from 
 the severe judgment of God to 
 which we were exposed. 
 
 gragc 39. 
 ^\t eö etiraö me^r, baf (Sr tjl ge*= 
 freu jig et tuorbeit, benn fo (Sr etneö 
 anbetn ilobeö gejlorBen »arc ? 
 
 Stnttüort* 
 3a: benn babur^ t»in t(I) gemif, 
 baf (Sr bie S5ermalebelung, bie auf mir 
 kg, auf fic^ gelaben ^abi ; biemeil ber 
 £ob beö Äreujeö öon ®ott »erflu^t 
 juar* 
 
 QuESTiois- 39. 
 Js the?'e anything rnore in His 
 liaving heen ckucified, tJia7i if He 
 had died some other death ? 
 
 Answee. 
 Yes: for thereby I am assured 
 that He took on Himself the curse 
 which lay upon me; because the 
 death of the cross was accursed of 
 God. 
 
 ^rage 40> 
 Sßarum ^at (E(;riftu^ ben ^ob ntiif^ 
 fen leiben ? 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 ^arunt, njeit megen ber (55erec^tig== 
 feit unb SBa'^r^^cit ©otte^ ni(^t anber^ 
 fiir unfere ©ünben ntö^te bejal;let 
 w?erben, benn burc^ ben 3;ob beö ©o^ne^ 
 ©otteö* 
 
 QuESTioisr 40. 
 Why was it necessary for Christ 
 
 to suffer DEATH ? 
 
 AlfSWEE. 
 
 Because, by reason of the justice 
 and truth of God, satisfaction for 
 our sins could be made no other- 
 wise than by the death of the Son 
 of God. 
 
114: 
 
 CATECHISÄIUS. 
 
 SßarumB tfi er ItQxaUn njorben ? 
 
 5(ntmort* 
 IDamtt ju Isejeugen, bap er »ar^aff=* 
 tig gejlorBen fei5>*)* 
 
 a) Mat. 27. Luc. 23. loh. 19. Act. 13. 
 
 SÖetI benn ß^rtj^u^ fur onö gejlorBen 
 ift, tt)te lompt^ baf »ir au^ j^erkn 
 muJTen ? 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 
 S5ttfer tob ij! nit ein bejalung fur 
 »nfere fünb i fonber nur ein at)|lerBüg 
 ber fünben, onb eingang jum emigen 
 
 o) loh. 5. PhU. 1. Rom. 7. 
 
 ^rag. 
 
 2ßa^ "belommen njir mel;r für nu§ 
 au§ bem opffer ünb tobt (^^rijli am 
 ereu^ ? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 
 2)a§ bur(^ feine Irafft önfer atter 
 menfd) mit )m gecrcu^iget, getobtet ün 
 Begraben wirb"*), auff bap bie bofen 
 lüjte be^ fleif^eö ni(^t me^r in ön^ re^* 
 gieren^), fonber bap wir »nö felbfl i^m 
 jur bantffagung auffopffern")* 
 
 o) Korn. 6. Coloss. 2. &) Rom. 6. c) Rom. 12. 
 
 XLI. 
 
 Quare etiam sepultus est f 
 
 Ut eo testatum faceret, se vere 
 mortumn esse. 
 
 XLII. 
 
 At cum Christus pro nohis mor- 
 tem oppetier'it, cur nohis quoque est 
 mo7'iendum f 
 
 Mors nostra non est pro peccatis 
 nostris satisfactio, sed peccati abo- 
 litio, et transitus in vitam seter- 
 nam. 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 Quid prceterea cwpimus commodi 
 ex sacrificio et vnorte Christi in 
 cruce f 
 
 Quod virtute ejus mortis vetus 
 noster homo una cum eo crucifigitur, 
 interimitur, ac sepelitur, ne pravaB 
 cupiditates et desideria carnis post- 
 liac in nobis regnent, sed nos ipsos 
 ei hostiam gratitudiuis offeramus. 
 
THE HEroELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 1*75 
 
 forage 41. 
 SBarum ij^Sr begraben tDotben ? 
 
 ^aftig geflorktt fei* 
 
 Question 41. 
 
 TFÄy ^^^05.9 ITe BUEEED ? 
 
 Answee. 
 To show thereby that He was 
 really dead. 
 
 forage 42* 
 SBetl bcnn ^I)rijhtö für unö gcf!or^ 
 ten ij^, tt5te lommt e^, ba§ tt)it au(^ 
 jlerkn muffen ? 
 
 5(ntiUDtt* 
 Unfer ^ob tjl ni^t eine SSe^a'^tung 
 für nnfere ©ünbe, fonbern nur eine 
 Stbf!erBung ber ©ünben, unb (Eingang 
 jum emigen ^tbtn* 
 
 Question 42. 
 StTice then Ohrist died for us, 
 why must we also die f 
 
 Answee. 
 Our death is not a satisfaction 
 for our sin, but only a dying to 
 sins and entering into eternal 
 life. 
 
 ^^rage 43* 
 
 Sßaö Belommen tr»ir mef)r für S^u^en 
 au^ bent Opfer unb 3^ob S^rifti am 
 treus? 
 
 5(ntwort* 
 
 !Daf bur^ feine ^raft xmfer alter 
 SJZenfc^ mit 3^m gelreujiget, getöbtet 
 unb Begraben n>irb, auf baf bie Böfen 
 güftc bcö ^eifc^e^ nic^t me'^r in vM 
 regieren, fonbern \^^^ wir une felbj^ 
 :5^m jur 3^anlfagung aufo))fern* 
 
 Question 43. 
 
 What further heneflt do we receive 
 from the sacrifice and death of 
 Christ on the cross ? 
 Answee. 
 
 That by His power our old man 
 is with Him crucified, slain and 
 buried ; that so the evil lusts of the 
 flesh may no more reign in us, but 
 that we may offer ourselves unto 
 Him a sacrifice of thanksgiving. 
 
176 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 SÖatufn folget abgejiiege ju ber 
 ^cHe? 
 
 5tntmort* . 
 
 2)ap t(^ in meinett pc^jl:en anfe^^ 
 tunge öerfict)ert fe^, mein ^d^fü &)n^ 
 jiuö ^al)e mi(^ butc^ feine onan^fpre(i)^ 
 lii^e ana,% f($mer^en önb fd)rerfen, bie 
 er au(^ an feinet feele, am Steul önb 
 3UU0T erlitten, oon ber ^eüifd)en angj^ 
 önb pein erlofet^)* 
 
 a) Esai. 53. Mat. 27. 
 
 ^rag* 
 
 2ßa^ nu^et onö bie Stufferfte'^ung 
 e^rifti? 
 
 5(ntn?ort* 
 
 ßrftlic^ ^at er burc^ feine 5(nffer^ 
 jle^ng ben tob okrtonnben, ba^ er ünö 
 ber gerec^tigleit, bie er ön^ bur(^ feinen 
 tobt ern?or^en ^at, fonbte t^eil^ajftig 
 ma^tn")* 3wm anbern werben auc^ 
 wir te^nnber burd) feine frap ertoecfet 
 ^n einem netoen leben ^)* 3um brit^ 
 ten if^ ön^ bie 5(nffer|^e^ung S^rij^i ein 
 genjijTeö pfanb ünferer feiigen auffer== 
 WungO* 
 
 a) 1 Cor. 15. Rom. 4. 1 Pet. 1. l) Rom. 6. 
 Coloss. 3. Ephes. 2. c) 1 Cor. 15. Rom. 8. 
 
 XLiy. 
 
 Cur additur : DESCE]n)iT ad ln"- 
 
 FEENA ? 
 
 Ut in sTimmis doloribus et gra- 
 vissimis tentationibus, me consola- 
 tione hac sustentem, quod Dominus 
 mens Jesus Ciiristus ineuarrabilibus 
 animi sui angustiis, cruciatibus, et 
 terroribus, in quos cum antea, tum 
 maxime in cruce pendens, fuerat 
 demersus, me ab angustiis et cru- 
 ciatibus inferni liberavit. 
 
 XLV. 
 
 Quid nobis prodest eesueeectio 
 Christi f 
 
 Primum, sua resurrectione mor- 
 tem devicit, ut nos posset ejus jus- 
 titiae, quam nobis sua morte pepe- 
 rerat, participes facere. Deinde, 
 nos jam quoque ejus potentia ad 
 novam vitam excitamur. Postre- 
 mo, resurrectio capitis nostri Cliris- 
 ti nobis gloriosae resurrectionis 
 nostrae pignus est. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 Ill 
 
 SBarum folget: ^tna^gefa^rcn 
 in ha^ ^obtenrei(^? 
 5tntwort* 
 
 1)a^ la) in tneiiten l^ö^ften 5(nfc(^=' 
 tuttgen üeTftd)ert fei, mein ^ert S^ri^ 
 flu^ ^abe mid) burd) feine unau0fpred)*= 
 lid)e Slngfl:, ©(^merjcn nnb (Bä^xcdtn, 
 bie @r aud) an feiner (Seele am Ären^ 
 unb jnODt erlitten, öon ber t;öttif(^en 
 Stngft nnb ^ein erlöfet» 
 
 QuESTio]sr 44. 
 Why is it added: He descended 
 
 rNTO HADES ? 
 
 AlTSWEE. 
 
 Tliat in my greatest temptations 
 I may be assured tliat Christ, my 
 Lord, by His inexpressible anguish, 
 pains, and terrors wlaicli He suffer- 
 ed in His soul on the cross and be- 
 fore, has redeemed me from the 
 anguish and torment of hell. 
 
 IJrage 45» 
 
 SÖaönü^et un^ bie 5lnfer|lel)ung 
 e^rijli? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 
 Srftlid) ^at @r bnr(^ feine 5(nfer^ 
 jle'^nng ben %q'^ iibern?nnben, ba§ Sr 
 un^ ber ®ere^tig!eit, bie ßr nnö bnr(^ 
 feinen ^Tob erworBen ^at, lönnte t^eit== 
 I^aftig ma^en* ^vm 5(nbern n^erben 
 auc^ xo'xx ie^t bnr(^ feine Äraft ernjedet 
 ju einem nenen ßekn* 3um X)rittcn 
 ij^ nn^ bie Stnferj^e'^nng S(;rijli ein ge^ 
 »ijfeö ^fanb unfcrer fetigen 5(nfer=* 
 j^e^nng. 
 
 Question 45. 
 What henefit do we receive from 
 
 the EESUKEECTION of ChHst f 
 
 Answer. 
 First, by His resurrection He 
 has overcome death, that He might 
 make us partakers of the righteous- 
 ness which by His death He has 
 obtained for us. Secondly, we also 
 are now by His power raised up 
 to a new life. Thirdly, the resur- 
 rection of Christ is to us a sure 
 pledge of our blessed resurrection. 
 
 23 
 
1T8 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 Sßic öcrfte^ejlu bap er ift gen ^m^ 
 tnel gefaren ? 
 
 ÜDaf (S^rijlu^ fur ben äugen feiner 
 Sunger, ift oon ber erbe aujfge^ate gen 
 l)mmtV)f önb onö ju gut bafelbfl ift''), 
 biö bap er miberlompt ju richten bie 
 lebenbigen ünb bie tobten*')* 
 
 a) Act. 1, Mat. 28. Mar. 16. Luc. 24, 
 l) Hebr. 4. 7. et 9. Korn. 8. Ephes. 4. Ooloss. 3. 
 e) Act. 1. Mat. 24. 
 
 S^rag. 
 Sf^ benn (S^riftu^ nit fce^ ön^ Mf 
 an^ enbe ber n^elt, n>ie er önö üer^eijfen 
 
 5(nttDort* 
 
 Sl^rij^u^ i|^ marer Wtn\ä) ön marer 
 ©Ott : ^aä) feiner menf(J)Iid)en natur, 
 ijt er Je^unber nicj)t aujf erben ^) : akr 
 na^ feiner ©ott^eit, SO^iaieftet, genab 
 önb ©eift, toei(i)t er nimer oon on^'')* 
 
 a) Mat. 28. b) Mat. 26. loh. 16. et 17. 
 Act. 3. c) loh. 14. et 16. Mat. 28. Ephes. 4. 
 
 XLVI. 
 
 Quomodo intelligis ill/ud: Ascen- 
 
 DIT AD CCELOS ? 
 
 Quod aspicientibus discipulis 
 Cliiistus de terra in ccelum sub- 
 latus est, atque etiamnum nostra 
 causa ibidem est, et erit, donec re- 
 deat ad judicandum. vivos et mor- 
 tuos. 
 
 XLVII. 
 
 A71 ergo Christus non est ndbis- 
 cum usque ad finem mündig quem- 
 
 admodum promisit f 
 
 * 
 
 Christus est verus Dens et verus 
 lionio, itaque secundum naturam 
 liumanam, jam non est in terra; at 
 secundum divinitatem suam, majes- 
 tatem, gratiam et Spiritum, nullo 
 unquam tempore a nobis abest. 
 
 Srag. XLVIII. 
 
 SÖerben aber mit ber xotx^ bie jwo An vero isto pacto dum naturoe 
 
 naturen in S^rij^o nit oon einanber ge^ in Christo non divelluntm\ si non 
 
 trennet, fo bie menfc^eit nic^t oberal ift, sit natura humana^ ubicunque est 
 
 ba bie ®ottt;eit ift? divina f 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 1T9 
 
 grage 46. 
 äßie oerjle^ft bu, ba^ ^x i|l gen 
 ^immel gefahren? 
 
 X»af S^rijiuö oot ben 5(ugen feiner 
 Sünger i|i »on ber ©rbe aufge^ol)en 
 gen ^immel, unb un^ ju gnt bafelbjl 
 ijt, t)tö baf @r luieberlommt ju rii^ten 
 bie Ce^enbigen unb bte lobten* 
 
 Question 46. 
 
 How dost thou understand the 
 words: He ascended into Heaven? 
 Answer. 
 
 That Christ, in sight of His dis- 
 ciples, was taken up from the earth 
 into heaven; and in our behalf 
 there continues, until He shall 
 come again to judge the living and 
 the dead. 
 
 grage 47. 
 
 Sft benn (S^tijluö nt(^t tet un^ W 
 an ba^ @nbe ber Sßelt, mie Sr un^ 
 ücr^eif en ^at ? 
 
 5lntwort* 
 
 (S^rtjluö if^ wahrer Wtn\ä) unb toap 
 rer ®ott : na^ feiner ntenfd)Ud)en ^la^ 
 tur i|^ (Er je^t ni^t auf (Srben, abtx 
 na6) feiner ©ott^eit, 5!)?aie|lät, ®nabe 
 unb ®ei|l wet(^t Sr nimmer öon un^* 
 
 Question 47. 
 
 Ts not then Christ with us even 
 unto the end of the world^ as He has 
 promised ? 
 
 Answee. 
 
 Christ is true Man and true God : 
 according to His human nature, He 
 is now not upon earth ; but accord- 
 ing to His Godhead, majesty, grace 
 and Spiiit, He is at no time absent 
 from us. 
 
 ^rage 48. 
 Sterben aBer auf biefe Sßeife bie 
 jwei ^^laturen in S^rifto nic^t oon ein^ 
 anber getrennt, fo bie 5!}ienf(^^eit ni(^t 
 ukrattij!, babie^ott^eitijl? 
 
 Question 48. 
 But are not^ in this way, the two 
 natures in Christ separated from 
 one another, if the Manhood he not 
 wherever the Godhead is ? 
 
180 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 Wt ntd)ten: 3)enn mil bie ©ott^ 
 l^ett OttbegTeifU(^ onb atlent(;alben gc^en^^ 
 xotxiiQ ift ') : fo mup folgen, ba^ [ic 
 wol auffer()alb Jret angenommenen 
 menf<^l;eit, onb benno(^ nic^tö befto m^ 
 ntger au<^ in bcrfelben t|^, onb ^jerfon^ 
 li(^ mit IX oeteiniget Heibt^)* 
 
 a) Act. 7. lere. 23. i) Ooloss. 2. lob. 3. et 
 11. Mat. 28. 
 
 %xaQ. 
 2ßaö nü|et on^ bie ^immelfart 
 e^rijli? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 (?rftli(^, baf er im ^immet für bem 
 angeft(i)t feinet 3}aterö, onfer fürfpre^ 
 ^er ift^)* 3um anbern, bap mx m^ 
 [er fleifc^ im I)imet jn einem fi(^ern 
 ^fanb ^al)ett, ba^ er alö baö ^aupt, önö 
 feine glieber an(^ jn fid) merbe ^inanff 
 ncmen*")* B^wt brüten, ba§ er onö 
 feinen ©eijl: jum gcgenpfvinbt f)txah 
 fcnbet''), bnrc^ melc^e^ Irafft wir fnc^en 
 roa^ brokn ift, ba Sl)ri|^nö ift, fi^enb 
 IM ber rechten ©otteö, onb ni(^t ba^ 
 auff erben ij^*^)* 
 
 a) 1 loh. 2. Rom. 8. l) loh. 14. et 20. 
 Ephes. 2. c) loh. 14. Act. 2. 2 Cor. 1. et 5. 
 d) Oolosa. 3. Phil. 3. 
 
 Minime : nam cum diviDÜas 
 compreliendi non queat, et omni 
 loco praesens sit, necessario conse- 
 quitur, esse earn quidem extra na- 
 turam humanam, quam assumpsit, 
 sed niliilominus tamen esse in 
 eadem, eique personaliter unitam 
 permanere. 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 Quem fructuTYi noMs adfert as- 
 censio Christi in coßlum ? 
 
 Primum, quod in coelo apud Pa^ 
 trem pro nobis intercedit. Deinde, 
 quod carnem nostram in coelo lia- 
 bemus, ut eo tanquam certo pig- 
 nore confirmemur, fore, ut ipse, qui 
 caput nostrum est, nos sua membra 
 ad se extollat. Tertio, quod nobis 
 suum Spiritum mutui pignoris loco 
 mittit, cujus efficacia, non terrena, 
 sed superna quserimus, ubi ipse est 
 ad dexteram Dei sedens. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 181 
 
 Antwort. 
 SJiit nickten ; benn weit bte ©ottl^ctt 
 un'6cgreifli(^ unb aKent^alkn gegen^ 
 märtig ift fo mup fotsett, ba§ fie too^l 
 aupet^alb i^rer angenommenen ^tn\6)^ 
 l^eit, unb bennocE) nic^tö beftoweniger 
 aucj) in berfelben if!, unb perföntid) mit 
 il)x oereiniget bleibt* 
 
 Answer. 
 By no means ; for since tlie God- 
 head is incomprehensible and 
 everywhere present, it must follow 
 that it is indeed beyond the bounds 
 of the Manhood which it has as- 
 sumed, but is yet none the less in 
 the same also, and remains per- 
 sonally united to it. 
 
 §rage 49. 
 SBa^ nü|et un^ bte Himmelfahrt 
 ^tj^i? 
 
 5(ntwort. 
 Srftltc^, baf Sr im ^immel öor bem 
 ^IngefK^t feinet 3}ater^ unfer ^ux^ 
 fpred)er ift* ßum 5lnbern, ba§ wir 
 unfer ^eifd) tm ipimmel ju einem fi(^ern 
 ^fanb ^aben, baf Sr, aU ba^ ^aupt, 
 un^ feine ©lieber au(^ s^ fxä) werbe 
 l^inauf ncl)men* ßmn ^Dritten, bajj 
 dx unö feinen ©et|l jum ©egenpfanb 
 ^erab fenbet, burd) welc^eö ^raft wir 
 fucjjen rt^a^ brcben ifl, ba (Il;rijlu^ ij!, 
 ft^enb jur S^ed^ten @otteö, unb tti(^t 
 baö auf (Erben ijl* 
 
 Question 49. 
 What heiieflt do 'we receive fro, >. 
 Christ'' s ascension into heaven ? 
 
 Answer. 
 First, that He is our Advocate 
 in the presence of His Father in 
 heaven. Secondly, that we have our 
 flesh in heaven, as a sure pledge, 
 that He, as the Head, will also take 
 us, His members, up to Himself. 
 Thirdly, that He sends us His 
 Spirit, as an earnest, by whose 
 power we seek those things which 
 are above, where Christ sitteth on 
 the right hand of God, and not 
 things on the earth. 
 
182 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 SarumB mttb ^inju gefegt, baf er 
 fi^e jut teilten ©otte^ ? 
 
 5lttt«)ürt* 
 
 "^a^ S^ttjbg batumB gen l^tmcl ge=* 
 
 fatett t|!, baf er ft(^ bafetbjl erjetge, al^ 
 
 ba^ ^aubt feiner (I^riftlid)en !tr(^en ^), 
 
 huxä) rod^i^ ber 35ater dte^ regiert^)» 
 
 a) Eplies. 1. Coloss. 1. b) Mat. 28. loh. 5. 
 
 2Ba0 nu|et on^ biefe ^errligleit on^ 
 fcr^ ^aupt^ (S^rtfli ? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 (Srjlltc^ baf er burc^ feinen ^eiligen 
 ©eijl, in onö feine glieber, bie ^imtifc^e 
 gat)en anfgeuft')* 3)arna(^, baf er 
 üne mit feinem gemalt tuiber aüe feinb 
 fc^ü^et onb er^elt^)* 
 
 a) Ephes. 4. 5) Psal. 2. loh. 10. Ephes. 4. 
 
 ^rag> 
 2ßae trDJ!et bi(^ bie wiberlunp 
 ß^rij^i lu rieten bie le^enbigen önb bie 
 tobten ? 
 
 %ntvooxt* 
 T)a^ tcf) in altem truBfat ünb oer^ 
 folgung mit auffgeri(^tem ^aupt, eBe 
 beö 9lic^ter3 ber fic^ juuor bem gerieft 
 
 L. 
 
 Cur additur : Sedet ad dexte- 
 
 BAM DeI? 
 
 Quia Ckristus ideo in coelum 
 ascendit, ut se ibi caput suae Eccle- 
 sise declararet, per quod Pater om- 
 nia gubernat. 
 
 LI. 
 
 Quid nobis prodest liceo gloria 
 nostri capitis Christi f 
 
 Primum, quod per Spiritum Sanc- 
 tum in nos, sua membra, coelestia 
 dona effundit. Deinde, quod nos 
 sua potentia contra omnes liostes 
 protegit ac defendit. 
 
 LH. 
 
 Quidte Gonsolatur reditus Christi 
 
 AD JUDICANDUM VIVOS ET MOETUOS ? 
 
 Quod in omnibus miseriis et per- 
 secutionibuSj erecto capite, eundem 
 illum qui se prius pro me judicio 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 183 
 
 %xaQt 50* 
 Sßatum wirb !^tnjugefe|t, ha^ dx 
 fi^e ^ut Siechten ©otte^? 
 
 '^a^ (S^rijbs batum gen ^tmntel 
 gefahren tft, ba§ (Sr ficf) bafetbj^ ergeige 
 al^ baö ipaupt feiner (?^TtfHtd)en Äir^e, 
 burc^ xoddjt^ ber 35ater 5(tteö regiert* 
 
 forage 51* 
 SBa^ nü^et xmö biefe ^errli(^!eit 
 unfern ^aupte^ S^rijli ? 
 
 5(ntö)ort* 
 Srftlicj), baf (Sr biircj) feinen 'Zeitigen 
 ®eifl in un^, feine ©lieber, bie Bimnt^ 
 lifd)en OaBen au^gief t* Darna^, ba§ 
 (Sr un^ mit feiner ©emalt tüiber aUt 
 ??einbe f^ü^et unb er^ätt* 
 
 Question 50. 
 Why is it added : A^d sitteth at 
 the eight hajstd of god ? 
 
 Answee. 
 Because Christ ascended into 
 heaven for this end, that He might 
 there appear as Head of His Church, 
 by whom the Father governs all 
 things. 
 
 Question 51. 
 
 What henefit do ive receive front 
 this glory of our Head, Christ f 
 
 Answee. 
 First, that by His Holy Spirit 
 He sheds forth heavenly gifts in us, 
 His members; then, that by His 
 power He defends and preserves 
 us against all enemies. 
 
 forage 52» 
 Sßaö tröfiet biet) bie 2ßieber!unft 
 ß^rifti, .ju ri(^ten bie Sefcen^ 
 bigen unb bie S^obten? 
 
 5lnttDort* 
 !Daf i(^ in aller ^rüBfat unb 2Ser=* 
 fotgung mit aufgerichtetem ^aupt 
 eBen be^ ^x^itx^, ber ftc^ juöor bem 
 
 Question 52. 
 What comfort is it to thee, that 
 
 Christ SHALL COME AGAIN TO JUDGE 
 
 the quick and the dead ? 
 
 Answee. 
 That in all my sorrows and per- 
 secutions, with uplifted head, I look 
 for the selfsame One, who has be- 
 
184 
 
 CATECHISMÜS. 
 
 ®ottc0 für Tnt(^ batgejlelt, onb atte 
 i^ermalebeiung öon mir l)'mma, genomen 
 {)at, aup bem l;uM gemertig Bin''), 
 baf^ er alte [eine »nb meine feinbe, in 
 bie ewige ücrbamnnf werjfe^): mi^ 
 akr fam^jt alten an^ermelten ju }l;m 
 in bie t;imlifd)e freub ijnb l;errligleit 
 neme*')* 
 
 a) Luc. 21. Eom. 8. Phil. 3. Tit. 2. &) 2 
 Thess. 1. 1 Thess. 4. Mat. 25. c) Mat. 25. 
 
 Dei statuit, et maledictionem om- 
 nem a me abstulit, judicem e coelo 
 expecto, qui omnes suos et neos 
 liostes in aeternas poenas abjiciat; 
 me vero cum omnibus electis ad se, 
 in coelestia gaudia et sempiternam 
 gloriam, traducat. 
 
 f&ün dJott hm ^eiligen (Bcift* de deo spieitu sancto. 
 
 2Öa^ glauBflu üom ^eiligen ®eift ? 
 
 LIII. 
 
 Quid credis de Spiritu Sai^cto ? 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 @rjlti(^ baf^ er gteid) ewiger ®ott 
 mit bem 35ater onb bem (Son ift^* 
 3nm anbern, baf^ er aud) mir gcgeljen 
 t|!^), mid) hvixä) ein waren glauben, 
 ßl)rifti önb aKer feiner wolt^aten t§eil=' 
 l^afftig machet"), mö^ troftet'O, »nb 
 be^ mir bleibe wirb l)ip in ewigleit ^)^ 
 
 a) Gen. 1. Esai. 48. 1 Cor. 3. 1 Cor. 6. 
 Act. 5. b) Matt. 28. 2 Cor. 1. c) Galat.' 8. 
 1 Pet. 1. 1 Cor. 6. d) Act. 9. e) loh. 14. 
 1 Pet. 4. 
 
 Primum, quod sit verus et co- 
 seternus Dens, cum aeterno Patre et 
 Filio. Deinde, quod mihi quoque 
 datus sit, ut me per veram fidem 
 Christi et omnium ejus beneficiorum 
 participem faciat, me consoletur, et 
 mecum in seternum maneat. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 185 
 
 ©etii^tc ©otte^ für mid) bargefleltt 
 imb aUt 35ermalebetung öon mir ^in^ 
 weg genommen ^at, au^ bem ^immet 
 gewärtig Bin; baf dx aUt feine unb 
 meine ^einbe in bie ewige 35erbammnip 
 werfe, mid^ akr, fammt aüen %um^ 
 wäl;lten, ju fi(^ in bie ^^immlifc^e 
 ^reube unb ^errli(i)leit nel;me* 
 
 fore offered Himself for me to tlie 
 judgment of God and removed 
 from me all curse, to come again as 
 Judge from heaven ; wlio sliall cast 
 all His and my enemies into ever- 
 lasting condemnation, but shall 
 take me, with all His chosen ones, 
 to Himself, into heavenly joy and 
 glory. 
 
 25on ^oit hm ^eiligen Reifte, of god the holy ghost. 
 
 ?^rage 53* 
 2ßa0 glauBefl bu öom !^ e i li g e n 
 ©eifte? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 @r|!Ii$, baf (Sr gleid) ewiger Oott 
 mit bem 35ater unb bem ®o^e x% 
 Bum 5tnbern, ba§ (Sr aucf) mir geget)en 
 ift, mic^ burd) einen warren ©tauBen 
 S^rifti imb alter feiner Sßo^It^aten 
 t^eil^aftig mac^t, mic^ trojlet, unb l)ei 
 mit Heiben wirb W in Swigleit* 
 
 QüiESTioN 53. 
 
 What dost thou believe concerning/ 
 the Holt Ghost ? 
 
 Answee. 
 First, that He is co-eternal God 
 with the Father and the Son. Sec- 
 ondly, that He is also given unto 
 me ; makes me by a true faith par- 
 taker of Christ and all His benefits ; 
 comforts me ; and shall abide with 
 me forever. 
 
 24 
 
186 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 2ßaö glauBj^u öon ber l^etligen aH^ 
 gemeinen (I§ri|lU(^en Ätrd)en ? 
 
 3(ntn)ort* 
 I)af ber ©on ©otte^^) au^ bent 
 ganzen menfc^ti(i)en gefc^lecj)t^), j^^m 
 ein aupermelte gemein pxm emigen 
 leBen''), bur(^ [ein (^eifl ünb juott^) 
 in einigleit be^ maren gtmikn^ ^), üon 
 anBegin ber vodt, Bif anß enb^) uct^ 
 famle, \ä)ui^t onb eri^alte "), »n baf ic^ 
 berfel6en ein lel^enbige^ glieb Bin ^), on 
 ewig Heikn merbe')* 
 
 a)Ioh. 10. &)Gen. 26. c) Eom, 8. Ephes.l, 
 d) Esai. 59. Kom. 1. et 10. e) Ephes. 5, 
 /) Psal. 71. 1 Cor. 11. g) Mat. 16. loh. 10. 
 1 Cor. 1. A) 1 loh. 3. i) 1 loh. 2. 
 
 Stag* 
 SBaö öerfle^eftu burc^ bie gemein* 
 f(^ajft ber ^eiligen? 
 
 5(ntwort* 
 (Srjlli^, baf alte ünb jebe gtauBtgen, 
 aU glieber an bem m^"^^ ^xx^o, 
 onb alten feinen fc^e^en önb gaBen, 
 gemeinfc^afft ^abtn''). 3um anbetn, 
 ba§ ein jeber feine gaBen ^u nu| önb ^eil 
 ber anbern gtiebcr, luitlig önb mit freu* 
 ben anzulegen fid) f<J)uIbig miffen foP)* 
 
 a) 1 loh. 1. 1 Cor. 1. Eom. 8. l) 1 Cor. 12. 
 ot 13. Phil. 2. 
 
 LIV. 
 
 Quid credis de sancta et catho- 
 LiCA Cheisti Ecclesia ? 
 
 Credo Filium Dei, ab initio mun- 
 di ad finem usque, sibi ex universo 
 genere bumano coetum ad vitam 
 seternam electum, per Spiritum 
 suum et verbum, in vera fide con- 
 sentientem, colligere, tueri, ac ser- 
 vare; meque vivum ejus ccetus 
 membrum esse, et perpetuo inan- 
 surum. 
 
 LV. 
 
 Quid sibi vult cojviMUJsrio sanc- 
 torum? 
 
 Primum, quod universi et singuli 
 credentes Christi et omnium ejus 
 bonorum, tanquam ipsius membra, 
 communionem babeant. Deinde, 
 quod singuli, quse acceperunt dona, 
 in commune commodum et univer- 
 sorum salutem prompte et alacriter 
 conferre debeant. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 187 
 
 forage 54* 
 2Öaö gtauBj^ bu öon ber l^ eiligen, 
 aUgemeinen Äircjje? 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 !Da§ ber ®o^n ©otteö, auö bem 
 ganjen ntenf(^Iic^en ®efd)Iec^t, fic^ 
 eine au^ermä^Ite ©emeine jnnt ewigen 
 igeBen, biird) feinen Oeijl nnb 2Bort, 
 in (Einigfeit be^ tua^ren ©laiiknö, öon 
 5(nkginn ber SBelt Mo an^^ (Snbe oer^ 
 faminle, f(^ü|e unb erhalte, nnb baf 
 i^ berfelben ein le^enbige^ ©lieb Bin, 
 nnb emig Heikn werbe* 
 
 Question 54. 
 What dost thou believe concerning 
 the Holy Catholic Chuech? 
 
 Answee. 
 That, out of the whole human 
 race, from the beginning to the end 
 of the world, the Son of God, by 
 His Spirit and word, gathers, de- 
 fends and preserves for Himself 
 unto everlasting life, a chosen com- 
 munion, in the unity of the true 
 faith; and that I am, and forever 
 shall remain, a living member of 
 the same. 
 
 ?5rage 55* 
 Sßaö üerj^e^fi bn bur(^ bie (^t^ 
 meinfd^aft ber Zeitigen? 
 
 Slntwort* 
 ©rj^Iic^, ba^ atte unb jebe ©tdnBigen, 
 alö ©lieber, an bem ^errn S'^rifio 
 unb alien feinen ®d)ä^en unb ©aBen 
 ®emeinfd)aft ^aben* Bum 5(nbern, 
 baf ein 3eber feine ^altxi ju ^^^u^ 
 unb ^eil ber anbern ©lieber wiüig 
 unb mit ^reuben anzulegen ftc^ f^ulbig 
 »iffen foil* 
 
 Question 55. 
 What dost thou understand hy 
 the coMiMuisrioN of saints ? 
 
 Answee. 
 First, that believers, all and every 
 one, as members of Christ, have 
 part in Him and in all His trea- 
 sui'es and gifts; secondly, that 
 each one must feel himself bound 
 to use his gifts, readily and cheer- 
 fully, for the advantage and welfare 
 of other members. 
 
188 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 Stag. LVI. 
 
 Sßaö (jkuBfhi »on »erge'bung ber Quid credis de -R-E^uäsio^^ -pbcca- 
 ©ünbett ? TOKUM ? 
 
 5tnti»ort* 
 
 !^af ®ott ümB bet gnugt^uung 
 g^rijli willen") alter meiner [ünben, 
 and) ber fünbli(f)en art, mit ber ic^ mein 
 leBenlang ju j^reiten ^ak^) nimmer^ 
 me^r gebento mit: fonber mir bie 
 0ere(^tig!eit S^rifti auf gnaben \^txi^ 
 dii, ba§ icj) in^ geri(^t nimmermehr 
 fott lommen'')* 
 
 a) 1 loh. 2. 2 Cor. 5. J) lere. 31. Psal. 103. 
 Rom. 7. et 8. c) loh. 3. 
 
 Deum propter satisfactionem 
 Christi, meorum peccatorum, atque 
 illius etiam pravitatis, cum qua 
 milii per omnem vitam pugnandum 
 est, memoriam omnem deposuisse, 
 et me justitia Christi gratis donare, 
 ne unquam in judicium veniam. 
 
 ^rag* 
 2ßaö trof! bid) bie aufferfte^ung beö 
 fleifc^eö ? 
 
 Antwort* 
 ^a§ ni(^t aüetn meine feet nac^ bie^ 
 fem tebe atö ^atb ju (It)ri|^o jrem t;aupt 
 genommen wirb ''') : fonber aii(^ baf 
 bip mein fteif(^, buret) bie frajft (it;rifti 
 aujt erwelt, wiber mit meiner feelen 
 vereiniget, üub bem t^eitigen teit) G^rifti 
 gtei(i)formig werben fot^)* 
 
 a) Luc. 23. PhU. 1. l) 1 Cor. 15. lob. 19. 
 1 loh. 3. Phil. 3. 
 
 LVII. 
 
 Qtiid te consolatur eesureectio 
 
 CAENIS ? 
 
 Quod non tantum anima mea, 
 postquam e corpore excesserit, e 
 vestigio ad Christum caput suum 
 assumetur ; verum quod haec 
 quoque caro mea, potentia Christi 
 excitata, rursus animse mesB unie- 
 tur, et glorioso Chi'isti corpori con- 
 formabitur. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 189 
 
 2Öa^ gtaukfi bu oon ber S5etge* 
 l)ungbeT©ünben? 
 
 %ntvooxt* 
 '^a^ ©Ott um ber ©enugt^uung 
 ß^rtfit ö)itten alter meiner (Sünben, 
 and) ber fünbltc^en 5lrt, mit ber id) 
 mein Sekn lang ju jbeiten ^aBe, nim^ 
 mermel^r gebenlen mU, fonbern mir bie 
 (S5ere(^tiglcit ß^rifti au^ ©naben f(^en^ 
 let, ba§ ic^ in^^ ®eri(i)t nimmermcl;r 
 folt lommen* 
 
 Question 56. 
 What dost thou believe concerning 
 
 the rOKGIVEJSTESS OF SLNS 1 
 
 Answek. 
 That God, for tlie sake of Christ's 
 satisfaction, will no more remember 
 my sins, neither the sinfal nature 
 with which I have to struggle all 
 my life long; but graciously im- 
 parts to me the righteousness of 
 Christ, that I may nevermore come 
 into condemnation. 
 
 i^rage 5 7» 
 2Bag tröftet bi^ bie ^ufer^ 
 jlel^ung be^ ^leifc^e^? 
 
 5lntn)ort* 
 2)af nt^t allein meine (Seele mä) 
 biefem SeBen atöbatb ju S^rij^o i^rem 
 ^aupt genommen mtrb ; fonbern aud^, 
 ba§ bie^ mein ^leifc^, burc^ bie Äraft 
 d^rtfti aufermedet, iüieber mit meiner 
 (Seete öereintget, nnb bem ^eiligen ßeibe 
 S^rij^i glei(^förmtg werben folt* 
 
 Question 57. 
 What comfort does . the eesuk- 
 EECTiON of the body afford thee ? 
 
 Ajstswee. 
 That not only my soul, after this 
 life, shall be immediately taken up 
 to Christ its Head; but also that 
 this my body, raised by the power 
 of Christ, shall again be united 
 with my soul, and made like unto 
 the glorious body of Christ. 
 
190 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 Sa0 ttoft biet) ber %ciidd öom 
 ewigen lekn ? 
 
 Unttcoxt* 
 
 3)af, na^bem tc^ je^unber ben an^ 
 fang ber ewigen fteube in meinem 
 ^er^en empfinbe''), id) naö) biefem lekn 
 uollommene fetigleit kft^en werbe, bie 
 lein aug gefe^en, lein o^r get^oret, onb 
 in leinet menf(^en ^txi^ nie lomen ift ^), 
 ®ott ewiglid) barin jn greifen*')» 
 
 a) 2 Cor. 5. h) 1 Cor. 2. c) loh. 17. 
 
 ?5tag. 
 2Öa^ ^ilfft eö biet) aBer nnn, wenn 
 bn bip atte^ glaukft ? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 ^a^ ic^ in (^^rij^o für ©Ott gerecht, 
 onb ein dxl be^ ewigen lekn^ i)in^)» 
 
 d) Habac. 2. Korn, 1. loh. 3. 
 
 ?^tag» 
 2öie Hfht gere(^t für Oott? 
 
 LVIII. 
 
 Quam consolationem capis ex 
 articulo de vita ^eterfa % 
 
 Quod, quoniam in prsesentia vitse 
 aeternse initia in meo corde prsesen- 
 tisco, futurum sit, ut post hanc 
 vitam plena perfectaque beatitudine 
 potiar, in qua Deum cum cohaeredi- 
 bus meis in sempiternum prsedi- 
 cem; quam quidem beatitudinem 
 nee oculus vidit, nee auris audivit, 
 nee ullus homo cogitatione compre- 
 hendit. 
 
 LIX. 
 
 At cum Jicec omnia credis^ quid 
 utilitatis inde ad te redit f 
 
 Quod in Christo Justus sum 
 coram Deo, et liseres vitse seternse. 
 
 LX. 
 
 Quomodo Justus es coram Den? 
 
 5(ntwort* 
 Mein bur(^ waren glaukn in Sefum 
 
 Sola fide vera in Jesum Chris- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 191 
 
 i^rage 5 8» Question 58. 
 
 fBa^ ttöftet bi(^ ber WctiM oom What comfort hast thou from tlie 
 enjigen Set) en? article of the life eveelasting ? 
 
 5lnt»ort» 
 Daf, na(^bem ic^ je^t ben 5(nfang 
 ber emigen ^reube in meinem ^erjen 
 empftnbe, id) nac^ biefem gekn ooK= 
 lommene ©eligfeit kfi^en njerbe, bie 
 lein Stnge gefeiten, fein £)^r getötet, 
 unb in feinet 9)'Jenf(^en ^er^ gelommen 
 i|^ ; ©Ott ett)igUd^ barin ju j^reifen* 
 
 Answee. 
 That, inasmucli as I now feel in 
 my lieart tlie beginning of eternal 
 joy, I shall after this life possess 
 complete bliss, such as eye hath 
 not seen, nor ear heard, neither 
 hath entered into the heart of man ; 
 therein to praise God for ever. 
 
 2Ba6 l^ilft eö bit aber nun, xotvxi bu 
 bieö5(lte^glaukft? 
 
 5tntn>ort* 
 I)ap t(^ in S^rifto üor ©ott geredet, 
 unb ein (Srbe beö enjtgen Seben^ bin» 
 
 i^rage 60* 
 Sßiebtfi bu gerecht »or ®ott ? 
 
 Stntmort* 
 Sttletn bur(^ wahren ©lauben oxi 
 
 Question 59. 
 But what does it help thee now, 
 that thou helievest all this f 
 
 Answee. 
 That I am righteous in Christ 
 before God, and an heir of eternal 
 life. 
 
 Question 60. 
 How art thou righteous hefore 
 God? 
 
 Answee. 
 Only by true faith in Jesus 
 
192 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 mein getüiffen auflagt, bap id) miber 
 aUt ®tUt ©otteö fc^merlic^ gefünbiget, 
 ünb bcrfelben leinet nie gehalten l)ah ^), 
 md) no(^ jmerbar ju aüem tofen geneigt 
 bin"): bo^ ®ot ol^n alte meine öer== 
 bienjt*^), au§ lauter gnaben*), mir bie 
 üolfomme gnugt^uung^/ gere(^tig!eit 
 öub ^eiligleit S^rifti [(^endet ^) öu gu= 
 te(^net^), aU l^ctte i(^ nie leine fünbe 
 begangen noc^ gehabt, öub felbft alten 
 ben ge^otfam öottbrac^t, ben ß^rijhi3 
 för mi(^ {;at geleiftet '), wenn iä) allein 
 folc^e njolt^at mit glauMgen ^er^en 
 anneme'')* 
 
 a) Rom. 3. Galat. 2. Ephes. 2. Phil. 3. 
 &) Rom. 3. c) Rom. 7. (?) Tit. 3. e) Rom. 3. 
 Ephes. 2. /) 1 loh. 2. g') 1 lo^i- 2- Ä) Rom. 4. 
 2 Cor. 5. i) 2 Cor. 5. k) Rom. 3. loh. 3. 
 
 tum: adeo ut licet mea me con- 
 scientia accuset, quod adversus 
 omnia mandata Dei graviter pecca- 
 verim, nee ullum eorum serva- 
 verim, ad liaec etiamnum. ad omne 
 malum propensus sim, nihilominus 
 tarnen, modo lisec beneficia vera 
 animi fiducia amplectar, sine ullo 
 meo merito, ex vera Dei misericor- 
 dia, mihi perfecta satisfactio, justi- 
 tia et sanctitas Ckristi imputetui* 
 ac donetur, perinde ac si nee ullum 
 ipse peccatum admisissem, nee ulla 
 mihi labes inlisereat; imo vero 
 quasi eam obedientiam, quam pro 
 me Christus prsestitit, ipse perfecta 
 prsestitissem. 
 
 ?5tag* 
 SCÖarumb fagjlu bap bu aüein bur(^ 
 ben glauben gerecht fe^ef^? 
 
 5(ntn)ort, 
 sjli^t baf tc^ üon ujegen bet tuirbig^ 
 !eit meinet glaubend ®ott gefalte: 
 fonber baruin, bap allein bie gnugt^^ 
 ung, gere^tigleit onb lj)eiUg!eit G^rijü, 
 meine gere(^tig!eit für @ott ifi'*), öub 
 
 o) 1 Cor. 1. et 2. 
 
 LXI. 
 
 Cur sola fide te justum esse affi/r- 
 mas? 
 
 Non quod dignitate fidei meaa 
 Deo placeam ; sed quod sola satis- 
 factio, justitia et sanctitas Christi 
 mea justitia sit coram Deo. Ego 
 vero eam non alia ratione, quam 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 193 
 
 Sefum e^rtfbm» %i\o, ba^ ob mid) 
 f(^on mein ©eroiffen anitagt, baf ic^ 
 »ibcr atte ©ebote ©otteö f<^n)eTli(i) 
 gefünbiöet, unb betfelben leineö je 
 gehalten ^abe, auä) nod) immerbar ju 
 attem 23öfen geneigt Bin, bod) ®ott 
 o^^ne alt mein 35erbienft, au^ lauter 
 ©naben, mir bie ooKlommene ©enug^ 
 f^uung, ©erec^tigleit unb ^eiligleit 
 S^rifti f($en!et unb jurec^net, aU ^ätte 
 t^ nie eine (Sünbe Begangen no^ ge^ 
 l^aBt, unb felBf! atten ben ©e^orfam 
 üottbra^t, ben (J^rijhiö für mi^ ^at 
 geteiftet, wenn xä) allein fol(^e 2Bo^I^ 
 tl^at mit gläubigem ^erjen anne|)me* 
 
 Christ. That is : altliough my 
 conscience accuse me, that I have 
 grievously sinned against all the 
 commandments of God, and have 
 never kept any of them, and that I 
 am still prone always to all evil, 
 yet God, vdthout any merit of mine, 
 of mere grace, grants and imputes 
 to me the perfect satisfaction, right- 
 eousness and holiness of Christ, as 
 if I had never committed nor had 
 any sin, and had myself accom- 
 plished all the obedience which 
 Christ has fulfilled for me, if only 
 I accept such benefit with a believ- 
 ing heart. 
 
 ^rage 61* 
 SGBarum fagft bu, bap bu attein bur^ 
 ben ©tauBen gere(^t feieft ? 
 
 5tntmort* 
 S'lic^t bap la) »on megen ber 2Öür^ 
 bigleit meinet ©tauben^ @ott gefalle ; 
 fonbern barum, ba§ attein bie ©enug^^ 
 t^uung, ®ere(^tig!eit unb ^eiligfeit 
 a^xxfti meine ©ere^tigleit »or ®ott 
 
 Question 61. 
 Why sayest thou^ that thou art 
 
 righteous only hy faith f 
 
 Ans WEE. 
 Not that I am acceptable to God 
 on account of the worthiness of my 
 faith; but because only the satis- 
 faction, righteousness and holiness 
 of Christ is my righteousness be- 
 
 25 
 
194 CATECHISÄIUS. 
 
 iö) btefelBe nt(i>t anberfi, benn allein fide, amplecti et mihi applicai-e 
 
 iuxä) bcn glaukn annemen, önb mii: queam. 
 gueigen !an^)» 
 
 h) 1 loh. 5. 
 
 %xaQ. LXn. 
 
 • SÖarumB lonnen abtx unfere gute Our 7iostra hona opera non pos- 
 
 xotxd ntt bte geredjtiglett für ©Ott, sunt esse justitia, vel pars aliqua 
 
 ober ein ftu(l berfelben fein? justitice coram Deo ? 
 5(ntnjott* 
 X)animl), bap bie gere(^tig!eit, fo fur Propterea quod oportet earn jus- 
 
 ©otteö geri(^t Belleben fot, burc^auf titiam, quae in judicio Dei consistat, 
 
 OOÜomcn, ünb bem ©ottlic^cn ®efe| perfecte absolutam esse, et omni ex 
 
 gan^ gleid) formig fein mu§''),onb aber parte divinae legi congruentem; 
 
 au^ onfere bej^e xotxd in biefem lebe nostra vero etiam prsestantissima 
 
 aüc onuollomen, ün mit fünben befle(!t quaeque opera, in hac vita sunt im- 
 
 fijtb^)* perfecta, atque adeo peccatis inqui- 
 
 a) Galat. 3. Deut. 27. V) Esai. 64. nata. 
 
 ^rag. LXIIL 
 
 2}erbienen aber onfere gute toer^ Quornodo hona opera nostra nihil 
 
 ni^t^, fo fte boc^ ®ott in biefem onb promerentur^ cum Dens et in prce- 
 
 julünfftigen leben mil belohnen ? senti et in futura vita mercedem 
 
 pro his se daturum promittat ? 
 
 2lnttt)ort* 
 !I)ie Belohnung gefd)i$t nit auf üer^ Merces ea non datnr ex merito, 
 
 bienjt, fonber auf gnaben")* sed ex gratia. 
 
 c) Luc. 17. 
 
 grag. LXIV. 
 
 9J?a^t aber biefe Ic^rc nic^t forglofe An non autem hcec doctrina red- 
 
 üttb üerru^te leut ? dit homines securos et profanos ? 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 195 
 
 ij^, imb iö) biefelbe nict)t anberö benn 
 allein buret) ben ©laukn anne(;men unb 
 mir jueignen faun* 
 
 forage 62* 
 
 2Barum lonncn aber unfcre guten 
 2Ber!e nid)t bie ©ercdjtigleit yor ©ott 
 ober ein ®tücf bevfctben fein ? 
 5lntn?ort» 
 
 ^arum, njeit bie ©ered)tigfeit, fo 
 »or ©otteö ®eri(^t kftel^cn folt, Hxä)^ 
 auö öoHlommen unb bem göttlid)en 
 ©efe^ ganj gtei(i)förmig fein muf; 
 a'ber auä) unfere l)eften SBerfe in bie^ 
 fem Sekn atte imöoUfommen unb mit 
 (Sünben Befielt fmb« 
 
 fore God, and I can receive the 
 same and make it my own in no 
 other way than by faith only. 
 
 Question 62. 
 
 ^2(t wliy cannot our good ivoi'Ics 
 he tlie whole or part of our o'igltt- 
 eoiisness before God? 
 Answer. 
 
 Because the righteousness which 
 can stand before the judgment-seat 
 of God, must be perfect through- 
 out and wholly conformable to the 
 divine law ; whereas even our best 
 works in this life are all imperfect 
 and defiled with sin. 
 
 ^rage 63, 
 SSerbienen akr unfere guten 2Öer!e 
 nid)tö, fo fte bo(^ ®ott in biefem unb 
 bem julünftigen 2el)en njill kto^nen ? 
 
 5(ntioort* 
 ^ie Seto^ung gefi^ie^^t nic^t au^ 
 SSerbienj^, fonbern au^ ©naben* 
 
 i^rage 64, 
 5D'la(^t aBer biefe Seigre nic^t forglofe 
 unb oerruc^tc ßeute? 
 
 Question 63. 
 How is it that our good worlcs 
 merit nothing, while yet it is God^s 
 will to reward them in this life and 
 in that which is to come f 
 Answer. 
 The reward comes not of merit, 
 but of grace. 
 
 Question 64. X 
 But does not this doctrine mahe 
 m^n careless and prof ane f 
 
196 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 ^dn, X)ettn eö üniucgli(^ tj^, baf Non : neque enim fieri potest, ut 
 
 hk; fo e^rij^o buti^ n?aren Qiaubtn qui Christo per fidem insiti sunt, 
 
 fmb eingepflanzt, nit ftui^t ber band* fructus gratitudinis non proferant. 
 ^barleit fotlen Bringen*)* 
 
 a) Matt. 7. ' 
 
 S5ott ben l^ciügctt ^acramentctu 
 
 DE SACKAMENTIS. 
 
 3)ieö)eil ben altein ber gtaiiB ön^ 
 S^rifü, ünb alter feiner molt^aten t^eil* 
 ^afftig ma(^t: wo^er lompt foI(^er 
 glaube ? 
 
 5(ntwort* 
 ADer ^eilig ©eij^ touxdü benfelben 
 in önfern lernen"), bur*^ bte prebig be^ 
 l^eiltgen (Suangetion^, »n bej^etiget ben 
 burd) ben brauch ber ^^eiligen «Sacra^ 
 menten^)* 
 
 a) Ephes. 2. loh. 3. d) Mat. 28. 1 Pet. 1. 
 
 ^tag* 
 SBa^ feinb bic «Sacrament? 
 
 5tntn)ort* 
 So feinb fi^tbare ^^eilige njarjei(^en 
 »nb ©igill, öon ©ott barju eingefe|t, 
 bap er un^ burc^ ben hxaxiä) berfelkn, bie 
 
 LXV. 
 
 Quoniam igitur sola fides nas 
 Christi atque omnium ejus bene- 
 ficiorum participes facit^ unde 
 proficiscituT Jicec fides? 
 
 A Spiritu Sancto, qui earn per 
 praedicationem Evangelii in cordi- 
 bus nostris accendit, et per usum 
 Sacramentorum confii'mat. 
 
 Lxyi. 
 
 Quid sunt Sacramenta ? 
 
 Sunt sacra et in oculos incuri'en- 
 tia signa, ac sigilla, ob earn causam 
 a Deo instituta, ut per ea nobis 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 197 
 
 bh, fo S^rijlo biird^ roa^xtn ©tauten 
 fmb eingepflanjet, nic^t ^tu(^t ber 
 2)anlbat!eit fotten bringen* 
 
 Answee. 
 No; for it is impossible that 
 those who are implanted into Christ 
 by true faith, should not bring 
 forth fruits of thankfulness. 
 
 S5ott bctt ^etUgcu Sactamentcn« ofthe holysaceaments. 
 
 %xag^t 65, 
 3)te»?ctl benn attein ber ©taute un^ 
 (£f)x\\ti unb alter feiner SBo^tt^aten 
 t^eit^afttg nta^^t, »o^er lomtnt fot(^er 
 ©taoik? 
 
 5tntö?ort* 
 T)tx l^eittge (I5eifi mtrlet benfetbeit in 
 unfern ^erjen burd) bte ^^rebigt be^ 
 fettigen Soangetiumö, unb beftätiget 
 il^n bur(^ ben ®et>rauc^ ber l^eittgen 
 ©acramente* 
 
 Question 65. 
 Since then we are made partak&ra 
 of Christ, and all His benefits, hy 
 faith 07Üy, whence comes this 
 faith f 
 
 Answee. 
 The Holy Ghost works it in our 
 hearts by the preaching of the 
 Holy Gospel, and confirms it by 
 the use of the Holy Sacraments. 
 
 ?5rage 6Q. 
 SGBa^ fmb bte ©acramente ? 
 
 5tntn?ort» 
 (£ö fmb fii^tbare, fettige Sa'^rjei^en 
 unb (Sieget, oon ®ott baju emgefe^t, 
 
 Question 66. 
 What are the Sacraments f 
 
 Answee. 
 The Sacraments are visible, holy 
 signs and seals, appointed of God 
 
 baf (St une bur(^ ben @et>rauc^ berfet* for this end, that by the use ther< 
 
198 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 üer^etfjTung beö Suangelionö bejlo Beffer 
 jmictftel)cn gebe, önb t'erfiegele : 5lem^ 
 licl), baf er ünö öon lüegen be^ einigen 
 op\\ix^ ß^rijli, am Sreu^ üolbrad)!, 
 üergeBung ber fünben, önb emigeö lekn 
 auf gnaben ^tndt")* 
 
 a) Gen, 17. Eom. 4. Deut. 30. Leuit. 6. 
 Heb. 9. Ezech. 20. 
 
 (Seinb benn t)eijbe ba^ wort önb bte 
 ©acrament bal;in geri(^t, ba§ fie unfern 
 glauben auff ba^ opffer 3efu ^xifü 
 am Sreu^, alö auff ben einige grunb 
 önferer feligleit n^eifen ? 
 
 5(ntn)ort» 
 Sa fre^Iii^: !l)en ber l^eiüg ©eift 
 le'^ret im (Suangelio, onb Bef^etiget 
 burd) bie t;eitige «Sacrament, baf? önfere 
 gan|e feligfeit j^e^e in bem einigen 
 o^ffer S^rifli, fur ön^ am Sreu^ ge* 
 fc^e^enO- 
 
 a) Eom. 6. Galat. 3. 
 
 %raQ. 
 2ßieuiel (Sacrament ^at d^rijk^ im 
 neiDen 5leftament eingefe^t ? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 
 ßwei^ : ben l)eiligen S^auff, önb ba^ 
 ^''''ilig SlknbmaL 
 
 promissionem Evangelii magis de- 
 claret et obsignet : quocl scilicet 
 non universis tantum, verum etiam 
 singulis creclentibus, propter uni- 
 cum illud Christi sacrificium in 
 cruce peractum, gratis donet remis- 
 sionem peccatonim, et vitam aeter- 
 nam. 
 
 LXVII. 
 
 JSlum utraque igitur^ et Verhum et 
 Sacramenta^ eo spectant, utfldemnos- 
 tram ad sacrificium Christi m cruce 
 jperactum., tanquam ad wnicum nos- 
 tree sahitisfundamentum^ deducant ? 
 
 Ita est: nam Spiritus Sanctus 
 docet Evansrelio, et confirmat Sacra- 
 mentis, omnem nostram salutem 
 positam esse in unico sacrificio 
 Christi, pro nobis in cruce oblati. 
 
 LXVIII. 
 
 Quot Sacramenta instituit Chris- 
 tus in novo foßderef 
 
 Duo : Baptismum, et Sacram 
 Coenam. 
 
THE HEroELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 199 
 
 kn bte 35cr:^et§ung m (Suatrgetium^ of He may the more fally declare 
 
 bef!o t)e|[et ju ücrjle^en gebe wnb m- and seal to us tlie promise of the 
 
 ftcgele : namlid), ba§ Sr unö öon megen Gospel : namely, that He grants 
 
 be^ eintgen O^ferö d^rifti, am ^reuj us out of free grace the forgiveness 
 
 öottbrad)!, 35ergebung bet (Sünben unb of sins and everlasting life, for the 
 
 ewigem Se^en auö ®naben fc^enle* sake of the one sacrifice of Chi-ist 
 
 accomplished on the cross. 
 
 forage 67» 
 (Stnb benn beibe, ba^ 2Bort unb bic 
 (Sacramente, ba()in gertd)tet, bap fie 
 unfern ©lauBen auf baö Opfer ^efu 
 d^rifti am ^reuj, aU auf ben einigen 
 ©runb unferer (Setigleit, weifen ? 
 
 5(nt»ort» 
 Sa freili(^; benn ber ^eilige ©eift 
 le'^ret im Soangelium, unb kftätiget 
 bur^ bic ^eiligen ©acramente, bap 
 unfere ganje (Seligleit jle^e in bcm 
 einigen £)pfer S^^rifti, für ung am 
 Äreuj gef(^e^en« 
 
 Question 67. 
 Are hotli these^ then., the Woi^d and 
 the Sacraments^ designed to direct 
 our faith to the sacrifice of Jesus 
 Christ on the cross., as the onVy 
 qrov/nd of our salvation f 
 
 Answee. 
 Yes truly ; for the Holy Ghost 
 teaches in the Gospel, and by the 
 Holy Sacraments assures us, that 
 our whole salvation stands in the 
 one sacrifice of Christ made for us 
 on the cross. 
 
 i^rage 68* Question 68. 
 
 Sßie öiel ©acramente ^at S^rifkö How many Sacramsntshas Christ 
 
 im neuen 3^eftament eingefe^t? appointed in the New Testament? 
 
 Stntwort* Answek. 
 
 ßmei: bie f)eitige 5laufe, unb ^i^i^ Two: Holy Baptism, and the 
 
 l^eilige 5lbenbma^L Holy Supper. 
 
200 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 S^om fftili^tn ^auff. 
 
 DE SACEO BAPTISMO. 
 
 f^tag LXIX. 
 
 Sole njtrjhi im ^eiligen ^aujf ettn^ Qua ratione in Baptismo admo- 
 
 nert on oerfK^ett, bap baö einege opffer 7^er^■<9 (?i5 confirmaris^ te unici illius 
 
 S|rifti am Steu^ bit ^u gut lomme? sacrificii Christi pai'ticipem esse? 
 
 5(ntn)ott* 
 
 Srifo: bap d^rtjht^ bip cufferttc^ 
 »afferBab eingcfe^t, önb batt)C9 öer^ 
 l^eijTen ^at, bap t(^ fo gemip mit feinem 
 Hut ünb geift, oon ber üureinigleit 
 jueiner feelen, baö ift, alten meinen fün== 
 ben gemaffc^en fet), fo gemip ic^ euffer^» 
 Ii(^ mit bem mafi'er, n)el(^eö bie önfau^* 
 tcrieit beö leibö pflegt ^^injunemen, 
 geiuaffd)en Mn*)* 
 
 a) Mar, 1. Luc. 3. 
 
 grag* 
 2Öag I)eif! mit bem Hut ünb ®cifi 
 (S^rijli genjaff($en fein ? 
 
 5(ntnjort, 
 So ^eift oerge'bung ber funben üon 
 ©Ott auf gnaben ^akn, emB beö Hutö 
 
 Quod Christus externum aquse 
 lavacrum mandavit, addita hac pro- 
 missione, me nou minus certo ipsius 
 sanguine et Spiritu a sordibus ani- 
 mse, hoc est, ab omnibus meis pec- 
 catis lavari, quam aqua extrinsecus 
 ablutus sum, qua sordes corporis 
 expurgari solent. 
 
 LXX. 
 
 Quid est sanguine et Spiritu 
 Christi dblui ? 
 
 Est accipere a Deo remissionem 
 peccatorum gratis, propter sangui- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 201 
 
 SBott htx ^eiligen S^aufe, 
 
 OF HOLY -BAPTISM 
 
 2Btc mitfl bu in ber ^^eiligett ^aufc 
 erinnert unb öerft(i)crt, ba^ baö einige 
 O^jfer ß^rifii am Äreuj bir ju gut 
 lomnte ? 
 
 5tntn)ort* 
 Stlfo, baf (S{)ri|hiö biefeö anfertige 
 SBafTerBab eingefe^t, unb batei oer^^ei^ 
 fen ^at, baf ic^ fo gen?ip mit feinem 
 SBIut nnb Oeift oon ber Unreinigleit 
 meiner (Seele, "ca^ ift, aÜen meinen 
 (Sünben gen>afc^en fei, fo genjip xä) 
 äu^ertii^ mit bem Sßaffer, meld)eö bie 
 Unfauberleit beö SeiBeö pflegt l^inju^ 
 nehmen, gen?af^en l^in* 
 
 i^rage 70» 
 2ßaö '^eift mit bem S3Iut unb 
 ©eifi (S^rij^i gen^af^en fein ? 
 
 Slntwort, 
 @g ^eift, 35erge^ung ber ©ünben 
 
 oon ©Ott au0 ©naben l^at)en, um be^ 
 26 
 
 Question 69. 
 ITow is it signified and sealed 
 unto tJiee in Holy Bafptism^ that 
 thoih hast pai't in the one sacrifice 
 of Christ on the cross f 
 
 Answee. 
 Thus : tliat Christ has appointed 
 this outward washing with water, 
 and has joined therewith this pro- 
 mise, that I am washed with His 
 blood and Spirit from the pollution 
 of my soul, that is, from all my 
 sins, as certainly as I am washed 
 outwardly with water, whereby 
 commonly the iilthiness of the 
 body is taken away. 
 
 Question TO. 
 What is it to he washed with the 
 hlood and Spirit of Christ ? 
 
 Ans WEE. 
 It is to have the forgiveness of 
 sins from God, through grace, for 
 
202 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 S^rijli njilten, nodä)^ er in feinem opffer 
 am Sreu^ für ünö üergoJTett l^at *) : 
 2)arnac^ aitcj) biirc^ ben I;eiligen ®ei|! 
 ernen?ett, ünb ^u einem glieb &)xxfü ge^ 
 l^eiliget fein, ba^ mir je lenger je me^r 
 ber fünben al^fterkn, ön in einem ©ott* 
 feiigen, önj!refli(^en leben tüanblen^)* 
 
 a) Hebr. 12. 1 Pet. 1. Apoc. 1. Zach. 13. 
 Ezech. 36. h) loh. 1. loh. 3. 1 Cor. 6. et 12. 
 Eom. 6. Ooloss. 2. 
 
 2ßo ^at Sl^riftu^ öetl^eiffen, ba§ njir 
 fo geiDi§ mit feinem Mnt onb geift aU 
 mit bem taujfiDajfer ge)i)a|f<$en feinb ? 
 
 Slntwort* 
 3n ber einfe^nng be^ ^^auff^, mel^e 
 alfo lautet* ®c^et ^in, »nb le^*» 
 rct alle S56lder, önb tauffet 
 fie, im namen be^ S5ater^ önb 
 be0 ©on^, ön beö !^eiltgcn 
 ©eij^ö"): wer ba glaul)et onb 
 gctauffet wirb, ber wirb feiig 
 werben: wer aBer nic^t glauljt, 
 ber wirb oerbam^t werben**). 
 X)ie[e üer^eiffung wirbt and) wiber^^olet, 
 ba bie f<^rtjft ben ^Tauff baö bab ber 
 wibergeburt "), onb abwajf(^ung ber 
 fünben nennet '^)* 
 
 o) Matt. 28. i) Mar. 16. c) Tim. 3. d) Act. 22. 
 
 nem Cliristi, quem is pro nobis in 
 suo sacrificio in cruce profudit; 
 deinde etiam per Spiritum Sanc- 
 tum renovari, et ipso sanctificante 
 membrum Christi fieri, quo magis 
 ac magis peccatis moriamur, et 
 sancte inculpateque vivamus. 
 
 LXXI. 
 
 ZTM promisit Cliristus^ se nos 
 tarn certo sanguine et 8piritu suo 
 aUuturum^ quam aqua Baptismi 
 dbluti sumusf 
 
 In institutione Baptismi, cujus 
 liaec sunt verba: Ite et docete 
 omnes gentes, baptizantes eos in 
 nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus 
 Sancti. Qui crediderit et baptizatus 
 fuerit, servabitur : qui non credide- 
 rit, condemn abitur. Haec promis- 
 sio repetitur, cum Scriptura Baptis- 
 mum nomin at lavacrum regenera- 
 tionis, et ablutionem peccatorum. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECIHSM. 
 
 203 
 
 SBIuteö ß^rifti tritten, n)eld)e^ dx in 
 feinem Opfer am ^reitj für un^ üer^ 
 gojfen l^at; barna(^ auc^ burd^ ben 
 ^eiligen ©etfi: erneuert, unb ju einem 
 OTeb S^rij^i ge^^eiliget fein, ba§ n?ir 
 je langer je me!^r ber ©ünbe abfierkn, 
 unb in einem gottfeUgen, unjhräflic^en 
 Cei>en »anbeln* 
 
 the sake of Christ's blood, which 
 He shed for us in His sacrifice on 
 the cross ; and also, to be renewed 
 by the Holy Ghost, and sanctified 
 to be members of Christ, that so 
 we may more and more die unto 
 sin, and lead holy and unblamable 
 lives. 
 
 ?^rage 71. 
 SBo ]^at S^rifiu^ oer'^ei^en, t^a^ »ir 
 fo gemip mit feinem 23Iut unb ©eift 
 aU mit bem Siaufnjaffer genjafd)en 
 fmb? 
 
 SIntwort* 
 3n bcr Sinfe^ung ber 5laufe, mlä)t 
 alfo lautet: ©e^ct ^in, unb Ie^=* 
 ret alle dotier, unb taufet fie 
 im ^'^amen be^ SSater^, unb bci^ 
 <Bo^nt^f unb beö l^eiligen ©et=* 
 jicö* 2ßer ba glaubet unb gc^ 
 tauft rnirb, ber wirb felig 
 »erben; »er aber ni($t glau* 
 'bct, bcr wirb öerbammt wer* 
 ben. T)k\t S5erl^ei§ung wirb au6) 
 toieber^^olt, ba bie (S(i)rift bie 3^aufe 
 ba0 S3ab ber 2ßieberget)urt, unb bie 
 StbtDaf^ung ber ©ünben nennet* 
 
 Question 71. 
 Where tias Christ promised^ that 
 we are as certainly washed lüith 
 His hlood and Spirit as with the 
 water of^Baptism f 
 
 Answee. 
 In the institution of Baptism, 
 which runs thus: Go ye, therefore, 
 and teach all nations, baptizing 
 them in the name of the Father, 
 and of the Son, and of the Holv 
 Ghost. He that believeth and is 
 baptized, shall be saved; but he 
 that believeth not, shall be damned. 
 This promise is also repeated, where 
 the Scripture calls Baptism the 
 washing of regeneration, and the 
 washing away of sins. 
 
204 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 gtag. LXXII. 
 
 3jl bcnn ba^ eujferltd) waJTet'bab, Estne ergo extemus Baptismus 
 bie aBma[f(^ung ber funben felbjl? aqucB ipsa peccatorum ablutio? 
 
 SfJetn"), I)enn attein ba^ Hut Sefu N'on est; nam solus sanguis 
 
 e^rij^t, onb ber ^eilige ©eij^ reiniget Jesu Cliristi purgat nos ab omni 
 
 önö öon allen funben ^)* peccato. 
 
 l) 1 loh. 1. 
 
 a) Mat. 3. 1 Pet. 3. Ephes. 5 
 1 Cor. 6. 
 
 ^rag. . 
 SÖarumB nennet benn ber l^eitige 
 ®ei|l ben ^auff ba^ t)ab ber miber=' 
 getjurt, onb bie at>waJT(!)ung ber fun^ 
 ben? 
 
 Stntmort* 
 ©Ott rebet atfo nit one grojfe örfad) : 
 9'lemU(^, nit allein bj er ünö bamit mil 
 lel;ren, ba§, glei(^ mie onfauberleit be^ 
 leib^ bur(^ n?a|[er, alfo onfere funbc 
 bur(^0 Hut onb geij! ß^rijli !^inn?eg 
 genomen werben ") : fonber öielme^r, 
 bj er önö bxirc^ bi^ ©ottlic^ pfanb ünb 
 tt)arjeid)e n)il üerfic^ern, bj n)ir fo toar* 
 l^afftig öon onfern funben gei|!li(^ ge^» 
 nja[fd}e fmb, alö n)ir mit bem leiHii^en 
 wajfer gen?afc^en werben^)* 
 
 o) Apoc. 1. et 7. 1 Cor. 6. h) Marc. 16. 
 Galat. 3. 
 
 LXXIII. 
 
 Our ergo Spiritus Sanctus JBap- 
 tismum appellat lavacrum regenera- 
 tionis^ et abhitionem peccatorumf 
 
 Deus non sine gravi causa sie 
 loquitur: videlicet, non solum ut 
 nos doceat, quemadmodum sordes 
 corporis aqua purgantur, sie pec- 
 cata nostra sanguine et Spiiitu 
 Cliristi expiari; verum multo ma- 
 gis, ut nobis lioc divino symbolo 
 ac pignore certum faciat, nos non 
 minus vere a peccatis nostris inter- 
 na lotione ablui, quam externa et 
 visibili aqua abluti sumu». 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 205 
 
 51^ benn ba^ äuperti(^e 2Öa|[erbab 
 bic ^bwaf^ung ber (Sünben felbii ? 
 
 5(ntwott* 
 S'lein; benn allein baö 23Iut Scfu 
 S^rij^t unb bet l^eilige ©eiji reiniget 
 un^ oon alten (Sünben* 
 
 Question 72. 
 Ti- ^A(S?i ^Äe outward washing with 
 water itself the washing away of 
 sins f 
 
 Answer. 
 No ; for only the blood of Jesus 
 Clirist and tlie Holy Spirit cleanse 
 us from all sin. 
 
 ^rage 73. 
 SÖarum nennet benn ber ^eilige 
 ©eifi bie 5tanfe baö 23ab ber Sßieber- 
 geBurt, unb bie ^btt>af(i)ung ber ©iin 
 ben? 
 
 SCntiDort* 
 ®ott rebet alfo nid)t o^ne gro^e Hr^ 
 fac^e: nämticj), nic()t allein ba§ (£r 
 un^ bamit mitt teuren, ba^, gtei^n?ie 
 bic Unfankrleit beö Seiko bur(^ 2Baf^ 
 fer, atfo unfere ©unb en burd)^ö ^tut 
 unb ®eijl S^rijli l^iniüeg genommen 
 werben ; fonbern öietme^r, ba§ (Sr nn^ 
 bur^ bie^ götttii^e ^fanb unb SBa^r^^ 
 3ci(^en iüiö üerjii^ern, baf mir fo ma^r^ 
 ^aftig öon unfern (Sünben geij^Ii^ ge^ 
 maf(^en ftnb, al^ mir mit bem leiHic^en 
 SBaffer gemafc^en merben. 
 
 Question 73. 
 Why^ then^ doth the Holy Ghost 
 call Baptism the washing of regen- 
 eration^ and the washing away of 
 sins f 
 
 Answee. 
 God speaks thus not without 
 great cause : namely, not only to 
 teach us thereby that like as the 
 filthiness of the body is taken away 
 by water, so our sins also are taken 
 away by the blood and Spirit of 
 Christ ; but much more, that by 
 this divine pledge and token He 
 may assure us, that we are as really 
 washed from our sins spiritually, 
 as our bodies are washed with 
 water. 
 
206 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 ©ol man an^ bte Junge finber tau* 
 ff en? 
 
 Sa : ;i)enn biemeil fie fo tuol al^ bie 
 alten in ben 23unbt ©otteö onb feine 
 gemein geboten "^), ünb j^nen in bem 
 Mut S^rtfti bie erlofung oon funben^), 
 »nb bet l^eilig ®eijt, meieret ben glau^* 
 Ben xouxäd, nit n>eniger benn ben alten 
 gugefagt mitb ^) : fo folte fie aud) burcj) 
 ben tauff, aU beö 23unbö jeid)e, ber 
 S^riftUc^en Äirc^en eingeleibt, onb oon 
 ber önglauBigen linber »nberfc^eiben 
 werben*^), irie im alten ^eftament 
 burc^ bie bef(^neibung gefd)e"^en ijl*), 
 an m[ä)tx ftat im nennen ^ejlament ber 
 5tauff ijleingefe^tO* 
 
 o) Gen. IT. 5) Matt. 19. c) Luc. 1. Psal. 22. 
 Esai. 46. Act. 2. d) Act. 10. e) Gen. 17. 
 /) Coloss, 2. 
 
 LXXIV. 
 
 Suntne etiam infantes hwptir 
 zandi f 
 
 Omnino. Nam cum seque atque 
 adulti ad foedus et Ecclesiam Dei 
 pertineant ; cumque eis per sangui- 
 nem Christi remissio peccatorum, 
 et Spiritus Sanctus, fidei effector, 
 non minus quam adultis promitta- 
 tur; per Baptismum ceu foederis 
 signaculum Ecclesiae Dei inserendi 
 sunt, et ab infidelium liberis dis- 
 cernendi, itidem ut in veteri fcedere 
 per Circumcisionem fiebat, cui in 
 novo foedere substitutus est Bap- 
 tismus. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 20T 
 
 ©oil man au^ bie iungen Äinbet 
 taufen ? 
 
 5(ntmoTt* 
 Sa* !l)enn bieweit fte fomo^l aU bie 
 bitten in ben 23unb ©otte^ unb feine 
 Gemeine gepren, unb i^nen in bent 
 S3Iut (S^tifti bie (^rlöfung öon (Bm^ 
 ben unb ber ^eilige ©eijl, n?el^er ben 
 ©tauBen n^itlet, ni(J)t «weniger benn ben 
 5tlten jugefagt n?irb ; fo foUen fte au(^ 
 buT(^ bie 2;aufe, aU beö Sunbeö Bei* 
 c^en, ber (^riftlic^en ^xxä)t einöerleibt 
 unb oon ber Ungläubigen Äinber unter* 
 fc^ieben merben, n»ie im alten 5lefta* 
 ment buriJ) bie 23efd)neibung gefc^e^^en 
 ijl, an tüeldjer (Statt int neuen Zt^a^ 
 ment bie ^aufe i^ eingefe|t* 
 
 QtJESTION 74. 
 
 Are infants also to he ha^tized f 
 
 Answee. 
 Yes. For since they, as well as 
 tlieir parents, belong to the cove- 
 nant and people of God, and both 
 redemption from sin and the Holy- 
 Ghost, who works faith, are thi'ough 
 the blood of Christ promised to 
 them no less than to their parents ; 
 they are also by Baptism, as a sign 
 of the covenant, to be ingrafted 
 into the Christian Church, and dis- 
 tinguished from the children of 
 unbelievers, as was done in the 
 Old Testament by Circumcision, in 
 place of which in the New Testa- 
 ment Baptism is appointed. 
 
208 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 S5om IjeiUgcn 5lBcnbmaI St\u 
 
 DE SACEA DOMINI 
 CCENA. 
 
 2Öic ß)trjht im ^eiligen Stfeenbmat 
 erinnert önb üerfti^ert, ha^ bu an bem 
 einigen opffer S^rifti am Sreu^, on 
 aüen feinen gutem gemeinf^afft ^a^ 
 
 5(ntn)ort» 
 %i\Of baf ß^lriftu^ mir on aUtn 
 gläubigen oon biefem gekocj)nen Brob 
 gu eJTen, onb oon biefem ^elc^ ju trin^ 
 den befohlen ^at, onb barbei^ oer^eiffen, 
 Srftlic^ ba§ fein teiB fo geioi^ fur mid) 
 am Sreu^ geopffert onb geko(i)en, onb 
 fein blut für mxä) oergoffen fei^, fo ge* 
 joip ic^ mit äugen fe!^e, ba§ ba^ Brob 
 beö ^SS^^'tS'Z mir gekoc^en, onb ber 
 Rdd) mir mitget^eilet wirb* 3}nb jum 
 anbern, bap er felbj! meine feel mit 
 feinem gecreu^igten leib onb oergojfnen 
 Mut fo geioi^ gum ett)igen leBen fpeife 
 on trencfe, aU id) au§ ber ^anb be^ 
 !I)iener^ em))fange, onb leiHid^ niejfe 
 
 LXXV. 
 
 Qica ratione in öoena Domini 
 admoneris et confirmaris, te unici 
 Ulms sacrificii Christi in cruce 
 oblati, atque omnium ejus bonorum^ 
 jpartieipem. esse f 
 
 Quod Cliristus me atque omnes 
 iideles de hoc fracto pane edere, et 
 de poculo distributo bibere jussit, 
 in sui memoriam, additis his pro- 
 missis : Primum, corpus suum non 
 minus certo pro me in cruce obla- 
 tum ac fractum, sanguinemque 
 suum pro me fusum esse, quam 
 oculis cerno panem Domini mihi 
 frangi, et poculum mihi communi- 
 cari; deinde, animam meam non 
 minus certo ipsius corpore quod 
 pro nobis crucifixum, et sanguine 
 qui pro nobis fusus est, ad vitam 
 seternam ab ipso pasci, quam pa- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 209 
 
 S^ott htm ^eiligen ^lBcnbma^I 
 
 OF THE HOLY SUPPER 
 OF THE LORD. 
 
 %xaQt lb. 
 2Bie mtrjl bu im ^eiligen 5tbenb^ 
 ma(;l erinnert xmb oerfid)ert, bap bu 
 an bent einigen £)pfer (J()rifti am 
 Äreuj unb atten feinen ©ütern ®e=* 
 meinfd)aft ^akft ? 
 
 5tntn)ort» 
 5tIfo, bap S^riftitö mir unb atten 
 ©läut)igen »on biefem gel^ro^enen 
 S3rot i\\ effen, unb oon biefem ^eld) 
 ju trinlen befohlen \)^X, imb babei öer= 
 l^eipen : SrftU(!), bap fein geib fo gemip 
 für mid) am Äreuj geopfert unb ge^ 
 Brocken, unb fein 33lut für mid) »er* 
 goffen fei, fo gewip x^ mit 5(ugcn fe^e, 
 bap ba^ 33rot beö .^errn mir gebrochen, 
 unb ber ^el(^ mir mitgett^eitet irirb ; 
 unb pm ^nbern, bap (Sr felbft meine 
 (Seele mit feinem gelreujigten Selb unb 
 üergof[enen 33lut fo geirip ^^um ewigen 
 ßeben fpeife unb tränie, al^ id) au^ ber 
 ^anb be^ Dienert empfange unb leiblii^ 
 27 
 
 Question 75. 
 How is it signified and sealed 
 unto thee in the Holy Supper^ that 
 thou dost partaJce of the one sacri- 
 fice of Christ on the cross and all 
 His benefits ? 
 
 Answee. 
 Thus ; that Christ has command- 
 ed me and all believers to eat of 
 this broken bread, and to drink of 
 this cup, and has joined therewith 
 these promises: First, that His body 
 was offered and broken on the cross 
 for me, and His blood shed for me, 
 as certainly as I see with my eyes 
 the bread of the Lord broken for 
 me, and the cup communicated to 
 me; and further, that, with His 
 crucified body and shed blood, He 
 Himself feeds and nourishes my soul 
 to everlasting life, as certainly as I 
 receive from the hand of the minis- 
 
210 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 ba^ hob ijttb ben Mä) be^ ^(i^ffi% 
 iuelc^e mir aU gemtffc warjeic^cn be^ 
 leibö öub Mut^ S(;rtfti gegeben mx^ 
 bcn* 
 
 i5tag* 
 2Öa^ ^etft ben gecren|tgten tetb 
 ß^^rij^i eJTen, ün fein oergoffen blut 
 trin(Jen ? 
 
 5tnttt>ort» 
 @ö C)eift nit allein mit gläubigem 
 lernen ba^ gan|e leiben onb fterben 
 G^rifti annemen, »nb barburc^ öerge* 
 bung ber fünben önb emigcö leben be^ 
 fomen ") : (Sonber au(^ barneben burc^ 
 ben l^eiligen ®eift, ber jugleid) in (5^ri^ 
 fto onb in ön^ vomtt, alfo mit feinem 
 gebenebe^ten leib je me^r onb me^r öer^ 
 einiget tcerben ^) : ba^ mir, obgleid) er 
 im ()immetOr ön n?ir auff erben fmb: 
 bennod) fleif<^ öon feinem fleif«^, önb 
 bein öon feinen beine fmb*^), ön oon 
 eine geift (wie bie glicber onfer^ teibö 
 üon einer feelen) etüig leben ünb regier 
 ret werben ^)* 
 
 a) loh. 6. h) loh. 6. c) Act. 3. 1 Cor. 11. 
 d) Ephes. 3. et 5. 1 Cor. 6. 1 loh. 3. et 4. loh. 
 14, e) loh, 6. et 15. Ephes. 4, 
 
 ?5tag. 
 5Ö0 '^at S^riftuö üerf)eiffen, bap er 
 
 nem et vinum, symbola corporis et 
 sanguinis Domini e manu ministri 
 accepta, ore corporis percipio. 
 
 LXXVI. 
 
 Quid est cruciflxum corpus 
 Christi edere et fusum ejus san- 
 guinem hihere ? 
 
 Est non tantum totam passionem 
 et mortem Christi certa animi fidu- 
 cia amplecti, ac per id. remissionem 
 peccatorum et vitam seternam adi- 
 pisci ; sed etiam per Spiritum Sanc- 
 tum, qui siinul in diristo et in no- 
 bis habitat, ita sacrosancto ejus 
 corpori magis ac magis uniri, ut 
 quamvis ipse in coelo, nos vero in 
 terra simus, nihilominus tarnen caro 
 simus de carne ejus, et os de ossi- 
 bus ejus; utque omnia corporis 
 membra ab una anima, sie nos uno 
 eodemque Spiiitu vivificemur et 
 gubernemur. 
 
 LXXVII. 
 
 Quo loco promisit Christus^ se 
 
THE HEroELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 211 
 
 gentepe ba^ 23rot unb ben ^clc^ be^ 
 Gerrit, ml^t mir aU gemiJTe ^a^x^ 
 ^tiä)tn be^ Seiko unb Slutö S^rifti 
 gegeben werben* 
 
 ^rage 76* 
 
 Sßa^ l^eift ben gelreujigten Sei^ 
 ß^rifli effen unb fein oergoffene^ S3tut 
 trinten ? 
 
 Hntmort* 
 S^ :^ei§t ni(I)t allein mit gtäu'bigem 
 ipergen baö ganje Reiben unb (Sterben 
 S^rifti annehmen, unb baburd) 3>erge== 
 bung bcr (Sünben unb eit)ige^ Ceben 
 belommen ; fonbern auc^ baneben burd) 
 ben l;eiligen @eift, ber juglei(^ in S^ri* 
 fto unb in un^ mo"^net, alfo mit feinem 
 gebenebeiten Seik je me^r unb mel^r 
 oereiniget n>erben, bap mir, obgteid) Sr 
 im ^immel, xmb mir auf (Srben fmb, 
 bennoc^ i^eifd) üon feinem ^leifd) unb 
 23ein öon feinem ©ebeine fmb, unb oon 
 einem (53eij!e, n?ie bie ©lieber unfereö 
 Seibcö oon einer (Seele, emig leben unb 
 regiert werben* 
 
 ter, and taste with my moutli, the 
 bread and cup of the Lord, which 
 are given me as certain tokens of 
 the body and blood of Christ. 
 
 Question 76. 
 What is it to eat the crucified 
 body and drink the shed hlood of 
 Christ? 
 
 Answek. 
 It is not only to embrace with a 
 believing heart all the sufferings 
 and death of Christ, and thereby 
 to obtain the forgiveness of sins 
 and life eternal ; but moreover 
 also, to be so united more and 
 more to His sacred body by the 
 Holy Ghost, who dwells both in 
 Christ and in us, that although He 
 is in heaven, and we on the earth, 
 we are nevertheless flesh of His 
 flesh and bone of His bones, and 
 live and are governed for ever by 
 one Spirit, as members of the same 
 body are by one soul. 
 
 gragc 77* 
 So ^at S|rifk0 oer^eipen, ba^ @r 
 
 Question 7-7. 
 Where has Christ promised, that 
 
212 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 bic gläubigen fo gcwtf atfo mit feinem 
 leit) ünb Hut fpeife onb trenne, aU fte 
 »on biefem gebrod)nett brob effen, otib 
 »on biefem ^tl^ trinlen ? 
 
 Sfntwott* 
 3n bet einfa^ung beö 5(bcnbmal^, 
 meId)eaIfo lautet 0: ^^U^ ^^;>(i'^'^ 
 ^efu^, in b« na(^t ba er oerrf^a* 
 ten marb, nam er ba^ brobt, 
 ban(iet on bra(^^ önb fprac^, 
 5^emet, effet, baö i|i mein leib, 
 ber für tu 6) gebroct)en wirbt, 
 (Bolä)^ tl;ut ju meiner gebe^t^ 
 nuf» 3)cffelben gleid)en au(^ 
 ben Äelci), nad) bem ^benbtmal, 
 önb f^rad): 2)iefer ^el^ ij! baö 
 ncwe ^tejiament in meinem 
 btut, foId)eö tl;ut, fo offt jrö 
 trinket, ju meiner gebe(^tnuf : 
 !Den fo offt jr üon biefem brob 
 effet, onb ön biefem ^tlä) trin^ 
 det, folt jr be^ ^^m^^ tobt 
 uerfünbigen, bi§ baf er lom^t* 
 25nb biefe oer^eiffung wirbt au^ toiber^ 
 l^olet burc^ (S. ^aulum^), ba er fpric^t: 
 2) er Äetd) ber ban(!fagung, 
 
 a) 1 Cor, 11. Matt. 26. Mar. 14. Luc. 22. 
 b) 1 Cor. 10. 
 
 credentihus tarn certo corpus et san- 
 guinem suum sie edendum et hihen- 
 dwm daturum^ quam fractum Jiunc 
 panem edunt, et poculum Jioc hi- 
 hunt f 
 
 In institutione Coenae, cujus ligec 
 sunt verba : Dominus noster Jesus 
 Christus, ea nocte qua proditus est, 
 accepit panem ; et gratiis actis, fre- 
 git ac dixit: Accipite, comedite, 
 lioc est corpus meum, quod pro 
 vobis frangitur; hoc facite in mei 
 recordationem. Itidem et poculum 
 postquam ccenassent, dicens: Hoc 
 poculum est novum foedus per me- 
 um sanguinem ; hoc facite, quoties- 
 cunque biberitis, in mei recorda- 
 tionem. Quotiescunque enim ede- 
 ritis panem liunc, et poculum hoc 
 biberitis, mortem Domini annun- 
 ciate, donee venerit. Haec promis- 
 sio a Paulo repetitur, cum inquit: 
 Poculum gratiarum actionis, quo 
 gratias agimus, nonne communio 
 est sanguinis Christi ? Panis quem 
 frangimus, nonne communio est 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 213 
 
 bic ©IduBigcn fo gcwip alfo mit feinem He will thus feed and nourish he- 
 
 Seit unb 23tut fpeife unb tränfe, atö lievers with His body and blood, as 
 
 fie öon biefem geBro(^enen 33rot ejTen certainly as they eat of this broken 
 
 unb oon biefem M^ ttinlen ? 'bread and drink of this cup ? 
 
 Stntmott» Answee. 
 
 Stt ber (Stnfe^ung be^ 5tbenbma!^t^, In the institution of tlie Supper, 
 
 »elc^c alfo lautet: Unfer S^txx wMcli runs thus : The Lord Jesus, 
 
 Sefu^, in ber 9Zad)t ba er oer^ the same night in which He was 
 
 ratl^en tuatb, na^m dix baö betrayed, took bread; and when 
 
 23rot, ban!ete,unb1Jrad)eöunb He had given thanks, He brake it, 
 
 fpra(}): S^le^met, effet, ba^ ift and said: Take, eat, this is My 
 
 mein Sei b, ber für eucf) gebt 0^ body, which is broken for you; 
 
 c^en mirb; fold)eö tl;ut ju mei*= this do in remembrance of Me. 
 
 nem ©ebac^tnif* 2)effcl^ After the same manner also He 
 
 ben glct(^en aud) ben Äel^, took the cup, when He had 
 
 nac^ bem Stbenbma^l, unb suj^ped, saying: This cup is the 
 
 fprac^: liefer ^elc^ ijl bag New Testament in My blood ; this 
 
 neue 5tej!ament in meinem do ye as often as ye drink it, in 
 
 S3lut, fol(^e^ t^ut, fo oft i!^r remembrance of Me. For as often 
 
 Co trinfet, ju meinem ®cbd(^t^ as ye eat this bread, and drink 
 
 nif ♦ X)enn fo oft t^r oon bie»» this cup, ye do show the Lord's 
 
 fem 23rot effet, unb »on bie* death till He come, 
 
 fem Äel(^ trinlet, follt i^r And this promise is repeated 
 
 beg .<perrn 5lob öer!ünbtgen, also by St. Paul, where he says: 
 
 l&tg ba§ Sr fommt» Unb biefe The cup of blessing which we 
 
 S5er'^eifung wirb au^ toteber^olet burc^ bless, is it not the communion of 
 
214 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 bamit toix bantffagc, ijl cr nit corporis Cliristi? Quoniam unus 
 bic gemein f(^afft be^ blut^ panis, unum corpus multi sumus; 
 Si^rijli? ^a^ brobt bas tt>ir nam omnes unius panis participes 
 ^red)en, if! ba^ ni(^t bie gemein=^ sumus 
 fiS^afft be0 tcibö S^tijli? :Den 
 <itt btob ifi§, fo feinb wir üiet 
 ein tcib, bieiueil »ir alle eineö 
 brobe t^eil^afftig feinb. 
 
 SBirb ben au§ brob onb iuein ber 
 »efentli^ leib »nb blut S^rifti ? 
 
 3(ntn)ort* 
 5lein : fonber wie ba^ waflfer in bent 
 Zavi^f nit in bj Hut (E^rifti öerwäblet, 
 ober bie abmaJTd)img ber funben felbj! 
 »irb, beren eö altein ein ©ottlicj) mar^ 
 geicf)en önb öerfi(^erung ift ^) : alfo 
 wirbt and) bj Zeitig brob int ^benbntal 
 nit b. leib (E^rifti fetbft*'), \mml eö 
 na(^ art önb brauch ber ©acrantenten*"), 
 ber leib S^rifti genennet wirb* 
 
 o) Matt. 26. Mar. 24. i) 1 Cor. 10. et 11, 
 c) Gen. 17. Exod. 12. Tit. 3. 1 Pet. 3. 1 Cor. 10. 
 
 f^rag. 
 SBaruntb nennet benn S§ri|k^ bas 
 
 LXXVIII. 
 
 JVum ergo panis et vinum fiunt 
 ipsum corpus et sanguis Christi f 
 
 Nequaquam: verum, ut aqua 
 Baptismi in sanguinem Cliristi non 
 convertitur, nee est ipsa peccatorum 
 ablutio, sed symbolum tantum et 
 pignus earum rerum, quae nobis in 
 Baptismo obsignantur ; ita nee pa- 
 nis Coenae Dominica3 est ipsum cor- 
 pus Christi, quanquam pro ratione 
 sacramentorum, et usitata Spiritui 
 Sancto de his loquendi forma, panis 
 Cliristi corpus appellatui*. 
 
 LXXIX. 
 
 Cw ergo Christus panem appel- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 215 
 
 (BU ^aulum, ba et fptic^t: X)er 
 Äel(^ bet !2)attffagung, bamtt 
 njir banlfagen, i|^ er nid)t bie 
 ©emetnf(^aft beö 23luteä (^^xu 
 fit? !I)a^ Srot, baö WIT t)re^ 
 c()en, ift bag ni(^t bie ©emctn^ 
 fc^aft beö Ceibe^ S^riflt? 
 2)ettn (Sin 23rot i|! c^, fo fittb 
 njir üiele Sin Seit), bie weit 
 mir alle ^inc^ 53rot« t^cil^af^ 
 tig finb. 
 
 i^rage 78. 
 SBirb benn an^ 23rot unb 2Öein ber 
 ttjefentUi^e Ceib unb 23Iut e()rifti? 
 
 ^nttooxt. 
 ^dnt fonbern mie ba^ SBaffer in 
 ber 5laufe ni(^t in ba^ 33lnt S^rijli 
 öerwanbelt, ober bie SlBmafc^img ber 
 ©ünben felbj! mirb, beren eö aüein ein 
 göttU<^eö 2Öa()rjeic{)en iinb S^erfK^erung 
 ifl; alfo tDtrb auc^ ba^ l)eiUge 23rot 
 im 5tbenbma^l ni(i)t ber Seib ß^rifti 
 fdbjl:, iDiewo'^I eö nac^ 5(rt unb ®e^ 
 Brauci) ber (Sacrantente ber Ceib S^rifti 
 genennet wirb* 
 
 grage 79. 
 SOBarum nennet benn S^rijtu^ ba^ 
 
 the blood of Chiist? The bread 
 which we break, is it not the com- 
 munion of the body of Christ ? For 
 we, being many, are one bread, and 
 one body ; for we are all partakers 
 of that one bread. 
 
 Question 78. 
 Do then the hread andwine become 
 the real body and hlood of Christ f 
 
 Answee. 
 No : but as the water, in Bap- 
 tism, is not changed into the blood 
 of Christ, nor becomes the washing 
 away of sins itself, being only the 
 divine token and assurance there- 
 of; so also, in the Lord's Supper, 
 the sacred bread does not become 
 the body of Christ itself, though 
 agreeably to the nature and usage 
 of sacraments it is called the body 
 of Christ. 
 
 Question 79. 
 Why then doth Christ call the 
 
216 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 t)rob feinen leib, on ben ^etc^ fein Blut, 
 ober baö newe 5leftamet in feinem Mut, 
 »nb (B* ^auluö, bie gemeinf(^ap beö 
 lcit)gönbHutg3efu(S^vijli? 
 
 Antwort* 
 S^Tijht^ rebet atfo nit one gtojfe ot^ 
 fac^* 5Iemli(^, baf er ön^ nit aUdn 
 bamit ml letzten, bap, gleid) n)ie l^rob 
 ün wein baö jeitlic^e leben erhalten, alfo 
 fe^ auc^ fein gecreu^igter leib onb oct^ 
 goffen Mut, bie mare fpei^ öit txanä 
 unferer feelen, jum ewigen leben ') : 
 fonber öiel me(;r ba§ er önö bur^ bi§ 
 fic^tbare jei(^en onb pfanb roll oer* 
 filtern, ba§ ii?ir fo i»arl)ajftig feinet 
 waren leibö onb blutö burc^ Wirkung 
 be0 ^eilige ©eijl^ teil()afftig werben, 
 dU wir biefe ^eilige warjei(^en, mit 
 bem Ieibli($e munb ju feiner gebec^tnup 
 empfangen^): on bap alt fein leiben on 
 ge()orfam fo gewi§ onfer eige fe)^, aU 
 l^ette wir felbft in onfer eige :perfon atteö 
 gelitten on gnugget^an* 
 
 a) loh. 6. b) 1 Cor. 10. 
 
 grag* 
 Sßa^ iji für ein onberf(^eib jwifi^en 
 
 lat suum corpus^ cdlicem vero suum 
 sanguinem^ seu novuTn foedus per 
 suum sanguinem / Paulus item pa- 
 nem et virm/m^ com/munionem cor- 
 poris et sanguinis Christi f 
 
 Cliristus non sine gravi causa sie 
 loquitur :^ videlicet, non solum ut 
 nos doceat, quemadmodum panis 
 et vinum corporis vitam susten- 
 tant, sie etiam crucifixum suum 
 corpus et effusum suum sanguinem 
 vere esse animse nostras cibum ac 
 potum, quo ad vitam seternam nu- 
 triatur ; verum multo magis, ut lioc 
 visibili signo ac pignore nobis cer- 
 tum faciat, nos non minus vere cor- 
 poris et sanguinis sui, per opera- 
 tionem Spiritus Sancti, participes 
 esse, quam sacra ista symbola, in 
 ejus memoriam, ore corporis perci- 
 pimus : tum etiam, quod ejus pas- 
 sio et obedientia tam certo nostra 
 sit, quam si ipsimet pro nostris pec- 
 catis poenas dedissemus, et Deo sa- 
 tisfecissemus. 
 
 Quid 
 
 LXXX. 
 
 interest inter 
 
 Coenam 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 217 
 
 23rot feinen Mb, unb ben Äeld) fein 
 23lut, ober baö neue itejlament in fei^ 
 nem 23lut ; nnb (St. ^aulu6, bie ®e^ 
 meinfc^aft bee ßeike nnb Sinter 3^fu 
 e^rifti? 
 
 5(ntmort* 
 S^rijluö rebet atfo nxä^t o^ne grof e 
 Urfa(^e: nämlicJ), baf ßr nnö nic^t 
 allein bamit njitt leieren, baf , gleic^mie 
 23rot nnb SÖein baö seitliche Sekn er^ 
 l^atten, alfo fei au(^ fein gefreujigter 
 Seib nnb oetgoffeneö 23lut bie n?a^te 
 (Speife nnb ^ran! nnferet (Seelen ^nm 
 einigen Sekn; fonbern oielmel^r, ba^ 
 (Sr nnö bnrc^ biefee fti^tbare 3cict)en 
 nnb ^fanb XüiU öerfid)ern, ba§ mir fo 
 nja^r^aftig feineö ttja^ren Seiko nnb 
 Hutee bntd) 2ßit!nng beö ^eiligen 
 ©eij^eö t()eill)aftig n?efben, aU mir 
 biefe l^eiligen Sßa^rjeic^en mit bem leiB^ 
 liefen 50?unb jn feinem ©ebäc^tnif 
 empfangen; nnb baf aU fein Reiben 
 unb @el;orfam fo gemif nnfer eigen 
 fei, aU ^ätttn n?ir felbj^ in nnferer 
 eigenen ^etfon attee gelitten nnb genng 
 get^an. 
 
 h?'ead His hody^ and the cup His 
 blood, or the New Testament in His 
 Uood ; and St. Haul, the commu- 
 nion of the body and blood of 
 Christ? 
 
 AisrswEE. 
 Christ speaks tlius not without 
 great cause : namely, not only to 
 teach us thereby, that, like as bread 
 and wine sustain this temporal life, 
 so also His crucified body and shed 
 blood are the true meat and drink 
 of our souls unto life eternal ; but 
 much more, by this visible sign and 
 pledge to assure us, that we are as 
 really partakers of His true body 
 and blood, through the working of 
 the Holy Ghost, as we receive by 
 the mouth of the body these holy 
 tokens in remembrance of Him; 
 and that all His sufferings and obe- 
 dience are as certainly our own, as 
 if we had ourselves suffered and 
 done all in our ovm persons. 
 
 i^tage 8 0* Question 80. 
 
 ÜÖaö ijl für ein Unterf^ieb jn)if($en What difference is there between 
 28 
 
218 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 bem SfBenbntal be^ ^(imm% önb ber 
 
 %nUvoxt. 
 2)a^ 5(knbmal kjeuget on^, ba^ 
 jDir üollontenc oergebung alter önfer 
 fünben i^aben, bur(^ ba^ einige op^tx 
 Sefu ß^^rtfti, fo er felbft einmal am 
 creu| öolbrai^t ^at^)* S5nb ba^ mir 
 burc^ ben ^* ©eift (ir;ri|l:o merbe ein= 
 geleibt ^), b* jepb mit feine waren leib 
 im :^imel jur 9le(^ten be^ 3}aterö ift "^), 
 önb bafelbft mil angebettet werben '^)» 
 2)ie 93Ze§ aber lel;ret, bap bie lebenbigen 
 unb bie tobten nic^t burc^ baö leiben 
 ß^^rifti oergebnng ber fünben l)aben, eö 
 fe^ benn ba§ S^riftnö no^ tdglic^ für 
 fie oon ben ^SJJef^prieftern geo^jfert wer- 
 be* SSnb bj (S^riftu^ leiblid) onb* ber 
 geftalt brobö on wetnö fe^, onb ber^al* 
 ben barin fol angebettet werbe")* 
 [35nb ifi alfo bie ^t^ im grnnb ni(^t^ 
 anber^, benn ein oerlengnnng beö eini* 
 gen opffer^ ön Icibenö ^i\u S^rifti, önb 
 ein oermalcbeite ^bgottere^J 
 
 a) Heb. 7. 9. et 10. loh. 19. Matt. 26. Luc. 
 22. b) 1 Cor. 6. et 10. c) Heb. 1. et 8. d) lob. 
 4. et 20. Luc. 24. Act. 7. Coloss. 3. Phil. 3. 
 1 Thess. 1. (?) In Can: de Missa. Item. De 
 cöseer: distinct: 2. 
 
 Domini, et Missam Papisti- 
 camf 
 
 Coena Domini nobis testatur, nos 
 perfectam remissionem omnium nos- 
 tromm peccatorum habere, propter 
 unicum illud Christi sacrificium, 
 quod ipsemet semel in cruce pere- 
 git; tum etiam nos per Spiritum 
 Sanctum inseri Christo, qui jam se- 
 cundum naturam suam humanam 
 tantum in ccelis est ad dexteram 
 Patris, ibique vult a nobis adorari. 
 In Missa autem negatur, vivos 
 et mortuos habere remissionem 
 peccatorum propter unicam Christi 
 passionem, nisi etiamnum quotidie 
 Christus pro ipsis a sacrificulis 
 offeratur ; tuin etiam docetur, Chris- 
 tum corporaliter sub speciebus pa- 
 nis et vini esse, ideoque in illis 
 adorandum esse. [Atque ita ipsum 
 Missse fandamentum nihil aliud 
 est, quam abnegatio unici illius 
 sacrificii et passionis Jesu Christi, 
 et execranda idololatria.] 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 219 
 
 t)cm 5(Benbma^l bee ipetrn unb ber 
 ^)äpj^U($en 2)Jeffe ? 
 
 2)ae 5(Benbma^I t)ejeuget une, baf 
 njtr ooWotnntene 33etgeBuTtg alter un^ 
 feret ©ünben ^abm butcf) baö einige 
 £)^fer 3efu S^tijli, fo St felBjl: einmal 
 am Äreu^ öot(6ra(i)t 'i)at ; unb ba^ mir 
 burd) ben ^eiligen ©eifl S^rifto werben 
 einoerleiBet, ber je^t mit feinem magren 
 ^tih im ipimmet jur $Re(i)ten beö 33a* 
 ter^ ijl, nnb bafelbft mitl angebetet 
 »erben* X)te SO'JeJTe aber lehret, ba^ 
 bie 2et)enbigen unb bie 2!obten nic^t 
 burc^ baö !2eiben (SI;rifti S5ergebung ber 
 (Sünben ^aben, ee fei benn, ba§ S^rif^uö 
 no^ täglich für fte öon ben 5!)Zepprieftern 
 geopfert tt)erbe ; unb ba§ S()ri|^uö leib^ 
 Ii(^ unter ber ©eftalt S3rote unb 
 SBeinö fei, unb ber^alben barin foK 
 angebetet werben* [Unb ift alfo bie 
 9J?ejfe im ©runbe nid)te anberö, benn 
 eine S5erläugnung beg einigen Dpfere 
 unb ßeibenö 3efu S^rifti, unb eine 
 öermalebeite 5(Bgötteret*] 
 
 the Zorans Supper and the Poj^ish 
 Mass? . 
 
 Answee. 
 Tlie Lord's Supper testifies to us, 
 that we have full forgiveness of all 
 our sins by the one sacrifice of 
 Jesus Christ, which He Himself 
 has once accomplished on the cross ; 
 and that by the Holy Ghost we are 
 ingrafted into Christ, who with 
 His true body is now in heaven 
 at the right hand of the Father, 
 and is to be there worshipped. 
 But the Mass teaches, that the liv- 
 ing and the dead have not forgive- 
 ness of sins through the sufi>3rings 
 of Christ, unless Christ is still daily 
 ofiered for them by the priests; 
 and that Christ is bodily under the 
 form of bread and wine, and is 
 therefore to be worshipped in 
 them. [And thus the Mass at bot- 
 tom is nothing else than a denial 
 of the one sacrifice and passion 
 of Jesus Christ, and an accursed 
 idolatry.] 
 
220 
 
 CATECHISI^njS. 
 
 2ÖeI(^e foKc ju bent ^ifc^ be^ 
 
 ^ie jnen fettjl: ömB jter fünbcn mil^ 
 ten tni^fatten, on bod) uertramen, baf 
 btefelMge jt)nen oerjte'^cn »nb bie öBrigc 
 f(J)n)ad)t;ctt nttt bent leiben önb jlerBen- 
 g^rtfti bebedt fei^, l)egeren ana) je nte'^r 
 ünb nte^r jren glauben ju fterden önb 
 Jr leiten ju beffern* 5)te onbu^fertigc 
 abtx on ^eu^ter, effen on tTm(fett jnen 
 felbj^ba^ gerieft 0* 
 
 a) 1 Cor. 10. et 11. 
 
 (BoUtn alcx pi biefent ?(benbntat 
 and) jugekffen lüerben, bie ftd) mit jrer 
 Belantnuf onb leBen, aU önglaubige 
 önb ©ottlofe erzeigen ? 
 ^ntmort» 
 
 ^f^etn : benn c^ mirbt alfo ber 33tinbt 
 ©otte^ gefc^ntecj)t, önb fein jotn ober 
 bie gan|e gentein getei^et^)* X'et'^al^ 
 Im bie (St)riftUc^e Äirc^ fc^tilbig x% 
 na^ ber orbnung ß^^rijli ön feiner 
 Stpoj^etn, foI(^e, M§ ju tefferung jre^ 
 lebend, bur(^ bj antpt ber (Sc^tüffel 
 auöjuf(^Iie|fen* 
 
 a) 1 Cor. 11. Esai. 1. et 66. lerem. 7. Psal. 50. 
 
 LXXXI. 
 
 Quihus accedendum est ad men- 
 sam Domini f 
 
 lis tantiim, qiii vere dolent se 
 suis peccatis Deum offendisse ; con- 
 fidunt autem sibi ea propter Cliris- 
 tum reniissa esse, et quas reliquas 
 habent iDfirmitates, eas passione et 
 morte illius obtectas esse, magisque 
 ac magis desiderant in fide et inte- 
 gritate vitse proficere. Hypocritae 
 autem, et qui non vere resipiscunt, 
 damnationem sibi edunt et bibunt. 
 
 LXXXII. 
 
 Suntne Uli etiain ad Jianc Coe- 
 nawj admittendi, qui confessione ei 
 vita se infideles et impios esse de- 
 clarant f 
 
 Nequaquam: nam eo pacto foe- 
 dus Dei profanatur, et ira Dei in 
 Universum coetum concitatur ; quo- 
 circa Ecclesia, ex prsescripto Christi 
 et Apostolorum, clavibus regni coe- 
 lorum utens, lios a Coena arcere de« 
 bet, quoad resipuerint et mores 
 mutaverint. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 221 
 
 S©el(J)c fotten junt Xi^t be^ ^enn 
 lommen ? 
 
 2)ie fi^ felbjl urn i^rer (Sünben 
 »tuen mißfallen, xtnb boc^ oerttauen, 
 baf biefelMgen tl;nen üerjie^en, unb bte 
 xikige ®(^n)ad)§ett mit bem Selben unb 
 (Sterben d^rifti Wctdt fei; bege()ren 
 auc^ Je me^r unb mt^x i^ren ©laufen 
 gu l^drlen unb i^r Seben ju te|Tetn> 
 ^ic Untju^fertigen al^er unb ipeud)ler 
 eJTen unb trinfen fi(^ felbjl baö ®e* 
 tic^t> 
 
 ^tage 82» 
 
 ©olten a'ber ju biefem 5(benbmaH 
 au^ jugetaffen »erben, bie fid) mit 
 i'^rem 33elenntnip unb Ceben alö Un= 
 glduMgc unb ©ottlofe er jeigen ? 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 
 ^^lein : benn eö mirb alfo ber 23unb 
 (S5otte0 gefc^mä^et, unb fein 3otn über 
 bie ganje ©emeinbe gereijet; ber^al^ 
 Ben bie d)riftli(!)e £ir(J)e fd)ulbig ijl, 
 naä} ber Orbnung S^rifti unb feiner 
 5lpoM, fot(^e bio gur S3efferung Ü^reö 
 gebend burc^ ba^ 5(mt ber (S(^lü|fel 
 auöjuf(^Iie§en* 
 
 Question 81. 
 Who are to come unto the fahle 
 of the Lord f 
 
 Answer. 
 Those who are displeased with 
 themselves for their sins, yet trust 
 that these are forgiven them, and ^ 
 that their remaining infirmity is 
 covered by the passion and death 
 of Christ; who also desire more 
 and more to strengthen their faith 
 and amend theii* life. But the im- 
 penitent and hypocrites eat and 
 drink judgment to themselves. 
 
 Question 82. 
 Are they then also to he admitted 
 to this Sufppei\ who show themselves 
 to he^ hy their confession and life^ 
 unhelieving and ungodly f 
 
 Answee. 
 No: for by this the covenant 
 of God is profaned, and His wrath 
 provoked against the whole con- 
 gregation ; wherefore the Christian 
 Church is bound, according to the 
 order of Christ and His Apostles, 
 by the office of the keys to exclude 
 such persons, until they amend 
 their life. 
 
222 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 2öaö {ft ba^ am)()t bet (Scj)tüffel? 
 
 X)ie 95reb{g beö l^eiltge (guangeltottö 
 unb bie S^rtftU(^e SSufjuc^t, bur(^ 
 mlä)i Be^be ftutf, bj ^immelreti^ ben 
 glaubigen aujfgef(^toffen, önb ben »n^ 
 glaubigen pge.f(^loffen mirb* 
 
 ^tag* 
 
 2ßie wirb ba^ ipimmelreic^ but(^ bie 
 ^jtebig be^ ^eiligen (Euangelion^ auff 
 Dub jugef(^lo[fen ? 
 
 5tntnjort* 
 
 5(tfo : ba§ nac^ bem befetcf) S^rij^i 
 aHen ynb jeben gläubigen oerlünbigt 
 unb öffentlich bezeuget mitb jne fo 
 offt fte bie üer^ciffung be^ ©uangelion^ 
 tnit xoaxtm glauben annemen, n>ar(;aff^ 
 tig alte jre fünben oon @ott, öntb beö 
 jjerbienftö ß^rifti luilte, »ergebe ftnb> 
 SSnb l^ermiberumb, aKen ungläubigen 
 ünb ^eu(i)lern, ba§ ber jorn ©otteö on 
 bie ewige oerbamnup auff Jnen ligt, fo 
 lang fte fic^ nit beleren ^): 9Za(^ welche 
 ^eugnu^ beö (^uangeli}, @ott beibe in 
 biefem onb julünfftigen leben ört^eilen 
 lüiL 
 
 a) lob. 20. Matt. 16. 
 
 LXXXIII. 
 
 Quid sunt Claves regni coelorumf 
 
 Prsedicatio Evangelii et Eccle- 
 siastica Disciplina, quibus coeluin 
 credentibus aperitur, infidelibus 
 autem clauditur. 
 
 LXXXIV. 
 
 Quo pacto aperitur et clauditur 
 regnum coelorum, Prcedicatione 
 Evangelii f 
 
 Cum ex mandato Christi creden- 
 tibus, universis et singulis, publice 
 annunciatur, omnia peccata ipsis 
 divinitus propter meritum Ckristi 
 condonari, quoties promissionem 
 Evangelii vera fide amplectuntur ; 
 contra vero omnibus infidelibus et 
 liypocritis denunciatur, tantisper 
 ipsis iram Dei et seternam condem- 
 nationem incumbere, dum in suis 
 sceleribus perseverant : secundum 
 quod Evangelii testimonium, Dens 
 tam in prsesenti quam in futura 
 vita judicatui'us est. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 223 
 
 2Öa6 ifl ba^ fct ber @cj)Iüp? 
 Antwort. 
 
 X)te ^rebigt be^ !^etttgen (^oangelt^ 
 utnö imb bie d)riftli(^e 23uf jud)t ; bur^ 
 tüeld)e kibe @tMc, baö ^ttnmelretd) 
 ben ©läuBtgen aufgefdjioffen unb ben 
 Ungläubigen 5ugef(^Ioffen lühb* 
 
 grage 84* 
 
 2ßie wirb baö ^immetretc^ bnr(^ bic 
 ^rebigt beö ^eiligen ßöangetiuntö auf=* 
 unb jiigefd)Iof[en ? 
 
 5(ntJuott, 
 
 HIfo, baf? na(!) bem 33efe^I (If)Tt|!i 
 alten imb jeben ©laubigen oerlünbigt 
 unb öjtentlid) bezeuget mirb, baf i(;nen, 
 fü oft fie bie 25erl)ei|5ung be^ (Soange^ 
 liumö mit mattem ©lauben annel;men, 
 iDaI;rl)aftig alte i^te (Sünben üon Oott, 
 um be^ ißerbienfte^ &)x\fti iDÜten, öer* 
 geben fmb ; unb ^inmiebetum alten Un^ 
 gläubigen unb ^eui^tern, baf ber Born 
 ©otteö xinb bie emige 33erbammnip auf 
 i^nen liegt, fo lange fte fid) nic^t be= 
 feilten: na(^ iuet^em B^iig^i^ beö 
 ©öangeliumö, ®ott beibe in biefem unb 
 bem julünftigen Seben urt^eilen Witt* 
 
 Question 83. 
 What is the Oßce of the Keys f 
 
 Answee. 
 The Preaching of the Holy- 
 Gospel and Church Discipline ; by 
 which two things, the kingdom of 
 heaven is opened to believers and 
 shut against unbelievers. 
 
 Question 84. 
 How is the Mngdom of heaven 
 opened and shut hy the Preaching 
 of the Holy Gospel f 
 
 Answer. 
 In this way: that according to 
 the command of Christ, it is pro- 
 claimed and openly witnessed to 
 believers, one and all, that as often 
 as they accept with true faith the 
 promise of the Gospel, all their sins 
 are really forgiven them of God 
 for the sake of Christ's merits ; and 
 on the contrary, to all unbelievers 
 and hypocrites, that the wrath of 
 God and eternal condemnation 
 abide on them, so long as they are 
 not converted : according to which 
 witness of the Gospel, will be the 
 judgment of God both in this life 
 and in that which is to come. 
 
224 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 2ßic mxU ba^ ^immelrel^ ju onb 
 auffgef(^Ioffen, burc^ bie ß^riftticbe 
 
 m\o : bap na(^ bem befelcj) S^rij^i, 
 bieienige fo onber bem (I()tiftlid)e na^ 
 men, ön^tij^Uc^e lel)r ob* wanbel füre, 
 nac^ bem fie ettic^ mal brüb erlief öer^ 
 mattet fein, onb jren jrt^men ober 
 laftern nit abf^e()en, ber !ird)en, ober 
 benen fo üon ber tixä^l barju öerorbnet 
 fmb, angezeigt, üit fo fie ft<^ an berfelbe 
 üermammg auc^ nit leren, oon Jnen 
 bur(^ oerbietung ber ^eilige (Sacrament 
 auf ber S^riftlid)c gemein, ön öon @ott 
 felbft, auf bem 3^ei(J) (E()rifti merben 
 auf gefc^loffen : ön liberum aU gtiebcr 
 ß:^rifti önb ber lir^en, angenomen, 
 wen fie ware befferung oer'^eiffen on 
 crjeigen')* 
 
 ö) Matt. 18. 1 Cor. 3. 2 Tliess. 3. 2 loh. 
 
 LXXXV. 
 
 Qtio pacto clauditur et aperitur 
 regnum coelorum per Disciplinam 
 JEcclesiasticam f 
 
 Cum ex mandato Christi, ii, qui 
 nomine quidem sunt Cliristiani, 
 verum doctrina aut vita se osten- 
 dunt a Cliristo alienos, postquam 
 aliquoties fraterne admoniti ab er- 
 roribus aut flagitiis discedere no- 
 lunt, Ecclesiae indicantur, aut iis 
 qui ab Ecclesia ad earn rem sunt 
 constituti ; ac si ne horum quidem 
 admonitioni pareant, ab iisdem in- 
 terdictione sacramentorum ex coetu 
 Ecclesi», et ab ipso Deo ex regno 
 Cliristi, excluduntur : ac rursum, si 
 emendationem profiteantur et re- 
 ipsa declarent, tanquam Cliristi et 
 Ecclesiae membra recipiuntur. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 225 
 
 gragc 85* 
 
 2Bie mtrb ba^ iplmmetreid) ju^ unb 
 aufgcfc^lolTen but(^ bte ^rirtUd)e 23up^ 
 
 mfo, ha^ m^ bent Sefe^l S^rifti 
 biejemgen, fo unter bem ^rtftUi^en ^a* 
 men unc^riftU(^e Ce^re ober Sßanbel 
 fii^^ren, nad)bem ftc etlichemal trüber^ 
 Itc^ »ermaßet fmb, unb öon {"^ren 3tr=* 
 t^ümern ober Saj^ern Vtd)t aBfte^en, 
 ber ^irct)e, ober benen fo oon ber Äirc^c 
 baju öerorbnet fmb, angejeiget, nnb fo 
 fte fid) an berfelben S5erma^nung auä) 
 mä)t leieren, üon i^^nen burc^ 3}erBtc^ 
 tung ber l^eiltgen ©acramente an^ ber 
 c^riftttc^en ©emetne, unb oon ®ott 
 felf)|^ auö bem 9Rei^ (S^rijli werben 
 auögefd)Io|Ten; unb mieberum aU @Iie^ 
 ber S^rifti unb ber ^ixä}t angenommen, 
 toenn fte ioa^re SSefferung öer^eipen unb 
 erzeigen* 
 
 Question 85. 
 How is the Tcingdom of Tieaven 
 shut and opened hy Church Dis- 
 cipline f 
 
 Answee. 
 In this way: that according to 
 the command of Christ, if any un- 
 der the Christian name show them- 
 selves unsound either in doctrine 
 or life, and after repeated brotherly 
 admonition refuse to turn from 
 their errors or evil ways, they are 
 complained of to the church or to 
 its proper officers, and, if they neg- 
 lect to hear them also, are by them 
 excluded from the Holy Sacraments 
 and the Christian communion, and 
 by God Himself from the kingdom 
 of Christ ; and if they promise and 
 show real amendment, they are 
 again received as members of Christ 
 and His Chmch. 
 
 29 
 
226 
 
 CATECHISMIJS. 
 
 S)cr Mit Xtü. 
 
 TERTIA PARS. 
 
 SJon bcr bandhaxUit, de hominis gratitüdine. 
 
 DicuJeil mir benn auf unferm elenbt 
 one alle onfere öerbienjl, auf gnaben 
 bur^ ß^rifium erlofet feinb, marumi) 
 fotlen voll gute mxd tl;un ? 
 
 5(nttt)ort* 
 T)arumB, baf S^rifiu^, nac^ bem er 
 »n^ mit feinem Hut erlaujft ^at, önö 
 auc^ huxä) feine l^eitige ©eift erneuert 
 ju feinem etent)ilbt, baf mir mit ön^ 
 ferm ganzen lekn »n^ band^ar gegen 
 ©Ott fur feine njott^^at erzeigen''), ön 
 er bur(^ ünö ge^riefen tt?erbe^), 2)ar* 
 nac^ auc^, ^a^ mir tet> on^ felbjl ün^ 
 ferö glauBen^ auf feinen frud[>ten gemif 
 
 o) Rom. 6. et 12. 1 Pet. 2. 1 Cor. 6. l) Matt. 
 5. 1 Pet. 2. 
 
 LXXXVI. 
 
 Cum ah omnibus peccatis et mir 
 seriis^ sine ullo nostro merito^ sola 
 Dei m,isericordia^ per Christum 
 liherati sumus, quid est cur bona 
 opera faciamus f 
 
 Quia postquam nos Christus suo 
 sanguine redemit, renovat nos quo 
 que suo Spiritu ad imaginem sui, 
 ut tantis beneficiis affecti, in omni 
 vita nos erga Deum gratos declare- 
 mus, et ipse per nos celebretui'. 
 Deinde, ut nos quoque ex fructi- 
 bus de sua quisque fide certi si- 
 mus. Postremo, ut vitae nostrse 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 221 
 
 S)er hxittt X^til 
 
 THE THIED PART. 
 
 $on tier ^an!Bar!ett* 
 
 OF THANKFULNESS 
 
 S^rage 8 6* Question 86. 
 
 !Dtctt)cit tüit benn axiö unferm (Stcnb, Since tlien we are redeemed from 
 
 o^ne alt unfer 3>erbien|!, auö (Bnaben our misery ^Ixj grace ihrougli Christy 
 
 burd) S(;riftum erlöfet fmb, »arum fol^ without any merit of ours, why 
 
 ten mx gute 2ßer!e t^un ? must we do good worJcs f 
 
 Sfntnjott» 
 Darum, bap d^rij^u^, nad)bem Sr 
 unö mit feinem 23Iut erlauft (;at, un^ 
 au(^ burcj) feinen ]5)eiligen ©eift erneu^ 
 ert gu feinem (Jknbitb, ba§ »ir mit 
 unferm ganjen CeBen un^ banlbar gegen 
 ©Ott fur feine SBo^tt^^at erzeigen, unb 
 (Sr burc^ unö gepriefen »erbe. 2)ar^ 
 nad) au^, bap mir fcei unö feIB|l: un^ 
 fer^ ©lau^en^ au^ feinen §rücj>ten 
 
 Answee. 
 Because Christ, having redeemed 
 us by His blood, renews us also by 
 His Holy Spirit after His own im- 
 age, that with our whole life we 
 may show ourselves thankful to 
 God for His blessing, and that He 
 may be glorified through us ; then 
 also, that we ourselves may be 
 assured of our faith by the fruits 
 
228 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 feilt 0, ünb mit ünfcrm ©ottfelige toan^ 
 bet, önfere nec^j^en auä) S^rij^o gewinn 
 nen^)* 
 
 c) 2 Pet. 1. Matt. 7. Galat. 6. d) 1 Pet. 3. 
 Korn. 14. 
 
 Äonnen benn bie ni^t feiig Werben, 
 bic ftc^ öon item önbantfbaten üuBu^^ 
 fertigen »anbei ju @ott ni(^t l)e^ 
 leren ? 
 
 Slntwort* 
 
 Äeine^weg^: benn, Juic bic fc()rifft 
 faget: ^ein S5n!euffc^er, Slbgottifc^er, 
 S^e6re(I)er, 2)ieB, ©einiger, 2;rnnden=* 
 ^ol^, Seigerer, S^lanBer ünb bergtei(^en, 
 tüirb ba^ reic^ ©otteö erBen*)» 
 
 a) 1 Cor. 6. Ephes. 5. 1 loh. 3. 
 
 ^tag. 
 3n »ieöiet jUto fielet bie »ar^* 
 l^afftigc S3up ober belerung beö men* 
 f^en? 
 
 5(nt»ort* 
 Sn jwe^en jttifen: 3n a^fterBung 
 be^ alten "), ön anfferjie^ng beö newen 
 menf(J)ett» 
 
 ä) Rom. 6. Ephes. 4. Oolosa. 3. 1 Cor. 5. 
 
 ^tag* 
 2ßa^ tjt bic S(öiier:bung bc^ alten 
 ntenfi^en? 
 
 integritate alios Christo lucrifa- 
 
 ciamus. 
 
 Lxxxyn. 
 
 JVon possunt igitur Uli servari, 
 qui ingrati, et in peccatis secure 
 persistentes, a sua pravitate ad 
 Deum Twn conveiiunt/iir f 
 
 Nullo modo : nam, ut Scriptm'a 
 testatur, nee impudici, nee idolola- 
 trse, nee adulteri, nee fures, nee 
 avari, nee ebriosi, nee eonvitiatores, 
 nee raptores, lisereditatem regni 
 Dei consequentur. 
 
 Lxxxvin. 
 
 Quibus partibus constat cowver- 
 sio hominis ad Demn f 
 
 Mortifieatione veteris, et vivifiea- 
 tione novi hominis. 
 
 LXXXIX. 
 
 Quid est rnortificatio veteris Äo 
 minis ? 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 229 
 
 gemt§ feien, unb mit unferm gottfetigen thereof, and by our godly walk 
 Sßanbel unfern S^lac^jien au^ Sf)ri|io may win others also to Clirist. 
 gewinnen* 
 
 i^tage 87* 
 können benn bie ni(i)t felig »erben, 
 btc fid) öon i^rem unbanlbaren, unBuf* 
 fertigen Sßanbel ju ©ott nic^t I^ele^^ 
 ren? 
 
 5lntn)ort* 
 Äeine^wegö: benn, njie bie «Shrift 
 fagt, lein Unlenfdjer, 5(bgöttif($er, 
 (if)ibxtä)ix, 2)ie^, ©einiger, ^Trunlen^» 
 'bolt, Sajierer, JRauBer unb bergleic^en, 
 njirb ba^ 9?eicb (S5otte^ erben. 
 
 Sn 
 
 forage 88« 
 njte üiel ©tücfen bej!e^t bie 
 JDa^r^aftige 23ufe ober 33e!e^rung beö 
 SJJenfc^en? 
 
 %ntvoüxt. 
 Sn ^mei (Stucfen: in Stbj!erbung 
 beg alten, unb ^(uferfte^ung bes neuen 
 2Jlenf(^en* 
 
 Question 87. 
 Can they tlien not he savedy who 
 do not turn to God from their un- 
 thankful^ impenitent life ? 
 
 Answee. 
 By no means : for, as the Scrip- 
 ture saith, no unchaste person, idol- 
 ater, adulterer, thief, covetous man, 
 di'unkard, slanderer, robber, or any 
 such like, shall inherit the king- 
 dom of God. 
 
 Question 88. 
 In how many things does true re- 
 pentance or conversion consist f 
 
 Answee. 
 In two things : the dying of the 
 old man, and the quickening of 
 the new. 
 
 ^rage 89» Question 89. 
 
 SBag i|! bie Stbfterbung beö alten What is the dying of the old 
 5D^enf($en ? rnan ? 
 
230 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 5tntn)ort* 
 3tn btc funbe oon ^er^en lajfen letbt Vere et ex animo dolere, quod 
 
 fein, öub biefelMge je lenger je me^r peccatis tuis Deum offenderis, eaque 
 
 Isafen önb fliegen ")* magis ac magis odisse et fugere. 
 
 a) Eom. 8. loel. 2. 
 
 Saö ifi bie auffer|^el)ung bcö ncwen 
 menfd)en ? 
 
 Sfntnjott* 
 ^er^Iii^e freub in ©ott "), önb lujl 
 ön lieB l)akn na(^ bem mitten ©otte^, 
 in aUtn guten tütxdtn ju tetjen^)* 
 
 a) Korn. 5. et 14. Esai. 57. b) Rom. 6. 
 Galat, 2. 
 
 ^tag. 
 2Betd)e^ feinb a^er gute mercf? 
 
 5(ntn)0Tt* 
 Mein bie au§ n?arem ©tauben*), 
 nac^ bem ®efe| ©otteö ^) }^m ju e^ren 
 gef(^e^en ^) : ünb nic^t bie auff önfer 
 gutbuniJen ober ntenfi^en fa^ung ge^ 
 grünbet fein^)* 
 
 a) Rom. 14. &) 1 Sam. 15. Ephes. 2. c) 1 
 Cor. 10. d) Deut. 12. Ezech. 20. Esai. 29. 
 Matt. 15. 
 
 Wtag* 
 2Bie taut baö ®efe^ beö ^(SgiSRS^? 
 
 xc. 
 
 Quid est vivificatio novi homi- 
 nis? 
 
 Vera laetitia in Deo per Christum, 
 et serium ac promptum Studium in- 
 stituendi vitam ex voluntate Dei, 
 omniaque bona opera exercendi. 
 
 XCI. 
 
 QucB sunt bona Ojpera ? 
 
 Ea tantum, quae ex vera fide, se- 
 cundum legem Dei fiunt, et ad ejus 
 solius gloriam referuntur : non ea, 
 quae aut a nobis opinione recti con- 
 ficta, aut ab aliis hominibus tradita 
 sunt. 
 
 XCII. 
 
 QuxB est Lex Dei ? 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 231 
 
 5tntn)ott* Answer. 
 
 <Biä) bte <BmH »on ^erjcn lajTen Heartfelt sorrow for sin ; causing 
 
 leib fein ; unb biefel^c je länger Je us to hate and turn from it always 
 
 me^r l^affen unb fliegen, more and more. 
 
 %xaQt 90* 
 
 Sßae tfi bte Stuferfte^ung be« neuen 
 SD?en[c^en ? 
 
 Antwort* 
 ^erglic^e ^teube in ®ott ; unb Sufi 
 unb Ctefce ^aten, nac^ bent Sßiüen (3oU 
 teg in aUen guten Serien ju leBen* 
 
 Question 90. 
 WTmt is the quichening of the 
 Tiew man f 
 
 Answer. 
 Heartfelt joy in God; causing 
 us to take delight in living accord- 
 ing to tlie will of God in all good 
 works. 
 
 ^rage 91* 
 SBetci^eg fmb aBer gute 2ßer!e ? 
 
 Stntwort^ 
 
 ^fltein bie au^ »a^rem ®taul>en, 
 nad^ bent ®efe^ ©otte^, S^nt ju 
 ^^ren gef(^e^en; unb ni($t bie auf 
 unfer ©utbiinlen ober 3)Jenf(^enfa^ung 
 gcgrunbet ftnb* 
 
 Question 91. 
 But what are good woi^lcs f 
 
 Answer. 
 Those only whicli are done from 
 true faith, according to the Law 
 of God, for His glory; and not 
 such as rest on our own opinion, 
 or the commandments of men. 
 
 Sragc 92* 
 SBte tautet bag ®efe$ bee ^errn? 
 
 Question 92. 
 What is the Law of God? 
 
232 CATECmSMTJS. 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 
 ©Ott rcbet alle bife wort* Loquutus est Dens omnia verba 
 
 ligec: 
 
 ÜDa^ (Srjle ®ebot* Prirmim Proeceptum. 
 
 Sd) Bin ber^S^^lSfl bein®ott, Ego sum Dominus Dens tnus, 
 
 bcr x6) bic^ au^ (Sg^ptenlanb, qui eduxi te ex ^gypto, domo ser- 
 
 au^bem2)ten|^^aufgefuret \atutis. Non habebis Deos alienos 
 
 i^a^e* 3)u folt !ein anbcr @ot=* in conspectu meo. 
 ter für mit l^a^en« 
 
 ÜDaS 5(nber» Secundum Prcßceptum, 
 
 !I)u fott bir fein S3itbnu^ Ne sculpas tibi simulacrum, nee 
 
 nod) jrgenbt cinglei<^nu§ ullam imaginem effingas eorum 
 
 mad)en, toeber bef, baö oben im quae aut supra sunt in eoelo, aut in 
 
 .JpiineI,nodj) bef , \i^^ ünben auff fra in terra, aut in aquis sub terra 
 
 (Srben, ober bef, ba^ im Joaffer ne incurves te illis, neque colas ea 
 
 onber ber erben ifl, 2)u folt fie Ego enim sum Dominus, Deus tuns 
 
 ni(^f anbeten, no^ jn en bienen* fortis, zelotes, vindicans peccata 
 
 !Denn i^ ber ^(2:9^13^1 bien ©ott, patrum in filiis, idque in tertia et 
 
 Bin ein fiarcfer e^ueriger ®ott, quarta progenie eorum, qui oderunt 
 
 ber bie miffetl^at ber 3}dter me; et misericordia utens in mille- 
 
 !^eimfu(^t an ben Ätnbern, Bif simam eorum, qui diligunt me, et 
 
 in^ britte on öeirbe glieb, beren observant prsecepta mea. 
 bie mi(^ l^affen: on tl^ue barm=* 
 ^er§ig!eit an oiel taufenben 
 bie mi(i) lieBcn, önb meine 
 ©ebot galten» 
 
 S)a^ britte» Tertium Prceceptum. 
 
 T)u folt ben 5Zamen bc^ Ne usurpes nomen Domini Dei 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 233 
 
 ^nirooxt* Answer. 
 
 ©Ott rcbet alle bicfe Sorte: God spake all tliese words, say- 
 ing: 
 
 ÜDa^ crjte (l5e^ot* Mrst Commandmmt. 
 
 3(^ t)tn ber ^err, bcin ©ott, I am the Lord thy God, wMcli 
 
 bcr S^ btc^ auö (Sg^ptenlanb, tave brought thee out of the land 
 
 au^ bent !l)ienf^l)aufe, gefübrct of Egypt, out of the house of bond- 
 
 l^aBe* !l)u foil ft leine anbeten age. Thou shalt have no other 
 
 ©otter öor W\x ^(x^tx^. gods before Me. 
 
 2)a^ jmeitc Oe^ot« Second Commandmmt. 
 !J)U folljl btrlein 23tlbntß, Thou shalt not make unto thee 
 tto^ irgenb ein ©lei(l)ni§ ma^» any graven image, or any likeness 
 ^en, »eber bef, baö oben im of any thing that is in heaven 
 ipimntel, noc^ bef, baö unten above, orthat is in the earth be- 
 au f Srben, ober be^, baö im neath, or that is in the water under 
 SÖaffer unter ber Srbc i|l; bu the earth; thou shalt not bow 
 follft fie ni.ct>t anbeten, nod) i^^ down thyself to them, nor serve 
 nen bienen* 3)enn 3d), ber ^err, them. For I the Lord thy God am 
 bcin ®ott, bin ein ftarler, eif^ a jealous God, visiting the iniquity 
 tiger ®ott, ber bie 5)}liffet^at of the fathers upon the children 
 ber SSäter ]^eimfud)t an ben ^in^ unto the third and foui-th genera- 
 bcrn bio in*ö brittc unb oierte tion of them that hate Me; and 
 dJlieb berer, bie Wx^ Raffen; showing mercy unto thousands of 
 unb t^ue SSarm^erjigleit an them that love Me, and keep my 
 üielen 5taufenben, bie Wi^ lie^ commandments, 
 ben unb meine ©ebotc l^alten« 
 
 %(}A britte ®ebot* Tliwd Ccmmandnient 
 
 2)U follfi ben 5Zamen bc^ Thou- shalt not take the name 
 30 
 
2U CATECHISMUS. 
 
 ^(SS'lSfl^S'l beine^ ©otte^ ntd)t tui temere; neque enim Dominus 
 
 ntipraui^en, !l)enn ber ^^diM impunitum dimittit eum, qui no- 
 
 tt)irb ben nt(J)t onge)lrafft laf^ men ejus vane usurpaverit. 
 fen, ber feinen S^lamen ntt^^ 
 branc^t, 
 
 X)a0 Dtetbc* Quaj'tum Proßceptwm. 
 
 ®eben(f beö (Safct>a^t tag^, Memento ut diem Sabbati sano- 
 
 ba^ bu Jl^n ^etligej!» ©ec^g tiiices. Sex diebus operaberis, et 
 
 tag fottu arbeiten, önb alle omne opus tuum fades : at septi- 
 
 beine wertf t^un, aberam fi= modie Sabbatum erit Domino Deo 
 
 benben tage ijt b* ©abbat^ beö tuo; non facies ullum opus, nee 
 
 ^(SS'lSfKSS'l betneö ©otte^, ba tu, nee filius tuus, nee filia tua, nee 
 
 folt bn leine arbeit t^un, no(^ servus tuus, nee ancilla tua, nee ju- 
 
 bien (Son, noc^ beine 2;o^ter, mentum tuum, nee advena, qui est 
 
 no^ bein Änei^t, no^ beine intra portas tuas. Nam sex diebus 
 
 magt, nO(^ bctn 2>ie^, nod) ber fecit Dens ccelum, terram, mare, et 
 
 frebling ber in beine tl^oren quaeeunque in iis sunt, et requievit 
 
 ijl* !l)ett in fe(^^ tagen ^at die septimo, ideoque benedixit 
 
 ber .^ßSlSfl {)imel önb erben Dens diei Sabbati, et sanctificavit 
 
 gemad)t, önb ba^ mel)r, önb eum. 
 alleö mag brinnen ijt, önb 
 rl^nete am fibenben tage, barü 
 fegnete ber ip(^9l9l be ^<k^\i;aVci 
 tag, öii !^eiliget jn* 
 
 jDag ?5ünffte* Quintwm PrcBceptum. 
 
 X>u fott bein 35ater önb Honora patrem tuum et ma- 
 
 betne SlRuttcr cl^ren, au ff ba^ trem tuam, ut diu vivas in terra, 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 235 
 
 ^errn, bcine^ ©ottcö, nic^t of the Lord thy God in vain; for 
 
 mißbrauchen; benn bet ipetr the Lord will not hold him guilt- 
 
 tt)trb beu ttid>t ungcflraft laf^ less that taketh His name in 
 
 fen, ber feinen ^amtn mif* vain. 
 braud)t. 
 
 2)a^ ütertc OcBot« fourth Commandment. 
 
 (Bebenfe beö (Bahhat^ta^t^f Eemember the Sabbath day to 
 
 l)a^ bu i^n ^eilige|t* <Bt^^ keep it holy. Six days shalt thou 
 
 ^age foltft bu arbeiten, unb labor, and do all thy work: but 
 
 alle beine SÖerle t^un: aber am the seventh day is the Sabbath of 
 
 fiebenten Xa^t ifl ber (Sabbat^ the Lord thy God ; in it thou shalt 
 
 beö ^crrn, betneö(S5otteö; ba not do any work, thou, nor thy son, 
 
 follft bu feine ^trbeit tl^un, noc^ nor thy daughter, thy manservant, 
 
 bein ©o^n, noc^ beine ^o^ter, nor thy maidservant, nor thy cat- 
 
 nodjbein ^nec^t, nocf) beine tie, nor thy stranger that is with- 
 
 ^agb, nod) bein iBie^, no(^ in thy gates. For in six days the 
 
 ber trembling, ber in beinen Lord made heaven and earth, the 
 
 5ri)oren'tj^* ^enn in fecj)^ sea, and all that in them is, and 
 
 2;agen ^at ber iperf ipimmet rested the seventh day ; w^herefore 
 
 unb Srbe gemad)t, unb ba^ the Lord blessed the Sabbath day, 
 
 ^SJieer/Unb Stlle^ tt»a^ barinnen and hallowed it. 
 ijt, unb ru^ete am fiebenten 
 :^age; barum fegnete ber ^crr 
 ben «Sabbat^tag, unb l^ctltgte 
 i^n* 
 
 !l)a« fünfte dJebot* Mfth Commandment. 
 
 T)U foUjl beinen 35ater unb Honor thy father and thy mo- 
 
 beine 2)iutter e^ren, auf baf bu ther; that thy days may be long 
 
236 
 
 CATECfflSMUS. 
 
 tu tang leBejl Im 8anb, ta^ quam Dominus Deus tuus dat 
 bir bct §(g^9fl bcin ®ott gil)t. tibi. 
 
 S)u [olt nit tobten. 
 
 2)a^ ©ibeiitc* 
 2)u folt nit S^e:6rc(^cn» 
 
 !Du folt nit jleien* 
 3)a0 9lcünbe* 
 
 Sextum Prceceptum, 
 Non occides. 
 
 Septimum JPrceceptum. 
 ISTon committes adulterium. 
 
 Octavum Proeceptum. 
 Non fiiraberis. 
 
 Nonum Proßceptum. 
 
 ^U fott lein fatfc^ jcugnuj Non dices contra proximumtuum 
 teben n)iber b einen ne^ften* falsum testimonium. 
 
 Saf bt$ nit gelnjlcn beinc^ 
 ne(äj)|ten ^auf, %(x^ bic^ nit ge* 
 lüjten beineö ne(^ficn »eib^, 
 nod) fcineö Änec^t^, no(^ feinet 
 SO^agb, nod> feineö £)c^fen, no^ 
 feinet Sfelö, no^ alle^ ba^ 
 bein 9led)fter ^at* 
 
 Decimum Prceceptum. 
 Non concupisces domum proximi 
 tui ; nee concupisces uxorem proxi- 
 mi tui, nee servum ejus, nee ancil- 
 lam, nee bovem, nee asinum, nee 
 quicquam dorum quae sunt proximi 
 tui. 
 
 $ßte »erben biefe ©ebot geteilt ? 
 
 xcm. 
 
 Quomodo dwiduntv/r Twbc proB- 
 cepta f 
 
 Stntwott» 
 Sn jnjo ^tafeln "), beren bte erfte in In duas tabulas : quarum prior 
 jjter gebotten teeret, lote mir onö gegen quatuor praeceptis tradit, quo pacto 
 
 a) Exo. 34. Deut. 4. et 10. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 23T 
 
 lange Ictejl im Sanbc, ha^ btr 
 ber ^err, bcin ®ott, gict)t* 
 
 Xa^ fec^pe ®iboU 
 2)u foltft ntd)t tobten, 
 
 X)a^ ftetJente ©efcot. 
 !Du follfi ntc^t cbeljrec^en, 
 
 2)a0 aä)tt (3tUU 
 S)u foltfi nt^t flel)ten, 
 
 '^a^ neunte ©e^ot, 
 3)u follll letn fatf^ Seug-^ 
 nt§ reben »ibcr beinen 3lää)^ 
 flen/ 
 
 ^Da^ jel^nte ®e:6ot, 
 
 ga§ bi(i^ni(^t getufien beineö 
 S^la^jlen ipaufe^; la§ bi(^ ni(^t 
 geluften betneö S'lät^jlen SBet* 
 bc^, no(^ feinet Änei^tö, nod), 
 feiner ^Oiagb, noc() feinet Oc^^^ 
 fene, no(^ feine« SfeU, noc^ 
 5(ne« wa« bein 9?a(^flet ]^at> 
 
 i^rage 93, 
 2Öte »erben biefe ©e^ote einge^ 
 t^eilt? 
 
 Slntmort» 
 3n ixod ^tafeln : beren bie cr|!e in 
 öier ©eboten lehret, mie »it un^ gegen 
 
 upon tlie land wticli the Lord tliy 
 God givetli tliee. 
 
 Sixth Gommomdment 
 Tlion shalt not kill. 
 
 Seventh Commandment. 
 Thou Shalt not commit adultery. 
 
 Eighth Commandment. 
 Thou shalt not steal. 
 
 Ninth Commandment. 
 Thou shalt not bear false witness 
 against thy neighbor. 
 
 Tenth Commandment. 
 Thou shalt not covet thy neigh- 
 bor's house; thou shalt not covet 
 thy neighbor's wife, nor his man- 
 servant, nor his maidservant, nor 
 his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing 
 that is thy neighbor's. 
 
 Question 93. 
 How are these Commandments 
 divided f 
 
 Answer. 
 Into two tables: the first of 
 which teaches us, in four command- 
 
238 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 @ott fotten fatten» 2)ie anber in \t^^ 
 gesotten, wa^ wir önfernt nec^jlen 
 fc^ulbig fein'*)* 
 
 J) Mat. 22. 
 
 S©a0 ctforbett bex ^(£9191 im erjlcn 
 
 Stntwott* 
 !^af i(^ be^ öerlierung meiner feelen 
 §eil önb feügMt aUt a't^gottere^*'), jau'^. 
 fcere^, a^ergtauBifd^e fegen ^), anruffung 
 ber ^eiligen ober anberer Kreaturen "), 
 meiben on fliegen fol, 35nb ben einigen 
 waren ®ott rec^t erlennen*^), }m allein 
 »er trafen''), ^n alter bemut^ onb ge^' 
 bult ^), üon im attein atle^ gutö gewar* 
 ten^), ön jn »on ganzem ^er^en tie^ 
 Un^), furchten '^) on e^ren^ : Stlfo bap 
 iä) e'^e atte creaturen oberge'be, ben in 
 bem geringften miber feinen mitten 
 t^ne""). 
 
 a) 1 Cor. 6. et 10. b) Leuit. 19. Deut. 18. 
 c) Matt. 4. Apoc. 19. et 22. d) loh. 17. e) lere. 
 17. /) 1 Pet. 5. g) Hebr. 10. Coloss. 1. 
 Korn. 5. 1 Cor. 10. Phil. 2. h) Psal. 104. 
 Esai. 45. lac. 1. i) Deut. 6. Matt. 22. i:) Deut. 
 6, Psal. 111. Prou. 1. et 9. Mat. 10. l) Mat. 4. 
 Deut. 10. m) Mat. 5. et 10. Act. 5. 
 
 f5tag> 
 Söa^tj^mgottere^? 
 
 nos erga Deum geramus; posterior 
 sex prseceptis, quae officia proximo 
 debeamus. 
 
 XCIV. 
 
 Quid postulat Deus in jprimo 
 prcBcepto ? 
 
 Ut, quam mihi cara est salus 
 animse mese, tarn studiose vitem et 
 fugiam omnem idololatriam, ma- 
 giam, incantationem, superstitio- 
 nem, invocationem sanctorum, cse- 
 terarumve creaturum; unicum au- 
 tem et verum Deum recte agnoscam, 
 ipsi soli fidam, summa humilitate 
 ac patientia me illi subjiciam, ab 
 eo solo omnia bona expectem, de- 
 nique. intimo cordis affectu ipsum 
 amem, reverear, venerer; adeo ut 
 omnibus potius creaturis renun- 
 tiem, quam ut vel minimum contra 
 ejus volimtatem committam. 
 
 xcy. 
 
 Quid est idololatria f 
 
THE HEroELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 239 
 
 ©Ott foUen l^alten ; bie anbere in fed^ö ments, what duties we owe to God; 
 ©ctoten, »a^ mir unferm ^'ä6)fttn the second, in six, wliat duties we 
 fc^ulbtg jtnb« owe to our neighbor. 
 
 ^ragc 94* 
 2Baö forbert ber ipen im erjien ©e^^ 
 Bot? 
 
 Sfntmort* 
 SDa§ i(^ Ui 35erlicrung meiner ©ee^ 
 len ^etl iinb ©eligfeit, aUt StBgötterei, 
 Banberei, akrgläubifd)e ©egen, 5(n^ 
 rufung ber ipeiligen ober anberer (^rea^ 
 turen, meiben unb flie^ien foü, nnb ben 
 einigen maleren Oott rec^t eriennen, 
 3^m aUein öertrauen, in alter !l)emut]^ 
 unb ®ebulb oon 3^m attein alteö ®utc 
 erwarten, unb S^n üon ganjem iperjen, 
 liekn, fürchten unb el^ren; alfo, ba§ 
 i^ e^er alle Kreaturen übergebe, benn 
 in bem ®ering|!en »iber feinen SCÖilten 
 tl^uc* 
 
 Question 94. 
 What does God require in the 
 first commandment ? 
 
 Answer. 
 That, on peril of my soul's salva- 
 tion, I avoid and flee all idolatry, 
 sorcery, enchantments, invocation 
 of saints or of other creatures ; and 
 that I rightly acknowledge the only 
 true God, trust in Him alone, with 
 all humility and patience expect all 
 good from Him only, and love, fear 
 and honor Him with my whole 
 heart ; so as rather to renounce all 
 creatures than do the least thing 
 against His will. 
 
 (5rage 95 
 SBagijlStBgötterei? 
 
 Question 95. 
 What is idolatry ? 
 
240 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 Stn jlat be^ einigen waten ©otte^, 
 bet fi<i) in feinem tuort ^at offenbaret, 
 ober neBen bemfelMgen etioaö anberft 
 biegte ober ^ahl, barauff ber menfc^ fein 
 »ertraioen fe^t'')* 
 
 a) Ephes. 5. 1 Par. 16. Phil. 3. Gala. 4. 
 Ephes. 2. 1 loh. 2. 2 loli. 1. 1 loh. 5. 
 
 f^tag* 
 2Öag toil ®ott im anbern ®e^ 
 Bot? 
 
 5(nt»ort* 
 ÜDap toir ©ott in leinen ttJeg üerBit=* 
 bctt"), no(^ auff jrgenb eine anberc 
 njeife, benn er in feinem wort befohlen 
 ^at, oere^ren folten^)* 
 
 a) Deut. 4. Esai. 40. Eom. 1. Act. 17. 5) 1 
 Sam. 15. Deut. 12. Mat. 15. 
 
 <Sot man ben gar fein l>ilbnu§ 
 mac^e? 
 
 5(nttoort» 
 
 ©Ott Ian onb fol leinet weg^ aBge*= 
 Bilbet »erben; bie Kreaturen aber, ob 
 fte fc^on mögen aBgeBilbet werben: fo 
 »erbeut boc^ (Dott berfetbigen bitbnup 
 in mad)en onb ju l^aben, baf man jic 
 »ere^re ober jm bamit biene")* 
 
 a) Exod. 23. et 34. Num. 33. Deut. 7. et 12. 
 16. 2 Reg. 18. 
 
 Est loco tmius Dei, aut praeter 
 unum ilium et verum Deum, qui 
 se in verbo suo patefecit, aliud 
 quippiam fingere aut habere, in 
 quo spem reponas. 
 
 XCVI. 
 
 Quidpostulat secundum ^rcecep- 
 turn? 
 
 Ne Deum ulla imagine aut figura 
 exprimamus, neve ulla alia ratione 
 eum colamus quam qua se in verbo 
 suo coli praecepit. 
 
 xcvn. 
 
 A.n nulloB ergo jprorsus ßngendcB 
 sunt imagines aut simulacra f 
 
 Deus nee effingi ulla ratione de- 
 bet nee potest; creaturas autem, 
 etsi exprimere quidem licet, vetat 
 tamen Deus earum imagines fingi 
 aut haberi, quo vel ipsas, vel Deum 
 per ipsas, colamus aut honoremus. 
 
THE HEIDELBEKG CATECHISM. 
 
 241 
 
 Sftt (Statt be^ einigen magren ®ot^ 
 teö, ber fid) in feinem 2Öort l)at ojfen^ 
 Ibaret, ober neben bemfelben etma^ 
 5tnbereö bi(^ten ober ^abtn, barauf ber 
 Wtn^ä) fein 3>ertrauen fe^t. 
 
 Answer. 
 It is instead of tlie one true God 
 who has revealed Himself in His 
 word, or along with the same, to 
 conceive or have something else on 
 which to place our trust. 
 
 gtage 96* 
 20a« njitt ®ott im ^weiten ®e^ 
 Bot? 
 
 5(ntwort* 
 !Da^ mir ®ott in feinem Sßege oer=* 
 bitben, no^ auf irgenb eine anbere 
 SBeife, benn (Sr in feinem 33ßort k^ 
 fohlen ^at, öere^ren fotten* 
 
 Question 96. 
 What does God require in the 
 second commandment f 
 
 AisrswEE. 
 That we in nowise make any 
 image of God, nor worship Him in 
 any other way than He has com- 
 manded in His word. 
 
 grage 97* 
 
 ©on man benn gar lein Silbnip 
 machen ? 
 
 Antwort. 
 
 ©Ott lann unb folt feine^iüeg« abge^ 
 Bitbet werben ; bie Sreaturen aber, ob 
 fie fc^on mögen abgebilbet iüerben, fo 
 »erbietet bo^ ©ott berfelben 23ilbnif 
 ju machen unb ju l^aben, bap man fie 
 üere^re, ober 3^nt bamit biene» 
 
 QuEsiioN 97. 
 
 Must we then not mahe any im- 
 age at all ? 
 
 Answer. 
 
 God may not and cannot be im- 
 aged in any way ; as for creatures, 
 though they may indeed be im- 
 aged, yet God forbids the making 
 or keeping any likeness of them, 
 either to worship them, or by them 
 to serve Himself. 
 
 31 
 
242 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 ^Oiogen akr nid^t bte Htber aU ber 
 gelten tüd)er, tu ben Äir(^en gebulbet 
 werben ? 
 
 5lntn)ort> 
 5^ein: 2)enn mir nit folten meifer 
 fein benn @ott, welcher feine ß^riften* 
 ]^eit nie burd) ftumme go^en''), fonber 
 bnr<i) bie Iel)enbige prebig feinet iDortö, 
 mil önberwiefen ^akn^)* 
 
 ä) lere. 10. Haba. 2. 5) 2 Pet. 1. 2 Tim. 3. 
 
 ?5rag. 
 2ßagn)ilbaOritt©el)ot? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 :Dap mir ni(^t allein mit fluchen, 
 ober mit fcilfi^em a^be: fonber and) 
 mit unnötigem fd)n)eren bcn 5Zamen 
 ©otte^ nid>t leftern ober mi^brau^en, 
 no(^ ön^ mit önferm ftilf(^meigen önb 
 jufe^en foId)er fd)red(id>en fünben t^eil^ 
 l^afftig mad)en, 2>nb in fnmma, bap mir 
 ben l^eiüge S^lamen ©otte^ anberf^ nid)t, 
 benn mit ford)t onb el)rert)ietimg gekan== 
 ^en"), aujf ba^ er oon ön^ red)t l)e^ 
 !ent^), angcrujfen, önb in alt onfern 
 morten önb werden ^) gepriefen merbe» 
 
 a) Rom. 2. 1 Tim. 6. Coloss. 3. h) Esai. 45. 
 Matt. 10. c) 1 Tim. 2. 
 
 XCVIII. 
 
 An non autem in templis ima- 
 gines tolerari possunt^ qucB pro 
 lihris sint imperitcß multitudini f 
 
 Minime: neque enim decet nos 
 sapientiores esse Deo, qui Ecclesiam 
 suam non mutis siinulacris, sed 
 viva prsedicatione verbi sui vult 
 erudii'i. 
 
 XCIX. 
 
 Quid sancit Dens tertio proe- 
 cepto f 
 
 Ut non solum execrando, aut 
 pejerando, verum etiam temere ju- 
 rando, nomen Dei contumeliose aut 
 irreverenter ne usurpemus; neve 
 tacendo aut connivendo horrendis 
 istis sceleribus communicemus ; sed 
 sacrosancto Dei nomine non nisi 
 summa cum religione et veneratione 
 utamur, ut vera et constanti confes- 
 sione, invocatione, omnibus denique 
 verbis et actionibus nostris ipse 
 celebretur. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 243 
 
 forage 98. 
 MoQin abn ntc^t bie SSilber, aU ber 
 Saien 33üc^er, in ben ^ixdjtn gebulbet 
 ttjetben ? 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 5^ein : benn wir follen nic()t weifer 
 fein benn ®ott, n>etd)er feine S^riften^ 
 l^eit nie bur^ jbmme @ö|en, fonbern 
 but(^ bie leknbige ^rebigt feineö Sßottö 
 n)itt untetwiefen ^aben* 
 
 Question 98. 
 £ut may not pictures he toler- 
 ated in churches as hooJcs for the 
 laity ? 
 
 Answee. 
 No : for we should not be wiser 
 than God, who will not have His 
 people taught by dumb idols, but 
 by the lively preaching of His 
 word. 
 
 ^tage 99* 
 2Ba^ t»illba^bntte®ebot? 
 
 Stntwott* 
 !I)a9 n)it ni(J)t attein ntit ^uc^en, 
 ober mit falfd)em Sib, fonbern au(^ 
 mit xmnDtf)igem ©(^loören ben S'^amen 
 ©otteö nid)t läjiern ober mifBranc^en, 
 no(^ nnö mit unferm (StiIIfd)njeigen 
 unb Bwfe^cti fo(<^er f(^rc(iUd)en ©iin^ 
 ben t^eit()afti3 mad)en ; imb in (3um== 
 ma, bap wir- ben t;eiligen 9Zamen ®ot^ 
 teö anberö ni^t, benn mit <^nrd)t unb 
 (S^rerBietung geBrand)en, auf bap Sr 
 üon'un^ red)t Iselennet, angerufen, unb 
 in alten unfern Sßorten unb SBerlen 
 ge:priefen »erbe. 
 
 Question 99. 
 What is required in the third 
 commandment f 
 
 Answee. 
 That we must not by cursing, or 
 by false swearing, nor yet by un- 
 necessary oaths, profane or abuse 
 the name of God ; nor even by our 
 silence and connivance be partakers 
 of these horrible sins in others;, 
 and in sum, that we use the holy 
 name of God no otherwise than 
 with fear and reverence, so that 
 He may be rightly confessed and 
 worshipped by us, and be glorified 
 in all our words and works. 
 
244 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 Stag. C. 
 
 31^ benn mit [(^tüeren ünb flud)en Estne igitur adeo grave peccatum 
 
 ©otte^ 5'Zamen leflern, fo eine f(i)l»ete jurando^ aut dira imprecando^ no- 
 
 funb, ba^ ®ott auc^ öBer bie gurnet, we^z, Dei termrare^ ut Deus etiam 
 
 bie, fouiel gxi jnen tfi, biefelk ni<^t ns succenseat, qui^ quantum in se 
 
 l^elffen n?el)rcn önb oerbieten ? ^*^, i7^i^ö? non prohihent aut impe- 
 
 diunt f 
 
 5ttttTOort* 
 Sci fvei?Ii(^ "), ^enn leine fünbe gr6=^ 
 ffer tjl, no<^ ©ott ^efftiger erjutnet, 
 ben lejlenmg feinet 5^amen^, !Darumb 
 er fte aucj) mit bem tobt ju jlraffen Be^ 
 fohlen ^at^). 
 
 a) Leuit. 5, Z)) Leui. 24. 
 
 SD^iag man a^er auc^ ©ottfetig t)e^ 
 bem 9?amen ©otte^ einen %t)\) fc^we^ 
 ten? 
 
 5i[ntmort* 
 Sci : SBenn eö bie OBerleit »on j'^=' 
 ten ünbert^anen, ober fonfl bie not^ 
 erforbert, tretoe onb njarl;eit jn @otte^ 
 e'^re »nb be^ ned)flen ^eit barbur^ ju* 
 erhalten onb ju furbern* ^enn foI(^e^ 
 a^bfi^toere ift in ®otte^ mort gegrnn* 
 bet"), onb berl^alben öon ben ipeiligen 
 
 a) Deut. 6. et 10. Esai. 48. Heb. 6. 
 
 Certe gravissimum : neque enim 
 ullum est peccatum majus, aut quod 
 Deum gravius offendat quam sacri 
 ipsius nominis contumelia. Quo- 
 circa etiam id scelus morte multari 
 voluit. 
 
 CI. 
 
 Potestne quis etiam pie per no- 
 men Deijv/raref 
 
 Potest, cum vel magistratus id 
 exigit, vel alioqui necessitas lioc 
 pacto fidem firmari, et veritatem 
 stabiliri postulat; quo et gloria 
 Dei illustretur, et aliorum saluti 
 consulatm'. Nam ejus generis jus- 
 jm-andum verbo Dei sancitm', ideo- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 245 
 
 ^ragc 100* 
 Sft benn mit ©cfjwören unb ?^ud)en 
 ©otteö S^lamen läftern fo cmc f(^tt)erc 
 (Sünbc, baf ®ott aud) über bie jürnct, 
 bte, fo Dtel an i^ncn i% btefelk ni^t 
 l^elfen »e^ren utib ocrtieten ? 
 
 5(ntwort* 
 3a freiließ : benn leinc (Sitnbe gro* 
 f er ift, nod^ ©ott l^efttger erzürnet, benn 
 Cäjlerung feinet S'^amen^* !Darum Sr 
 fte axLÖ) mit bem ilobc ju jhafcn fce= 
 fügten l^at» 
 
 Question 100. 
 Is then the profaning of God's 
 name^ hy swearing and cursing^ so 
 grievous a sin^ that His wrath is 
 hindled against those also who seek 
 not^ as much as in them lies^ to hin- 
 der and forbid the same ? 
 
 Answee. 
 Yes truly : for no sin is greater, 
 or more provoking to God, than 
 the profaning of His name. Where- 
 fore He even commanded it to be 
 punished with death. 
 
 forage 101* Question 101. 
 
 5D?ag man aBer au(S^ öottfelig Bet But may we not swear hy the 
 
 bem S'^amen Ootte^ einen ©b fcj)WÖ*= name of God in a religious man- 
 ren? 
 
 Sfntwott* 
 Sa ; trenn eö bie Dbrigleit oon i^ren 
 Untertanen ober fonjt bie SiZot^ erfor^ 
 bert, ^rene unb 2Ba^r!^eit ju ©otte^ 
 ^§re unb be^ 5Zäc^|len ^eil baburc^ l^x 
 er'^alten unb ju forbern, ^enn fold^e^ 
 Sibf<^tt)ören ijl in ©otteö SBort ge^ 
 grünbet, unb ber^alkn »on ben ipeili* 
 
 ner? 
 
 Answee. 
 
 Yes; when the magistrate re- 
 quires it, or it may be needful 
 otherwise, to maintain and promote 
 fidelity and truth, to the glory of 
 God and our neighbor's good. For 
 such swearing is grounded in God's 
 word, and therefore was rightly 
 
246 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 im alten onb newen ^eftament rec^t 
 geBraud)et werben^)* 
 
 h) Gen. 21. et 81. Esai. 9. 1 Sam. 24. 2 Sam. 
 
 3. 1 
 
 1. Eom. 1. 2 Cor. 1. 
 
 ^ao^ man an^ U)^ ben ^eiligen ober 
 anbcrn Kreaturen a^b fd^meten ? 
 
 5(ttttt)ort* 
 
 S^lein: ^enn ein red^tmejfiger ai)b 
 tji ein anruffimg ©otte^, baf er alö 
 ber einig l^er^lünbiger, ber njar^eit 
 ^eugnuf tübUt geben, önb mic^ ftrajfen, 
 fo ic^ falf(^ \ä)mxt^), n)eld)e e^rc benn 
 feiner creaturen geMret^)* 
 
 a) 2 Cor. 1. h) Mat. 5. lacob. 5. 
 
 ?5rag. 
 2ßa^ »il ©Ott im öierbten ®c* 
 Bot? 
 
 5(ntwort* 
 (S5ot mit erftlid), ba^ ba^ ^rebigampt 
 ijnb fc^ulen erl^atten »erben'*), on id) 
 fonberlic^ am feiertag jn b* gemeine 
 (S5otte^ ötetjfig fome^), bj »ort ©otte^ 
 p lernen''), bic l^eiligc «Sacrament gu 
 gehaui^en*^), ben m^^^ offentti^ 
 anjnruffenO/ ön ba^ ß^^riflUc^ atmof 
 
 «) Tit. 1. 1 Tim. 3. 4. et 5. 1 Cor. 9. 2 Tim. 
 2. et 3. &) Psal. 40. et 68. Act, 2. c) 1 Cor. 
 14. d) 1 Cor. 11. e) 1 Tim. 2. 1 Cor. 14. 
 
 que etiam a Sanctis in veteri et 
 novo foedere recte est usui'patum. 
 
 CIL 
 
 JE-stne licitum jurare per sanctos^ 
 aut alias creaturas ? 
 
 Non : nam legitimum juramen- 
 tum est invocatio Dei, qua petitur, 
 ut is ipse, tanquam unicus cordium 
 inspector, testimonium det veritati, 
 et jurantem puniat, si sciens fallat. 
 PoiTO hie lionos nulli creaturae con- 
 venit. 
 
 CHI. 
 
 Quid prcecipit Dens in quarto 
 prcecepto f 
 
 Primum, ut ministerium Evan- 
 gelii et scliolse conserventur ; utque 
 ego cum aliis, tum prsecipue festis 
 diebus, studiose coetus divinos fre- 
 quentem, verbum Dei diligenter 
 audiam, utar Sacramentis, precibus 
 publicis meas quoque preces adjun- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 247 
 
 gen im alten unb neuen ^^eflament 
 xtä)t gel>rau(i)t morben* 
 
 used by tlie saints in tlie Old and 
 New Testament. 
 
 ^rage 102* 
 Mao, man auc^ ki ben ^eittgen ober 
 anbern Sreaturen einen (Sib [«^toören? 
 
 ^ntvooxt. 
 ^dn : benn ein re^tmäf iget (£ib ijl 
 eine 5(nrufung ©otte^, bap (ix, aU ber 
 einige ^erjenölünbiger, ber SÖa^r^eit 
 3eugni§ roüUt geben, unb mic^ jlrafen, 
 fo i(^ falfc^ ^vom ; wd^t (Sf)xt benn 
 leiner (Kreatur gebühret* 
 
 Question 102. 
 May we swear by the saints, or 
 any other creatures f 
 
 Answer. 
 No : for a lawful oath is a calling 
 upon God, as tlie only searcher of 
 hearts, to bear witness to the truth, 
 and to punish me if I swear false- 
 ly ; which honor is due to no crea- 
 tui*e. 
 
 forage 103» 
 3Baö mitt ®ütt im vierten ®e^ 
 Bot? 
 
 5(ntJoort* 
 ©Ott mitt erf!ti(^, ba§ baö ^rebigt^ 
 amt unb (S(^uten ermatten toetben, unb 
 \^, fonbettii^ am Feiertag, ju ber (Bt^ 
 meinbe ©otteö [teipig fomme, ba^ SSort 
 ©otte^ ju ternen, bie Zeitigen ©acra^ 
 mente ju gebrauchen, ben ^errn öffent^ 
 li(^ anzurufen, unb ba^ c^rijllii^e 5tl^ 
 
 Question 103. 
 What does God require in the 
 foufi'ih commandment ? 
 
 Answee. 
 In the first place : that the min- 
 istry of the Gospel and schools be 
 maintained; and that I, especially 
 on the day of rest, diligently at- 
 tend church, to learn the word of 
 God, to use the Holy Sacraments, 
 to call publicly upon the Lord, and 
 
24S 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 jugeucnO* Bum anbern, baf icj> alte 
 ta^t meinet lebend lim meinen Bofen 
 wercfe feiere, ben ^S^tStS^l bur(^ fei== 
 nen ®eijl in mir iDurden laJTe, önb alfo 
 ben emtgen (Sabbat^ in biefem leBen 
 anfange^)* 
 
 /) 1 Cor. 16. g) Esai. 66. 
 
 SKa^ »it ®ott im funfften ©e^ 
 16ot? 
 
 Sfntmott. 
 !I)a§ id) meinem 25ater ünb SQ^utter, 
 ünb atten bie mir fürgefc^t fein, aUt 
 e^re, Uel)e onb trewe ben?cifen, onb mi(^ 
 aUer guten le^r onb f^rajf, mit get)ür= 
 liebem ge^orfam önbertuerffen^), onb 
 au^ mit jren geBre(^en gebult ^at)en 
 [oP), bieweit onö ®Dtt burc^ jt^re l)anb 
 regieren juit")* 
 
 a) Ephes. 5. et 6. Ooloss. 3. Prou. 1. 4. 15. et 
 20. Exod. 21. Kom. 13. V) Prou. 23. Gen. 9. 
 1 Pet. 2. c) Ephes. 6. Ooloss. 3. Eom. 13. 
 Mat. 22. 
 
 2Öa0 voll ©Ott im \t^^in ge^» 
 lf»ot? 
 
 5(nttuort* 
 2)ap t^ meinem ne(^itett n^eber mit 
 
 gam, pro facultatibus aliquid con- 
 feram in pauperes. Deinde, nt in 
 omni vita a pravis actionibus va- 
 cem, Domino concedens, ut per 
 Spiritum Sanctum in me suum 
 opus faciat, atque ita sempiternum 
 illud Sabbatum in hac vita exor- 
 diar. 
 
 CIV. 
 
 Quid nohis injungit Deus in 
 quinto prcecepto f 
 
 Ut parentibus, atque adeo omni- 
 bus qui nobis pra^sunt, debitum 
 honorem, amorem et fidem praeste- 
 mus, nosque ipsorum fidelibus prsß- 
 ceptis et castigationibus ea, qua 
 par est, obedientia submittamus; 
 tum etiam ut eorum vitia et mores 
 nostra patientia toleremus, illud 
 semper cogitantes, Deum nos il- 
 lorum manu velle ducere ac regere. 
 
 CY. 
 
 Quid flagitat Deus in sexto proB- 
 cepto ? 
 
 Ut proximum, neque cogitatione, 
 
THE HEroELBERG CATECfflSM. 
 
 249 
 
 mofen ju geBen* Qum Stnbern, baf tc^ 
 alle ZaQt meinet CeBenö öon meinen 
 bofen 2Ber!en feiere, ben ^errn burd) 
 feinen ©eifl in mir mirfen taffe, unb 
 alfo ben emigen ^ablat^ in biefem 
 ßeBen anfange. 
 
 to give Christian alms. In the sec- 
 ond place : that all the days of my 
 life I rest from my evil works, al- 
 low the Lord to work in me by 
 His Spirit, and thus begin in this 
 life the everlasting Sabbath. 
 
 i^rage 104* 
 Sao mitt ®ott im fünften ®t^ 
 Ibot? 
 
 5(ntii?ort> 
 2)af i(^ meinem 25ater unb 9)?utter, 
 wnb alten, bie mir öorgefe^t ftnb, aHe 
 (ii)xtf Siek unb ^Treue Ben?eifen, unb 
 mid) atter guten Se^re unb ©träfe mit 
 geBü^rlicj)em ©e^orfam imterroerfen, 
 unb auä) mit il)ren ®tbxtä)tn ©ebulb 
 l^akn foü: biemeil unö ®ott burc^ 
 il^re ipanb regieren »itt* 
 
 Question 104. 
 What does God require in the 
 fifth commandment ? 
 
 Akswee. 
 That I show all honor, love and 
 faithfulness to my father and mo- 
 ther, and to all in authority over 
 me; submit myself with due obe- 
 dience to all their good instruction 
 and correction; and also bear pa- 
 tiently with their infirmities : since 
 it is God's will to govern us by 
 their hand. 
 
 ^rage 105* 
 SEBag njitt ®ott im fcc^fien ®c^ 
 Bot? 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 
 !J)ä§ i(^ meinen S'läc^flen tueber mit 
 32 
 
 Question 105. 
 What does God require in the 
 sixth commandment ? 
 
 Answek. 
 That I neither in thought, nor 
 
250 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 gebanden, noc^ mit mortm ober geber^ 
 ben, öiel mentget mit ber t!^at, burcj) 
 mxä) felbft ober anbere fc{)me!^en, ^aJTen, 
 beletbigen, ober tobten"): fonber atte 
 taadjgirtgleit ablegen^), au^ mi^ 
 fetbft nit kfd)ebigen, ober mutmitlig in 
 gefa^r ^begeben foP)* 3)arum& auä) 
 bie 06er!eit, bem tobf(i)Iag ^u n^eren, 
 ba^ ©Corner t tregt*^)* 
 
 a) Matt. 5. et 26. Gen. 9. b) Ephes. 4. 
 Eom. 12. Matt. 5. et 18. c) Rom. 13. Ooloss. 
 2. Syr. 3. Mat. 4. d} Gen. 9. Exo. 21. Mat, 
 26. Rom. 13, 
 
 ^rag. 
 
 siebet bo(^ bi§ get)ot atlein öo 
 tobte ? 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 Sg mit ünö aber @ott burc^ oer* 
 :bietung beö ^obtfd)tag^ lehren, ba^ er 
 bie Wurzel beö tobtfc^lag^, aU neib "), 
 :^a§^), loxn^), 9f{a(^girig!eit, ^aJTet, on 
 i>a^ folc^e^ atte^ für j^m ein l;eimlid)er 
 tobtfc^lagfe^'). 
 
 a) Rom. 1, J) 1 loh. 2. c) lac. 1. Galat, 5. 
 (T) 1 loh. 3, 
 
 ?^rag* 
 3j^ö akr bamit gnug, ba^ toir 
 onfern ne(^jlen, mie gemelt, nit t6b== 
 ten? 
 
 neque verbis, neque gestibus, ne- 
 dum factis, vel per ine, vel per ali- 
 um, contumelia afficiam, aut oderini, 
 aut laedam, aut occidam; sed om- 
 nem vindictge cupiditatem abjici- 
 am: ad ligec ne me ipsum laedam, 
 aut sciens me in aliquod periculum 
 conjiciam ; quocirca etiam, ne csedes 
 fierent, Magistratum Deus gladio 
 armavit. 
 
 GVL 
 
 Atqui JioG proBGeptum solam cce- 
 dem proJiibere videtur. 
 
 At csedem prohibendo, docet 
 Deus se radicem et originem caedis, 
 iram scilicet, invidiam, odium, et 
 vindictsB cupiditatem odisse, atque 
 ea omnia pro csede ducere. 
 
 CYII. 
 
 An vero id satis est, nos nemi- 
 nem eo, quo dictum est, modo occi- 
 dere f 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 251 
 
 ®eban!en, nod) mit SBorten ober Oe^ 
 Ijcrben, ötel iDeniget mit ber ^(;at, 
 buvi^ mi^ fetbj^ ober 5(nbere, fd)mä^ett, 
 f)a\\tn, Beleibigen ober tobten ; fonbern 
 aUt 9'?a(i)gierig!eit aBiegen, au^ mic^ 
 \dhft nicj)t Beft^äbigen, ober mut§ioit== 
 lig in ©efa^r kgekn folt* 2)arum 
 au^ bie €)Brig!eit, bem 5robtfd}Iag ju 
 toe^ren, ha^ (Sc^toert trägt* 
 
 in word or look, mucli less in deed, 
 revile, hate, insult or kill my neigh- 
 boi-, whether by myself or by an-, 
 other; but lay aside all desire of 
 revenge: moreover, that I harm 
 not myself, nor wilfully run into 
 any danger. Wherefore also, to 
 restrain murder, the magistrate is 
 armed with the sword. 
 
 ^rage 106* 
 Sflebet boc^ biefe^ @ebot allein öom 
 5:öbtcn ? 
 
 Stntmort* 
 (S0 ToxU nn0 aBer ®ott burd) S^er^^ 
 ttetung beö ^obtfc^Iag^ tel^ren, ba§ (Sr 
 bic SÖurjel beö 5robtfd)Iagö, aU 9^eib, 
 ^a§, Born, 9^a(^gtertgleit, ^ajTe, unb 
 ba§ fol(^e0 atte^ üor 5^m ein l^eim^ 
 lieber ii:obtf(^Iag fei* 
 
 QuESTioisr 106. 
 £ut this coTin/mandment speahs 
 onl/y of Mlling ? 
 
 Answee. 
 In forbidding this, however, God 
 means to teach us that He abhors 
 the root of murder, namely, envy^, 
 hatred, anger and desire of re- 
 venge ; and that all these are in 
 His sight hidden murder. 
 
 ^rage 107* Question 107. 
 
 %^^ a^er bamit genng, ba§ toir Is it then enough that we do not 
 
 unfern S'läc^jien, mie gcmelbct, ni(^t hill (mr neighlor in any such 
 
 tobten ? way ? 
 
252 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 5Zem* X)enn in bent ®ott neib, 
 ^a^ önb jotn öerbampt: »it er üon 
 »n^ !^akn, ba§ n)ir onfern ne(i)j!en lie^^ 
 Ben al^ m^ f^t^ftOr Ö^Ö^^ i^^ gebxitt, 
 friebe, fanfftmut^ ^), barm^er^igleit ") 
 önb freunbligleit "^) erzeigen, feinen 
 [c^aben, fouiel m^ moglicf), abnjen=* 
 ben^), »nb aud) onfern feinben gut^ 
 t^unO* 
 
 a) Matt. 7. et 22. &) Ephes. 4. Galat. 6. 
 Matt. 5. Eom. 12. c) Matt. 5. Luc. 6. d) Rom. 
 12. e) Exod. 23. /) Matt. 5. Rom. 12. 
 
 ^rag* 
 2Baö tuil ba^ fteknbc ®et)ot ? 
 
 ^Tntnjott* 
 2)a§ at(e ünleufc^^ett öon ®ott »er^ 
 ntalebe^et fe^"), önb bap tt)ir barumb 
 i^r öon i^er^en feinb fein ^), onb lenfc^ 
 önb jüc^tig leben fotten*'), -eö fe^ im 
 l^eitigen (S^ejlanbt ober auffer^^alb bef== 
 felknO* 
 
 a) Leuit. 18. 5) ludae 1. c) 1 Thess. 4. 
 d) Heb. 13. 1 Cor. 7. 
 
 Non est satis: dum enim Dens 
 iram, invidiam, odium damnat, 
 postulat ut proximum seque ac nos 
 ipsos diligamus, et ut humanitate, 
 lenitate, -mansuetudine, patientia 
 et misericordia erga eum utamur, 
 quodque ei damno esse possit, 
 quantum in nobis est, avertamus ; 
 ad summam, ita animo affecti si- 
 mus, ut ne inimicis quidem bene- 
 facere dubitemus. 
 
 CVIII. 
 
 QucB est sententia septimi prcB- 
 cepti ? 
 
 Deum omnem turpitudinem ex- 
 secrari, ideoque nos eam penitus 
 odisse et detestari debere; con- 
 traque, temperanter, modeste et 
 caste, sive in sacro conjugio, sive in 
 vita ccelibe, vivere oportere. 
 
 ^rag. CIX. 
 
 35erkut ©Ott in biefent geBot nl^t^ Nihilne amplius proMhet Dens 
 
 me^r benn (S^eBrui^ önb ber gleiten hoc prcecepto^ quam adulterium^ et 
 
 f(^anben? id genus turpitudinisf 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 253 
 
 S(nttt)ort* 
 S^letn : benn inbem ®ott 5^eib, ipa§ 
 unb Botn oerbammt, \t>iU dx oon unö 
 i^aben, ba§ mir unfern 5Zäc^flen ltet)en 
 aU UM felbjl, gegen t^n ©ebiitb, ^rie^ 
 be, «Sanftmut^, SSarml^erjigleit unb 
 greunbli(^feit erjetgen, feinen ®d)aben, 
 fo üiel un^ möglid^, atjwenben, unb 
 au^ unfern f^einben ©ute^ tl;un* 
 
 Answee. 
 No: for in condemning envy, 
 hatred and anger, God requires us 
 to love our neighbor as oiu'selves, 
 to show patience, peace, meekness, 
 mercy and kindness towards him, 
 and, so far as we have power, to 
 prevent his hurt ; also to do good 
 even unto our enemies. 
 
 ^rage 108* • 
 SSa^ Witt ba^ fieknte ®et)ot ? 
 
 5tntmort* 
 T)a^ atte Unleuf^^eit oon ®ott öer* 
 malebeiet fei, unb bap mir barum t^r 
 oon ^erjen feinb fein, unb leufd) unb 
 jü(^tig lekn fotten, e^ fei im Zeitigen 
 (S^ej^anb ober auf er'^att) bejfet&eut 
 
 Question 108. 
 What does the seventh command- 
 ment teach us ? 
 
 Answee. 
 That all unchastity is accursed 
 of God ; and that we should there- 
 fore loathe it fi'om the heart, and 
 live chastely and modestly whether 
 in holy wedlock or single life. 
 
 grage 109. 
 iBerbietet ®ott in biefem @et)ot 
 nic^tö me^r benn ^^ebrui^ unb ber== 
 gleichen ©c^anben ? 
 
 Question 109. 
 Does God in this commandment 
 forbid nothing more than adultery^ 
 and such lihe gross sins ? 
 
254 
 
 CATECHISMTJS. 
 
 %nt\t>oxt* 
 
 Xiumil Be^be öitfer lei6 önb feel 
 tempel beö ^eiligen ©eijlö fein, fo mil 
 et, bap mir fie Be^be faukr onb fettig 
 kmaren* S5erBeut ber^aI6e alte ün^ 
 !eufd)e traten, gebetben, mort^), ge^ 
 bancfen, lujl^), unb maö ben menfd)en 
 barju teilen mag*')* 
 
 a) Eplies. 5. 1 Cor. 6. h) Mat. 5. c) Eplies. 
 5. 1 Cor. 15. 
 
 ^tag. 
 2Öaö oetkut ®ott im a(^ten ®e^ 
 Bot? 
 
 5(ntmott» 
 gt öetBeut nid)t altein ben bieBj^al ") 
 ijnb tauBetei^^), meiere bie Obet!eit 
 fttafft : fonbet ®ott nennet aucl) bieB== 
 ftal alte Bofe ftü(J önb anfd)Iege, bamit 
 mit önfetö ne^jlen gut gebenden an 
 ün^ ju Btingen, eö fe^ mit gemalt obet 
 fc^ein be^ xtdjttm ") : al0 i?nte($tem 
 gemixt "^), (^lfn, map*), ma^te, mün|, 
 mu(^et^), obet but(^ einiget mittel, 
 baö oon ®ott oetbotten ijl:: 2)atju 
 auc^ alten gei^^), ünb onnü^e oet^* 
 f(^menbung feinet gaBen^)* 
 
 a) 1 Cor. 6. 5) 1 Cor. 5. c) Luc. 3. 1 Thess. 
 4. d) Prou. 11. et 16. e) Eze. 45. Deut. 25. 
 /) Psal. 15. Luc. 6. j?) 1 Cor. 6. h) Prou. 5. 
 
 Cum corpus et animus noster 
 templa sint Spiiitus Sancti, vult 
 Deus, ut utrumque pure sancteque 
 possideamus ; ideoque facta, gestus, 
 sermones, cogitationes, cupiditates 
 foedas, et quicquid liominem ad ista 
 allicit, id Universum proliibet. 
 
 CX. 
 
 Q2iid vetat Deus in octavo preß- 
 cepto f 
 
 Non solum ea furta et rapinas, 
 quas magistratus punit; sed furti 
 nomine comprehendit quicquid est 
 malarum artium et aucupiorum, 
 quibus aliena captamus, et ad nos 
 vi aut specie recti transferre stude- 
 mus ; qualia sunt iniquum pondus, 
 injusta ulna, inaequalis mensura, 
 fiicosa merx, fallax moneta, usura, 
 aut alia quaevis ratio vel modus 
 rem faciendi a Deo interdictus. 
 His adde omnem avaritiam, multi- 
 plicemque divinorum donorum pro- 
 fusionem et abusum. 
 
THE HEroELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 255 
 
 ;i)ten)eil Beibe unfet Seib unb @eele 
 Stempel beö l^eiligen (3dfk^ finb, fo 
 tüiU (Er, bap mir fte l)eibe faukr imb 
 l^eilig Bemal;ren; oerMetet berl)aI6en 
 atte unleufc^e 3:f)aten, ©eberben, 2ßor^ 
 te, ©ebanlen, Sufi, xmb iua^ bm 3)Jen^ 
 fd)en baju reiben mag* 
 
 AlfSWEE. 
 
 Since our body and soul are botli 
 temples of the Holy Ghost, it is 
 His will tliat we keep both pure 
 and holy; for which reason He 
 forbids all unchaste actions, ges- 
 tures, words, thoughts, desires, and 
 whatever may entice thereto. 
 
 ^ragc lio* 
 SOSa^ üeri)ietet ®ott im ad^ten ©c^^ 
 bot? 
 
 5lntmort* 
 dx uxWttt nic^t allettt ben T)xtb^ 
 \ia\)l unb 9ftäukrei, vodä)t bte Ohng^ 
 fett jlraft; fonbern ©ott nennet anä) 
 3)iebftaf)l alle U\t (Stü(^e unb %n^ 
 fd)Iäge, bamlt n»ir unfere^ 5^äc^|^en 
 ®ut gebenlen an un^ ju Bringen, eö 
 [et mit ©emalt ober (Sd)ein beö 3^ed)^ 
 te^, aU unre(^tem ©en>id)t, Site, 
 3}?aaf?, SBaare, 9}iimje, 2Öud)er, ober 
 bur(^ einiget 9}ZitteI, ba^ üon ©Ott 
 üerBoten ift ; baju auc^ atten ®eij unb 
 unnü^e ^Serfi^toenbung feiner (Baku* 
 
 Question 110. 
 What does God forbid in tJie 
 eighth commandme7it f 
 
 Answee. 
 Not only such theft and robbery 
 as are punished by the magistrate ; 
 but God views as theft also all 
 wicked tricks and devices, whereby 
 we seek to draw to ourselves oui- 
 neighbor's goods, whether by force 
 or with show of right, such as un- 
 just weights, ells, measures, w^ares, 
 coins, usury, or any means forbidden 
 of God ; so moreover all covetous- 
 ness, and all useless waste of His 
 gifts. 
 
256 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 2Öa^ gebeut bh aUx ®ott in biefem 
 
 Sfntwort* 
 X)a^ ic^ meinet nec^jlen nii^, n?o i$ 
 fan onb mag, furbere, gegen j^m atfo 
 l^anble, mie id) motte, bap man mit mit 
 l^anblete^), m tremli(^ arbeite, auff 
 ba§ i(^ bem burfftigen in feiner not^ 
 
 a) Mat. v. &) Ephes. 4. 
 
 ^rag* 
 SCßa^ mil baö neunb gebot ? 
 
 5(ntmort* 
 !J)ap ic^ miber niemanb fatf(^e jeug^» 
 ttup gek^), niemanb feine mort oer^ 
 lerc^), lein affterreber önb lejlerer 
 fe^e''), ^^iemanb önuer^ort, ün Ieic()t=' 
 ü(^ üerbammen I)elffe ^) : fonber altera 
 le^ liegen önb triege, aU eigene xotxd 
 beö ^enfelö"), be^ f(^merem Ootteö= 
 3orn öermeibe^), 3tt geri^t^ önb atten 
 anbcrn ^anblungen bie marl;eit liebe, 
 an ffri(^tig fage ön belenne^), and) mei=* 
 neö nec^ften e^re önb gtimpff waö) mei^ 
 nem öermogen rette önb fnrbere'')* 
 
 d) Prou. 19. et 21. l) Psal. 15. c) Eom. 1. 
 (Z) Mat. Y. Luc. 6. c) loh. 8. /) Prou. 12. et 
 13. g) 1 Cor. 13. Ephes. 4. 7*) 1 Pet. 4. 
 
 CXI. 
 
 §2^cß «ji^Ti^ ea, quce Dens hie 
 
 juhet f 
 
 Ut commoda et utilitates proxi- 
 mi, quantum possim, adjuvem et 
 augeam ; cum eo sie agam, ut me- 
 eum agi cuperem ; sedulo et fidel i- 
 ter opus faciam, ut aliorum quoque 
 egestati ac calamitati subvenire 
 queam. 
 
 CXII. 
 
 Quid exigit nonum proecep- 
 tum? 
 
 Ne adversus quempiam dicam 
 falsum testimonium, nullius verba 
 calumnier, nulli obtrectem, aut con- 
 vitium faciam, neminem temere vel 
 indicta causa condemnem; verum 
 omnis generis mendacia, fraudes, ut 
 opera Diaboli propria, nisi in me 
 gravissimam iram Dei concitare 
 velim, omni cura fugiam ; in judiciis 
 cseterisque negotiis veritatem sec- 
 ter, et id quod res est libere con- 
 stänterque profitear : ad haec famam 
 aliorum et existimationem, quan- 
 tum queam, defendam et augeam. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 257 
 
 %xaQt 111* 
 
 2Öa3 gclnetet bit aBer ®ott in bie* 
 fem®el5ot? 
 
 5(ntn?ott* 
 
 2)a§ {^ tnemeö ^^imien 9f?u|en, wo 
 i^ !ann unb mag, forbete, gegen i^n 
 atfo l^anbele, mie id) irottte bap man mit 
 mir ^anbelte, unb treulid) arbeite, auf 
 H^ icj) bem 2)iirftigen in feiner S'Zot^ 
 l^elfen möge* 
 
 Question 111. 
 JBut what does God require of 
 thee in this commandment f 
 
 Akswee. 
 That I further my neiglibor's 
 good, where I can and may ; deal 
 with him as I would have others 
 deal with me ; and labor faithfully, 
 that I may be able to help the poor 
 in their need. 
 
 i^rage 112* 
 2Öa^ Witt ba^ neunte ®e:6Dt? 
 
 Stntmort* 
 2)a§ i(^ miber 5^iemanb falfc^ 
 Bcugni§ gebe, 5^iemanb feine SBorte 
 »erlel^re, fein 5(fterreber unb i^äfterer 
 fei, 5^{emanb unöer{;ört unb leid^tlid) 
 öerbammen l^elfe ; fonbern aüerlei 2ü= 
 gen unb 3;rügen, atö eigene SBcr!e beö 
 iteufelö, bei fernerem ©otteögorn öer= 
 metbe, in ©eri^t^== unb atten anbern 
 ^anblungen bie 2Ba^r!^eit liebe, auf= 
 rid)tig fage unb belenne, aud) meinet 
 9Zä(^j!en ^^re unb ©timpf, na(^ mei*= 
 nem SSermögen, rette unb förberc* 
 
 Question 112. 
 
 What is required in the ninth 
 commandment ? 
 
 Answee. 
 
 That I bear false witness against 
 no one ; wrest no one's words ; be 
 no backbiter, or slanderer ; join in 
 condemning no one unheard and 
 rashly : but that I avoid, on pain 
 of God's heavy wrath, all lying and 
 deceit, as being the proper works 
 of the Devil ; in matters of judg- 
 ment and justice and in all other 
 affairs, love, honestly speak and 
 confess the truth; and, so far as I 
 can, defend and promote my neigh- 
 bor's good name. 
 
 33 
 
258 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 :Da§ auc^ bte gering|!e luj! ob* 
 gcbante wtber {rgenb ein o,tbot ©ot^^ 
 te0, in onfer ^er^ nimmetmel^r lomen : 
 fonber n)ir für önb für öon ganzem 
 l^er^en alter fünbe felnb [ein, onb tujl 
 p alter gere(^tig!eit l)aben fotten")* 
 
 a) Rom. 7. 
 
 Tonnen akr bie ju ®ott befert fmb, 
 folc^e 3et)0t üolfontlid} (;alten ? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 
 ^dn : fonber e^ !^akn auä) bie alter 
 ]^eiligj!en, fo lang fie in biefem lekn 
 finb, nur einen geringen anfang biefem 
 ge^orfamö ") : boc^ alfo, bap fte mit 
 ernftli(^em fürfa^, nid)t altein mä^ tU 
 li(^en, fonber nacl) aüen gesotten ©ot^ 
 te^ anfangen ju leben ^)* 
 
 a) 1 loh. 1. Rom. 7. Eccl. 7. h) Rom. 7. 
 lac. 2. 
 
 CXIII. 
 
 §m<^ proTiibet decimum p^cBcep- 
 tum f 
 
 Ne vel minima cupiditate, aut 
 cogitatione, adversus ullum Dei 
 prseceptum corda nostra unquam 
 solicitentur ; sed ut perpetuo et ex 
 animo omne peccatum detestemur, 
 contraque omni justitia delectemur. 
 
 CXIV. 
 
 Possuntne autem iU% qui ad 
 Deiim co7iversi sunt, Twee prcecepta 
 perfecte servare f 
 
 Minime: verum etiam sanctissi- 
 mi quique, quamdiu in hac vita 
 sunt, hal^ent tantum exigua initia 
 hujus obedientise; sie tamen, ut 
 serio ac non simulato studio, non 
 secundum aliqua tantum, sed se- 
 cundum omnia Dei prsecepta vivere 
 incipiant. 
 
 ^rag* CXV. 
 
 SCßarumb le|i on^ benn ©ott alfo Our igitur vult Deus legem suam 
 fc^arff bie je^en ©eBot ^rebigen, »eil adeo exacte et severe prcedica/ri, cum 
 
THE HErDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 259 
 
 grage 113. 
 2Ba^ toiUha^ Sel;nte ®ebt? 
 
 '^a^ and) bie geringj^e Suf! ober 
 ©ebaulen tuiber irgenb ein ©ebot G5ot^ 
 teö in unfer ^erj ntmmermel^r lom=' 
 men; fonbern «jir für imb für öon 
 ganzem ^erjen alter ©ünbe feinb fein, 
 xinb ßuft ju aller ©ere^tigleit l;akn 
 fotlen* 
 
 grage 114* 
 können aBer bte ju ©Ott ^ele^^ret 
 fmb, folc^e ©eBote üoUlommen l)aU 
 ten? 
 
 5(ntn?ort* 
 S^lein: fonbern e^ ^ahtn auö) bie 
 Stt(er()eiligften, fo lange fie in biefem 
 ßefeen fmb, nur einen geringen 5(nfang 
 biefeö ©cl)orfamö; bo(^ alfo, bajj fte 
 mit crnftlid)em 3>orfa^, ni^t allein 
 nai^ etlid)en, fonbern nad) aüen ©ebo^ 
 ten ©otte^ anfangen ju leben* 
 
 Question 113. 
 What is required in tlie tenth 
 commandment f 
 
 Answee. 
 That not even the least inclina- 
 tion or thought against any of 
 God's commandments ever enter 
 into oui' heart ; but that, with our 
 whole heart, we continually hate 
 all sin, and take pleasure in all 
 righteousness. 
 
 QUESTIOI^ 114. 
 Can those who are converted to 
 God heep these commandments per- 
 fectly f 
 
 Answer. 
 No: but even the holiest men, 
 while in this life, have only a small 
 beginning of this obedience; yet 
 so, that with earnest purpose they 
 begin to live, not only according 
 to some, but according to all the 
 connnandments of God. 
 
 ?5rage 115* Question 115. 
 
 SBarum la^t unö benn ©ott alfo Why then doth God so strictly 
 fi^atf bie je^n ©eljotc prebigen, »eil enjoin upon us the ten command- 
 
260 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 ftc in biefem lekn nlemanb Italien 
 fan? 
 
 gtj^ti^ auff bj JDtr »nfer gan^c^ 
 Ict)enlang onfer fünbli(^e art jc lenger 
 it mt^x etiennen *), önb foutet bej^o It^ 
 gtriger öergcBung ber funben önb gc*^ 
 red)tig!eit in ß^^rifto fu(^en^). T>at^ 
 mä) ba§ »it o!^ne onberlap on^ befiel^ 
 ([en, öub @ott bitten umb bie gnabe 
 beö ^eiligen ®eij^^, baf mir je lenger 
 je mei^r pi bem ebenbilb Ootte^ erne»^ 
 crt werben, bif mx ba^ jiel ber üol^ 
 foinen^eit na$ biefem leben enei^ 
 (^enO* 
 
 a) 1 loh. 1. Psal. 32. J) Rom. 7. c) 1 Cor. 
 9. Phil. 3. 
 
 ^emö <9^Y in Jiac vita, qui earn ser- 
 varepossitf 
 
 Primum, ut in omni vita magis 
 magisque agnoscamus, quanta sit 
 naturae nostrse ad peccandum pro- 
 pensio, tantoque avidius remissio- 
 nem peccatorum et justitiam in 
 Christo expetamus ; deinde, ut lioc 
 perpetuo agamus, illud semper me- 
 ditemur, et gratiam Spiritus Sancti 
 a Patre imploremus, quo indies 
 magis ac magis ad imaginem Dei 
 renovemur, donec aliquando tan- 
 dem, postquam ex hac vita decesse- 
 rimus, propositam nobis perfectio- 
 nem Iseti assequamui'. 
 
THE HErDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 261 
 
 fic in biefem Seten S'liemanb fatten 
 !ann? 
 
 (Jtjllt^, auf baf »ir unfer ganje^ 
 ßeBen lang unfere fiinbttc^e S(tt je tän* 
 ger je me^r erlennen, unb fo oiel be|!o 
 Begieriger 33ergebung ber (Sünben unb 
 ©erec^ttgleit in S^rij^o fud^en; bar^ 
 na^, ba§ wir o^ne Unterlaß un^ Be^ 
 flei^en, unb ®ott Bitten urn bic ®nabe 
 beö ^eiligen ©eifte^, baf wir je länger 
 je me^r ju bem (SbenBitbe ©otteö er^ 
 neuert werben, U^ wir ha^ ßid ber 
 iBotHommen^eit mä^ biefem 2ekn er^ 
 reicben» 
 
 TnentSy since in this life no one can 
 Iceep them? 
 
 Answer. 
 First, that all our life long we 
 may learn more and more to know 
 our sinful nature, and so tlie more 
 earnestly seek forgiveness of sins 
 and righteousness in Christ; sec- 
 ondly, that we may continually 
 strive, and beg from God the grace 
 of the Holy Ghost, so as to become 
 more and more changed into the 
 image of God, till we attain finally 
 to full perfection after this life. 
 
262 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 SBom (BeBct. 
 
 DE PEECATIONE 
 
 SGBarumb ijl ben (S^rtjten ba^ ®ebet 
 nötig ? 
 
 ^tntwort* 
 DaruntB, ba§ eö ba^ fürnembfte jlud 
 ber ban(f6ar!eit ijl, metd)e ©ott »on 
 ünö erforbett^), 33nb ba§ @ott feine 
 genabe önb i^eilige ©eij! allein benen 
 n)U geben, bie jl)n mit ^er|Ud)em feuf* 
 |en o^ne önbetlap barumb bitten, önb 
 Jm batfur banden^)* 
 
 a) Psal. 50. h) Matt. 7. et 13. Luc. 11. 
 
 2Ba^ ge^^otet ju einem foI(i)en geBett 
 bag @Dtt gefalle, onb oon jm erhöret 
 »erbe ? 
 
 5tntmort» 
 (Erftti(^ ba9 tuir allein ben einige 
 waren ®ott, ber fid) önö in feinem 
 iDort ^at offenbaret "^), ümB aUee bap 
 
 a) loh. 4. 
 
 CXVI. 
 
 Quare Christianis necessaria est 
 Precatio f 
 
 Quia prsecipua pars est ejus, 
 quam Deus a nobis postulat, grati- 
 tudinis; turn quia illis tantum 
 suam gratiam et Spiritum Sanctum 
 Deus largitur, qui veris gemitibus 
 continenter lasec ab eo petunt, et 
 pro iis ipsi gratias agunt. 
 
 CXVII. 
 
 QucB ad earn precationem requi- 
 runtur, quce Deo placeat^ quceque ah 
 
 ipso exaudiatur f 
 
 Ut a solo vero Deo, qui se in 
 verbo suo patefecit, omnia, quae a 
 se peti jussit, vero cordis affectu 
 
THE HEroELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 263 
 
 ^om ® cBct. 
 
 OF PRAYER 
 
 ^ragc 116* 
 SBarum t|l ben (S^rtftcn ba^ ®e^et 
 nöt^ig ? 
 
 5(nttüort. 
 2)arunt, weit eö baö oorne^tnfte @tücE 
 ber X)anlbarlett t|!, me^e ®ott öon 
 UM etfoTbert; xtnb weil ©Ott feine 
 ©nabe unb l^eitigen ©eift allein benen 
 miß geten, bie ^^n mit l)er5U(^em 
 ©eufjen o^ne Unterlaß barum Utttn, 
 iinb 3§m bafür banlen* 
 
 Question 116. 
 Why is Prayer necessary for 
 Christians ? 
 
 Answek. 
 Because it is the cMef part of 
 the thankfulness which God re- 
 quires of us ; and because God will 
 give His grace and Holy Spirit only 
 to such, as earnestly and without 
 ceasing beg them from Him, and 
 render thanks unto Him for them. 
 
 i^tage 117» Question llT. 
 
 SSa^ gel;5rt ju einem folc^en ®ekt, What belongs to such prayer^ 
 
 ba^ ®Dtt gefalle, unb oon 3{)Wi erhört as God is pleased with and will 
 
 »erbe? hear? 
 
 Stntmott» Answee. 
 
 @r|lli(^, bap mir aHein ben einigen First, that from the heart we 
 
 wa'^ren ®ott, ber fi(^ \xM in feinem call only upon the one true God, 
 
 SCBort ^at geoffenbaret, um ^Ke^, ba^ who has revealed Himself to us in 
 
264 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 er ünö ju "bitten Befolgten ^at^), üon 
 l^er^e anrujfen")* Bum anbcrn, ba§ 
 lüir ünfere not^ ünb elenb rec^t grünb* 
 lief) ertennen^), onö für bem angefii^t 
 feiner 90?aieftet 5U bemutigen •)♦ Bum 
 brüten, ba§ wir biefen fejlen grunb 
 ^abtn^), ba§ er onfer geBett, önange^ 
 fe^en bap n>irö »nwirbig feinb, boc^ 
 ümb be^ ip(S9f?3R5fl (S^rifii njitten ge^ 
 n^iflic^ motte erl^oren^), n?ie er on^ in 
 feinem n?ort öerl)eijfen |at^)* 
 
 J) Rom. 8. 1 loh. 5. c) loh. 4. d) 2 Pa. 20. 
 e) Psal. 2. et 34. Esai. 66. /) Rom. 10. lac. 1. 
 <7) loh. 14. Dan. 9. h) Mat. 7. Psal. 143. 
 
 2Bag ^at önö ®ott l)efol^Ien öon Jm 
 ju l)itten ? 
 
 petamus ; ex intimo nostrse indigen- 
 tias ac miserise sensu, nos in con- 
 spectu divinse Majestatis supplices 
 abjiciamus ; huic firmo fundamento 
 innitamur, nos a Deo, quanquam 
 indignos, propter Cliristuni tarnen 
 certo exaudiri, quemadmodum no- 
 bis in verbo suo promisit. 
 
 CXVIII 
 
 Quce sunt ea^ quce a se peti 
 jijibet ? 
 
 Stntmort* 
 
 Wii gcif^tic^e on leiBIic^e notburfft "), Omnia tum animae tum corpori 
 
 XOtl^t ber $(£9?9t S^rijlu^ Begriffen necessaria, quae Dominus noster 
 
 l^at in bem ©eBett, ba^ er ön^ felBfl Jesus Christus ea precatione, quam 
 
 gele^ret* nos ipse docuit, complexus est. 
 
 d) lacob. 1. Mat. 6. 
 
 Sßic lautet balTcIk? 
 
 CXIX. 
 
 QucB est illa precatiof 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 265 
 
 (2r un^ ju Bitten Befo'^Ien ^at, öon ^er^ 
 Jen anrufen; junt Stnbern, ba§ mir 
 unfere ^j'lot!^ unb Stenb rei^t grünbli(^ 
 erlennen, un^ oor bem StngefK^t feiner 
 SO'Jajeftät pi bemüt^igen; jum ;i)ritten, 
 bap mir biefen fejlen ©runb l^abcn, ba§ 
 dx unfer ©ekt, unangefe^en bap mir^ö 
 unmürbig fmb, boc^ um beö ^errn 
 ß^rijlt »iUen geiriflicj) motte erhören, 
 n)ie Sr unö in feinem Sßort oer!^eifen 
 
 His word, for all that He has com- 
 manded us to ask of Him ; second- 
 ly, that we thoroughly know our 
 need and misery, so as to humble 
 ourselves before the face of His 
 Divine Majesty; thirdly, that we 
 be firmly assured, that notwith- 
 standing our unworthiness He will, 
 for the sake of Christ our Lord, 
 certainly hear our prayer, as He 
 has promised us in His word. 
 
 t^rage 118* Question 118. 
 
 2Bag ^at ung ®ott i>efo^Iett »on What has God commanded us to 
 S^m ju Bitten ? ash of Him ? 
 
 SIntmort* 
 
 5Wte gei|it{(i)e unb teiHic^e ^Zof^^ 
 burft, wct^e ber ^err S^riftuö begrtf== 
 fen |at in bem ®eBet, ba^ Sr un^ 
 felBft gele^ret* 
 
 Answee. 
 
 All things necessary for soul and 
 body, which Christ our Lord has 
 comprised in the prayer taught us 
 by Himself. 
 
 grage 119. 
 SOßie lautet baffelk? 
 34 
 
 Question 119. 
 What is the Lord^s Prayer ? 
 
266 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 ^iifcT'; 33ater ber bu bift in 
 ^tmeln» (S5e^>ciliget werbe be in 
 9Zame* Dein 9^ci(^ lome, !Dein 
 »it gefd)et)e, auff erben n?ie im 
 l^imnteU S^nfer tegli(^ brob 
 gib »n^ ^eut* 35nb »ercjib »n^ 
 onfer f<^uU, aU aud) wir oer^ 
 geben onfern fc^iutbigern. 33nb 
 füre on« nic^t in oerfnc^ung, 
 fonber erlofe on« oom befem* 
 Denn bein ijl ba« reic^, onb bic 
 frafft, onb bie ^errligfeit in 
 cwigfeit, 3(nien. 
 
 a) Matt. 6. Luc. 11. 
 
 ^rag. 
 
 Sßarumb ^at on« S^rijhi« kfo^ten 
 ®ott alfo anjurcben, 3Snfer 35ater? 
 Antwort* 
 
 2)a§ er gleii^ im anfang onfer« ge^ 
 Bett« in on« crwecfe bie linblic^e furcht 
 onb juuerfic^t gegen ©ott, iocId)e ber 
 grunb onfer« gebet« fol fein : 5'^emli(i), 
 bap ®ott onfer 25atcr bnr(^ S^rijhim 
 worben fe^, onb toolte on« oiel weniger 
 oerfagen, warumb wir }^n im gtanben 
 bitten, benn onfere 33dter on« Jrbif(I)e 
 bing al)f(^Iagen^)* 
 
 a) Matt. 7. Luc. 11. 
 
 Pater noster, qui es in coelis. 
 Sanctificetur nomen tuum. Veniat 
 regnum tuum. Fiat voluntas tua, 
 queuiadmodum in coelo, sic etiam 
 in terra. Panem nostrum quotidia- 
 num da nobis hodie. Et remitte 
 nobis debita nostra, sicut et nos 
 remittimus debitoribus nostris. Et 
 ne nos inducas in tentationem ; sed 
 libera nos a malo. Quia tuum est 
 regnum, et potentia, et gloria, in 
 secula. Amen, 
 
 cxx. 
 
 Curp?'cecipit Ohrlstus, tit itaDe- 
 um Gompellemus : Pater Noster ?- 
 
 Ut statim in ipso precationis 
 exordio, convenientem Dei filiis re- 
 verentiam et fiduciam erga Deum 
 in nobis excitet, quae nostrse preca- 
 tionis fundamentum esse debet; 
 nimirum, Deum per Christum no- 
 bis Patrem factum esse, et quss 
 vera fide ab eo petimus nobis mul- 
 to minus negare, quam parentes 
 nostri nobis bona terrena denegant. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 26Y 
 
 Antwort» 
 ttnfcr ^attXf t»ct bu Mjl in 
 bcm ^tmmel: ©e^eiltget 
 »erbe bein Ühiinc, !t)eitt 9*tei^ 
 !ommc, X)citt SBiltc gefc^ebe 
 auf Srbcn, »ie im jpimmel. 
 Unfcr täglid) 23rot gicb un^ 
 l^eutc, Unb ücrgicb un^ unfcrc 
 <Sd)uIbcn, ttJte au(^ n?ir öcrgeben 
 unfern (Sd)ulb{gern» Hub fü§rc 
 uuö nt<^t in S5erfud)uttg; fon== 
 bcm erlöfc unö oom 23öfen* 
 Xcnn bctn tfi ba« 9lctd), unb 
 btc Äraft, unb bte ^crtlt(^!ctt 
 tn Swigfeit. 5(men. 
 
 Stage 120* 
 SBarum ^at S^rtjluö befohlen ®ott 
 atfo anjureben : Unfer 35ater? 
 
 5tntn)ott* 
 !Daf dx glei(^ im 5(nfang unfet^ 
 ©ebete in unö etn>e(!e bie ltnbli(l)e 
 ^uti^t unb 3woerfi<^t gegen ®ott, 
 njelc^e ber ©tunb unfetö ©ebetö fott 
 fein; nämtic^, ba^ ®ott unfer 35ater 
 bur(^ S^rtjlum geworben fei, unb moüe 
 un^ oiet weniger oerfagen, warum wir 
 3^n im ©tauben bitten, benn unfere 
 SSäter unö irbifi^e !Dinge abf(^Iagen, 
 
 Answee. 
 Our Father who art in heaven 
 Hallowed be Thy name. Thy 
 kingdom come. Thy will be done 
 in earth, as it is in heaven. Give 
 us this day our daily bread. And 
 forgive us our debts, as we forgive 
 our debtors. And lead us not iuto 
 temptation; but deliver us ft-om 
 evil. For Thine is the kingdom, 
 and the power, and the glory, for 
 ever. Amen. 
 
 Question 120. 
 
 Why has Christ commanded us 
 to address God thus : Our Father ? 
 Answer. 
 
 To awaken in us, at the very be- 
 ginuing of our prayer, that filial 
 reverence and trust toward God, 
 which are to be the ground of our 
 prayer ; namely, that God has be- 
 come our Father through Christ, 
 and will much less deny us what 
 we ask of Him in faith, than our 
 parents refuse us earthly things. 
 
268 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 2Öarum"6 wirb ^tnjugct^an, 2) er 
 bu l)ifl in ^tmmeltt? 
 
 5(ntnjort* 
 S(uff ba§ wir üon ber ^tmlifc^ett 
 mait^tt ®otteö, ntc^t^ irbifc^ geben^ 
 den"), onb »on feiner aümei^tigleit alte 
 notburfft Idh^ önb ber feelen gemar*= 
 ten^)* 
 
 a) lere. 23. Act. 17. 5) Korn. 10. 
 
 ^rag. 
 Sa^iftbieerfteSitt? 
 
 5(nttt?ort, 
 ©c^eitiget werbe bein S'lamc, 
 bag ijt, gi^ üng tx\ilx^ ba§ wir bic^ rec^t 
 erlennen''), »nb bid) in alten beinen 
 mxdtxif in »eichen lenktet beine aU^ 
 mec^tigfeit, weif^eit, gnte, gerec^tigleit, 
 l>arm^er^igleit onb war^eit, ^eiligen, 
 r^men onb ipreifen^). X)arna(^ ani^ 
 baf wir onfer gan^eö leten, gebanto, 
 Wort önb werd ba^in rid)ten, baf bein 
 5Zamc omB onfert Witten nit getejtert, 
 fonber gee^ret önb gepriefen werbe')* 
 
 a) loh. 17. Mat. 16. lac. 1. Psal. 119. 
 h) Psal. 119. Rom. 11. c) Psal. 71. et 115. 
 
 ^tag* 
 SBa^ifibieanber 23itt? 
 
 CXXI. 
 
 Cur additur : Qui es in ccelis ? 
 
 Ne de coelesti maj estate Dei liu- 
 mile quippiam aut terrenum cogi- 
 temus: simul etiam, ut ab ejus 
 omnipotentia, qusecunque animo et 
 corpori sunt necessaria, exspecte- 
 mus. 
 
 CXXII. 
 
 QucB est prima petitio ? 
 
 Saistctificetue nomeit tuum. Hoc 
 est : Da principio, ut te recte agnos- 
 camus, et lucentem in omnibus 
 operibus tuis omnipotentiam, sa- 
 pientiam, bonitatem, justitiam, mi- 
 sericorcliam, et veritatem tuam 
 veneremur, prsedicemus et celebre- 
 mus; deinde, ut universam vitam 
 nostram, cogitationes, sennones et 
 actiones, eo semper dii'igamus, ne 
 sanctissimum nomen tuum propter 
 nos contumelia afficiatur, sed lio- 
 nore potius et laudibus illustretur. 
 
 cxxni. 
 
 Qu(B est secunda petitio ? 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 269 
 
 %xaQt 121* 
 SÖatum mrb l^mjugetl^an : !l)er 
 bu li^ in bent ^intmel? 
 
 5(nttt)ort* 
 5tuf baf tt>ir Don ber ^^imtnlifc^en 
 50iaiejlät ©otte^ m^U Stbtf(^eö ge^ 
 benlen, unb üon feiner Mmäd^ttgfeit 
 aUt S^lot^butft Seiko unb ber ©eele 
 gewarten* 
 
 Question 121. 
 Why is it added: Who aet in 
 Heaven ? 
 
 Answee. 
 That we may liave no eartUy 
 thought of the heavenly majesty 
 of God ; and may expect from His 
 almighty power all things neces- 
 sary for body and soul. 
 
 i^rage 122* 
 S23a^iftbieer|^e23itte? 
 
 Slntmort* 
 ©e^ieiliget »erbe betn 5'Zamc* 
 2)a^ tft: @ie:b un^ erfttid), ba§ »ir 3)i(3j) 
 tec^t eriennen, nnb ^ic^ in aKen beinen 
 SBerlen, in n)el(!)en leuct)tet beine WH^ 
 ntäc^tigteit, SBei^l^eit, ®üte, @erec^^ 
 tigleit, 23arm!^erjigleit unb SBa^r^eit, 
 l^eitigen, rühmen unb greifen; barnad) 
 auc^, baf mir unfer ganjeö Seben, @e* 
 banlen, SBorte unb SBerle, ba^in x\^* 
 ten, ba^ bein 5lame urn unfertwiKen 
 ni(^t geläj^ert, fonbern gee^ret unb ge^ 
 :priefen »erbe* 
 
 Question 122. 
 What is the Jh'st petition f 
 
 Answee. 
 Hallowed be Thy name. That 
 is : Enable us rightly to know 
 Thee, and to hallow, magnify and 
 praise Thee in all Thy works, in 
 which shine forth Thy power, wis- 
 dom, goodness, justice, mercy and 
 truth ; and likewise so to order 
 our whole life, in thought, word 
 and work, that Thy name may not 
 be blasphemed, but honored and 
 praised on our account. 
 
 ^rage 123« 
 SCßa^iftbiesmeite Sitte? 
 
 Question 123. 
 What is the second petition ? 
 
270 
 
 CATECHISMÜS. 
 
 3u!om betn ditiä), bap ij!, fftt^ 
 giere ön^ atfo bur(^ bein mort onb geijt, 
 ba§ njir öttö btr je lenger Je me^r önber^ 
 wer jfen "") : erhalt onb tne^re beinc !ir^ 
 (^eu ^)f üub jerftore bte mer^J beö ^euffel^, 
 unb alten gen)alt ber fit^ lutber bic^ ergebt, 
 ünb alte bofe ra^tfi^Iege, bie n)iber bein 
 l^eilige^ »ort erbac^t werben '^), Mp bie 
 üolfomen^eit beine^ 'tRdä)^ ()er|u lome*^), 
 barin bu wirft atle^ in altem fein')* 
 
 d) Matt. 6. Psal. 119. et 143. h) Psal. 51. et 
 122. c) 1 loh. 3. Rom. 16, d) Apoc. 22. Rom. 
 8. e) 1 Cor. 15. 
 
 Sagiflbiebritte23itt? 
 
 Stntwort* 
 1)txn 333il gef^e^e auff erben 
 wie im ^immel, baö ift, »erleide baf 
 wir ünb atte menf(^en onferm eigenen 
 Witten al^fagen''), ünb beinem attein 
 guten Witten one atte^ wiberfpred)en ge^ 
 ^ord^en''), bap atfo jeberman fein am))t 
 ünb Beruff fo wittig ünb trewtid^ auf^ 
 rii^te"), wie bie Sngel im ^immet^)* 
 
 a) Matt. 16. Tit. 2. 5) Luc. 22. c) 1 Cor. 7. 
 d) Psal. 108. 
 
 ^tag* 
 S3}aötftbieüierbe23itt? 
 
 VeITIAT EEGiniM TUUM. HoC CSt ! 
 
 Eegas nos ita verbo et Spiritu tuo, 
 ut nos tibi magis magisque sub- 
 jiciamus; conserva et äuge Eccle- 
 siani tuam ; destrue opera Diaboli, 
 omnemque potentiam se adversus 
 majestatem tuam efferentem ; irrita 
 fac omnia consilia, quae contra ver- 
 bum tuum capiuntur, quoad plena 
 tandem ac perfecte regnes, cum eris 
 omnia in omnibus. 
 
 CXXIV. 
 
 QucB est tertia petitio? 
 
 Fiat volijntas tua, quemadmo- 
 dum ln ccelo, sic etiam in tekea. 
 Hoc est : Da ut nos et omnes homi- 
 nes, voluntati proprise renunciantes, 
 tuse voluntati, quse sola est sancta, 
 prompte et sine ullo murmure pa- 
 reamus, atque ita singuli manda- 
 tum nobis munus fideliter et ala- 
 criter exequamur, quemadmodum 
 faciunt Angeli in coelo. 
 
 cxxv. 
 
 QucB est quarta petitiof 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 211 
 
 5(ntwort* 
 
 ;Dein ffttxö) lomnte* !Da^ tfi: 
 Sflegiete unö alfo buret) bein 2Öort unb 
 ©etj^, baf »it xin^ 2)ir je länger je 
 nte^r untertt>erfen ; erhalte unb nte^re 
 beine ^nä)t, unb jerftöre bte Serie beö 
 3;eufel^ unb alle ©ewalt, bte ft(^ tüiber 
 2)t^ er^eBt, unb aUt t)öfen 9?at§fd}Iäge 
 bie miber bein !^eiltge^ Sßort erbad)t 
 tuerben, M^ bte S3onfommen^eit betneö 
 ^Ret^ö ^erjulomnte, barin ^u toix^ 
 mi^ in Altern fein. 
 
 ^^rage 124* 
 SBa^tf^ bie britte Sitte? 
 
 Sfntmort* 
 2)ein SÖille gefd)e^e auf Sr^ 
 ben, mie im Fimmel* T)a^ t|!: 
 S5erlei^e, baf tuir unb alte 5!}?enfc^en 
 unferm eigenen SÖiüen aBfagen, itnb 
 beinern aüein guten SÖtKen ol^ne atleö 
 SÖiberfprec^en ge^cr(i)en ; ha^ alfo 3^^ 
 berntann fein 5(mt unb 33eruf fo »inig 
 unb txtväxä) au0ri(^te, n?ie bie Sngel 
 im ^immeL 
 
 AisrswEE. 
 Tht KINGDOM COME. That is: 
 So govern us by Thy word and 
 Spirit, that we may submit our- 
 selves unto Thee always more and 
 more; preserve and increase Thy 
 Church ; destroy the works of the 
 Devil, every power that exalteth 
 itself against Thee, and all wicked 
 devices formed against Thy holy 
 word, until the full coming of Thy 
 kingdom, wherein Thou shalt be 
 all in all. 
 
 Question 124. 
 What is the third petition f 
 
 Answer. 
 Thy will be done in eaeth as 
 IT IS IN HEAVEN. That is : Grant 
 that we and all men may renounce 
 our own will, and yield ourselves, 
 without gainsaying, to Thy will 
 which alone is good ; that so every 
 one may fulfil his office and calling, 
 as willingly and truly as the angels 
 do in heaven. 
 
 Oarage 125* 
 
 Bag i|lbiei)ierte33itte? 
 
 Question 125. 
 What is the fourth petition 
 
272 
 
 CATECmSMUS. 
 
 (S3tB ütiö l^eut ünfer tegtic^ 
 Br ob, ba0 x% mUt\t m^ mit alter 
 telMii^en notburfft üerforgc "), aitff ba§ 
 wir barburcf) erfennen, ba§ bu ber einig 
 orfprung atleö guten Uft^), mtb bap 
 one beinen fegen, weber önfere forgen 
 önb arkit, nod) beine gaben onö ge* 
 beien"), onb mir ber^^albe onfer oer^* 
 tratoen üon alten Sreatnren abjie^^en, 
 ün altein auff bi(^ fe^en^)* 
 
 a) Psal, 104. et 145. Matt. 6. h) Act. 14. et 
 ir. c) 1 Cor. 15. Deut. 8. Psal. 37. d) Psal. 
 55. et 62. 
 
 grag. 
 
 SßaHftbiefünffteS3itt? 
 5tnt»ort* 
 
 S5ergiB ünö onfcre f(^ulb, aU 
 au(^ ioir »ergeben onfern fct)ut^ 
 bigern, ba^ ift, iootteft on^ armen 
 fünbern atte ünfere miffet^at, auö) baö 
 bofe, fo onö no(^ jmerbar ansenget umb 
 beö blut^ (E^xifti njilten nit jure^nen ''), 
 joie au^ n)ir bif ^eugnup beiner gnab 
 in on^ beftnben, ba§ ünfer ganzer für== 
 fa^ iji, unferm ne(^fien oon ^er^e juuer^ 
 gei^en^). 
 
 ä) Psal. 51. et 143. 1 loh. 2. l) Mat. 6. 
 
 Pa]s:em nostrum quotidianüm da 
 NOBIS HODiE. Hoc est : Suppedita 
 nobis omnia, quae ad lianc vitam 
 sunt necessaria ; nt per ea agnosca- 
 mus te unicmn fontem esse, ex quo 
 omnia bona emanant, ac nisi tu 
 benedicas, omnem nostram curam 
 et industriam, atque adeo tua ip- 
 sius dona, nobis infelicia et noxia 
 esse. Quapropter da, ut fiduciam 
 nostram, ab omnibus creaturis aver- 
 sam, in te solo coUocemus. 
 
 CXXVI. 
 
 Qu(^ est quinta petitio f 
 
 Remitte nobis debita nostea, 
 sicüt et nos eemittimüs debitoei- 
 bus nostris. Hoc est : Ne nobis, mis- 
 errimis peccatoribus, omnia peccata 
 nostra, atque eam etiam pravitatem, 
 quae in nobis etiamnum baeret, prop- 
 ter Christi sanguinem imputes; 
 quemadmodum nos quoque hoc tu83 
 gratiae testimonium in cordibus nos- 
 tris sentimus, quod firmiter nobis 
 propositum habemus, omnibus, qui 
 nos offenderunt, ex animo ignoscere. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 2T3 
 
 Unfer tägli(!) 23tot gteB un^ 
 ]^ c u t e . X)a^ {ft : Sottejl un^ mit alter 
 leiMidjen 9^ot^burft üerfotgen, auf ba^ 
 wir babiirc!) crfennen, ba§ !Du ber einige 
 Urfprung alle^ ®uten U^, imb bap 
 o^ne beinen ©egen n?eber imfere ®or^ 
 gen nnb Strkit, nccf) beine ©akn unö 
 gebeil)en, unb mir ber^alkn unfer ^tx^ 
 trauen üon alkn (Kreaturen abjie^en, 
 unb altein auf 2)ic^ fe|en* 
 
 Answee. 
 Give us this day oue daily 
 BEEAD. That is: Be pleased to 
 provide for all our bodily need; 
 that we may thereby know that 
 Thou art the only fountain of all 
 good, and that without Thy bless- 
 ing, neither our care and labor, nor 
 Thy gifts can profit us ; and may 
 therefore withdraw our trust from 
 all creatures, and place it alone in 
 Thee. 
 
 - ^^rage 126» 
 
 SBaHftbie fünfte 33itte? 
 Stntmort* 
 
 SSergieb unö unfere (Sd)ul* 
 ben, n>ie ana) wir oergeBen un^ 
 fern@d)ulbigern» 5)aöift: SBoIteft 
 un^ armen ©ünbern alte unfere 9}Jiffe* 
 t^at, auä) ba0 23öfe fo un^ no(^ im^ 
 merbar aufhänget, um beö SStutö d^rifti 
 mitten ni(^t jure($ncn, wie aud) mir bieö 
 3eugnif beincr ©nabe in unö ftnben, 
 baf unfer ganjer 3?orfa| x% unferm 
 9iäct)|len üon iperjen ju öerjei^en* 
 
 Question 126. 
 What is the fifth petition f 
 
 Answee. 
 And foegive us oue debts as 
 WE foegive oue debtoes. That 
 is: Be pleased, for the sake of 
 Christ's blood, not to impute to 
 us, miserable sinners, our manifold 
 transgressions, nor the evil which 
 still always cleaves to us; as we 
 also find this witness of Thy grace 
 in us, that it is our full purpose 
 heartily to forgive our neighbor. 
 
 35 
 
274 
 
 CATECHISMUS. 
 
 2Baöi|^biefe#e33ttt? 
 
 55n für onö nit in öetfu(^üg, 
 fonber exlofe on^ öom tiefen, 
 bag ij^, bieweit mir aup ünö fetbj! fo 
 f(^n)a(^ fein, ba§ mir nit einen augen^ 
 Uid I)ef!et;en fonnen^), onb barju »n^ 
 fere abgefagtc feinb, b* ^Ueufel^), bie 
 ttjetf), »nb iinfer eigen ffeifd)*^), nit 
 auffl;oren ünö anjnfec^ten: fo moHeft 
 jjn0 erhalten onb fteriJen bnrd) bie txa^t 
 beineö (;eiligen ©eijlc^, auff bj mir jnen 
 möge fejle miberfianb t^un, on in bie^ 
 fern geifttii^e ftreit nit önben ligen^), 
 U^ ba§ mir entli(^ ben fieg öolfomlic^ 
 bel^alten^)* 
 
 a) loh. 15. Psal. 103. I) 1 Pet. 5. Ephes. 6. 
 e) loh, 15. d) Eom. 7. Galat. 5. e) Mat. 26. 
 Mar. 13. /) 1 Thess. 3. et 5. 
 
 CXXVII. 
 
 Quce est sextapetitiof 
 
 Ne NOS INDUCAS IIS" TENTATIONEM ; 
 SED LIBEEA NOS A MALO. HoC est : 
 
 Quoniam ipsi natura adeo debiles 
 et infirmi sumus, ut ne momento 
 quidem subsistere possimus ; infen- 
 sissimi autem bostes Eostri, Satan, 
 mundiis, ac nostra ipsorum caro, 
 nos continenter oppugnant ; tu nos 
 sustentes, et Spiiitus tui robore 
 firmes, ne in boc spirituali certa- 
 mine succumbamus, sed fortiter il- 
 lis tantisper resistamus, donee inte- 
 gram tandem victoriam obtinea- 
 mus. 
 
 Stag. CXXVIII. 
 
 2Öie 6ef(^Ieuj^ bu bi§ ®e~&et ? Quomodo condudis precationem 
 
 tuam ? 
 
 Stntmort. 
 
 X>cnn bein i|^ ba^ JReid), bie Quia tuum est eegnttm, et poten- 
 
 Irafft, onb bie ^errligfeit in tia, et glokia in secula. Hoc est: 
 
 cmig!eit, baö ij!, ©Dlii)^ aHeö Mtten Omnia bsec a te petimus, quia cum 
 
 mir barumb oon bir, ba§ bu alö onfer et rex noster, et omnipotens sis, 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 275 
 
 grage 127* 
 2ßa0ij^Mefecj)ftc^itte? 
 
 Unb füllte un^ nic^t in S5er^ 
 fud>ung; fonbern erlöfe unö 
 öom 23 Öfen* !5)a^ ifl: 2)ten>eit wir 
 auö unö felBft fo f(!)n?a(^ fmb, ba^ n)ir 
 nic^t einen 5(ugenHi(J Befielen lonncn, 
 unb bajn unfere aBgefagten ^einbe, bcr 
 ^Teufel, bie 2BeIt, unb xmfer eigen 
 f^Ieifd), nid)t aufl;ören unö anzufechten ; 
 fo woUt^ T)U unö erhalten unb ftärfen 
 burc^ bie ^raft be^ !^eitigen ©eifteö, 
 auf ba§ mx i^nen mögen fefien SBiber^ 
 j!anb t^un, unb in biefem geiftli^en 
 ©trcit nic^t unterliegen, W ba§ tüir 
 enbli(| ben ®ieg ooHfommen Behalten* 
 
 Question 127. 
 What is the sixth petition f 
 
 Answee. 
 And lead us not into tempta- 
 tion; BUT DELIVER US FROM EVIL. 
 
 That is : Since we are so weak in 
 ourselves, tLat we can not stand a 
 moment; while our deadly ene- 
 mies, the Devil, the world and our 
 own flesh, assail us without ceas- 
 ing ; be pleased to preserve and 
 strengthen us by the power of Thy 
 Holy Spirit, that we may make 
 firm stand against them, and not 
 sink in this spiritual war, until we 
 come off at last with complete vic- 
 tory. 
 
 ^rage 128. 
 3Bie i)ef^Iie§e|! bu biefeö ©etet? 
 
 Question 128. 
 How do you close this Prayer 
 
 5(ntn)ort* 
 
 >Dcnn bein ift ba^ 9^ei^, unb 
 
 btc ^raft, unb bie ^errlic^feit 
 
 in (Smigfeit. 5)aöi|^: ©olc^e^atte^ 
 
 bitten mir barum oon ÜDir, weit X)u at^ 
 
 Answer. 
 For Thine is the kingdom, and 
 
 THE power, and THE GLORY, FOE 
 
 EVER. That is : AH this we ask of 
 Thee, because as our King, having 
 
276 
 
 CATECHISMIJS. 
 
 ^onig, öub alter bing ntec^ttg, ön^ at(eö omnia nobis et vis et potes largiri ; 
 
 gutö geku milj^, önb lanft"), »nb bap atque lisec quidem ideo petimus, ut 
 
 baburd) ntc^t iDir, fonber betn ^eiliger ex iis non ad nos, sed ad sanctum 
 
 3lami emig fol gejjriefen mcrbe^)* nomen tuum omnis gloria redeat. 
 
 a) Rom. 10. 2 Pet. 2. I) loh. 14. Psal. 115. 
 
 fBa^ kbeut ha^ tobxtlm, Stmen» 
 
 CXXIX. 
 
 Quid sibi vult pa/rticula : Amen ' 
 
 ^tntJDOtt* 
 Stmen l^ei^ bae fot war »nb gemi§ 
 fetn* 3)ettn mein gekt üiel gewtffer 
 oon ®ott erl)6ret i|^, benn ic^ in ntet^ 
 nem ^er^en fule, bap ic^ folcj)e^ üon 
 i^m t)egere'')* 
 
 a) 2 Cor. 1. 2 Tim. 2. 
 
 Amen signiiicat: Fiat, sen vera 
 adimpleatur; nam precatio mea 
 multo certius a Deo est exaudita, 
 quam ego in corde meo sentio, me 
 illud ex animo cupere. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 277 
 
 unfer Äonig, unb aUtx X)ittge mä(i)tig, 
 uit^ aUt^ ®ute gekn voxUft unb lannj^, 
 unb bap babuT(^ ntc^t rt>[x, fonbern betn 
 l^eiliger S^lame et»tg foK gepriefen wer^ 
 ben* 
 
 ^rage 129, 
 Sßaö kbeutet ba^ aßörtlem: 
 Stmen? 
 
 ^(ntnjott* 
 5(men ^ei§t: 3)aö fott n?a^r unb 
 genjtf fein; benn mein @ekt oiel ge= 
 miJTet »on ®ott erhöret ifl, benn t(^ in 
 meinem ^erjen füi)le, bap i^ folc^eö 
 jjon 3^^ IjegeT^re* 
 
 power over all tMngs, Thou art 
 botli willing and aible to give us 
 all good ; and tliat thereby not we, 
 but Thy holy Name may be glori- 
 fied for ever. 
 
 Question 129. 
 What is the meaning of the 
 word: Amen? 
 
 Answer. 
 Amen means: So shall it truly 
 and surely be. For my prayer is 
 much more certainly heard of God, 
 than I feel in my heart that I de- 
 sire these things of Him. 
 
Date Due 
 
u 
 
 •tlB^'i 
 
 ■«.•^ 
 
 VI