c THE ACTS A N D MONUMENT S, BY JOHN FOXE. EDITED BY REV. M. IIOBART SEYMOUR, M.A. C ////>,/ tr,/ /-» 'J,-/// Vc^>/>„ j^l'-ulhu-'tou if- C? Londm S: liSuibui^'J' FOX'S «c 4o ».}^ '^-i viM ¥0^ tltlifi. *,»,|y ®oi1iirts of tijt |i((jiiisitkit. L^ll\^ ¥(Q)t=3Tl iMM gSi BIE0ABWAY, ??!e!ll',3S0 4Mm^^ THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS OF THE CHURCH; CONTAINING THE HISTORY AND SUFFERINGS OF THE MARTYRS: WHEREIN IS SET FORTH AT LARGE THE WHOLE RACE AND COURSE OF THE CHURCH, FROM THE PRIMITIVE AGE TO THESE LATER TIMIIB. A PRELIMINxVRY DISSERTATION OS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHUECH OF ROME THAT NOW IS, AND THE ANCIENT CHUECH OP EOME THAT THEN WAS. / BY JOHN FOXE. WITH A MEMOIE OF THE AUTHOE, BY HIS SOJT. A NEW EDITION, WITH FIVE APPENDICES, CONTAINING ACCOUNTS OF THE MASSACEKS IN^ FEANCE ; THE DESTEUCTIOX OF THE SPANISH AKMADA ; THE lEISU EEBELLION i:jf THE TEAK 1641; THE GUNPOWDER TREASON; AND A TEAOTi SHOWING THAT THE EXECUTIONS OF PAPISTS IN QUEEN ELIZABETU's EEIGN WEEE FOK TEEA60N, AND NOT FOE HEEESY. THE WHOLE CAREFULLY REVISED, OORRECTED, AND CONDENSED. BY THE EEV. M. HOBAUT SEYMOUR, M.A., AUTHOR OF "a PILGRIMAGE TO ROME." NEW YORK : ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS, 285 BROADWAY. 1855. EDITOR'S PREFACE TO THE PRESENT EDITION. The energies exhibited of late, by tho emissaries of the Church of Rome, for the re-estab- lishment of her influence in this country, have loudly demanded the republication of those works with which our forefathers withered her influence, and baSled her energies. There is no volume in the range of our literature, that has been more effective in maintaining the principles of the Reformation — that noblest of all achievements — than the Acts and Monu- ments of Martyrs, by Master John Foxe. It is this conviction which has induced the pre- sent edition of that admirable work. When we speak of the Church of Rome, we speak of a religious, though a fatally erring community. But when we speak of the Papacy, we allude to an ecclesiastical system, which not only teaches such absurdities as Transubstaiitiation — such blasphemies as the Sacrifice of the Mass — such idolatry as the Worship of Saints — and such a novelty as her Creed, but also has elevated an Italian Bishop to the throne of an Italian Prince, who has territories, and broad domains, and numerous subjects of his own, and placed him in such a peculiar position, that he can bind, by solemn oaths, and demand allegiance from, a portion of the subjects of every other prince. This man — combining in himself the offices of Priest and King — has been raised to such a lofty pinnacle of secular authority, that he can control, punish, or re- ward a portion of the subjects of other Princes, so as to secure to himself the service and fealty of all those who, as members of the priesthood, possess eitber power or influence in other states. We must not regard this as a purely spiritual power, for those persons are bound by the most solemn oaths — not to defend the royalties of their liege sovereign, but — to de- fend, to the utmost of their power, the usurped or pretended royalties of this Italian Bishop, in the heart of every other state. It is a fearful, and a melancholy fact, that in our own fair England, palmy and beautiful England — the land of the brave, and the home of the free — there should be many hundreds of men, holding and wielding a certain influence in the land, who have been appointed by this foreign potentate, who ought to have no authority in this realm, and who have sworn — not to maintain the royalties of the sovereign of England, but — to maintain the royalties of this Italian Prince.* As loyal subjects of the sovereign of England, and as liege subjects of the King of kings, we never can consent that this Italian Potentate should possess authority in this realm. We feel that the experience of this nation, and the history of the world have proved, that he ex- ercises his authority to minister to his own ambition, and to the degradation of mankind, and that the ecclesiastical system of Rome is a mighty confederacy against the civil liberties, and religious privileges of man. We likewise feel that the emissaries of this system have never been very scrupulous as to the means of accomplishing their ends. It may be the darkening • The Court of Rome has at present — A.D. 1850— above eight hundred Missionaiy Priests in England. A ii EDITOR'S PREFACE. of a nation's glory, as in the time of King John of England. It may be the sundering of all the civil ties of man, as in the history of the German emperors. It may be the massacre of thousands, as in France, on the day of St. Bartholomew. It may be the tortures of an In- quisition, as in the atmosphere of Spain. It may be the most terrible persecution, as in the reign of Mary, of England. Any, and all means are alike welcome to accomplish the objects of that church, and there is at all times an ample agency, in the Bishops, and Priests — in the Monks and Friars of Rome. By such agency and such means the most potent Monarchs of Europe have been humbled; the most noble Princes of Christendom have been ruined; Em- perors have been dethroned, and Kings trampled under foot; Nations have flowed with blood, and Kingdoms have been broken into dust — all to satiate the ambition of an Italian Priest, who, while professing to be meek and lowly, compelled imperial potentates to kiss his feet, and accept their crowns and kingdoms at his hands. When we contemplate this system — though shorn of much of its power and splendour — concentrating its energies in connexion with all the peculiar doctrines and discipline of the Church of Eome, and endeavouring with all its powers to re-establish her influence in this country, it is high time for every lover of religious liberty, and every friend of civil freedom to make those efforts which seem best calculated to prevent so terrible a calamity. The Church of Rome has never abandoned her claim to this country; and from the age of the Reformation to the present time, she has repeated her efi'orts to re-assert that claim with an untiring perseverance. We shall touch on the chief of those efi'orts which she has made from time to time in this country. In the time of good King Edward VI. the Church of England was completely emancipated from the influence of these Italian ecclesiastics. The stately and venerable pile which had been marred by the hand of time, was restored to its primitive beauty. Its goodly pillars, that had been overgrown with the mould of years; and its noble arches, that had been over- spread with many corruptions, were cleared of all that deformed them. The minions of Priestcraft, who had made it a den of thieves, and had driven their merchandise of men's souls within her porches, were removed, and the Church of England returned to her original and apostolic purity. Had the life of this young and gentle Prince been spared, the religious freedom of England had been established beyond the possibility of danger. But it was the purpose of God to scourge this nation with a scourge of scorpions, so as to teach us to cherish an undying hatred of the whole system of Popery, that the memory of its horrors, and its cruelties, might live in the minds of our children, and our children's children, that so there might be cherished among us a high and unwavering resolve that it should never again be established in this country. Edward was taken to his rest, and Mary ascended the throne. We know not what feminine amiabilities she may have naturally possessed, but we do know that she surrendered herself into the hands of the Italian Priests, and they, to use the lan- guage of our Redeemer, " made her two-fold more the child of hell than themselves." It was on the accession of this queen that the Papacy made its first efiective eflforts to re- establish its influence in this land; Mary, with more zeal than prudence, restored the reign of Popery. To that reign we are to look for a true portraiture of this Italian religion, when possessing influence in a Protestant nation. It is not by the unauthorised professions of mo- dern members of that system, softened and attenuated for a purpose, that we are to look for a living exhibition of its character, but we are to read the records of those times, wherein the Papacy possessed the power of accomplishing its own purposes, and unfolding its own characteristics. If we desire to know the fierceness of the lion, or the ferocity of the tiger, we must view them, not with their teeth drawn, and their claws extracted, and confined within cages of iron, but as in their native wildness they range the forest, or crouch in the juncde. We must form our judgment of the nature of Popery, not from her present chained and fettered state, but from the tendencies she displayed when she possessed power and in- fluence in the nation, and could without restraint accomplish her purposes. EDITOR'S PREFACE. lU ' The peculiar characteristic of the effort made in this reign to restore the dominion of the Papacy was Persecution. Mary commenced her career. with a fearful abandonment of moral principle. She pledged herself to the men of Norfolk and Suffolk, who had embraced the principles of the Reformation, that if tliey would assist in placing her upon the throne, she would never interfere with the Protestant principles of the nation. On this pledge she in- duced them to take arms in her cause, and they placed her triumphantly on the throne. Her whole reign was one continued act of perfidy to that pledge.* The system of persecu- tion which she put in force, was the most awful exhibition of cruelty, and cold and deliberate blood-guiltiness, that the records of our race present to us. There may have been at other times, and in other lands, persecution as terrible and as bloody; but this continued through the whole five years of her reign. The loftiest in the land were its martyrs, and a woman was the perpetrator. No rank, or virtue, or learning, gave exemption to the possessor — Cranmer, Ridley, Lati- mer, Hooper, Farrer, — all bishops of the church, were removed from their sees — degraded from their office — cast into prison, and finally martyred amidst the fires. Many hundreds of Christian souls were persecuted to the death.t Two persons were publicly appointed in every parish, to discover and inform against every Protestant who refused to conform to Popery. They were then apprehended, examined, and, if they still refused, martyred. Many thousands were thus compelled to fly their homes, their properties, and their country, to seek in foreign lands a welcome that was denied them in their father-land. Among these fugi- tives was Master John Foxe, the justly celebrated Author of this justly celebrated Work, "The Acts and Monuments of Martyrs," wherein we have the only full and faithful narration of the cruelty of this persecution, in which men, women, children, without regard to age or sex, were indiscriminately martyred. Sometimes five, and sometimes ten were consumed in one fire, and on one occasion three women were burned at one stake, and — the blood runs cold while we write it — when one of them, under the pain of the flames, travailed with child, and one of the multitude, more humane than the rest, rescued the new-born babe, the autho- rities commanded it instantly to be burned with its mother! When such scenes were trans- acted under the authority of one who was herself a woman, we may well feel that there is an alchemy in Popery, that if it finds us angels can transform us into devils. The death of this woman, whose only claim u2)on our respect is that, like one of old, she was " a king's daughter," stayed the work of persecution, and thus rendered ineffectual the first great effort of the Papacy to re-establish itself in this country. The accession of Eliza- beth freed the Church of England from Italian influence, and settled it upon surer pillars, and more steadfast foundations than ever. The noble spirit of this Queen was such as became the monarch of this gallant nation, over whose destinies she presided. When, by that act of Popish perfidy — the massacre of St. Bar- tholomew— the streets of Paris flowed with the blood of her Protestant sons, the French ambassador appeared at the court of Elizabeth. He looked around for the splendour and chivalry of England. His cheek paled. The court of Elizabeth was arrayed in the deepest mourning! Under her reign this country stood forth the friend and protector of the reformed religion both at home and abroad, and the grand antagonist of the Papal system. It was therefore scarcely to be expected that with an enemy so powerful, persevering, and unscrupulous as Popery, this country could be left in tranquillity. The second great effort for the re-estab- lishment of the Church of Rome, unfolded a system of internal rebellion and foreign in- vasion. Pope Pius was pleased in A. D. 1570, for the accomplishment of this effort, to issue his * One of the most interesting historical documents ever read, is the petition of these men of Norfolk, and Suffolk, to the Queen's Council, in the time of persecution. It will be found at p. 913. + Grindal, who lived during this period, says the number was 800 ; others estimate it at half that number. IV EDITOR'S PREFACE. bull anathematising the Queen of Enirland, and absolving all her subjects of their oaths of allegiance. " The nobles, subjects, and inhabitants of England," says this audacious n)ani- festo, " who have in any way sworn to her, we declare to be absolved for ever fiom any such oath, and from all manner of duty, allegiance, and obedience, as we do by the authority of these presents absolve them, and do deprive the said Elizabeth of her pretended right to the kingdom, and all other things aforesaid. We command and interdict all nobles, subjects, people, and others aforesaid, that they presume not to obey her mandates, monitions, or laws. Those who shall act otherwise we bind under a similar sentence of anathema," &c. This Italian Priest, not contented with thus anathematising the Queen of England, and blasphemously assuming to absolve the people of England from their allegiance, proceeded to two other measures that strikingly illustrate the character of the Papacy. He first sent cer- tain Jesuits into Ireland with bulls, authorising them to raise the inhabitants of that island in rebellion against England. They unhappily accomplished his purpose there. He then took upon him to make over the realm of England, its crown, its revenues, and its dependencies as a gift to Philip of Spain. There too he succeeded in inducing that prince to equip the celebrated Armada, and prepare for an invasion of England. Such were the means by which it was proposed to re-establish Popery in this land. Re- bellion in Ireland — treason in England — a foreign invasion in both! But, by the Providence of God, the rebellion in Ireland was crushed, the treason in Eng- land baffled, and the armada of Spain destroyed. We could mourn over the fate of that gal- lant armament, were we not acquainted with its object. The pomp of the chivalry of Spain, the flower of all her gallant youth were there. All that high hope could expect from noble darinf', and all that the enthusiasm of superstition could achieve, might have been expected there. The voice of Papal infallibility had proclaimed it invincible. It walked the mighty ocean in its pride. It spread its fluttering wings for the shores of England. But an Angel of Heaven was moving over it unseen. The winds rushed in their fury above it. The waves swept in their madness beneath it. There were fearless hearts before them, and mighty arms to meet them. The chivalry of England manned her fleets, and the yeomanry of Eng- land lined her shores; and this "invincible armada," scattered on the deep, or stranded on our cliffs, strewed our shores with the mouldering bones of the youth of Spain. Thus ended the second great efibrt to restore the influence of Rome in this country. Its characteristics were rebellion and invasion — suitable precursors of the next attempt of these Italian Priests. The vigour of Elizabeth's government was felt even after her death. James I. received a kini)pulation on one hand, and the political party to whom the emissaries of Rome have allied themselves, on the other hand, seem to promise still more ample success to their unwearied Vlh EDITOR S PREFACE. exertions. They hesitate no longer to avow their expectation, that this nation will return to the bosom of the Church of Rome. This state of things is pregnant with the most disastrous consequences to the Protestantism of England, and demands the mightiest efforts that Christians and Protestants can make for the defence of our faith. They have a mighty adversary, against which they have to con- tend, in the Church of Rome; but they have a still mightier treasure to preserve, in the true religion established among us. It may truly be said of England, as of Israel, iu the day of her blessedness, that she is a great and understanding nation, that there is no nation that hath God so nigh, or to which he hath given such statutes and ordinances, that we might walk in them, and live in them, and be a delightsome land. We have, by the Reformation, an Eng- lish Service^ and an open Bible. We have, by the Revolution, all the religious liberty that Christians can wish, and all the civil liberty that good subjects can desire. Shall it be, that such matchless treasures shall be lost by our apathy? Shall it be, that by our indifference, we shall again be doomed to come under Italian influence, blighting our morals — withering our privileges — destroying our liberties — our homes ceasing to be happy; and our altars ceasing to be free? Shall it be, that the souls of our children, and our chil- dren's children, shall become the merchandise of Friars, and their morals become contaminated by the Priests of the Confessional? Shall their birthright of an open Bible, and an Eng- lish Service, and a freedom to think and judge for tliemselves, be taken from them by our apathy, or neglect? It were better that the blast of death should sweep through the land, and as of old leave the firstborn dead in every house; and that the wail of the desolate, and the cry of the mourning should be heard on every wind, and echoed from every home, than that a calamity so disastrous as this should befall our fatherland. Then, indeed, would the dark spirit of Popery be traced by the fall of our fanes and the ruin of our altars; and she would erect her throne amidst the fallen columns, the crumbling arches, and the mouldering aisles of the Temple of Protestantism. Then, indeed, would the glory of Britain — not the triunij)hs of her iron-hearted battalions on the battle-field, nor of her bannered masts upon the wave — not the treasure of her gold and silver and precious stones, nor the countless navies that waft to her shores the merchandise of the world — but her truest and her best, the Glory of her essential Protestantism be departed; and if ever such an eclipse shall darken it, then will " Ichaboil" be written upon her ruins, and "The glory is departed," become the requiem of fallen England. It is with the view of strengthening the religious principles of Protestantism, in the con- victions of the People of England, and with the view of exhibiting fully and faithfully before their eyes, a living portraiture of the Papacy, that this Family Edition of the Acts and Mon- uments of Martyrs, has been published. It is imj)ossible for a mind, candid and unprejudiced, to peruse this work and to think otherwise of it, than that it was a noble production for its age, and an invaluable compila- tion for any age. ^Master John Foxe, who was born in the same year that Luther com- menced the Reformation, has collected together those scattered registries, and official docu- ments, and original writings, respecting the Martyrs of Protestantism, which had been long since lost to the Church, were it not for his assiduity and zeal. He had access to Diocesan Registries, which are now h)st for ever; excepting in those extracts which he has made from them. They give the official account of the articles charged against the Martyrs, and their answers to the same, in public courts. He had access to some documents, as Monitions, and Proclamations, which now are only to le found in the pages of this work; and which illus- trate the spirit and tendencies of the times. He had access to many of the Martyrs them- selves, and possessed their own original statements, written by their own hands, detailing the course of their previous sufferings, and the methods of their examination. These have all Ion" since passed away for ever, except so far as they have been preserved in these Acts and Monuments. This is sufficient, of itself, to make the work an invaluable treasure; as an extensive compilation of evidences, and materials for the general historian; and especially for EDITOR'S PREFACE. ix those who feel an interest in the confessions of those Martyrs of the Anglican Church, who were " slain for the word of God, and for the testimony which they heUl;" and whose blood proved such prolific seed for the Cliurch of England. The greater portion of the work is a compila- tion of these original documents. He gives them to the world as such, and exhibits no trace of that vanity which has tempted so many to clothe original materials in more modern phraseo- logy, so as to pass them current as their own; and sure we are, that the name of John Foxe will live green in the memory of our children, ami our children's children, when his envious and malicious detractors shall have passed into obliviim. It could scarcely be expected that, in times like the present, when every effort is being made to bring the character of our Reformers and the principles of the Reformation into con- tempt and obloquy, a work of such immense importance as that of John Foxe, could escape the malicious assaults of the avowed enemies of Protestant Christianity, or the insidious efforts of the traitors now concealed in the cloistered shades of the Church of England. Those assaults and efforts have been made, and have just thus far succeeded in proving that this great production was not the production of absolute inspiration, — that the author, compelled like all historians to ac(?ept the statements of others on particulars of minute or minor impor- tance, has fallen into some slight mistakes, — mistakes so slight in their nature, and so few in their number, that there is no historian of either times past, or times present, who has exhibited a work of the same extent so free from errors, or so safely to be relied on in all the grand objects which he contemplated. He lived in the times of which he wrote, and devoted the greater portion of his work to them. He collected the official registers or ori- ginal documents. He compiled and published them for the benefit of posterity. And the deference, which all learned historians and all sound divines pay to his authority, is a monu- ment to his ability, his learning, and his honesty, which will live for ever, when the very names of his detractors wdl be utterly forgotten. The volume still remains the first, the best, and the most certain authority for either the Historian or the Divine, in all the wide field upon which it enters in laying open the workings of Romanism at the age of the Reformation. The work proposes to give a general sketch of the history of the Christian Church — a more detailed account of the Church of England — an accurate portraiture of the rise, and pro- gress, and genius, of the Church of Rome — and finally, the most full and ample account of the examinations, sufferings, and martyrdoms, of those holy men of God who were the strength and ornament of the Protestantism of this land. The edition which we now present to the public, possesses certain peculiarities which require to be noticed. I. There is a large mass of official documents and forms, which, though interesting to the writers of history, possess no interest or value for the religious, or general reader. They seem to have been published by Foxe, more with the view of preserving them as records, than in the expectation that they would be perused by the general reader. A large portion of these have been omitted from this edition. II. There is a series of narrations, from time to time introduced by the author, connected with the superstitious credulity of the dark ages. Some of them are absurd, others are mar- vellous. And Foxe, while he inserts them, does not hesitate to express judgment on them, pronouncing them to be apocryphal. These have been excluded from this edition, as calculated to injure, rather than promote the interests of religion. III. There is also inserted in the original work, a variety of Latin quotations, a few from the Greek, and a number of letters and documents, also in the Latin language. These have been removed from the present edition, as being calculated to encumber it un- necessarily. IV. Owing to the state of society in the age in which this work was written, there was a coarseness of expression, and an absence of delicacy and propriety, in some of the narrations. X EDITORS PREFACE. wliicli render it unfit for family perusal, in the present state of society, and which have aided much in consigning the work itself into oblivion. All these narrations, and indelicacies, have been most carefully expunged from this edition. V. There are many errors in the dates, embodied in the original work. Some of these are, perhaps, the result of those mistakes into which authors of that age were very likely to fall, in reference to more ancient history. Many of them are merely the mistakes of the printing-press, accumulated through successive editions. These have been carefully corrected in the present edition, so as to prevent the reader falling into error. These particulars present the peculiarities of this edition. The object has been, to present the Protestant population of this land, with a family edition — one that, in point of size and cheapness, would be accessible to all — one that could be perused without toiling through unnecessary and uninteresting documents — and especially one that could be read with inter- est, and advantage, in the family circle. In endeavouring to accomplish these objects, every effort has been made to render thia edition an available repository of all that was calculated to strengthen the religious principles of the Reformation, in the Protestants of England, and to supply them with as much as pos- sible, that would arm them against the principles and the practices of the Church of Rome — thus making this edition consist of all the information that was valuable, in the original work, and all that was likely to be available in the controversy with Rome. Those who desire an ecclesiastical history of England, will find it here. Those who seek for a detail of the iniquities of Popery, both abroad and at home, will not be disappointed. The Christian, who desires examples of faithfulness unto the death, will be amply recom- pensed in a perusal; and those who wish to obtain a practical knowledge of the controversy with Rome, will find it one of the most useful works in our language. In order to render the work complete, an Appendix has be§n added, containing accounts of the massacre of St. Bartholomew — of the Spanish Armada — of the Gunpowder Treason — of the great Rebellion of Ireland, in 1641 — all written by authors who wrote immediately after the events which they narrate. Also an account of the executions in the reign of Elizabeth, proving them to have been the punishment for treason, and not a persecution of Popery. M. HOEART SEYMOUR. Bath, Decewher^ 1850, k*- \ ^u^oi^ THE LIFE OF MR. JOHN FOXE. John Foxe was bom in Boston, in the county of Lin- coln, A.D. 1517, his father and mother, being of the com- monalty of that town, of good reputation, and in respect- able circumstances. While young, his father died, and his mother married again, which brought him under the care of his step-father, with whom he dwelt during his childhood. At an early age, he gave indications of love of learning, which his friends well approving of, sent him to study at Oxford. The first nurse of his more serious Studies, was Brasen-nose College, where he was cham- ber-fellow with Doctor Nowell, so famous a man in this city afterwards, and dean of St. Paul's. It was there- fore no marvel if their manners were so like in the course of their lives, whose education and nurture in youth was the same. The native excellence and sound- ness of his judgment, were well seconded by the fitness of the place; where the emulation of equals was frequent, and where each student's proficiency was narrowly sought into ; neither was industry wanting, which as it seldom accompanies the greatest talents, so, where it is con- joined, is most available. When in a short space he had won the admiration of all, and the love of many, in re- ward of his learning and good behaviour he was chosen fellow of Magdalen College ; which being accounted a principal honour in the university, and usually due to the students of that house, was seldom, and not unless in re- gard of singular deserts, bestowed upon any others. It appears he gave the first indications of an early wit, to the exercises of poetry, and wrote divers Latin comedies, in a copious and graceful style, but somewhat lofty, which fault of writing he left not altogether in his elder years, though age and experience did not a little miti- gate it. But even then he began to give earnest of what he afterwards proved, for those first efforts of his youth were spent only in holy histories of the bible ; nor fol- lovved he that course long. He betook himself to the study of divinity, with somewhat more fervency than circumspection, and discovered himself in favour of the Reformation, before he was known to them that main- tained the cause, or were of ability to protect the main- tainers of it ; whence grew his first troubles. This was the time when Henry VIII, uncertain what course to take, being at variance with the pope, and not resolved in himself, thinking the affairs of the church, (then grown to an infinite height of power and pride,) neither in all resjiects tolerable, nor that it was necessary wholly to a'ter them, while he desired to shew moderation in both, prevailed in neither, obscuring an act, than which none was of more glory since the world began, by an un- profitable indifference. Never before were the people in more distraction, or less security of their lives and estates, there being in the laws such contrarieties, as no man could tell what to take to with safety, or what to avoid. For although the pope's supremacy had been renounced, yet his doctrine was still retained. The first news of the abolishing of the pope's supremacy was as prosperous as it was welcome to the reformers ; and many joined them- selves to them out of love to the truth, being further as- sured of the king's intentions, by the punishment in- flicted on some of the opposite party, and especially when the abbies were dissolved ; nor was their hope a little increased, when they perceived the noblemen more or less to rise in the good opinion and favour of the king, in proportion as they most opposed the pope's pretensions. In the mean while the act of the Six Articles was still in force, and if any were found guilty of the breach, they were sure of punishment. So that as long as the king held the middle way between his own judgment, and the advice of his counsellors, feeding them with favours, upon which they could build no assurance, and pleasing himself in his own severity, fear and hope equally pre- vailed. But when the protectors themselves, and pillars of the reformed religion, were taken away, the duke of Suffolk by untimely death, the lord Cromwell by the sword, the archbishop Cranmer and his friends borne down by those of the contrary side ; and that neither in the laws, nor in the protection of the peers, there was any help remaining ; then began all things rapidly to hasten back to their former abuses, and that with so much the more violence, because the conquest seemed a kind of revenge. In the universities and schools there was yet no open change, or innovation ; I know not whether through fear, or that they would not be followers. This was the state of the church affairs, when Master Foxe began attentively to seek into the substance of tho controversy, then in agitation. He found the conten- tion to have been of great antiquitv, and no a(;e to LtTS XU THE LIFE OP JOHN FOXE. been free from some debate in the church. But those first quarrels were rather for dominion, and increase of territory ; the Romans, endeavouring by subtle prac- tices, and pretext of religion to retain under the juris- diction of a high priest the ancient honour of their city, which by open force they could not defend. Then no sooner did any one shew himself to ditfer from them in point of faith, buc the hastening of his punishment pre- vented any infection that might spread itself among others. Thus by their cruelty, and the patience of princes, who suffered it, the greatest part of these dissensions were appeased. Afterwards, the pope grown bolder by good success, began to draw to himself all power and au- thority, nor contented to have weakened the estate of the Roman empire alone, now longed to be fingering the sceptres of other princes ; and to compass his design, spared not to violate any human or divine right ; mean- while the clergy little impressed by the great damage done to religion, by men of immoral life and conversation being sometimes chosen to the papacy, by whose example the strictness of life, used by their forefathers, was drawn into scorn, and their poverty into disgrace. The indus- try of the priesthood languished, and on the contrary side ambition, riot, and avarice began to reign aaiong them. Then at length were the practices of the churchmen brought to light, and their delusions laid open. It was then known why the ceremonies and rites in the church, had been brought to that excessive multitude, namely, that the number of the clergy might be increased to per- form them. These of necessity were to be maintained ; and to t'liat end were such opinions broached, as seemed most likely to draw money from all places. Of the me- rit of works ; of purgatory ; of the power of absolution, and the pope's indulgences ; all which being in them- selves false, and soon subject to decay, were thought fit to be cemented together with that new and subtle inven- tion of the pope's infallibility in matters of faith. By this ingenious bond, and linking one opinion to another, the credulity of the christians was easily en- snared ; all this while the new forged opinions yielding plentiful increase, and great sums of money, by a hundred devises were screwed out of the clergy and the common people, and came daily to the pope, and court of Rome. I have often heard Master Foxe affirm. That the first matter which occasioned his search into the popish doc- trine, was, that he saw divers things in their own natures, most repugnant to one another, thrust upon men to be both believed at one time ; as that the same man might in matters of faith be superior, and yet in his life and manners inferior to all the world besides. Upon this be- ginning, his resolution and intended obedience to that church, was somewhat shaken, and by little and little there followed some dislike to the rest. His first care was to look into both the ancient and modern history of the church ; to learn what beginning It had ; what growth and increase : by what arts it flourished, and by what errors it began to decline ; to consider the causes of all those controversies which in the mean time had sprung up, and to weigh diligently of what moment they were, and what on either side was advanced which was sound or erroneous. This he performed with such diligence of study, and in so short a time ; that before the thirtieth year of his age, he had read over all that either the Greek or Latin fathers had left in their writings ; the schoolmen in their dispu- tations ; the councils in their acts ; or their consistory in their degrees ; and had acquired no mean skill in the Hebrew language. By report of some who were fellow-students with him, he used over and above his day's exercise, to bestow whole nights at his study, or not till it were very late to betake himself to rest. Near to the college was a grove, wherein for the pleasantness of the place, the students took delight to walk, and spend some idle hours for their recreation. This place, and the dead time of the night, had Master Foxe chosen, with solitude and darkness, to contirm his mind; which trembled at the guilt of a new imagination. How many aights he watched in these solitary walks ; what combats and wrestlings he suffered within himself; how many heavy siglis, and sobs, and tears he poured forth in his prayers to Almighty God ; 1 liaJ rather omit in this discourse, than it siiould have tlie ajipearance of ostentation. But of necessity, it was to be remejuoered, because from heni,c sprang the first suspicion of his alien- ated affections. For no sooner was the fame spread .loroad of his nightly retirements, but the more understai»di.ig sort out of their own wisdom, others according as tney .stood inclined towards him, were apt to interpret all to the worst sense. At length, those with whom he waa inti- mate, being drawn into suspicion of him ; there were some employed, who under pretence to adinuuisii him, might observe his walks, and pry with more cuno:,ity into his words and actions ; and there wanted :i>)t o hers who comparing his custom:? formerly used, vvitn tiie pre- sent course he now took, did with more bitterness aggra- vate the act. Wl)y does he not come to churcii. so oi'ten as in former times he hid been accustomed to ? Why should he shun the comjjany of his equals, and refuse to recreate himself after his wonted manner, unleK-rty years of peace ! For never did she voluntarily j)rov<)ke any to war, and always preferred the justice of the tjuarrci before the victory. To the Irish war, hon- our, and shame to have lost a province, enforced her. To the French, piety, and pity of her neighbours' dan- ger. To the Spanisl), her own safety, and necessity com- prehendiii]; iu itself the force of all other causes, com- pelled her. In the progress of this war we heard of, and saw that which, j;er(;hance, never happened in any before. For other nations, though they fought with mortal hatred against each other, yet were their battles restrained to gome certain fields and places ; but this war was so scat- tered over all jilaces, and managed with such nobleness of courage on both sides, that through all seas and havens from east to west, the sun might still behold the English and .*^panish navies fiiichting for their lives, hon- ours, or estates. Never till then had that sea, which was accustomed to no other command but ours, frothed with strokes of foreign oars. Nor would a large volume con- tain the discourse, if I should relate the number and stateliness of ships, the strength of sea and land forces, the sujiply of ammunition, engines, weapons, guns, and provision of victuals belonging to that navy, which Fhilip the Second, king of Spain, with intention to raze out the li^nglish name, sent hither in the year 15^8. Let this suffice, that never was any preparation by sea com- parable to this fleet, made by any the most powerful princes or states, tobeshewedin all therccordsofantiquity; yet that so huge and threatening armada, swelling with 6elf-con(idence, and a presumed hope of victory, was by the fortune of this invincible princess, even in a moment utterly defeated. The navies met together, for number and strength un- equal. But the manner of the fight was to the Spaniards' disadvantageous, because the English vessels being for bulk much less, and lower built before, could with more rase cast about for the wind, and immediately having dis- charged, retire to open sea ; thereby deluding the slug- gish and unwieldy ships of their enemies, and by level- ling at the broadsides of the Spanish galleons, bestowing their shot with a more certain and successful airn. To this, our cr.ptains in the skill of sea-fight, and knowledge of the tides, far excelled the Spanish commanders, who now taught by the former day's experience, that they could no way, but in a set fight bear the English encoun- ters, casting their anchors near Calais, there expected new forces out of Flanders, and by the goodness of their ordnance defrnded themselves. This laid them open to the English for the victory. For having filled some ships with tow, pitch, brimstone, and all sorts of combustible materials, and setting them on fire, with a favorable tide, they drove them directly upon the enemy ; who were by this action so exceedingly terrified, that the whole fleet, cutting their cables as fast as they could, betook them- selves instantly to flight. In which flight some of their ships were burnt, some sunk, some forced to run them- Belves on shore, some split upon the rocks, and some for haste falling foul on their fellows, and so torn and bruised, were taken by our soldiers. Those that escaped best, not daring to go back the same way they came thi- ther, with long labour both by sea and land, returned at length into Si)ain, by the coasts of Scotland, and the is- lands of the Orkney, through those seas, which in no aE:e had been sailed on, but by such as were very good at flying. \\ here so great virtues and victories met together in one person, of necessity envy would be an attendant, followed by hatred and treacheries ; which could not, by this most innocent queen, be so avoided, but that her safety was through all herlife daily endangered. Which maketh me the rather wonder, what rare doctrine of our adversaries this may be, for piety sake which they pre- tend, persecuting even virtue itself, whereas (not only in no heathen, but in none the most barbarous nation, which doth at all acknowledge any deity) it was never thought just to take revenge upon -virtue, even in their enemies ; unless it be so that the indulgence of the christian reli- gion may be so far extended, that although we are com- manded to forgive our enemies, either they must not be virtuous, or they must not be forgiven. But evident enough it is, that in human afl'alrs, the desires of men are often employed to one end, and the will of God to another. By him was ([ueen Elizabeth protected always, from the injuries and wicked enterprizes of her enemies, and brought full of years to tliat honour, as to carry with her that glory unspotted to heaven, which she obtained on earth, envy now in vain carping at her after death, whose cause all posterity doth patronise. Now let us return to our history. Master Foxe, when by his friends he understood the happy news in England, that queen Elizabeth reigned, and that the state of religion was sure, and likely to con- tinue, about the end of that year, in which this was in hand, came back to his country. So much time he had taken to bethink himself, lest (if by any inconstancy of the people they should grow weary of their present state) he should again be forced to seek his fortunes abroad; besides (his family being then increased wdth two chil- dren) he was obliged to stay, till money might from home be sent liim, to bear his charges in travelling. But before he could get from thence, he was informed that some hard speeches had passed respecting him, as if through pride he had delayed to come, thereby seeking a shorter and more speedy way to preferment, as being due to him, when he should be sent for. This he knevr to be a cast of their cutming, who themselves with all earnestness striving for honours, feared Master Foxe, as a man deserving, and likely to be preferred before them. Yet he thought it not worth his labour, to make any ex- cuse for such a crime, as would of itself come to nothing; but equally despising injuries, and neglecting his own right, hid himself wholly in his study. As in our bodies it is commonly seen, that those men are more healthful, who use moderate diet and exercise, than those who ex- ceed in either ; so I suppose doth the case stand with our minds, that he, who if fortune hath given him no rule prescribeth none to himself, can hardly persist in the soundness of his duty ; whereas he who useth modesty in his fortunes, is always more fresh and vigorous for any illustrious undertakings. For Master Foxe, being for his abilities famous, and supported (as I before shewed) with the friendship of great personages, might with ease have attained to whatever his desires had in- clined him ; but affecting neither riches nor authority, the wishes of happy men, (though his deserts were equal with any) yet was he well contented to keej) the con- science of well-doing to liimself, and that rewards sliould remain in the possession of others. This I neither ad- mit, as wholly to his commendation, nor yet find fault with, as many have done. Let us at least favour good men so far, as to allow virtue, to choose what degree of fortune it chooses to shine in ; or if we will needs restrain it within certain limits, lee us do it to those who are good with hope of reward ; as for them who are so for no design, if their glory overwhelm us not, we shall not need to fear their multitude. I shall write of a life, bearing continually true and solid fruits, but not such whereon the reader's senses may surfeit ; where neither the rare stratagems of war or "peace shall be related, nor any such discourses as writers use, when they intend to captivate the ears of the hearers. I am to speak of a life passed over without noise, of modesty at home and abroad, of charity, con- tempt of the world, and thirst after heavenly things ; of unwearied labours, and all actions so performed as might be exemplary or beneficial to others. 1 have shewed before, that Foxe first applied himself to write the history of the church, whilst he was at Basil; and that the reason why he did not there finish it, was, that he might afterwards use the testimony of more wit- nesses. This work not a little vexed the minds of the papists. For well they saw that in vain they had shed so much blood, and to no effect been guilty of so great cruelty, if an account of these proceedings should be transmitted to succeeding ages : and that the work itself could not be taken out of men's hands, they well under- .stood. There was therefore no other hope left, but by charging the author with falsehood, and feigning some cavils against him, so to lessen his credit and autboiity ; THE LIFE OF JOH^ FOXE. which, whilst Foxe endeavoured to remove, and take away from hiiuself, he could not avoid it, but was obliged to pass the lawful bounds of a history, by a new collec- tion of matters and testimonies. And let us but by this judge of the industry of our author, that he not only ga- thered together so many things, as the materials of his work, from all distances of time or places, and tlirough all counties of the kingdom, collected the acts of both courts, and the records of matters judged, but also alone by a most distracted kind of diligence searched out, ex- amined, freed even from moth-eating, and afterwards re- duced into convenient order those things themselves, being partly as it were rusty, and eaten out by antiquity, partly by hatred or flattery of authors corrupted, and partly hid in the rugged and short form of old writing. I find by the author's own notes, that in the eleventh year after he began to write it, the work was finished ; and it is very probable, that the work shall live, which was so long ill being brought forth : neither in all that time used he the hel)) of any servant about his writing or other business : so much doth industry employed to one pur- pose, and gathered into itself, afford more useful as- sistance, than being scattered, and the aiind divided into many cares at once, though it hath never so many help- ing hands. Foxe, when he had for many years lefc no time free from his study, either not at all, or not seasonably affording himself what nature required, was at lengtti | brought to that condition, that his natural liveliness and vigour being spent, neither his friends nor kindred could by sight remember him. By this means he first fell into that withered leanness of body, in which many after- wards saw him, never again returning to that pleasing and cheerful countenance which he had before ; buc when he would not be persuaded to lessen his accustomed labours, or to lay aside his study, or to recreate himself, which was the cause of the debility which had been produced, the signs thereof did likewise remain. From this time Foxe began to be much spoken of, for a good historian ; the other virtues of his mind, as they were less known abroad, so were overshadowed by that which was known. Shortly after, he began also to wax famous for other endowments, not only as a learned man, Dut as one for his friendliness useful, and helpful to others. But modesty will not allow me, by way of jour- nal, to rehearse the voluntary pains he took upon him : however, it will not be amiss, in general, to say something of it ; and to show how, either by good advice, comfort- able persuasions, or a charitable hand, he either relieved the wants, or satisfied the desires of innumerable persons ; whereupon no man's house was in those times thronged with more clients than his. There repaired to him both citizens and strangers, noblemen and common people of all degrees, and almost all for the same cause ; to seek Bome relief for a wounded conscience. At length, some who were likewise sick in body, would needs be carried to him ; but this, to stop rumours, he would not suffer to be done. For, because they were brought thither, they were by some reported to be cured. Thus spending the day at home in such like duties, frequently preaching abroad, and going to visit those who were not able to come themselves to him, he both ful- illed that, which, by the courtesy of his own disposition, was enjoined him, and neglected not the performance of that duty, which the office of his ministry had imposed upon him. That little time which his friends, either called away by other occasions, or ashamed of being too ;edious, had left free to his own disposal, he bestowed aot in sleeping, or taking his pleasure, buc in prayer and studying ; when he engaged in either of these exercises, lie always retired into some private apartment, or made use of the night's silence for secresy, unless by chance sometimes the vehement groans he mingled with his prayers, being heard by some that were near the place, ;ave notice how earnest he was in his devotions. For at io time of the night could any man come to find his la- Bours ended ; but often kath the next morning's light jeen the last of his night's care concluded. Now, although these things be true, yet well I know there are many who will find fault, that I have so slightlj passed them over ; and demand, why I produce not th« matters themselves, as witnesses of his actions, or at least some particular example of each kind, that they may with more security give credit to the rest. But many things there are which hinder me from so doing. First, that common civility forbiddeth us, to publish abroad that which the conscience of another hath com- mitted to our secrecy ; and a very ill example should he give, who should not rather by all means conceal, than make known to the world, the secrets of private houses, the jarrings of friends, and such private affairs in men's lives, wliereof it may either shame, or repent them : next, that the matters themselves, which used to be at- tended to in the greatest privacy that might be, could by- no means come to our knowledge ; or, if by suspicion somewhat were gathered, and that I should instance in one or two particulars ; yet what great assurance in the rest, could 1 draw from hence ? I will now bring the last argument, I know not whether I should say, of his ability or industry ; that he, who so wholly had given himself to please his friends, that he had set apart no time, for his other occasions, yet wrote so much, as it might well have been believed, he had done nothing else. I have here for their sakes, who may desire it, set down the titles of those books he wrote ; which are these — Comapdiarum libri 2. Syllogisticon. Adnionitio ad Parliamentum. De lapsis per errorem in Ecclesiam restituendis. Oliva Evangelica. De Christo gratis jus- tificante. De Christo Crucifixo. Papa confutatus. Con- tra Osorium de Justitia. Meditationes supra Apoca- lypsiin Rerum in Ecclesia gestarum Commentarii. The Acts and Monuments of the Church. We are now come so far, as to be able from hence, to give the reader a full sight at once, of the rest of Foxe's life, which ought, I suppose, in like manner to please them, as we see those that travel, when they have been long tired with continual rugged ways and rough forests, and come at length into the plain and champaigne coun- tries, are witli the very change of soil not a little de- lighted and refreshed. In this (as it were) sketch of his conditions, we shall first observe that which might well be thought the chief- est of his virtues ; namely, a deliberate and resolved contempt of all things, which are in greatest esteem among men, and especially of pleasures: which disposi- tion of his, whether inbred by nature, acquired by disci- pline, or infused by God, did of necessity give him great ability to perform with commendation whatever he chose to take in hand ; there being nothing which can mislead' the mind into errors, which would otherwise of itself hold the right way, but what proceedeth from some plea- sure or other ; lying in wait to entrap us in our journey. But so did Foxe hold play with these enemies, as one who desired not to save himself by flying, or shelter himself in some secret place of retirement ; but by often skirmishing, and experience in the manner of fighting, to increase his own strength, and give to others an ex- ample of fortitude ; using to say. That they did not great matter, who forsook business and employments in the world, lest they should suffer themselves to be allured and deceived by them. For, that the things were in themelves innocent, and then first of all grew hurtful, when they were overvalued and pursued with avaricious desire ; which he that can beat back when it assaileth him, and striveth to break in upon him, is deservedly called temperate ; but that he who was never in any temptation, may rather seem to have been good through want of occasion to be otherwise, than by his own virtue. He never therefore declined the friendship of illus- trious personages ; not to gain honour to himself, but that thereby he saw his commendation would be more effectual, when he should desire favour on the behalf of others. The money, which sometimes "Ch men offered him, he accepted, returning it ba^^ to the poor. He likewise frequented the tables "f his friends, not for his own pleasure, being of " spare diet ; but from courtesy to keep them company, and lest any should imagine, he either feared or fled from the wrestling, and striving witb THE LIFE OF JOHN FOXE. voluptuous encounters, or that he thought himself, by- being absent, better defended against the pleasures inci- dent to eating and drinking, than by the guard of his own moderation. In a word, so did Mr. Foxe behave himself in those things which are accompanied by de- lights, that certain it is, none of those who were always in his company, can remember any speech or action of his, which might betray the least shew of a desire for them ; and so far was he from thirsting after honour, riches, applause, or any outward good, that he would at no time suffer the care of his private estate to enter his mind, much less that it should by taking thought for his household affairs, be overcome or drawn aside : which either security of his, or as some called it, slothfulness in his own fortunes, I will hereafter declare whence it pro- ceeded. In the mean time, whilst I consider the cause wherefore he thought all other things so contemptible, especially since that could not be imagined to arise from any obstinate disdainfulness, much less from a sluggish- ness of mind ; I assure myself, it was only the love of God, wherewith his mind was so filled, and so much de- lighted, that he left no room, nor any affection free for other pleasures, of his own accord separating himself from the fashions of the world, of which he was not otherwise incapable ; and devoting himself wholly to this care, like one who had found an invaluable treasure, he bent his eyes and mind upon this only, neither hoping nor expecting any thing besides, but resolved to make this the scope of all his wishes and desires : whereby (as in such a case must needs happen) it so fell out, that they who observed his mind so steadfastly fixed upon God, and that he both spoke and did many things beyond the opinions of an ordinarily good man, believed that he could not be void of some divine inspiration ; and now some began, not as a good man to honour him, but as one sent from heaven, even to adore him, through the folly of mankind, madly doting upon any thing, whatso- ever their own will hath set up to be worshipped. It will not be out of the way to add in ge- neral what Foxe thought of the church of Rome, and the bishop thereof, as far as they may be ga- thered out of his speeches when, being of ripe years, he had strengthened his judgment with much expe- rience. The heads of his opinions were these : That among the christian church the Roman had been in dignity always chief, and of most antiquity. That it retained this dignity and preference many ages after, by little and little, growing to greater authority, not by consent of the people, or by any right to that claim, but by reason of a certain inclination and custom among men, that where any chanced to excel others, they first began to be powerful among the rest, and at length to exercise command over them. That the greatest honour and authority it had was among ■these western kingdoms, which, as every one mostly loved the christian religion, so were they by the dili- gence and piety of the Romans most assisted ; in this respect it had not ill deserved to be called the mother of tiiose churches. That the occasion of so great an increase was, that the city of Rome, being of so ancient renown, and as it were by destiny appointed mo- narch of the world, in all ages abounding with men of great courage and virtne, being well peopled, wealthy, usefully seated, and always under the emperors' sight, easily afforded this convenience. That at the first the christians could no where meet together with less trou- ble, or be more plentifully provided for, or more safely con- cealed, or, when need vvas, die with more constancy ; all which made j)osterity greatly to admire and honour them. That the church at first flourished rather in good discipline, and the approved holiness of the professors, than in abundance of riches, there being yet no loose ness, no pi'vle or ambition found in the manners of the clergy ; and money, servants, lands, jewels, and such like goods, were aivijrether unknown to them ; in short, all things were so restramod^ either by modesty in using what they had, or contented in wanting what they had not, as that in Rome alone teemed to be the seat of the christian religion. All this was observed with the greatest strictness in the times nearest to the church's infancy ; but, in process of time, by little and little, it be^an to be neglected and corrupted, after the same manners as rivers, whose streams being small and clear near their head, the farther they proceed the larger is the channel, but with more troubled waters ; till at length, by mixture with the sea, they become also un- wholesome ; and though in no one place can we perceive where they are any jot changed from their first purity; yet may we easily enough find a great difference, if we compare the extremes together. In the church it so fell out, that having brought all nations to the christian faith, after they once began to think it for the honour of the empire, that the priests should no longer (as they had formerly been accustomed) endure poverty, but live in a more sumptuous way, to which purpose the emperors granted many things to the churchmen, both as an ornament and reward to them ; then also the priests began, first to be taken with the love of riches, then, by degrees, to grow wanton through abundance, and not to care what little pains they took ; afterwards (as always the succeeding age adds to the vice of the former) they affected power also, which, when they had once ob- tained, and, by the emperor's gift, received the com- mand of the church, they gave not over, till (having cast down the emperors, by whose bounty they had so prevailed) they both invaded the privileges of the em- pire, and now laid claim to both spiritual and temporal government ; in the mean while, neglecting those rules of religion which their predecessors had prescribed them, neither themselves searching the scriptures, nor permitting others to do it ; and esteeming the worship of God to consist rather in outward devotion and pomp of ceremonies, than in the obedience of faith. That by this means it came to pass, that the church of Rome (as all other immoderate empires) not only fell from that high degree it once held, but also subverted in itself the very substance and state of a church : nor that this ought to seem strange, if, as the most healthful bodies fall into sickness with most danger, so it happeneth, that the prime of all churches should have no mean, but either remain in the perfection of health, or become the most dangerous enemy to it ; and that for this cause the pope now seemed to be antichrist. That notwith- standing the case was so plain, yet neither part ought to lend too much belief to arguments, nor be too earnest in hindering it, if by any moderation of men the matter might be brought to soundness and agreement. That it was not, perhaps, in our power to take from Rome her ancient honour, and the opinion of her religion so fixed already in the minds of men. That the church of Rome had fallen by her own covetousness, ambition, and pre- varication ; but that never any man had gone so far in sinning, as that repentance had not reached as far. That therefore it was fit to allow them, as a returning to re- pentance, so some convenient means to move them to it, and sufficient space to repent in. That it might be the author disliked them, because a German or Frenchman,^ and not an Italian of their own nation had tohl them o :" their errors. That there might one day among theii own men be found some, by whose authority they should not be ashamed to amend their faults, and with more willingness part with their own power to procure the peace of the whole world. That there was at least this hope left, it might so fall out that they had no further erred in the articles of faith than that they would not suffer too much to be known. That the conditions of agreement would be, first. That the pope should forsake all those tenets, by which he gained such great sums of money ; there being nothing whereto the people might with more difficulty be persuaded, than that Christ, the Saviour of the world, had instructed his church in the way of getting money, and setting the scripttircs to sale. Next, that he should renounce all secular jurisdiction, and not sup])ose himself to have title, or any thing to do with the right of princes. That, on the other side, liis onposers should not refuse, thostles was to plant the faith in all places, and in every re^^ion, yet were they not bishops in every region. And as for the chair, as it is no difference es- sential that uiaketh a bishop (for so much as a doctor may hive a chair, and yet be no bishop) so they cannot conclude by the chair of Peter, that St. Peter was bishop of Rome. All this proves no more, but that Peter was at Home, and there taught the faith of Christ, as Paul did also, and peradventure in a chair likewise : yet we say not that Paul was therefore bishop of Rome, but that he was there as an apostle of Christ, whether he taught there standing on his feet, or sitting in a chair. In the Scripture commonly the chair signifies doctrine or judgment, as sitting also declares such as teach or ( 1 ) Barrow, of whose celebrated " Treatise of the Pope's Supre- macy," Archbishop TiUotson saiii, "He hatli exhausted the subject «M<1 iiatli said enough to silence this controversy for ever," has thus expressed himself on this point. " The discourses of those men, liave evinced that it is hard to assign the time wlicn Peter was at Home, and that he could never long abide tliere. For, " The time which old tradition assi(nieth of his going to Rome, U rejected liy divers learned men, even of the Roman party. " He was often in other places, sometimes at Jerusalem, some- times at Antiocli, sometimes at Babylon, sometimes at Corinth, sometimes, probably at each of those places unto which he di- rocteth his catholic epistles. Among which, Lpiphanius saith, that Peter did often visit I'ontus and Bithynia. " And that he seldom was at Rome, may well be collected from St. Paul's writings, for he, writing at different times, one epistle to Rome and divers epistles from Rome, as that to the Galatians — that to the ICphesians — that to the Philippians— and that to the Colossians and the Second to Timothy, doth never mention him sending any salutation to him or from iimi. " Particularly St. Peter was not there when St. Paul mention- ing Tichicus, Onesimus, Aristarchus, Jlarcus and Justus, addeth, ' These alone my fellow-workers unto the kingdom of God, have been a comfort unto me,' Col. iv. 11. " He was not tliere when St. Paul said, ' At my first defence no man stood with me, but a^^ men forsook mo,* 2 Tim. iv. 10. " He was not there immediately before St. Paul's death, ' When the time of his departure was at hand,' when he telleth Timothy that ' All the brethren did salute him,' and naniiug divers of them omitteth Peter. 2 Tim. iv. 21. judge, whether they sit in the chair of Moses, or in the chair of pestilence. Planting Hkewise is a word aposto- lical, and signifies not the office of a bishop only., Wlierefore it is no good argument to say that he sate, he taught, he planted at Rome, his chair and seat was at Rome, and that, therefore, he was bishop of Rome. As for Abdias, Ado, Optatus, and others, I answer witli this distinction of a bishop, which is to be taken either generally or specially. And first, generally, a bishop is he to whomsoever the public cure and charge of souls is committed, without any limitation of place. And so the name of bishop is coincident with the office of apostle, or any public pastor, doctor, or curate, of the universal flock of Christ. And thus may Paul, Peter, or any other of the apostles be called bisliops. So also is Christ himself by express word called bishop and pastor, 1 Peter ii. 2.5. And thus may Peter well be named a bishop. But this public and general cliarge universally over the whole, without limitation, ceased after Christ and the apostles. For then were bishops appointed by places and provinces, to have special over- sight of some particular flock or province, and so to be resident and attendant only upon the same. The other view of this name bishop, is to be taken after a more special sort, which is, when a person is assigned specially to some one certain place, city, or province, wliere he is bound to employ his office and charge, and no where else, according to the old canons of the apostles, and of the council of Nice. And this bishop differing from the other, bears the name of his city or diocese. And thus we deny that Peter the apostle was ever bishop elected, installed, or intituled to the city of Rome. And if Ado say that Peter was bishop of Rome five and twenty years, until the last year of Nero, that is easily refuted both by the scriptures and histories : for so we understand by the declaration of St. Paul, Gal. ii. 1. that fourteen years after his conversion, St. Paul had Peter by the hand at Jerusalem. Moreover, Paul witnesses that the charge apostolical was committed to Peter over the circumcised, Gal. ii. 7, Also, St. Paul writing to the Romans, in his salutations to them in Rome, makes no mention of St. Peter, who, doubtless, should not have been forgotten, if he had then been in Rome.' Again, St. Peter dating his epistle from Babylon, was not then at Rome.^ Furthermore, histories record that Peter was at Pontus five years, then at Antioch seven years. How could he then be five-and-twenty years at Rome ? Finally, where our adversary says, that St. Peter was there five-and-twenty years, until the last year of Nero ; how can that stand, when St. Paul suffering under Nero was put to death the same day twelve month, that is, a whole year after Peter ? But especially, how agrees this with Scripture, that Christ should make Peter an apostle universal to walk in all the world ? " Go ye into " Which things l)eing considered, it is not probable St. Peter would assumi' the Episcopal Chair at Home, he being little capable to reside there, and for that other needful affairs would have forced him to leave so great a church destitute of their pastor. " Had he done so, he must have given a bad example of non- residence, a practice that would have been very ill relished in the primitive church." (2) It was during the life of our Author, John Fox, that the Rhemish Testament was published, and though he little thought that the Papists would identify Babylon with Rome, yet his " Acts and Monuments " wire scarcely before the world, when the Khemish Annotators — finding no evidence in the Scriptures to prove that Peter was ever at Ronie — did actually fasten upon the dating of his fir.-:t epistle from Babylon, and explain it as a mystir name for Rome I Cartwright — who was a contemporary of Fox, and wroie hit " Confutation of the Rhemists," &:c. during the lifetime of our Martyrologist, thus writes : " That i'etcr sat not at Rome is confirmed in that Peter writeth from Babylon, which to be Babylon in Chaldcii, and not in Italy, this is an evident reason, for that this Babylon was a place o( principal abode of the Jews, towards whom Peter's charge spe- cially lay. Gal. ii. 7. Whereas at this time, the Jews were not suffered to make their abode in Rome, Acts, xviii. 2. Where- unto may be added that, writing to the dispersed Jews, and making rehearsal of divers countries wherein they were, he leaveth out Chaldea, which, considering the great numbers that remained there, still after the return into Judea out of Captivity, he would never have done, unless Chaldea were the place from whence ue wrote his epistles.-' — Cartwright in loc. [£s.] AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OP ROME THAT THEN WAS. 17 all the world," Mark xvi. 15. ; and " ye shall be wit- nesses unto the uttermost part of the earth," Acts i. 8. And our papists would needs make him a sitting bishop, and locate him at Rome. How accord tliese — apostle and bishop — to go and to sit — to all natiom and at Rome — together ? Now, the second untruth in the argument is, that be- cause Peter was the head of the church, therefore the pope must also be the head of the church, although he was not called universal bishop for along time. But this we deny, yea, the matter denies itself by their own posi- tion ; for the title of universal bishop was not received at Rome, but refused to the time of Gregory ; then it must necessarily be granted that the bishops of Rome, before Gregory, had not the charge of the whole church, neither could be admitted, by that reason, to be heads of the church. For, as there can be no head but that which is universal to the whole body, so none can have charge of the whole, but he must needs be universal to all parts of that whereof he has the charge. Wherefore, if a bishop be he who has the charge of all souls in his diocese, then he whose charge extends to all churches, and who must render account for every christian soul within the whole world, to him cannot be denied the name of a universal bishop, having the office of a universal bishop. Orif hebe not a universal bishop, he cannot then have the charge of the whole, that is, of all the churches of Christ. This word, universal, in the Greek writers, signifies that which we in our English tongue call catholic ; yet I sup- pose our adversaries here will not take universal in that sense. For after that meaning, as we do not deny that the bishops of Rome may be universal bishops, so neither can they deny but other bishops may also be as universal, that is, as catholic as they. But such as more distinctly discuss this matter, define universal or ca- tholic by three things, to wit, by time, place, and person. So that whatever extends itself to all times, aU places, and aU persons, that is properly universal or catholic. And contrariwise, what is to be called universal or ca- tnolic, reaches to all those three, comprehending all places, times, and persons, or else it is not to be called properly universal or catholic. And thus there are three things which most commonly we caU catholic or universal ; that is, the church,which is called the catholic church ; faith, which is called the catholic faith ; a man whom also we caU a catholic man, because these three extend themselves so, that no time, place, nor person is excluded. Which three conditions, if they altogether concur in the charge of the bishop of Rome, then is it a universal charge, and he a universal bishop ; if not, then is his charge neither universal, nor he the head of the church, nor yet universal bishop. For how these three can be separated I cannot see, except they prove t it more evidently than they have done. And thus much to the objection of our adversaries, I arguing, that as St. Peter, not being called universal [apostle, was yet the head of the universal church ; so the pope, although he was not first called universal {bishop, had, and might have the charge of the whole jchurch, and was the universal head of the same. j Our adversaries, notwithstanding, do busy themselves to prove out of Theodoret, Ireneus, Ambrose, and Augus- itine ; that the see of Rome, having the pre-eminence and j principality, hath been honoured above aU other churches ; [arguing that Ireneus, Ambrose, Augustine, and Theo- idoret affirm that the church of Rome is the chief of all other churches ; and that therefore, the bishop and head of tliat church is chief and head over all bishops, and head over all other churches. But this conclusion is to be denied, for the excellency «f the church or place does not always argue the excel- lency of the minister or bishop, nor yet necessarily causes the same. For in matters of the church which are spiritual, all pre-eminence stands upon spiritual and inward gifts as faith, piety, learning, and godly know- ledge, zeal and fervency in the Holy Ghost, unity of doctrine, &c. which gifts many times may excel in a church where the minister or bishop is inferior to bishops or ministers of other churches. As the most famous school in a realm has not always the most famous schoolmaster, nor does it make him thereby more excellent in learning than all others. So if our adversaries do mean by this pre-eminence of the church of Rome, such inward gifts of doctrine, faith, unity, and peace of reli- gion ; then, I say, the excellency hereof does not arg^e the excellency of the bishop. But here our adversaries will reply again and say, that the pre-eminence of the church of Rome is not meant here so much by inward gifts and endowments belonging to a christian church, as by outward authority and dominion over other churches. Whereto is to be answered : what necessity is there .' or where did our papists learn, to bring into the spiritual church of Christ this outward form of civil policy ? that, as the Roman emperors in times past governed over all the world, so the Roman bishop must have his monarchy upon the universal clergy, to make all other churches to stoop under his subjection ? And where then are the words of our Saviour? — " But it shall not be so among you." If they say there must needs be distinction of degrees in the church, and superiority must be granted for the discipline of the church, for quieting of schisms, for setting orders, for commencing convocations and councils, &c. Against this superiority we stand not, and therefore we yield to our superior powers, kings, and princes, our due obedience, and to our lawful governors under God of both governments, ecclesias- tical and temporal. Also in the ecclesiastical state, we take not away the distinction of degrees, such as are ap- pointed by the primitive church, or by the scripture al- lowed, as patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, ministers, and deacons. In which degrees, as we grant diversity of office, so we admit diversity of dignity. For, as we give to the minister place above the deacon, to the bishop above the minister, to the archbishop above the bishop, so we see no cause of inequality, why one minister should be above another minister ; one bishop in his de- gree above another bishop, to deal in his diocese; or one archbishop above another archbishop. And this is to keep an order duly and truly in the church. Now here joins the question between us and the papists, whether the metropolitan church of Rome, with the archbishop of the same, ought to be preferred before other metropolitan churches and archbishops, through universal Christendom, or not ? To the answer whereof, if the voice of order might here be heard, it would say, give to things that be equal and similar, equal honour ; to things unequal and dissimilar, unequal honour, &c. Wherefore, seeing the see of Rome is a patriarchal see, appointed by the primitive church, and the bishop thereof and archbishop limited within his own border- ing churches, which the council of Nice calls suburban churches, as other archbishops be ; he ought, therefore, to have the honour of an archbishop and such outward pre- eminence as is due to other archbishops. If he re- quires more, he breaks the rule of right order, he falls into presumption, and does wrong unto his equals ; and they also do wrong unto themselves, who, feeding his ambi- tion, give more to him than the rule of order requires. For so much as they yield to him more than is his right, so much they take from themselves. And this is the reason why both Gregory and Pelagius reprehend them, who gave to the archbishop of Constantinople that which now the bishop of Rome claims to himself, charging them with the breach of order in these words, " Lest that while any singular thing is given to one person, all other priests be deprived of their due honour." And Pelagius exhorts that no priest give to any arch- bishop the name of universal bishop, " Lest in so doing- he take from himself his due honour, while he yields that which is not due to another." And also in the same epistle, " If he be called the chief universal pa- triarch, then is the name of patriarch derogated from others," &c. Wherefore, seeing the bishop of Rome is an archbishop, order requires that he should have the dignity which to archbishops is due ; whatever is added more, is derogatory to the rest. And thus much con- cerning distinction of degrees, and order in giving to- every degree his place and honour. Wherefore, even if it be admitted that the pope sits and succeeds in the chair of Peter, and also that he is c 2 THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS, the bishop of the greatest city ia the world, yet it follows not that he should have rule and lordship over all other bishops and churches of the world. For, first, touching the succession of Peter, many things are to be con- sidered : — I. Whether Peter sat and had his chair in Rome or not? II. WTiether he sat there as an apostle, or as a bishop ? III. Wliether the sitting in the outward seat of Peter makes successors of Peter ? IV. Whether he sits in the chair and seat of Peter who sits not in the doctrine of Peter ? V. Whether the succession of Peter makes rather an apostle than a bishop, and so we should call the pope the apostle of Rome, and not the bishop of Rome ? VI. ^^^lether ecclesiastical functions ought to be esteemed by ordinary succession of place, or by God's secret calling and sending ? VII. Whether it stand by scripture, that any succes- sion at all is appointed in Christ's church, or why more from Peter than from other apostles .-' All which being well discussed, it would appear what little reason the pope has to take this state upon him, above all other churches. In the meantime this one argument may suffice, instead of many, for our adver- saries to answer at their convenient leisure. All the true successors of Peter sit in the chair of the doctrine of Peter, and other apostles uniformly, — but no popes of tliis latter church of Rome sit in the chair of St. Peter's and other apostles' doctrine uniformly, — and therefore no popes of this latter church of Rome are the true successors of Peter. And when they have well perused this argument, and have well compared together the doctrine taught them by St. Peter, with the doctrine taught now by the popes, of justitication of a christian-man, of the office of the law, of the strength and largeness of sin, of men's merits, of free-will, of works of supererogation, of set- ting up images, of seven sacraments, of auricular con- fession, of satisfaction, of sacrifice of the mass, of com- municating under one kind, of elevating and adoring the sacramental elements, of Latin service, of invocation, of prohibition of meats and marriage, of vowing chastity, of sects and rules of divers religions, of indulgences and pardons : also of their doctrine now taught concerning magistrates, of the fulness of power of the see of Rome, with many other things like to these, then wLU I be glad to hear what they shall say. And if they would prove by Ireneus, Ambrose, Augustine, and Theodore, the bishop of Rome to be the chief of all bishops, because the city whereof he is bishop, is the chief and principal above all other «hurches, it foUoweth no more than this : — London is the chief city in all England ; and therefore the bishop of London is the chiefest of aU bishops in this realm. Which argument were derogatory to the archbishops both of Canterbury and York. Yea, to grant yet more to our adversaries, that these fathers in giving principality to Rome, referred to the succession from Peter, and not to the greatness of the city : yet their argument will fail if it be rightly con- sidered ; thus. The apostolical see of Rome, having succession from Peter, with the bishops thereof, was chief of all other churches in the primitive time : therefore, the apostolical see of Rome, with the bishops thereof, having suc- cession from Peter, ought now to be the chief of all other churches. This might follow, if the times were like, or if suc- cession which gave the cause of pre-eminence, were the same now, which it was then. But now the time and suc- cession does not correspond, for then succession was as well in apostolical doctrine as in apostolical place. Now the succession of apostolical doctrine has long ceased in the apostolical see : and nothing remains but only place, vhich is the least matter of true spiritual and apostolical Ettccession. Besides these objections, our adversaries object against us examples of the primitive time of the church, testi- monies of general councils, and opinions of ancient writers taken out of the book of councils, and epistles decretal, whereby their intent is to prove the foresaid terms (of the head of the church, ruler of the church, chief of all other priests) to be applied not only to Peter, but also to the bishop of Rome within the compass of the primitive time. To all which objections fully and exactly to answer in order, would require a whole volume by itself. In the meantime, leaving the rest to them, to whom it more properly appertains, I answer with this short distinction these and all such like places where St. Peter with his successors are called head of the church, chief of bishops, prince of the apostles, &c. In which places this word head, chief, and prince of the apostles, may be taken two manner of ways : to note either dominion or else commendation. For we read sometimes head and chief, to be words not of authority, but of excellency, whereby is declared the chief and worthiest among many, and not the possessor and governor of the whole. Like as in the person of man, the head is the principal part of the whole body, being endued with reason, and furnished with senses, by which the whole man is directed ; so there is derived a metaphor, that to what man nature or condition has given the greatest excellency of gifts, he is called head or chief. And yet he has not always dominion or jurisdiction of the rest. So we call in our common speec'n those, the head or chief men of the parish, who for their riches, wisdom, or place, are most specially noted : after hke phrase of speech we call the head man of the inquest, him that has first place : and yet neither of these have any dominion or jurisdiction over the rest. In a school the chief scholar in learning, is not therefore the master or governor of his fellows. Neither has Cicero any title to claim subjection of all other orators, because he is named the prince of elo- quence ; and though Homer may be also called prince of poets, yet poets owe not to Homer anything but fame and praise. And what if Peter be called and counted as head and prince of tlie apostles, for his excellent faith, for his divine confession, and singular affection to the Lord Jesus : yet what right has he to challenge authority over the apostles, or the pope after him over all other bishops and the whole church of Christ, even though the pope should have the like excellency of Christ's faith which Peter had, as would to God he had. And if our adversaries provoke us to the numbering of testimonies, and dividing the house (speaking of the writers and councils of the primitive age) for these tes- timonies alleged on their side, I could recite out of the witness of doctors, out of the examples of councils, and practices of emperors, no less than sixty voices, much more opposed to their assertion. But I refer it either to them that have more leisure at this time, or else omit it to another time, if the good pleasure of the Lord shall be to grant me further leisure in another book to treat thereof at large in such order, as shall appear sufficient to prove by the doctors, general councils, examples and histories, that the bishops of Rome, during the first five hundred years after Christ, although for the greatness of the empire they were somewhat more mag- nified than the others, and therefore were sought, and were flattered, and they did set forth themselves more than they should ; yet by the common consent of the churches they were stopped of their purpose, so that by the consent of the most part, within that age, the bishops of Rome had not this state of title, jurisdiction and power which they now usurp, but were taken as archbishops of equal honour, of equal merit with other archbishops and rulers of the church. And if any pre- ference was given to them above the rest, yet neither was it so given by all nor by the most part ; secondly, neither was it so given by them for any such necessity of God's word, as did bind them thereto, nor yet so much for respect of Peter and his succession, as for certain other causes and respects, as may be gathered to the number of thirteen. I. The greatness of the city and monarchy of Rome* AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS. 1» II. The authority of the emperor Constantine the great, the first of the emperors converted to the faith, and ruling in the same city, by whom the universal liberty of the church was first promoted ; and the causes of the bishops then at variance, were committed partly to the bishop of Rome, partly to other bishops near by, to be decided, as appears by Eusebius. (lib. 10, cap. 5.) III. The council of Nice, which confirmed the pre- eminence of that church to have the oversight of the churches bordering about it. IV. The unquiet state of the Greek church, much troubled in those days with sects, factions, and dis- sensions. V. When synods were called by other metropolitans ; then if the bishops of Rome chanced to be absent, and their sentence to be required, by the occa- sion thereof they began at length to take their sen- tence for a canon or rule ecclesiastical, and to refuse other synods, where their decree or sentence was not required. VI. When any common matter was in hand at other places, whatever was done, the manner commonly was to write to the Roman bishop for his appro- bation for public unity and consent in Christ's church . VII. Also sometimes the testimony of the Roman bishop was wont in those days also to be desired for admitting teachers and bishops in other churches. VIII. Their sentence was not only required, but also often received by other bishops. And when bishops of other provinces were at any dissen- sion among themselves, they of their own accord appealed to the bishop of Rome, desiring him to cite up both parties, and to have the hearing and deciding of the cause, as did Macarius and Hesychius send to Julius, then bishop of Rome, &c. IX. Certain of the Arians returning from their Arianism, offered up and exhibited unto the bishops of Rome their evidences of repentance, and were re- ceived again, as Ursatius and Valens did to Julius. (Socrat. lib. 2, cap. 24.) X. Gratian the emperor made a law that all men should retain that religion which Damasus, the bishop of Rome, and Peter, bishop of Alexandria, did hold. (Sozom. lib. 7, cap. 4.) XI. If it happened that the bishop of Rome dis- allowed the ordering of any minister or ministers, the popes perceiving how diligent and ready they were to seek their favour, and to send up their messengers to Rome for their purgation, took thereby no little man- ner of exaltation. (Theodoret, lib. 5, cap. 23.) XII. The bishops of Rome had also another art- ful practice, that in sending out their letters abroad they were ever harping on the greatness of their name, and of their apostolic see, and of the primacy of St. Peter, their predecessor, and priiace of all the apostles, &c. And this they used to do in every letter, whensoever they wrote to any, as appeareth in all their letters decretal, namely, in the letters of Mil- tiades, Marcellus, and Marcus, &c. XIII. If any of the Eastern church directed any writing to them, wherein any signification was con- tained of never so little reverence given unto them (as learned men commonly use for modesty's sake) that was taken by and by, and construed for plain subjection and due obedience. Thus you have the first and original grounds, by means whereof the archbishops of the Romish see have achieved their great kingdom over Christ's church, first beginning the mystery of their iniquity by that which was modestly and voluntarily given them ; afterward by use and custom claiming it ambi- tiously of duty and service ; and, lastly, holding fast that which once they had got into their possession, so that now in no case can they abide the birds to call home their feathers again, ' which they so long have usurped. And thus much concerning the life, jurisdiction, and title of the Roman bishops ; in all which (as is declared) they, and not we, have fallen from the pri- mitive church of Rome. To these I might also join the manner of government, wherein the Romish bishops have no less altered, both from the rule of scrip, ture, and from the steps of the true church of Rome, which government as it has been, and ought to be only spiritual, yet has the bishop of Rome used it of late years no otherwise than an earthly king or princa has governed his realm and dominions, with riches, glory, power, terror, outward strength, force, j)rison, death, execution, laws, policies, promoting his friends to dignities, revenging his affections, punishing and correcting faults against his person more than other offences committed against God, using and abusing in all these things the word of God for his pretext and cloak to work his worldly purpose ; whereas indeed, the word of God ministers no such power to spiritual persons, but such as is spiritual, according to the say- ing of the apostle : the weapons of our warfare, are not carnal, but spiritual ; such as serve not against flesh and blood, nor against the weak person of man, but against Satan and the gates of hell. Which weapons as they are all spiritual, so ought they, who have the dealing thereof, to be likewise spiritual, well furnished with all such gifts and graces of the Holy Ghost as are meet for the governance of his spiritual church ; with wisdom and knowledge in the scripture to instruct the ignorant, with inward in- telligence and foresight of the crafty operations of Satan, with power of the Spirit to resist the same, with practice and experience of temptations, to com- fort such as be afilicted and oppressed of Satan, with heavenly discretion to discern spirits, and truth from untruth, with judgment and knowledge of tongues and learning to convict error, with zeal of God's glory, with fervency of prayer, with patience in persecution, with a mind contented with all cases and states inci- dent, with tears and compassion on other men's griefs, with stoutness and courage against proud and stout op- pressors, with humility towards the poor and miserable, with the counsel of the Lord Jesus by his Word and Spirit to direct him in all things, with strength against sin, with hatred of this world, with the gift of faith, power of the keys in spiritual causes, as to minister the word, the sacraments and excommunication when the word biddeth, that the spirit may be saved, and to recon- cile again as cause requireth, &c. These and such like are the matters wherein consist the sinews and strength of the church, and for true governing the same. But contrary to these, the bishop and clergy of this later church of Rome, under the name and pretence of Christ and his word, have for a long time exercised nothing else but a worldly dominion, seeking indeed their own glory, not the glory of Christ ; the riches of this world, not the lucre of souls ; not feeding the flock, but filling the purse ; revenging their own wrongs, but neglecting God's glory ; striving against man only, and killing him, but not killing the vice nor confuting the error of man ; strong against flesh and blood, but weak against the devil ; stout against the simple, but meek against the mighty ; briefly doing almost all things preposterously, more like to secular princes than spiritual pastors of Christ's flock, with outward forcement and fear of pun- ishment, with prisoning, famishing, hanging, racking, drowning, beheading, slaying, murdering, and burning, and warring also : on the other side, with riclies and treasures, with guard and strength of men, with courc and cardinals, with pomp and pride about them, with their triple crown, with the naked sword, with their ordinary succession, with their laws and executions, their pro- motions and preferments, their biddings and command- ings, threatenings and revengings, &c. In fine, to compare, therefore, the images of a worldly kingdom, with this kingdom of the pope, there is no difference, save only that this kingdom of the pope, under hypocrisy, makes a face of the spiritual sword, which is the word of God ; but in very deed doth all things with the temporal sword, that is, with outward force, differing not from civil and secular government ia any respect or condition. For as in an earthly king, dom, first there is a prince or some chief magistrate (.p> iO THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS, pointed, having dominion over his nobles and commons, containing all his subjects under his statutes and laws; with which laws notwithstanding he dispenses at his pleasure ; under whom all other inferior magistrates have their order and place appointed to rule over the subjects, and yet to be subject under him ; so if the state and form of the pope be well considered, we shall see it differs nothing from the same, but only in the names of the persons. In civil government, all subjection is referred to one head ruler, whose authority surmounts all the rest, and keeps them under obedience. In like manner, the government of the popish church is committed to one man, who, as chief steward, overseer, and ruler of Christ's household, in his absence hath supreme power over all churches, to direct all the affairs thereof. But here stands the difference, in civil policy he is called a king or prince ; here he is called a pope. The king has next unto him his dukes and earls ; the pope's nobility stands in his cardinals and legates, who, though they be no dukes in name, yet in pomp and pride, will not only give check to them, but also mate to kings themselves, if they might be suffered, as did Theodore, Lanfranc, Anselm, Thomas a. Becket, and so would Thomas Wolsey have done, had not the king given him a check betimes. In civil policy, next to dukes and earls, followeth the order of lords, barons, knights, esquires, gentlemen, with majors, sheriffs, constables, bailiffs, wardens, &c. The like race is to be seen also, although under other names, in the pope's policy ; of primates, bishops, suffragans, provosts, deans, canons, vicars, archdeacons, priests, deacons, subdeacons, acolyths, exorcists, lectors, door-keepers, singsters, with other clerks. And in the other, under wardens comes the order of scavengers ; so neither does the pope's mo- narchy lack his chanelrakers, to whom may well be com- pared that rabblement of abbots, provincials, priors, monks, and friars, with their convents and nunneries. Moreover, from justices, judges, lawyers, sergeants, aciorneys, which be necessary officers in the common- wealth, what differ the pope's inquisitors, canonists, doctors, and bachelors of the pope's law, commissaries, officials, proctors, promoters, with such others, which serve no less in the spiritual court, and in the consistory, than the other do in the temporal court. Now whoever wishes to compare the glory and magnificence of the one with the glory of the other ; also the power of the one with the power of the other ; and the riches of the one with the riches of the other ; I suppose he shall see no great odds between them both, taking the pope's king- dom as it stood in his full ruff, and yet stands where churches are not reformed. As for subtilty and politic practice there is no man that is impartial that doubts, or that hath his eyes that sees not, that the pope's hierarchy, in holding up their state, far excelleth all the kingdoms of worldly princes. Thus in comparing the pope's government with civil governments, as they disagree in little or nothing ; so in comparing again the same with the order of scriptures, or with the government that was in the ancient church of Rome, we shall see no resemblance between them. As we read in the apostles' time, all the armour of Christ's ministers was spiritual and full of godly power against the spiritual enemies of our salvation, governing the church with peace, patience, humility, true knowledge of God, the sword of the Spirit, the shield of faith, the breastplate of righteousness, hearty charity, sincere faith, and a good conscience ; so after the apostles in the time of Ambrose, by his own testimony it is to be understood, that the armour of churchmen was then prayers and tears ; wliere now the armour of the pope's priesthood is nothing else but fire and sword, wherewith they keep all things under their subjection. And here comes tlie enormous and horrible abuse of excommunication, suspension, and in- terdict : for many things, for which the civil magistrate will not commit any citizen to the stocks, the pope's cen- sure will not hesitate to commit a christian to the devil; not to speak of other usurped dealings and doings in mat- ers that belong to the civil sword. As in jjunishing im- morality and adultery, in administration and probates of testaments, in bearing civil office; cardinals to be captaiiis in war, and rulers of regions ; bishops to be presidents or chancellors ; priests to be stewards in great men'3 houses, or masters of mints, or clerks of the market, or gardeners to gentlemen, &c. All which I here pass over, referring them to the consideration of such as have more leisure to mark the order of their doings, and so to judge of the same with impartiality, according to the rule of truth taught in God's word, and the public examples of the ancient church of Christ in the primitive time. Thus having discoursed so much concerning the man- ner of life, title, jurisdiction, and government of the pope's see (in all which points it is to be seen how this later church of Rome has receded from the true ancient church of Rome), it now remains, according to my pro- mise, to proceed to the fourth and last point, which is Doctrine ; wherein consists the chief matter that makes with us and against them, so that they are not to be re- puted for true catholics, being altered so far ; nor we other than heretics, if we should now join with them. For the proof of which let us examine the doctrine and rites of the church of Rome now used, and compare them with the teaching of the ancient catholics, that such simple souls as have been, and yet are seduced, by the false appearance and image of this pretended and bastardly church, perceiving what lies within it, may be warned in time, either to eschew the peril, if they are willing to be instructed, or, if not, to blame none but themselves for their own wilful destruction. And although I could here charge the new-fangled church of the pope with seven or eight heinous crimes, as blasphemy, idolatry, heresy, su- perstition, absurdity, vanity, cruelty, and contradiction, (in which it neither agrees with the old learning of their predecessors, nor yet with themselves in sundry points), yet I will, and dare boldly affirm, that in this doctrine of the pope now taught in the church of Rome, there is neither any consolation of conscience, nor salvation of man's soul. For seeing there is no life, nor soul's health but only in Christ, nor any promise of salvation or comfort made, but only by faith in the Son of God : what assur- ance can there be of perfect peace, life, or salvation, where that which only maketh all, is made least of, and other things which make least are the most esteemed ? For to say the simple truth, what else is the whole course and body of the pope's law now set forth, but a doctrine of laws, a heap of ceremonies, teaching of traditions, a medi- ation of merits, a foundation of new religions ? all which avail not one jot to the justification of our souls before the terrible judgment of God. And, therefore, as it may be truly said that tlus doc- trine of the pope is void of all true comfort and salvation ; so likewise it seems that these, who addict themselves so devoutly to the pope's learning, were never earn- estly afflicted in conscience, never humbled in spirit, nor broken in heart, never entered into any serious feeling of God's judgment, nor ever felt the strength of the law and of death. For if they had, they should soon have seen their own weakness, and been driven to Christ ; then should they have seen what a horrible thing it is to appear before God the Father, or once to think on him, as Luther saith, without Christ. And, on the contrary side, then should they know what a glory, what a kingdom, what liberty and life it were to be in Christ Jesus by faith, hold- ing their inheritance, not with the bondson of Ilagar, but with the free son of Sarah ; by promise, and not by the law ; by grace, and not by works ; by gift, and not by deserving ; that God only might be praised, and not man. And thus were the old Romans first taught, by St. Paul writing to the Romans. The same did Cornelius the Roman, and the first that was baptized of all the Gentiles, learn of St. Peter, when he received the Holy Ghost, not by the deeds of the law, but only by hearing the faith of Jesus preached. And in the same doctrine, the said churi;h of the Romans con- tinued many years, so long as they were in af- fliction. And in the same doctrine the bishop of Rome, with his Romans, now also should still remain, 1 if they were such ancient catholics as they pretend, I aud would follow the old mother church of Rome, AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS. 21 and hold the first liquor wherewith they were first Eeasoned. But the sweet freshness and bcent of that liquor, and pleasant perfume, is now clean put out through other unsavory infusions of the pope's, so that hardly any taste or piece reniaineth of all that primitive doctrine, which St. Paul and the other apostles first planted among the Gentiles. And what marvel if the Romans now in so long time have lost their first sap, seeing the church of the Galatiaus in the very time of St. Paul, their schoolmaster, as soon as he turned his back a little, were almost turned from the doctrine of faith, and had much ado to be recovered again. Of this defection and falling away from the faith, St. Paul expressly foretells us in his epistles both to the Thessalonians, and also to Timothy, where he shews that a defection shall come, and that certain shall depart from the faith, attending to spirits of error, &c. 1 Tim. iv. 1 ; and to know what errors these shall be, the circumstance plainly leads us to understand in the same place, where the apos- tle speaks of seared consciences, forbidding men to marry, and to eat meats ordained of God to be taken with thanksgiving, for man's sustenance ; most evi- dently, as with his finger, pointing out unto us the church of Rome, which not in these points only, but also in all other conditions is almost utterly revolted from the pure original sincerity of that doctrine, which St. Paul planted in the church of the Romans, and of all other Gentiles, and of which the following is a summary. I. The doctrine of St. Paul ascribes all our justi- fication freely and only to faith in Christ, as to the only means and cause whereby the merits of Christ's passion can be applied unto us, without any respect of work or works of the law whatever ; Ephes. ii. 8, 9 ; and in this doctrine, the church of the Romans was first planted. II. The same doctrine of St. Paul, cutting off and excluding all man's deserving, rests only upon God's promise, and upon grace, not man's merits: upon mercy, not man's labouring or running, Rom. ix. 16 : upon election and calling, not man's willing, &c. III. The same doctrine casting down the strength of man and his natural integrity, as they call it, concludes all flesh under sin, and makes the same desti- tute of the glory of God, Rom. iii. 9— 2.'5. IV. It makes a difference between the law and the gospel, declaring the use and end of them to be different ; the one to kill, the other to quicken ; the one to condemn, the other to justify ; the one to have an end, the other to be perpetual, &c. : Rom. v. 20. ; vii. 4. Gal. iii. 10—13. V. The same doctrine of St. Paul, as it shews a dif- ference between the law and the gospel, so it makes no less difference between the righteousness of God and the righteousness of man, abhorring the one, that is, man's own righteousness, coming by the law and works ; and embracing the other which God imputes freely and gra- ciously to us for Christ his Son's sake, in whom we believe, Philip, iii. 9. : Rom. iv. 24. VI. It wipes away all traditions, and constitutions of men, especially from binding of conscience, calling them beggarly elements of this world, Gal. iv. 9. Col. ii. 20—22. VII. Likewise it rejects and wipes away all curious Bubtilties, and superfluous speculations, and knows nothing else but only Christ crucified, which is the only object to which our faith looks, 1 Cor. ii. 1, 2. VIII. Furthermore, as the same doctrine of St. Paul defines all men to he transgressors by the disobedience of one Adam, though they never touched the apple, they cwning of his stock by nature ; so doth it prove all men to be justified by the obedience of one, even Christ, though they did not his obedience, they being likewise born of him by spiritual regeneration and faith, Rom. V. 17—19. IX. And therefore as all men coming of Adam are condemned m-iginally, before they grow up to commit any sin against the law ; so all men regenerated by faith in Christ are saved originally before they begin to do any good work of charity, or any other good deed, Rom. V. 18, 19. X. The doctrine of St. Paul, considering the high glory of a christian man's state in Christ Jesus by faith, first sets him in a perfect peace with Almighty God, Rom. V. 1. Secondly, exempts him from all condem- nation, Rom. viii. 1. Thirdly, it matches him with angels ; it equals him with saints and fellow-citizens of heaven ; it numbers him with the household of God ; and inherits him with Jesus Christ himself. Ephes. ii. 19. Fourthly, it adopts him from the state of a servant, tc the state of a son of God, crying, " Abba, Father:" Gal. iv. 6. Fifthly, it opens to him a bold access and entrance to the high Majesty and throne of grace, Ephes. ii. 18 ; Heb. iv. 16. Sixthly, it subjects aU things under him, as ministers, yea, the apostles them- selves, in their highest office, death, life, things present, things to come, with the whole world besides, and as- signs him no spiritual head, but only Christ, saying, " And you are Christ'c, and Christ is God's," 1 Cor. iii. 23. Seventhly, it advances and sets him in a spiritual liberty or freedom, above all terrors of spirit, either of God's law, or man's law ; above all dreadful fears of sin, damnation, malediction, rejection, death, hell, or purgatory ; above all servile bondage of ceremo- nies, men's precepts, traditions, superstitions, vices, yokes, customs, or what else soever oppresseth and en- tangleth the spiritual freedom of a conscience, which Christ hath set at liberty ; and requireth, moreover, that we walk and stand stout in that liberty whereto we are brought with the free son of Sarah, and not suffer ourselves any more to be clogged with any such servile bondage ; that is to say, although we must be content to subject our bodies to all service, and to all men, yet must we not yield our spiritual consciences and souls as slaves and servants, to be subject to the fear or bondage of any thing in this world, for so much as we are made lords and princes over all things whatsoever that can harm, bind, or terrify us. Gal. iv. 9. XI. The right vein of St. Paul's doctrine puts no dif- ference nor observation in days and times. Gal. iv. 10 : Col. ii. 16. XII. It leaveth all meats to be indifferent, with thanksgiving, to serve the necessity of the body, and not the body to serve them, Col. ii. 16. 1 Tim. iv. 4. XIII. It permits marriage without restraint or excep- tion, lawful and also expedient for all men, having need thereof, 1 Cor. vii. 2. Heb. xiii. 4. XIV. It admits no sacrifice for sin, but the sacrifice of Christ alone, and that done once for all with blood. For without blood there is no remission of sin, which is applied to us by faith only, and by nothing else, Heb. ix. 22. XV. As touching the holy communion, by the first epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians, xi. 23 — 26., we under- stand, that the use then amongst them was, to have the participation of the bread called the Lord's body, and of the cup called the Lord's blood, administered not at an altar, but at a plain board or table, the congregatioa there meeting together after the time of their supper, where not the minister alone did receive, and the other looked on ; but the whole congregation together did communicate with reverence and thanksgiving, not lifting over the priest's head, nor worshipping, nor kneeling, nor knocking their breasts ; but either sitting at the supper, or standing after the supper. XVI. The apostle, besides the sacramental supper, makes mention of baptism, or washing of regeneration, although he himself baptized but few, 1 Cor. i. 14., of other sacraments he makes no mention. XVII. By the same doctrine of St. Paul, no tongue is to be used in the congregation, which is not known, and doth not edify, 1 Cor. xiv. 2. XVIII. The rule of St. Paul's doctrine subjects every creature under the obedience of kings and princes, and ordinary magistrates, ordained of God to have the sword and authority of public government, to order and dispose in all things not contrary to God, whatever pertaiueth to the maintenance of the good, or to the correction of the evil ; from whose jurisdiction there is no exemption of 22 THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS, Vocations or persons, whether they be ecclesiastical or political. And therefore to this office it appertains to preserve peace, to set things in lawful order, to preserve christian discipline in the churcli of Christ, to remove offences, to bridle the disobedient, to provide and procure wholesome and faithful teachers over the people, to maintain learning, and set up schools, to have oversight not only of the people, but also of all ecclesiastical ministers, to see every one to do his duty, and to remove or punish 8uch as be negligent; also to call councils and synods, and to provide that the church goods be faithfully dis- pensed by the hands of true dealers, to the sustenance of the church, and of true teachers, and to the public neces- sity of the poor, &c. Rom. xiii. 1. 4. 6., Tit. iii. 1. XIX. Furthermore, by St. Paul's doctrine, the minis- ters of Christ's church have their authority and armour likewise limited to them, which armour is only spiritual and not carnal, whereby they tight not against flesh and blood, but against the power of darkness, error, and sin ; against the sjiiritual seduction and craftiness in heavenly things, against the works and proceedings of Satan the j)rince of this world, in comforting weak consciences against the terrors of the devil and desperation, and finally against every thought lifted up against Christ, to subdue every lofty thing to the subjection and power of Christ Jesus the Son of God. Eph. vi. I'.i — 18. Briefly to reduce the whole doctrine of St. Paul, it consists chiefly in these five points : First, in setting forth the grace, great love and good will, and free promises of God the Father in Christ Jesus his Son to mankind, who so loved the world that he Lath given his own Son for the redemption thereof, John iii. 16. Who gave his Son to die for us being his enemies, Rom. v. 8. Who hath quickened us being dead in sin, Ephes. ii. 1. Who so mercifully hath reconciled the world to himself by his Son, and also by his ambassadors desireth us to be reconciled unto him, 8 Cor. V. 20. Who hath given his own Son to be sin for fcs, 2 Cor. V. 21. To be accursed for us. Gal. iii. I'.i. Who by firm promise hath assured us of our inherit- ance, Rom. iv. 16. Who not by the works of riglit- eousness that we have done, but of his own mercy hath saved us by the washing of regeneration, Tit. iii. 4. The second point consists in preacliing and express- ing the glorious and triumphant majesty of Christ Jesus the Son of God, and the excellency of his glory ; who being once dead in the infirmity of the flesh, rose again with power, and ascending up with majesty, hath led captivity captive, Eph. iv. 8., who sitteth and reigneth in glory on the right hand of God in heavenly things above all principalities, and powers, and dominions, and above every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in the world to come, Ephes. i. 21. At whose name every knee is to bow both in heaven and in earth, and under the earth, and every tongue to confess our Lord Christ Jesus to the glory of God the Father, Phil. ii. 10. In whom and by wlunn all things are made both in heaven and in earth, things visible and invisible, whether they be thrones or dominions, or principalities, or powers, all are by him and for him created, and he is before all, and all things consist in him who is the head of his body the church, the beginning and first- born from the dead, in whom dwelleth all fulness, Col. i. 16. To whom the Father hath given all judg- ment, and judgeth no man himself any more, John v. 22. To whom the Father hath given all things to his hands, John xiii. ^5. To whom the Father hath given power over all flesh, John xvii. 2. To whom all power is given in heaven and earth. Matt, xxviii. 18. In whom all the promises of God are yea and amen, 2 Cor. i. 20. Thirdly, he declareth the virtue of his cross and passion, and what exceeding benefits proceed to us by the same. By whose blood we have redemption and remission of our sins, Ephes. i. 7. By whose stripes we are healed, Isa. liii. 5. By whose cross all things are made peace, both in heaven and in earth. Col. i. 20. By whose death we are reconciled, Rom. v. 10. Wlio hath destroyed death and brought life to light, 2 Tim. i. 10. Who by death hath destroyed him which had the power of death, that is, the devil, and hath delivered [ them which lived under fear of death all their life in bondage, Heb. ii. 14. By whose obedience we are made righteous, by whose righteousness we are justi- fied to life, Rom. v. 18. By whose curse we are blessed, and delivered from the curse of the law. Gal. iii. 13. By whose blood we that once were far off, are made near unto God, Ephes. ii. l;{. Who in one body hath reconciled both Jews and Gentiles unto God, Ephes. ii. 16. Who by his flesh hath taken away the division and separation between God and us, abolishing the law which was set against us in precepts and decrees, Ephes. ii. 15. Who is our peace, our advocate, and propitiation for the sins of the whole world, 1 John ii. 2. Who was made accursed, and sin for us, that we might be the righteousness of God in him, 2 Cor. v. 21. Who is made of God for us, our wisdom, and right- eousness, and sanctification, and redemption, 1 Cor. i. 30. By whom we have boldness and entrance with all confidence through faith in him, Ephes. iii. 12. Who forgiveth all our sins, and hath torn in pieces the obligation or hand-writing, which was against us in the law of the commandments, and hath crucified it upon the cross, and utterly hath despatched and abolished the same, and hath spoiled principalities and powers, as in an open show of conquest, triumphing over them openly in himself, Col. ii. 14. Who justi- fieth the wicked by faith, Rom. iv. 1. In whom we are made full and complete. Col. ii. 10., &c. The fourth branch is, to teach us and inform us, to whom these benefits of Christ's passion and victory appertain, and by what means they are applied to us , which means is only one, that is by faith in Christ Jesus, and no other thing. Which faith it pleases Almighty God to accept for righteousness. And this righteousness it is which only stands before God, and none other, as we are plainly taught by the scriptures, a!id especially by the doctrine of St. Paul. Which rigliteousness thus rising from faith in Christ, St. Paul calls the righteousness of God, where he speaks of him- self, utterly refusing the other righteousness which is of the law, that he might be found in him, not having his own righteousness which is of the law, but the righteous- ness of Christ, which is of faith, Phil. iii. 9. Again, the apostle writing of the Jews, who sought for right- eousness and found it not ; and also of the Gentiles, who sought not for it, and yet found it, shews the reason why : Because, says he, the one sought it by the works of the law, and not knowing the righteousness of God, and seeking to set up their own righteousness, did not submit themselves to the righteousness which is of God. The other, which were the Gentiles, and sought not for it, obtained righteousness, that righteousness which is of faith, &c., Rom. ix. 30. Also in another place of the same epistle, St. Paul writing of this right- eous«iess which cometh of faith, calls it the righteous- ness of God, in these words : "whom God hath set forth for a propitiation by faith in his blood, to declare his righteousness for the remission of sins that are past, through the forbearance of God," Rom. iii. 25. By which righteousness it is evident that St. Paul means the righteousness of faith, which Almighty God now reveals and makes manifest by the preaching of the gospeJ. Wilt thou see yet more plainly this righteousness of God, how it is taken in St. Paul for the righteousness of faith, and therefore is called the righteousness of God, because it is imputed only of God to faith, and not deserved of man ? In the same epistle to the Romans and in the third chapter, his words are manifest : " the righteousness of God," says he, " is by faith of Jesus Christ, unto all, and upon all them that believe," &c., Rom. iii. 22. Wherefore whosoever studies to be accepted with God, and to be found righteous in his sight, let him learn diligently by the doctrine of St. Paul to make a dif- ference as far as from heaven to earth, between the righteousness of works, and the righteousness of faith : and bring no other means for his justification, or for the remission of his sins, but only faith apprehending the body or person of Christ Jesus crucified. For as there is no way into the house but by the door, so is there no AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS. £3 coming to God but by Christ alone, which is by faith. And as the mortal body, without bodily sustenance of bread and drink, cannot but perish, so the spiritual soul of man hath no other refreshing but only by faith in the body and blood of Christ, whereby to be saved. With this faith the idolatrous Gentiles apprehended Jesus Christ, and received thereby ^ighteousnes'^ Cornelius, (the tirst baptized Roman), so soon as he heard Peter preach Christ, received straightway the Holy Ghost, Acts X. 44. Peter himself confessed, and for his con- fession had the keys of heaven, Matt. xvi. 19. Zaccheus received the person of Christ into his house, and withal received salvation both to him and his whole household, Luke xix. 9. What a sinner was Mary, who had in her no less than seven devils, and yet because she set her heart and affection upon that person, many sins were forgiven her, Luke vii. 47. The right hand thief, how far was he from all works of the law, and yet by faith he entered justified into Paradise the same day with Christ, Luke xxiii. 43. In like manner, although the poor publican came to the church with less holiness after the law, yet he went home to his house more justified than the pharisee with all his works, and all by reason of faith, Luke xviii. 14. The parable of the prodigal son which was lost, yet revived again ; also of the lost piece of silver; and of the lost sheep which went astray and was found again ; what do these declare, but that that which is lost by the law is to be recovered by faith and grace ? Luke xv. 11. And how often do we read in the gospels : Thy faith hath saved thee, &c. Jesus seeing their faith, &c. He that believeth in me, I will raise him up at the last day, &c. Believe also in me, &c. He that believeth in me hath everlasting life, &c. Without me ye can do nothing, &c. He that is in me, &c. He that loveth me, &c. He that heareth me, &c. He that abideth in me, &c. He that receiveth me, &c. Unless ye eat my flesh, and drink my blood, &c. That they may receive forgiveness of sins by faith that is in me, &c. To him give all the prophets witness, that through his name, whosoever believeth in him shall receive re- mission of sins, &c. He that believeth and is baptized, &c. He that believeth on me, the works that I do shall he do also, and greater than these, &c. Luke xviii. 42. Matt. ix. 2. John vi. 40. John xiv. 1. John iii. 'M. John XV. 5. John xv. 4. John i. 12. John v. 5,'i. Acts xxvi. 18. Acts X. 4;^. Markx\d. 16. John xiv. 12. And likewise in the writings of St. Paul, how often do we hear the name of Christ almost in every third or fourth line, where he still repeateth : In Christ Jesus, — by Christ Jesus, — through Jesus Christ our Lord, &c. Who believe in him, &c. All who believe in him, &c. Belie\'ing on him, in him, in his name, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, &c. Believe, saith St. Paul to the jailor, on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved and thy house, &c.. Acts xvi. 'M. Thus then thou seest, as the passion of Christ is the only efficient or personal cause immediate of our salva- tion ; so is faith the only instrumental or mean cause that makes the merits of Christ available. For as the passion of Christ serves to none but such as do believe ; 60 neither does faith (as it is only a bare quality or action in man's mind) itself justify, unless it be directed to the body of Christ crucified as to his object, of whom if receives all his virtue. And therefore, these two must always jointly concur together, faith, and Christ Jesus crucified. As for example, when the children of Israel were bid of Moses to look up to the brazen serpent ; neither could the serpent have helped them, except they had looked up, nor yet their looking up have profited them, unless they had directed their e)^es upon the serpent, as the only object for them to behold. So our faith directed to the body of Jesus our Saviour, is the only means whereby Christ's merits are applied to us, and we are justified before God, according to the doctrine of St. Paul, who, in express words defining to us what this faith is, and how it justifies, saith, " if thou shalt con- fess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and shalt believe in thy heart that God hath raised him from the dead, thou shalt be saved," &c. Rom. x. 9. Besides this, whatever actioa or quality there is in maa, either hope, charity, or any other kind of faith and believing, be it never so true, except it apprehend this object which is the body of Christ the Son of God, it serves not to justification. And that is the cause why we add this particle (only) to faith, and say that onli/ faith in Christ justifies us, to exclude all other actions, qualities, gifts, or works of man, from the cause of justifying ; for so much as there is no other knowledge nor gift given of God to man, be it never so excellent, that can stand before the judgment of God unto justification, or whereunto any promise of salvation is annexed ; but only this faith looking up to the brazen serpent, that is, to the body of Christ Jesus crucified for us. As for example, when the Turk says, that he believes in one living God that made heaven and earth, his belief therein is true, yet it justifies him not, because it lacks the right object, which is Christ. So when the Jew says, that he believes in one God maker of heaven and earth, and believes also the same God to be omnipotent, merciful, just, and true of promise, and that he has elected the seed of Abraham ; true it is that he believes, and yet all this senes him not, because Christ the Son of God is not joined withal. And though the said Jew should be never so devout in his prayers, or charitable ia alms, or precise in keeping the law, and believe never so steadfastly that he is elected to be saved ; yet he is never the nearer to salvation for all this, so long as his faith is not grounded upon the head comer stone, which is the person and body of Jesus Christ the true Saviour. After like sort it may be said of the papist, when he saith, that he is baptized, and believes in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, three persons, and one God, and also confesses Jesus Christ to be the Son of God, which died for our sins, and rose again for our righteousness, &c., his belief therein is true, and indeed would save him, if he did stay his salvation in this faith, and upon Christ his Saviour only, according to the promise and grace of God, and go no further. But that he does not . for neither does he admit Christ only to be his perfect Saviour without the help of the patrons, heads, advo- cates, and mediators, nor yet permits his faith in Christ only to be the means of his justification, but sets up other by-means, as hope, charity, sacrifice of the mass, confession, penance, satisfaction, merits and pardons, supposing thereby to work his justification before God, contrary to the word of promise, to the gospel of grace, and to the doctrine of St. Paul. And thus much of the true causes of our justification after the doctrine of St. Paul. Concerning which causes this distinction is to be added, that as touching the original causes of our salvation, which are various, some are external, and without us ; some are internal, and within us. Of the external causes which are with- out us, the first and principal is the mercy and grace of God. On this followeth predestination and election. Then cometh vocation. The last and next cause to us is the death and bloodshed of Christ, whereby we are redeemed, and all these are external causes, because they are vnthout us. Of internal causes that are in man through the gift of God, there is but one, and no more appointed in scripture, that is our faitli in Christ, which is the gift of God in us. Besides this, there is no gift of God given to man, virtue, work, merit, nor any thing else, that is any part or cause of salvation, but only this gift of faith, to believe in Christ Jesus. And this is the cause why we hold that faith only justifies, meaning that amongst all the works, deeds, actions, labours and operations whatsoever, that man does or can do, there is nothing in man that works salvation, but only his faith given to him of God to believe in Christ his Son. And therefore in the epistle to the Romans, St. Paul reasoning of the glory of justifying, asks this question, how boasting of this glory is excluded ; whether by the law of works ? And concludes no ; ascribing only the glory thereof to the law of faith, and consequently upon the same he infers, " we conclude that a man is justified by faith without the deeds of the law," Rom. iii. 28. And how then can that be accounted any part of our justification, which St. Paul utterly debars and excludes ? 1 Of which the whole course of St. Paul's doctrine is full, 24 THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS, where he still concludes ; " It is the gift of God, not of •works, lest any man should boast," &c. " Not by works of ri;»hteoiisuess which we liave done, but according to his mercy," Ike. " Not according to our works, but ac- cording to his own purpose and grace which was given us," &c. " A mail is not justified by works," &c. " To him that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness," ike. Eph. ii. 8, y.— Tit. iii. T). 2 Tim. i. 9. Gal. ii. 16. Rom. iv. 5. By tliese plain declarations, what does he mean, but utterly to exclude all kind of man's merits, and works of the law, from the office and dignity of justifying? And, although lie expresses not the word ouli/ ; yet upon his exdusives, and negatives, this exceptive must needs be inferred. And thus much concerning faith in Christ proved to be the only mean, or instrumental, or condi- tional cause of our salvation, and no other besides the same alone, is taught by the doctrine of St. Paul to the ancient Romans. The fifth branch, which I note in St. Paul's doc- trine, is this : that after he has thus established us in the certainty of our salvation through faith in Christ, then he exhorts us vehemently to good works, shewing the true use and end of good works : which is, first, to shew our obedience and dutiful service unto God, who hath done so great things for us. Secondly, to relieve our neighbours with our charity and kindness, as God hath been kind to us, his enemies. Thirdly, to stir up others by our example to praise God, to em- brace the same religion, and to do the like. For it is requisite, that as God has been so merciful to us, and gracious in eternal gifts, we should be merciful like- wise in temporal things. And seeing it has pleased him of his Fatherly goodness to call us to so high a vocation, to give the blood of his Son for us, to for- give us all our sins, to deliver us from this present ■wicked world, to make us citizens of heaven, yea, his children, more than servants : little then can we do, and well may we think those benefits ill bestowed, if we forgive not our neighbours, and shew not some- thing worthy of that holy calling wherewith he hath called us, in mortifying our worldly lusts here, and studying after heavenly things : and, finally, if we being provoked with such love and kindness, render not again some love for love, some kindness for kindness, seek- ing how to walk in the steps which he has prepared for us to walk in, serving him (so much as we may), in holiness and righteousness all the days of our life. And though our obedience shall always be imperfect, yet we should shew obedience, as loving children to such a loving father. And this is the cause why St. Paul so vehemently and urgently calls upon us to do good works; not that works should justify, but that we being justified so mercifully and tenderly through the grace of God, should not abuse his grace in vain, but endeavour our- selves, to our uttermost, to render our service again to him, in such conversation of life as may most make to his glory, and the profit of our neighbour. And though the words of our Saviour seem, in some places, to attribute great rewards in heaven to our obedience and charity here in earth, that is of his own free grace and goodness so to impute small matters for great deserts, and it is not for us to claim any meed thereby, or thank at his hand, as by any worthiness of our doings ; 110 more than tlie servant can, when he comes from the plough, and serving the cattle in the field, serves first his master at home, and waits upon his table : the master is not bound (saith Christ) to thank his ser- vant, because he did tlie things that were commanded him : " So likewise ye," saith he, " when ye shall have done all those things which are commanded you, say. We are unprofitable servants ; we have done that which was our duty to do," Luke xvii. 10. Again, here also is to be understood, that where such rewards are ascribed to men's deeds, it is not the worthiness of the deed itself, but the faith of the doer, which makes the work to be good in God's sight : for if an infidel should do the same work that the christian does, it were nothing but mere sin before God. In that, therefore, the christian man's work is accepted, be it never so small (as to give a cup of cold water) the same is only for his faith sake that does it, and not for the work which is done. Whereby again we may learn how faith only justifies a man, and that three manner of ways : — First, it justifies the person in making him accepted, and the child of God by regeneration, before he begin to do any good work. Secondly, it justifies a man from sin, in procuring remission and forgiveness of the same. Thirdly, it justifies the good deeds and works of man, not only in bringing forth good fruits, but also in making the same works to be good and acceptable in the sight of God, which otherwise were impure and ex- ecrable in his sight. The oflSce, therefore, of faith and works is different, and must not be confounded. Faith goes before, and regenerates a man, and justifies him in the sight of God, both in covering his ill deeds, and making his good deeds acceptable to God, climbing up to heaven, and there wrestling with God and his judgment for righteousness, for salvation, and for everlasting life. Works and charity follow faith, and are exercised here upon the earth, and have glory only before man, but not before God, in shewing forth obedience both to God and to man. Further than this our good works do not reach, nor have any thing to do in the judgment of God touching salvation. I speak of our good works (as St. Paul speaketh, Rom. vii.) as they be ours, and imper- fect. For if our works could be perfect according to the perfection of the law, as Christ wrought them in the perfection of his flesh ; that is, if we could perfect them ; then, as it is said : " The man which doeth those things shall live by them," Rom. x. 5. But now seeing the weakness of our flesh cannot attain thereto, it follows that all glory of justifying is taken from works, and transferred only to faith. And thus much concerning the principal contents of St. Paul's doctrine : wherein the church of the ancient Romans was first grounded and planted, and so conti- nued, or at least did not much alter, during the primi- tive state of the church. Likewise, the same form o( doctrine the later Romans should have maintained, and not have fallen away for any man's preaching, but should hold him accursed, yea if he were an apostle or angel from heaven, teaching any other doctrine than that which we have preached unto you. Gal. i. 8., for so were they warned before by the apostle St. Paul to do. And yet, notwithstanding all this forewarning and diligent instruc- tion of this blessed apostle of the Gentiles, what a defec- tion of faith is fallen among the Gentiles, especially among the Romans, whereof the said apostle also fore- told them so long before, prophesying, that the day of the Lord shall not come, "except there come a falling away first, and that man of sin be revealed," &c. 2 Thess. ii. 3., meaning a departing and a falling from that faith which the Holy Ghost had then planted by his ministry among the Gentiles, as we see it now come to pass in the church of Rome. Which church is so gone from the faith that St. Paul taught, that if he were now alive, and saw these decrees and decretals of the bishop of Rome, these heaps of ceremonies and traditions, these mass-books, these festivals and legends, these processionals, hymns, and sequences, these beads and graduals, and the manner of their invocation, their canons, censures, and later coun- cils, such swarms of superstitious monks and friars, such sects, and so many divers religions— the testament of St. Francis, the rule of St. Benedict, of St. Bridget, of St. Anthony, &c. the intricate subtleties and laby- rinths of the schoolmen, the infinite cases and distinc- tions of the canonists, the sermons in churches, the assertions in schools, the glory of the pope, the pride of the clergy, the cruelty of persecuting prelates with their officials and promoters : he would say this were not a defection, but rather a plain destruction, and a ruin of faith ; neither that this were any true church of Christ, but a new found religion, or paganism rather, brought in under the shadow of Christianity, wherein remains al- most nothing else but the name only of Christ, and the AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS. 25 outward form of his religion, the true vein and effect whereof is utterly decayed ; as will soon appear to them who will examine all the parts of this new Romish religion. For save only that they pretend the solemn form and words of the creed, and are baptized, confessing the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Gliost : as touching all other points, and true sincerity of the christian faith, which they outwardly profess, they are utterly degenerated from that which St. Paul and the word of God first had taught them. For, they confess the Father in word, but his will expressed in his word tliey renounce ; his grace they acknowledge not ; his benefits and jiromises given unto us in his Son, they receive not ; the vigor of his law they feel not ; the terror of his judgments they fear not, and his commandments they observe by traditions and com- mandments of their own. Likewise the name of Christ his Son, they confess in word, but in deed they deface and diminish his office ; his glory they seek not, but under his name they seek their own glory ; the power of his blood and passion they know not, for they neither admit him to be the head of his church alone, nor Saviour alone, nor to be our only pa- tron and advocate, but place him with the Virgin Mary, and other patrons, so that almost every parish in Christendom has its peculiar patron, besides Christ. In like manner, they confess the name of the Holy Ghost, but God himself knoweth how far they are from the comfort, knowledge, and taste of the Holy Ghost; as may well appear by their councils, by their expounding of scripture, by their superstitious ceremonies, by their outward worshipping, and idolatrous invocation to stocks and stones, and to dead creatures, by their scrupulous observation of days, times, places, numbers and ges- tures ; and no less also by their doctrine, which de- frauds the poor hearts of simple christians of their due consolation, joy and liberty in the Holy Ghost, keep- ing them stiU in a servile bondage, and a doubtful uncertainty of their salvation, contrary to the working of the Holy Spirit of God. And thus the church of Rome, pretending only the name of Christ and of his religion, is so far altered from the truth of what it pretends, that under the name of Christ, it persecutes both Christ and his religion ; work- ing more harm to the church of Christ than ever did the open tyrants and persecuting emperors among the hea- then : not much unlike the old synagogue of the scribes and pharisees, who, under the name of God, crucified the Son of God, and under pretence of the law, fought against the gospel, and under the title of Abraham's children, persecuted the children of Abraham. And as they boasting so highly of the temple of the Lord, did, indeed, destroy the true temple of the Lord ; just so, these pretended cathoUcs in these days, after they have raised up a catholic church of their own, and have armed it with laws, and have gathered a multitude of priests, prelates, abbots, priors, monks, cardinals, and also of secular princes, to take their part ; now, under the name of the catholic church, they persecute the true catholic church, and colouring their proceeding still with the name of the Lord, most cruelly put them to death, who die for the name of the Lord, condemning them for heretics, schismatics, and rebels, who deny no part of the creed which they themselves profess, and whom they cannot convince by any scripture ; but who will not join with their errors and heresies, contrary to the honour of God, and truth of his word. And lest any should think that our protest against the corrupt errors and manifold deformities of this later church of Rome proceeds more of rancour or affec- tion, rather than grounded upon necessary causes and demonstration, my purpose is to take herein some little pains, and as I have collected, a little before, the con- tents of St. Paul's doctrine, wherewith the old church of Rome was first seasoned and acquainted, so now, in a like summary table, I will describe the particular branches and contents of the pope's doctrine, that all true christian readers, comparing the one with the other, taaj discern w-.it great alteration there is between the I church of Rome that now is, and the church of Rotne that then was planted by the apostles in the primitive time. And to open to the simple reader some way whereby he may the better judge in such matters of doc- trine, and not be deceived in discerning truth from error, we will first propound certain princi])les or general posi- tions, as infallible rules or truths of the scripture, where- by all other doctrines and opinions of men being tried and examined, as with the touchstone, may the more easily be judged whether they be true or false, and whether they make against the scripture, or no. T/te Fifst Principle. As sin and death came originally by the disobe- dience of one to all men of his generation by nature : so righteousness and life came originally by the obedience of one to all men regenerated of him by faith and baptism. Rom. v. 15. The Second Principle. The promise of God was freely given to our first parents without their deserving ; that the seed of the wo- man should bruise the serpent's head, Gen. iii. 15. The Third Principle. Promise was given freely to Abraham before he de- served any thing, that in his seed all nations should be blessed, Gen. xii. '.'>. The Fourth Principle. We must neither add to, nor diminish from the word of God, Dent. iv. 2. The Fifth Principle. He that doth the works of the law shall live therein, Levit. xviii. 5. Gal. iii. 12. The Sia:th Principle. Accursed is he which abideth not in every thing that is written in the book of the law, Deut. xxvii. 26. Gal. ui, 10. The Seventh Principle. God only is to be worshipped, Deut. vi. 13. Luke iv. 8. The Eighth Principle. All our righteousnesses are as filthy rags, Isaiah Mv. 6. The Ninth Principle. In all my holy hill they shall not kill nor slay, saith the Lord, Isaiah xi. 9. Ixv. 25. The Tenth Principle. God loveth mercy and obedience more than sacri fice, Hoseavi. 6. 1 Sam. xv. 22. T/ie Eleventh Principle. The law worketh wrath, condemneth and openeth sin, Rom. iv. 15.; iii. 19, 20. The Twelfth Principle. Christ is the end of the law for righteousness to every one that believeth, Rom. x. 4. The Thirteenth Principle. Whosoever believeth and is baptized, shall be saved, Mark .\vi. 16. The Fourteenth Principle. A man is justified by faith without works, freely by grace, not of ourselves. Gal. ii. 16 ; Ephes. ii. 9. The Fifteenth Principle. There is no remission of sins without shedding of blood, Heb. ix. 22. The Sixteenth Principle. ^Vhatsoever is not of faith is sin, Rom. xiv. 23. With- out faith it is impossible to please God, Heb. xi. 6. The Seventeenth Principle. One mediator between God and man, Christ Jesus, Tim. ii. 5. And he is the propitiation for our sins, 1 John ii. 2. The Eighteenth Principle. Whosoever seeketh to be justified by the law, is fallen from grace. Gal. v. 4. The Nineteenth Principle. In Christ all the promises of God are yea and amen, 2 Cor. i. 20. The Twentieth Principle. Let every soul be subject unto the higher powe'-s, giving to Cesar that which is Cesar's, and to Gud that which is God's, Rom. xiii. 1 ; Mark xii. If. THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS, 26 As no man can deny these principles and infallible rules of the scripture, so if they be granted, the doctrine of the pope's church must be found not to be catholic, but rather full of errors and heresies, as in the sequel re- mains more expressly and particularly by the grace of Christ to be proved. I now proceed to give a summary account of the errors, heresies, and absurdities, con- tained in the pope's doctrine, contrary to the rules of God's word, and the first institution of the church of Rome. OF FAITH AND JUSTIFICATION. First, as to the only means and cause of our justifi- cation, whereby the merits of Christ's passion are ap- plied to us and made ours, we saw before how St. Paul ascribes it only to faith ; as appears by all his epistles, especially to the Romans. Where, excluding all kind of works, he ascribes all our salvation, justification, righteousness, reconciliation, and peace with God, only unto faith in Christ. Contrary to which doctrine, the pope and his church has set up divers and sundry other means of their own devising whereby the merits of Christ's passion (as they say) are applied to us and made ours, to the putting away of sins, and for our jus- tification, such as hope, charity, sacrifice of the mass, auricular confession, satisfaction, merits of saints, and holy orders, the pope's pardons, &c. So that Christ's sacrifice, stripes, and suffering, by this teaching, does not heal us, though we believe never so well, unless we add also these works and merits above recited. Which if it be true, then that is false which Isaiah the prophet doth promise (chapter liii. 5.)," with his stripes we are healed," &c. This error and heresy of the church of Rome, though it seem at first sight to the natural reason of man to be but of small importance, yet if it be earnestly considered, it is in very deed the most pernicious heresy almost that ever crept into the church, upon which, as the foundation, all or the greater part of the errors, absurdities, and inconveniences of the pope's church are grounded. For this being once admitted, that a man is not justified by his faith in Christ alone, but that other means must be sought by our own working and merits to apply the merits of Christ's passion unto us, then there is neither any certainty left of our salvation, nor any end to setting up new means and merits of our own devising for remission of sins. Neither hath there been any heresy that either hath rebelled more presump- tuously against the high majesty of God the Father, nor more perniciously injured the souls of the simple, than this doctrine. First of all, it subverts the will and testament of God. For where almighty God of his mercy has given us his Son to die for us, and with him has given his full promise, that whosoever believeth on him, should be saved by faith, and assigns none other condition, either of the law, or of works, but only of faith, to be the means be- tween his Son and us : these men take upon them to alter this testament that God hath set, and add other conditions, which the Lord in his word never appointed nor knew. To whom the words of Jerome may be well applied upon the epistle to the Galatians, " They make of the gospel of Christ the gospel of men, or rather the gospel of the devil," &c. Secondly, whereas the christian reader in the gospel, reading of the gr^at grace and sweet promises of God given to mankind in Christ his Son, might thereby take much comfort of soul, and be at rest and peace with the Lord his God : there comes the pestiferous doctrine of these heretics, wherewith they obscure this free grace of God, choke the sweet comforts of man in the Holy Ghost, oppress christian liberty, and bring us into spi- ritual bondage. Thirdly, as in this their impious doctrine they shew themselves manifest enemies to God's grace: so are they no less injurious to christian men, whom they leave in a doubtful distrust of God's favour and of their salvation, contrary to the word and will of God, and right institu- tion of the apostolic doctrine. And, whereas, they object to as that we rather leave men's conscience un- certain, forasmuch as, if life (say they) were not a due reward, it were uncertain : and now forsomuch as due debt is certain, and mercy or favour is uncertain, there- fore (say they) we leaving men's consciences to the mercy of God, do leave them in a doubtful uncertainty of their salvation. To this I answer, that due debt, if it be proved by the law duly deserv'ed, must be certain. But if the law shall prove it imperfect, or not due, then it is not certain, neither can there be any thing duly claimed. Now as touching mercy, so long as it remains secret in the prince's will, and not known to his subjects, so long it is uncertain. But when this mercy shall be openly published by proclamation, ratified by promise, conferred by will and testament, established in blood, and sealed with sacraments, then this mercy remains no more doubtful, but ought firmly to be believed of every true faithful subject. And, therefore, St. Paul, to establish our hearts in this assurance, and to answer to this doubt, in his epistle to the Romans, does teach us, saying, " Therefore it is of faith, that it might be by grace, to the end the promise might be sure to all the seed," Rom. iv. 16". Meaning, hereby, that works have nothing to do in this case of justifying, and stating the reason why : for then our salvation should stand in doubt, because in working we are never certain whether our deserts be perfect and sufficient in God's judgment or no : and, therefore, (saith St. Paul) to the intent our salvation should be out of all doubt and certain, it stands not of works in deserving, but of faith in apprehending, and of God's free grace in promising. Fourthly, as in this their sinister doctrine they break this principle of christian religion, which saith that a man is justified by faith without works, so again it breaks another principle above rehearsed. For this rule being granted, that nothing is to be added to God's word, nor taken from it, then have these men done wickedly in adding (as they do) to God's word. For where the word of God limits to our justification no con- dition but faith, " Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved and thy house," &c. Acts xvi. 31, these add other conditions besides, and such as the word excludes, as hope, charity, the sacrifice of the mass, the work of the priest, auricular confession, satisfaction, meritorious deeds, &c. And thus much concerning the doctrine of faith and justification. Whereby it may ap- pear to what horrible blindness and blasphemy the church of Rome is now fallen, where this kind of doc- trine is not only suffered, but also publicly professed. OF WORKS AND THE LAW. As touching the doctrine of good works, and the law, what the teaching of St. Paul was to the Romans, we have seen before. Who, although he excludes good works from the office of justifying, yet he excludes them not from the practice and conversation of christian life, but most earnestly calls upon all faithful believers in Christ to walk worthy their vocation, to lay down their old con- versation, to give their members servants of righteous- ness, to offer their bodies up to God a lively sacrifice, &c. Whose teaching the reformed churches follow, as their sermons, their preachings, writings, exhortings, and lives bear record. Who, although they cannot say with Christ, " Which of you convinceth me of sin ?" yet they may say to the adversaries, whosoever of you is without fault, cast the first stone of reproach against us. What the errors of the church of Rome are, touching this part of doctrine, remains to be stated. Their first error stands in this, that they, misunderstanding the nature of good works, do call good works, not such as properly are commanded by the law of God, but such as are agreeable to the pope's law ; as building of abbeys and churches, giving to the high altar, founding of trentals, finding of chanteries, gilding of images, hearing of masses, going on pilgrimage, fighting for the holy cross, keeping of vows, entering into orders, fasting of vigils, creeping to the cross, praying to saints, &c. — all which are not only reputed for good works, but so pre- ferred also before all other works, that to these is given pardon from the pope, double and triplefold, more than AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS. 27 to any other good work of charity commanded in the law of x\lmighty God. Another error also may be noted in the papists, touch- ing the efficient or formal cause of good works. Al- tliough they all confess in their books, that '• the grace of God truly given" is the chief and principal cause there- of, and works in us " the first justification" (as they call it), yet the good works after regeneration they refer to other subordinate causes, under God, as to free-will, or to " a habit of virtue," or " natural integrity," and nothing at all to faith, whereas faith only next under God is the root and fountain of well-doing : as in the fruits of a good tree, although the planter or the hus- bandman be the principal agent, and some cause also may be in the good ground ; yet the immediate cause is the root that makes the tree fruitful. In like manner, the grace of God, in a soft and repentant mollified heart, plants the gift of faith : faith, as a good root, cannot lie dead or unoccupied, but springs forth, and makes both the tree fruitful, and the fruit good, which other- wise had no goodness in them, were it not for the good- ness of the root from whence they spring ; so St. Paul, although he had certain works in him, such as they were before his conversion, yet had he no good works before the grace of Christ had rooted faith in him : so Mary Magdalene the sinner, and Zaccheus the publican : BO all the nations of the Gentiles began to bring forth fruit, and especially good fruit, when they began to be ingrafted in Christ, and to receive the root of his faith, whose fruits before that, were all damnable and unsa- voury. As touching tlio cause therefore of good works, there is no other in man but faith, as it is the office of faith to justify us in heaven, so the nature of it is here in earth to work by love, as the root works by the sap. For as a man sees and feels by faith the love and grace of God toward him in Christ his Son, so he begins to love again both God and man, and to do for his neigh- bour as God hath done to him. And hereof properly springs the running fountain of all good works and deeds of charity. Thirdly, as they err in the cause of good works, so do they err much more in the e)id of the law, and of good works ; for where St. Paul teaches the law to be given to this use and end, to convict our transgressions, to prove us sinners, to shew and condemn our infirmity, and to drive us to Christ, they take and apply no other end to the law, but to make us perfect, to keep us from wrath, aud to make us just before God ! And likewise, where St. Paul proves all our good works to be im- perfect, and utterly excludes them from justifying, they contrariwise teach, as though the end of good works were to merit remission of sins, to satisfy God, to de- serve grace, to redeem souls from purgatory, and that by them the person of the regenerate man pleases God, and is made just before God. For so they teach most jFrickedly and horribly, saying, that Christ suffered for original sin, or sins going before baptism ; but the actual sins, which follow after baptism, must be done away by men's merits. And so they assign to Christ the begin- ning of salvation, or obtaining the first grace (as they call it), but the perfection or consummation of grace they give to works and our own strength. Neither can they bear the doctrine, that we be justified freely by the mercy of God through faith only apprehending the merits of Christ. However, all papists do not agree in this error. For some make a distinction, and say, that we are justified by Christ principally ; and by the dignity of our own deeds, less principally. Others hold that we are made righteous before God, not by our works that go before L'lith, but by our virtues that follow after. Some again l(k ■*^^lius expound the saying of St. Paul, " We are justi- fied by faith," that is (say they) by faith preparing us, or setting us in a good way to be justified. Others ex- pound it by faith conjoined together with other virtues ; others thus, by faith, that is, being formed with charity, &c. Thus all these derogate from the benefit of Christ, and attribute unto works a great or the greatest part of our justification, directly against the true vein of St. Paul's doctrine, and first institution of the ancient church of Rome, and against all the principles of holy scripture. Furthermore, as to the doctrine of the law and good works, they err in misunderstanding the nature of the law and works. For where St. Paul argues that the law is spiritual, and requires of us perfect obedience, which we being carnal are never able to accomplish, they affirm otherwise, that the law requires only the outward obedience of man, and is contented therewith. And this obedience (they say) man is not only able to perform, but also to do more and greater things than the law re- quires. Whereof rise the works of supererogation. There are also (say they) certain works of the law, which pertain not to all men, but are counsels left for perfect men, as matter for them to merit by, and these they call " works of perfection, or works of supereroga- tion," adding also unto these new devices, to serve God after their own traditions besides the word of God, as monastical vows, wilful poverty, difference of meats and garments, pilgrimage to relics and saints, worshipping of the dead, superstitious ceremonies, rosaries, &c. with such like ; and these they call works of perfection, which tliey prefer before the others commanded in the law of God. Insomuch that in comparison of these, the other necessary duties commanded and commended by the word of God (as to bear office in the commonwealth, to live in the godly state of matrimony, to sustain the office of a servant in a house) are contemned, and ac- counted as profane in comparison of these. They teach not rightly of sin, nor after the institution of the apostles, and the ancient church of Rome, while they consider not the deepness and largeness of sin, sup- posing it still to be nothing else but the inward actions with consent of will, or the outward, such as are against will ; whereas the strength of sin extends not only to these, but also comprehends the blindness and ignorance of the mind, lack of knowledge and true fear of God, the untowardness of man's mind to God-ward, the privy rebellion of the heart against the law of God, the unde- lighturg will of man to God and his word. The sense of flesh St. Paul also calleth an enemy against God, and feels in himself, that is, in his flesh, nothing dwelling but sin. As touching also original sin, wherein we are born, which is the destruction of original righteousness, and of God's image in us (remaining in us, and bringing forth in us wicked thoughts, affections, and motions of sin against the law of God, and never ceasing so long as man lives), this original sin the pope's doctrine doth not deny, but yet much extenuates it, and holds that this in- ward concupiscence, and these vicious affections, are not mortal nor damnable sins, and that this concupiscence in us is no depravation of the higher, but only of the lower parts of man, being a thing indifferent, and no less natural in us than is the appetite to eat and drink, and that the same is left to remain in the saints after baptism, to be to them occasion of more meriting. OF PENANCE OR KEPENTANCE. This later church of Rome has made a sacrament of penance, which they say consists of three parts. Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction. Contrition (as they teach) may be had by strength of free-will, without the law and the Holy Ghost, through man's own action and endeavour : which contrition must be sufficient, and so it merits remission of sin. In confession they require a full rehearsal of all sins, whereby the priest knowing the crimes, may minister satisfaction accord- ingly : and this rehearsing of sins deserves remission. Satisfactions they call works not due, enjoined by the ghostly father : and this satisfaction (say they) takes away and changes eternal punishment into temporal pains, which pains also it mitigates. And again, these satisfactions may be taken away by the pope's indul- gence, &c. This unsavoury and heathenish doctrine of penance dif- fers much from the true teaching of holy scripture. By the which teaching, repentance properly contains these thre« THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS. parts, contrition, faith, and new life. Contrition is called in scripture the sorrow of heart, rising upon the consideration of sin committed, and of the anger of God provoked, which sorrow drives a man to Christ for suc- cour, whereupon rises faith. Faith brings aftervs'ard amendment or newness of life, which we call new obe- dience bringing forth fruits worthy of repentance. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE LAW AND THE GOSPEL. As there is nothing more necessary and comfortable for troubled consciences, than to be well instructed in the difference between the law and the gospel ; so the church of Rome is much to blame because it confounds together those two, being in nature so divers and con- trary one from another, as threatenings, with promises — things temporal, with things eternal— sorrowful things, with glad tidings — death, with life — bondage, with free- dom, &c. Teaching the people that whatever the law saith, the gospel confirms ; and whatever the gospel saith, the same is agreeable to the law, and so they make no difference between Moses and Christ ; save only that Moses was the giver of the old law, Christ the giver of the new and a more perfect law. And thus they imagine the gospel to be nothing else but a new law given by Christ, binding to the promises thereof the condition of our doings and deservings, no otherwise than to the old law. And so they divide the whole law after this dis- tinction into three parts, to wit, the law of nature, the law of Moses, and the law of Christ. And as for the gospel (they say) it is revealed for no other cause, but to shew to the world more perfect precepts and counsels than were in the old law ; to the fulfilling whereof they attribute justification, and so leave the poor consciences of men in perpetual doubt, and induce other manifold errors ; bringing the people into a false opinion of Christ, as though he were not a remedy against the law, but came as another Moses, to give a new law to the world. Furthermore, as they make no difference between the nature of the law, and the nature of the gospel, con- founding Moses and Christ together ; so neither do they distinguish the time of the law, and the time of the gospel asunder. For where St. Paul brings in the law to be a schoolmaster, and limits his time unto Christ, and saith that Christ is the end of the law ; that is, where the law ceases there Christ begins, and where Christ begins there the law ends : they, on the other hand, make the law to have no end nor ceasing, but give to it immortal life and kingdom equal with Christ, so that Christ and the law together do reign over the soul and conscience of man. Which is untrue ; for either Christ must give nlace and the law stand, or the law (the condemnation and malediction of the law I mean) must end, and Christ reign. For both these, Christ and the law, grace and malediction cannot reign and govern together. But Christ the Son of God, which once died, can die no more, but must reign for ever. Wherefore the law with its strength, sting and curse must needs cease and have an end. And this is what St. Paul, speaking of the triumph of Christ, saith, that he ascending up led captivity cap- tive, and hath set man at liberty ; not at liberty to live as flesh lusteth, neither hath freed him from the use and exercise of the law, but from the dominion and power of the law, so that " there is now no condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus, which walk not after the flesh, &c." Rom. viii. 4. And in another place, St. Paul speaking of the same power and dominion of the law, saith that Christ " Blotting out the hand-writing of ordi- nances that was against us, which was contrary to us, and took it out of the way, nailing it to the cross," Col. ii. 14. So that as the kingdom of Christ first began upon the cross, even so upon the same cross, and at the same time, the kingdom of the law expired, and the male- diction of the law was so crucified upon the cross, that it shall never rise again, to have any power against them that be in Christ Jesus. For like as if a woman be dis- charged from her first husband, being dead, and has mar- ied another man, the first husband has no more power Over her, Rom. vii. 2 ; even so we now being esjioused unto Christ our second husband, are discharged utterly from our first husband the law, and as St. Paul saith, (Rom. vi. 14.) are no more under the law, that is, under the dominion and malediction of the law, but under grace, that is, under perpetual remission of sins, committed not only before our baptism, but as well also after baptism, and during all our life long. For therein properly consists the grace of God, in not imputing sin to us, so often as the repenting sinner rising up by faith, flies unto Christ, and apprehends God's mercy and re- mission promised in him, according to the testimony both of the Psalm, " Blessed is the man to whom the Lord imputeth no sin," &c. and also of all the prophets, which (as St. Peter saith) " give witness that through his name, all that believe in him shall receive remission of their sins," &c. Acts x. 43. Which being so, as cannot be denied, then what need these private and ex- traordinary remissions to be brought into the church by ear-confession, by meritorious deeds, and by the pope's pardons ? For if there be no condemnation but by the law, and if this law itself which was the first husband, be made captive, crucified, abolished, and departed, what condemnation tlien can there be to them that be in Christ Jesus, or by whom should it come } If there be no condemnation, but a free and general deliverance for all men, once gotten by the victory of Christ from the penalty of the law, what needs then any particular re- mission of sins at sundry times to be sought at the priest's hands or the pope's pardons ? He that has a general pardon, needs no particular. If remedy for sin be general and ])erpetual, once gotten, for ever to all them that be in Christ Jesus, what needs any other remedy by auricular confession ? If it be not general and perpetual, how then is it true that St. Paul saith, the law is crucified, and condemnation abolished ? Or how stands redemption perpetual and general, if re- mission be not general .' For what else is redemption, but remission of sin, or sins bought out ? Or what else to kill the law, but to discharge us from condemnation for ever ? He that delivers his friend for a time out of his enemy's hand does him good ; but he that kUls the enemy once out of the way, gives perpetual safety. So if remission of sins by Christ were for some sins, and not for all, the law then must needs live still. But now the killing and crucifying of the law imports full and absolute remission, and our safety to be perpetual. But here some will object ; how is remission of sins cer- tain and perpetual, seeing new offences being daily com- mitted, do daily require new remission ? I answer : al- though sins do daily grow, whereby we have need daily to desire God to " forgive our trespasses," &c. yet not- withstanding the cause of our remission stands ever one and perpetual, neither is it to be repeated any more, nor any other cause to be sought besides that alone. This cause is the body of Christ sacrificed once upon the cross for all sins that either have been or shall be com- mitted. Besides this cause there is no other, neithert confession nor men's pardons, that remits sins. Furthermore, as the cause is one and ever perpetual, which worketh remission of sins to us ; so is the promise of God ever one, once made, and stands perpetual, that offers it to the faith of the repenting sinner. And be- cause the promise of God is always sure and cannot fail, i which offers remission to all them that believe in Christ,] being limited neither to time nor number, therefore wel may boldly conclude, that whenever a repenting sinner believes, and by faith applies to himself the sacrifice of Christ, he has by God's own promise, remission of bis sins, whether they were done before or after baptism. And, moreover, as the promise of God offers re- mission to the repentant sinner, by no other means nor condition, but only one, that is, by faith in Christ ; there- fore excluding all other means and conditions of man's working, we say, that what repenting sinner soever be- lieves in Christ, has already in himself (and needs not to seek to any priest) perpetual assurance of remission, not for this time or that time only, but for ever 1 For the promise saith not, he that believeth in Christ shall be . pardoned this time, so he sin no more ; neither does iti say that the law is staid or the sentence reprieved, buti saith plainly that tiij law, with her condemnation andf AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS. 29 sentence, is itself condemned and crucified, and shall never rise again to them that be in Christ Jesus, and promises without limitation, remission of sins, " To all that believe in his name," &c. Acts x. 43. And like- wise in another place, the scripture speaking absolutely, Baith, " Sin shall not have dominion over you," andaddeth the reason why, saying, " Because ye are not under the law but under grace," Rom. vi. 14. Adding this lesson, not that sinners should sin more because they are under grace, but only that weak infirmities might be relieved, broken consciences comforted, and repenting sinners preserved from desperation, to the praise of God's glory. For as God forgives not sinners, because they should sin, so neither does infirmity of falling diminish the grace of \ Christ, but does rather illustrate the same, as it is written, ' " My strength is made perfect in weakness," 2 Cor. xii. I 9. And again, " Where sin abounded, grace did much i more abound," Rom. v. 20. In remission of sins, therefore, these four things must concur together : first, the cause that works (which is j the sacrifice of Christ's body) ; secondly, tlie promise I that offers ; thirdly, faith that apprehends and applies ; i; fourthly, the repenting sinner that receives. And al- I though sins do daily grow, which daily provoke us to I crave remission ; yet, as touching the cause that works • remission of our daily sins, and the means which apply the said cause unto us, they remain always one and per- ' petual ; besides which no other cause nor means is to be sought of man. So that to them that are repenting sin- i ners, and in Christ Jesus, there is no law to condemn ! them, though they have deserved condemnation ; but \\ they are under a perpetual kingdom, and a heaven full j; of grace, and remission to cover their sins, and not to im- ' pute their iniquities, through the promise of God in . Christ Jesus our Lord. And therefore is the doctrine of them wicked and im- ; pious, first, who seek any other cause of remission, than i only the blood of our Saviour ; secondly, who assign any other means to apply the blood-shedding of Christ UQto us, besides only faith ; thirdly and especially, who so limit and restrain the eternal privilege of Christ's passion, as though it served only for sins done with- out and before faith, and that the rest committed after baptism, must be done away by confession, pardons, and satisfactory deeds. And all this rises because the true nature of the law and the gospel is not known, nor the difference rightly considered between the times of the one and of the other. Neither, again, do they make any Idistinction between the malediction of the law, and the use of the law. And therefore whensoever they hear us speak of the law (meaning the malediction of the law), to be abolished, thereupon they maliciously slander us, as though we spake against the good exercises of the law, and gave liberty to carnal men to live as they like. Whereof more shall be said (by the Lord's grace) as place and time shall hereafter require. OF FREE-WILL, Concerning free-will, as it may peradventure in some case be admitted, that men without grace may do some outward functions of the law, and keep some outward observances or traditions : so as to things spiritual and appertaining to salvation, the strength of man not rege- nerate by grace, is so infirm and impotent, that he can perform nothing, neither in doing well nor willing well. Who, after he be regenerated by grace, may work and do well, but yet there still remains a great imperfection of flesh, and a perpetual conflict between the flesh and the spirit. And thus was the original church of the ancient Romans first instructed. From which we may see how far this later church of Rome has degenerated, which holds and affirms, that men without grace may perform the obedience of the law, and prepare themselves to grace by working, so that those works may be meri- torious, and of congruity obtain grace. Which grace once obtained, then men may (say they) perfectly per- form the full obedience of the law, and accomplish those spiritual actions and works which God requires, and so those works of condignity deserve everlasting life. As for the infirmity which still remains in our nitxi e, that they do not regard nor once speak of. OF INVOCATION AND ADORATION. Besides these uncatholic and almost unchristian ab- surdities and departures from the apostolical faith, let us consider the manner of their invocation, not to God alone, as they should ; but to dead men, saying that saints are to be called upon as mediators of intercession ; and Christ as the mediator of salvation. And they affirm moreover, that Christ was a mediator only in the time of his passion. Which is repugnant to the words of St. Paul, writing to the old Romans, (chap. viii. 34,) where, speaking of the intercession of Christ, he says, " Who is on the right hand of God, who also maketh interces- sion for us," &c. And if Christ be a mediator of salva- tion, why need we then any other intercession of saints for our petitions ? For salvation being once had, what can we require more ? Or what more does he want to be obtained of the saints, who is sure to be saved only by Christ ? And then in their devotions, why do they teach us thus to pray to the blessed Virgin : " Save all them that glorify thee," &c. if salvation belong only to Christ ? unless they purposely study to seem contrary to themselves. Hereto also pertains the worshipping of relics, and the false adoration of sacraments, that is, the outward signs of the things signified. Add to this also, the profa- nation of the Lord's Supper, contrary to the use for which it was ordained, in reserving it after the commu- nion, in setting it to sale for money, and falsely persuad- ing both themselves and others, that the priest merits both to himself that speaketh, and to him that heareth, only by the mere doing of the work, though the party that useth the same hath no devotion in him. OF SACRAMENTS, BAPTISM, AND THE LORD'S SUPPER. As touching the sacraments, their doctrine likewise is corrupt and erroneous. First, they err falsely in the number ; for where the institution of Christ ordains but two, they have added five other sacraments. Secondly, they err in the use ; for where the word has ordained those sacraments to excite our faith, and to give us admonitions of spiritual things, they contrariwise teach that the sacraments do not only stir up faith, but also that they avail and are effectual without faith, as is to be found in the writings of Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, and others. Thirdly, in the operation and effect of the sacraments they fail, where, contrary to the mind of the scriptures they say, that they give grace, and not only do sig- nify, but also contain and exhibit that which they signify, to wit, grace and salvation. Fourthly, they err also in application, applying their sacraments both to the quick and the dead, to them also that be absent, to remission of sins, and releasing of pain, &c. In the sacrament of baptism they are to be reproved, not only for adding to the simple words of Christ's in- stitution divers other new found rites and fancies of men, but also where the use of the old church of Rome was only to baptize men, they baptize also bells, and apply the words of baptism to water, fire, candles, stocks and stones, &c. But especially in the Supper of the Lord their doctrine most filthily swerves from the right mind of the scrip- tures, from all order, reason and fashion, and is mosi worthy to be exploded out of all christian churches. Touching the which sacrament, the first error is their idolatrous abuse by worshipping, adoring, censing, knocking, and kneeling unto it, in reserving also and carrying the same about in pomp and procession in towns and fields. Secondly, also in the substance thereof, their teaching is monstrous : they say there is no substance of bread and wine remaining, but only the real body and blood of Christ, putting no diS"erence be- tween calling and making ; because Christ called bread 30 THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS, Lis body, therefore, say they, he made it his body, and so of a wholesome sacrament, they make a perilous idol : and that which the old church of Rome did ever take to be a mystery, they turn into a blind mist of mere accidents to blear the people's eyes, making them believe tliey see that they see not ; and not to see that which they see, and to worship a thing made, for their Maker, a crea- ture for their Creator ; and that which was threshed out of a wheaten sheaf, they set up in the church, and worship for a saviour ; and when they have worshipped him, then they offer him to his father ; and when they have offered him, then they eat him up, or else close him fast in a pit, where, if he corrupt and putrify before he be eaten, then they burn him to powder and ashes. And notwithstand- ing they know well by scriptures, that the body of Christ can never corrupt and putrify ; yet for all this corrup- tion will they needs make it the body of Christ, and burn all them which believe not that which is against true christian belief, Acts ii. 27. OF MATRIMONY. The order and rule which St. Paul set for marriage is manifest in his epistle to the Corinthians, where, as he prefers single life in such as have the gift of continence, before the married estate ; so, again, in such as have not the gift, he prefers the married life before the other ; willing every such one to have his wife, because of fornication, I Cor. vii. 2. Furthermore, how the apostle allows a bishop to be the husband of one wife (so he exceeded not after the manner of the Jews, which were permitted to have many), and how vehemently he reproves them that restrain marriage, his Epistles to Timothy do record, 1 Tim. iii. 2, and iv. 3. Moreover, what degrees are permitted by the law of God to marry, is to be seen in Lev. xviii. Also how children ought not to marry with- out the consent of their parents, is apparent by manifest examples of the scriptures. Contrary to these ordinances of the scripture, the new catholics of the pope's church repute and call marriage a state of imperfection, and prefer single life, be it never so impure, pretending that where the one replen- ishes the earth, the other fills heaven. Furthermore, as good as the third part of Christendom (if it be no more), both men and women, they keep through compulsory vows from marriage, having no respect whether they have the gift or no. Such ministers and priests as are found to have wives, they not only remove out of place, but also pronounce sentence of death upon them, and account their children illegitimate. Again, as good as the third part of the year they exempt and suspend from liberty of marriage ; they extend the degrees of forbidden marriage further than ever did the law of God, even to the fifth or sixth degree ; which degree, notwithstand- ing they release again when they choose for money. Over and besides all this, they have added a new found prohibition of spiritual kindred, that is, that such as have been gossips, or godfathers and godmothers together in christening another man's child, must not marry toge- ther ; and, finally, in this doctrine of matrimony, they gain and rake to themselves much money from the peo- ple, they augment horrible crimes, they nourish adultery, they fill the world with offences, and give great occasion of murdering infants. OF MAGISTRATES AND CIVIL GOVERNMENT. We have seen before what rules and lessons St. Paul gave to the old Romans concerning magistrates, to whose authority he would have all human creatures to be sub- ject, and how they are the ministers of God, having the sword given unto them, wherewith they ought to repress false doctrine and idolatry, and maintain that which is true and right, Rom. xiii. 1. Now let us survey a little the pope's proceedings, and mark how far he trans- gresses in this, as he does in almost all other points, from true Christianity. 1. The pope, with all his clergy, exempt themselves from all civil obedience. 2. They arrogate to themselves authority to ordaia and constitute, without leave or knowledge of the ma- gistrate. 3. Yea, they take upon them to depose and set up rulers and magistrates whom they choose. OF PURGATORY. The paradoxes, or, rather the fancies of the later church of Rome, concerning purgatory, are monstrous, neither old nor apostolical. 1 . They say there is a purgatory, where souls burn in fire after this life. 2. The pain of purgatory differs nothing from the pains of hell, but only that it has an end ; the pains of | hell have none. 3. The painful suffering of this fire fretteth and purgeth away the sins before committed in the body. 4. The time of these pains endures in some longer, in some less, according as their sins deserve. 5. After which time of their pains being expired, then the mercy of God translates them to heavenly bliss^ which the body of Christ has bought for them. 6. The pains of purgatory are so great, that if all the beggars in the world were seen on the one side, and but one soul in purgatory on the other side, the whole world would pity more that one than all the others. 7. The whole time of punishment in this purgatory must continue so long, till the fire have clean fretted and purged away the rusty spots of every sinful soul there burning, unless there come some release. 8. The helps and releases that may shorten the time of their purgation are the pope's pardons and indul- gences, sacrifice of the altar, dirges, and trentals, prayer, fasting, meritorious deeds out of the treasure-house of the church, alms and charitable deeds of the living, in satisfying God's justice for them, &c. 9. Lack of belief of purgatory brings to hell. Many other false errors and great deformities, here- sies, absurdities, vanities, and follies, besides their blas- phemous railings, and contumelies, may be noted in the later church of Rome, wherein they have made manifest departure from the old faith of Rome, as in depriving the church of one kind of the sacrament, in taking from the people the knowledge and reading of God's word, in praying and speaking to the people, and administering sacraments in a tongue unknown, in mistaking the au- thority of the keys, in their unwritten tenets, in making the authority of the scripture insufficient, in untrue judgment of the church, and the wrong notes of the same, in the supremacy of the see of Rome, in their wrong opinions of antichrist. But because these, with all other parts of doctrine, are more copiously, and at large, comprehended in other books, both in Latin and English, set forth in these our days ; I shall not travel further herein, espe- cially seeing the contrariety between the pope's church and the church of Christ, between the doctrine of the one, and the doctrine of the other, is so evident, that he is blind that sees it not, and has no hands almost that feels it not. For, whereas the doctrine of Christ is altogether spiritual, consisting whoUy in spirit and truth, and re^ quires no outward thing to make a true christian man but only baptism (which is the outward profession of faith), and receiving the Lord's Supper. Let us now examine the whole religion of this later church of Rome, and we shall find it, from top to toe, to consist in nothing else but altogether in outward and ceremonial exercises ; as outward confession, absolution at the priest's hand, outward sacrifice of the mass, buying of pardons, pur- chasing of obits, worshipping of images and relics, pil- grimage to this place or that, building of churches, founding of monasteries, outward works of the law, out- ward gestures, garments, colours, choice of meats, differ- ence of times and places, pecuUar rites and observances, set prayers, and number of prayers prescribed, fasting of vigils, keeping of holidays, coming to church, hearing of service, extern succession of bishops, and of Peter's see, extern form and notes of the church, &c. So that AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS. 31 by this religion to make a true christian and a good catholic, there is no working of the Holy Ghost re- quired. As for example, to make this matter more plain let us here define a christian man after the pope's making, whereby we may see the better what is to be judged of the scope of his doctrine. After the pope's catholic religion, a true christian man is thus defined ; first, to be baptized in the Latin tongue (where the godfathers profess they cannot tell ■what), then confirmed by the bishop ; the mother of the child to be purified, after he be grown in years, then to come to the church, to keep his fasting days, to fast in Lent, to come under the priest's blessing, that is, to be confessed of the priest, to do his penance, at Easter to take his rites, to hear mass and Divine service, to set up candles before images, to creep to the cross, to take holy bread and holy water, to go on procession, to carry his palms and candle, and to take ashes, to fast in the ember days, rogation days, and vigils, to keep the holidays, to pay his tithes and offering days, to go oa pilgrimage, to buy pardons, to worship his Maker over the priest's head, to receive the pope for his supreme head, and to obey his laws, to have his beads, and to give to the high altar, to take orders if he will be a priest, to say his matins, to sing his mass, to lift up fair, to keep his vow, and not to marry, when he is sick to be absolved and anointed, and take the rites of the holy church, to be buried in the church-yard, to be rung for, to be sung for, to be buried in a friar's cowl, to find a soul-priest, &c. All which points being observed, who can deny but this is a devout man, and a perfect christian catholic, and sure to be saved, as a true, faithful child of the holy mother church ? Now look upon this definition, and tell me, good reader, what faith or spirit, or what working of the Holy Ghost is required in all this doctrine ? The grace of our Lord Jesus give the ttrue light of his gospel to shine in our hearts. Amen. ACTS AND MONUMENTS, BOOK I. CONTAINING THREE HUNDRED YE.\RS NEXT AFTER CHRIST, WITH THE TEN PERSECUTIONS OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. Having tluis prepared the way, let us now (by the grace of Christ our Lord) enter into the matter : that as we have set forth the state as well of the primitive as of the later times of this church of Rome ; so now we may dis- course of the Acts of every age by itself. First, To declare of the suffering time of the church, which contains about three hundred years after Christ. Secondly, The flourishing and growing time of the same, containing other three hundred years. Thirdly, The declining time of the church, and of true religion, other three hundred years. Fourthly, Of the time of antichrist, reigning and raging in the church. Lastly, Of the reforming time of Christ's church, in these later three hundred years. In treating of all which things, our chief purpose shall be, not so much to intermeddle with outward affairs of princes, or civil matters, as specially minding ''o prose- cute such things as appertain to the state of the church ; as first, to treat of the establishing of christian faith, then of the persecutions of tyrants, the constancy and pati- ence of God's saints, the conversion of christian realms to the faith of Christ, namely, of this realm of England and Scotland : to declare the maintenance of true doc- trine, the false practice of prelates, the creeping in of superstition and hypocrisy, the manifold assaults, wars, and tumults of the princes of this world against the peo- ple of God. Wherein may appear the wonderful ope- ration of Christ's mighty hand, ever working in his church, and never ceasing to defend the same against his enemies, according to the verity of his own word, pro- mising to be with his church while the world shall Stand. In the treatment of all which things, two special points I chiefly commend to the reader, as most recpiisite and necessary for every christian man to observe and to note for his own experience and profit ; as first, the disposition and nature of this world; secondly, the nature and con- dition of the kingdom of Christ ; the vanity of the one, and establishment of the other ; the unprosperous and un- quiet state of the one, ruled by man's violence and wisdom, ap.d the happy success of the other, ever ruled by God's blessing and providence ; the wrath and re- venging hand of God in the one, and his mercy upou the other. The world I call all such as be without or against Christ, either by ignorance, not knowing him, or by heathenish life, not following him, or by violence re- sisting him. On the other side, the kingdom of Christ in this world, I take to be all them which belong to the faith of Christ, and here take his part in this world against the world ; the number of whom, although it be much smaller than the other, and is always hated and molested of the world, yet it is the number which the Lord peculiarly doth bless and prosper, and ever will. And this number of Christ's subjects it is which we call the visible church here on earth. Which visible church, having in itself a difference of two sorts of people, so is it to be divided into two ])arts, of which the one stands of such as are of outward profession only, the other which by election inwardly, are joined to Christ : the first in words and lips seem to honour Christ, and are in the visible church only, but not in the church invisible, and partake the outward sacraments of Christ, but not the in- ward blessing of Christ. The other are both in the visible, and also in the invisible church of Christ, who, not only in words, and outward profession, but also in heart do truly serve and honour Christ, partaking not only of the sacraments, but also of the heavenly blessings and grace of Christ. And many times it happens that between these two parts of this visible church there grows great variance and mortal persecution, insomuch that sometime the true church of Christ has no greater enemies than of her own profession, as happened not only in the time of Christ and his apostles, but also from time to time almost con- tinually, and especially in these later days of the church, under the persecution of antichrist and his retinue. At the first preaching of Christ, who should rather have known and received him, than the pharisees and scribes ? And yet, who persecuted and rejected him more than they ? What followed ? They in refusing Christ to be their king, and choosing rather to be sub- ject to Caesar, were by their own Caesar destroyed. Whereby is to be learned, what a dangerous thing it is to refuse the gospel of God. The like example of God's wrathful punishment is to be noted no less in the Romans also. For when Tibe- rius Caesar, having heard by letters from Pontius Pilate^ of the doings of Christ, of his miracles, resiurectiou and A.D. 36.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. S3 I ascension into heaven, and how he was received by many as God, was himself moved with belief of the same, and proposed to the senate to have Christ adored as God : they refused him, because that contrary to the law of the Romans, he was consecrated (said they) God, before the senate of Rome had so decreed (Tertul. Apol. cap. 5). Thus the vain senate, contented with the emperor to reign over them, and not contented with the meek King of Glory, the Son of God to be their king ; were, like the Jews, scourged for their refusing, by the same power which they themselves did prefer. For as they preferred the emperor, and rejected Christ, so by the just permis- sion of God, their own emperors were stirred up against them, so that the senators themselves were nearly all de- voured, and the whole city most horribly afflicted for almost three hundred years. For the same Tiberius, who for a great part of his reign was a moderate prince, was afterwards a sharp and heavy tyrant, who neither favoured his own mother, nor spared his own nephews, nor the princes of the city, of whom, to the number of twent}', he left not more than two or three alive. Sue- tonius reports him to be so stern and tyrannical, that in his reign, many were unjustly accused, and condemned with their wives and children. In one day he records twenty persons drawn to execution. By him, also, through the ' just punishment of God, Pilate, under whom Christ was , crucified, was accused at Rome, deposed, then banished, and at length did slay himself. Neither did Herod and Caia- I phas long escape : and Agrippa also was cast into prison. In the reign of Tiberius, the Lord Jesus, the Son of I God, in the four-and-thirtieth year of his age, through the I malice of the Jews, suffered his blessed passion, for the I conquering of sin, death, and Satan the prince of this ; world, and rose again the third day. After whose blessed passion and resurrection, this Tiberius lived six ; years, during which time no persecution was yet stirring I against the Christians. ; In the next year after the passion of our Saviour, or I somewhat more, St. Paul was converted to the faith. I Tiberius, having reigned three-and-twenty years, was succeeded by Caius Caesar Caligula (A. D. 37), Claudius Nero (A.D. 41), andDomitius Nero (A. D. 54) ; which three were likewise scourges to the senate and people of Rome. Caligula commanded himself to be worshipped as God, and temples to be erected in his name, and used to sit in the temple among the gods, requiring his images to be set up in all temples, and also in the temple at Jerusalem, His cruel displeasure was such towards the Romans, that he wished that all the people of Rome had but one neck, that he might destroy such a multitude. By Caligula, Herod, the murderer of John Baptist, and condemner of Christ, was condemned to perpetual banish- ment, where he died miserably. Caiaphas also, who wickedly sat in judgment upon Christ, was removed from the high priests' room, and Jonathan set in his place. The raging fierceness of this Caligula against the Romans would not so soon have ceased, had he not been cut off by the hands of a tribune and other officers, who slew him in the fourth year of his reign (A. D. 41). But that which Caligula had only conceived, the other two which came after, brought to pass ; Claudius Nero reigned thirteen years with great cruelty, and then died by poison ; but especially Domitius Nero, who succeed- ing Claudius, reigned fourteen years, with such fury and tyranny, that he slew the most part of the senators, and destroyed the whole order of knighthood in Rome. So prodigious a monster was he, more like a beast, yea a devil than a man, that he seemed to be born to the destruction of men. Such was his wretched cruelty, that he caused his mother, his brother-in-law, his sister, his wife, all his instructors, Seneca and Lucan, with many more of his own kindred and consanguinity, to be put to death. Moreover, he commanded Rome to be set on fire in twelve places, and it continued six days and seven nights in burning (A. D. 64), while he to see .the example how Troy burned, sung the verses of Homer. And to avoid the infamy thereof, he laid the fault upon the christians, and caused them to be persecuted. And so this miserable emperor continued to reign fourteen years, till the senate proclaiming him a public enemy to mankind, condemned him to be drawn through the city and to be whipped to death. For fear whereof, he fled in the night to the country, where he was forced to slay himself. In the latter end of this Domitius Nero, Peter and Paul were put to death for the testimony and faith of Christ (A. D. 67). Thus we see, how the just scourge and indignation of God ever follows, where Christ Jesus is contemned, and not received ; as may appear, both by the Romans who were thus consumed and plagued by their own em- perors, by civil wars and other casualties. And also by the destruction of the Jews, who (A. D, 73,) were destroyed by Titus and Vespasian, to the number of eleven hundred thousand, besides them which Vespasian slew in subduing Galilee, and them also which were sold to vile slavery, to the number of seventeen thousand. Two thousand were brought with Titus in his triumph ; of whom he gave part to be devoured of the wild beasts, and a part were most cruelly slain. All nations and realms may thus take example, what it is to reject the visitation of God's truth, and much more to persecute them which be sent of God for their salvation. And as this vengeance of God hath thus been shewed upon both the Jews and the Romans, for their contempt of Christ, so neither the emperors themselves, for perse- cuting Christ in his members, escaped without their just reward. For among those emperors who put so many christian martyrs to death, few of them escaped either being slain themselves, or by some miserable end or other worthily punished. The slaughter of the three Neroes is declared before. After Nero, Domitius Galba within seven months was slain by Otho. And so did Otho afterward slay himself, being overcome by Vitellius. And was not Vitellius shortly after drawn through the city of Rome, and after he was tormented thrown into the Tiber ? Titus, a good emperor, is thought to be poi- soned by Domitian his brother. Domitian, after he had been a persecutor of the christians, was slain in his chamber, with the consent of his wife. Commodus was murdered. The like end was of Pertinax and Julian. After Severus died here in England (and lieth at York), did not his son Caracal slay his brother Geta, and he slain after by Martial ? Macrinus with his son Diadumenus were both slain by their own soldiers. Heliogabalus was slain by his own people, and drawn through the city and cast into the Tiber. Alexander Severus, that worthy and learned emperor, although in life and virtues he was unlike Other emperors, yet experienced the like end, being slain with his godly mother Mammea, by Maximin. Maximin also after three years was himself slain by his soldiers. What should I speak of Maximus and Balbi- nus in like sort, both slain in Rome ? Of Gordian, slain by Philip : of Philip, the first christened emperor, slain ; of wicked Decius drowned, and his son slain the same time in battle ; of Gallus, and Volusianus his son, em- perors after Decius, both slain by yEmilianus, who within three months after, was himself slain. Valerianus was taken prisoner of the Persians, and there made a riding fool of by Sapores their king, who used him for a stool to leap upon his horse, while his son Galienus sleeping at Rome, either would not, or could not once proffer to avenge his father's ignominy. At length Galienus was killed by Aureolus. It were too long here to speak of Aurelian, another persecutor, slain of his secretary ; of Tacitus and Florinus his brother, of whom the first was slain at Pontus ; the other was murdered at Tarsis ; Probus, although a good emperor, was yet destroyed by his soldiers. After whom Carus was slain by lightning. Next to Carus followed the impious and wicked persecutor Dioclesian, with his fellows, Maximin, Valerius, Maximinus, Maxentius, and Licinius, under whom all at one time the greatest and most grievous persecution was moved against the christians ten years together. Dioclesian and Maximian deposed themselves from the empire. Galerius the chief minister of the persecution, after his terrible persecutions, fell into a wonderful sickness, and so did swarm with worms, that being curable neither by surgery nor physic, he con- fessed that it happened for his cruelty towards the christians, and so called in his proclamations against d2 THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book I. them. Maximinus being tormented with pain in his bowels there dit ^ete. iivioit of S>t %\\ktk Page 34, A.D. 36—64.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 35 during the time of Lent. Also, the strict prohibition not to taste any bodily sustenance, before receiving the Lord's Supper. Inordainingof mass, and that no nun must marry after the vow of her profession, with such other like. It is recorded of Matthias, that after he had preached to the Jews, he was at length stoned and beheaded. (Joan, de Monte Regali.) Philip, the apostle, after he had laboured much in preaching the word of salvation, suffered in Hierapolis, being crucified and stoned to death. After Festiis had sent the apostle Paul to Rome, and the Jews had lost their hope of performing their mali- cious vow against him, they fell upon James, the brother of our Lord, who was bishop at Jerusalem, and required him before all the people, to deny the faith of Christ ; but he freely, and with great constancy before all the multitude, confessed Jesus to be the Son of God, our Saviour, and our Lord ; whereupon they killed him. Egesippus thus describes the manner of his death : When many of the chief persons believed in Christ, there ■was a tumult made of the scribes and pharisees ; there- fore they gathered together, and said to James, " We beseech thee restrain the people, for they believe in Jesus, as though he were the Christ ; we pray thee persuade the people that they be not deceived ; stand upon the pillar of the temple that thou mayst be seen from above, and that thy words may be heard by all the people." And thus the scribes and pharisees set James upon the battlements of the temple ; and he said, wich a great voice, " What do you ask me of Jesus the Son of Man, seeing that he sitteth on the right hand of God in heaven, and shall come in the clouds of heaven?" Many, persuaded of this, glorified God upon the witness of James, and said, " Hosannah in the highest to the Son of David !" Then the scribes and the pharisees said among themselves, " We have done evil, that we have caused such a testimony of Jesus, but let us go up, and let us take him, that they, being compelled with fear, may deny that faith." Therefore they went up, and threw down the just man, and they took him to smite him with stones, for he was not yet dead when he was cast down. But he, turning, fell down upon his knees, saying, " O Lord God, Father, I beseech thee to forgive them, for they know not what they do." This James was so notable a man, that he was had in honour of all men, insomuch that the wise men of the Jews, shortly after his martyrdom, imputed the cause of the besieging of Jerusalem, and other calamities, to the violence and injury done to this man. These things being thus declared as to the martyrdom of the apostles, and the persecution of the Jews, let us now, by the grace of Christ our Lord, narrate the perse- cutions raised by the Romans against the christians, till (1) Foxe here has a marginal note; "This report seems neither to come from Jerome, nor to be true of Peter." The manner in which later editions of ' Tlie Fathers' have been corrupted, and the prodisioiis extent to which they were interpo- lated in tlie monastic libraries, before the discovery of printing, lias rendered it a matter of exceeding difficulty to ascertain whether any statement be truly the genuine opinion of the father to whom il is ascribed. And in subsequent times the Judex expurgutoriits has erased so many important sentences, and sometimes whole paragraphs, that we cannot be certain of anything in tliose ancient writings. There is at this moment in ttie library of Trinity College, Dublin, a copy of Chrysostom's worl.) Peter and Paul (says he) committed the charge of that church to Linus ; after whom came Anacletus, then succeeded Clement, next to Clement followed Evaristus. Little or nothing remains of the acts and monuments either of this, or of other bishops of Rome in those days. Whereby it may ap- pear that no great account was then made of Roman bishops, whose acts and deeds were then either so lightly reputed, or so slenderly committed to history. Not- withstanding, however, certain decretal epistles are re- maining, or rather thrust upon us in their names, con- taining in them little substance of any doctrine, but al- together stuffed with laws, injunctions, and stately de- crees, little to the purpose, and still less savouring of the time then present. Amongst which are also numbered the two epistles of this Evaristus : who, when he had given these orders, and had made six priests, two deacons, and five bishops for sundry places (says the history) he suffered martyrdom. But what kind of death, for what cause he suffered, what constancy be shewed, what was the order or conversation of his life, is not touched, and that seems, therefore, the more to be doubted which our new histories say ; because the old ancient writers have no remembrance thereof, who otherwise would not have passed such things over in silence, if they had been true. After him succeeded Alexander in the governance of that church, of whose time and death there is the like discrepancy among the writers. They who write of the deeds and doings of this bishop, declare that he had converted a great part of the senators to the faith of Christ, amongst whom was Hermes, a great man in Rome. And then (says the history) about the second year of Adrian, Aurelian the ruler took Alexander, with Hermes, his wife, children, and his whole household, to the num- ber of one thousand two hundred and fifty, and threw them in prison. And not long after, Alexander with Euentius his deacon, and Hermes, and the rest, were burned in a furnace. Theodulus, another deacon o{ Alexander, seeing and rebuking the cruelty of the tyrant, suffered also the same martyrdom. Quirinus also, the same time having first his tongue cut out, then his hands and feet, was beheaded and cast to the dogs. Various miracles are reported cf this Alexander, in the legends and lives of saints ; which as I deny not, but because I cannot avouch them by any grave testimony of ancient writers, therefore I dare not affirm them, but do refer them to the authors and patrons thereof, where they are found. Notwithstanding, whatever is to be thought of his miracles, this is to be affirmed and not doubted, that he was a godly and virtuous bishop. THE THIRD PERSECUTION'. Between the second persecution and the third was but one year, under the Emperor Nerva, after whom succeeded Trajan ; and under him followed the third persecution (A.D. S8). Trajan might seem, in com- parison of others, a worthy and cominendable prince, familiar with inferiors, and behaving himself to- wards his subjects as he himself woxdd have the prince to be to him, if he were a subject. He was noted to be a great observer of justice, but toward the chris- tian religion he was impious and cruel, and caused the third persecution of the church. In which perse- cution, Pliny the second, a man learned and famous, seeing the lamentable slaughter of christians, and moved with pity, wrote to Trajan the following epistle : — "It is my property and manner (my sovereign) to make relation to you of all those things wherein I doubt. For who can better either correct ray slackness or instruct mine ignorance, than you ? 1 was never yet present myself at the examination and execution of these christians ; and therefore what punishment is to be administered, and how far, or how to proceed in such inquisitions, I am ignorant, not able to resolve in the matter whether any difterence is to be had in age and person, whether the young and tender ought to be with like cruelty intreated as the elder and stronger, whethT repentance may have any pardon, or whether it may profit him or not to deny, who has been a christian, whether the name only of christians, without other offences, or whether the offences joined with the name of a christian ought to be punished. In the meantime, as touching such christians as have been presented to me, I have kept this order. I have inquired the second and third time of them whether they were christians, menacing them with fear of punishment ; and such as did persevere, I commanded to execution. For thus I thought, that whatsoever their profession was, yet their stubbornness and obstinacy ought to be punished. Whe- ther they were also of the same madness ; whom, be- cause they were citizens of Rome, I thought to send them back again to the city. Afterward, in further pro- cess and handling of this matter, as the sect did further spread, so the more cases did ensue. 38 THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book I. " There was a paper offered to me, bearing no name, wherein were contained the names of many which denied themselves to be christians, contented to do sacrifice with incense and wine to tue gods, and to your image (which image I caused to be brought for that purpose) and to blaspheme Christ, whereto none such as were true christians indeed could be compelled ; and those I did discharge and let go. Others confessed that they had been christians, but afterwards denied the same, Ike. affirming to me the whole sum of that sect or error to consist in this, that they were wont at certain times appointed, to meet before day, and to sing certain hymns to one Christ tlieir God, and to confederate among themselves, to abstain from all theft, murder, and adultery, to keep their faith, and to defraud no man : which done, then to depart for that time, and afterward to resort again to take meat in companies together both men and women one with another and yet without any act of evil. " In the truth whereof to be further certified whether it were so or not, I caused two maidens to be laid on the rack, and to be examined with torments. But finding nothing in them, but immoderate superstition, I thought to cease further inquiry till I might be further advised from you ; for the matter seemed to me worthy and needful of advice, especially for the great number of those that were in danger of your statute. For very many there were of all ages and states, both men and women, and more are like heieafter to incur the same peril of condemnation. For that infection has crept not only into cities, but villages also and boroughs about. For as much as we see in many places that the temples of our gods, which were wont to be desolate, begin now to be freiiuented, and that they bring sacrifices from every part to be sold, which before very few were found willing to buy. It may easily be conjectured what mul- fitudes of men may be amended, if space and time be given them, wherein they may be reclaimed." To the above epistle the emperor returned the follow- ing answer : — "The statute concerning christians ye have rightly txecuted. For no such general law can be enacted therein all special cases particularly can be comprehended. Let ihem not be sought for, but if they are brought and convicted, then let them suffer execution : so not- withstanding, that whoever shall deny himself to be a christian, and do it unfeignedly in open audience, and uo sacrifice to our gods, however he may have been suspected before, let him be released, upon promise of amendment. Such writings as have n% names, suffice not to any just crime or accusation ; for that should give an evil precedent, neither does it agree with the example of our time." Tertullian writing upon this letter of Trajan, thus says, " O sentence of a confused necessity ; he would not have them to be sought for as innocent men, and yet causes them to be punished as persons guilty I" Thus the rage of that persecution ceased for a time, al- though many men and cruel officers ceased not to afflict the christians in various provinces ; and especially if any occasion were given, or if any commotion were raised in the provinces abroad, the fault was laid upon the christians. As in Jerusalem, after the Emperor Trajan had sent down his command, that whoever could be found of the stock of David, should be put to death. Certain sectaries of the Jews accused Simeon, the bishop of Jerusalem, to have come of the stock of David, and that he was a christian. Of ^hich accusers it happened also that some of them likewise were appre- hended and taken as being of the stock of David, and BO were justly put to execution themselves who had sought the destruction of others. Tlie blessed bishop was scourged, during the space of many days together, though an hundred and twenty years of age. In his martyrdom he endured so constant, that both the consul itnd the multitude marvelled to see him at that age so constantly to suffer, and so at last being crucified, he Uwished his course in the Lord, for whom he suffered. In this persecution Phocas, bishop of Pontus, also suffered, whom Trajan, because he would not do sacrifice to Neptune, cast into a hot lime-kiln, and afterward put into a scalding bath, where the constant godly martyr, for the testimony of Christ, ended his life, or rather entered into life. In the same persecution suffered also Sulpitius and Servilian, whose wives having been converted by Sabina to the faith of Christ, were also martyred. Sabina was beheaded in the days of Adrian. Under whom also suffered Seraphia, a maiden of Antioch. In this persecution, beside many others, Ignatius, the blessed martyr of Christ, who to this day is had in great reverence, also suffered. Ignatius was ajipointed to the bishopric of Antioch next in succession after Peter. Being sent from Syria to Rome, because he professed Christ, he was given to the wild beasts to be devoured. It is said of him, that when he passed through Asia, he strengthened and confirmed the churches through all the cities as he went, both with his exhortations and preach- ing of the word of God. And thus when he came to Smyrna, he wrote one epistle to the church of Ephesus, and another to the church of Magnesia : also another to the church of Trallis, in which he saith : — ■ "I, being exercised, and now well acquainted with their injuries, am taught every day more and more ; but hereby am I not yet justified. And would to God I were once come to the beasts, which are prepared for me, which also I wish with gaping mouths were ready to come upon me, whom also I will provoke that they with- out delay may devour me, and forbear me nothing at all, as those whom before they have not touched or hurt for fear ! And if they will not unless they be provoked, I will then enforce them against myself. Pardon me, I pray you. How beneficial it is to me, I know. Now begin I to be a scholar ; I esteem no visible things, nor yet invisible things, so that I may obtain Christ Jesus. Let the fire, the gallows, the devouring of wild beasts, the breaking of bones, the pulling asunder of my mem- bers, the bruising or pressing of my whole body, and the torments of the devil or hell itself come upon me, so that I may win Christ Jesus." Besides this godly Ignatius, many thousands also were put to death in the same persecution, as appears by the letter of Pliny. Jerome mentions one Publius, bishop of Athens, who for the faith of Christ during this persecu- tion, was martyred. Next after this, Trajan succeeded the Emperor Adrian, (A. D. US). It is stated in the histories, that in the time of Adrian, Zenon, a noblem m of Rome, with ten thousand two hun- dred and tluee other persons were slain for Christ. Ten thousand were crucified in the Mount Ararat, crowned with crowns of thorn, and thrust into the sides with sharp darts, after the example of the Lord's passion. Tliere was one Eustachius, a captain, sent out to war against the barbarians. After he had by God's grace valiantly subdued his enemies, and was returning home with victory, Adrian for joy meeting him in his journey to bring him home with triumph, first would by the way do sacrifice to Apollo for the victory, requiring Eusta- chius to do the same. But Eustachius could by no means be forced thereto, and being brought to Rome, with his wife and children suffered martyrdom. We read also of Faustinus and Jobita, who suffered with grievous torments. At the sight whereof, one Ca- locerius, seeing their great patience in so great torments, cried out with these words, " Verily, great is the God of tlie Christians.'' Which words being heard, he was forth- with apprehended, and being brought to the place of execution, was made partaker of their martyrdom. Symphorissa, the wife of Getulus the martyr, with her Steven children, is said about the same time to sufier ; who first was several times beaten and scourged, after- wards was hanged up by the hair of her head ; at last, having a huge stone fastened to her, was thrown headlong into the river; and her seven children, in like niunner, with various kinds of punishment martyred by the tyrant. Sophia, with her three children : also Seraphia and A. D. 98.— 161.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 39 Sabina, also Anthia, and her son, who was bishop of j Apulia ; also Justus and Pastor suffered (A. D. I'M). While Adrian was at Athens, he purposed to visit Elusiua, and did so ; where sacrificing to the Gentiles' gods, he gave free leave and liberty to persecute the christians. Whereupon Quadratus, a man of no less ex- celli-nt zeal than of famous learning, being then bishop of Atliens, did exhibit to the emperor a learned and excel- lent apology in defence of the christian religion ; where- in he declared the christians, without any just cause to be so cruelly treated and persecuted. The like also did Aristides, another no less excellent philosopher in Athens, who, being noticed by the emperor for his sin- gular learning and eloquence, and coming to his pre- sence, there made before him an eloquent oration. Moreover he exhibited to the emperor a memorable apology for the christians, so full of learning and elo- quence, that as Jerome said, it was a spectacle and ad- miration to all men in his time, that loved to see wit and learning. Besides these, there was also ano- ther named Serenus Granius, a man of great nobility, who wrote very pithy and grave letters to Adrian, shewing that it was consonant with no right nor reason, for the blood of innocents to be given to the rage and fury of the people, and to be condemned for no fault, only for the name and sect that they followed. Thus the goodness of God being moved with the prayers and constant labour of these excellent men, so turned the heart of the emperor, that he, being better informed concerning the order and profession of the christians, became more favourable to them. In the days of this Adrian, the Jews rebelled again, and spoiled the country of Palestine. Against whom the emperor sent Julius Severus, who overthrew in Judea fifty castles, and burnt and destroyed nine hundred and eighty villages and towns, and slew fifty thousand of the Jews with famine, sickness, sword, and fire ; so that Judah was almost desolate. But at length Adrian, who was also named yElius, repaired and enlarged the city of Jeru- salem, which was called after his name, ^liopolis, or ./Elia : he granted only to the Gentiles and to the christians to live in it, utterly forbidding the Jews to enter into the city. After the death of Adrian, succeeded Antonius Pius, about the year 140, and reigned twenty and three years, who for his clemency and modest behaviour had the name of Pius. His saying was. That he had rather save one citizen, than destroy a thousand of his adversaries. At the beginning of his reign, although there was no edict to persecute the christians^ yet the rage of the heathen multitude did not cease to afflict the people of God, imputing and ascribing to the christians whatever misfortune happened contrary to their desires : more- over, inventing against them all false crimes whereof to accuse them. By reason of which, some were put to death ; altliough, not by the consent of the emperor, who was so mild and gentle, that either he raised no perse- cution against the christians, or else he soon stayed the same being moved ; as may well appear by his letter sent down to the countries of Asia, in which he writes these things of the christians :— " This is their joy and desire, that when they are ac- cused, they rather covet to die for their God than to live. Whereby they are victorious, and overcome you, giving rather their lives, than doing that which you require of them. And here it shall not be inconvenient to adver- tise you of the earthquakes which have and do happen among us, that when at the sight of them you tremble and are afraid, then you may compare your case with them. For they, upon a sure confidence of their God, are bold and fearless, much more than you ; who in the time of this your ignorance, do both worship other gods, and neglect the religion of immortality, and such christians as worship him you drive out, and persecute unto death. Of these matters, many presidents of our provinces did write to our father of famous memory, heretofore. To whom he directed his answer, desiring them in no case to molest the christians, except they were found in some prejudicial trespass against the empire. And to me also, many write, signifying their mind in like manner ; to whom T have answered to the same effect and manner as my father did. Wherefore, if any hereafter shall oft'er any vexation or trouble to such, having no other cause but only for that they are christians, let him that is impeached be released, and discharged free, yea, although he be found to be such (that is, a christian), and let the accuser sustain the pu- nishment," &c. This godly edict of the emperor was proclaimed at Ephesus, in the public assembly of all Asia. By this means persecution began to be appeased, through the merciful providence of God, who would not have his church to be utterly overthrown. THE FOURTH PERSECUTION. After the decease of Antonius Pius, followed his son- in-law Marcus Aurelius Antonius, with Lucius Verus, his adopted brother (A. D. 161). Marcus was a stern and severe man, in whose timeagreat number of christians suf- fered cruel torments and punishments, both in Asia and France. In the number of whom was Polycarp, the bishop of Smyrna, who, in the great rage of this perse- cution in Asia, was martyred. Of his end and martyr- dom I thought it here not inexpedient to commit to history so much as Eusebius declares to be taken out of a certain epistle, written by those of his own church to the brethren of Pontus : the tenor of this epistle here fol- loweth. " The church which is at Smyrna, to the church which is at Philomilium, and to all the churches throughout Pon- tus, mercy to you, peace and the love of God our Father, and of our Lord Jesus Christ, be multiplied. Amen. We have written unto you, brethren, of those men which have suffered martyrdom, and of blessed Polycarp, who hath ended and appeased this persecution, as it were, by the shedding his own blood." And in the same epistle, before they enter into further matter of Polycarp, they discourse of other martyrs, describing what patience they shewed in suffering their torments ; which was so ad- mirable (says the epistle) that the lookers on were amazed, seeing and beholding how they were so scourged and whipped, that the inward veins and arteries ap- peared, yea even so much, that the veiy entrails of their bodies were seen, and after that, were set upon sharp shells taken out of the sea, and certain nails and thorns were put for the martyrs to walk upon, which were sharpened and pointed. Thus they suil'ered all kind of punishment and torment that might be devised : and lastly, were thrown to the wild beasts to be devoured. Now we will return to Polycarp, of whom the afore- said letter declares as follows. That in the beginning, when he heard of these things he was not at all afraid nor disquieted in mind, but purposed to have tarried still in the city, till being persuaded by the entreaty of them that were about him, he hid himself in a village not far from the city, and there abiding with a few more, did nothing, night or day, but abode in supplication, wherein he made his humble petition for the obtaining of peace unto all the churches throughout the world. It is further mentioned, that when they were hard at hand, who so narrowly sought for him, he was forced for the affection and love of his brethren to fly into another village, to which place notwithstanding within a little while after the pursuers came, and found him in the house, from whence he might have escaped if he would ; but this he would not do, saying, " The Avill of God be done." Furthermore, when he knew that they were come, he came down and spake to them with a cheerful and pleasant countenance, so that it was a wonder to see them now beholding his comely age, and his grave and constant countenance, lamenting that they had so employed their labour, that so aged a man should be apprehended. To conclude, he commanded that straight- way without any delay, tlie table should be laid for them, and persuaded them that they would eat and dine '.veil, and required of them boldly, that he might have an hour's respite to pray. Which being granted, he arose 40 THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book I. and went to pray, and was so replenished with the grace of God, that they which were present, and hearing the prayers that he made, were astonished, and many were sorry that so godly an aged man should be put to death. After he had made an end of his prayers, and the hour was come in which they ought to set forward ; they set him on an ass, and brought him to the city. And there met him the Irenarch Herod and his father Nicetes, who causing him to come into the chariot where they sat, persuaded him, and said, " What hurt, I pray thee, shn(led them against the persecutors, and against their slwideroas accusations, declaring they were falsely belied and wrongfully persecuted, not for any desert of theirs, but only for tlie hatred of their name. And yet he proves in the same apology, that the religion of the christians was not impaired by persecution, but rather increased. "The more'' (says he) "we are mown down of you, the more we rise up. The blood of chris- tians is seed. For what man, in beholding the painful torments, and the perfect patience of them, will not search and inquire what is the cause ? And when he has found it out, who will not agree to it ? And when he agrees to it, who will not desire to sufler for it .' Thus this sect will never die, but the more it is cut down, the more it grows. For every man seeing and wondering at the sufferance of the saints, is movea the more thereby to search the cause ; in searching, he finds it, and finding he follows it. Thus TertuUian, in this time of persecution, defended the innocency of the christians against the blaspliemy of the adversaries ; and moreover, for the instruction of the church, he compiled many works, some of which are extant, some are not to be found. Notwithstanding the great learning and many virtues of this worthy man, certain errors aad blemishes are noted in his doctrine. This by the way will be sufficient to admonish the reader never to look for perfection in any man in this world ; however excellent he may be, some blemish or other joins itself with him. And now, to return again to the order of bishops of Rome. After Eleutherius, succeeded Victor (A. D. 185}. This Victor was a great stirrer in the controversy of Easter-day, for which he would have proceeded in ex- communication against the churches of Asia, had not Ireneus, with the counsel of his brethren, repressed his violence. As to that controversy of Easter in those days of the primitive church, the original cause of it was this, as Eusebius, Socrates, Platina, and others record. It is certain that the apostles, being only attentive to the doctrine of salvation, gave no heed to the observation of days and times, nor did ' they bind the church to any ceremonies and rites, except those things mentioned in the Acts (xv. 2!)), as things strangled and blood, which was ordained then of the Holy Ghost, not without a most urgent and necessary cause, touched partly in the history before. For when the murdering and blood of infants was commonly charged by the heathen persecu- tors against the christians, they had no other argument to help themselves, nor to refute the adversary, but only their own law, by which they were commanded to ab- stain, not only from all men's blood, but also from the blood of all common beasts. And, therefore, that law seems to be given by the Holy Ghost, and continued in the church so long as the cause, that is, the persecu- tions of the heathen Gentiles,continued. Besides these, we read of no other ceremonies or rites, which the apos- tles greatly regarded, but they left such things free to the liberty of christians, every man to use his own discretion, for the using or not using thereof ; so that concerning all the ceremonial observations of days, times, places, meats, drinks, vestures, and such others, the diversity among men was not greatly noted, nor any uniformity greatly required. The doctrine of christian liberty remained whole in the church till the time of Victor. Neither did the vio- lence of Victor take such effect, but that the doctrine of christian liberty was defended and maintained by means of Ireneus and others, and so continued in the church J till after the council of Nice. I But to return to Victor again, we will shew what di- versity there was in observing the day of Easter. In the time of Pius, the question of Easter began first to be moved ; he decreed the observation of that day to be changed from the wonted manner of the fourteenth day of the moon, in the first month, to the next Sunday after. After him came Anicetus, Soter, and Eleuthe- rius, bishops of Rome, who also determined the same. Against these stood Melito, bishop of Sardis, Polycarp, and as some think, Egesippus, with other learned men of Asia. Which Polycarp being sent by the brethren of Asia, came to Rome, to confer with Anicetus in that matter ; and although after long debating, they could not agree, yet^ ^ A.D. 193-222.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 45 nottrithstanding, they both communicated together with reverence, and separated in peace. And so the celebra- tion of Easter-day remained as a thing indifFerent in the church till the time of Victor, who, following after Anicetus and his fellows, and chiefly stirring in this mat- ter, endeavoured by all means to draw, or, rather to subdue the churches of Asia to his opinions, thinking, moreover, to excommunicate all those bishops and the churches of Asia, as heretics and schismatics, who disagreed from the Roman order, had not Ireneus other- wise restrained him from so doing (A. D. I'Jl). Thus, then the uniformity of keeping that holy day first began I to be required as a thing necessary, and all they ac- I counted as heretics and schismatics, who dissented from j the bishop and tradition of Rome. I With Victor, stood Theophilus, bishop of Cesarea, ; Narcissus of Jerusalem, Ireneus of Lyons, Palmas of ! Pontus, Banchillus of Corinth, the bishop of Ostroena, and others ; all of whom condescended to have the cele- bration of Easter upon the Sunday, because they would differ from the Jews in all things as much as they might, and partly because the resurrection of the Lord fell on ; the same day. On the contrary side there were divers bishops in ' Asia, of whom the principal was Polycratts, bishop of ; Ephesus, who, being assembled with a great multitude , of bishops and brethren of those parts, by the common I Rssent of the rest, wrote to Victor, and to the church of Rome, declaring that they had ever from the beginning observed tliat day, according to the rule of scripture un- changed, neither adding nor altering any thing from the same; alleging, moreover, the examples of the apostles, and holy fathers their predecessors, as Philip, the apos- tle, with his three daughters at Hieropolis ; also John the apostlj and evangelist, at Ephesus, Polycarp at Smyrna, Tliraseas, bishop and martyr at Eumenia ; likewise of Sagaris, bishop and martyr at Laodicea ; holy Papirius and Melito at Sardis. Besides these, seven bishops, also of his own kindred, and his own an- cestors, all of whom observed the solemnity of Easter-day, after the same manner as we do now. Victor, being not a little moved herewith, by letters again denounced against them (more bold upon authority than wise in his commission), violent excommunication, although by the wise handling of Ireneus and other learned men, the matter was staid, and Victor otherwise persuaded. What the persuasions of Ireneus were, partly appear in Eusebius (lib. 5. cap. 2(j), to this effect : That the variance and difference of ceremonies is no strange matter in the church of Christ, as this variety is not only in the day of Easter, but also in the manner of fasting, and in other usages among the christians ; for some fast one day, some two days, some fast more. And this varying mode of fasting in the churches began not only in our time, but was among our fore-elders. And yet with all this diversity they were in unity among themselves, and so should we be ; neither does this differ- ence of ceremonies hinder, but rather commends the unity of faith. And he brings forth the examples of the fathers, of Telesphorus, Pius, Anicetus, Soter, Eleu- thenus, and such others, who neither observed the same usage themselves, nor prescribed it to others, and yet notwithstanding kept christian charity with such as came to communicate with them, not observing the same form of things which they observed, as ajipeared by Polycarp and Anicetus, who, although they agreed not in one uni- torm custom of rites, yet refused not to communicate to- gether, the one giving reverence to the other. Thus, the controversy being taken up between Ireneus and Victor, the matter remained free to the time of the Nicene council. After \ ictor, Zephirinus succeeded in the see of Rome, (about A. p. 20;}j. To this Zephirinus two epistles are ascribed ; but as of the epistles of other Roman bishops, so 1 say and verily suppose of this, that neither the etyle, nor the matter therein contained, nor the state of the time, warranted us to think of them otherwise than IS forged letters ; letters not written by these fathers, nor m those times, but crafty and wickedly packed in by some, who, to set up the primacy of Rome, have most pestilently abused the authority of these noly and ancient fathers, to deceive the simple church. Severus, the persecutor, reigned eighteen years ; and about the later time of his reign came with his army into Britain, where, after many conflicts with the Britons in the north, he cast up a ditch with a mighty wall made of earth and turfs, and strong stakes, to the length of one hundred and thirty-two miles from the one side of the sea to the other, beginning at the Tyne and reaching to the Scottish sea, which done, he removed to York, and there died, (A. D. 211), leaving his two sons Basianus, (surnamed Caracalla,) and Geta, joint emperors. After Caracalla and Macrinus, Heliogabalus succeeded to the empire, who may rather be called a monster than a man, so prodigious was his life in all gluttony and filthiness. To let pass his sumptuous vestures which he would only wear of gold, and most costly silks ; his shoes glistering with precious stones finely engraved, he never wore one garment twice, he was never two days served with one kind of meat ; some days his company was served with the brains of ostriches, and another day with the tongues of popinjays and other sweet singing birds. When he was near the sea he never used fish ; but in places far distant from the sea, all his house was served with most delicate fishes ; at one supper he was served with seven thousand fishes, and five thousand fowls. He sacrificed young children, and preferred the most abandoned characters to the highest offices in the state, as public dancers, minstrels, charioteers, and such like ; in one word, he was an enemy to all honesty and good order. And when he was foretold by his sorcerers and astronomers, that he should die a violent death, he provided ropes of silk to hang himself, swords of gold to kill himself, and strong poison in precious caskets to poison himself, if he should be forced thereto ; more over, he made a high tower, having the floor of boards covered with gold plate, and bordered with precious stones, from which tower he would throw himself down, if he should be pursued of his enemies. But, notwith- standing all his provision, he was slain of the soldiers, drawn through the city, and cast into the Tiber, after he had reigned two years and eight months, as witnesseth Eutropius ; others say four years. This Heliogabalus, having no issue, adopted as his son and heir Aurelius Alexander Severus, the son of Mam- mea, who began to reign A. D. 222, and continued thirteen years, who is much commended as being virtu- ous, wise, gentle, liberal, and hurtful to no man. Among his other virtues, it appears also that he was friendly and favourable to the christians. And thus this good emperor continued the space of thirteen years ; at length, at a commotion in Germany, he was slain with his mother Mammea. After him suc- ceeded Maximinus, contrary to the mind of the senate, only appointed by the soldiers to be emperor. During the reign of Severus, although the church of Christ had not perfect peace, yet it had some tranquillity from per- secution. At this time were converted Tiburtius, and Valerianus, the husband of Cecilia, who both, being noblemen of Rome, remained constant in the faith unto the end and suffered martyrdom. Of this Cecilia it is written that after she had brought Valerian her husband, and Tiburtius his brother to the knowledge and faith of Christ, and with her exhortations had made them constant unto martyr- dom, she was apprehended and brought to the idols to do sacrifice ; which, when she abhorred to do, she was to be presented before the judge to have the condemnation of death. In the meantime, the Serjeants and officers who were about her, beholding her comely beauty, and her prudent conversation, began with many persuasive words to solicit her to favour herself, and such excellent beauty, and not to cast herself away, &c. But she so replied to them with reasons and godly exhortations, that by the grace of Almighty God their hearts began to kindle, and at length to yield to that religion, which be- fore they persecuted. She perceiving this, desired of the judge a little respite, which being granted, she sent 'or Urbanus, the bishop, home to her house, to establish 46 THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book I. and ground them in the faith of Christ ; and so they, with divers others, were baptized, both men and women, to the number (as the history says) of four hundred persons, among whom was one Gordian, a nobleman. This done, this blessed martyr was brought before the judge, where she was condemned, and inclosed in a hot bath ; but remaining there a whole day and night with- out any hurt, she was brought out again, and was be- headed. Under the same Alexander Severus, various others are there said to have suffered martyrdom, as one Agapetus, of the age of fifteen years, who, being apj)re- hended and condemned at Preneste in Italy, because he would not sacrifice to idols, was assailed with sundry torments : — first, scourged with whips, then hanged up by the feet, and after having hot water poured ujion him, at last was cast to the wild beasts. Also, with the same Agapetus is numbered Calepodius, a minister of Rome, whose body was first drawn through the city of Rome, and afterwards cast into the Tiber. Then follows Pammachius, a senator of Rome, with his wife and children, and others, both men and women, to the nnmber of forty-two. Also, another noble sena- tor of Rome, named Simplicius, all which together, in one day, had their heads smitten oflF.and hanged up in divers gates of the city, for a terror of others, that none should profess the name of Christ. Besides these suffered also Quiritius, a nobleman of Rome, who, with his mother Julia, and a great number more, were likewise put to death. Also, Tiberius and Valerianus, citizens of Rome, and brethren, suffered the same time, being bruised and broken with bats, and afterwards beheaded. Also, Martina, a christian maiden, who, after divers bitter punishments, being constant in her faith, suffered in like manner by the sword. THE SIXTH PERSECUTION. After the death of the Emperor Alexander Severus, who, with his mother Mammea (as is said) was murder- ed in Germany, followed Maximinus, chosen by the will of the soldiers, rather than by the authority of the senate, (A.D. 2.'55.) who raised up the sixth persecution against the christians, especially against the teachers and leaders of the church, thinking thereby the sooner to vanquish the rest, if the captains were removed out of the way. In the time of this persecution, Origen wrote his book on martyrdom, which book, if it were extant, would give us some knowledge of such as suffered in this persecution, who are now unknown, and no doubt but they were a great number, and would have been still greater, had not the provident mercy of God shortened his days, and bridled his tyranny, for he reigned but three years. After him succeeded Gordian (A. D. 238), a man no less studious for the utility of the commonwealth, than mild and gentle to the christians. This Gordian, after he had governed the empire of Rome with much peace and tranriuillity for six years, was slain by Philip, the emperor after him. In the days of these emperors above recited, was Pon- tianus, bishop of Rome, who succeeded next after Urban (A. D. 230). He was banished under Maxi- minus, and died in the beginning of the reign of Gordian. In his decretal epistles (which seem likewise to be forged), he appears very devout, after the example of other bishops, to uphold the dignity of priests, and of clergymen, saying, that God has them so familiar with him, that by them he accepts the offerings and oblations of others, he forgives their sins, and reconciles them unto him. Also, that they make the body of the Lord with their own mouth, and give it to others, &c. How this doctrine stands with the testament of God, and the glory of Christ, let C\\e reader use his own judgment. Other notable fathers also in the same time were raised up in the church, as Philetus, bishop of Antioch, and after him Zebenus, bishop of the same place. To these also may be added Ammonius, the school- master of Origen, and also the kinsman of Porphyry, the great enemy of Christ. As he left various books in de- fence of Christ's religion, so, also, he constantly perse- vered in the doctrine of Christ, which he had received in the beginning. After the decease of Pontianus, bishop of Rome, suc- ceeded Anterius, who, because he caused the acts and deaths of the martyrs to be written, was put to martyr- dom himself, by Maximinus the judge. Next to this bishop was Fabian, of whom more is to be said here- after. Hippolytus also was a bishop and a martyr. He was a great writer, and left many works in the church. He lived about A. D. 230. Prudentius, in his Peristephanon, making mention of great heaps of martyrs buried by threescore together, sjjeaks also of Hippolytus, and says that he was drawn with wild horses through fields, dales, and bushes, and describes a pitiful story. After the Emperor Gordian, the empire fell to Philip, (A. D. 244), who, with Philip his son, reigned about six years. This Philip, with his son, and all his family, was christened and converted by Fabian and Origen, who by letters exhorted him and Severa his wife, to be baptized, being the first of all the emperors that brought in Christianity into the imperial seat. However, Pompo- nius Letus reports him to be a dissembling prince ; this is certain, that for his Christianity he was slain, with his son, by Decius, one of his captains. THE SEVENTH PERSECUTION. Philip being slain, Decius invaded the crown (A. D. 249). By him a terrible persecution was moved against the christians. The occasion of his hatred and jierse- cution against them was chiefly because the treasures of the emperor were committed to Fabian. This Fabian, being a married man (as Platina writes), was made bishop of Rome after Anterius, in which func- tion he remained to the time of Decius ; who, either because Philip had committed to him his treasures, or because of the hatred he bare to Philip, caused him to be put to death, sending out, moreover, his proclamation into all quarters, that all who professed the name of Christ should be slain. To this Fabian, Origen wrote one of his works. This Origen (as was stated before) was bold and fervent in assisting, comforting, exhorting, and kissing the mar- tyrs that were imprisoned and suffered for the name of Christ. To the danger of his own life he continued teaching, writing, confuting, exhorting, and expounding, about the space of fifty-two years, and sustained great persecutions, but especially under Decius, as Eusebius testifies, declaring that for the doctrine of Christ, he sus- tained bands and torments in his body, racking with bars of iron, dungeons, besides terrible threats of death and burning. Epiphanius writes, that being urged to sacrifice to idols, and taking the boughs in his hand, wherewith the heathen were wont to honour their gods, he called upon the christians to carry them in honour of Christ ; which fact, the church of Alexandria not approving, removed him from their communion : whereupon Origen, driven away with shame and sorrow out of Alexandria, went into Judea, where, being in Jerusalem among the con- gregation, and there requested of the priests and minis- ters (he being also a priest) to make some exhortation in the church, he refused a great while. At length, by importunate petition being constrained, he rose up, and turning the book, as though he would have expounded some place of the scripture, he only read this verse : " God saith unto the wicked, what lia>t thou to leasure and infinite felicity. And if this do grieve you that you cannot now employ your sacrifices and obla- tions after your wonted manner, yet your daily sacrifice ceaseth not, which is a contrite and humble heart, as when you offer up daily your bodies a lively and a glori- ous sacrifice unto the Lord, which is the sacrifice that pleaseth God. And though your labour be great, yet is the reward greater, which is most certain to follow ; for God beholding and looking down upon them that confess his iiame, in their willing mind approveth them, in their striving helpeth them, in their victory crowneth them, rewarding that in us which he hath performed, and crowning that in us which he hath perfected." With these and such like comfortable words he doth animate his brethren, admonishing them that they are now in a joyful journey, hasting apace to the mansions of the martyrs, there to enjoy after this darkness an eternal light and brightness greater tlian all their sufferings, ac- cording to the apostle's saying, ' The suff'erings of this present time are not worthy to he compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us,' Romans viii. 18. And with like words of sweet comfon and consolation, writing to Seagrius and Rogatianus, who were in prison and bonds for the testimony of truth, Ke encourages them to continue steadfast and patient in the way wherein they have begun to run ; for that they have the Lord with them, their helper and defender, who promises to be with us to the world's end ; and therefore he exhorts them to set before their eyes, in their death immortality, in their pain everlasting glory, of whom it is written, " Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of Ids saints." Although before men they suffered torments, yet their hope is full of immortality, and being vexed in small things, they shall be well requited in great matters ; " For the Lord hath tried them as gold in the fire." lie admonishes them that it is appointed from the beginning of the world, that righteousness should suffer here in secular conflicts ; for so just Abel was slain in the beginning of the world, and after him all just and good men, the ju-ophets also and the apostles sent of the Lord himself; unto whom the Lord first gave an ex- amjile in himself, teaching that there is no coming to his kingdom, but by that way which he entered himself, saying by tliese words, " He that loveth his life shall lose it." And again, " Fear ye not them that kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul." And 8t. Paul likewise, admonishing all them who would be partakers of the promises of the Lord, to follow the Lord, saith, "If we suffer we shall also reign with him." At the same time, Lucius, bishop of Rome, was sent to banishment, who succeeded next after Cornelius, (about A. D. 2;')3), although he did not long continue in this banishment, but returned home to his church. 1 A.D. 251— 259.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 51 After him next came Stephen, bishop of Rome. After the reign of Gallus, and his son Volus'^nus, Emilianus, who slew them both by civil sedition, suc- 'ceeded in their place, who reigned but three months, and was also slain. Next to whom Valerian, and his son Gahenus, were advanced to the empire (A. D. 2.5.'}). About the changing of these emperors the persecution which first began by Decius, and afterward slacked in the time of Gallus, was now extinguished for a time, partly for the great plague reigning in all places, partly by the change of the emperors, (although it was not very long) : for Valerian, in the beginning of his reign, for three or four years, was very courteous and gentle to the people of God, and well accepted of the senate. Neither was there any of all tlie emperors before him, even of those who openly professed Christ, that shewed themselves so loving and familiar toward the christians as he did. In so much that his whole court was filled with holy saints, and servants of Christ, and godly persons, so that his house might seem to be made a church of God. But, by the malice of Satan, through wicked counsel, these quiet days did not endure very long. For in process of time this Valerian being charmed or incensed by a certain Egyptian, a chief ruler of the heathen synagogue of the Egyptians, was so far infatuated a»d bewitclied, that through the detesta- ble provocations of that devilish Egyptian, he was wholly turned to abominable idols, and to execrable im- piety, in sacrificing young infants, and quaitering bodies, and dividing the entrails of new-born children ; and so, proceeding in his fury, he moved the eighth persecution against the christians, whom the wicked Ei,7ptian could not endure (A. D. 257). THE EIGHTH PEKSECUnON. The chief original cause of this persecution is partly sienified before, namely through the influence of the wick- ed" Egyptian : but as this was the outward and political cause, so St. Cyprian shews other causes. We (says he) must understand and confess that this oppression and calamity which has wasted for the most part our whole comj)any, and daily consumes it, lises chiefly of our own wickedness and sins, while we walk not in the way of the Lord, nor observe his precepts left unto us for our institution. The Lord observed the will of his Father in all points, but we observe not the will of the Lord, having all our mind and study set upon lucre and possessions, given to pride, full of emulation and dis- sension, void of simplicity and faithful dealing, re- nouncing this world in word only, but nothing in deed, every man pleasing himself, and dis]ileasing all others. And therefore are we thus scourged, and worthily : for what stripes and scourges do we not deserve, when the confessors themselves (such as have stood the trial of their confession) and such as ought to be an example to the rest of well-doing, do keep no discipline. And therefore because some such there be, proudly puffed up «vith this swelling and unmannerly boasting of their con- fession, these torments come, such as do not easily send us to the crown, excejjt by the mercy of God : some, being taken away by quickness of death, do escajie the tediousness of punishment. These things do we suffer for our sins and deserts. Finally, in the end of the epistle, Cyprian adds, " the Lord vouchsafes to many of his servants to foreshew the restoring of his church, asd the stable quiet of our health and safeguard ; after rain fair weather, after darkness light, after stormy tempest peaceable calm, the fatherly help of his love, the wont and old glory of his divine Majesty, whereby both the blasphemy of the per- secutor shall be repressed, and the repentance of such as have fallen be reformed, and the strong and stable confidence of them that stand shall rejoice and glory." As to the crimes and accusations in this persecution laid to the charge of the christians, this was the prin- cipal : that tl-.ey refused to do worship to idols and to the emperors ; and that they professed the name of Christ : besides, all the calamities and evils that hapjjened in the world, as wars famine, and pestilence, were imputed to the christians. Against all which accusations Cyprian eloquently defends the christians. Cyprian was born in Carthage, and was an idolater and Gentile, given to the study and practice of the magi- cal arts : of his conversion and baptism he himself in his first book and second epistle, writes an eloquent his- tory. His conversion was through the grace of God, and the means of Cecilius, a priest, and througli the occasion of hearing the history of the prophet Jonas. Immediately upon his conversion he distributed among the poor all his substance, and being ordained a priest, was not long after constituted bishop of the church of Carthage. He was courteous and gentle, loving and full of patience, and yet strict and severe in his office, accord- ing as the cause required : he was most loving and kind toward his brethren, and took much pains in helping and relieving the martyrs. Now a few words touching his exile and martyr- dom. He himself states that he voluntarily absented himself, lest he should do more hurt than good to the church, by reason of his presence ; and from the desolate places of his banishment, wherein he was oftentimes sought for, he writes to his brethren. But after he re- turned out of exile in the reign of Valerian, he was the second time banished by Paternus, the proconsul of Africa. But when Paternus was dead, Galienus Marimus succeeded him, who, finding Cyprian in a garden, caused him to be apprehended, and to be brought before the idols to offer sacrifice, and on his refusing, the proconsul condemned him to have his head cut off; he jjatiently and willingly submitted his neck to the stroke of the sword. And so this blessed martyr ended this present life in the Lord (A.D. 259). Now to speak something of his works and books left behind him, although aU that he wrote do not remain : some are missing, some again are not written in his own name : but such as be certainly his may be soon discerned by the style and sense. Such is the eloquence of his phrase, and gravity of his sentence, vigour of wit, power in persuasion, so differing from all others, tliat he cannot easily be imitated. Of which extant books, as the eloquence is worthily commended by the school of rhe- toricians, so is the authority of no less reputation, not only in this age of the church, but also among the ancient fathers. As we have set forth the commendation of this blessed martyr Cyi>rian, we must take heed that we do not incur the old and common danger, which the Papists are commonlv accustomed to run into, whose fault is almost always to be immoderate and excessive in their proceed- ings, making too much of every thing. Thus in speaking of the Holy Sacraments, they make more of them than the nature of sacraments require ; not using them, but abusing them, not referring or applying them, but adoring them, not taking them in their kind, for things godly, as they are, but taking them for God himself, turning religion into superstition, and the creature to the Creator, the sign to the thing signified, &c. To the church likewise and ceremonies of the church, to general councils, to the blessed virgin Mary mother of Christ, to the bishop of Rome, &c., they are not contented to attribute that which is sufficient, but they exceed the bounds of judg- ment and of verity, judging so of the church and general councils, as though they never could, or never did err in any jot. That the blessed mother of Christ was blessed among women, and a virgin full of grace, the scriptures and truth allow : but to say that she was born without original sin, or to make of her an advocate or mother of mercy, there they run further than truth will bear. The ceremonies were first ordained to serve only for the sake of order, to which they have at length attributed so much that they have set in them a great part of our religion, yea, and also of salvation. And what thing is there wherein the Papists have not exceeded ? Wherefore, to avoid this common error of the Papists, we must beware in commending the doctors and writers of the church, that truth and consideration go with our commendation. For though this cannot be denied, but that Cyprian, and other blessed martyrs were holy men ; THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book 1. vet notwithstanding, they were men, that is, such as nii-ht have, and had their falls and faults ; men, I say,_ and not angels, nor gods ; saved hy God, not saviours of men, nor patrons of grace. And though they were also men of excellent learning, yet with their learning they had also their errors; and though their books be (as they ought to be) of great authority, yet they ought not to be equal with the scriptures. And although they said well in most things, yet it is not therefore enough that what they said must stand for a truth. That pre- eminence of authority only belongs to the word of God, and not to the pen of man. For of men and doctors, be they never so famous, there is none that is free from fault. In Origen (although in his time the admiration of his learning was singular) yet how many things there are which the church now does not hold. For examin- ing him by the scriptures, where he said well, they admit him, where otherwise, they leave him. In Polycarp, the church has corrected and altered that which he held in ceiehratin" Easter. Neither can holy and blessed Igna tius be defended in all his sayings ; as where he makes the fasting upon the Sunday or the Sabbath day as great an offence, as to kill Christ himself: (Ignat. Epist. ad Philip.) contrary to this saying of St. Paul, " Let no man judge you in meat or in drink," Col. ii. 16. Ireneus held that man was not made perfect in the be- ginning. He seems also to defend free will in man, in spiritual things. He says that Christ suffered after he was fifty years old. Tertullian is noted to be a millina- riau ; also to have been a montanist. He held also with Justin, Cyprian and others, that the angels fell first for the love of women. He defends free will of man after the corruption of nature, inclining also to the error of them which defend the possibility of keeping God's law. Justin also seems to have inclined to the error of the millinarians, also of the fall of certain angels by women, of free will of man, of possibility of keeping the law, and such others. Neither was Cyprian wholly exempt from error, he, contrary to the doctrine of the church, held with rebaptizing such as were before baptized of here- tics. Of Augustine likewise, of Ambrose, Jerome, Chrysostom, the same may be said, that all of them had their peculiar faults and errors, whereof it were too long and out of our purpose to treat at present. About this time suffered also Sixtus II., bishop of Rome, who, being accused of being a christian, was brought with his six deacons to the place of execution, where he, with Nemesius and the deacons, were beheaded and suffered martyrdom. Now let us enter upon the history of that most con- stant and courageous martyr of Christ, St. Lawrence, whose words and works deserve to be as fresh and green in christian hearts, as is the flourishing laurel tree. This thirsty heart, longing after the water of life, was de- sirous to pass unto it through the strait door of bitter death, when he saw his vigilant shepherd, Sixtus, led as an harmless lamb, of harmful tyrants to his death. Let us draw near to the fire of martyred Lawrence, that our cold hearts may be warmed thereby. The mer- ciless persecutor, understanding this virtuous Levite, not only to be a minister of the sacraments, but a distributor, also, of the church riches, promised to himself a double prey, by the apprehension of one poor soul. First with the rake of avarice to scrape to himself the treasure of poor christians : then, with the fiery fork of tyranny, so to toss and turmoil them, that they should wax weary of their profession. With furious face, and cruel coun- tenance, the greedy wolf demanded where this deacon Lawrence had bestowed the substance of the church? Who craving three days' respite, promised to declare where the treasure might be had. In the mean time, he caused a good number of poor christians to be congre- gated : so when the day of his answer was come, the persecutor strictly charged him to stand to his promise. Then valiant Lawrence, stretching out his arms over the poor, said : " These are the precious treasure of the church, these are the treasure indeed, in whom the faith of Christ reigneth, in whom Jesus Christ hath his man- sion-place. What more precious jewels can Christ have, than those in whom he hath '-romised to dwell ? For so it is written, ' I was hungry, and ye gave me to eat ; I was thirsty, and ye gave me to drink ; I was houseless, and ye lodged me.' .\nd again ; ' Look what ye have done to the least of these, the same have ye done to me.' Oh,» what tongue is able to express the fury and madness of the tyrant's heart ! How he stamped, he stared, he ramped, he fared, as one out of his wits. His eyes glowed like fire, his mouth foamed like a boar, his teeth grinned like a hell-hound. Now he might be called, not a reasonable man, but a roaring lion. " Kindle the fire," he cried, " spare no wood. Hath this villain dehided the emperor? away with him— away with him. Whip him with scourges, jerk him with rods, buffet him with fists, brand him with clubs. Does the traitor jest with the emperor ? Pinch him with fiery tongs, gird him with burning plates ; bring out the strongest chains, and the fire-forKs, and the grated bed of iron ; put it on the fire I bind the rebel hand and foot ; and when the bed is hot, on with him 1 Roast him, broil him, toss him, turn him : on pain of our high displeasure do every man his office, 0 ye tormentors." The word was no sooner spoken, but all was done. After many cruel handlings, this meek lamb was laid, 1 will not say on his fiery bed of iron, but on his soft bed of down. So mightily God wrought with his martyr Lawrence ; so miraculously God tempered his element, the fire, that it was not a bed of consuming pain, but a pallet of nourishing rest to Lawreftce. Not Lawrence, but the emperor, might seem to be tormented : the one broiling in the flesh, the other burning in the heart. O rare and unaccustomed patience ! O faith invincible 1 that not only notburnest, but by means unspeakable dost recreate, refresh, establish, and strengthen those that are burned, afflicted, and troubled. And why dost thou so mightily comfort the persecuted ? Because, through thee they believe in God's infallible promises. By thee this glorious martyr overcomes his torments, vanquishes this tyrant, confounds his enemies, confirms the chris- tians, sleeps in peace, and reigns in glory. The God of might and mercy grant us grace, by the life of Lawrence, to learn to live in Christ, and by his death to learn to die for Christ. Amen. Such is the wisdom and providence of God, that the blood of his dear saints (like good seed) never falls in vain to the ground, but it brings some increase: so it pleased the Lord to work at the martyrdom of this holy Lawrence, that by the constant confession of this worthy and valiant deacon, a certain soldier of Rome, being con- verted to the same faith, desired forthwith to be baptized of him ; for which he was called to the judge, scourged, and afterwards beheaded. Under the same Valerian, Dionysius, bishop of Alex- andria, suffered much attliction and banishment, with certain other brethren : of which he writes himself. Dionysius, with three of his deacons, came to Emilianus the president, who signified to them the clemency of his emperors, who had granted them pardon of life, so that they would worship the gods of the empire ; trusting, as he said, that they would not show themselves ungrateful to the clemency of them which so gently did exhort them. To this Dionysius said : " We worship not many, nor divers gods, but only that one God, who is the Creator of all things, and hath committed to our lords. Valerian and Galien, the government of their empire, making to him our prayers incessantly, for their prosperous health and continuance." Then the president said : " And what hurt is it, if you both worshij) your God, what god soever he be, and these our gods also ?" Dionysius an- swered, " We worship none other, but as we have said." Emilianus the president, said, " I see you are ungrateful men, and consider not the benignity of the emperor ; wherefore you shall remain no longer in this city, but shall be sent out to the parts of Libya ; neither shall it be lawful for you to collect your assemblies, or to re- sort, as ye are wont, to your burial places. And if any of you shall be found out of your places, where you are appointed, at your peril be it." Dionysius, speaking of himself, saith : " Although I was sick, yet he urged me so strictly to depart, that he would not give me one day's respite. And yet neither am I altogether absent from A.D. 2r.9— 270.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. the society of the Lord's flock ; I am absent in body, yet present in spirit ; and a great congregation remained with me, as well of those brethren which followed me out of the city, as also of them which were remaining there out of Egypt. And there the Lord opened to me the door of his word : although at first I was persecuted and stoned among them, yet afterward a great number of them turned from their idols, and were converted to the Lord ; and so the word was preached to them : which ministry, after we had accomplished there, the Lord removed us to another place. For Emilianus translated us to more sharp and stricter places of Libya." Moreover, Dionysius, making mention in his epistle of them which were afflicted in this persecution of Va- lerian, says, " It were supettluous here to recite the names, peculiarly of all our brethren slain in this perse- cution ; this is certain, that there were men, women, young men, maidens, old wives, soldiers, simple inno- cents, and of all sorts and ages of men ; of whom some with scourgings and fire, some with the sword, obtained the victory, and got the crown. Some continued a great time, and yet have been reserved. In which number I am reserved hitherto, to some other time known unto the Lord, who saith, ' In the time accepted I have heard thee, and in the day of salvation I have helped thee,' &c. Neither does the president yet cease cruelly murdering such as are brought before him, tearing some with tor- ments, imprisoning and keeping some in custody, com- manding that no man should come to them, inquiring also who resorted unto them. Yet, notwithstanding, God comforts the afflicted with cheerfulness, and the daily resort of the brethren." As touching Dionysius himself, the histories report, that he survived all these troubles and persecutions, by the providence of God, and lived to about the year A.D. 268, and so departed in peace in great age. In Cesarea Palestine, suffered also at the same time, Priscus, Malchus and Alexander, which three dwelling in the country, and good men, seeing the valiant courage of the christians, so boldly to venture, so constantly to stand, and so patiently to suffer in this persecution, beffan to accuse their own cowardly negligence, to see others so zealous and valiant, and themselves so cold and faint-hearted : so, consulting and agreeing with themselves, they came to Cesarea, and declared what they were, and obtained the end they came for, being given to the wild beasts. There suffered also in Africa, three constant maidens. Maxima, Donatilla, and Secunda, who had vinegar and gall given for their drink, then were tried with scourges, after that were tormented upon the gibbet, and rubbed with lime, then were scorched upon the fiery grid-iron, and at last were cast to the wild beasts. In Simela, a city in Italy, one Pontius being appre- hended, by the commandment of Claudius the president, was first hanged upon the rack, and was then cast to the wild beasts. Zenon, bishop of Verona, is said also to have suffered martyrdom in the same persecution. Fructuosus, bishop of Tarraconia, in Spain, with his two deacons, Augurius and Eulogius, suffered also mar- tyrdom, being burned after six days' imprisonment in this persecution. The charge of the judge to the bishop was, " That he should worship the gods whom the em- peror Galien worshipped." To whom Fructuosus, the bishop, answered, " Nay, I worship no dumb god of stocks and blocks, whom Galien worships, but I wor- ship the lord and master of GaUen, the Father and Creator of all times, and his only Son sent down to us, of whose flock I am here the pastor and shepherd." At this word, Emilianus answered again, " Nay, say not thou art, but say thou wast." And forthwith commanded them to be committed to the fire, where (as is said) their bands and manacles being loosed by the fire, they lifted up their hands to heaven, praising the living God, to the great admiration of them that stood by, praying also that the element might work his full force upon them, and speedily dispatch them. And thus continued wicked Valerian in his tyranny against the saints of Christ. But as all the tyrants before, and oppressors of the christians had their de- served reward at the just hand of God, " which ren- dereth to every man according to his works;" so this cruel Valerian felt the just stroke of his hand, whose indignation he had provoked ; for making his expedition against the Persians, he fell into the hands of his ene- mies (A. D. 2(j0), where he led his wretched age in a more wretched captivity. Insomuch, that Sapor, the king of the Persians, used him for his riding-block : for whensoever the king would mount his horse openly in the sight of the people. Valerian was brought forth instead of a block, for the king to tread upon his back in going to his horseback. And so continued this blockish butcherly emperor with shame and sport enough to his final end. Eusebius, in a certain sermon, declares a cruel hand- ling of him, affirming that he was slain, writing in these words : " and thou, V^alerian, for so much as thou hast exercised the same cruelty in murdering of the subjects of God, therefore hast proved unto us the righteous judgment of God, in that thyself hast been bound in chains, and carried away for a captive slave with thy gorgeous purple, and thy imperial attire, and at length also, being commanded of Sapor, king of the Persians, to be slain and powdered with salt, hast set up unto all men a perpetual monument of thine own wretched- ness," &.C. Galien succeeded his father Valerian (A. D. 260), and being (us is thought) terrified by the example of his father, removed, at least moderated, the persecution stirred up by the edicts of Valerian. By which some peace was granted under Galien to the church of Christ ; although there were some who suffered, of whom was one Marinus. This Marinus being a warrior and a nobleman in Cesarea, stood for the dignity of a certain order, which by right was next to fall upon him, had not the envious ambition of him, that should follow after him, supplanted him both of office and life ; for he accused him of being a christian, and therefore said that he was not to be admitted unto their offices, which was against their religion. Where- upon, Achaius, then being judge, examined him of his faith ; who finding him to be a christian indeed, and constantly to stand to his profession, gave him three hours to deliberate and advise with himself. There was at the same time in Cesarea, a bishop named Theotech- nus, who perceiving him to stand in doubtful deliberation and perplexity, took him by the hand and brought him into the church of the christians, laying before him a sword and a book of the New Testament, and desired him to take his free choice which of them both he would prefer. The soldier immediately without delay, ran to the book of the gospel, taking that before the sword. And thus, he being animated by the bishop, presented himself boldly before the judge, by whose sentence he was beheaded, and died a martyr. After the death of Galien, followed Claudius, a quiet emperor (A.D. 268). This Claudius reigned but two years, after whom came his brother Quintilian, who reigned only seventeen days, and was succeeded by Aurelian (A.D. 270) ; under whom Orosius numbers the ninth persecution against the christians. THE NINTH PERSECUTION. Hitherto from the captivity of Valerian, the church was in some quietness till the death of Quintilian, as has been declared ; after whom Aurehan possessed the crown ; who in the beginning of his reign shewed him- self a moderate and discreet prince. He was severe of nature, and rigorous in correcting, dissolute in manners; and as his beginning was not unfruitful to the common- wealth, so neither was he any great disturber of the christians, whom he not only tolerated in their religion, but also their councils. Notwithstanding in progress of time, through sinister motion and instigation of certain about him, his nature, somewhat inclinable to severity, was altered to a plain tyranny ; which tyranny he first shewed, beginning with the death of his own sister's son. After that he proceeded either to move, or at least 5f THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book L to purposs persecution against the christians : although that wicked purpose of tiie emi)eror the merciful woric- ing of God soon overthrew. For as the edict or procla- mation should have been denounced for the persecuting of the christians, and the emperor was now ready to subscribe the edict with his hand, he was suddenly terri- fied with lightning, and so stopped from his wicked tyranny. Not long after he was slain (A.D. 275). Thus Aurelian rather intended than moved perse- cution. After Aurelian, the succession of the empire fell to Tacitus, who reigned only six months ; his brother Florianus succeeded him, who reigned two months ; and after him followed Marcus Aurelius, suraamed Probus, (A.D. 276.) Mention is made before of Eusebius, whom God stir- red up to visit and comfort the saints that were in prison and bonds, and to bury the bodies of the blessed mar- tyrs, not without great peril of his own life, who afterwards was made bishop of Laodicea. But before he came to Laodicea to be bishop there, while he remained at Alexandria, the city was besieged by the Romans. In which siege half of the city held with the Romans, and the other half withstood them. In that part which went with the Roman captain was Eusebius : wiih the other half that resisted the Romans was Anatholius, governor of the school of Alexandria. This Anatho- lius, perceiving the citizens to be in miserable distress of famine and destruction, sends to Eusebius, who was then with the Romans, and certifies him of the lament- able penury and peril of the city, instructing him more- over what to do in the matter : Eusebius, understanding the case, repairs to the captain requesting this favour of him, that so many as would fly out of the city from their enemies, might be allowed to escape and pass freely, which was granted. As Eusebius was thus la- bouring with the captain, Anatholius, on the other side, laboured with the citizens, saying, I shall counsel you ID this miserable lack of things to remove out of your city i'll the women, young children, and aged men, with such others as are feeble and impotent, and not suffer them to perish here with famine. The senate hearing this, and understanding moreover the grant of the Roman captain promising them their safety, consented to the proposal of Anatholius ; who taking especial care of those that belonged to the church, calls them together, and telling them what they should do, and what had been obtained for them, caused them to leave the city. At their coming out, Eusebius was ready to receive and refresh them, whereby not only they, but the whole city of Alexandria was preserved from de- struction. By this short history of Eusebius and Anatholius, the reader may partly understand what was the practice of the prelates in those days in the church, that they were then only employed in saving life, and succouring the people among whom they lived ; to which practice if we compnre the practice of our later prelates of the church of Rome, I suppose no little difference will appear. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius Probus was a w-ise and ■virtuous prince, and no less valiant in martial affairs than fortunate in the success of the same. During this time we read of no persecution stirring in the clmrch, but much quietness as well in matters of religion as also in the commonwealth. Cams, with his two sons, succeeded next after Probus in the empire (A.D. 282). All this time we read of no great persecution stirring in the church ; it was in quiet and tranquillity to the nineteenth year of Dioclesian (A.D. 'MYA) ; so that the peace of the church, which God gave to his people, seems to continue above forty-four years. During which time of peace and tranciuillity, the church of the Lord did mightily increase and flourish, insomuch that amongst the emperors themselves there were many which not only bore good will and favour to them of our profession, but also committed unto them ofhces and governments over countries and nations. What need to speak of those who not only lived under the emperors iu liberty, but also were familiar in the court with the princes themselves, entertained with great honour and special favour beyond the other servitors of the court ? As was Dorotheus, with his wife, children, and whole family, highly accepted and advanced in the palace of the emperor ; also Gorgonius in like manner with various others, who, for their doctrine and learning which they professed, were in great estimation with their princes. Bishops of cities and dioceses were also held in the same reverence by the presidents and rulers where they lived ; who not only suffered them to live in peace, but also had them in great regard so long as they kept themselves upright, and continued in God's favour. Who is able to number at that time the mighty and innumerable multitudes and congregations assembling together in every city, and the notable concourses of such as daily flocked to the common oratories to pray .' For which cause they, not being able to be contained in their old houses, had large cliurches built new from the foun- dation. Eusebius says the church of Christ grew and shot up daily more and more, spreading through all quarters, which neither the en^^ of men could infringe, nor any devil enchant, nor the crafty policy of man sup- plant, so long as the protection of God went with his people. But as the common nature of all men, being of itself unruly and untoward, always seeks and desires pros- perity, and yet can never use prosperity well ; always would have peace, and yet having peace, always abuses the same; so likewise, it happened with these men, who through great liberty and prosperity, began to degene- rate, and one to work against another, striving and con- tending amongst themselves, on every occasion ; bishops against bishops, and people against people, moving hatred and sedition one against another. And thus, whilst they were given only to the study of contentions, threatenings, emulations, mutual hatred and di.'Cord, every man seeking his own ambition, and persecuting one another ; then, I say, the Lord, according to the voiirf of Jeremiah, tookaway the beauty of the daugliter of Mou and the glory of Israel fell down from heaven ; neithei did he remember the footstool of his feet in the day of his wrath. And the Lord overturned all the comely ornaments of Israel, and destroyed all her gorgeous buildings, and according to the saying of the psalm, sub- verted and extinguished the testament of his servant, and profaned his sanctuary in the destruction of his churches, and in laying waste the buildings thereof, lie stroke down to the ground, and diminished her days, and over all this poured upon her confusion. All these things were fulfilled upon us, when we saw the tenijiles razed from the top to the ground, and the sacred scrip- tures to be burnt in the open market-place, and tlie pastors of the church to hide themselves, some here, some there ; others taken j)risoners with great shame, were mocked by their enemies, when also according to the saying of the prophet in another place, contempt was poured out upon the princes, and they caused to go out of the way, and not to keep the straight path. THE TENTH PERSECUTION. By reason whereof (the wrath of God being kindled against his church) the tenth and last jiersecution arose against the christians, so horrible and grievous, that it makes the pen almost to tremble to write it ; so tedious that never was any persecution before or since to be compared to it for the time it continued, lasting the space of ten years together. Although this persecution passed through the hands of different tyrants, yet it principally bears the name of Dioclesian, who succeeded to the empire next after Carus and his sons (A. D. 284). After being established in the empire, and seeing on every side many commotions rising up against him, which he was not well able himself to sustain, in the beginning of his reign he chose for his colleague, Maxi- mian. Which two emperors chose two other noblemen, Galerius and Constantius, whom they called Cesars. Of whom Galerius was sent into the east parts against the Persians. Constantius was sent over to this our country of England, where he took to wife Helena, the daughter I A.D. 275—303] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 5* of king Coill, a maiden excelling in beauty, and no less in learning, of whom was born Constantine the Great. All this while no persecution was yet stirred by these i four princes against the church of Christ, but they I governed the commonwealth quietly and moderately ; wherefore God prospered their doings and affairs, and gave them great victories. By reason of which victories, Dioclesian and Maximian puffed up in pride, ordained a solemn triumph at Rome, after which triumph Dioclesian gave commandment that he should be worshi])ped as God, saying, that he was brother to the sun and moon, and adorning his shoes with gold and precious stones, commanded the people to kiss bis feet. And not long after began the great and grievous perse- cution of the christians, moved by the outrageous cruelty of Dioclesian, who commanded all the churches of the christians to be spoiled and cast to the earth, and the books of the holy scripture to be burned. Thus most violent proclamations were set forth, for the overthrowing of the christians' temples throughout all the Roman empire. And this was the first edict by Dioclesian. The next proclamation that came forth, was for the burning of the books of the holy scripture ; which was done in the open market-place ; then next to that were edicts given for the displacing of such as were magistrates, and that with great ignominy, and all others whoever bore any office, imprisoning such as were of the common sort, if they would not abjure Christianity, and subscribe to the heathen religion. Not long after, new edicts were sent forth, for their cruelty not inferior to the first ; for the casting of the elders and bishops into prison, and then constraining them with sundry kinds of punishments to offer to their idols. Then followed a great persecution among the governors of the church, among whom n;any stood man- fully, passing through many exceeding bitter torments, many of them being tormented and examined in various ways, some scourged all over their bodies with whips and scourges, some with racks and intolerable raisings of the flesh, were excruciated, some one way, some another way put to death. Some again were violently drawn to the impure sacrifice, and as though they had sacrificed, when indeed they did not, were let go. Some neither coming to their altars, nor touching any piece of their sacrifices, were yet said by them that stood by, to have sacrificed, and so suffering that false defamation of their enemies, went quietly away. Others were carried and cast away as dead men, being but half dead. Some they cast down upon the pavement, and trailing them a great space by the legs, made the people believe that they had sacrificed. Others there were which stoutly withstood them, affirming with a loud voice that they had done no such sacrifice. Some of whom said they were christians, and gloried in the profession of that name : some cried, saying, that they neither had, nor would ever be partakers of that idolatry ; and those, being buffetted on the face and mouth with the hands of the soldifers, were made to hold their peace, and so thrust out with violence. And if the saints seemed never so little to do what their enemies would have them, they were made much of ; although all this purpose of the adversary did not prevail against the holy and constant servants of Christ. Yet there were many of the weak sort, who for fear and infirmity fell and gave over, even at the first brunt. At the first coming down of these edicts into Ni- comedia, a christian nobleman, moved by the zeal of God, after the proclamation was set up, went and took it down, and openly tore it in pieces, not fearing the presence of the two emperors, then in the city. For which act he was put to a most bitter death, which death he endured even to the last gasp with great faith and constancy. What number of martyrs, and what blood was shed throughout all cities and regions for the name of Christ, can hardly be told. At that time the bishop of Sidon was martyred. Sylvanus, the bishop of Gazensis, with nine and thirty others, were slain in the metal- mines of Phenicia. Pamphilus, the elder of Cesarea, being the glory of that congregation, died a most worthy martyr. In Syria, all the chief teachers of the congregation were first committed to prison, a most heavy and cruel spectacle to behold ; and also the bishops, elders, and deacons, who were all esteemed as men-killers, and per- petrators of most wicked facts. After that, we read of another whose name was Tirannion, who was made nifcat for tlie fishes of the sea, and of Zenobius, a good phy- sician, who also was slain with brickbats in the same place. Eusebius mentions others who were not tormented to death, but every day terrified without ceasing ; others that were brought to the altars and commanded to do sacrifice, who would rather thrust their right hand into the fire, than touch the profane or wicked sucrifice ; also some others, that before they were apprehended, would cast themselves down from steep places, lest being taken they should commit any thing against thtir profes- sion. Also two fair maidens, with their mothei*, who had carefully brought them up, even from their infancy in aU godliness, being long sought for, and at last found, and strictly kept by their keepers, threw themselves down headlong into a river ; and two other young maidens being sisters, and of a worshipful stock, indued with many goodly virtues, who were cast by the persecutors into the sea. But Sylvanus, the bishop of Emissa, the notable martyr, together with certain others, was thrown to the wild beasts. The christians in Mesopotamia were moksted with many and various torments ; they were hanged up by the feet, and their head downwards, and suffocated with the smoke of a small fire ; and also in Cappadocia, where the martyrs had their legs broken. So outrageous was the beginning of the persecution which the emperor made in Nicomedia, that he refrained not from the slaughter of the children of emperors, neither yet from the slaughter of the chief princes of his court, whom a little before he made as much of, as if they had been his own children. Among whom was Peter, who suffered various torments, being stripped naked, and lifted up, his whole body was so beaten with whips and torn, that a man might see the bare bones ; and afterwards they mingled vinegar and salt together, and poured it upon the most tender parts of his body ; and lastly, roasted him at a soft fire, as a man would roast flesh to eat ; and so this victorious martyr ended iiis life. Dorotheus and Gorgonius being in a great autho- rity under the emperor, after various torments, were strangled with a halter ; both of whom being of the privy chamber, when they saw the grievous punishment of Peter, their household companion, exclaimed, " Where- fore, O emperor, do you punish in Peter that opinion which is in all us ? Why is this which we all confess accounted an offence in him ? We are of the same faith, religion, and judgment that he is of." Therefore he commanded them to be brought forth, and to be tor- mented with like pains as Peter was, and afterwards hanged. After whom Anthimus, the bishop of Nico- media, after he had made a notable confession, bringing with him a great company of martyrs, was beheaded. These men being thus dispatched, the emperor vainly thought that he might cause the rest to do whatever he pleased. To this end came Lucianus, the elder of the congregation of Antioch, and was martyred after he had made his apology before the emperor. (Eusebius, lib. 8. cap. 13.) Hermanns also, that monster, caused Serena, the wife of Dioclesian the emperor, to be martyred for the chris- tian religion ; so much did the rage of persecution ut- terly forget all natural affections. Other martyrs of Nicomedia, as Eulampius and Eulampia, Agape, Irene, Chionia, and Anastasia, were bound hand and foot to a post and burnt. About that time there assembled together in their temple many christian men to cele- brate the nativity of Christ, some of every age and sort. Maximian, thinking this a very fit occasion to execute his tyranny upon the poor christians, gave orders to burn the temple ; the doors being shut and fastened round about, they came with fire, but first commanded the cryer with a loud voice to cry. That whoever would save his life should come out of the temple, and do sacrifice 5G THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book ^ upon the next altar of Jupiter they came to ; and unless Ihey would do this they should all be burnt with the temple. Then one stepping up in the temple, answered in the name of all the rest, with great courage and bold- ness of mind, that they were all christians, and believed that Christ was their only God and king, and that they would do sacrifice to him, with his Father, and the Holy Ghost ; and that they were now all ready to be offered to him. With these words the fire was kindled and en- veloped the temple, and .some thousands of men, women, and children were burnt. There was a city in Phrygia, to wliich the emperor sent his edicts, that they should do sacrifice to the gods and worship idols ; all the citi- zens, the mayor himself, the questor, and chief captain, confessed that they were all christians. The city, upon this, was besieged and set on fire, with all the people. In Mi'litina. a region of Armenia, the bishops and elders were case in prison. In Arabrace, Eustratius was martyred. This man, beholding the constancy of the martyrs, thirsted with the desire of martyrdom, for he had privily learned the christian religion. Therefore he professed that he was a christian, openly execrating the madness and vanity of the wicked heathens. He tliere- fore being carried away, was tied up, being first most bitterly beaten. After that he was parched with fire put into his bowels, and then basted with salt and vinegar, and lastly, so scorched and bemangled with sharp and cutting shells, that his whole body seemed to be all one continual wound. After this he was carried away to Sebastia, where, with his companion Orestes, he was burnt. But at Alexandria, especially, the christians and martyrs suffered most notable conflicts. In this persecu- tion of Alexandria, the principal that then suffered were Peter the bishop of Alexandria, with the elders of the same, most worthy martyrs ; as Faustus, Didius, and Ammonius ; also, Phileas, Ilesichius, Pachiminus, and Theodoras ; all of wliom were bishops of the churches within Egypt, and besides them many other distin- guished men. The whole legion of christian soldiers, which lay at Thebes in Egypt, under the christian Captain Mauritius, when they would not obey the emperor's commandment, touching the worshipping of images, were decimated to death once, and then again, and at last, througli the exhortation of Mauritius, died all together like constant martyrs. Likewise, at Antino, divers christian soldiers, notwitlistanding they were se- riously dissuaded, suffered death together, among whom ■were Ascla, Philemon, and Apollonius. And also in the other parts of Africa and Mauritania there was great persecution. Also in Sammium, of which place Chroni- con makes mention, and Sicily, where there were seventy- nine martyrs slain for the profession of Christ. Now let us come to Europe : at Nicopolis, the mar- tyrs were most miserably and pitifully handled. Euphe- mia suffered in Chalcedon. Agricola aiid Vitalis, at Bohemia. And at Aquileia, the emperor commanded every man to kill the christians. And among those martyrs were Felices and Fortunatus. In all jjlaces of Italy the persecution became great. In France, Ilectionarus play^^d the cruel hellhound, of whose great cruelty against the christians many histories are full. And at j\Iassilia, Maximian set forth his decree, that either they should all do sacrifice unto the heathen gods, or else be all slain witli various kinds of torments. Therefore many nuu-tyrs died there for the glory of Christ. In many places of Spain, there was great persecution, as at Emerita, where Eulalia suffered ; and Adula, where Vincentius, Sabina, and Christina also suffered. At Tole- tura, Leucadia the virgin, suffered ; at Cesarea Augusta, eighteen were put to death, besides a great number of other martyrs who suffered under Decian. the governor, who afflicted with persecution all the coasts of Spain. Rectionarus made such persecution at Trevers that the blood of the christian men that were slain ran like small brooks, and coloured great and main rivers. Neither yet did this suftice him, but from thence he sent certain horsemen with his letters, commanding them to ride into every place, and charge all such as had taken and appre- hended any christians, that they should immediately put them to death. Bede says, that this persecution reached even to the Britains. And the chronicle of Martinus, and the " Nose- gay of Time" declare, that all the christians in Britain were utterly destroyed. The kinds of death and punish- ment were so great and horrible, as no man is able to express. In the beginning, the emperor threatened them with bonds and imprisonment ; but within a \\ hile, when he began to work the matter in good earnest, he devised innumerable sorts of torments and punishments, as whip- pings, andscourgings, rackings, horrible scrapings, sword, fire, and shipboats, wherein a great number being put were sunk and drowned in the bottom of the sea. Also hanging them upon crosses, binding them to the bodies of dead trees, with their heads downward, hanging them by the middles upon gallows till they died for hunger ; throwing them alive to such kind of wild beasts as would devour them ; as lions, bears, leopards, and wild bulls. Pricking and thrusting them with bodkins and talons of beasts till they were almost dead ; lifting them up on high with their heads downward, with other sorts of punishments most tragical, or rather tyrannical and piti- ful to describe. As first, the binding of them to trees, and to the houghs thereof ; the pulling and tearing asunder of their members and joints, being tied to the boughs an^l arms of trees. The mangling of them with axes, the choaking of them with smoke by small fires, the dismembeiiii!; of their hands, ears and feet, with other joints; the holy martyrs of Alexandria suffered scorch- ing and broiling with coals, not unto death, but every day renewed. With sucli kind of torments the martyrs at Antioch were afflicted. But in Pontus, other horri- ble punishments, and fearful to be heard, did the martyrs of Christ suffer ; some of wliom had sharp bodkins thrust in their finger ends under their nails ; some were sprinkled witii boiling lead, having their most necessary members cut from them ; others suffering most intoler- able, and undurable torments and ])ains. Phileas, the bishop of the Thumitans, a man singularly well learned, hath described, in his epistle to the Thumi. tans, which epistle is to be found in Eusebius, (lib. viii, cap. 10), how great the persecution which reigned in Alexandria was, and with how many and sundry kinds of new devised punishments the martyrs were afflicted, of which we will here briefly recite a part. " Because every man might torment the holy martyrs as they pleased, some beat them with cudgels, some with rods, some with whips, some with thongs, and some with cords ; and this example of heating was executed with nuich cruelty. For some of them having their hands hound behind their backs, were lifted up upon timber logs, and witli certain instruments their members and joints were stretched forth, whereupon their whole bodies hanging were subject to the will of the tonncutors. who were conmsanded to afHict them with all manner of torments, and not on their sides only (as hoiiiicides were) but all over their bodies, thighs, and legs, they s(M'atched them with the talons and claws of wild beasts. Others were seen to hang by one hand upon the engine, whereby they might t'eel the more grievous pulling out of the rest of their joints and members. Otiiers were honiul to pillars with their faces turned to the wall, having no sujijjort under their feet, and were violently drawn down with the weight of their bodies. And this they suH'ered, not only during the time of their examina- tion, and while the sheriff had to do with them, but also tlie whole day long. And whilst the judge went thus from one to another, he appointed certain officers to at- tend upon those he left, that they might not he let down, until either through the intolerableness of the pain, or by the extremity of the cold, they were near the point of death. And, further, they were commanded that they should not shew one spark of mercy or compassion upon us, but so extremely and furiously did they deal with us, as though our souls and bodies should have died together." Thus wrote Phileas to the church where he was bishop, before he receired the sentence of death, being I D. 303— 305. ! THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 57 yet in bonds ; and in the same he exhorts his brethren con- stantly to persist after his death, in the truth of Christ. But as ail their torments were marvellous and notable for their horribleness, and most grievous and sharp, yet, notwithstanding, these martyrs were neither dismayed noi overcome, but rather confirmed and strengthened, so clieerfuUy and joyfully they sustained whatever was Jilt upon them. Eusebius says, that he himself beheld the great persecution that was done in Thebaide ; inso- much that the very swords of the hangmen and perse- cutors being blunt with the great and often slaughter, they, themselves, for weariness sat down to rest, and others were obliged to take their places. And yet, not- withstanding all this, the murdered christians shewed the marvellous readiness, willingness, and divine forti- tude with which they were endowed ; with courage, joy, and smiling, receiving the sentence of death pronounced upon them, and sung even unto the last gasp, hymns and psalms to God. Some there were, also, that were overcome with fear and threatenings, and by their own infirmities, and went back, amone: whom Socrates names Miletius ; and Atha- nusiu*. in his second apology, names the bishop of Licus. Of the fall of Marcellinus, the bishop of Rome, I will speak afterwards ; for he being persuaded by others, and especially of the Emperor Dioclesian himself, did sacri- I fice to the idols, whereupon he was excommunicated. The number of the martyrs increased daily, sometimes I ten, sometimes twenty were slain at once , sometimes ' thirty, and oftentimes threescore, and sometimes a hun- dred in one day, men, women, and children, by divers kinds of death. Also Damasus, Beda, Orosius, Hono- rius, and others do witness, that there were slain in this persecution by the names of martyrs, within the space of thirty days, seventeen thousand persons, besides a great number that were condemned to the metal mines and quarries with like cruelty. At Alexandria, Peter the bishop, with three hundred others were slain with axes ; Gereon was beheaded at Colo- niaAgrippina,with three hundred of his fellows; Mauritius, the captain of the christian soldiers, with his fellows, six thousand six hundred and sixty-six. Victor, in the city of Troy, now called Xanthus, with his fellows, three hundred and threescore were slain. Reginus recites the names of many other martyrs, to the number of one hundred and twenty. And as mention has been made of Mauritius and Victor, I thought good here to insert a more particular account of them taken out of Ado, and other historians, as follows : "Mauritius came out of Syria into France and Italy, being captain of the band of the Theban soldiers, to the number of six thousand six hundred and sixty, being sent for by Maximian, to go against the rebellious Bangandes ; i but rather, as it should seem, by the reason of the tyrant, j who thought he might better in these quarters use his ! tyranny upon the christians, than in the eastern pa; t. ; These Thebans, with Mauritius the captain, after they I had entered into Rome, were confirmed in the faith by . Marcellus the blessed bishop, promising by oath th.it j they would rather be slain of their enemies, than forsake that faith which they had received. At that time the Cesa- reans were encamped not far from the town called Ottodor, I where Maximian offered sacrifice to his devils, and called I all the soldiers both of the east and west to the same, I strictly charging them by the altars of his gods, that thev I would fight against those rebels the Bangandes, and 1 persecute the christian enemies of the emperor's gods ; j which commandment was shewed to the Theban host, I who were also encamped about the river Rhone; but I they would in no wise come to Ottodor, for every man I agreed rather to die in that place than either to sacrifice j to the gods, or bear armour against the christians. The I emperor being very wroth with them, commanded every ! tenth man of that whole band to be put to the sword, to I which they committed their necks with great joy. To ! which notable and great strength of faith, Mauritius I himself was a great encourager, who exhorted and ani- I mated his soldiers both to fortitude and constancy. Who, being called to the emperor, answered him thus, ' We are, O emperor! your soldiers, but yet also, to speak freely, the servants of God. We owe to thee service of war, to him innocency. Of thee we receive for our labour wages ; of him the beginning of life. But in this we may in no wise obey thee, O em])eror! to deny God our author and Lord, and not only ours, but your Lord likewise. If we be not so extremely forced that we ofiend him, doubtless, as we have hitherto done, we will yet obey you ; but we will rather obey him than you. We offer here our hands against any other enemies ; but to defile our hands with the blood of innocents, that we may not do. These right hands of ours have skill to fight against tlie wicked and true enemies ; but to spoU. and murder the godly and citizens, they have no skill at all. We have in remembrance how we took armour in hand, for the defence of the citizens, and not against them. We fought always for justice sake, piety, and for the health of innocents. These have been always the rewards of our perils and labour. We have fought in the quarrel of faith, which in no wise we can keep to you, if we do not shew the same to our God. We first sware upon the sacraments of our God, then afterward to the king ; and do you think the second will avail us, if wo break the first ? By us you would plague the christians to do which feat we are only commanded by you. We are here ready to confess God the author of all things, and believe in his son Jesus Christ our Lord. We see before our eyes our fellows, and the partakers of our labours put to the sword, and we sprinkled with their blood. We have not bewailed nor mourned the death of our blessed companions, but rather have been glad, and have rejoiced thereat, for that they have been counted worthy to suffer for the Lord their God. The extreme necessity of death cannot move us against your majesty, neither yet any desperation, O emperor, which is wont in venturous affairs to do much, shall arm us against you. Behold here we cast down our weapons, and resist not, for that we had rather to be killed, than kill ; and die guiltless, than live guilty. Whatsoever more ye will command, appoint, and enjoin us, we are here ready to suffer, yea, both fire and sword, and whatsoever other torments. We confess ourselves to be christians, we cannot persecute christians, nor will do sacrifice to your devilish idols.' " With which answer, the emperor, being much dis- pleased, commanded the second time the tenth man of those that were left to be murdered. That cruelty also being accomplished, at length, when the christian soldiers would in no wise condescend to his mind, he set upon them with his whole host, both footmen and horsemen, and charged them to kill them all ; they making no resist- ance, but throwing down their armour, yielded their lives to the persecutors, and offered to them their naked bodies, and were thus slain. " Victor was not of that band ; but being an old soldier, was dismissed for his age ; he coming suddenly upon them as they were banqueting and making merry with the spoils of the holy martyrs, was bidden to sit down with them ; who asking the cause of their great rejoicing, and understanding the truth thereof, detested tiie guests, and refused to eat with them. And then it being demanded of him whether he were a christian or no ? he openly confessed that he was a christian, and ever would be. Upon which they rushed upon him, and killed him, and made him partner of the like martyr- dom »nd honour. Dioclesian and Maximinian, seeing the number of the christians rather increase than diminish, notwithstand- ing all the cruelty that they could show, were now oue of all hope of rooting them out ; and loathing the shed- ding of more blood, they at last ceased of their own ac- cord to jiut any more christians to death. But yet they tormented great multitudes, thrustingout their right eyes, and maiming their left legs with a searing-iron, con- demned them to the mines, not so much for the use of their labour, as for the desire of afflicting them. When Dioclesian and Maximinian had reigned to- gether emperors twenty-one years, they abdicated the throne, Dioclesian at K-icomedia, and Maximinian at Midiolan, both of them led a private life. (A. D. 305.) 58 THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book I. In the beginning of this persecution, you heard how Dioclesian, being made emperor, took to himMaximinian. Also how these two governing as emperors together, chose two others as Cesars under them, namely, Galerius Maximinus, and Coustantius the father of Constantine the Great. So Dioclesian and Maximinian being now displaced, the Imperial Dominion remained with Con- stantius and Galerius Maximinus, which two divided the ■whole monarchy between them. Maximinus governing the eastern countries, and Constantius the western parts. Galerius Maximinus appointed Maximius and Severus to be the two Cesars. And these were the emperors and Cesars who, succeeding after Dioclesian and Maxi- minian, continued that persecution which Dioclesian and Maximinian began, save only that Constantius, with his son Constantine was no great doer therein, but rather a maintainer and supporter of the christians. Which Con- stantius was a prince very excellent, civil, meek, gentle, liberal, and desirous to do good unto those who had any private authority under him. To these virtues he added yet a more worthy ornament, that is, devotion, love, and affection towards the word of God, which caused great peace and tranquillity, in all his provinces. He neither levied any wars contrary to piety and christian reli- gion, neither did he destroy the churches, but commanded that the christians should be preserved and defended. Galerius Maximinus, joint-emperor with Constantius, was so great an idolater, that he built up temples in every city, and repaired those that were fallen in decay. And he chose out the most worthy of his political magis- trates to be the idols' priests, and ordained that they should execute their office with great authority and dignity, and also with warlike pomp. But he was much opposed to christian piety and religion, and in the eastern churches exercised cruel persecution. He was at length revoked from his cruelty by the just judgment and punishment of God. For he was suddenly seized witli a most extraordinary and desperate disease, which, beginning outwardly in his flesh, from thence pro- ceeded to the inward parts of his body. The physicians not being able to cure him, he was at length put in remembrance that this disease was sent from God, and began to think of the wickedness that he had done agamst the saints of God, and so coming again to himself, first confessed to God all his offences, and then forthwith connnanded all men to cease from the persecutions of the christians. Requiring moreover that they should set uji his imperial proclamations for the restoring of tlieir temjiles, and that the christians in their assem- blies should devoutly j'ray to their God for the emperor. Then was the persecution stayed, and the imperial pro- clamations were set up in every city, containing the countermand of those things which were before decreed agiinst the christians. The governors therefore of every province, released all such prisoners as were condemned to the mines, and to perpetual imprisonment for their faith. This seemed to them as unlooked for, and as light to travellers in a dark nigiit. They gathered themselves together in every city, they called their synods and councils, and marvelled much at the sudden change and alteration. The infidels them- selves extolled the only and true God of the christians. The christians received again all their former liberties ; and such as fell away before in the time of persecution, repented themselves, and after having done penance, they returned again to the church. Now the christians re- joiced in every city, praising God with hymns and psalms. This was a marvellous sudden alteration of the church, from a most unhappy state into a better : but the tyrant Maximinus scarcely suffered this peace to con- tinue six months unviolated ; for he took frcnn the chris- tians all liberty to assemble and congregate in church- yards. And the emperor by-and-bye commanded to be pub- lished throughout every city, and to be hung in the midst of every city (which was never done before) the edicts against the christians, graven in tables of brass. And the children in the schools, with great noise and clapping of hands, did every day resound the blasphe- oiies of Pilate unto Jesus, and whatever other things were devised of the magistrates, after a most despitef manner. Thus came it to pass, that at length the persecutiot was as great as ever, and the magistrates of every proj vince were very severe against the christians; some thej condemned to death, and some to exile. Among whoE they condemned three christiang at Emisa, in Phenicia^ with whom Sylvanus the bishop, a very old man, being forty years in the ecclesiastical function, was condemned to death. At Nicomedia, Lucianus, the elder of An* tioch, being brought thither, after he had exhibited to the emperor his apology concerning the doctrine of the christians, was cast into prison, and after put to death. At Alexandria, Peter, a most worthy bishop, was be- headed, with whom many other Egyptian bishoj)s also died. Quirinus, the bishop of Scescanus, having a hand-mill tied about his neck, was tin own headlong from the bridge into the flood, and there a long while floated above the water, and when he opened his mouth to speak to the lookers on, that they should not be dis- mayed by his punishment, he was drowned. At Rome died Marcellus, the bishop, as saith Platina ; also Timo- theus the elder, with many other bishops and priests, were martyred. To conclude, many in sundi-y places everywhere were martyred, whose names the book inti- tuled Fasciculus Temporum declareth ; as Victorianus, Symphorianus, Castorius with his wife, Castulus, Cesa- rius, Mennas, Nobilis, Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Petrus, and other innumerable martyrs ; Erasmus, Bonifacius, Juliana, Cosmas, Damianus, Basilinus, with seven others. Dorothea, Theophilus, Theodosia, Vitalis, Agricola, Acha, Philemon, Hireneus, Januarius, Festus, Desiderius, Gregorius, Spoletanus, Agapes, Chionia, Hi- renea, Theodora, and two hundred threescore and ten other martyrs. Florianus, Primus and Felicianus, Vitus, and Modestus, Crescentia, Albinius, Rogatianus, Donatianus, Pancratius, Catharina, Margareta, Lucia the virgin, and Antheus the king, with many thousand martyrs more. Simplicius, Fanstinus, Beatrix, Panthaleon, Georgius, Justius, Leocandia, Anthonia, and other more (to an infinite number) suffered martyrdom in this persecution, whose names God hath written in the book of life. Also Felix, Victor, with his parents, Lucia the widow, Gemcr nianus, with threescore and nineteen others. Sabinus, Anastasia, Chrysogonus, Felix and Audactus, Adrianus, Natholia, Eugenia. Agnes also, when she was but thirteen years old, was martyred. Eusebius, in his eighth book, and fifteenth chapter, mentions these kinds of torments and punishments inflicted on the christians ; " Fire, wild beasts, the sword, crucifyings, the bottom of the sea, the cutting and burning of members, the thrust, ing out of eyes, dismembering of the whole body, hun- ger, imprisonment, and whatsoever other cruelty the magistrates could devise." All which notwithstanding, the godly ones manfully endured, rather than do sacrifice as they were bid, to the idols. Neither yet could the christians live safely in the wilderness, but were fetched even from thence to death and torments, insomuch that this was a more grievous persecution under Maximinus the Tyrant, than was the former cruel persecution under Maximinian the Prince. And as you have heard that the cruel edict of Maximinus proclaimed against the christians, was graven in brass which he thought should perpetually endure to the abolish- ing of Christ and his religion : now mark the great handy- work of God, which immediately fell upon the same; for there soon followed a most unseasonable drought, with famine and pestilence among the people. By which famine and pestilence the people were greatly consumed ; great numbers died in the cities, but many more in the countrv and villages, so 'that most part of the husband- men and countrymen died with the famine and pestilence. There were many who, bringing out their best treasure, were glad to give it for any kind of sustenance, were it never so little ; others, selling away their possessions, came to extreme poverty and beggary ; some eating grass, and other unwholesome herbs, were obliged to fill them- selves with such food as did hurt and poison their bodies. Also, a number of women in the cities, being brought to extreme misery, were constrained to depart A. D. 305—312.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. from the city, and to beg through the country. Some others being weak and faint, wandering up and down, iand not able to stand for feebleness, fell down in the middle of the streets, and holding up their hands, most pitifully cried for some scraps or fragments of bread to be given them, and being at the last gasp, ready to give up the ghost, and not able to utter any other words, yet cried out that they were hungry. The market-place, streets, lanes, and alleys lay full of dead and naked bodies, being cast out and unburied, to the pitiful and grievous beholding of them that saw them, wherefore many were eaten of dogs. In like manner, the pestilence spreading through all houses and ranks of men, destroyed many, especially those, who, having plenty of victuals, escaped the famine. Thus, the rich princes, the presidents, and magistrates, being the more apt to receive the infection, by reason of their plenty, were quickly cut off. The miserable mul- titude being consumed with famine and with pestilence, all places were full of mourning, neither was there any thing else seen, but wailing and weeping in every corner ; so that what with famine and pestilence, death in a short time brake up and consumed whole households, two or three dead bodies being carried out together from one house to one funeral. These were the rewards of the vain boasts of Maxinii- ,nus and his edicts, which he published in all towns and cities against us, when it was evident to all men how di- Jigent and charitable the christians were to them in all ithis their miserable extremity. For they only in all this itime of distress, shewed compassion upon them, travel- ling every day, some in curing the sick, and some in burying the dead, who were forsaken by their own kin- dred. Some of the christians calling and gathering the multitude together, who were in danger of famine, dis- tributed bread to them, whereby they gave occasion to all men to glorify the God of the christians, and to con- fess them to be the true worshippers of God, as appeared iby their works. By the means liereof, the great God and defender of the christians, who before had shewed his anger and indignation against all men, for their wrongful afflicting of us, opened again to us the com- fortable light of his Providence, so that peace fell upon us, las light unto them that sit in darkness, to the great ad- biiration of all men, who easily perceive God himself to jbe a perpetual director of our doings, who many times chastens his people with calamities for a time to exercise them, but after sufficient correction, again shews himself merciful and favourable to them who with faith call upon him. Thus, at that time was fulfilled most plainly and evi- dently the true promise of Christ to his church, that the gates of hell shall not prevail against his church builded upon his faith, as may sufficiently appear by these ten ^persecutions above described ; in which, as no man can deny, but that Satan and his malignant world assayed the uttermost of their power and might to overthrow the church of Jesus ; so all men must needs grant, that read these histories, that when Satan and the gates of hell had done their worst, yet they did not prevail against (this mount of Sion, nor ever shall. For else what was to be thought, when so many emperors and tyrants to- gether, Dioclesian, Maximinian, Galerius, Severus, Maxentius, Licinius, with their captains and officers, were let loose, like so many lions, upon a scattered and unarmed flock of sheep, intending nothing else but the utter subversion of all Christianity, and especially also 1 , The truth of this narrative is very far from beins established BO us to justify an author in admittins it without some qualifica- tion. It is now most generally regarded as a fiction, which was tiiilt upon some dream of the emperor. Jiosheim tlius notices it: " It is easy indeed, to refute the opinion of those wlio look upnii this prodiiy as a cunning fiction, invented by the emperor t. p iiiiimate his troops in the ensuing battle, or who consider tlie narration as wholly liibulous. The sentiment also of those who limagine tliat this pretended cross was no more than a natural Iplienoiiienon in a solar halo, is perhaps more ingenious than solid and convincing ; nor, in the third place, do we tliinlv it suf- licitntly proved that tlie Divine Power interposed here to contirm t!ie wavering failh of Constantine, by a stujiendous miracle. The Oiily hy, othesis Ihea » hicli remains, is, that we consider this when laws were set up in brass against the christians, as a thing perpetually to stand ; what was here to be looked for, but a final desolation of the name and reli- gion of christians ? But what followed, you have partly heard, and more is to be marked in the history fol- lowing. Maxentius, son of Maximinian, having been declared emperor at Rome (A. D. 306), by his grievous tyranny and unspeakable wickedness, oppressed the citizens and senators, who sent their complaints to Constantine, de- siring him to help and release their country and city of Rome. Constantine, understanding their miserable and pitiful state, first sent letters to Maxentius, desiring and exhorting him to restrain his corrupt doings, and great cruelty. But when no letters nor exhortations would j)revail, at length, pitying the woful case of the Romans, he gathered together his army in Britain and France, therewith to repress the violent rage of the tyrant Maxentius. Thus, Constantine, sufficiently furnished with strength of men, but especially with strength of God, began his journey towards Italy, which was about the last year of the persecution (A. D. 312). Maxen- tius, understanding of the coming of Constantine, and trusting more to his devilish art of magic, than to the good will of his subjects, durst not shew himself out of the city, nor encounter him in the open field, but with secret garrisons laid in wait for him by the way ; with whom Constantine had many skirmishes, and by the power of the Lord vanquished them, and put them to flight. Not- withstanding Constantine was in great dread of Maxen- tius as he approached Rome, being in great doubt and jier- plexity in himself, and revolving many things in his mind, as he drew towards the city, he looked up to heaven, and in the south part, about the going down of the sun, he saw a great brightness in heaven, appearing in the form of a cross, with certain stars of equal size, giving this inscription : in hoc vince, that is, In this overcome. (Eusebius de vita Constant, lib. 2. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 29. Eutrop.lib.il. Sozom.lib. Leap. 3. Socrat. lib. Lcap.2. Urspergensis, Chronic. Paul. Diacon.lib. 11). Thismira- culous vision Eusebius Pamphilius declares to be true in his first book (the Life of Constantine), and testifies that he had heard Constantine himself often report, and also swear this to be true and certain, which he saw with liis own eyes in heaven, and also his soldiers about him. At the sight of which, he was greatly asto- nished, and consulted with his men upon the meaning of it. The same night Christ appeared to him in his sleep, with the sign of the same cross which he had seen in the heavens, bidding him inscribe his banners with that figure, and carry it before him in the wars, and so he should have the victory.' Here it is to be noted, that this sign of the cross, and these letters added, in hoc vince, was given to him by God, not to induce any superstitious worship of the cross, as though the cross itself had any power or strength in it, to obtain victory, but only to be an admonition to him, to seek and aspire to the knowledge and faith of him, who was crucified upon the cross for the salvation of him, and of all the world, and so to set forth the glory of his name, as came to pass aftei-wards. This by the way. Now to return to the history. The day following, after this night's vision, Constantine caused a cross to be made of gold and precious stone, and to be borne before him instead of his standard, and so with much hope of victory, and great confidence, as one armed from heaven, he advanced against his enemy. Maxcn- famous cross as a vision presented to the emperor in a dream.' Mosheim, c. iv. p. 1. Eusebius gives the narration on the sole authority of Constan- tine, who imagined that he had seen this cross ; it was natural that in the troubled sleep of tlie emperor, on tlie eve of so eventful a battle, his dreams should be vivid, and their impression strong; but it is remarkable that Eusebius gives no evidence from the thousands of persons in the army who must have seen it, if it were really a miraculous display of the Divine Power, neither Sozomen nor Ruffin, who wrote so soon after, make any mentien of it. And it has been thought that Eusebius, hearing the emperor, narrating his dream, mistook him as narrating u fact, for Con- stantine always stated that he was inlluenced by a dream in making use of the sign of the cross in hi» army. [Eb.J THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTION* IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 60 tiu8, being constrained by force to come, be advances out of the city, sends all his army to join witli him in the field beyond the river Tiber, where he was put to such a flight, and driven to such exigence, that in retir- ing back with liaste to get into the city, be was over- turned by the fall of his horse into the bottom of the river, and being unable to get out from the weight of his armour, he, with a great part of his men, were drowned. We read in history of many victories and great con- quests, yet we never read, and never shall, of any victory so wholesome, so desirable, so opportune to mankind, as this was, which made an end of so much bloodshed, and obtained liberty and life to the posterity of so many ge- nerations. For although some persecution was yet stir- ring in the east by Maximinus, and Licinius, who had been appointed Cssar in room of Severus, yet in Rome, and in all the west, no martyr died after this heavenly victor)'. And also in the east Constantine so vanquished the tyrants, and so established the peace of the church, that for the space of a thousand years after that, we read of no open persecution against the christians, until the time of John Wicklilfe, when the bishops of Rome began to persecute the true members of Christ, as shall ap- pear in further process of this history. So happy and glorious was this victory of Constantine, sirnamed the Great. For joy and gladness of which the citizens who bad sent for him, brought him into the city of Rome with great triumph, where he with the cross was most honourably received, and the triumph celebrated for the space of seven days together, having his image set up in the Market-place, holding in his right hand the sign of the cross, with this inscription : " Wiih this saving sign, the true token of fortitude, I have rescued and delivered our city from the yoke of the tyrant." (Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 9.) By this victory of Constantine, no little tranquillity came to the church of Christ. Although in the east the storm was not yet altogether quieted, yet here in Europe great tranquillity followed, and continued in the church without any open slaughter for a thousand years (to the time of John Wickliffe and the Waldenses, as is before mentioned) by the means of the godly beginning of good Constantine, who, with his fellow, Licinius, being now established in their dominion, set forth their general proclamation or edict, that no man should be constrained to any religion, but that all men should have liberty, that the christians might continue in their profession without any danger, and whosoever pleased might freely join them. Which thing was very well received and highly approved by the Romans, and all wise men. The copy of the imperial constitution of Constantine and Licinius, for the establishing of the free wor- shippinff of God after the christian relit/ion. " Not long ago we, considering with ourselves, that liberty and freedom of religion ought not in any case to be prohibited, but that free leave ought to be given to every man to do therein according to his will and mind. We have given commandment to all men to qualify matters of religion as they themselves thought good, and that also the christians should keep the opinions and faith of their religion ; but because many and sundry opinions spring and increase through the liberty granted by our first license, we thought good to add thereunto, and to make plain those things whereby perchance some in time to come may be hindered from their religious observance. When, therefore, by prosperous success, I, Constantine Augustus, and I, Licinius Augustus, came to Mediolanum, and there sat in council upon such things as served for the utility and profit of the com- monwealth ; these things amongst others we thought would be beneficiel to all men ; before all other things we purposed to establish those things wherein the true reverence and worship of God is comprehended ; that is, to give to the christians free choice to follow what re- ligion they think good, and whereby the same sincerity and celestial grace which is in every jilace received, may also be embraced and accepted of all our loving sub- jects. According, therefore, unto this our pleasure [Book 1. upon good advisement and sound judgment we have decreed, that no man be denied to choose and foUov the christian observance or religion, but that tiiis liberty be given to every man, that he may apply his mind to what religion he thinketh meet himself, whereby God may perform upon us all his accustomed care and goodness. To the intent therefore you might know that this is our pleasure, we thought it necessary to write this unto you, whereby all tliese errors and opinions which are con- tained in our former letters sent to you in behalf of the christians, and which seem very indiscreet and con- trary to our clemency, may be made frustrate and anni- hilated. Now, therefore, we firmly and freely will and command that every man have free liberty to observe the christian religion, and that without any grief or molestation he may be suffered to do the same. These things have we thought good to signify unto you by plain words, that we have given to the christians free and absolute power to keep and use their religion. And as this liberty is absolutely given by us unto them, to use and exercise their former observance, if any be disposed, it is manifest that the same helpeth much to establish the public tranquillity of our time, every man to have liberty to use and choose what kind of worshipping he p'jcases himself. And this is done of us for the intent, that we would have no man forced to one religion more than another. And this thing also amongst others we have provided for the christians, that they may again have possession of the places in which they have been accustomed to make their assemblies ; so that if any have bought or purchased the same either of us, or of any other, we command the same places without either money or other recompense, forthwith and without delay, to be restored to the christians. And if any man have obtained the same by gift from us, and shall require any recompense to be made to them in that behalf, then let the christians repair to the president (being the judge appointed for that place) that consideration may be had of those men by our benignity ; all which things we will and command, that you see freely given and restored to the society of the christians, without any delay. And because the christians themselves are understood to have had not only those places wherein they were accustomed to resort together, but certain other peculiar places also, not being private to any one man, but be- longing to their church and society ; you shall see also all those to be restored unto the christians, that is to say, to every fellowship and company of them, accord- ing to the decree whereof we have made mention, provi- ded that the order we have taken in the mean time be observed, that if any (taking no recompense) shall re- store the same lands and possessions, they shall not mistrust, but be sure to be saved harmless by us. In all these things it shall be your part to employ your diligence in the behalf of the aforesaid company of the christians, wliereby this our commandment may speedily be accomplished, and also in this case by our clemency the common and public peace may be preserved. For undoubtedly by this means, as we have said before, the good- will and favour of God towards us (whereof in many cases we have had good experience) shall always continue with us. And to the intent that this our con- stitution may be notified to all men, it shall be requisite that the copy of these our letters be set up in all places, that men may read and know the same, lest any should be ignorant thereof." By this history I doubt not but that the reader con- siders and beholds the marvellous working of God's mighty power ; to see so many emperors at one time confederate together against the Lord and Christ his anointed, who having the subjection of the whole world under their dominion, exerted their whole might to ex- tirpate the name of Christ, and of christians. Wherein if the power of man could have prevailed, what could they not do ? or what could they do more than they did ? If policy or devices could have served, what policy was there lacking? If torments or pains of death could have helped, what cruelty of torment could be invented by man, which was not attempted ? If laws, edicts, A.D.305— 323.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 61 proclamations, written not only in tables, but engraven in brass, could have stood, all this was practised against the weak christians. And yet, notwithstanding, to see how no counsel can stand against the Lord, observe how all these be gone, and yet Christ and his church still stand. Only Maximinus now in tlie eastern parts re- mained, who bore a deadly hatred against the christians, to whom Constantine and Licinius caused this constitu- tion of theirs to be delivered. At the sight of which, although he was somewhat appalled, and defeated of his purpose ; yet as he saw himself too weak to resist the authority of Constantine and Licinius, the superior princes, he dissembled, as though he himself had desired the quiet of the christians ; but shortly after, making war, and fighting a battle with Licinius, he lost the victory, and coming home again, he took great indignation against the priests and prophets of his gods, whom be- fore that time he had great regard to and honoured ; and depending upon whose answers and enchantments, be began his war against Licinius. But after he per- ceived himself to be deceived by them, as by wicked enchanters and deceivers, and such as had betrayed his safety and person, he put them to death. And he shortly after, oppressed with a mortal disease, glorified the God of the christians, and made a most absolute law for their safety and preservation. Thus the Lord makes his enemies, be they never so stern and stout, at length to stoop, and their hearts to confess him, as this Maximinus did, who not long after ended his life, leaving no more tyrants alive to trouble the church, except Licinius. This Licinius being a Dane born, and first made Caesar by Galerius, as is above specified, was afterwards joined with Constantine in the government of the empire, and in setting forth the edicts, which we have before described, although all this seems to have been done by him with a dissembling mind. For so he is described in all his- tories, to be a man passing all others in desire of in- satiable riches, hasty, stubborn, and furious. He was such an enemy to learning, that he named the same a poison and a common pestilence, and especially the knowledge of the laws. He thought no vice worse became a prince than learning, because he himself was unlearned. There was between him and Constantine in the be- ginning great familiarity, and such agreement, that Con- stantine gave to him his sister Constantia in matrimony. Neither would any man have thought him to have been of any other religion than Constantine was of, he seemed in all things to agree so well with him. He made a decree with Constantine in the behalf of the christians, as we have shewed. Such was Licinius in the beginning ; but afterwards he began to conspire against the person of Constantine, but finding he could not prevail in his conspiracies he began vehemently to liate him, and not only to reject the christian religion, but also to hate the same. He said he would become an enemy to the chris- tians, because in their assemblies and meetings they prayed not for him, but for Constantine. Therefore first by little and little, and that secretly, he went about to wrong and hurt the christians, and banished them his court. Then he commanded that all those who were knights of the honourable order should be deprived, unless tliey would do sacrifice to devils. The same persecution he afterward stretched from his court into all his provinces. Tlie flittering officers that were under him, thinking by tliis means to please him, slew many bishops, and without any cause put them to death, as though they had been homicides and heinous offenders ; they cut their bodies into small pieces in the manner of a butcher, and threw them into the sea to feed the fishes. What shall we say of the e.xiles and confiscations of good and virtuous men ? For he took by violence every man's substance, and cared not by what means he came by it ; threatening them with death, unless they would give it up. He ban- ished those who had committed no evil. He commanded that many honourable men should be put out of the way ; and gave their daughters to his followers. Which cruel outrage caused many godly men to forsake their houses, of their own accord ; and flee to the woods, fields, desert places, and mountains, which were the only habitations and resting-places of the poor and miserable christians. Of those worthy men and famous martyrs, who in this perse- cution found the way to heaven, was Theodorus, who first being hanged upon the cross, had nails thrust into his arm- pits, and after that, his head stricken oif. Also another Theodorus, the bishop of Tyre ; Basil also, the bishop of Amasenus ; Nicholas the bishop of Mirorus, Gregory of Armenia ; after that Paul of Neocesarea, who had both his hands cut off with a searing iron. Besides these in the city of Sebastia, there were forty worthy men and christian soldiers in the cold time of winter drowned in a horse- pond. The wives of those forty good men were carried to Heraclea, acity in Thracia, and there, with a certain deacon whose name was Amones, were, after innumerable torments, slain with the sword. Licinius was determined to have overrun all the christians, to which neither will nor opportunity were wanted. But God brought Constantine into those parts to oppose him. Divers battles were fought between them, the first in Hungary, where Licinius was overthrown ; then he fled into Macedonia, and repairing his army was again dis- comfited. Finally, being vanquished both by sea and land, he, lastly, at Nicomedia yielded himself to Constan- tine, and was commanded to live a private life in Thes- alia, where at length he was slain by the soldiers. Thus you have heard the end and conclusion of all the seven tyrants who were the authors and workers of this tenth and last persecution against the true people of God. The chief captain and promoter of which per- secution, was Dioclesian, who died at Salona, as some say, by his own poison (A. D. 313). The next was Maximinian, who, (as is said) was hanged by Con- stantine at Marseilles (A. D. 310). Then died Gale- rius, plagued with an horrible disease sent of God (A. D. 311). Severus was slain by Maximinian, father of Maxentius, the wicked tyrant (A. D. 307), who was overcome and vanquished of Constantine (A. D. 312). Maximinus, the sixth tyrant, not long after, who being overcome by Licinius, died (A. D. 313). Lastly, this Licinius was overcome by Constantine, and slain (A. D. 323). Only Constantius, the father of Constan- tine, being a good and a godly emperor, died in the third vear of the persecution (A. D. 30(i), and was buried at York. It now remains, after having described these persecu- tors, to gather up the names and stories of certain par- ticular martyrs, who are worthy of special memory, for the singular constancy and fortitude shewed in their sufferings and cruel torments; it is impossible to include the names of all who suftered in this tenth persecution ; but tlie most notable we here insert, for the edification of other christians. When Dioclesian and Maximinian, the pagan em- perors, had directed their letters with all severity for the persecuting of the christians, Alban, being then an infidel, received into his house a certain clerk, flying from the persecutor's hands, whom when Alban beheld, continually both day and night to persevere in watching and prayer, he began to imitate the example of his faith and virtuous life ; whereupon being instructed, he became a christian. The wicked prince was in- formed that this good man and confessor of Christ was harboured in Alban's house, whereupon he gave charge to the soldiers to make diligent search as soon as they came to the house of Alban; he by-and-bye putting on the apparel which his guest usually wore, offered himself in the stead of the other, to the soldiers, who binding him, brought him forthwith to the judge. It happened that when Alban was brought to the judge, they found the judge at the altars, offering sacrifice unto devils, who, as soon as he saw Alban, was in a great rage that he should presume to give himself a prisoner for his guest whom he harboured, and he commanded him to be brought before the images of the devils whom he wor- shipped, saying, "Because thou hadst rather hide and convey away a rebel, than deliver him to the officers (as a contemner of our gods) that he should not suffer pu- nishment and merit of his blasphemy, the f unishmeat THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 62 he sliould have had, thou shalt suffer for him, if I per- ceive thee any whit to revolt from our manner of v/or- shipping." But blessed Alban, who of his own accord had bewrayed that he was a christian, feared not at all the menaces of the prince, but being armed with the spiritual armour, openly pronounced that he would not obey his commandment. Then said the judge, " Of what stock or kindred art thou come?" Alban an- swered, " What is that to you ? Of what stock soever I came of, if you desire to hear the verity of my religion, I call vou to witness that I am a christian." Then the judge answered with fury, " If thou wilt enjoy the felicity of this present life, do sacrifice to these mighty gods." Alban replied, " These sacrifices which ye offer unto devils, can neither help them that offer them, neither yet can they accomplish the desires and prayers of their suppliants ; but rather shall they who ofier sa- crifice to these idols, receive for their meed everlasting pains of hell fire." The judge, when he heard these words, was passing angry, and commanded the tormen- tors to whip this holy confessor of God, endeavouring to overcome the constancy of his heart with stripes. And when he was cruelly beaten, he yet suffered the same patiently, nay, joyfully, for the Lord's sake. Then, when the judge saw that he would not with torments be overcome, nor be seduced from the worship of the chris- tian religion, he commanded him to be beheaded. The rest of this story that follows in the narration of Bede, as of drying up the river, as Alban went to the place of his execution ; then of making a well-spring in the top of the hill, and of the falling out of the eyes of him that did behead him (with such other prodigious miracles mentioned in history ), they seem more legend- like than truth-like. The Uke estimation I have of the long history, wherein is written at large a fabulous discourse of all the doings and miracles of St. Alban. But among all evidences sufficient to disprove these legends of Alban, nothing makes more against, than the very story itself: as where he brings in the head of che holy martyr to speak to the people after it was smitten off from the body. Also, where he brings in the angels going up and coming down in a pillar of fire, and singing all the night long. Also, in the river which Alban made dry, such as were drowned before in the bottom were found alive. With other such like monk- ish miracles, and gross fables, wherewith these abbey monks were wont, in times past, to deceive the churcli of God, and to beguile the whole world for their own advantage. Notwithstanding I write not this to any derogation of the blessed and faithful martyr of God, who was the first that I did ever find in this realm to suffer martyrdom for the testimony of Christ. And worthy no doubt of all commendation, especially of us here in this land ; whose christian faith in the Lord, and charity towards his neighbour, I pray God we may all follow. As also I wish, moreover, that the stories both of him, and of all other christian martyrs, might have been delivered to us simple as they were, without the admixture of all these abbey-like additions of monkish miracles, wherewith they were wont to paint out the glory of such saints the most, by whose offerings they were accustomed to receive most advantage. The Clerk mentioned in this story, whom Alban re- ceived into his house, flying into Wales, was brought back again, and martyred, with cruel torments. The time of martyrdom of this blessed Alban and the other, seems to be about the second or third year of the tenth persecution, under Dioclesian, before the coming of Constantius to his government. Where, by the way is to be noted, that this realm of Britain was never touched with any other of the nine persecutions, before this tenth persecution of Dioclesian and Maximinian. In which persecution our histories record, that all Chris- tianity was almost destroyed in the whole island, the churches subverted, all books of the scripture burned, many of the faithful, both men and women were slain ; among whom, the first and chief (as has been said) was Alban. And thus much touching the martyrs of Britain. Now from England to return again to other countries, [Book Ij where this persecution raged more vehemently, we wil] add (the I^ord willing) the histories of others, that be- ginning with Romanus, the notable and admirable sol- dier and true servant of Christ, whose history is set forth in Prudentius as follows ; so lamentably desciibed by him, that it will be hard for any man with dry cheeks to hear it. " Pitiless Galerius with his grand captain Asclepiades, violently invaded the city of Antioch, intending by force of arms to drive all christians utterly to renounce their pure reUgion. The christians, as God would, were at that time congregated together, to whom Romanus has- tily ran, declaring that tlie wolves were at hand which would devour the christian flock ; ' But fear not,' said he, • neither let this imminent peril disturb you, my brethren.' It was brought to pass, by the great grace of God working in Romanus, that old men and matrons, fathers and mothers, young men and maidens, were all of one will and mind, most ready to shed their blood in defence of their christian profession. Word was brought to the captain, that the band of armed soldiers was not able to wrest the staff of faith out of the hand of the armed congregation, and all because that one Romanus did so mightily encourage them, that they hesitated not to offer their naked throats, -wishing gloriously to die for the name of Christ. ' Seek out that rebel (quoth the captain) and bring him to me, that he may answer for the whole sect.' He was apprehended, and being bound as a sheep appointed to the slaughter-house, was pre- sented to the emperor, who, with wrathful countenance beholding him, said, ' What.' Art thou the author of this sedition ? Art thou the cause why so many shall lose their lives ? By the gods I swear thou shalt smart for it, and first in thy flesh shalt thou suffer the pains, whereunto thou hast encouraged the hearts of thy fel- lows.' Romanus answered, ' O emperor, I joyfully embrace thy sentence, I refuse not to be sacrificed for my brethren, and that by as cruel means as thou mayst invent ; and, whereas thy soldiers were repelled from the christian congregation, that was, because it was not fit for idolaters and worshippers of devils, to enter the holy house of God, and to pollute the place of true prayer.' Then Asclepiades, wholly inflamed with this stout answer, commanded him to be trussed up, and his bowels drawn out. The executioners themselves, more pitiful in heart than the captain, said, ' Not so, sir, this man is of noble parentage, it is unlawful to put a noble- man to so ignoble a death.' ' Scourge him then with whips (quoth the captain) with knaps of lead at the ends.' Instead of tears, sighs, and groans, Romanus sung psalms all the time of his whipping, requiring them not to favour him for nobility sake ; ' Not the blood of my progenitors (said he) but christian profession makes me noble.' Then with great power of spirit he in- veighed against the captain, laughing to scorn the false gods of the heathen, with the idolatrous worshij)ping of them, affirming the god of the christians to be the true God that created heaven and earth, before whose judg- ment-seat all nations shall appear. But the wholesome words of the martyr were as oil to the fire of the captain's fury. The more the martyr spake, the madder he was, insomuch that he commanded the martyr's sides to be lanced with knives, until the bones ajipeared white again. ' I am sorry, O captain (quoth the martyr) not that my flesh shall be thus cut and mangled, but for thy cause am I sorrowful, who, being corrupted with damna- ble errors, seducest others.' The second time he preached at large the living God, and the Lord Jesus Christ his well beloved Son, and eternal life through faith in his blood ; expressing therewith the abomination of idolatry, with a vehement exhortation to worship and adore the living God. At these words Asclepiades com- manded the tormentors to strike Romanus on the mouth, that his teeth being stricken out, his pronunciation at least might be impaired. The commandment was obeyed, his face buffetted, his eye-lids torn with their nails, his cheeks scotched with knives, the skin of his beard was plucked by Uttle and httle from the flesh ; finally, his seemly face was wholly defaced. The meek martyr said, ' I thank thee, O captain, that thou hast opened unto A. D. 323.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 63 me many mouths, wherein I may preach my Lord and Saviour Christ. Look how many wounds I have, so many mouths I have kiuding and praising God." The captain, astonished with this singular constancy, com- manded them to cease from the tortures. He threatened cruel lire, revded the noble martyr, and blasphemed God, saying, " The crucified Christ is but a yesterday's god, the gods of the Gentiles are of most antiquity." «' Here again, Romanus made a long oration of the eter- nity of Christ, of his human nature, of the death, and satisfaction of Christ for all mankind. Which done, he said, ' Give me a child, O captain, but seven years of &se. which age is free from malice and other vices, where- with ripe age is commonly infected, and thou slialt hear what he will say.' His request was granted. A pretty boy was called out of the multitude, and set before him. * Tell me, my babe," quoth the martyr, " whether thou think it reason, that we worship one Christ, and in Christ one Father, or else that we worship many gods?" Unto whom the babe answered, " That certainly, whatever it be til it man affirm to be God, must needs be one ; and as this one is Christ, of necessity Christ must be the true God ; for that there be many Gods, we children cannot believe." The captain much astonished at this, said, "Thou young villain and traitor, where, and of whom learaedst thou this lesson?" " Of my mother," quoth tie child, " with whose milk I sucked in this lesson, that 1 must lielleve in Christ." The mother was called, and she gladly appeared. The captain commanded the child to be hoised up and scourged. The pitiful beholders of this pitiless aot, could not refrain from tears : the joyful and glad motlier alone stood with dry cheeks : yea, she re- buked her sweet babe for craving a draught of cold water, she charijed him to thirst after the cup that the infants of Bethle- hem once drank of, forgettingtheir mother's milk ; she will- ed iiuaio lemeuiberlitile Isaac, who beholding the sword theiv-vvith, and the altar whereon he should be sacrificed, Willi. ii,"ly olTered his tender neck to his father's sword. Vriiile tliis counsel was giving, the butcherly tormentor ])lucked the skin from the crown of his head, hair and all. The mother cried, "Suffer it, my child; anon thou shalt pass to him that will adorn thy naked head with a crown of eternal glory." The child, thus counselled and en- couraged, received the stripes with a smiling countenance. The captain perceiving the child invincible, and himself vanquished, committed the blessed babe to the stinking prison, commanding the torments of Romanus to be re- newed and increased, as the chief author of this evil. " Thus was Romanus brought forth again to new stripes, the punishments to be renewed and received upon his old sores, in so much as the bare bones appeared, the flesh all torn away. " Yea, no longer could the tyrant forbear, but he must needs draw nearer to the sentence of death. " Is it painful to thee (said he) to tarry so long alive ? A flaming fire shall be prepared for thee by-and-by, wherein thou and that boy, thy fellow of rebellion, shall be consumed into ashes. Romanus and the babe were led to the place of execution. As they laid hands on Romanus, he looked back, saying, " I appeal from this thy tyranny, O unjust judge, unto the righteous throne of Christ that upright judge ; not because I fear thy cruel torments and merci- less handlings, but that thy judgments may be known to be cruel and bloody." Now when they were come to tVie place, the tormentors required the child of the mother, for she had taken it up in her arms ; and she only kissing it, delivered the babe ; " Farewell," she said, " my sweet child." And as the hangman applied his sword to the babe's neck, she sang on this manner : All laud and praise with heart and voice, O Lord we yield to thee ; To whom the death of all thy saints, We know most dear to be. " The innocent's head being cut off, the mother wrapped it up in her garment, and laid it on her breast. On the other side a mighty fire was made, whereinto Romanus was cast. His sorrowful hfe and pains being ended, he now enjoys quiet rest in the Lord, with perpetual hope of his miserable body to be restored again, with his soul, into a better life. ' ' Gordius was a citizen of Cesarea, a worthy soldier, and captain of a hundred men. In the time of extreme per- secution, he refused any longer to execute his charge, and willingly chose exile, and lived many years in the desert a religious and solitary life. But on a certain day when a solemn feast of Mars was celebrated in the city of Cesarea, and many people were assembled in the theatre to behold the games, he left the desert, and got up into the chief place of the theatre, and with a loud voice ut- tered this saying of the apostle, " Behold I was found of them that sought me not, and I was manifest to ther.i that asked not for me." At this noise, the multitude looked about to see who it was that made such exclama- tion. As soon as it was known to be Gordius, the crier commanded silence, and he was brought to the sheriff, who was present, and ordained the games. When he was asked the question who he was, from whence, and for what purpose he came thither, he telling the whole truth, answered; "I am come to publish, that I set nothing by your decrees against the christian religion, but that I profess Jesus Christ to be my hope and safety." The sheriff was greatly moved with these words, and poured all his displeasure upon Gordius, command- ing the executioners to bring out the scourges. Gordius answered, " That it would be an hinderance and damage to him, if he could not suffer and endure divers tor- ments and punishments for Christ's cause. The sheriff being more offended with his boldness, commanded him to feel as many kinds of torments as there were. With all which, Gordius, notwithstanding, could not be mas- tered or overcome ; but lifting up his eyes unto heaven, singeth this saying out of the Psalms, " The Lord is my helper, I will not fear what man can do to me :" and also this saying, " I will fear no evil, because thou Lord art with me." " When the shei-iff saw that he could win but little by torment, he tried by gentleness and enticing words, to turn the stout and valiant mind of Gordius. He promised him if he would deny Christ, he would make him a captain, and give him riches, treasure, and whatever he desired. But it was all in vain. The magistrate thoroughly angry prepared to condemn him ; and caused him to be taken out of the city to be burnt. Great multitudes went out of the city, to see him put to execution; some take him in their arms, and lovingly kiss him, persuading him to save himself, and that with 'tears. To whom Gordius answered, " Weep not, I pray you, for me, but rather for the enemies of God, who always make war against the christians ; weep, I say, for them who prepare for us a fire, purchasing hell fire for themselves in the day of vengeance ; and cease, I pray you, to molest and disquiet my settled mind : for truly, I am ready for the name of Christ to suffer and endure a thousand deaths if need were. Some others came unto him, who persuaded him to deny Christ with his mouth, and to keep his consci- ence to himself. " My tongue," saith he, " which by the goodness of God I have, cannot be brought to deny the author and giver of the same ; for with the heart we believe imto righteousness, and with the tongue we con- fess unto salvation." He spake many more such words ; but especially persuading the beholders to suffer death, and desire martyrdom. After all which, with a cheerful and glad countenance, never changing so much as his colour, he willingly gave himself to be burnt." Not much unlike the history of Gordius is the history also of Menas an Egyptian, who was likewise a soldier; in this persecution of Dioclesian, he forsook all, and went into the desert, where for a long time he gave him- self to abstinence, watching, and meditation of the scriptures. At length returning again to the city Cotis, there in the open theatre, he with a loud voice openly proclaimed himself to be a christian, and upon this was brought to Pyrrhus the president; who demanded of him his faith, when he made this answer, " It is right that I should confess God, in whom is light and no darkness, forsomuch as Paul teaches that with the heart we beUeve to righteousness, and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation." After this the innocent martyr 64 THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book I, was most painfully pinched and tortured with sundry- punishments. In all wliich notwithstanding lie shewed a constant heart, and invincible taitli, having in the midst of liis torments these words in his nioutii : " There IS nothing in my mind lliat can be conij)ared to the kingdom of heaven : neither is all tlie world, if it were weighed in a balance, to be compared with the price of one soul ; who is able to separate us from the love of Jesus (Jhrist our Lord ? Shall atHiction or anguish ? I have thus learned of my Lord and my king, not to fear them which kill the body and have no power to kill the soul, but to fear him rather, who hath power to destroy botli body and soul in hell fire." To make the story short, after he had sutfercd manifold torments, at last the sentence of death was pronounced upon him, which was that he should be beheaded. Menas being then led to the i)lace of execution, said, " I give thee thanks, my Lord and God, who hast accepted me as a partaker of thy precious death, and hast not given me to be devoured of my fierce enemies, but hast made me to remain constant in thy pure faith unto this my latter end." And so this blessed soldier fighting valiantly under the banner of Christ, lost his head, and won his soul. Basil, in a certain sermon concerning forty martyrs, mentions tliis story, not unworthy to be recorded. There came into a certain place, the emperor's marshal or officer, with the edict which the emperor had issued against the christians, tliat whoever confessed Christ, should after many torments suffer death. And first they privily suborned certain to detect and accuse the chris- tians wiiom they had found out, or had laid wait for. Upon this, the sword, the gibbet, the wheel, and the whips were brought forth ; at the terrible sight of which, the hearts of the beholders shook and trembled. Some fled for fear, some stood in doubt what to do ; some were so terrified at beholding these engines, and tor- menting instruments, that they denied their faith. But some began to suffer, and for a time did abide the con- flict and agony of martyrdom, but vanquished at length, by the intolerable pain of their torments, made ship- wreck of their consciences, and lost the glory of their confession. Among others, there were at that time forty young soldiers, who, after the marshal had shown the emperor's edict, and required of all men obedience to the same, freely and boldly confessed themselves to be christians, and declared to him their names. The mar- shal, somewhat amazed at their boldness of speech, stands m doubt what was best to do. Yet forthwith he tries to win them with fair words, advising them to consider their youth, and that they should not change a sweet and pleasant life, for a cruel and untimely death : after that he promised them money and honourable offices in the emperor's name. But they little esteeming all these things, brake forth into a long and bold oration, affirming that they neither desired life, dignity, nor money, but only the celestial kingdom of Christ, saying further, that they are ready for the love and faitli they have in God, to endure the affliction of the wlieel, the cross and the fire. The rude marslial being herewith offended, devised a new kind of punishment. He bad seen in the middle of the city a certain great pond, which lay exposed to the cold northern wind, for it was in the winter time ; he caused them all to be put into this pond, atul kept tliere all that night ; but they com- forting one another, received this their ajjpointt'd )iunish- ment with cheerfulness, and said, as they were putting off their clothes, " We put off not our clothes, but we put oft' the old man, which is corrupt according to the deceitful lust. We give thee thanks, f) Lord, that with this our apparel we may also jmt off by thy grace, the sinful man ; for by means of the serpent we once put him on, and by the means of Jesus Christ we now put him off." When they had thus said, they were brought naked into the place where they felt most vehement cold ; insomuch that their bodies became stiff therewith. As soon as it was day, they were brought to the fire, in which they were consumed, and their ashes thrown into the flood. la this fellowship and company of martyrs, we cannot leave out, or forget the history of Cyrus. This Cyrus was a physician born in Alexandria, who, flying into Egjpt in the persecution of Dioclesian and Maximinian, led a solitary life in Arabia, being much spoken of for his learning. After a certain time one John, born in the city of Edessa, joined himself to Cyrus, leaving the soldier's life, which before that time he had exercised. But while the persecution raged in a city in Egypt, called Canope, a certain godly christian woman, called Athanasia, and her three daughters, Theoctiste, Theo- dota, and Eudoxia, with whom Cyrus was well ac quainted, were cast into prison for the confession of their faith : he, fearing their weakness, accompanied with his brother John, came and visited them for their better confirmation, at which time, Lirianus was chief captain and lieutenant of Egypt, of whose wickedness and cruelty, especially against females, Athanasius makes mention in his apologies, and in his epistles. This Cyrus, therefore, and John, being accused and appre- hended, as those by whose persuasions the daughters of Athanasia despised the gods and the emperor's religion, and could not be brought to do sacrifice, were, after the publication of their constant confession, put to cfeath by the sword, — Athanasia also, and her three daughters, being condemned to death. There was a lieutenant-general of Dioclesian named Sebastian, born in France, who, by his exhortations, encouraged many martyrs of Christ to constancy, and kept them in the faith. He being, therefore, accused to the emperor, was commanded to be apprehended, and brought into the open field, where he was thrust through t'le body with innumerable arrows b his own bohliers. Other martyrs suffered with Sebastian, anmng whom were Nicostratusi with Zoe his wife; Tranquillinus, with Martia his wife ; Traglinus, Claudius, Castor, Tibertius, Castellus, Marcus, and Marcellinus, with many others. In a certain exhortation of Ambrose, he commends the martyrdoms of Agricola and Vitalis, who suil'ered also in the same persecution. This Vitalis was servant to Agricola, who both had determined to give their lives with other martyrs, for the name of Clirist. Vitalis, being sent before by his master, to offer himself to martyrdom, fell first into the hands of persecutors, who laboured by all means to cause him to deny Christ ; which, when he would in no case do, but stoutly per- sisted in the confession of his faith, they began to exer- cise him with all kind of torments, so unmercifully, that there was no whole skin left on all his body. So Vitalis, in the midst of the agony and painful torments, in a short prayer commended himself to God, and gave up his life. After him, the tormentors set upon Agricola, his master, whose virtuous manners being singularly well liked, and known to the enemies, his suffering was the longer deferred. But Agricola not abiding the long delay, and driving off, and provoking the adversaries to be quicker, was, at length, fastened to the cross, and so finished his martyrdom, which he so long desired. No less worthy of commemoration is the lamentable martyrdom of Vincentius. This Vincentius was a Spanish priest, a godly and virtuous man, who at this time suffered martyrdom at Valence, under Dacian, the president. Bergomensis gives an account of his mar- tyrdom, taken out of a certain sermon of St. Augustine, as follows: " Our heart conceived not a vain and fruit less sight (as it were in beholding of lamentable tra- gedies), but certainly a great and marvellous siglit ;ii 1 with singular pleasure received it, when the painful p.is- sion of victorious Vincentius was read to us. is t.n.ij any so heavy hearted that will not be moved in the con- templation of this immoveable martyr, so manly, or, rather so godly, fighting against tlie craft and sublilty of that Serpent, against the tyranny of Dacian, against the horrors of death, and by the mighty Spirit of his God, con- (lucring all ? But let us in few words rehearse the num-i her of his torments, though the pains thereof cannot bel expressed in many words. First, Dacian caused thai martyr to be laid upon the rack, and all the joints of his j body distended, until they cracked again. This beingj done in the most extreme and cruel manner, all th«j A. D. 323.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 65 members of his painful body were grievously pierced with deadly wounds. Thirdly, they tore his flesh with iron combs sharply filed. And in order that the tor- mentors might not omit any cruelty on the meek and mild martyr's flesh, they themselves also were scourged at the president's commandment. And lest his pains might seem too easy, they laid his body, being all out of joint, on an iron grate, and tearing it with iron hooks, they seared it with fiery plates, sprinkling him with burning salt. Last of all, this mighty martyr was cast into a dungeon, the floor of which was thickly spread with the sharpest shells that could be got, his feet being then fast locked in the stocks, he was left alone without any worldly comfort ; but the Lord his God was with him, the Holy Spirit of God (whose office is to comfort the godly afflicted), filled his heart with joy and glad- ness. Hast thou prepared a terrible rack, (O, cruel tyrant ! O, devouring lion !) for the martyr's bed ? the Lord shall make that bed soft and sweet unto him. Dost thou rack his bones and joints all asunder .' His bones, his joints, his hairs, are all numbered. Dost thou torment his flesh with mortal wounds ? tlie Lord shall pour abundantly into all his sores of his oil of gladness. Thy scraping combs, tliy sharp fleshhooks, thy hot searing irons, thy parched salt, thy noisome pri- son, thy cutting shelis, thy pinching stocks, shall all work together for good to this patient martyr. All sliall work contrary to thy expectation, he shall reap great joy into the barn of his soul, out of this mighty har- vest of pains that thou hast brought him into. Yea, thou shalt find him Vincentius indeed, that is, a van- quisher, a triumpher, a conqueror, subduing thy mad- ness by his meekness, thy tyranny by his patience, thy manifold tortures by the manifold graces of God, where- with he is plentifully enriched." In this catalogue of holy martyrs, that suffered in this I tenth persecution, there are very many more mentioned j in various authors, beside them whom we have hitherto i comprehended, as Philoromus, a man of noble birth, and great possessions in Alexandria, who, being per- suaded by his friends to favour himself, to consider his wife and children, not only rejected their counsels, but . also was not moved by the threats and torments of the Judge, but kept the confession of Christ inviolate unto I death, and was beheaded. I Of like dignity also was Procopius in Palestine, who, i after his conversion, brake his images of silver and gold, and distributed the same to the poor, and after ail kind (of torments, racking, cording, tearing his flesh, goring, I stabbing, and firing, at length had his head also smitten 'off. To these may be added also Georgius, a young man of Cappadocia, who, stoutly inveighing against the impious idolatry of the emperoi's, was apprehended and cast into prison, then torn with hooked irons, burnt with hot lime, stretched with cords, £.fter that his hands and feet with other members of his body being cut off, at last had his head cut off with a sword. With these aforenamed, add also Sergius and Bacchius, Panthaleon, a physician in Nicomedia, Theodorus of the icity of Amasia, Faustus a martyr of Egy]it, Gereon, Iwith three hundred and eighteen fellow martyrs, who jsuffered about Celeur. Hermogenes, the president of I Athens, who being converted by the constancy of one iMenas, and Eugraphus in their torments, suffered also for ;the like faith ; also Samonas Gurias and Abibus. Hieron lalso, with certain of his confessors, under Maximinus, Judes and Domuas, who suffered with many other mar- tyrs, above mentioned, at Nicomedia. Evelasius and iMaximinus, the emperor's officers, whom Fausta, the maiden, converted in her torments. Also Thirsus, Lucius, CaUinicius, Apollonius, Philemon, Asilas, Leo- (nides, with Arrianus, president of Thebaide. Cyprian, likewise, a citizen of Antioch, who, after he had con- itinued a long time a filthy magician, or sorcerer, at length was converted and made a deacon, then a priest, and at last the bishop of Antioch. This Cyprian, with Justina, a maiden, suffered among the martyrs. Also Glicerios at Nicomedia, Felix a minister, Fortunatus, Achilleus, deacons in the cit^ of Yolent. Arthemius of Rome, Ciriacus, deacon to Marcellus, the bishop, Carpophorus, priest, at Thuscia, with Abundus, his deacon. Also Claudius Sirinus Antoninus, who suffered with MarceU liiius, the bisliop. Cucusatus, in the city of Barcinona. Felix, bishop of Apulia, with Adauctus, and Januarius his priest, Fortunatus and Septimus his readers, who suffered in the city Venusina, under Dioclesian. No less admirable and wonderful was the constancy also of women, who in the same persecution gave their bodies to the tormentors, and their lives for the testi- mony of Christ, with no less boldness of spirit than the men themselves. Of whom we will narrate some exam- ples, such as seem most notable, beginning with Eulalia. There is a city in Portugal called Emerita, wherein dwelt, and was brought up, a maiden born of noble paren- tage, whose name was Eulalia. Emerita was a rich and celebrated city, yet was it more adorned and celebrated by the martyrdom, blood, and sepulchre of this blessed Eu- lalia. She had refused great and honourable offers in marriage as one not delighting in courtly dalliance, neither yet taking pleasure in purple and gorgeous apparel, or costly ornaments ; but forsaking and despising all these pompous allurements, she shewed herself most earnest in preparing her journey to her hoped inheritance, and heavenly patronage. As she was modest and discreet in behaviour, so was she also witty and sharp in answer- ing her enemies. But when the furious rage of perse- cution forced her to join herself with God's children in the household of faith, and when the christians were commanded to offer incense and sacrifice to devils or idol gods, then the blessed spirit of Eulalia began to kindle, and being of a prompt and ready wit, and pouring out her heart before God, provoked thereby the force and rage of her enemies against her. But the godly care of her parents, fearing lest the willing mind of this damsel, so ready to die for Christ, might be the cause of her own death, hid her and kept her close at their house in the country, being a great way out of the city. She yet disliking that quiet life, and not wishing any delay, softly steals out of the doors in the night ; and leaving the common road, passed through the thorny and briary places ; and although the silent night was dark and dreadful, yet she had with her the Lord and giver of light. And as the children of Israel coming out of Egypt, had* by the mighty power of God, a cloudy pillar for their guide in the day, and a flame of fire in the night, so had this godly maiden, travelUng in tliis dark night, when flying and forsaking the place where filthy idolatry abounded ; she was not oppressed with the dreadful darkness of the night. In the morning, witli a bold courage she goes to the tribunal, and in the midst of them all with a loud voice crying out, said, " I pray you what a shame is it for you thus to destroy and kill men's souls, and to throw their bodies alive against the rocks, and cause them to deny the omnipotent God ? Would you know (O you unfor- tunate) what I am ? Behold, I am one of the christians, an enemy to your devilish sacrifices, I spurn your idols under my feet, I confess God omnipotent with my heart and mouth. Isis, Apollo and Venus, what are they? Maximinus himself, what is he ? The one a thing of nought, for that they be the works of men's hands; the other but a castaway, because he worships them. There- fore, they are both frivolous; Maximinus is a lord of substance, and yet he himself falls down before a stone, and vows the honour of his dignity to those that are much inferior to his vassals. Why then does he oppress- so tyrannically, more worthy and courageous spirits than himself? He must needs be a good guide and an up-- right judge, who feedeth upon innocent blood, doth rent and tear the bodies of godly men, and what is more, hath his delight in destroying and subverting the faith. " Go to therefore, burn, cut, and mangle these earthly members. It is an easy matter to break a brittle sub- stance, but the inward mind thou shalt not hurt." Thea the judge in a great rage, said, " Hangman, take her, and pull her out by the hair of her head, and torment her to the uttermost, let her feel the power of our coun. try's gods, and let her know what the imperial govern- ment of a prince is. But yet, O thou sturdy girl, £un 66 THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book 1. would I have thee (if it were possible) before thou die, to revoke this thy wickedness. Behold what pleasures thou mayest enjoy by the honourable house thou earnest of, thy fallen house and progeny follows thee to death with lamentable tears, and the nobility of thy kindred makes doleful lamentation for thee. What meanest thou ? Wilt thou kill thyself so young a flower, and so near these honourable marriages and great dowries thou mayest enjoy ? Does not the glistering and golden pomp of a bridal move thee .' Does not the piety of thine ancestors touch thee ? Wlio is not grieved by thy rashness and weakness ? Behold here the furniture ready prepared for thy terrible death ; either thou shalt be beheaded with this sword, or else with these wild beasts shalt thou be pulled in pieces, or else being cast into the fiery flames, thou shalt be consumed to ashes. What great matter is it for thee, I pray thee, to escape all this ? If thou wilt but take and put with thy fingers a little salt and incense into the censers, thou shalt be delivered from all these punishments." To this Eulalia made no answer, but throws down the idols, and spurns with her feet the incense prepared for the censers. Then without further delay, the executioners took her, and pulled one joint from another, and with the talons of wild beasts tore her sides to the hard bones ; she all this while singing and praising God in this wise : " Behold, O Lord, I will not forget thee ; what a pleasure is it for them, O Christ, that remember thy triumphant victories, to attain unto these high dignities ! and she still calls upon that holy name, all stained and imbrued with her own blood." This she sang with a bold spirit, neither lamenting nor yet weeping, but being glad and cheerful, abandoning from her mind all heaviness and grief, when as out of a warm fountain, her mangled members bathed her white and fair skin with fresh blood. Then they proceed to the last and final torment, which was not only the goring and wounding of her mangled body with the iron grate and hurdle, and terrible harrowing of her flesh, but burned her on every side with flaming torches ; wtien the cracking flame reaching the crown of her hi'ad consumed her ; so she rested in peace. As you have now heard the christian life, and constant death of Eulalia, worthy of praise and commendation, so no less worthy was the blessed Agnes, that constant damsel and martyr of God, who as she was of honour- able parents in Rome, so she lies there honourably buried. She was very young when she was first dedicated to Christ, and boldly resisted the edicts of the emperor ; and would net through idolatry deny or forsake the holy faith. She willingly offered her body to hard and pain- ful torments, not refusing to sufi'er whatever it should be, yea though it were death itself. She was therefore ordered to be beheaded. And when she saw a sturdy and cruel fellow stand behind her, and approaching near to her with a naked sword in his hand, " 1 am now glad," said she, " and rejoice that thou art come. I will willingly receive into my bosom the length of this sword, that thus married unto Christ my spouse, I may sur- mount and escape all the darkness of this world. O eternal governor, vouchsafe to open the gates of heaven, once shut up against all the inhabitants of the earth, and receive, O Christ, my soul that seeks thee !" Thus speaking, and kneeling upon her knees, she prays to Christ in heaven, that her neck might be the readier for the sword. The executioner then with his bloody hand finished her hope, and at one stroke cut ofl" her head, and by such short and swift death prevented her feeling the pain of it. I have oftentimes before complained, that the histories of saints have been mixed up with many false additions, and fabulous inventions of men, who either of a super- stitious devotion, or of a subtle practice, have so mangled their histories and lives, that very few remain simple and nncorrupt. This I especially find in the history of good Katherine, whom I have now in hand ; although I do not doubt that there was great holiness in her life, excel- lency in her knowledge, constancy in her death, yet that all things be true that are told of her, I do not affirm, neither am I bound to think so. Of the many strange fictions of her some seem incredible, some impudent. As where Petrus de Natalibus writing of her conversion declares, how that Katherine sleeping before a certain picture or table of the crucifix, Christ with his mothei Mary appeared unto her ; and when Mary had otfered her unto Christ to be his wife, he first refused her for her blackness I The next time she being baptized, Mary appearing again, offered her to marry with Christ, who then being pleased, was espoused to him and married, having a golden ring the same time put on her finger in her sleep ! Bergomensis writes, that because in the sight of the peoi)le she openly resisted the emperor Maxentius to his face, and rebuked him for his cmelty, she was committed to prison. The same night an angel came to her, comforting her and exhorting her to be strong and constant unto the martyrdom, for she was accepted iu the sight of God, and that the Lord would be with her, and that he would give her a mouth and wisdom which her enemies should not withstand ; with many other things which 1 here omit. I also omit con- cerning the fifty philosophers, whom she convicted in disputation, and converted to our religion, and who died martyrs for the same. At length, after she had endured the rack, and the four sharp cutting wheels, she was beheaded, and so finished her martyrdom. Among the works of Basil, a certain oration is extant concerning Julitta the martyr, who came to her martyr- dom by this occasion. A certain avaricious and greedy person of great authority, violently took from her all her goods, lands, chattels, and servants, contrary to all equity and right. She complained to the judges ; a day was appointed when the cause should be heard. The spoiled woman, and the spoiling extortioner stood forth together : the woman declared her cause, the man, frowningly, beheld her face. When she had proved that the goods were her own, and that he had dealt wrong- fully with her, the wicked extortioner, preferring vile worldly substance to the rightful claims of a christian body, affirmed her action to be of no force, because she was an outlaw in not observing the emperor's gods. His allegation was allowed as good. Whereupon incense and fire were prepared for her to worship the gods, and unless she would do this, neither the emperor's protec- tion, laws, or judgment, should be extended to her, nor should she enjoy life in that commonwealth. When this handmaid of the Lord heard these words, she said, " Farewell life, welcome death ; farewell riches, welcome poverty. All that I have, if it were a thousand times more, 1 would rather lose, than speak one wicked and blasphemous word against God my Creator. I yield thee, O my God, most hearty thanks for this gift of grace, that I can contemn and despise this frail and transitory world, esteeming christian profession above all trea- sures." After this, when any question was demanded, her answer was, " I am the servant of Jesus Christ." Her kindred and acquaintance flocking to her, advised her to change her mind ; but that she refused, with de- testation of their idolatry. Forthwith the judge con- demned her to the fire, and the joyful martyr embraced the sentence as a most sweet and delectable thing. She prepares herself for the flames, in countenance, gesture and words, declaring the joy of her heart, and then em- bracing the fire, she sweetly slept in the Lord. Beside these, divers godly women have been faithful martyrs. Barbara, a noble woman in Th\iscia, after miserable imprisonment, sharp cords, and burning flames put to her sides, was at last beheaded. Fausta, a maiden, suffered under Maximinus : by her Euelasius, a ruler of the emperor's palace, and Maximinus, tlie pre- sident, were both converted, and also suffered martyrdom. Juliana, a maiden of singular beauty, in Nicomedia, after divers agonies, suffered likewise under Maximinus. Anasia, a maiden of Tliessalonica, also suffered under Maximinus. Justina, who suffered with Cyprian bishop of Antioch. Tecla, Lucia, and Agatha, were also mar- tyrs ; all of whom glorified the Lord Christ with their constant martyrdom, in this tenth and last persecution of Dioclesian. During the time of this persecution, the following bishops of Rome succeeded each other ; Caius, who suc- ceeded Sixtus, Marcellinus, Maixellus (whom Eusebiui A..D 323.J THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 67 does not irietition),Eusebius, and Miltiades ; all of whom died martyrs in the tempest of this persecution. After . the martyrdom of Caius, Marce linus was ordained bishop : he being brought by Dioclesian to the idols, ■ first yielded to their idolatry, and was seen to sacrifice ; but having been excommunicated by the christians, he fell into such repentance, that he returned again to Dio- ■ clesian, and standing to his former confession, and pub- licly condemning the idolatry of the heathen, he recover- ed the crown of martyrdom, suffering with Claudius, Cyrinus, and Antoninus. Marcellus, likewise, was urged by Maxentius to re- nounce his bishopric and religion, and to sacrifice with jthem to idols, and when he refused, he was beaten with sticks and expelled the city. Having entered the house of Lucina, a widow, he assembled the congregation, which, when it came to the ears of Maxentius the tyrant, he turned the house of Lucina into a stable, and made Mar- i cellus the keeper of the beasts ; who died from the effects I' of this cruel treatment. |: Among the decretal epistles, in the book of general councils, there is a long account of the judgment and condemnation of Marcellinus, which patrons of popery in these days take great hold of to prove the supremacy of the pope to be above all general councils, and that he ought not to be subject to the condemnation of any one. The bishops of this council of Sinuesse did condemn Marcellinus, for the words of the council are plain. l" They subscribed to his condemnation, and condemned ihim to be expelled out of the city." Moreover, the |forty-two witnesses against Marcellinus were brought in {by the same council, and the verdict of the witnesses was 'demanded and received. What does all this declare, but that the bishop of Rome was called there, and did iappear before the judgment-seat of the council, and there Istood subject to their sentence and authority, by the which |Le was expelled from the city. For he being urged of them to condemn himself, did so ; prostrating himself, and weeping before them. Whereupon they immediately proceeded to the sentence against him, condemning and pronouncing him to be expelled the city. Now, whether jby tliis may be gathered that the bishops of Rome ought tiot to be cited, accused, and condemned by any person mr persons, let the impartial reader simply judge. ! And thus have been given the histories and names of [those blessed saints who suffered in the time of the per- isecution, from the nineteenth year of Dioclesian to the ■seventh and last year of Maxentius, with the deaths also and punishments of those tormentors and ci-uel tyrants, who were the captains of the same persecution. And iiere ended (blessed be Christ) these persecutions in the kvestern churches of Europe, so far as the dominion of IConstantine chiefly extended. Yet in Asia, under Lici- nius, persecution did not cease for four years after. In Persia, about this time, under the king Sapor, many valiant and constant martyrs suffered, Acindimus, Pega- sius, Anempodistus, Epidephorus, Simeon archbishop of Selucia, Ctesiphon another bishop of Persia, with other ministers and religious men of that region, to the num- ber of one hundred and twenty-eight. The idolatrous magicians in Persia, taking counsel together against the christians, accused Simeon and Ctesiphon to Sapor the king, of being favourable to the Roman emperor, and of betraying to him what was done in Persia. Whereupon Sapor was greatly irritated against the christians, op- pressing them with taxes and tributes, utterly impover- rSshing them and killing all their priests with the sword. Afrer that he calls for Simeon the archbishop, who there before the king declared himself a valiant captain of Christ's church. For when Sapor had commanded him to be led to suffer torments, he neither shrunk for any fear, nor asked for any pardon ; whereat the king partly wondering and partly offended, asked, " Why he did not kneel down as he was wont to do before ?" Simeon answered to this, " Before this time I was not brought unto you in bonds to betray the true God, as I am now ; and so long I refused not to perform that which the order and custom of the realm required of me ; but now it is not lawful for me so to do, for now I come to stand in defence of our religion and true doctrine." Wlien Simeon had thus answered, the king persisting^ in his purpose, offered to him the choice either to wor- ship with him after his manner (promising to him many great gifts, if he would do so) or if he would not, threatened destruction to him and to all the other chris- tians within his land. But Simeon, neither allured with his promises, nor terrified with his threatenings, con- tinued constant in his purpose, so that he could neither be seduced to idolatrous worship, nor to betray the truth of his religion. For which he was committed into bonds, and commanded to be kept until the king's pleasure should be known. It happened as he was going to prison, that there was sitting at the king's gate a certain euaucb, an old tutor or school-master of the king's, named Usthazares, who had been once a christian, and afterward falling from his profession, joined with the heathenish multitude in theii idolatry. This Usthazares sitting at the door of the king's palace, and seeing Simeon passing by to jirison, rose up and reverenced the bishop. Simeon again, with sharp words (as time would permit) rebuked him, and in great anger cried out against him, who being once a christian, had cowardly revolted from his profession, and returned to the heathenish idolatry. Hearing these words, the eunuch forthwith burst into tears, and laying aside his courtly apparel, which was sumptuous and costly, he put on a black suit as the token of mourning, sitting before the court gates, and weeping, he said, " Woe is me, with what hope, with what face shall 1 look hereafter for my God, who have now denied him, when as this Simeon my familiar acquaintance, thus passing by me, so much disdains me, that he refuses with one gentle word to salute me ?" These words being brought to the ears of the king procured against him no little indignation. Whereupon Sapor the king sending for him, first with gentle words and courtly promises, began to speak to him, asking him, "What cause he had to mourn so, and whether there was any thing in his house which was denied him, or which he had not at his own will and asking ?" Whereunto Usthazares answering again, said, "That there was no- thing in that earthly house which v.'as lacking to him, or which he desired. Yea would to God " (said he) " O king, any other grief or calamity in all the world, whatsoever it were, had happened to me rather than this, for which I do most justly mourn ! For this grieves me, that I am this day alive, who should rather have died long since, than see this sun, which for your pleasure, I ap- peared to worship against my heart and mind ; for which cause I am doubly worthy of death : First, for that I have denied Christ ; secondly, because I did dissemble with you." Sapor being astonished at the sudden altera- tion of this man, and doubting whether to be angry with the enchanters or with him ; whether to treat him with gentleness or with rigour, at length commanded Ustha- zares his ancient servant and first tutor to be beheaded. As he was going to the place of execution, he desired of the executioners a little to stay, that he might send a message to the king, which was this, that for all the old and faithful sei-vice he had done to his father and to him, he would now requite him with this one office, to cause a public crier to proclaim the following words, " That Usthazares was be- headed, not for any treachery or crime committed against the king or the realm, but only because he was a christian, and would not at the king's pleasure deny his God." And so according to his request, it was performed and granted. Usthazares desired the cause of his death to be published, because his shrinking back from Christ had been a great occasion to many christians to do the like ; so now the same, hearing that Usthazares died for no other cause than the religion of Christ, they might learn by his ex- ample to be fervent and constant in their profession. And thus the blessed eunuch did consummate his martyr- dom. Of which Simeon hearing in prison, was very joyful, and gave God thanks ; who the following day, being brought forch before the king, and still refusing at the king's request to worship visible creatures, was likewise by the commandment of the king beheaded, with a great number more, who the same day suffered to the number of an hundred and more; all which were put to death, 6H THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book I. bffore Simeon, he standing by and exhorting them with comfortable words ; admonishing them to stand firm and steadfast in the Lord ; preaching and teaching them concerning death, resurrection, and true piety ; and proving by the scriptures that which he liad said to be true, declaring moreover, tliat it was true life indeed so to die, and that it was death indeed to deny or betray God for fear of punishment : and added further, that there was no man alive but must needs die. " For as much as it is appointed all men here to have an end. But those things which follow hereafter are eternal, which shall not come to all men after one sort. But as the condition and trade of life differ in different men, and are EOtin all men like, so the time shall come, when all men in a moment shall receive according to their doings in this present life immortal rewards : such as have here done well, life and glory ; such as have done evil, per- petual punishment." With these words of comfortable exhortation, the holy martyrs willingly yielded up their lives to death. After whom at last followed Simeon, with two other priests or ministers of his church : Abe- decalaas and Ananias, which also with him were par- takers of the same martyrdom. At the suffering of those above mentioned, it happened that Pusices, one of the king's officers, and overseers ot his artificers, was there present, who seeing Ananias being an aged old father, somewhat to shake and tremble at the sight of them that suffered, " O father," said he, " alittle moment shut thine eyes and be strong, and shortly thou shalt see the sight of God." Upon these words, Pusices was immediately apprehended, and brought to the king ; he there confessed himself to be a christian, and because he was very bold and hardy before the king in this cause of Christ's faith, was most cruelly handled in the execution of his martyrdom. For they made a hole in the upper part of his neck to thrust in their hand, and pluck- ed his tongue out of his mouth, and so he was put to death. At which time also the daughter of Pusices, a godly maiden, was apprehended and put to death. The following year, upon the same day, when the christians celebrated the remembrance of the Lord's passion, which we call Good Friday before Easter, Sapor I the king issued a cruel and sharp edict throughout all his , land, condemning to death all who confessed themselves to be christians. So that an innumerable multitude ot christians, through the wicked procuring of the malig. nant magicians, suffered death by the sword, both in the city and the towns. Some being sought for, and some offering themselves willingly, lest they should seem by their silence to deny Christ. Thus all the christians that could be found were slain, and many also of the king's own court and household. Amongst whom was Azades an eunuch, one whom the king loved and favour- ed. After the king understood that Azades was put to death, being very sorry for him, he commanded that no christians should be slain exce])t those who were the doc- tors and teachers of the christian religion. In the same time it happened that the queen fell into a severe disease ; upon which the cruel Jews, with the wicked magicians, falsely accused Trabula, the sister of Simeon the martyr, with another sister also of hers, of having wrought privy charms to hurt the queen, for the revenging of the death of Simeon. This accusation being believed, innocent Trab\ila, with her sister, were condemned and cut asunder with a saw, whose quarters being hung upon stakes, the queen passed between them, thinking thereby to be delivered of her sickness. Now as the king had commanded that no christians should be put to death, but only such as were the teachers and leaders of the flock, the magicians left no means untried to set forward the matter. Whereby great affliction and ))ersecution arose among the bishops and teachers of the church. Miserable, and almost innumerable were the slaughters wnder the reign of this Sapor, of bishops, ministers, deacons, monks, nuns, and other ecclesiastical persons, who cleaved to the doctrine of Christ, and suffered for the same. The names of the bishops, besides the other multitude taken in the persecution are, Barbasimes, PouIuB, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Mareas, Mocius, Johannes, Hormisdas, Papas, Jacobus, Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Abiesus, Joannes, Abramius, Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dausas, Bicor also with Maureanda his fellow bishop, and the rest of his churches under him, to the number of two hundred and fifty persons. It is not possible for any history to comprehend the whole multi- tude of those that suffered in this persecution, the mai> uer of their apprehension, the cruelness of their tor- ments, how and in what places they suffered. The num ber of them that can be reckoned comes to the sum of •sixteen thousand men and women. The rumour of this miserable affliction of the chris- '^ians in the kingdom of Persia, coming to the ears of the Ii}m])eror Constantine, put him in great heaviness, not knowing how to help in the matter, which indeed was >'ery difficult for him to do. At the same time it hap. oened that certain ambassadors were at Rome from >apor, king of Persia ; to whom Constantine readily granted all their requests, thinking thereby to obtain 'lie more friendship at their king's hands, and that at his request he would be good to the christians ; he wrote, therefore, to Sapor in their behalf, and sent his epistle by the ambassadors : Declaring to him he should stand much beholden to him, if at his request he would give some quiet and rest to the christians, in whose religion there was nothing which he could justly blame. " For," said he, " in their sacrifices they kill nothing, and shed no blood, but only offer up unbloody sacrifices, in making their prayers unto God ; they delight not in bloodshedding ; but only in the soul that loves virtue, and follows that doctrine and knowledge which is agree- ing to true piety. And, therefore, such men as learn so to believe and to worship God, are more to be com- mended." Moreover, he assures him he would find God more merciful to him, if he would embrace the godly piety and truth of the christians, &c. And in the end of the epistle Constantine adds these words : — " What joy — what gladness would it be to my heart, to hear that the state also of the Persians flourishes, as I wish it to do, by your encouraging the christians ? So that both you with them, and they with you, in long prospe- rity may enjoy as much felicity together as your hearts would desire, and in so doing no doubt ye shall. For so shall you have God, who is the Author and Creator of all this universal world, merciful and gracious to you. These men, therefore, I commend to you upon your kingly honour, and upon your clemency and piety wherewith you are endued, I commit them to you, de- siring you to receive them according to your humanity and benignity, and convenient to your estate ; in so doing you will now both procure to yourself grace through your faith, and also will grant to me great pleasure and a benefit worthy of thanks." . This letter, written by Constantine to King Sapor, shews what care this godly prince had for them that be- lieved in Christ, not only in his own monarchy, but also in all places of the world. Under the Emperor Julian the apostate, many suffered martyrdom by the idolaters. Of the lamentable tragedy of Marcus Arethusius the bishop, Sozomen, and also Theodoret, thus write — " This raan, at the commandment of Constantine, pulled down a certain temple dedicated to idols, and, in- stead thereof, built up a church where the christians might congregate. The Arethusians remembering the little good will that Julian bare unto him, .accused him as a traitor and enemy to him. At the first, according as the scripture teacheth, he prepared himself to flee ; l)ut when lie perceived that there were certain of his kinsmen or friends apprehended in his stead, returning of his own accord, he offered himself to those that thirsted for his blood. When they had got him in their possession, as men neither pitying his old age and worn years, nor abashed at the virtuous conversation of a ma« so distinguished, both by his life and doctrine, they first stript him naked, and pitifully beat" him ; then they cast him into a foul filthy sink, and then bringing him out* A. D. 323.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 6y they caused boys to pierce him with sharp sticks. Lastly, they put him in a basket, and anointing him with honey and broth, they hung him up in the heat of the suti, as meat for wasps and flies. And all this they did to him to force him either to build the temple again, or else to give so much money as should pay for its building ; but as he purposed with himself to suffer and abide their grievous torments, so he refused to do what they de- manded. At length, taking him to be but a poor man, and not able to pay such a sum of money, they promised to forgive him one-half, if he would pay the other. But he hanging in the basket pitifully wounded with the sharpened sticks, and bitten by the wasps, not only con- cealed his pain, but also derided those wicked ones, and called them base, low, and worldly people, and declared himself to be exalted and set on high. When at length they demanded of him but a small sum of money, he answered thus ; ' It is as great wickedness to give one penny in a case of impiety, as to bestow the whole.' Thus they not being able to prevail against him, let him down, and leaving him, went their way, so that every man might learn at his mouth the example of true piety and faithfulness." Although the treating of these persecutions of Persia somewhat stray out of the order of time and place, yet, as these holy martyrs also gave so faithful a testimony of the Lord Jesus with their blood, I thought it improper to pass over them without some testimony. And here these persecutions of the primitive church ended. It may perhaps astonish some, while reading the [history of these terrible persecutions, that God the (Almighty director of all things, should suffer his own Ifaithfui servants, believing in his only begotten son ■Jesus, to be so cruelly and wrongfully tormented and put to death, and that during so many years together. To which astonishment I have nothing to answer, but to isay in the words of Jerome, " We ought not to be iastonished to see the wicked prevail against the holy ; ifor, as in the beginning of the world, we see that Abel the just was killed by wicked Cain, and that the sons of Israel were afflicted by the Egyptians, so even the Lord fiimself was crucified by the Jews, Barabbas the thief ibeing let go. Time would not suffice me to recite how jthe godly suffer in this world while the wicked flourish and prevail ; whatever be the cause this is sufficient for lus, and may be to all men, that we are sure these afflic- :ions and persecutions of God's people in this world 3ome not by any chance or blind fortune, but by the ippointment and forewarning of God. For so in the bid law, by the affliction of the children of Israel, he prefigured these persecutions of the christians. So by jthe words of Christ's own mouth in the gospel he jForewarned his church of these troubles, neither did he suffer these great afflictions to fall upon his servants, pefore he had warned them sufficiently by special reve- lation in the Apocalypse of John his servant ; in which he Ideclared to his church, not only what troubles were (coming, where, and by whom they should come, but jalso in plain numbers, if the words of the prophecy be |well understood, assigns the true time, how long the persecutions should continue, and when they should cease. For as there is no doubt, but by the beast with peven heads, bearing the whore of Babylon, drunken fwith the blood of saints, is signified the city of Rome, JBo in my judgment the forty-two months (in the thir- eenth of the Apocalypse) is to be expounded by taking very month for a sabbath of years ; that is, reckoning a taouth for seven years, so that forty and two such sabbaths jof years make up the number of years between the time jofChrist's death and the last year of the persecution of jMaxentius, when Constantine, fighting under the banner (of Christ, overcame him, and made an end of all perse- icution within the monarchy of Rome, i The number of these years amounted to two hundred ninety and four, (1) That oar author has not succeeded in so elucidating this remarkable portion of scripture, as to free it from the numberless difficulties that envelope it, is no more than must be said of every other commentator who has undertaken the exposition of Hafultiiled prophecy. to which, if the other six years of persecution under Licinius in Asia be added, it fills up full three hundred years. And so long continued the persecution of Christ's people, under the heathen tyrants and emperors, of the monarchy of Rome, according to the number of the forty and two months specified in the thirteenth of the Apo- calypse. For the better explanation of which, because the matter being of no small importance, greatly apper- tains to the public utility of the church ; and lest any should suspect me of following any private interpreta- tion of mine own, I thought good to communicate to the reader what has been imparted unto me, in the open- ing of these mystical numbers in this aforesaid book of the Revelation as follows : While I was engaged in these histories, and consi- dered the exceeding rage of these persecutions, the in- tolerable torments of the blessed saints, so cruelly racked, torn, and plucked in pieces with all kinds of tor- tures that could be devised, more bitter than death itself ; I could not without great sorrow of mind, be- hold their grievous afflictions, or write of their bloody sufferings ; and the hotter the persecutions grew, the more my sympathy with them increased ; not only pity- ing their woful case, but almost reasoning with God, thus foolishly thinking why God of his goodness should suffer his children and servants to be so vehemently tor- mented and afflicted ? If mortal things were governed by heavenly Providence (as must needs be granted), why did the wicked thus flourish, and the godly suffer ? If sinners deserved punishment, they alone were not sin- ners, and why was their death above all others so sharp and bitter ? At least, why should the Lord suffer the vehemency of these horrible persecutions to endure so long, shewing no certain determined end of their tribulations, whereby they knowing the appointed determination of Almighty God with more consola- tion might endure the same ? As the Israelites in the captivity of Babylon had seventy years limited unto them ; and under Pharaoh they were promised a deli- verance ; and also under the Syrian tyrants threescore and two weeks were assigned to them. But in these persecutions I could find no end determined for their deliverance. Whereupon much marvelling with myself, I searched the Book of Revelation to see whether any thing might be there found ; and although I perceived the beast there described to signify the empire of Rome, which had power to overcome the saints ; yet concerning the time and continuance of these persecutions under the beast, I found nothing to satisfy my doubt. For al- though I read there of forty-two months, of a time, times, and half a time, of one thousand two hundred and threescore days ; yet all this by computation coming but to three years and a half, came nothing near the long continuance of these persecutions, which lasted three hundred years. Thus being vexed in spirit, about the reckoning of these numbers and years ; it so hap- pened upon a Sunday in the morning, I lying in my bed, and musing about these numbers, suddenly it occurred to my mind, to count these months by sabbaths, as the weeks of Daniel are counted by sabbaths. Whereupon I began to reckon the forty-two months by sabbaths ; first of months, that would not serve ; then by sabbaths of years, wherein I began to feel some probable under- standing. Yet not satisfied herewith, in order to make the matter more sure, I repaired to certain merchants of mine acquaintance, of whom one is departed a true faithful servant of the Lord, the other two are yet alive, and wit- nesses hereof. To whom the number of these aforesaid forty-two months being propounded and examined by sabbaths of years, the whole sum was found to amount to two hundred and ninety-four years, the full time of these persecutions, neither more nor less. Now this one clasp being opened, the other numbers that follow are plain and manifest to the intelligent He has however miscalculated the dates of his first period of 300 years— for from the crucifixion of our Lord to the defeat of Maxenlius by Constantine, (A. D. 312,) was a period of only 279 years, which added to tlie 6 years of persecution under Liciniui^ would be only 285 years, instead of the precise 300. [Ed.] 79 THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book I reader. For where mention is made of three years and a half, of one time, two times and half a time, also of one thousand two hundred and threescore days, all these come to one reckoning and signify forty and two months, by which months, as is said, is sigiiifted the whole time of these primitive persecutions, as here in order may appear. TITE MYSTICAL NUMBERS IN THE APOCALYPSE OPENED. First, where mention is made (Revelation xi. 3), that the two prophets shall prophesy 12G0 days ; and also that the woman flying into tlie desert, shall there be fed 12()0 days : (Rev. xii. 6.) who knoweth not tliat 12(i0 days make three years and a half ? that is, forty-two months. Secondly, where we read (chap.xi.8.) the bodies of the two aforesaid prophets shall lie in the streets of the great city unburied the space of three days and a half, and after the said three days and a half they shall revive again, &c., let the hours of these three days and a half (which be 42), be reckoned every day for a sabbath of years, or else every day for a month, and they come to forty-two months. Thirdly, where it is said (Rev. xii. 14.) that the woman had two wings given her to fly unto the desert for a time, times and half a time : give for one time one year, or one day ; for two times, two years or two days ; for half a time, half a year, or half a day ; and so it is manifest, that these three years and a half amount to forty-two mouths. Fourthly, account these forty-two months aforesaid, which the beast had power to make (Revelations xi), by sabbath of years ; that is, seven years for a month, or every month for seven years, and it amounteth to two hundred and ninety-four years. And so we just have the years, days, times, and months of these aforesaid persecutions under the beast, neither shorter nor longer, reckoning from the death of John Baptist under Herod, to the end of Maxentius, and of Licinius, the two last great persecutors, the one in the West, the other in the East, who were both vanquished by godly Constantine. And so peace was given to the church, although not in such ample wise, but that many tumults and troubles afterward ensued, yet they lasted not long : and the chief brunt of these Roman perse- cutions which the Holy Ghost especially considered above all other in this his Revelation thus ended in the time of Constantine. Then was the great dragon, the devil, to wit, the fierce rage and power of his malicious persecuting, chained for a thousand years after this, so that he could not prevail, but the power and glory of the gospel gradually increasing and spreading with great joy and liberty, so prevailed that at length it got the upper hand and replenished the whole earth, rightly verifying therein the water of Ezekiel, which issuing out of the right side of the altar, the further it ran, the deeper it grew, till at length it replenished the whole ocean, and healed all the fishes therein. So also the course of the gospel proceeding of small and hard beginnings still kept his stream : the more it was stopped, the swifter it ran : by blood it feeded, by death it quickened, by cut- ting it multiplied, through violence it sprung ; till at last out of thraldom and ojjpression burst forth into perfect liberty, and flourished in all prosperity. Would that the christians could have used this liberty wisely and moderately, and not abused it, forgetting their for- mer estate to their own pride, pomp, and worldly ease, as it afterwards came to pass, of which more is to be said (the Lord willing) in the proper place and time. And thus much touching the prophetical numbers in the Apocalypse. In which the eternal wisdom and high providence of Almighty God is to be magnified, so dis- posing and governing his church, that no adversity or perturbation happens at any time to it, which his wisdom does not fore-see and pre-ordain ; neither doth he pre- ordain or determine anything which he does not most truly perform, both fore-seeing the beginning of such persecutions, and determining the end of them, how long to continue, and when to cease. Thus much by the way I have mentioned, lest any should be surprised to read of the church being so long and for so many years under such miserable and extieme afllictions, wherein neither chance nor fortune, nor dis- position of man, has had any place, but only the fore- counsel and determination of the Lord governing and disposing the same, who not only suffered them, and fore- saw tliose persecutions before they occurred, but also ap- pointed the times and years how long they should last, and when they should have an end, as by the forty-two months in the eleventh and twelfth chapters of Reve- lation has beeen declared. Which months, containing two hundred ninety and four years (if they be rightly gathered), make the full time between the first year of the persecution of Christ under the Jews and Herod, till the last year of persecution under Licinius ; which was from the nativity of Christ, in the year ;{24. After which year according to the preordinate council of God, when his severity had been sufficiently declared upon his own house, it pleased him to shew mercy again, and to bind up Satan the old serpent, according to the twentieth chapter of the Revelation, for the space of a thousand years ; that is, from the time of Licinius to the time of John Wickliffe and John Husse. During all which time, although certain conflicts and tumults have been among christian bishops themselves in the church, yet no universal murdering persecution was stirring before the preaching of Wicklifle, Husse, and such others, as in the further process of this history (Christ willing and aiding us) shall appear. Thus having discoursed at length of these horrible persecutions and heavy afflictions of the christian mar- tyrs ; now by the grace of God, coming out of this red sea of bloody persecution, leaving Pharaoh and his host behind, let us sing gloriously to the worthy name of our God, who through the blood of the Lamb after long and tedious afflictions, at length has visited his people with comfort, has chained Satan, has sent his meek Moses (gentle Constantine I mean), by whom it has pleased the Lord to work deliverance to his captive people, to set his servants at liberty, to turn their mourning into joy, to magnify the church of his Son, to destroy the idols of all the world, to grant life and liberty (and would God also not so much riches) unto them who be- fore were the abjects of all the world, and aU by the means of godly Constantine, the meek and most chris- tian emperor, of whose divine victories against so many tyrants and emperors, persecutors of Christ's people, and lastly, against Licinius (A. D. 324), of whose other noble acts and prowesses, of whose blessed virtues and his happy birth and progeny, we have partly com- prehended before, and part now remains to be de- clared. This Constantine was the son of Constantius, the emperor, a good and virtuous child of a good and vir- tuous father, born in Britain (as says Eutropius), whose mother was named Helena, daughter of King Coilus ; although Ambrose, in his funeral oration on the death of Theodosius says, she was an innholder's daughter. He was a most bountiful and gracious prince, having a desire to encourage learning, and often used to read and study himself. He had wonderful success and prosperity in all things he took in hand, the reason of which was truly sui)posed to be because he was so great a favourer of the christian faith. When he had onco embraced this faith he ever after most devoutly and reli- giously reverenced it, and commanded by special pro- clamation, that every man should profess the same reli- gion throughout all the Roman empire. The wor» shipping of idols (whereto he was addicted by the allurement of Fausta, his wife, so that he did sacrifice to them) after the discomfiture of Maxentius in battle, he utterly abjured ; but he deferred his baptism to his old age, because he had determined a journey into Persia, and thought to have been baptized in Jordan. (Euseb. lib. 4. De vita Constantini.) .\s to his natural disposition and wit, he was very eloquent, a good philosopher, and sharp and ingenious in disputation. He was accustomed to say that an em- peror ought to refuse no labour for the utility of thi A.D. 323.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 71 commonwealth ; yea, and to adventure the mangling of his body for the remedy thereof. He first entered into the empire by the mercy of God, who after long waves of doleful persecution would restore to his church peace and tranquillity (A. D. 311), as Eusebius accounts in his chronicle. The church enjoyed great peace and tranquillity under the reign of this good emperor, who took great pains in the preservation thereof. First, before he had subdued Licinius, he set forth many edicts for the restitution of the goods oi' the church, for bringing back the christians out of exile, for quieting the dissensions of the doctors or bisliops of the churcli, for the setting of them free from public charges, and such like even as his Consti- tutions declare, in which is contained this prayer of the good Constautine : — "To thee therefore now I pray : Oh most mighty God, that thou wilt vouchsafe to be merciful, and pardon all the eastern parts, and the inhabitants of the same, being oppressed with calamity : and that by me thy servant thou wilt of thy goodness help and relieve the same. And these things crave I not rashly at thy hands, O Lord, most mighty and holiest God of all. For I being per- suaded by the only oracles, have both begun and also finislied wholesome and profitable things : and further, by the bearing and shewing of thine ensign, have overcome a mighty and strong host ; and when any necessity of the commonwealth committed to my charge requires, (follow- ing those signs and tokens of thy virtues) I boldly go forth and fight against mine enemies : and for this cause I have sacrificed my soul imto thee, purified and cleansed both with thy love and fear. Yea, truly, thy name do I sincerely love, and thy power do I reverence, which by many tokens and wonders hast shewed and confirmed thereby my belief and faith. Therefore will I do my en- deavour, and bend myself thereunto, that I may rebuild thy most holy house, which those wicked and ungodly emperors have laid waste ; thy people do I desire to bring and establish in firm peace and tranquillity, and that for the public utility of all the inhabitants of the earth. Those which yet err, and are out of the way, enjoy the benefit of peace and quietness, with and amongst the number of the faithful : for I trust the restitution of the like society and participation may be a means to bring them also that err into the perfect way of truth. Let no man therefore be grievous one unto another, but what every man thinketh best, that let him do : for such as are wise, ought thoroughly to be persuaded, that they only rtiean to live holily, and as they should do, whom the Sjiirit of God moveth to take their delight and recreation in reading in his holy will : and if others wilfully will go out of the way, cleaving to the synagogues of false doc- trine, they may at their own peril. As for us, we have the most worthy house or church of God's truth, which he according to his own goodness and nature hath given us. And this also we wish unto them, that with like participation and common consent, they may feel with us the same delectation of mind. For this our religion is neither new, nor newly invented, but it is as old as we believe the creation of the world to be, and which God hath commanded to be celebrated with such worship as pleased him : but all living men are liars, and are deceived with divers and sundry allusions. Thou, O God, for Christ thy Son's sake, suffer not this wickedness again to root : thou hast set up a clear burning light, that thereby as many as thou hast chosen may come unto thee, these thy miracles approve the same. It is thy power that keepeth us in inuocency and fidelity. The sun and the moon run their appointed course. Neither yet in ranging.wise do the stars wander to what place of the world they choose themselves. The days, years, months, and times keep their appointed turns. The earth abideth firm and unmoveable at thy word : and the wind at the time (by thee directed) stormeth and bloweth. The streaming watery floods ebb in time according as they flow. The raging sea abideth within her bounded limits : and for that the ocean stretcheth out herself in equal length and breadth with the whole earth, this must be wrought with some marvellous workmanship of thine own hand. Which thing, unless it were at thy will made and disposed : without all doubt so great difference and par- tition between, would ere this time have brought utter ruin and destruction both to the life of man, and to all that belongeth to man beside. Which for that they have such great and huge conflicts amongst themselves, as also the invisible spirits have ; we give thee thanks, O Lord most mighty, God of all gods, that all mankind hath not been destroyed thereby. Surely even as greatly as thy benignity and gentleness is manifested by divers and sundry benefits bestowed upon us, so much also is the same set forth and declared in the discipline of thy eter- nal word, to those that be heavenly wise, and apply themselves to the attainment of sincere and true virtue. But if any such there be that little regard, or have but small respect unto the consideration thereof, let them not blame or lay a fault in others that do the same : for that physic whereby health is obtained, is manifestly offered unto all men. Now therefore let no man go about to subvert that, which experience itself doth shew (of ne- cessity) to be pure and good. Let us therefore altogether use the participation of this benefit bestowed upon us ; that is to say, the benefit of peace and tranquillity, setting apart all controversy. And let no man hurt or be pre- judicial to his fellow for that thing wherein he thinketh himself to have done well. If by that, which any man knoweth and hath experience of, he thinketh he may pro- fit his neighbour, let him do the same ; if not, let him give over and remit it till another time ; for there is a great diversity betwixt the willing and voluntary em- bracing of religion, and that when a man is thereunto en« forced and compelled." Such was the goodness of this emperor Constantine, or rather such was the providence of Almighty God toward his church in stirring him up, that all his care was how to benefit and enlarge the same. Neither was it enough for him to deliver the church and people of God from outward vexation of foreign tyrants and persecutors. His godly care was no less excited in quieting the inward dissensions and disturbance of the church, among the christian bishops themselves. Nor did his vigilance less extend to erecting, restoring, and enriching the churches of God in all cities, and in providing for the ministers of the same. In writing to Miltia.des bishop of Rome, and to Marcus, he declares in his letters, how Cecilianus bishop of Car- thage had been accused to him by divers of his colleagues and fellow bishops. Wherefore his will is, that the said Cecilianus with ten bishops his accusers, with ten other his defendants should repair to him at Rome ; where with the assistance of the aforesaid Miltiades, Rheticus, Maternus, Marinus, and of their other fellow colleagues, the cause of Cecilianus might be heard and rightly ex- amined, so that all schism and division might be cut oflF from among them, wherein the fervent desire of Con- stantine to peace and unity may well appear. Upon the like cause also, he writes to Chrestus bishop of Syracuse ; being so desirous to nourish peace and concord in the church, that he offers to him, with his under ministers and three servants, his free carriage to come up to him to the council of other bishops, for the agreeing of certain matters belonging to the church. To the provinces likewise of Palestine and the parts about, he directs his edict in the behalf of the christians, for the releasing of such as were in captivity, and for the restoring again of them which had sustained any loss in the former persecution, and for the refreshing of such as had been oppressed with any ignominy or molestation for their confession sake ; declaring in the said edict how that his whole body, life and soul, and whatsoever is in him, he owes to God and to the service of him, &c. Moreover, he writes another letter to Eusebius, for the edifying of new christian churches, and restoring of them which had been wasted before by foreign enemies. And after he had collected the synod of Nice for the study of peace and unity of the church, he writes upon the same to Alexander and Arius. In which his letters he most lamentably uttered the great grief of bis heart, to see and hear of their contention and division, whereby THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 72 the peace and common harmony of the church was broken, the synod ])rovoked and resisted, the holy people of the Lord divided into parts and tumults, con- trary to the office of good and circumspect men, whose duty were rather to nourish concord, and to seek tran- quillity. Declaring moreover in the said epistle, the first origin and occasion of their contentious dissension to rise upon vain and trifling terms, vile causes and light questions, and pieces of questions ; about such matters as are neither to be moved, nor being moved, to be answered to, more curious to be searched, and perilous to be expressed, than necessary to be infjuired. Where- fore by all means he entreats them and persuades them, not oiily with reasons, but also with tears and sighing sobs, that they would again restore peace to the church, and quietness to the rest of his Ufe (which otherwise would not be sweet unto him) and that they would return again to the communion of the reverend council. Thus much I thought summarily to comprehend, where- by the divine disposition and singular gentle nature of this meek and religious Constantine, might more plainly appear to all princes, for them to learn by his example what zeal they ought to bear toward the church of Christ, how gently they ought to govern it, and how to be beneficial to it. Many other edicts and epistles written to other places and parties, are expressed at large in the second book of Eusebius's " Life of Constantine," wherein the zealous care and princely beneficence of this noble emperor toward the church of Christ may appear ; a brief recapi- tulation of which here follows. (Sozo. lib. i. cap. 8, 9.) First, he commanded all them to be set free, who for the confession of Christ had been condemned to banish- ment, or to the mines, or to any public or private labour. Such as were put to any infamy or shame among the multitude, he ordered to be discharged from all such ignominy. Soldiers which before were deprived either of their place, or their wages, had hberty given them either to serve again in their place, or to live quietly at home. Whatever honour, place, or dignity had been taken away from any man, he commanded to be restored to them again. And that the goods and possessions of them that had suffered death for Christ, however they ■were alienated, should return to their heirs or next of kin, or for lack of them should be given to the church. He commanded, moreover, that christians only should bear office ; he charged and restrained the heathens, that they should neither sacrifice nor exercise any more divinations and ceremonies of the Gentiles, nor set up any images, nor keep any feasts of the heathen idolaters. He corrected moreo-ver and abolished all such unlawful manners and usages in the cities as might be hurtful to the church. Among the Romans was an old law, that such as had no children should be amerced of half their goods. Also, that such as being above the years of twenty-five were unmarried, should not be numbered in the same privileges with them that were married, neither should be heirs to them, to whom notwithstanding they were next in kin. These laws, because they seemed unreason- able, he abrogated and took away. There was also another law among the Romans, that they which made their wills being sick, had certain prescribed words appointed to them to use, which unless they followed, their wills stood of no effect. This law also Constantine repealed, permitting every man in making his testament to use what words or what witnesses he would. Like- wise among the Romans he restrained and took away the cruel and bloody spectacles and sights, where men were ■wont to kill one another with swords. W'here no churches were, there he commanded new to be made ; where any were decayed, he commanded them to be repaired ; where any were too little, he caused them to be enlarged, giving to the same great gifts and revenues, not only out of the pubUc tributes and taxes, but also out of his own private treasures. When any bishops required any council to be had, he satisfied their petitions ; and whatever they established in their councils and synods, that was godly and honest, he was ready to confirm. He inscribed the armour of his soldiers with the sign [Book I of the cross, tha*: they might learn the sooner to forget their old supersntious idolatry. Moreover, like a worthy emperor, he prescribed a certain form of prayer, instead of a catechism for every man to have, that he might learn how to pray, and to invoke God. Which form of prayer is recited in the fourth book of Eusebius's " Life of Constantine," as follows: *' We acknowledge thee to be our only God, we con. fess thee to be our King, we invoke and call upon thee our only Helper, by thee we obtain our victories, by thee we vanquish and subdue our enemies, to thee we attribute whatsoever present benefits we tnjoy, and by thee we hope for good things to come : unto thee wc direct all our prayers and petitions, most humbly beseech- ing thee to preserve Constantine our emperor and his noble children in long life, and to give them victory over all their enemies, through Christ our Lord : Amen." In his o'wn palace he set up an house for prayer and preaching, and used to pray and sing with his people. Also in his wars he went not without his tabernacle ap- pointed for the same purpose. The Sunday he com- manded to be kept holy by all men, and free from all judiciary causes, from markets, fairs, and all manual labours, husbandry only excepted : especially charging that no Images or monuments of Idolatry should be set up. He gave men of the clergy and of the ministry in all places special privileges and immunities, so that if any were brought before the civil magistrates, and wished to appeal to the sentence of his bishop, it should be law- ful for him to do so, and that the sentence of the bishop should stand in as great force as if the magistrate or the emperor himself had pronounced it. But here it is to be observed, that the clerks and ministers then newly coming out of persecution, were in those days neither so great in number, nor in order of life of like disposition to these now living in our days. Constantine also had no less care and provision for the maintenance of schools pertaining to the church, and for the encouragement of the arts and liberal sciences, especially of divinity : not only furnishing them with stipends and subsidies, but also defending them with large pri^vileges and exemptions. Besides this, so far did his godly zeal and princely care and provision extend to the church of Christ, that he provided books and volumes of scripture, to be plainly written and copied out, to remain in the public churches for the use of posterity. Whereupon writing to Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, in a special letter, (Euseb. De vita Constant, lib. iv.) he desires him with all diligence to procure fifty volumes of parchment well bound and compacted, wherein he should cause to be written out of the scripture in a fair legible hand, such things as he thought necessary and profitable for the instruction of the church, and allows him for that business two public ministers, &c. In perusing and writing this history, and in consider- ing the christian zeal of this emperor, I wish that either this our art of printing, and plenty of books, had been- in his days, or that the same heroic heart towards ther j christian religion, which was in this excellent monarch, might something appear in inferior princes reigning in these our printing-days. The liberal hand of this emperor bom to do all men good, was no less also open and ready towards the need and poverty of such, as either by loss of parents, or other occasions, were not able to help themselves : for whom he commanded a due supply both of com and raiment to be ministered out of his own coffers, to the necessary relief of the poor men, women, children, orphans, and widows. (Euseb. de vita Constant, lib. iv.) Here it will be requisite to say something of the do- nation of Constantine, whereupon, as their chief anchor- hold, the bishops of Rome ground their supreme domi- nion and right over all the political government of the western parts, and the spiritual government of aU the other sees and parts of the world. Many argumeBt» A.D. 325.'i THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 73 might here be adduced, if leisure from other matters would suffer me to prove that Constantine never gave this donation, and that the history thereof is false, and a forgery. 1 First, No ancient history, nor yet doctor, makes any mention thereof. Nauck'rus reports it to be affirmed in the history of Isidorus. But in the old copies of Isidorus no such thing is to be found. Gratian, the compiler of the decrees, recites that de- , cree, not upon any ancient authority, but only under the ! title of Palea. ' Gelasius is said to give some testimony thereof (Dist. 15. Sancta Romana), but the clause of the said distinc- ■ tion touching that matter is not extant in the ancient books. I Otho Phrysingensis, who was about the time of Gra- Uian, after he has declared the opinion of the favourers of the papacy, affirming this donation to be given by , Constantine to Pope Sylvester, also mentions the opinion of them that favour the empire, affirming the con- ; trary. ! How could Constantine have yielded up to Sylvester all the political dominions over the west, when the said Constantine at his death, dividing the empire to his three sons, gave the western part of the empire to one, tlie eastern part to the second, the middle part to the tliird ? Is it likely that Theodosius after them, being a just and a religious prince, would or could have occupied the city of Rome, if it had not been his right, but had be- longed to the pope ? — and so did many other emperors after him. The phrase of this decree, being compared with the phrase and style of Constantine, in his other edicts and letters above specified, does not agree with them. Seeing the papists themselves confess that the decree of this donation was written in Greek, how agrees that with the truth, when it was written, not to the Grecians, but to the Romans ; and also Constantine himself, not understanding the Greek tongue, was obliged to use the Latin in the council of Nice ? The contents of tliis donation (whoever was the forger thereof), betrays itself: for if it be true which there is confessed, that he was baptized at Rome by Sylvester, ^nd the fourth day after his baptism this patrimony was given (which was before his battle against Maximinus, or Licinius — A. D. 'M7 — as Nicephorus recordeth) how then accords this with that which follows in the dona- tion, for him to have jurisdiction given over the other four principal sees of Antioch, Alexandria, Constanti- nople, and Jerusalem ? when as the city of Constanti- nople was not yet begun before the death of Maximinus, or Licinius, and was not finished before the eight-and- twentieth year of the reign of Constantine (A.D. 339) ; or if it be true, (as Jerome counted,) it was finished the three-and-twentieth year of his reign, which was A.D. 334, long after this donation, by their own account. Furthermore, where in the said Constitution it is said that Constantine was baptized at Rome by Pope Sylves- ter, and thereby was purged of leprosy, the fable thereof agrees not with the truth of history. (Eusebius, lib. 4. de vita Constantina. Hieronymus in Chron. Ruffin, lib. 2. cap. 11. Socrates, lib. 1. cap. 39. Theod. Ub. 1. cap. 31. Sozomenus, lib. 2. cap. 34.) For all the historians agree that he was baptized, not at Rome, but at Nicomedia ; and that moreover, as by their testimony appears, not by Sylvester, but by Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, not before his battle against Maximinus, or Licinius, but in the thirty-first year of his reign, a little before his death. Again, whereas Constantine in this donation appointed him to have the principality over the other four patri- archal sees, that makes Constantine contrary to himself, who in the council of Nice, afterwards agreed with other bishops, that all the four patriarchal sees should have equal jurisdiction, every one over his own territory and precinct. Briefly to conclude : whoever desires to be more abundantly satisfied touching this matter, let him read the books of Marsilius Patavinus, entitled. Defensor pacis (A. D. 1324) ; of Laurentius Valla (A. D. 1440) ; of Antoninus archbishop of Florence, who, in his history plainly denies that this donation is to be found in the old books of the decrees ; of Cusanus Cardinalis, lib. 3. cap. 2., writing to the council of Basil (A. D. 14(J0) ; of ^neas Silvius In dialogo ; of Hier. Paulus Cattala- nus (A. D. 1496) ; of Raphael Wolateranus (A. D. 1550) ; of Lutherus (A. D. 1537), &c. All which, by many and evident proofs, dispute and prove this dona- tion not to proceed from Constantine, but to be a thing untruly pretended, or rather, a fable imagined, or else to be the deed of Pepin or Charles, or some such other, if it were ever the deed of any. And thus I have briefly collected the narration of the noble acts, and heavenly virtues of this most famous Emperor Constantine the Great ; a singular spectacle for all christian princes to behold and imitate, and wor- thy of perpetual memory in all congregations of chris- tian saints : whose fervent zeal and piety to all congre- gations, and to all the servants of Christ, was notable ; but especially the aff'ection and reverence of his heart toward them who had suffered for the confession of Christ in the persecutions before, is to be admired ; he had them principally in veneration, insomuch that he embraced and kissed their wounds and stripes. And if any bishops, or any other ministers brought to him any complaints one against another (as they often did), he would take their bills of complaint and burn them before their faces ; so studious and zealous was his mind to have them agree, whose discord caused more grief to him than it did to themselves. To commit to history all tha virtuous acts, and memorable doings of this divine and renowned emperor, would be matter enough of itself to fill a great volume ; therefore we must be content with the above brief account, as it is impossible to say enough of him, I shall not pursue his history any further. And here is an end of the lamentable persecutions of the primitive church, during the space of three hundred years from the passion of our Saviour Christ, till tha coming of Constantine ; by whom, as by the elect in- strument of God, it has pleased his Almighty Majesty, by his determinate purpose, to give rest after long trouble to his church, according to that which St. Cy- prian declares before to be revealed by God to his church : that after darkness and stormy tempest, should come peaceable, calm, and stable quietness, meaning this time of Constantine. At which time it so pleased the Almighty, that the murdering malice of Satan should at length be restrained, and he chained up for a thou- sand years, through his great mercy in Christ, to whom, therefore, be thanks and praise, now and for ever. Amen. E>fD OF THE FIRST BOOK. ACTS AND MONUMENTS, BOOK II. CONTAINING THE NEXT THREE HUNDRED YEARS, WITH SUCH THINGS SPECIALLY AS HAVE HAPPENED IN ENGLAND, FROM THE TIME OF KING LUCIUS, TO GREGORY, AND SO AFTER TO THE TIME OF KING EGBERT. By these persecutions it may be understood that the fury of Satan, and rage of men, have done what they could to extinguish the name and religion of christians ; for all that either death could do, or torments could work, or the gates of hell could devise, was to the ut- most attempted. And yet, notwithstanding all the fury and malice of Satan, all the wisdom of the world and strength of men, doing, devising, and practising, what they could, the religion of Christ has had the upper hand, which I wish to be greatly noted, and diligently pon- dered, in considering these histories, which I trust will not be found unworthy the reading. Now, I propose, in this second book, to leave for a time the treating of these general affairs of the universal church, and to pursue such domestic histories as more nearly concern England and Scotland, beginning with King Lucius, with whom the christian faith first began in this realm, as is the opinion of some writers. And as here may and does rise a great controversy in these popish days, concerning the origin and planting of the faith in this realm, it will not be greatly out of our purpose to stay and say somewhat on this question. Whether the church of England first received the faith from Rome or not ? which, although I were to grant, yet being granted, it little avails the purpose of those who would so have it. For even if England first re- ceived the christian faith and religion from Rome, in the time of Eleutherius their bishop (A. D. 180), and also in the time of Austin, whom Gregory sent hither (A. D. 600), yet it follows not that we must therefore still fetch our religion from thence as from the chief fountain of all godliness. And, as they are not able to prove this, so neither have I any cause to grant the other, that is, that our christian faith was first derived from Rome, which I may prove by six or seven good conjectural reasons. The first I take on the testimony of our countryman, Gildas, who, in his history, plainly affirms that Britain received the gospel in the time of the Emperor Tiberius, under whom Christ suffered. (Lib. de victoria Aurelii Ambrosi). And says, more- over, that Joseph of Arimathea, after the dispersion of the Jews, was sent by Philip the apostle from France to Britain, about the year 63, and remained in this land all his life, and so with his companions laid the first founda- tion of christian faith among the British people, where- upon other preachers and teachers coming afterward, confirmed the same and increased it. The second reason is from TertuUian, who, living near the time of this Eleutherius, in his book (Contra Judseos) declares plainly the same thing, where, testify- ing how the gospel was dispersed abroad by the preach- ing of the apostles, and reckoning up the Medes, Per- sians, Parthians, and dwellers in Mesopotamia, Judea, Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, Egypt, Pamphilia. and many other nations, at length comes to the coast of the Moors, the borders of Spain, and the nations of France ; and there, amongst others, recites also the parts of Britain, which the Romans could never attain to, and reports the same now to be subject to Christ ; and also reckons up the places of Sarmatia, of the Danes, the Germans, the Scythians, with many other provinces and isles unknown to him, in all which places (he says) the name of Christ reigns, which now begins to be common. Note here how, among other believing nations, he men- tions also the wildest parts of Britain, and these in his time were christianised. Therefore Pope Eleutherius was not the first who sent the christian faith into this realm, but the gospel was brought here before his time, either by Joseph of Arimathea, as some chronicles re- cord, or by some of the apostles, or of their disciples, who preached Christ before Eleutherius wrote to Lucius. My third proof I take from Origen, who calls this island " Christian Britain " (Hom. 4. in Ezechielem). Whereby it appears that the faith of Christ was spread in England before the days of Eleutherius. For my fourth proof I take the testimony of Bede, who affirms, that in his time, and almost a thousand years after Christ, Easter was kept in Britain after the manner of the eastern church. Whence it is to be col- lected, that the first preachers in this land came from the eastern part of the world rather than from Rome. Fifthly, I may allege the words of Nicephorus (lib. ii. cap. 40), where he says that Simon Zelotes spread the gospel of Christ to the western ocean, and brought it to the isles of Britain. Sixthly, may be here added also the words A.D. 180.] LUCIUS KING OF BRITAIN. abbott of Clugny, who writing to Bernard, affirms that the Scots in his time celebrated Easter, not after the Roman manner, but after the Greek. And as the Britons were not under the Roman order in the time of this abbot, neither were they nor would they be under the Roman legate in the time of Gregory, nor would ad- mit any supremacy of the bishop of Rome. For the seventh argument, moreover, I make my proof by the plain words of Eleutherius, by whose epistle, written to King Lucius, we may understand that Lucius had received the faith of Christ in this land, be- fore the king sent to Eleutherius for the Roman laws ; for so the express words of the letter manifestly purport, as hereafter shall be seen. From all which proofs it is more than probable that the Britons were taught first by the Grecians of the eastern church, rather than by the Romans. Perhaps Eleutherius might help either to convert the king, or else to increase the faith then newly sprung up among the people, but that he was the first cannot be proved. And if we grant he was, as indeed the greater part of our English histories confess ; yet what do they obtain thereby? for to conclude this matter in few words, if the christian faith was first derived from Rome by this nation through Eleutherius, then let them but grant to us the same faith which was then taught at Rome, and from thence derived here by Eleutherius, and we will desire no more ; for then there was neither any universal pope above all churches and councils (which did not occur before the time of Boniface, which was four hun- dred years after), nor any mention or use of the mass, the history whereof shall hereafter be seen. Neither was there any propitiatory sacrifice for souls in purga- tory, but simply the communion was frequented at christian tables, where oblations and gifts were offered to God as well by the people as by the priests. Neither was there any transubstantiation heard of for a thousand years after. Neither were there then any images of departed saints set up in churches ; for a great number of the saints worshipped in our time were not then born, nor the churches where they were worshipped buUt, but occurred long after, especially in the time of the Empress Irene (A. D. 781), and the Emperor Constans. Neither were relics or pilgrimages then in use. The marriage of priests was then as lawful (and no less received) than at present, neither was it con- demned before the days of Hildebrand, almost a thou- sand years afterward. Their service was then in the vulgar tongue, as Jerome witnesses ; the sacraments ministered in both kinds as well to laymen as to priests, as Cjrprian testifies. Yea, and worldly men who would not communicate at Easter, Whitsuntide, and Christ- mas, were not then counted for catholics, as the pope's own distinction testifies. At funerals priests did not then flock togetlier, selling trentals and dirges for sweeping of purgatory *, but a funeral concion alone was used, with psalms of praises and halleluiahs sounding on high, which shook the gilded ceilings of the temple, as Nazianzen, Ambrose, Jerome, &c. witness. In the supper of the Lord, and in baptism, no such cere- monies were used, as have been introduced of late : both Augustine and Paulinus then baptized in rivers, not in hallowed fonts, as Fabian witnesses. Neither the ordinary of Sarum, of York, of Bangor, with the daily matins and even-song ; nor the orders of monks and friars were then dreamed of for almost a thousand years after. So that, as I said before, if the papists would needs derive the faith and religion of this realm from Rome, then let them carry us back whence they found us, that is, let them sufter us to stand content with that faith and re- ligion which was then taught and brought from Rome by Eleutherius (as now we differ in nothing from the same) and we desire no better. And if they will not, then let the reader judge where the fault is, in us, or them, which neither themselves will persist in the anti- quity of the Romish religion which they so much boast of, neither will they permit us to do so. And thus much by the way to answer the aforesaid objection, whereby we may now more readily return to the order and course of the history. Therefore, grant- ing to them what they so earnestly contend for, that the christian faith and religion of tliis realm was brought from Rome, first by Eleutherius and afterward by Aus- tin ; the chronicles thus write of the matter. About the year 180, King Lucius, son of Coilus, king of the Britons, hearing of the miracles and wonders done by the christians at that time, directed letters to Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, desiring to receive the christian faith from him, although there is great differ- ence in authors about the computation of the time. The good bishop hearing the request of the king, sends him certain preachers called Fagan and Damian, who converted the king and people of Britain, and baptized them with the baptism and sacrament of Christ's faith. They overthrew the temples of the idols, and converted the people from their many gods to serve one living God. "Thus true religion increasing, superstition de- cayed, with all other rites of idolatry. There were then in Britain twenty-eight head priests who they called flamines, and three arch-priests who were called arch- flamines, having the oversight of their manners, and as judges over the rest. These twenty-eight flamines they turned to twenty-eight bishops, and the three arch- flamines to three archbishops. After this King Lucius sent again to Eleutherius for the Roman laws, unto whom , Eleutherius writes as follows : — " Ye require us to send you the Roman laws and the emperors, which you may practise and put in force within your realm. The Roman laws and the emperors we may ever reprove, but the law of God we may not. Ye have received of late through God's mercy in the realm of Britain, the law and faith of Christ ; ye have with you within the realm, both the parts of the scrip- tures. Out of them by God's grace, with the council of your realm take ye a law, and by that law (through God's sufferance) rule your kingdom of Britain. For you are God's vicar in your kingdom, according to the saying of the psalm, ' O God, give thy judgment to the King, and thy righteousness to the King's son,' &c. He said not, the judgment and righteousness of the emperor, but thy judgment and justice ; that is to say, of God. The King's sons are the christian people of the realm, which are under your government, and live and continue in peace within your kingdom, as the gospel saith, ' Like as the hen gathereth her chickens under her wings,' so doth the king his people. The people and folk of the realm of Britain are yours : whom, if they be divided, ye ought to gather in concord and peace, to call them to the faith and law of Christ, and to the holy church, to cherish and maintain them, to rule and govern them, and to defend them always from such as would do them wrong, from malicious men and enemies. A king hath his name for ruling, and not for having a realm. You shall be a king while you rule well ; but if you do otherwise, the name of a king shall not remain with you, and you shall lose it, which God forbid. The Almighty God grant you so to rule the realm of Britain, that you may reign with him for ever, whose vicar you be in the realm." After this manner was the christian faith either first brought in, or else confirmed in this realm, not with any cross or procession, but only by the simple preaching of Fagan and Damian, through whose ministry tins island was reduced to the faith and law of the Lord, according as was prophesied by Isaiah, as well of this as of other islands, where he saith, " He shall not fail nor be discouraged till he have set judgment in the earth: and the isles shall wait for his law."— Isaiah, xlii. 4. The faith thus re- ceived continued and flourished for the space of two hundred and sixty-one years, till the coming of the Saxons, who then were Pagans. But although Lucius, through the merciful providence of God, was then converted and the gospel almost gene- rally received in the land, yet the state thereof, as well of the religion as of the commonwealth, could not be quiet, for the emperors and nobles of Rome were infidels, and enemies to the same ; but especially because Lucius the christian king died without issue. For thereby such BRITAIN INVADED BY THE SAXONS. [Book It. trouble and variance occurred amonn;the Britons, that they not only brought upon them the idohitrous Romans, and at length the Saxons, but also entangled themselves in much misery and desolation. For sometimes the ido- latrous Romans, sometimes the Britons reigned and ruled as violence and victory would serve ; one king murdering anotlier, till at length the Saxons came and dispossessed them both, as shall hereafter be seen. Thus the commonwealth was miserably rent anddivided into two sorts of people, differing not so much in country as in religion ; for when the Romans reigned, the people were governed by the infidels ; when the Britons ruled, they were governed by christians. Thus how little quiet- ness was or could be in the church in so unquiet and doubtful days, may easily be considered. Notwithstanding all these heathen rulers of the Romans, which governed here, yet (God be praised) we read of no persecution during all the ten above mentioned, that touched the christian Britons, before the last persecution of Diodesian. This persecution, was the first of many that followed in the church and realm of England. The rage of Dioclesian (as it was through all the churches in the world,) was fierce and vehement in Britain, and all our English chronicles testify that Christianity was de- stroyed almost throughout the land, churches were sub- verted, the scriptures burned, and many of the faithful, both men and women, were slain. Now concerning the government of the kings of Britain, although I have little or nothing to note which greatly appertains to the matter of this ecclesiastical history, yet this is not to be passed over. First, that Constantine, the great and worthy emperor, comes in the order of these kings, who was not only a Briton born, by his mother Helena, being the daughter of King Coilus, but also by help of the British army (under the power of God) which Constantine took with him from Britain to Rome, he obtained the peace and tranquillity to the universal church of Christ : in consequence of his taking with him three legions of chosen and able British soldiers, the strength of this land was not a little impaired and endangered. After him Maximian took with him all the remaining able and fighting men, in order to subdue France. Thus poor Britain being left naked and destitute on every side, as a maimed body without might and strength, was left open to her enemies, unable to succour herself without the help of foreign friends ; to whom the Britons were then constrained to fly, especially to the Romans, to whom they sent this message. " The groans of Britain — the barbarians drive us into the sea — the sea drives us back to the barbarians. Thus we have before us two kinds of death, we must be either butchered or drowned !" As the realm of Britain almost from the beginning was never without civil war, at length came wicked Vorti- gern, who cruelly causing his prince to be murdered, am- bitiously invaded the crown ; and sent over for the aid of the Saxons, who were then infidels ; and not only that, but also married with an infidel, the daughter of Hengist, called Rowena. Whereupon Vortigern not long after was with like treachery dispossessed of his king- dom, and the peojjle of Britain driven out of their country, after the Saxons, under Hengist and his chiefs, had slain their chief nobles and barons. These Saxons coming in daily, filled the land with their multitudes, so that the Britons at length were neither able to hold what they had, nor to recover what they had lost ; leaving an example to all ages and countries, of what it is to let foreign nations into their dominion, but especially what it is for princes to join in marriage with infidels, as this Vortigern did with Hengist's daughter, who was the mother of all this mischief ; and gave to the Saxons, not only strength, but also occasion and cou- rage to attempt what they did. The British lords and nobility being offended therewith, deposed their king, and enthroned his son Vortimer in his room. Vortimer, being a brave prince, the Saxons were repulsed, and driven again into Germany, where they stayed till the death of Vortimer, whom Rowena, daughter of Hengist, caused traitorously to be poisoned. Then Vortigern being restored to his kingdom, through the entreaty of nia wife Roweua, sent into Germany for Hengist, who came in with a navy of three hundred well appointed ships. The nobles of Britain hearing this, prepared themselves on the other side in aU force to resist them. But Hengist, through his daughter Rowena influenced the king, and excused himself, saying, that he brought not the multitude to work any violence either against him or against his country, and that he commits both himself and his people to him, to appoint how few or how many of them he would permit to remain within his land, and the rest were to return. And so it pleased the king to appoint day and place where they might meet and talk together of the matter, both he and his followers would stand to such order as the king with his council should appoint. With these fair words, the king and his nobles, well contented, assigned both day and place, which was in the town of Amesbury, where he meant to talk with them ; adding this condition, that each party should come without any weapon. Hengist agreed, but gave privy commandment to his followers that each man should secretly carry in his hose a long knife, and a watch-word also was agreed on, which, when they heard, they were to draw their knives, and every Saxon kill the Briton with whom he talked. The British lords being slain, the Saxons took Vortigern the king, and bound him ; foi whose ransom they required the cities of London, York, Lincoln, Winchester, with other the most strong holds in the land to be delivered to them ; which being granted, they begin to make spoil and havock of the nation, de- stroying the citizens, pulling down churches, killing the priests, burning the books of the holy scripture, and leaving nothing undone that tyranny could work, which was about A. D. 46'2. The king, seeing this miserable slaughter of the people, fled to Wales. Aurelius Ambrosius, and Uter Pendragon, King Con- stans' brothers, whom Vortigern caused to be killed, were then in Little Britain. To them the Britons sent word, desiring their aid. Aurelius goes over to satisfy their desire, and being crowned as their king, seeks out wicked Vortigern, the cause of all this trouble, and the murderer of his brother Constans. And finding him in a strong tower in Wales, where he had immured himself, set his castle on fire, and thus Vortigern was burned to death. That done, he moved his power against the Saxons, with whom and with Elle, captain of the South Saxons (who then was newly come over), he had several conflicts. After the death of Aurelius, who was poisoned by order of Pascentius, the son of Vortigern (who suborned a man in the garb of a monk, to pass himself for a phy- sician, and to poison him) ; his brother Uter, surnamed Pendragon, succeeded to the throne, about A. D. 497, who fighting against Octa and Cosa, took them and brought them to London ; but they breaking out o! prison, returned into Germany for more aid. In the mean time there was daily intercourse of the Saxons from Saxony, with whom the Britons had many conflicts, sometimes winning, sometimes losing. Not long after Octa and Cosa. returned again, and joined the other Saxons against the Britons. From this time the state of Britain began to decay more and more, while the idolatrous Saxons prevailed in numbers and strength against the christian Britons ; oppressing the people, throwing down the churches and monasteries, murdering the prelates, and sparing neither age nor person, but wasting Christianity almost through the whole realm. To these miseries it happened, moreover, that Uter their king was ill, and could not stir, but being grieved for the lamentable destruction of his people, he caused his bed to be brought into the camp, where God gave him the victory, Octa and Cosa being slain. Shortly after, Uter died of poison, put (as it is said) into a fountain whereof the king used to drink, about A. D. 516. About this time the West Saxons came so violently upon the Britons, that they of the western part of the realm were not able to resist them. After this the mer- ciful providence of Almighty God raised up for them King Arthur, the son of Uler, wlio was then crowned after him, and reigned victoriously. The old British histories ascribe to Arthur twelve great victories against the Saxons, which gave the Britons some peace during life, and that of certain of his successors. After A.D. 180—596.] COMING OF AUSTIN TO BRITAIN. 7> Arthur, the next king of the Britons was Constantine. After him Aurelius Conanus, Then Vortiporinus ; after whom followed Malgo. And after him the last king of the Britons was Carecius, all of whom were continually engaged in civil war, execrable to God and man, and being chased out by the Britons themselves, the land came into the possession of the Saxons (A. D. 5(J8), by whom all the clergy of the Britons were utterly driven out ; insomuch that Theonus archbishop of London, and Theodosius archbishop of York, seeing their churches wasted, and parishes dispersed, left their sees in Britain, and fled into Cambria, which is now called Wales. The race of the Saxon kings who thus expelled the British, divided their land into seven kingdoms ; many of whom delighted in war and bloodshed, while few were sincere or good. But none escaped either being slain in war, or murdered in peace, or else being constrained to become a monk. Now although the example of those kings who became monks (in number seven or eight), is rare and strange, and much commended by the historians of the time ; I cannot assent to their commendation, first, in altering their estate from kings to monks, if they did it to find more ease, and less trouble, I see not how that excuse stands with the office of a good man, to change his public vocation for a private convenience. If fear of danger drove them thereto, what praise or commendation do they deserve in so doing ? Let the monkish histories judge what they like, methinks that just so much praise as they deserve in providing for their own safety, just so much they deserve again to be discommended for for- saking the commonwealth. If they did it (as most likely they did) for holiness' sake, thinking in that kind of life to serve and please God better, or to merit more toward their salvation than in the estate of a king, they were greatly deceived ; not knowing that the salva- tion which comes of God is to be esteemed, not by man's merits, or by any perfection of life, or by any difference of vocation, but only by the free grace of the gospel, which freely justifies all them that faithfully believe in Christ Jesus. But here it will be said again, perhaps in the solitary life of a monk there are fewer occasions of evils than in kings' courts, wherefore that life con- duces more to holiness, and is more to be preferred than the other. To this I answer, to avoid the occasion of evil is good where strength lacks to resist, but otherwise, where duty and charge constrain, there to avoid the oc- casions of evil, where they ought rather to be resisted, declares rather a weakness of the man than deserves any praise. These things thus premised, it remains to enter on such things as in the time of these kings happened in the church ; first putting the reader in mind of the former three or four persecutions within the realm, and which happened before the coming of Austin into England. The first was under Dioclesian, and that not only in England, but generally throughout all the Roman mo- narchy, as is above specified. In this persecution Al- ban, Julius, Aaron, with many more christian Britons were martyred for Christ's name. The second persecution was by the invasion of the Huns and the Picts, who made miserable havock of Christ's saints, spoiling and wasting churches, without mercy either to women or children. The third persecution was under Hengist and the Saxons ; who likewise destroyed and wasted the christian congregations within the land, like raging wolves flying upon the sheep, and spilling the blood of christians, till Aurehus Ambrosius came, and restored again the destroyed churches. The fourth destruction of the christian faith and religion was by Gurmund, a Pagan king of the Africans, who joining in league with the Saxons, wrought much grievance to the christians of the land ; and this perse- cution remained to the time of Ethelbert the king of Kent. (A. D, 589.) In the reign of this Ethelbert, who was the fifth king of Kent, the faith of Christ was first received among the Saxons by means of Gregory, bishop of Rome, in the following manner, as collected from the old his- tories : ^ First then, the christian faith received by King Lucius, indured in Britain till this time above 400 years, when by Gurmund (as is said) fighting with the Saxons against the Britons, it was nearly extinct in all the land, during the space of about forty-four years. So that the first spring- ing of Christ's gospel in this land was in A.D. 180. The coming of Austin was in A. D. 596. In which year Austin being sent from Gregory, came into England. The cause of Gregory sending him hither was this : In the days of Pelagius bishop of Rome, Gregory chancing to see certain beautiful children in the market- place of Rome, brought out of England to be sold, de- manded from whence they were ? and understanding they were heathens from England, he lamented the case of the land whose inhabitants being so beautiful and angelic ' were subject to the prince of darkness. And asking moreover out of what province they were, it was answered, out of Deira, a part of North-saxons. Then he, alluding to the name of Deira, " These people," said he, " are to be delivered ' De Dei ira,' " that is, " from God's wrath." Moreover, understanding the king's name of that province to be Alle, alluding likewise to his name, " There," saith he, " ought Allelujah to be sung to the living God." Whereupon he being moved, and desirous to go and help the conversion of that country, sent Austin thither, with other preachers to the number of forty. And he directed letters to Austin, and to his fellows, exhorting them to go forward boldly to the Lord's work, as by the following epistle appears : " Gregory the servant of God's servants, to the ser- vants of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take good things in hand, than after they be begun to think to revolt back from the same again, therefore now you may not nor cannot, dear children, turn back, but with ail fervent study and labour must needs go forward in that good business, which through the help of God you have well begun. Neither let the labour of your journey, nor the slanderous tongues of men appal you, but with all instance and fervency proceed and accomphsh the thing which the Lord hath ordained you to take in hand ; knowing that your great labour shall be recompensed with a reward of greater glory hereafter. Therefore as we send here Austin to you again, whom also we have ordained to be your governor, so do you humbly obey him in all things, knowing that it shall be profitable for your souls, whatsoever at his admonition ye shall do. Almighty God with his grace defend you, and grant me to see in the eternal country the fruit of your labour ; that although I cannot labour as I would with you, yet I may be found partaker of your retribution, for that my will is good to labour in the same fellowship with you together. The Lord God keep you safe, most dear and well-beloved children. Dated the tenth before the kalends of August, in the reign of our sovereign lord Maurice most virtuous emperor, the fourteenth of his eminre." Thus they being emboldened and comforted through the good words of Gregory, went on their journey till they came to the Isle of Thanet. Near the landing- place was then the palace of the king, not far from Sand- wich. The king then reigning in Kent was Ethelbert, who had married a christian Frenchwoman, named Bertha, whom he had received of her parents upon this condition, that he should permit her to retain her bishop, called Lebard, and to enjoy the freedom of her faith, by means whereof he was sooner induced to embrace the doctrine of Christ. Austin being arrived, sent forth certain messengers to the king, signifying that such a one was come from Rome, bringing with him glad tidings to him and all his people of life and salvation eternally to reign in heaven, with the only true and (1) He asked of what nation were those beautiful children. H« was told they were Anglici (English), on hearing which, he fbid they should rather be called Annelid (Angelic). [Ed.] rs KING ETHELBERT CONVERTED TO CHRISTIANITY. [Book II. living God for ever, if he would as willingly hearken as he was gladly come to preach and teach it to him. The king who had heard of this religion before by his wife, within a few days comes to the place where Austin was, to speak with him. Austin, as the histories affirm, erected a banner of the crucifix (such was the grossness of that time), and preached to him the word of God. The king answering said, " The words are very fair that you preach and promise ; nevertheless, because it is new to me, I cannot soon start away from my country's laws wherewith I have been so long inured, and assent to you. Yet as ye are come (as ye say) so far for my sake, you shall not be molested by me, but shall be treated well, having all things ministered to you necessary for your support. Besides this, neither do we debar you, but grant you free leave to preach to our subjects, to convert whom ye may to the faith of your religion." When they had received this comfort of the king, they went with procession to the city of Canterbury, singing Allehijah with the litany. The words of the litany were, " We beseech thee, O Lord, in all thy mercies, that thy fury and anger may cease from thi,s city, and from thy holy house, for we have sinned, AUelujah." The king having given them a mansion for their abode, they con- tinued there preaching and baptizing such as they had converted in the old church of St. Martin (where the queen was wont to resort), to the time that the king himself was converted to Christ. At length, when the king had well considered the honest conversation of their life, and moved with the miracles wrought through God's hands by them, he heard them more gladly ; and lastly, by their wholesome exhortations and example of godly life, he was converted and christened. After the king was thus converted, innumerable others were daily joined to the church of Christ; whom the king did specially embrace, but compelled none ; for so he had learned, that the faith and service of Christ ought to be volun- tary, and not compulsory. Then he gave Austin a place for the bishop's see at Christ's Church, and built the abbey of St. Peter and Paul in the east side of the city, where afterwards Austin and all the kings of Kent were buried, and that place is now called St. Austin. At this time Austin sailed to France, to be conse- crated archbishop by the command of Gregory; who, hearing of Austin's success, sends to the church of England more coadjutors and helpers, as Melitus, Justus, Paulinus, and Ruffianus, with books and such other matters as he thought necessary for the English church. He sends also to Austin a Pall with letters, wherein he appoints the two metropolitan sees, the one to be at London, the other at York. But he grants to Austin during his life, to be the only archbishop : and after his time, then to return to the two sees of London and York, as is contained ia the following epistle of Gregory to Austin. " To the reverend and virtuous brother Augustine, his fellow bishop, Gregory the servant of the servants of God. Although it is most certain, that unspeakable rewards of the heavenly King lie laid up for all such as labour in the word of the Almighty God : yet it shall be re- quisite for us to reward the same also with our benefits, to the end they may be more encouraged to go forward in their spiritual work. And now, as the new church of Englishmen is brought to the grace of Almighty God, through his mighty help, and your labour, therefore we have granted to you the use of the pall, only to be used at the solemnity of your mass ; so that it shall be lawful for you to ordain twelve bishops, such as shall be subject to your province. So that hereafter the bishop of the city of London shall always be ordained and consecrated by his own proper synod ; and so to receive the pall of honour from the holy and apostolic see, wherein I here (by the permission of God) do serve. And as touching the city of York, we will send also a bishop thither, whom you may think meet to ordain. So that if that city with other places bordering thereby, shall receive the word of God, he shall have power likewise to ordain twelve bishops, and have the honour of a metropolitan; to whom also, if God spare my life, I intend by the favour of God, to send a pall : this provided, that notwithstanding he shall be subject to your brotherly appointment. But after your decease, the same metropolitan, so to be over the bishops whom he ordereth, that he be in no wise subject to the metropolitan of London after you. And hereafter, betwixt these two metropolitans of London and York, let there be had such distinction of honour, that he shall have the priority, which sliall be first ordained. With the common counsel, and affection of heart, let them go both together, disposing with one accord such things as are to be done for the zeal of Christ. Let them consider and deliberate together prudently, and what they deliberate wisely, let them accompUsh with concord, not jarring or swerving one from the other. But as for your part, you shall be endued with authority, not only over those bishops that you constitute, and over the other constituted by the bishop of York ; but also you shall have all other priests of whole Britain, subject unto our Lord Jesus Christ : to the end that through your preaching and holi- ness of life, they may learn both to believe rightly, and to live purely, and so in directing their life, both by the rule of true faith and virtuous manners, they may attain, when God shall call them, the fruition and kingdom of heaven. God preserve you in health, reverend brother. The tenth before the kalends of July, in the reign of our Lord Maurice most virtuous emperor." Besides this, Gregory sends another letter to Melitus concerning his judgment, what is to be done with the idola- trous temples and fanes of the English newly converted, which fanes he thinks best not to pulldown, but to convert the use thereof, and so let them stand. And likewise of their sacrifices, and killing of oxen, how the same ought to be ordered, and how to be altered. He directed another epistle to king Ethelbert, in which epistle first he praises God, then commends the goodness of the king, by whom it pleased God to work such goodness of the people. Secondly, exhorts him to continue in the profession of Christ's faith, and to be fervent and zealous in converting the multitude ; in destroying the temples and works of idolatry, in ruling and governing the peo- ple in all holiness and godly conversation. Lastly, com- forting him with the promises of life and reward to come, with the Lord that reigneth and liveth for ever. Melitus, of whom mention is made before, was sent specially to the East Saxons in the province of Essex, where he was made bishop of London, under Sigebert, king of Essex ; Sigebert, together with his uncle Ethel- bert first built the church and minster of St. Paul in London, and appointed it to Melitus for the bishop's see. Austin, with this Melitus and Justus, assembled and gathered together the bishops and doctors of Britain in a place, which taking the name of Austin, was called Austin's Oak. In this assembly he charged the bishops, that they should preach with him the word of God, and also that they should among themselves reform certain rites and usages in their church, specially for keeping of Easter, baptizing after the manner of Rome, and such other like. To this the Scots and Britons would not agree, refusing to leave the custom which they so long time had continued, without the assent of all who used the same. Then Austin gathered another synod, to the which came seven bisho])s of Britain, with the wisest men of that famous abbey of Bangor. But first they took coun- sel of a certain wise and holy man amongst them what to do ; and whether they should be obedient to Austin or not. And he said, " If he be the servant of God, agree unto him." "But how shall we know that?" said they. To whom he answered again, " If he be meek and hum- ble of heart, by that know that he is the servant of God." To this they said again, " And how shall we know him to be humble and meek of heart ?" " By this" (quoth he) " seeing you are the greater number, if he at your coming into your synod rise up, and courteously receive you, per- ceive him to be an humble and a meek man ; but if he shall contemn and despise you (being as ye are), the greater part, despise you him again." Thus the British bishops entered into the council, Austin after the Romish manner keeping his chair, would not remove. Whereat 4.D. 596— 616.] DEATH OF AUSTIN, POPE GREGORY, AND ETHELBERT. being not little offended, after some heat of words, in disdain and great displeasure departed tlience. To whom then Austin spake, and said, " That if they would not take peace with their brethren, they should receive war with their enemies ; and if they disdained to preach with them the way of life to the English nation, they should suffer by their hands the revenge of death." Which not long after so came to pass by the means of Ethelfride, king of Northumberland, who being yet a pagan, and stirred with fierce fury against the Britons, came with a great army against them. There was at the same time at Bangor in Wales an exceeding great monastery, contain- ing upwards of two thousand monks, who all lived by the sweat of their brow, and labour of their own hands, having one for their ruler, named Dino. Out of this monastery came the monks of Chester, to pray for the good success of Brocmaile, fighting for them against the Saxons. They continued three days in fasting and prayer. When Ethelfride, seeing them so attentive to their prayers, demanded the cause of their coming thither in euch a company, and when he perceived it, " Then," saith he, " Although they bear no weapon, yet they fight ajjainst us, and with their prayers and preachings they jiersecute us." ^Vl^ereupon after Brocmaile was over- come, the king commanded his men to turn their wea- pons against the unarmed monks, of whom he slew, or rather martyred, eleven hundred ; only fifty persons of that number did escape, the rest were all slain. The authors that write of this lamentable murder, declare how the saying of Austin was here verified upon the Britons, who because they would not join peace with their friends, he said should be destroyed by their enemies. Of both these parties the reader may judge what he pleases ; I think both were to be blamed. And as I cannot but accuse the one, so I cannot defend the other. First, Austin in this matter can in no wise be excused ; who being a monk before, and therefore a scholar and profes- sor of humanity, shewed so little humility in this assembly, to seven bishops and an archbishop, coming at his com- mandment to the council, that he would not rise up at their coming in. Much less would his pharisaical solemnity have girded himself, and washed his brethren's feet after their journey, as Christ our great Master did to his disci- ples ; seeing his lordship was so high, or so heavy, or so proud, that he could not find in his heart to give them a little moving of his body, to declare a brotherly and an humble heart. Again, the Britons were as much or more to blame, who so much neglected their spiritual duty, in revenging their temporal injury, that they re- fused to join their helping labour, to turn the idolatrous Saxons to the way of life and salvation, in which respect all private cases ought to give place, and be forgotten. For which cause, although lamentable to us, yet no great marvel, if the stroke of God's punishment did light upon them according to the words of Austin, as is before de- clared. But especially the cruel king was most of all to blame so furiously to fly upon them, who had neither weapon to resist him, nor yet any wUl to harm him. About this time Gregory, bishop of Rome, died, of whom it is said, that of the number of all the bishops before him in the primitive time, he was the worst ; of all that came after him, he was the best. About which time also died in Wales, David, first archbishop of Kaerlon, who then translated the see from thence to Menevia, and therefore is called " David of Wales." Not long after this also, the aforesaid Austin died in England, after he had sat there fifteen or sixteen years. As touching the acts and deeds of Gregory, above mentioned, how he withstood the ambitious pride of John patriarch of Constantinople, who wished to be the universal priest, and only chief bishop of all others, declaring him to be no less than the forerunner of anti- christ, who would assume that name and title upon him, — how, and with what reasons, he answered the letters of the emperor Maurice in that matter, sufficient relation is made in the beginning of this history. This Gregory, among many other things, began and brought in this title among the Roman bishops, to be called "the servant of the servants of God;" putting them in remembrance thereby, both of their humbleness and also of their duty in the church of Christ. Moreover, as concernmg his act for the single life of priests first begun, and then broken again ; also concerning the order of Giegory's mass book to be received in all churches ; liereof who wishes to read more, shall find the same when we come to the time of Pope Adrian the first. After the death of Gregory came Sabinian, who, as he was a malicious detractor of Gregory, and of his works, so he continued not long, scarce the space of two years. After whom succeeded Boniface III., who, al- though he reigned but one year, yet in that one year did more hurt than Gregory with so much labour, and in so many years, could do good. For that which Gregory kept out, he brought in, obtaining of Phocas, the wicked emperor, for him and his successors after him, that thj see of Rome should have the pre-eminence above all other churches, and that the bishop of Rome should be the universal head of all churches of Christ in Christendom, alleging this frivolous reason, that St. Peter had and left to his successors in Rome, the keys of binding and loosing, &c. And thus Rome began first to take a head above all other churches, by means of Boniface III., who, as he lacked no boldness nor ambition to seek it, so neither lacked he an emperor fit and meet to give such a gift. This emperor's name was Phocas, a man of such wickedness and ambition (most like to his own bishop Boniface) that in order to gain the empire, he murdered his own master the Emperor Maurice and his children. Thus coming to be emperor, after this de- testable villany, and thinking to establish his empire with the friendship and favour of his people, and espe- cially with the bishop of Rome, he quickly condescended to all his petitions, and so granted him (as it is said) to be what he wished, the universal and head bishop over all christian churches. But as blood commonly requires blood again, so it came to pass on Phocas. For as he had cruelly slain the lord and emperor Maurice before, so he in like manner had his hands and feet cut off by Heraclius, the emperor, who succeeded him, and was cast into the sea. And thus wicked Phocas, who gave the supremacy to Rome, lost his own. But Rome would not so soon loose this supremacy once given, as the giver lost his life. For ever since, from that day it has held, defended, and maintained the same still, and does j'et to this present day, by all force and policy possible. And thus much concerning Boniface, whom by the words of Gregory, we may well caU the fore-runner of antichrist. Mention was made a little before of Ethelbert, king of Kent, and also of Ethelfrid, king of North Saxony. This Ethelbert having under his subjection all the other Saxon kings unto the Humber, after he had first himself received the christian faith by the preaching of Austin, caused it to be received by others. When he had reigned the course of fifty and six years, he dianged this mortal life about A. D. 616. Some histories say he was slain in a fight between him Eind Ethelfrid, king of the North Saxons. In the mean time Ethelfrid, after the cruel murder of the monks of Bangor, escaped not long, for after he had reigned four-and-twenty years he was slain in the field by Edwin, who succeeded in Northumberland after him. This Edwin not being the son of Ethelfrid, but of Alia, was first a panim or idolater, but was afterwards converted, and was the first christened king in North- umberland. Quicelinus, with Kinegilsus, his brother, kings of the West Saxons, conspiring the death of Edwin, king of Northumberland, sent upon an Easter-day, a sword- man privily to slay him. This sword-man or cut- throat, came to a city beside the water of Derwent, in Derbyshire, there to wait his time ; and having found the king smally accompanied, attempted to run him through with a poisoned sword. But one Lilla, the king's trusty servant, not having a shield or any other weapon to defend his master, started between the king and the sword, and was stricken through the body and died, thus saving the king, who, however, was wounded 80 CONTROVERSY ABOUT EASTER -COLMAN AND WJLFRID. [Book II. with the same stroke. The assassin having wounded another knijjht, was at last taken, and confessed by whom he was sent to work that treason. The second knight that was wounded, died, and the king lay sick a long time ere he was healed. In this time there was such j)eace in the kingdom of Edwin after his conversion, tliat a woman laden with gold miglit have gone from the one side of the sea to the other, and no man molest her. Moreover, by the highway sides, through all his kingdom he caused a dish or bowl of brass to be chained by every well or spring, to take up water for refreshing such as went by the way, which bowls of brass remained there safe, and no man touched them during all the life of Edwin. Such was then the tender care and study of christian princes, for the refreshing of their subjects. This Edwin, who first brought the faith into the north parts, continuing after his bajjtism six years, was at length slain in battle by Cedwella, king of the Britons. After the decease of Edwin and his son Offrick, reigned Ofricus and Eaufridus, the one in Deira, the other in Bernicia. After whom, succeeded the second son of Ethelfrid, named Oswald. Of this Oswald much praise and com- mendation is written for his zeal in Christ's religion, and pity towards the poor, with other great virtues. Being well and virtuously disposed to the setting forth of Christ's faith and doctrine, he sent into Scotland for a certain bishop called Aidan, a famous preacher, to preach to his people. The king, when he was in Soot- land, had learned the Scottish tongue : wherefore as this Aidan preached in his Scottish tongue to the Saxons, the king himself interpreted what he said ; he disdained not to preach and expound to his nobles and subjects in the English tongue. Towards the poor and needy, his pity and tenderness was such, notwithstanding his princely calling, that as he was sitting with Aidan at meat, and was served after the manner of kings in silver ; there comes to him one of the servitors, bringing him word that there was a great multitude of poor peoi)le sitting in the street, who desired some alms of the king. He hearing this, com- manded not only the meat prepared for his table to be carried unto them, but also taking a silver platter which stood before him, brake it in pieces and seiit it amongst them, and so relieved his poor subjects, not only with the meat of his table, but with the dishes also. After Oswald had reigned nine years, he was slain by wicked Penda, king of the Mercians ; which Penda at length, after all his tyranny, was overcome, and slain by Oswy, brother to Oswald. Oswy succeeded Oswald, and with him was joined Oswine his cousin. This Oswine was gentle and liberal to his people, and no less devout toward God. He once had given to Aidan, the bishop, a princely horse, with the trappings and all that ajjpertained to it, that he should not travel so much on foot. Aidan, as he was riding upon his kingly horse, meets by the way a poor man, asking his charity. Aidan having nothing else to give him, lighted down, and gave to him his horse with all the trai)pings as he was. The king hearing this, and not being j)leased, as he was entering to dinner with Aidan, said, " What meant you, father bishop, to give 4way my horse I gave you, to the beggar ? had 1 not Other horses in my stable that might have served him (veil enough, but you must give away that which was picked out for you amongst the chiefest ?" To whom .:he bishop answered again, rebuking the king, saying, " What are these words, O king! that you speak.' why set you more price by a horse, which is but the foal of a horse, than you do by him which is the Son of Mary, yea, which is the Son of God?" He said but this, when the king forthwith ungirding his sword from about him (as he was then newly come in from hunting), falls down at the feet of the bishop, desiring him to for- give him that, and he would never again speak a word to him for any treasure he should afterwards give away of his. Oswine havuig been slain by the king of Bernicia, Oswy, with his son Egfrid, reigned in Northumberland, in whose time the question of Easter, and of shaving, and other ecclesiastical matters, being moved, it was de- termined that a convocation should be held in the abbey, called Sternhalt, and this question determined. To which place came the kings, Oswy and Egfrid, Bi- shop Colman, with his clergy of Scotland, Agilbert, with Agathon and Wilfrid priests. James and Roman were on their sides, Hilda the abbess, with her company, was on the Scottish part, and the Bishop Cedda, was ap- pointed prolocutor for both parties. King Oswy began first with an oration, declaring that it was necessary for sucli as served one God, to live in one uniform order. This said, he commanded his Bishop Colman to declare what was the rite and custom that he used. Then Col- man said, "The Easter which I observe, I received of my ancestors that sent me hither a bishop, which all our forefathers, being men of God, celebrated in like man- ner ; and lest it should be contemned or despised of any man, it is manifestly apjiarent to be the very same which the holy evangelist St. John (a disciple especially be- loved of the Lord), did customarily use in all churches and congregations where he had authority." When Colman had spoken many things to this effect, the king commanded Agilbert to declare his oj)inion, and to shew the order that he used, from whence it came, and by what authority he observed the same. Agilbert requested the king that his scholar Wilfrid, a priest, might speak for him, inasmuch as they both, with the rest of his clergy, were of one opinion herein, and that Wilfrid could utter his mind better, and more plainly in the English tongue, than he himself could. Then Wilfrid, at the king's commandment, said, " The Easter which we keep, we have seen at Rome, where the holy apostles, Peter and Paul, did live and teach, did suffer, and were buried. The same also is used in Italy and in France ; in which countries we have travelled for learning, and have noted it to be celebrated of them all. In Asia also and in Africa, in Egypt and in Greece, and finally in all the world, the same manner of Easter is observed that we use, save only by these here present, with their accomplices, the Picts and Britons." To whom Colman replied, saying, " I marvel you will call this order foolish, that so great an apos- tle as was worthy to lie on the Lord's breast, did use, whom all the world well knows to have lived most wisely." And Wilfrid answered, " God forbid that I should reprove St. John of his folly, who kept the rites of Moses's law, according to the letter (the church being yet Jewish in many points), and the apostles not as yet able to rescind all the observations of the law before ordained. As for example, they could not reject images invented of the devil, the which all men that believe on Christ, ought of necessity to forsake and detest, lest they should be an offence to those Jews that were amongst the Gentiles. For this cause did St. Paul circumcise Timothy, for this cause did he sacrifice in the temple, and did shave his head with Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth ; all which things were done to no other pur- pose, than to avoid the offending the Jews. Hereupon also said James to Paul, ' Thou seest, brother, how many thousand Jews do believe, and all these are zealous of the law. Yet seeing the gospel is so manifestly preached in the world, it is not lawful for the faithful to be cir- cumcised, neither to offer sacrifice of carnal things to God.' Therefore Jolm, according to the custom of the law, the fourteenth day of the first month at evening, did begin the celebration of the feast of Easter, not respecting whether it were celebrated on the Sabbath. But Peter, when he preached at Rome, remembering that the Lord did arise from death on the first day after the Sabbath, giving thereby a hope to the world of the resurrection, thought good to institute Easter on that day, and not after the use and precepts of the law, on the fourteenth day of the first month ; even so, John looking for the moon at night, if it did arise, and the next day after were Sunday, which then was called the Sabbath, then did he celebrate the Easter in the evening, like as we use to do even at this day. But if Sunday were not the next day after the fourteenth day, but feU 1 A.D. G16— 679.] THEODORE SENT TO ENGLAND BY POPE VITALIAN. 81 on the sixteenth day, or seventeenth, or on any other day unto the one and twentieth, he tarried always for it, and did begin the holy solemnity of Easter on the even- jno- next before the Sabbath. And so it came to pass, that Easter was always kept on the Sunday, and was not celebrated but from the fifteenth day to the one and twentieth ; neither does this tradition of the apostle break the law, but fulfil the same. In which it is to be noted, that Easter was instituted from the fourteenth day of the first month at evening, to the one and twen- tieth day of the same month at evening ; which manner all St. John's successors in Asia followed after his death and the catholic church throughout the whole world. And that this is the true Easter, was not newly decreed, but confirmed by the council of Nice. Whereupon it is manifest that you (Colman) do neither follow the exam- ple of St. John, as ye think, nor of St. Peter, whose tradition you do willingly resist, nor of the church, nor yet of the gospel, in the celebration of Easter. For St. John, observing Easter according to the precepts of the law, kept it not on the first day after the Sabbath ; but you precisely keep it on the first day after the Sabbath. Peter did celebrate Easter from the fifteenth day of the moon to the one and twentieth day, but you keep Easter , from the fourteenth unto the twentieth day ; so that you begin Easter oftentimes the thirteenth day at night, of i which manner neither the law nor the gospel makes any mention. But our Lord in the fourteenth day, either did eat the old passover at night, or else did celebrate the sacraments of the New Testament, in the remem- brance of his death and passion. You do also utterly reject from the celebration of Easter, the one and twen- tieth day, which the law has chiefly willed to be ob- served ; and therefore, as I said, in the keeping of Easter, you neither agree with St. John nor with St. Peter, nor with the law, nor yet with the gospel." Then Colman again answered to these things, saying, " Did then Anatholius, a godly man, and one much com- mended in ecclesiastical history, write against the law and the gospel, who writes that the Easter was to be kept from the fourteenth day unto the twentieth ? Or shall we think that Columba, our reverend father, and his successors, being men of God, who observed the Easter after this manner, did it against the holy scripture ? Whereas some of them were men of much godliness and virtue, as was declared by their wonderful miracles. And I hereby (nothing doubting of their holiness) do endeavour to follow their life, order, and discipline." Then, said Wilfrid, " It is certain that Anatholius was both a godly man, and worthy of great commendation ; but what have you to do with him, seeing you observe not his order? For he, following the true rule in keep- ing his Easter, obsen'es the circle ot nineteen years ; the which either you know not, or if you do, you con- demn the common order observed in the universal church iof Christ. And moreover, the said Anatholius so Icounts the fourteenth day, in the observation of Easter, las he confesses the same to be the fifteenth day at night, lafter the manner of the Egyptians, and likewise notes [the twentieth day, to be in the feast of Easter, the one land twentieth in the evening ; that you know not this distinction, may appear by this, that you keep the iaster on the thirteenth day before the full moon. I can answer you touching your father Columba and his (Successors, whose order you say you follow, moved {thereto by their miracles, on this wise, that the Lord will answer to many that shall say in the day of judg- ment, that in his name they have prophesied and cast out devils, and have done many miracles, &c. that he never knew them. But God forbid that I should say so of your fathers, because it is much better to believe well »f those we know not, than ill. Whereupon I deny not but they were the servants of God, and holy men, which loved the Lord of a good intent, though of a rude sim- plicity. And I think that the order which they used in Ithe Easter, did not much hurt them, so long as they had none amongst them that could shew them the right observation of the same for them to follow. For I think, if the truth had been declared to them, they would as well have received it in this matter as they did in others. But you and your fellows, if you refuse the order of the Apostolical bee, or rather of the universal church, which is confirmed by the holy scripture ; with- out all doubt you do sin. And though your forefathers were holy men, what is their fewness, being but a corner of an island, to be preferred before the universal church of Jesus Christ, dispersed throughout the whole world ? And if Columba your father (and ours also, being of Christ Jesus), were mighty in miracles, is he therefore to be preferred before the prince of the holy apostles ? To whom the Lord said, ' Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it, and I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven.' " Wilfrid having thus ended his argument, the king said to Colman, " Is it true that the Lord spake these things to St. Peter ?" And Colman answered "Yea." Then said the king, " Can you declare any thing that the Lord gave to Colman ?" Colman answered, " No." Then quoth the king, " Do both of you agree and con- sent in this matter without any controversy, that these words were principally spoken to Peter, and that the Lord gave him the keys of the kingdom of heaven?" And they both answered " Yea." Then concluded the king, on this wise, " For so much as St. Peter is the door-keeper of heaven, I will not gainsay him ; but as far as I am able, I will obey his orders in every point, lest when I come to the gates of heaven, he shut them against me." Upon this simple and rude reason of the king, the multitude soon consented, and with them also Cedda was contented to give over, only Colman the Scot, being then archbishop of York, left the realm in displeasure. And thus much concerning this matter of Easter. About this time Theodore was sent from Italy into England, by Vitalian the pope, to be archbishop of Canterbury, and with him other monks of Italy, to set up here in England Latin service, masses, ceremonies, litanies, with other Romish ware, &c. This Theodore being made archbishop and metropolitan of Canterbury, began to act as if he was king, placing and displacing the bishops at his pleasure. As for Cedda and Wilfrid archbishops of York, he thrust them both out, under the pretence that they were not lawfully consecrated, notwith- standing they were sufficiently authorised by their kings. In the time of this Theodore, and by the means of him, a provincial synod was holden atThetford, mentioned in Bede ; the principal contents whereof were these : First. That Easter-day should be uniformly kept and observed through the whole realm, upon one certain day, namely, the first full moon after the fourteenth day of the first month. Secondly. Tliat no bishop should intermeddle within the diocese of another. Thirdly. That monasteries consecrated unto God should be exempt and free from the jurisdietioa of the bishops. Fourthly. That the monks should not stray from one place (that is) from one monastery to another, without the license of their abbot ; also to keep the same obedience which they promised at their first entering. Fifthly. That no clergyman should forsake his own bishop, and be received in any other place, without letters commendatory of his own bishop. Sixthly. That foreign bishops and clergymen coming into the realm, should be content only with the benefit of such hospitality, as should be offered them ; neither should intermeddle any further within the precinct ot anv bishop, without his special permission. "Seventhly. That provincial synods should be held within the realm at least once a year. Eighthly. That no bishop should prefer himself before another, but must observe the time and order of his consecration. Ninthly. That the number of bishops should be aug- mented, as the number of people increases. _ And Tenthly. That no marriage should be admitted, but that which was lawful ; neither any man to put away his wife for any cause, except only for fornication, after the rule ot the gospel. o2 IVA KING OF WEST SAXONY— SHAVEN CROWNS. [Book II, In the year following was the sixth general council at Constantinople, whereat this Theodore was also present nnder Pope Agatho : where marriage was permitted to Greek priests, and forbidden to the Latin. In this council, the Latin mass was first openly said by John Por- tuensis, the pope's legate, before the patriarch and princes at Constantinople, in the temple of St. Sophia. King Iva or Inas, who reigned in West Saxony, after Cadwalladcr, the last king of Britain, began his reign about A. D. 689., and reigned with great valiantness over the West Saxons for thirty seven years. About the sixth year of the reign of this Iva, we find mention of one whom they call St. Cuthlake a confessor, who about the four-and-twentieth year of his age, re- nouncing the pomp of the world, professed himself a monk. Why this Cuthlake should be sainted for his doings, I see no great cause ; as I cannot think the fa- bulous miracles reported of him to be true ; as where the vulgar people are made to believe that he inclosed the devil in a boiling pot, and caused wicked spirits to erect up houses, with such other fables and lying mira- cles. Among which lying miracles also may be reck- oned that which the stories mention to be done of one Brithwald, or Drithelme, who, being dead a long season, was restored to life again, and told many wonders of strange things that he had seen, causing thereby great alms and deeds of charity to be done by the people 1 About the sixteenth year of Iva, Ethelred, king of Mercia, after he had there reigned thirty years, was made a monk, and afterwards abbot of Bardney. And about the eighteenth year of the reign of Iva, died the worthy and learned Bishop Adelme, first abbot of Malmesbury, afterwards })i,shop of Shirborne ; there was learning and virtue in him above tlie rest, at that time (next after Bede), as the great number of books and epistles, with poems by him set forth, will declare. Al- though concerning the miracles ascribed to him ; as, first, in causing an infant of nine days old to speak at Rome, to declare Pope Sergius, who was then suspected, the father of the said child ; also in hanging his casule upon ■the sunbeams -, also, in making whole the altar-stone of .marble brought from Rome ; also in drawing a length one of the timber pieces which went to the building of the temple in Malmesbury ; also in saving the mariners at Dover, &c. These, and such other miracles, which are attributed to him, I cannot but think to he monkish devices, forged upon their patrons to maintain the dig- nity of their houses. 'Moreover, about the twenty-fifth year of Iva, St. John of Beverley, who was then bishop of York, died, and was buried at the porch of the minster of Deirwood, or Be- verley. In which porch it is recorded in monkish chro- :nicles, that as John -was praying in the porch of St. Michael in York, the Holy Ghost, in the similitude of a dove, sat before him upon the altar in brightness shining above the sun. This brightnees being seen of others, 'first comes one of his deacons running into the porch, who beholding the bishop there standing in his prayers, and all the place filled with the Holy Ghost, was stricken with the light tliereof, having all his face burnt, as it were, with hot burning fire 1 Notwithstanding the bishop by-and-bye cured the face of his deacon again, .charging them (as the story says) not to publish what he Lad seen, during his life-time, &c. Whidi tale seems as true as what we read about the sometime done by St. Egwine, who, when he had fettered both his feet in irons, for certain sins done in his youth, and had fast locked them, and cast the key thereof into the sea, afterward a fish brought the key again into the ship, as he was sailing homeward from Rome 1 But to leave these monkish fictions, and return to the right course again of the history. In the time of this Iva, the right observing of Easter-day first began among the Picts and the Britons. In the observance of which day, three things are necessary to be observed : -fir^t, the fuU moon of the first month, that is of the moath of March. Secondly, the dominical letter. Thirdly, the equinoctial day, which equinoctial was wont to be counted in the eastern church, and especially among the Egyptians, to be about the seventeenth day of March. So that the full moon on the equinoctial day, or after the equinoctial day being observed, the next dominical day following that full moon, is to be taken for Easter-day. Wherein are diligently to be noted two things : first, the fulness of the moon must be perfectly full, so that it be the beginning of the third week of the moon, which is the fourteenth or fifteenth day of the moon. Secondly, it is to be noted, that the perfect fulness of the moon, beginning the third week, must happen either in the very evening of the equinoctial day, or after the equi- noctial day : for else if it happen either on the equinoc- tial day before the evening, or before the equinoctial day, then it belongs to the last month of the last year, and not to the first month of the first year, and so serves not to be observed. This rite and usage in keeping Easter-day being re- ceived in the Latin church, began now to take place among the Picts and Britons, through the exertions of Elbert the holy monk, as they term him, and of Colfrid, abbot of Sirwin in Northumberland, who wrote to Nar- canus,or Naiton, the king of Picts, concerning the same: who also among other things, writes of the shaven crowns of priests, saying, that it was as necessary for the vow of a monk, or the degree of a priest, to have a shaven crown for restraint of their lust, as for any chris- tian man to bless him against spirits, when they come upon him. The copy of which letter, as it is in Bede, I have here annexed, not for any great reason contained therein, but only to amuse the reader, that he may see the fond ignorance of that monkish age : the letter thus proceeds. OP THE SHAVIXG OP PRIESTS. " Concerning the shaving of priests (whereof you wrote to me) I exhort you that it be decently observed, according to the christian faith. We are not ignorant that the apostles were not all shaven after one manner, neither does the catholic church at this day agree in one uniform manner of shaving, as they do in faith, hope, and charity. I^et us consider the former time of the patriarchs, and we shall find that Job (an example of patience) even in the very point of his afflictions, did shave his head : and he proves also, that in the time of his prosperity he used to let his hair grow. And Joseph, an excellent doctor, and executor of chastity, humility, piety, and other virtues, when he was delivered out of prison and servitude, was shaven : whereby it ap- pears, that whilst he abode in prison he was unshaven. Behold both these, being men of God, used an order in the habit of body, one contrary to the other, whose con- sciences, notwithstanding,within did well agree in the like grace of virtues. But to speak truly and freely, the difference of shaving hurts not such eis have a pure faith in the Lord, and sincere charity towards their neigh- bour; especially as there was never any controversy amongst the catholic fathers about the diversity thereof, as there has been about the difference of the celebration of Easter and of faith. But of all these shavings that we find, either in the church, or elsewhere, there is none in mine opinion so much to be followed and embraced, as that which he used on his head, to whom the Lord said, ' Thou art Peter, and ujjon this rock I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it, and I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven.' And contrariwise, there is no shaving so much to be abhorred and detested, as that which he used, to whom the same St. Peter said, 'Thy money perish with thee, because thou thoughtest the gift of God could be purchased with money — thou hast neither part nor lot in the matter.' Neither ought we to be shaven on the crown only, because St. Peter was so shaven, hut be- cause Peter was so shaven in remembrance of the Lord's l)assion : therefore, we that desire by the same passion, to be saved, must wear the sign of the same passion with him upon the top of our head, which is the highest part of our body. For as every church, that is made a church by the death of the Saviour, is used to bear the sign of the holy cross in the front, that it may the better by the power of that banner, be kept from the invasions laiiig |ni iiutlung n Ipilgriniagc to ^onif. Page 83. A.D. «.S9-r26.] KING IVA IS PERSUADED BY HIS WIFE ETHELBURGA TO BECOME A MONK. 83 of evil spirits ; and by the often admonition thereof is taught to crucify the flesh with the affections and lusts : in like mannei it behoves such as have the vows of monks, and degrees of the clergy, to bind tliemselves with a stricter bit for the Lord's sake. And as the Lord bare a crown of thorns on his head in his passion, wliereby he took and carried away from us the thorns and pricks of our sins : so must every one of us, by shaving our heads, patiently bear, and willingly suffer the mocks and scorns of the world for liis sake, that we may receive the crown of eternal life, which God hath promised to tliem that love him, and shall, by shaving their corporal crowns, bear the adversity, and condemn the prosperity of tliis world. But the shaving which Simon Magus iised, what faithful man doth not detest, together with his magical art ? which at the first appearance has a show of a shaven crown, but if you mark his neck, you shall find it curtailed in such wise, as you will say, it is rather meet to be used of the Simonists, than of the Christians. And such (by foolish men) are thought worthy of the glory of the eternal crown ! whereas, in- deed, for their ill living, they are worthy not only to be deprived of the same, but also of eternal salvation. I speak not this against them that use this kind of shaving, and live catholicly in faith and good works, but surely I believe there are divers of them very holy and godly men ; amongst which is Adamnan, the abbot and worthy priest of the Columbians : who when he came ambassador from his country to King Alfrid, desired greatly to see our monastery ; where he displayed a wonderful wisdom, hu- mility, and religion, both in his manners and words. Amongst other talk, I asked him. Why he that did be- lieve to come to the crown of life that should never have an end, did use contrary to his belief, a defined image of a crown on his head ? And if you seek (quoth I) the fellowship of St. Peter, why do you use the fashion of his crown whom St. Peter did accurse, and not of his rather with whom you desire to live eternally ? Adamnan an- swered saying, ' You know right well, brother, though I use Simon's manner of shaving, after the custom of my country, yet do I detest, and with all my heart abhor his infidelity. I desire, notwithstanding, to imitate the footsteps of the holy apostle, as far forth as my power will extend.' Then said I, ' I believe it is so : but then it is apparent you imitate those things which the apostle Peter did, from the bottom of your heart, if you use the same upon your face that you know he did : for I suppose your wisdom understandeth that it is right decent to differ in the trimming your face, or shaving, from his, whom in your heart you abhor. And contrariwise, as you desire to imitate the doings of him whom you desire to have a Mediator between God and you, so it is meet you imitate the manner of his apparel and shaving.' Thus much sjud I to Adamnan, who seemed then well to like our churches : insomuch that he returned into Scotland, and reformed many of his churches there after our celebration, although he could not do so amongst the monks, with whom he had special authority. He endeavoured also to have reformed their manner of shaving if he had been able. And now, O king, I exhort your majesty to labour toge- ther with your people, over whom the King of kings, and Lord of lords hath made you governor, to imitate likewise in all these points, the catholic and apostolical churches. So shall it come to pass, that in the end of this your temporal kingdom, the most blessed prince of the apostles shall open you the gates of the heavenly kingdom, together with the elect of God. The grace of the Eternal King preserve you, most dearly beloved son in Christ, long time to reign over us, to the great tran- quillity of us all." When this letter was read before King Naiton, with other of his learned men, and diligently translated into his proper language, he seemed to rejoice very much at the exhortation, insomuch that, rising up from among his noblemen, he kneeled on the ground, and gave God thanks that he had deserved to receive so worthy a pre- sent out of England, and so caused it forthwith by public proclamation to be written out, learned, and ob- served throughout all the provinces of the Picts, defacing the errors that had been used there for the space of 704 years. For all the ministers of the altar, and all monks were shaven on the crown, and all the people rejoiced for the new discipline of the most blessed prince of the apostle St. Peter, which they had received. (Beda, hb. 5. cap. 21.) By this monkish letter above prefixed, void of all scripture, of all proofs and truth of history, the reader may note how this vain tradition of shaven crowns has come in, and upon how light and trifling an occasion : which in very deed was none other but the dreaming fictions of monks of that time, falsely grounded upon the example of Peter, when by no old monument of any an- cient record, can they ever prove either Peter or Simon Magus to have been shaven. In the letter also is to be noted, how the Scottish clergy at that season, did wear no such priestly crowns as ovir English cliurchmen then did. But to cut off this matter of shaving, more worthy to be laughed at, than to be recorded, let us now return to King Iva, who, by the importunate persuasion and subtle policy of his wife Ethelburga, was allured to go to Rome, there to be made a monk. Ethelburga, after she had a long time laboured to persuade him to leave the world, and could not bring about her purpose, at one time, when the king and she had rested in a fair palace richly hanged, and were departed on the morrow, she caused the palace to be filled with all kinds of dirt and filth, and hogs and vile beasts to be turned in, as well in the chambers as in the other parts of the house ; and in their own chamber a sow was laid with her young pigs. And when she knew that this palace was thus deformed, she besouglit the king to visit it. And when she had brought him there, she said to him, " I pray you, my lord, behold now this house, where are now the rich clothes of gold and silk, and other apparel, that we left here the other day .' And where are the delicacies and pleasant servitors, and costly dishes, that you and I lately were served with ? Are not all these passed and gone ? My lord, in like manner shall we vanish away. And our bodies, which are now delicately kept, shall fall and turn into the filth of the earth. Wherefore bear in mind my words that I have often shewed and told you, and use your diligence to purchase that palace that shall ever endure in joy without changing." By means of these words, the queen turned the king's mind, so that shortly after he resigned his kingdom to Ethelard his nephew , and took on him the habit of a poor man, and setting apart all the pomp and jiride of this wicked world, associated himself in the fellowship of poor men, and travelled to Rome, with great devo- tion, when he had been King of the West Saxons thirty-seven years. After whose departing, Ethelburga his wife, went to Barking, where, in the nunnery of Barking, she continued, and ended the rest of her life, when she had been abbess of the place a certain time. Malmesbury also testifies that this Iva was the first king that granted a penny for every fire-house through his dominion, to be paid to the court of Rome, which aftei-ward was called Rome-shot, or Peter-pence, and long after was paid in many places of England. And as I must here mention Bede, a man of venerable memory, and as I see writers do not agree, some saying that he was not an Englishman ; I thought to report so mucli of him, as I find by his own words testified of himself in his ecclesiastical history of England. Bede declares that he was born in the territory of the monastei-y of Peter and Paul, where he was, at the age of seven years, committed to the tuition of Benedict, and of Celfrid, abbots of the monastery. In which mo- nastery, continuing from that time forth, all his long life, he gave himself and all his whole study to the holy scripture. Whatever time or leisure he had from his daily service in the church, he spent either in learning, or teaching, or writing something. About the nineteenth year of his age, he was made deacon, the thirtieth year of his age he was made priest. From which time, to the age of fifty-nine years, he occupied himself in in- terpreting the works of the ancient fathers for his own use, and the necessity of others ; and in writing trea- tises J which came in all to the number of thirty « 84 seven volumes, which he digested into seventy-eight books. Some sav that he went to Rome, either there to de- fend his books as consonant to catholic doctrine, or, else if they should be found faulty, to amend and correct the same, as he should be commanded. Although the reporter of his life dare not certainly affirm that he was ever at Rome ; yet tliat he was invited and called to come thither, is manifest in histories, and also the epistle of Pope Sergius sufficiently proves; declariiig moreover in what estimation Bede was held, as well in the court of Rome, as in other places. So notable and famous was the learning of Bede, that the church of Rome stood in need of his help, and also required the same about the discussing of certain con- troversies appertaining to learning. Moreover, the whole Latin church at that time gave him the mastery in judgment and knowledge of the holy scriptures. In all his explanations, his chiefest scope and purpose was always simply to instruct and inform his reader, without any curiousness of style, in the sincere love of God and his neighbour. As touching the holiness and integrity of his life, it is not to be doubted. For how could he attend to any vicious idleness, or have any leisure for the same, who in reading and digesting so many vo- lumes, consumed all his time and thoughts in writing upon the scriptures ? for so he testifies of himself in the third book of Samuel, saying in these words, " If my Treatise and Expositions," saith he, " bring with them no utility to the readers thereof; yet to myself they conduce not a little thus, that while all my study and cogitation was set upon them, I had little mind in the meanwhile for the slippery inticements and vain cogita- tions of this world." Thus in this labour of study he cimtinued till the age of sixty-two years : at length, drawing to his latter end, being sick seven weeks to- gether, besides other occupyings of his mind, and other studies which he did not intermit ; he translated also the gospel of St. John into English. At length, with great comfort of spirit, he departed this life, pronouncing many comfortable sayings to them that stood about him. Celulfus, king of Northumberland, after he had reign- ed eight years, was made a monk in the abbey of Fame. After whom succeeded Egbert his cousin, brother to Egbert (the same time being bishop of York). Egbert erected a noble library in York, whose example I wish other bishops now would follow. About the reign of this Egbert, Cuthbert was arch- bishop of Canterbury , who collected a great synod of bishops and prelates in the month of September (A. D. 747.) near to the place called Clonesho. In which synod these decrees were enacted. First. That bishops should be more diligent in see- ing to their office, and in admonishing the people of their faults. 2. That they should live in a peaceable mind together, notwithstanding thpy were in place dissevered asunder. 3. That every bishop should go about all the parishes of his diocese once a year. 4. That the bishops, every one in his diocese should admonish their abbots and monks to live regularly : and that prelates should not oppress their inferiors, but love them. 5. That they should teach the monasteries which the secular men had invaded, and could not then be taken from them, to live regularly. 6. That none should be admitted to orders, before his life should be examined. 7. That in monasteries the reading of holy scripture should be more frequented. 8. That priests should be no disposers of secular business. 9. That they should take no money for baptizing in- fants. 10. Tliat they should both learn and teach the Lord's Prayer and Creed in the English tongue. 11. That all should join together iu their ministry titer one uniform rite and manner. THE VENERABLE BEDE— KING EDGBERT. [Book II. 12. That in a modest voice they should sing in the church. ]'.'>. That all holy and festival days should be cele- brated at one time together. 14. That the Sabbath day be reverently observed and kept. 15. That the seven canonical hours be observed every day. If). That the rogation days, both the greater and lesser, should not be omitted. 17. That the feast of St. Gregory and St. Austin our patron, should not be omitted. 18. That the fast of the four times should be kept and observed. 19. That monks and nuns should go regularly ap- parelled. 20. That bishops should see these decrees not to be neglected. 21. That the churchmen shoiJd not give themselves to drunkenness. 22. That the communion should not be neglected by the churchmen. 23. That the same also should be observed by laymen, as time required. 24. That laymen should be first well tried before they entered into monkery. 25. That alms be not neglected. 26. That bishops should see these decrees to be noti- fied to the people. 27. They disputed of the profit of alms. 28. They disputed of the profit of singing psalms 29 That the congregation should be constituted, after the ability of their goods. .30. That monks should not dwell among laymen. 31. That public prayer should be made for kings and princes. These decrees and ordinances being thus concluded among the bishops, Cuthbert the archbishop, sends the copy thereof to Boniface, which Boniface, otherwise named Winfrid, an Englishman boni, was then archlji- shop of Mentz, and afterwards made a martyr, as the popish stories term him. This Boniface wrote a letter to Eth3lbald, king of Alerceland, who was also present in the same synod. I thought this letter not unworthy to be noticed here, not so much for the author's sake, as for some good matter, that peradventure may be found in it. For in this letter is to be seen and noted, first, the corruption and great disorder of life, wliich always fiom time to time has been found in these religious houses of nuns, whose professed vow of compulsory chastity has never yet been good to the church, nor profitable to the commonwealth, and least of all to themselves. Secondly, No less are they also to be reprehended who maintained these sujierstitious orders of un])rofita- ble nuns and of other religions. In the number of whom was this Boniface, otherwise called Winfiid, who, al- though in this letter he does justly reprehend the vi- cious enormities both of secular and of religious pei-- sons, yet he himself is not without the same or greater reprehension, for he gave the occasion thereof in main- taining such superstitious orders of nuns and other reli- gions, and restraining the same from lawful marriage. For we find of him in histories that he was a great setter-up and upholder of such bhnd superstition, and of all popery. From this Boniface proceeded that detestable doctrine which now stands in the pope's registered decrees, (Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa), which in a certain epistle of his is this, that in case the pope were of the most abominable living, and forgetful or negligent of himself and of the whole of Christianity, so that he led innumerable souls with him to hell, yet no man ought to rebuke him in so doing, for he has power to judge all men, and ought to be judged again by no man. About this time it was that Gregory III. first brought into the mass-canon the clause for relics, the memorial, the offering, and sacrifice for the dead : like as Zachary brought in the priests' vesture and ornaments, and as Constantine also was the first pope that gave his I D. r47-r94.] ETHELBERT MURDERED BY OFFA— CHARLEMAGNE. Sf feet to be kissed by the emperors. But to turn again to the course of our English history. la the latter part of the reign of Offa, king of Mercia, Etlielbert, u learned and godly prince, came to the court of Oifa, to sue for the marriage of his daughter, but the queen conceiving a false suspicion, that Ethelbert with lis company had come under the pretence of marriage, o work some violence against her husband, persuaded ing Offa to seize him and to strike off his head. And thus the innocent king was wrongfully murdered about the year A.D. 79'^. Offa understanding afterwards the innocence of this king, and the heinous cruelty of his act, gave the tenth part of his goods to the holy church ; and on the church of Hereford he bestowed great lands. He built the abbey of St. Albans, with certain other monasteries. And afterwards he went to Rome for his 4 penance, where he gave to the church of St. Peter a jfienny through every house in his dominion, which was li called commonly Rome-shot or Peter-pence, paid to the /church of St. Peter; and there at length was trans- oformed from a king to a monk, about A.D. 794. I A little before, in speaking of certain bishops of Rome, i mention was made of Pope Constantine I., Gregory II., j Pope Gregory III., and of Pope Zachary, who deposed I Childerick, and set up Pepin the French king, &c. Next after this Zachary followed Pope Stephan II., to whom Ptpin, to gratify again the see of Rome for this their be- netit, gave and contributed to the said see of Rome, the Exarchate or princedom of Ravenna, the kingdom of the Lombards, and many other great possessions of Italy, with all the cities thereto adjoining the borders of Venice. And this donation of Pepin, no doubt, if the truth were rightly tried, should be found to be the same, which hitherto falsely has been thought to be the donation of tlie emperor Constantine. j Next to Stephan succeeded Paul I, who foUow- iing his predecessors, thundered out great excommuni- ications against Constantine the empeior of Constaiitino- 'ple, for abrogating and plucking down the images set up ■in temples. Notwithstanding this, Constantine neglecting !the Pope's vain curses, persevered in his blessed purpose, in destroying idolatry till the end of his life. Then came to be pope, Constantine II., a layman, and brother to iDesiderius the king of Lombardy ; for which cause he was shortly deposed, and thrust into a monastery, having his eyes put out. In whose stead succeeded Stephan III., who ordained jthat no layman should be pope : condemning, moreover, the seventh council of Constantinople for heretical, be- cause in that council the worshipping of images was re- proved and condemned. Contrary to the which council, this pope not only maintained the filthy idolatry of inntjes in christian temples, but also advanced their veneration, commanding them most heathenishly to be incensed. I Then in this race of popes, after Stephan III., comes Adrian I., who likewise following the steps of his fathers the popes, added and attributed to the veneration of jimages more than all the others had done before, writing a book on the adoration and utility proceeding of them ; Iholding moreover a synod at Rome against Felix, and all jothers that spake against the setting up of such stocks |and images. And as Paul I. before him made much of the body of Petronilia, St. Peter's daughter, so this Adrian clothed the body of St. Peter all in silver, and covered the altar of St. Paul with a pall of gold. This Pope Adrian ratified the order of St. Gregory's mass, above the order of St. Ambrose's mass : for to his time, (which was about A. D. 780,) the liturgy of St. Ambrose was more used in the Italian churches. The history whereof because it is registered in Durandus, Nauclenis, and Ja- cobus de Voragine, I here insert, that the reader may understand the time when this usual mass of the Papists began first to be universal and uniform, and generally to i be received in churches. Jacobus de Voragine, in the life I of Pope Gregory I., thus speaks concerning this matter. " In time past (saith he) when the service which Ambrose made, was more used in churches, than the '•ich Gregory had appointed, the bishop of Rome, then called Adrian, gathered a council together, in which it was ordained that Gregory's service should be observed and kept universally. Which determination of the council the Emperor Charles diligently put in execution, visiting various provinces, and informed all the clergy, partly with threatenings, and partly with punishments to receive that order. And as to the books of Ambrose's service, he burnt them to ashes in all places, and threw into prison many priests that would not consent and agree to the matter. Blessed Eugeuius the oishop coming unto the council, found that it was dissolved three days before his coming. Notwithstand- ing, through his wisdom, he so persuaded the lord pope that he called again all the prelates that had been pre- sent at the council, and were now departed for the space of three days. Therefore when the council was gathered again, all the fathers did consent and agree in this, that both the mass-books of Ambrose and Gregory should be laid upon the altar of blessed St. Peter the apostle, and the church doors diligently shut, and most warily sealed up with the signets of many and divers bishops. Again, that they, should all the whole night give themselves to prayer, that the Lord might reveal, open, and shew unto them by some evident sign or token, which of these two services he would have used in the temples. Thus doing if! all points as they had determined, in the morning they opened the church doors, and found both the missals or mass-books open upon the altar ; or rather (as some say) they fovmd Gregory's mass-book utterly plucked asunder, one piece from another, and scattered over all the church. As touching Ambrose's book, they only found it open upon the altar in the very same place where they before laid it. This miracle pope Adrian, like a wise expounder of dreams, interpreted thus, that as the leaves were torn and blown abroad all the church over, so should Gregory's book be used throughout the world. Where- upon they thought themselves sufficiently instructed and taught of God, that the service which 'Gregoi7 had made, ought to be set abroad and used throughout the world, and that Ambrose's service should only be ob- served and kept in his own church of Mediolanum, where he was bishop." Thus the reader has heard the full and whole narra- tion of this mystical miracle, with the pope's exposition upon the same. Concerning which miracle, I need not admonish the reader to smell out the blind practices of these night-crows, to blind the world with forged inven- tions instead of true stories. Although to grant the miracle to be most true, yet as to the exposition there, of, another man beside the pope might interpret this great miracle, thus, that God v,as angry with Gregory's book, and therefore rent it in j)ieces, and scattered it abroad ; and the other as good, lay sound, untouched, and at least to be preferred. Yet, whatever is to be thought of this miracle with the exposition, thus the matter fell out that Gregory's service only had the place, and j'et has to this day in the greatest part of Europe, the service of Ambrose being excluded. And thus much touching the great act of Pope Adrian for the setting up of the mass. By the relation whereof the reader, at least, may understand how commonly in christian nations abroad, as yet no uniform order of any missal or mass- book was received. Now from the popes to return again to the emperors, as Pepin, the father of Charles the Great, called Charlemagne, had given to the papal see all the prince- dom of Ravenna, with other donations and revenues and lands in Italy ; so this Charlemagne, following his father's devotion, confirmed the same, adding moreover the city and dominion of Venice, Istria, the dukedom Forojuleinse, the dukedom Spoletanum, and Beneven- tanum, and other possessions, to the patrimony of St. Peter, making him the prince of Rome and Italy. The pope, again to recompense his kindness, made him to be entitled " most christian king," moreover ordained him only for emperor of Rome. For these causes Charle- magne bare no little affection to Adrian above all other popes. 86 THE EMPRESS IRENE— END OF THE KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND. [Book II, Partly also, for that Carloman his elder brother being dead, his wife called Bertha, with her two children, came to Adrian, to have them confirmed in their father's king- dom, whereto the pope, to shew a pleasure to Charle- magne, would not agree : but gave the mother with her two children, and Desiderius the Lombard king, with his whole kingdom, his wife and caildren, into the hands of Charlemagne, who ltd them with him captive into France, and there kept them iu servitude during their life. Thus Charlemagne being proclaimed emperor of Rome, through Adrian and Pope Leo III. who succeeded next after him, the empire was translated from the Grecians to the French (about A. D. 801), where it continued above one hundred years, till the coming of Conrad and his nephew Otho, who were Germans ; and so has continued after them among the Germans to this present time. This Charlemagne built many monasteries, he was beneficial to the churchmen, also merciful to the poor, valiant and triumphant in his undertakings, and skilful in all languages ; he held a council at Frankfort where was condemned the council of Nice and Irene, for setting up and worshipping images, &c. Concerning which council of Nice, and the things there concluded and enacted (that no man may think the detesting of images to be any new thing now begun) thus I find it recorded in an ancient history of Roger Hovedon ; his words are these, " In A. D. 792, Charles, the French king, sent a book containing the acts of a certain synod, to Britain, directed to him from Con- stantinople. In which book (lamentable to be told) many things inconvenient and contrary to the true faith are to be found ; especially for that by the common consent of almost all the learned bishops of the Eastern church, being above three hundred, it was there agreed that images should be worshipped ; which thing the church of God hath always abhorred. Against which book Alcuine wrote an epistle, substantially grounded on the authority of holy scripture, which epistle with the book Alcuine in the name and person of our bishops and princes, did present to the French king." And thus by the way of Romish matters : now to return again to the Northumberland kings, where we left at Egbert, which Egbert (as is before declared) suc- ceeded Celulphus, after he was made monk. And like- wise the said Egbert also following the devotion of his uncle Celulphus, and Kenred before him, was likewise shorn a monk, after he had reigned twenty years in Northumberland ; leaving his son Osulphui to suc- ceed. After the reign of King Egbert such trouble and per- turbation was in the dominion of Northumberland, with slaying, and expelling and deposing their kings one after another, that after the murdering of Ethelbert, none durst take the government upon him, seeing the great danger. Insomuch that the kingdom did lie void and waste the space of three-and-thirty years together ; after which this kingdom of Northumberland, with the kingdoms also of the other Saxons besides, came altogether into the hands of Egbert, king of the West Saxons, and his pro- geny; which monarchy began A. D. 827. In the mean time, Irene, empress of the Greeks, was busy at Constantinople : she, first through the means of Pope Adrian, took up the body of Constantine, emperor of Constantinople, her own husband's father. And when she had burned the same, she caused the ashes to be cast into the sea, because he disanulled images. Afterwards reigning with her son Constantine VI., son to Leo IV. (whom also we declared to be ex- communicated for taking away images), being at dis- sension with him, she caused him to be taken to prison. He afterward through the influence of friends was re- stored to his empire, and at last she caused him, although her own son, to be cast into prison, and his eyes to be put out, so that witliin a short time he died. After this Irene, with the advice of Therasius, bishop of Constan- tinople, held a council at Nice, where it was decreed that images should again be restored to the church ; which council was repealed by another council held at Frankfort by Charlemagne. At length she was deposed by Nicephorus (who reigned after) and was expelled the empire, and ended her life iu much penury and misery. Hitherto I have brought down the confused and tur- bulent reigns of the seven Saxon kings, who, after the expulsion of the Britons, ruled and reigned in sundry quarters of this land together, to the time of Egbert king of the West Saxons, by whom it pleased God to begin to reduce and unite all these scattered kingdoms into one monarchical form of dominion. Wherefore, as in Egbert begins another alteration of the Common- wealth, here in this land among the Saxons : so my purpose is (the Lord willing) with the same Egbert, to begin my third book, after first making a brief recapitu- lation of such things as in this second book are to be noted, especially touching the monasteries buUt, the kings who entered the monastic life and profession, also the queens and queens' daughters, who at the same time professed solitary life in the monasteries, which they or their ancestors had erected. We have hitherto set forth and declared concerning these seven kingdoms : first, the names and lineal descent of the kings : then what were the doings and acts of the same, how first being pagans, they were con- verted to the christian faith ; what things happened in their time in the church, how many of them were made monks ; how devout they were then to the holy church and to the churchmen, and especially to the church of Rome. But the churchmen then were very different in life to what they afterwards declared themselves to be. Through which devotion of these kings, first came in the Peter-pence or Rome-shots in this realm, as first by Iva, then by Offa, and afterwards brought in and rati- fied through the whole realm by Adelwulph. It is also to be noted, that by the kings and queens of the Saxons, the greatest abbeys and nunneries, in this realm, were first began and built, as partly by the following names of some of them is to be seen. First, the church or minster of St. Paul in London, was founded by Ethelbert, king of Kent, and Sigebert, king of Essex (about A. D. 604). The first cross and altar within this realm, was set up in the north parts in Hevenfield, upon the occasion of Oswald, king of Northumberland, fighting against Cad- walla, where he in the same place set up the sign of the cross, kneeling and praying there for victory, A. D. 635. (Polychron. lib. 5. cap. 12.) The church of Winchester was first began, and founded by Kinegilsus, king of the Mercians, having nine miles about it : afterwards finished by his son Kenwalcus, where Wine was first English bishop, A. D. 636. (Guliel. Malms, lib. de gestis pont. Ang.) The church of Lincoln first founded by Paulinua a bishop (A. D. 629.) The church of Westminster, began first by a certain citizen of Loudon, through the instigation of Ethelbert king of Kent, which before was an isle of thorns (A. D. 614). The common schools first erected at Cambridge, by Sigebert king of Eastangles (A. D. 636). The abbey of Knovisburgh built by Furceus the Hermit (A. D. 637). The monastery of Mamlesbury by one Meldulphus a Scot, to (about A. D. 640), afterwards enlarged by Agil- bert bishop of Winchester. The monastery in Glocester, first built by Ofricua king of Mercia, as Cestrensis says ; but as William Malmesbury writes by Ulferus and Ethelred, brethren to Kiueburga abbess of the same house (A. D. 679). The monastery of Melrose, by the flood of Tweed, by Aidanus a Scottish bishop. The nunnery of Heorenton by Hevi, who was the first nun in Northumberland (Beda. lib. 4. cap. 1.) The monastery of Hetesey by Oswy king of Nor- thumberland, who also with his daughter Elfrid gave possessions for twelve monasteries in the parts of Nor- thumberland (A.D. 6o6). The monastery of St. Martin in Dover, built by Whi« thred king of Kent. The abbey of Lestingy by Ceadda (whom we call St. 1a. D. 794—827.] KINGS AND QUEENS WHO BECAME MONKS AND NUNS. 87 Ced) through the grant of Oswald, son to St. Oswald king of Northumberland (A. D. 651). The monastery of Whitby, called otherwise Stenhalt, by Hilda, daughter to the nephew of Edwin king of Northumberland (A.D. ()o7). Another monastery called Hacanos, not far from the game place, built by Hilda the same year. The abbey of Abbington, built by Sissa king of South- ses (A. D. 666). An abbey in the east side of Lincoln, called Joanno, Dy St. Botulph, A. D. 654. (Polych. lib. 5. cap. 16). The monastery in Ely, founded by Etheldred or Etheldrida daughter of Anna king of Eastangles, and the wife of Elfride king of Northumberland (A. D. V4). The monastery of Chertsey in Southery, founded by Erkenwald bishop of London (A. D. 674), thrown down by the Danes, after re-built by King Edgar. Tiie nunnery of Berking, built by the said Erken- waldus bishop of London about the same time. The abbey of Peterborough, called otherwise Mode- hamsted, founded by King Ethelwald, king of the Mer- cians (A. D. 675). Bardney abbey by Ethelred king of the Mercians (A. D. 700). Glastonbury by Iva king of the West Saxons, and after repaired and enriched by King Edgar (A. D. 701). Ramsey in the time of King Edgar, by one Ailwinus a nobleman (A. D. 973). King Edgar built in his time forty monasteries, who reigned A.D. 901. The nunnery of Winburne built by Cuthberga sister to Ingilsus, King Iva's brother, A. D. 717. The monastery of Sealsey by the Isle of Wight, by Wilfridus bishop of York (A. D. 678). The monastery of Wincombe by Kenulphus king of the Mercians (A. D. 737). St. Albans biult by Offa king of the Mercians (A. D. 755). The abbey of Evesham by Edwin, bishop (A. D. 691). Ripon in the north by Wilfrid, bishop (A. D. 709). The abbey of Echlinghey, by King Alfred (A. D. 891). The nunnery of Shaftsbury by Alfred, the same year. Thus we see what monasteries began to be founded by the Saxon kings, newly converted to the christian faith, within the space of two hundred years ; who, as they seemed to have a certain zeal and devotion to God, ac- cording te the leading and teaching that then was : so it seems to me, there were two things to be wished in these kings : first, that they who began to erect these monas- teries of monks and nuns, to live solely and singly by themselves, had foreseen what danger, and what absurd enormities might and did ensue, both publicly to the church of Christ, and privately to their own souls : secondly, that to this their zeal and devotion had been joined like knowledge and doctrine in Christ's gospel, especially in the article of our free justification by the faith of Jesus Christ ; because of the lack whereof, as weU the builders and founders, as they that were pro- fessed in the same, seem both to have ran the wrong way, and to have been deceived. For although there was in them a devotion and zeal of mind, that thought well in this their doing, which I will not here repre- hend : yet the end and cause of their deeds and build- ings cannot be excused, being contrary to the rule of Christ's gospel ; for so much as they did these things seeking thereby merit with God, and for the remedy of their souls, and remission of their sins, as may appear testified in their own records. By the contents of which may well be understood how great the ignorance and blindness of these men was ; who, lacking no zeal, only lacking knowledge to rule it withal ; seeking their salvation not by Christ only, but by their own deservings and meritorious deeds. Which I recite not here to any infamy or reprehension of them ; but rather to put us in mind how much we at this present time are bound to God for the true sincerity of his truth, hidden so long before from our ancestors, and opened now unto us by the good will of our God, in his Son Christ Jesus. Lamenting this only by the way, to see them to have such works, and to lack our faith, and us to have the right faith, and to lack their works. And this blind ignorance of that age, was the cause not only why these kings built so many monasteries, but also why so many of them, forsaking their orderly vocation of princely government, gave themselves over to the mo- nastic profession, or rather wilful superstition. Con- cerning the names and number of which kings that were professed monks, is sufficiently declared before ; the names of whom we shewed to be Seven or eight, within these two hundred years. Such was then the super- stitious devotion of kings and princes, and no less also to be noted in queens' and kings' daughters, with other noble women of the same age and time ; the names of whom it were too long here to recite. As Hilda daughter to the nephew of Edwin king of Northumberland, abbess of Ely. Erchengoda, with her sister Ermenilda, daugh- ters of Ercombertus king of Kent, which Erchengoda was professed in St. Bridget's order in France. Edel- berga wife and queen to King Edwin of Northumber- land, and daughter of King Anna, who was also made a nun in the same house of St. Bridget. Etheldreda, whom we term St. Eldred, wife to King Ecfride of Nor- thumberland, who was professed a nun at Helings. Werburga was the daughter of Ulferus King of Mer- cians, and made nun at Ely. Kenreda, sister of King Ulferus and Kineswida her sister, were both nuns pro- fessed. Sexburga daughter of King Anna, king of Mer- cians, and wife of Ercombert king of Kent, was abbess at Ely. Elfrida daughter of Oswy king of Northam- berland was abbess of Whitney ; Mildreda, Milburga, and Milguida, all three daughters of Merwardus, king of West Mercians, entered the profession and vow of devoted nuns. Kineburga, wife of Alfride king of Northumberland, and sister to Ofricus king of Mercians, and daughter of King Penda, was professed abbess of the monastery in Glocester. Elfleda daughter of Oswy king, and wife of Peda, son of King Penda, likewise enclosed herself in the same profession and vow. Like- wise Alfritha wife to King Edgar, and Editha, daughter to the said Edgar, with Wolfride her mother, &c., all which holy nuns, with divers more, the Romish catholics have canonized for saints, and put the most part of them in their calendar, only because of the vow which they solemnly professed. Concerning which I will say, that although they kept it never so perfectly, yet it is not that which maketh saints before God, but only the blood of Christ Jesus, and a true faith in him. It likevrise remains, that as we have declared the devotion of these noble women, who, professing monastic life, cast off all worldly dignity and delights ; so we should also treat of such noblemen, who among the Saxon kings in like zeal of devotion, have given over themselves from the world (as they thought) to the con- templative life of the monkish profession. The names of whom are these nine. 1. KinigUs, king of the West Saxons. 2. Iva, king of the West Saxons. 3. Ceolulf, king of Northumberland. 4. Edbert, king of Northumberland. 5. Ethelred, king of Mercia. 6. Kenred, king of Mercia. 7. Offa, king of the East Saxons. 8. Sebbi, king of the East Saxons. 9. Sigebert, king of East Angles. ■WTiat is to be thought of these kings and their doings, the reader has seen before. By these histories it is apparent what changes, what perturbations, and what alterations of state have been in this realm of Britain, first from British kings to Roman ; then to British again ; afterward to Saxon. First, to seven reigning together, then to one, &c. And this al- teration not only happened in the civil government, but also followed in the ecclesiastical state. For as in the Britons' time the metropolitan see was in London, so in the Saxons' time, after the coming of Austin, it was removed to Canterbury ; the catalogue and order of which metropolitans, from the time of Austin to Egbert, is thus described in the history of Malmesburj. 88 THE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY, FROM AUSTIN TO THE TIME OF EGBERT. [Book II. The names and order of the archbishops of Canter- bury from Austin to the time of King Egbert, of whom the first seven were Italians or other foreigners. 1. Austin. 2. Laurentius. 3. Melitus. 4. Justus. 5. Honorius. 6. Deusdedit. 7. Theodorus. 8. Berctualdus. 9. Tacuinus. 10. Nothelmus. 11. Cutbertus. 12. Berguinus. 13. Lambrightus, or Lambertus. 14. Ethelardus. 15. Ulfredus. 16. Feolegeldus. 17. Celnothus. During the course of these seventeen archbishops of Canterbury, there were thirty-four popes in Rome, of whom we have partly declared. And thus much touching the time of the seven king- doms of the Saxons, ruling together in England, from the reign of Hengist unto Egbert, the first monarch of the whole land, after the expulsion of the Britons. It now remains (by the grace of Christ) in the nexi, book, to give the history of such kings as principally reigning alone had this realm in their possession, from the time of Egbert king of the West Saxons, to thei coming of William the Conqueror, the Norman ; com- prehending therein the rest of the next tliree hundredj years, with the acts and state of religion iu the church during that space ; wherein may appear the declining time of the church, and of true religion, preparing the way to antichrist, which followed not long after. THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK. 4 ACTS AND MONUMENTS. BOOK Til. CONTAINING THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM THE REIGN OF KING EGBERT TO THE TIME OP WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. It now remains, as I before described the descent and diversity of the seven kings, all reigning and ruling to- gether in this land, so to prosecute in like order the lineal succession of them which, after Egbert, king of the West Saxons, governed and ruled solely, until the conquest of William the Norman ; and first, of King Egbert : In the reign of Brightric, about A. D. 795, there was a noble personage called Egbert, who was feared by Brightric, because he was of kingly blood, and was by force and conspiracy chased out of Britain into France, till the death of Brightric. After hearing whereof, Egbert came back to his country, where he obtained the government of the kingdom of the West Saxons. Bernulph, king of Mercia, with other kings, had this Egbert in much derision, making scoffing jests at him ; all which he sustained for a time. But when he was more established in his kingdom, he assembled his knights, and gave battle to Bernulph, and won the field; which done, he made war upon the Kentish Saxons, and obtained the victory. He also subdued Northum- berland, and caused the kings of these three kingdoms to live under him as tributaries. After these and other victories, he called a council of his lords at Winchester, where by their advices he was crowned king and chief lord over this land, which before that day was called Britain ; but then he sent out into all the land his com- mandments and commissions, charging straitly, that, from that day forward, the Ssixons should be called Angles, and the land Anglia. About the thirtieth year of the reign of Egbert, the Danes, who a little before had made horrible destruction \n Northumberland, and especially in the isle of Linde- farne, where they spoiled the churches, and murdered the ministers, with men, women, and children, after a cruel manner, entered now the second time with a great host into this land, and spoiled the isle of Sheppy in Kent : Egbert assembled his people, and met with them at Charmouth. But he did not succeed so well in that conflict as he had done before, but with his knights was compelled to forsake the field. Notwithstaadiug, in the next battle, Egbert, with a small force, overthrew a great multitude of them, and so drove them back. The next year the Danes returned again, and after this they were continually abiding in one part or other of the realm of England, till the time of Hardecanute. And although they were often driven out of the land, and chased from one country to another, yet they always gathered new strength and power, and abode still in the laud. Egbert, when he had ruled the West Saxons, and the greater part of England, thirty-seven years, died, and was buried at Winchester, leaving his kingdom to his son Ethelwolf, who first was bishop of Winchester, and 8ifterwards, upon necessity, was made king. Ethelwolf had entered into the order of sub-deacon, and, as some say, was made bishop of Winchester ; but afterwards, being the only son of Egbert, was made king through the dispensation of the pope. This Ethelwolf (as being himself once in that order) was always good and devout to holy church and religious orders, inso- much that he gave to them the tithe of all his goods and lands in West Saxony, with liberty and freedom from all servage and civil charges. Whence, it may appear, how and when the churches of England began first to be endued with temporalities and lands ; and enlarged with privileges and exemptions. Ethelwolf, having done these things in his realm, went to Rome with Alfred his youngest son, and com- mitted him to the bringing up of Pope Leo IV. ; and he gave and granted to Rome a penny to be paid for every fire-house through his whole land, as King Iva in his dominion had done before. He aJso gave and granted, towards maintaining the light of St. Peter, 100 marks, to be paid annually ; to the light of St. Paul, 100 marks ; for the use of the pope also another 100. Ethelwolf had always about him two bishops, whose counsel he was most ruled by, Swithin bishop of Win- chester, and Adelstan bishop of Sherborne. One was more skilful in temporal and civil affairs, touching the king's wars, and filling of his coffers. The other (which was Swithin) was of a contrary disposition, wholly in- clined to spiritual meditation, and to minister spiritual counsel to the king : he had been schoolmaster to the king before. And herein appeared one good feature in this king's nature, among his other virtues, not only in 90 POPE JOAN, A FEMALE POPE. THE EPISTLE OF HULDRIKE, [Book III. following the precepts of his old schoolmaster, but also that, like a kind and thankful pupil, he so reverenced him, that he made him bishop of Winchester. From the time of Pope Adrian I. unto Pope Adrian II. the emperors had some hand in the election (at least in the confirmation) of the Roman pope ; but several of these popes began to endeavour to bring their purpose about. Yet all their devices could take no full effect, before Adrian III. So that the emperors all this while had some authority in choosing the popes, and in as- sembling general councils. Wherefore, by the com- mandment of the Emperor Lewis, in the time of Gregory IV., a general synod was commenced at Aquis- grane, where it was decreed by Gregory and his assist- ants : first, that every church should have sufficient of its own proper lands and revenues to keep the priests thereof, that none should lack or go about a begging. Also, that none of the clergy, of what order or degree soever he be, should use any vesture of any precious or scarlet colour. Neither should wear rings on their fingers, unless it be when prelates be at mass, or give their consecrations. Also, that prelates should not keep too great houses or families, nor keep many horses, use dice, or be guilty of immoral conduct ; and that the monks should not exceed in gluttony or riot. Also, that none of the clergy being either anointed or shaven, should use either gold or silver in their shoes, slippers, or girdles, like to Heliogabalus. By this it may be con- jectured, what pomp and pride in those days was crept into the clergy. Moreover, by Pope Gregory IV., the feast of All Saints was first brought into the church. After this pope, came Sergius II., who first brought in the altering of the pope's names, because he was named before " Swines-snout ;" he also ordained the Agnus to be sung thrice at the mass, and the host to be divided into three parts. After him was Pope Leo IV. By this pope it was first enacted in a council, that no bishop should be condemned under threescore and twelve witnesses, ac- cording as ye see by the witnesses, was practised at the condemnation of Stephen Gardiner. Also contrary to the law of Gregory IV., his prede- cessor, this pope ordained the cross (all set with gold and precious stones) to be carried before him, like a pope. And here next comes in the whore of Babylon (Rev. xix. 2.), rightly in her true colours, by the permission of God, and manifestly to appear to the whole world ; and that not only after the spiritual sense, but after the very letter. For after this Leo above mentioned, the cardinals proceeding to their ordinary election (after a solemn mass of the Holy Ghost, to the perpetual shame of them, and of that see), instead of a man pope, elected a woman, called Joan VIII., to minister sacra- ments, to say masses, to give orders, to constitute dea- cons, priests, and bishops ; to promote prelates, to make abbots, to consecrate churches and altars, to have the reign and rule of emperors and kings. This woman's proper name was Gilberta, who went with an English monk out of the Abbey of Fulda, in man's apparel, to Athens, and through her wit and learning was promoted to the popedom, where she sat two years and six months.' At last openly in the face of a general proces- sion, she gave birth to a child, and so died, and was suc- ceeded by Benedict III., who first ordained the dirge to be said for the dead. After him came Pope Nicholas I., who enlarged the pope's decrees with many constitutions, equalling the (1) This extraordinary event has naturally been disputed by the modem advocates of the church of Rome. The election and fession of a woman, who is incapable of orders, in the seat of the poniitfii, is such a sundering of the links of apostolic succession in tlie pupal chair, and such an impeacliinent of the orders of gome In that church, that it were passing strange if every effort that telent, learning, and ingenuity could devise, were not made to obliterate such a fact from the page of history. There is however this broad, plain, and unquestionable fact, which requires an answer more cogent than any it has yei re- ceived, namely, that for /Ire hum/red t/c/irx after the time of Pope Joan, it was acknowledged as an historical event of as great notoriety as any other conoected with the pupal chair, and that it authority of them with the writings of the apostles. He ordained that no secular prince, nor the emperor him- self, should be present at their councils, unless in mat- ters concerning the faith ; to the end that such as they judged to be heretics, they should execute and murder. Also, that no laymen should sit in judgment upon the clergymen, or reason upon the pope's power. Also, that no christian magistrate should have any power upon any prelake, alleging that a prelate is called God. Also, that all church service should be in Latin, yet allowing the Sclavonians and Polonians to retain still their vulgar language. Sequences in the mass were by him first allowed. By this pope priests began to be debarred from marrying ; whereof Iluldrike, bishop of Ausburgh (a learned and a holy man), sending a letter to the pope, gravely and learnedly refutes and declaims against his indiscreet proceedings touching that matter ; which letter I judged meet for the instruction of the reader, and worthy to be inserted here, as follows : — "A learned epistle of Iluldrike, Bishop of Ausbitrgh, sent to Pope Nicholas I., proving by substantial proofs, that priests ought not to be restrained from marriage. " Huldiike, bishop only by name, unto the reverend father Nicholas, the vigilant provisor of the lioly church of Rome, with due commendation sendeth love as a son, and fear as a servant. Understanding, reverend father, your decrees which you sent to me concerning the single life of the clergy, to be far from all discretion, I was troubled partly with fear, and partly with heaviness. With fear, because, as it is said, the sentence of the pastor, whether it be just or unjust, is to be feared. For I was afraid lest the weak hearers of the scripture (which scarcely obey the just sentence of their pastor, much more despising this unjust decree) through the onerous transgression of their pastor, should shew them- selves disobedient. I was troubled with heaviness, and with compassion, because I doubted how the members of the body should do, their head being so greatly out of frame. For what can be more grievous, or more to be lamented, touching the state of the church, than for you, being the bishop of the principal see, to whom ap- pertaineth the government of the whole church, to swerve never so little out of the right way ? Certainly in this you have not a little erred, in that you have gone m about to constrain your clergy to singleness of life, H through your imperious tyranny, whom rather you ought ■ to stir up to the honourable estate of marriage. For is not this to be counted a violence and tyranny in the judgment of all wise men, when a man is compelled by your decrees to do that which is against the institution of the gospel and the proceeding of the Holy Ghost .' Seeing then there be so many holy examples both of the Old and New Testament, teaching us, as you know, due information ; I desire your patience not to think it grievous for me to bring a few here out of many. " First, in the old law, the Lord permitteth marriage B unto the priests, which afterward in the new law we do I not read to be restrained, but in the gospel thus he saith, 'There be some eunuchs which have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake. He that is able toreeeiveit, let him receive it,' Matt. xix. 12. Where- fore, the apostle saith, ' Concerning virgins, I have no commandment of the Lord, yet i give my judgment," 1 Cor. vii. 25. Which counsel also all men do not take,, as in the commandment of the Lord before, but manjT ! was never called in question till the church of Rome began to^ feel the necessity of defending herself against those who openly opposed her assumed authority. Marianus Scotus, who lived verf ' near the time of Pope Joan, mentions her as "Joanna, Mulier,"' and adds that she was pope for two years, five months and fivetl days, and all the historians for some centuriek although all' were members of the church of Rome — in like manner acknow- ledge the facts, and even since the reformation a large number ofll Romish divines — among whom are some of their best learned mea i^ - liave admitted it. Thus much at all events is certain. If this matter be an inTeo- tion or falsehood, it rests not on protestantt— but on romaJiifita' themselves. lii-D,\ A.D. 858—870.] EPISTLE OF HULDRIKE PROVING THE MARRIAGE OF PRIESTS LAWFUL. 91 there be, false dissemblers and flatterers, going about to please men, and not God, whom we see under a false pretence of holiness to fall into horrible wickedness. And, therefore, lest through the infection of tliis wicked pestilence, the state of the church should too much go to ruin, he said, ' Let every man have his own wife ;' touching which saying, our false hypocrites falsely do lie and feign, as though it only pertained to the laity, and not to them. And yet they themselves, seeming to be set in the most holy order, are not afraid to do outrage in all manner of wickedness. " These men have not rightly understood the scrip- ture ; for the saying of the apostle, ' Let every man have his own wife,' doth except none in very deed, but him only which hath the gift of continency. Wherefore, O, reverend father 1 it shall be your part to cause and oversee, that whosoever hath made a vow of celibacy, and afterward would forsake it, should either be com- pelled to keep his vow, or else by lawful authority should be deposed from his order. " And to bring this to pass, you should not only have me, but also all other of my order, to be helpers unto you. But that you may understand, that such which know not what a vow doth mean, are not to be vio- lently compelled thereunto : hear what the apostle saith to Timothy ; a bishop, saith he, ' Must be blameless, the husband of one wife,' 1 Tim. iii. 2. Which sen- tence lest you should turn and apply only to tlie church ; mark what he inferreth after. ' If a man know not how to rule his own house, how shall he take care of the church of God ;' and ' Let the deacon be the husband of one wife, ruling their children and own houses well,' 1 Tim. iii. 5 — 12. And this wife, how she is wont to be blessed by the priest, you understand sufficiently, I sup- pose, by the decrees of holy Sylvester the pope. ' ' To these and such other holy sentences of the scripture agreeth also, he that is the writer of the rule of the clergy, writing after this manner, of the clerks, ' Let them have one wife.' Whereby it is to be gathered, that the bishop and deacon are noted infamous and reprehensible, if they be divided with more women than one ; otherwise, if they do forsake one under pretence of religion, they, as well the bishop as the deacon, are here condemned by the canonical sentence, which says, ' Let no bishop or priest forsake his own wife, under the colour and pre- tence of religion. If he do forsake her, let him be ex- communicate. And if he so continue, let him be drag- ged.' St. Augustine also (a man of discreet holiness), says in these words, ' There is no offence so great or grievous, but it is to avoid a greater evU.' " Furthermore, we read in the second book of the Tripartite history, that when the council of Nice, going about to establish the same decree, would enact that bishops, priests, and deacons, after their consecration, either should utterly forsake tl>eir own wives, or else should be deposed ; then Paphnutius (one of those holy martyrs, whose right eye the Emperor Maximus had put out, and houghed their left legs), rising up amongst them, withstood their purposed decree ; confessing marriage to be honourable, and so persuaded the coun- cil from making that law, declaring what evil might come of it. And thus much did Paphnutius (being un- qaarried himself), declare to them. And the whole council commending his sentence, agreed thereto, and left the matter freely without compulsion, to the will of every man, to do therein as he thought. " Notwithstanding there be some which take St. Gregory for their defence in this matter, whose temerity I laugh at, and ignorance I lament ; for they know not, being ignorantly deceived, how dangerous the decree of this heresy was (being made of St, Gregory), who after- wards revoked the same, with much repentance. " Peradventure if these men had read with me what happened through this decree, I think they would not be so rash in their doing and judging ; fearing at least the Lord's tx)mmaudment, ' Judge not that you be not judged.' And St. Paul saith, ' Who art thou that judgest another man's servant ? To his own master he standeth or falleth, yea, be shall be holden up, for God i^ able to make biwstaAd.* Therefore let your boUuess cease to compel and enforce those whom you ought only to admonish, lest through your own private command- ment (which God forbid) you be found contrary as well to the Old Testament as to the New. For as St. Au- gustine saith to Donatus, ' This is only what we do fear in your justice, lest (not for the consideration of chris- tian lenity, but for the grievousness and greatness of transgressions committed) you be thought to use vio- lence in executing punishment of that, which only we do desire you (by Christ) not to do. For traik..D. 901.] JOHN SCOT. POPE FORMOSUS. 95 mother having by chance a book in her hand, which he wished to have, promised to give it to him if he would learn it. Upon which he, through his desire to possess the book, soon learned the letters, his master being Pleimundus, afterwards bishop of Canterbury. And so he daily grew more and more in knowledge, that at length he translated a great part of the Latin library into English. Of which books, translated by him, was Oro- sius, Gregory's Pastoral, the History of Bede, Boetius on the Consolation of Philosophy. He also wrote a book in his own tongue, which he called a Hand Book. Besides the history of Bede translated into the Saxon tongue, he also himself compiled a history in the same speech, called The History of Alfred, &c. And as he was himself excellently well learned, so he likewise in- flamed all his countrymen with the love of letters. Also his nobles he allured to the embracing of good letters, 80 that they set all their sons to schools ; or if they had no sons, yet they caused their servants to be taught. He began, moreover, to translate the Psalter in English, and had almost finished the same, when death prevented him. Moreover, among other learned men who were about King Alfred, histories make mention of John Scot (a godly divine, and a learned philosopher). This John is described to be of a sharp wit, of great eloquence, and well expert in the Greek tongue, of a pleasant and merry nature, as appears by many of his doings and answers. He left his own country of Scotland, by reason of the great tumults of war, and went to France, where he was worthily entertained, and for his learning was held in great estimation by Charles the Bald, the French king ; so that he was commonly and familiarly about the king. One day, the king sitting at meat, and seeing something (belike in this John Scot) which seemed not very courtly, merrily asked of him what difference there was betwixt a Scot and a sot ? to which the Scot sitting over against the king, somewhat lower, replied again suddenly, ratner than advisedly (yet merrily) saying, the table ordy ; im- porting thereby himself to be the Scot, and so calling the king a sot by craft. Which word, how other princes would have taken, I know not, but this Charles, for the great reverence he bear to his learning, turned it but to a laughter among his nobles, and so let it pass. Another time, the same king being at dinner, was served with a certain dish of fish, wherein were two great fi.shes and a little one. After the king had taken thereof his repast, he sent the fish down to John Scot, to distribute to the other two clerks sitting with him, who were two tall and mighty persons, he himself being but a little man. John, taking the fish, takes and carves to himself the two great ones ; the little fish he reaches to the other two. The king perceiving his di- vision thus made, reprehended it. Then John, whose manner was ever to find out some honest matter to de- light the king, answered, proving his division to stand just and equal : for here (said he) are two great, and a little, pointing to the two great fishes and himself ; and likewise here again is a little one and two great, pointing to the little fish, and the two great persons. I pray you (said he) what odds is there, or what distribution can be more equal ? Whereat the king with his nobles being much delighted, laughed merrily. The same John Scot moreover compiled a book, in which is contained the resolution of many profitable questions ; but he is thought to follow the Greek church rather than the Latin, and for the same was counted of some to be an heretic ; because there be some things in that book which in all points accord not with the Romish religion. Wherefore the pope, writing to King Charles, complains that a certain man called John, a Scottish man, had translated the book of Dionysius the Areopa- gite, of the names of God, and of the heavenly orders, from Greek into Latin. Which book, according to the custom of the church, ought first to have been approved by our judgment ; namely, seeing the said John (although he is said to be a man of great learning and science) in time past has been noted to have been a man not of upright or sound doctrine, in certain points, &c. For this cause Scot, being constrained to remove from France, came to England, allured by the letters of King Alfred, by whom he was entertained with great favour, and continued a long time about the king ; till at length (whether before or after the death of the king it is uncertain) he went to Malmesbury, where he taught certain scholars a few years, by which scholars at last he was most impiously murdered and slain with their penknives, and so died. King Alfred having these helps of learned men about him, and no less learned also himself, passed his time to the great utility and profit of his subjects. Alfred had two sons, Edward and Ethelward, and three daughters, Elfleda, Ethelgora, and Ethelguida. Edward, his eldest son, succeeded him in the kingdom ; the second son, Ethelward, died before his father: Ethelgora, his middle daughter, was made a nun, the other two were married, the one in Merceland, the other to the Earl of Flanders. Thus King Alfred, the valiant, virtuous, and learned prince, after he had thus christianly governed the realm, the term of nine-and-twenty years and six months, de- parted this life, 5th November (A. D. 901), and lies buried at Winchester. Of whom I find, moreov(!r, this thing greatly noted and commended in history, and not here to be forgotten, for the rare example thereof, that wherever he was, or whithersoever he went, he always bore about him a little book containmg the Psalms of David, and certain other orisons of his own collecting. Whereupon he was continually reading or praying, whenever he had any leisure. As to the course and proceedings of the Romish bishops, I last mentioned Pope Stephen VI. After his time there was much broil in the election of the bishops of Rome, one contending against another ; so that in the space of nine years, there were nine bishops I the first was Formosus, who succeeded Stephen VI., being made pope against the mind of certain in Rome, who preferred Sergius. This Formosus had offended Pope John VIII., by reason whereof, for fear of the pope, he left his bishopric. And because, being sent for by the pope, he would not return, he was excommunicated. At length coming to make his satisfaction to the pope, he was degraded from a bishop into a secular man's habit, swearing to the pope that he would no more re- enter into the city of Rome, nor claim his bishopric again, subscribing moreover with his own hand, to con- tinue from that time in the state of a secular person. But then Pope Martin (the next pope after John) re- leased Formosus of his oath, and restored him again to his bishopric ; whereby Formosus entered not only into Rome again, but also shortly after obtained the papacy. Thus, he being placed in the popedom, there arose a great doubt or controversy among the divines about his con- secration, whether it was lawful or not ; some holding against him, that as he was solemnly deposed, degraded, unpriested, and also sworn not" to reassume the ecclesi- astical state, therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise than for a secular man. Others alleged again, that whatever Formosus was, yet for the dignity of the order, and for the credit of those whom he ordained, all his consecration ought to stand in force, especially as For- mosus was afterwards received and absolved by Pope Martin from his perjury and degradation, &c. In the mean time, Formosus sends to King Arnulphus for aid against his adversaries ; when then marching toward Rome, was there resisted by the Romans from entering. But Arnulphus obtaining the city of Rome, rescues Pope Formosus, and beheads his adversaries ; the pope to gratify him in return, blesses and crowns him as emperor. Thus Formosus sitting about the space of four or five years, followed his predecessors ; after whose time (as I said) within the space of nine years were nine bishops as follows. But in the mean time concern- ing this Formosus, I would gladly ask, and more gladly learn of some impartial good catholic person, who being a papist, not in obstinacy, but in simple error, would answer his conscience — whether he thinks the holy order of priesthood, which he takes for one of the seven sacra • ments, to be an indelible character or not ? If it be not indelible, that is, if it be such a thing as may be put off, why then does the pope's doctrine pretend it to be inde- lible, and unremoveable ? or if it be indeed as they 96 KING EDWARD SUCCEEDS HIS FATHER ALFRED. [Book HI. teach and affirm, of an indelible character, why then did Pope John, or could Pope John annihilate and evacuate one of his seven pope-holy-sacraments, making of a priest a non-priest, or layman, uncharactering his own order which is (as he says) a character which in nowise may be blotted out or removed ? Again, however Pope John is to be judged in this matter, as either well or not well; this I would know, whether he did well in dis- priesting and discharacterising Formosus for such private offences ? If he did, how then stands his doing with his own doctrine which teaches the contrary ? If he did not well, how tlien stands his doctrine with his doings, which teaches that the pope with his synod of cardinals cannot err ? Moreover, if this Pope John did not err in his disordaining Formosus, how then did Martin his successor not err in repealing the act of his predecessor? or how did not Pope Formosus err himself, who being unpriested by Pope John without reiterating the charac- ter or order of priesthood, took upon him to be pope, and made acts and laws in the church ? Again, if For- mosus, when he was pope, did not err, how then did Pope Stephen, his successor, afterwards not err, who annihilated the consecration, and all other acts of For- mosus as erroneous ? Or, again, if we say that this Stephen with his synod of cardinals did right, then how could it be that Pope Theodore, and Pope John IX. who came after Stephen, did not err, who approving of the consecration of Formosus, did condemn and burn the synodical acts of Stephen and his cardinals, who before had condemned Formosus ? After Formoius bad governed the see of Rome five years, Boniface VI. succeeded, who continued but five- and-twenty days. Then came Stephen VII. who so hated the name of his predecessor Formosus, that he abrogated and dissolved his decrees, and taking up his body after it was buried, cut two lingers off his right hand, and commanded them to be cast into the Tiber, and then buried the body in a private or lay-man's sepulchre ! After Stephen had sat in the chair of pestilence one year, Pope Romanus succeeded, and sat three months, repealing the acts decreed by Stephen against Formosus. Next to him came Theodore II., who, taking part with Formosus against Stephen, reigned but twenty days. Than sat Pope John IX., who to confirm the cause of Formosus more surely, held a synod at Ravenna of seventy-four bishops, mth the French king, and his archbishops present at it. At this council were ratified all the decrees and doings of Formosus, and the contrary acts of the synod of Stephen VII. were burned. This pope continued not quite two years, after whom succeeded Benedict IV., who kept the chair three years. After whom Leo V., he within forty days of his paj)acy, was taken and cast into prison by one Christopher, his ovvn chaplain. Which Christopher, being pope about the space of seven months, was likewise himself driven from his papal throne by Sergius III., as he had done to his master before. And thus within the space of nine years, nine popes had succeeded one after another. Then Sergius after he had thrust down Pope Christopher, and shorn him and put him as a monk into a monastery, occupied the room seven years. This Ser- gius, a rude man and unlearned, very proud and cruel, had before been put back from the popedom by Formo- sus above mentioned. Therefore to revenge himself on Formosus, he caused the body of Formosus, where it was buried, to be taken up ; and afterwards sitting in the papal see (as in his pontificalibus) first degraded him, then commanded his head to be smitten off, with the other three fingers that were left, and then commanded his body to be thrown into the Tiber, deposing likewise all such as by Formosus had before been consecrated and invested. This body of Formosus, thus thrown into the Tiber, was afterward (as our writers say) found and taken up by certain fishers, and so brought into St. Peter's temple. At the presence whereof (as they say) certain images standing by, bowed themselves down, and reverenced the same I But such deceivable miracles of stocks and images, in monkish temples are no news to us, especially here in England, where we have been so inured with the like and so many, that such wily practices cannot be invisible, to us, though this crown-shorn generation think them- selves to dance in a net. But the truth is, while ther think to deceive the simple, these wily beguilers most of all deceive themselves, as they will find, except they re. pent. By this Pope Sergius first came up the custom of bearing about candles on Candlemas-day, for the puri- fying of the blessed Virgin ; as if the sacred conception of Jesus the Son of God, were to be purified as a thing impure, and that with candle light. After Sergius was Pope Anastasius. After Anastasius had sat two years, followed Pope Lando, the father (as some historians think) of Pope John, which John is said to have been set up by Theodora, an infamous woman of Rome, either against Lando, or after Lando to succeed in his room. Luithprand mentions this Theodora and Pope John X., and says, " that Theodora had a daughter named Marozia, which Marozia had a son by Pope Ser- gius, who afterward was Pope John XL The same Marozia afterwards married Guido, marquis of Tuscia, through the means of which Guido and his friends at Rome, she had this Pope John X. smothered with a pillow after he had reigned thirteen years, that so John XL, her son, might succeed after him. But because M the clergy and people of Rome did not agree to his elec- fl tion, therefore Pope Leo was set up. "Thus Pope John, ' the son of Sergius and Marozia,being rejected. Pope Leo reigned seven months. After him Pope Stephen two years, who being poisoned, then was Pope John XL, the son of Sergius and Marozia, set up again in the papacy, where he reigned near the space of five years. Of the wickedness of this Marozia, how she married two brothers, one after the death of the other, and how she governed all Rome, and the whole church at that time I let pass. After John XL, followed Pope Leo, who reigned three years and four months. Pope Stephen IX., three years and four months. Pope Martin three years and six months ; after him Pope Agapetus eight years and six months. About whose time, or a little before, first began the order of monks, called, " The monks of Cluny," &c. But now to leave off these monstrous mat- ters of Rome, we return again to our country of England, where we left off. KING EDWARD THE ELDER. After the reign of Alfred, his son Edward succeeded, ' This Edward began his reign (A. D. 901)t and governed right valiantly and nobly twenty- seven years. In knowledge of good letters and learning he was not to be compared to his father, otherwise in princely renovrn, in the civil government, and such like martial prowess, he was nothing inferior, but rather excelled him ; through whose valiant acts first the princedom of Wales and the king- dom of Scotland, with Constantine king thereof, were subdued to him. He added moreover to his dominion, the country of East Anglia, that is Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex. All Merceland also he recovered, and Northumber- land out of the hands of the Danes. In all his wars he never lightly went without victory. The subjects of his provinces and dominions were so inured and hardened in continual practice and feats of war, that when they heard of enemies coming (never tarrying for any bidding from the king or from his dukes) straightways they encountered with them, always excelUng their adversaries both in num- bers and the knowledge of the art of war. About the twelfth year of his reign, the Danes repent- ing them of their covenants, and minding to break the same, assembled an host, and met with the king in Staf- fordshire, at a place called Totenhall, and soon after at Wodenfield, at which two places, the king slew two kings, two earls, and many thousands of Danes that occupied the country of Northumberland. Thus the importunate rage of the Danes being assuaged, King Edward having now some leisure given from wars to other studies, gave his mind to the building or repair- ing of cities, towns, and castles, that had been razed, shat> tered, and broken by the Danes. As touching the laws and statutes of this Edward, as also of his father Alfred, I omit here to record them on account of their length : yet notwithstanding I think good to note that in the days of these ancient kings of k.B. 928—965.] KING ATHELSTAN— KING EDMUND. 97 England, the authority both of conferring bishoprics and spiritual promotions, and also of prescribing laws as well to the churchmen as to the laity, and of ordering and intermeddling in matters merely spiritual, was then in the hands of the kings ruling in the land, and not only in the hand of the pope, as appears by the laws of Alfred. Whence it may appear, how the government and direc- tion of the church in those days depended not upon the pope of Rome, but upon the king who governed the land. To this also the example of King Edward's time gives testimony ; for Edward with Pleimundus, archbishop of Canterbury, and other bishops in a synod assembled, assigned and elected seven bishops in seven metropolitan churches of the realm, in which election the king's au- thority seemed then alone to be suflScient, &c. KING ETHELSTAN, OR ADELESTON. * j Ethelstan succeeded, after the death of Edward his father (A. D. 928)., and was crowned at Kingston. He was a prince of worthy memory, valiant and wise in aU his acts, nothing inferior to his father. In like worldly renown of civil government, joined with much prosper- ous success, in reducing this realm under the subjection of one monarchy. For he both expelled the Danes, sub- dued the Scots, and quieted the Welshmen. Among the victorious and noble acts of this king, one blot is written of him, wherein he is as much worthy to be reprehended, as in the others to be commended ; that is, the innocent death and murder of his brother Edwin. The occasion thereof was this. The said Ethelstan being bom of Egwina, the wife to Edward before he was married to her, and fearing his next brother Edwin, who ,was rightly born, especially being stirred thereto through |the sinister suggestion of his butler, felt such dislike to I Edwin his brother, that he caused him to be set in an old rotten boat in the broad sea, without any tackling or other provision. Where the young and tender prince being dismayed with the rage of winds and of the floods, and now weary of his life, cast himself overboard into the sea, and so was drowned. The king, afterwards coming to the remembrance of himself, was stricken with great repentance the space of seven years together, and I at length was revenged of him that was the accuser of Ihis brother. This accuser was the king's cup bearer, !who (as God the righteous judge of all things would have it) upon a certain solemn feast, bearing the cup to 'the king, chanced in the middle of the floor to stumble iwith one foot, helping and recovering himself with the other, saying in these words, " Thus one brother helps lanother." These words being thus spoken in the hear- jing of the king, so moved his mind, that forthwith he 'comiianded the false accuser of his brother, to be had out to execution. WTiose just recompense I would wish I to be a warning to all men, what it is to sow discord I between brother and brother. 1 King Ethelstan (besides his seven years lamentation 1 for this act) built the two monasteries of Midleton and I of Michlenes for his brother's sake, or (as the histories j gay) for his soul. Whereby it may appear what was the cause in those days of building monasteries, to wit, for I releasing the sins both of them departed, and them ! alive : which cause, how it stands with the grace and I verity of Christ's gospel, and of his passion, let the I christian reader try and examine with himself. This cruel I act of the king towards Edwin, caused him afterward to be I more tender and careful towards his other brethren and sisters left in his hands unmarried. Which sisters, he bestowed in great marriages ; one to the king of Nor- thumberland ; another he gave unto Lewis king of Aquitain ; the third to Otho, who was the first emperor of the Germans. The fourth of his sisters being of singular beauty, Hugo the French king required to be given to him, sending to King Ethelstan precious and sumptuous pre- sents, such as were not before seen in England. Among which presents and gifts, besides the rare odours of sun- dry favours, and fine spices ; and besides the precious and costly gems, besides also many beautiful coursers and palfries richly trapped ; especially of one jewel which was a certain vessel finely and subtilly made of the precious onyx stone, so radiantly wrought, that in it appeared the lively corn growing, and men's images walking, &c. Besides these, there was sent also the sword of Constantine the Great, with the name of the possessor, written in golden letters, where in the haft of the same all beaten in gold, was one of the iron nails wherewith our Saviour was nailed on the cross. Among them, moreover, was the spear (as is reported) where- vrith the side of our Saviour was opened, with a portion likewise of the holy cross inclosed in crystal, also a part of the crovm of thorns in like manner inclosed, &c. Of the truth of all which relics I am not much disposed to say all I suspect. Ethelstan prescribed certain constitutions also, touch- ing tithes, where he proclaimed as follows : "I, Ethel- stan King, charge and command all my officers through my whole realm, to give tithes unto God of my proper goods, as well in living cattle, as in the corn and fruits of the ground, and that my bishops likewise of their proper goods, and mine aldermen, and my officers and headmen shall do the same. Also this I will, that my bishops and other headmen do declare the same to such as be under their subjection, and that to be accomplished at the term of St. John the Baptist. Let us remember what Jacob said unto the Lord, " Of all that thou shalt give me I will surely give a tenth unto thee." Gen. xxviii. 22. And thus much briefly concerning the history of King Ethelstan, who reigned about the space of sixteen years. And because he died without issue, therefore his brother Edmund succeeded after him (A. D. 940), who reigned six years. KING EDMUND. Edmund, the son of Edward, and brother of Ethel- stan, was twenty years of age when he began his reign ; he had two sons, Edwin and Edgar, who both reigned after him. This Edmimd continued his reign six years and a half. By him the Danes, Scots, Normans, and all foreign enemies were expelled out of the land, and then the king set his mind to redressing and maintaining the state of the church, all which then stood in build- ing of monasteries, and furnishing of churches, either with new possessions or restoring the old which were taken away before. In the time of Edmund, I find this written in an old history, " In the time of this king, there was a scattering or dispersion made of the monks out of the monastery of Evesham, and canons substituted in their place, through the doing of Athelm and Ulric, laymen, and of Osulfus bishop," &c. Here, as concerning this matter between monks and others of the clergy, first it is to be understood, that in the realm ot England, before the time of Dunstan, the bishops' sees and cathedral churches were not filled with monks, but with priests and canons, called then clerks or clergy. After this a difference begins to rise between these two parties in strictness of life, and in habit ; so that they who lived after a strict rule were called monks, and professed chastity, that is, to live a single life (for so chastity was defined in those blind days) as though holy matrimony were no chastity. The other sort who were not monks but priests or clergy, lived more free from those monkish rules and observances, and were then commonly (or at least lawfully) married, and in their life and habit came nearer to the secular state of other christians. By reason whereof there was great disdain and emulation among them, so that in many cathedral churches, where priests were before, there monks were put in ; and sometimes where monks had intruded, there priests and canons were again placed, and the monks thrust out ; whereof more shall appear hereafter (by the grace of Christ) when we come to the life of Dunstan. In the mean time, to satisfy the reader, who would know of the first coming of monks into this realm and church of England, this is to be noted. About this time of King Edmund, or shortly after, when strictness of life joined with superstition, was had in veneration, and counted for great holiness ; men, either to win fame with men, or merits with God, gave h2 98 KING EDWIN. KING EDGAR. tBooK in. themselves to lead a strict life, thinking- thereby (the stranger their conversation was, and the further from the common trade of vulgar people) to be the more per- fect towards God and man. There was at that time a monastery in France named Floriake, after the order of Benedict : from which monastery sprung a great part of our English monks, who being there professed, and afterward returning into England, congregated men daily to their profession. And so, partly for strangeaess c.f their rule, partly for outward hohness of life, partly for the opinion of holiness that many had of them, they were in great admiration, not only with the rude sort, but with kings and princes, who founded their houses, maintained their rules, and enlarged them with posses- sions. Among the monks was one Oswald, first a monk of Floriake, then bishop of Worcester and York, a great patron and setter up of monkery. Of this Oswald, bishop of York, and Dunstan, bishop of Canterbury, and Ethelwald, bishop of Winchester, and how they filled divers monasteries and cathedral churches with monks, and how they discharged married priests and canons out of their houses, to plant monks in their cells, more shall be spoken hereafter. In the time of this king, Dunstan was not yet arch- bishop of Canterbury, but only abbot of Glastonbury, of whom many fabulous narrations pass among the writers, whereof this is one of the first. When Edgar was born, Dunstan being abbot of Glastonbury (as the monkish fables dream) heard a voice in the air of certain angels singing after this tenor and saying. Now peace Cometh to the church of England in the time of this child, and of our Dunstan, &c. This I mention that the christian reader might the better ponder with him- self the impudent and abominable fictions of this Romish generation. Of the same mint also they have forged, how at another time the said Dunstan heard the angels sing, which is as true as that the harp, hanging in a woman's house, played by itself the tune of an anthem. What would not these deceivers pretend in matters some- thing likely, who in things so absurd are not ashamed to lie and to forge so impudently and also so manifestly ? Through the instigation of this Dunstan, King Edmund built and furnished the monastery of Glastonbury, and made Dunstan abbot of it. By the laws of King Edmund (ordained and set forth, as well for the redress of church matters, as also of civil government) it may appear that the state both of tem- poral and spiritual causes appertained then to the king's right (notwithstanding the false pretended usurpation of the bishop of Rome) as by these laws are to be seen : ■where he, by the advice of his lords and bishops did enact and determine concerning the pure life of eccle- siastical ministers, and such as were in the orders of the church, with the penalties also for those who trans- gressed the same. Also for tithes to be paid for every christian man, and for the church fees, and alms fees, &c. Concerning ))rofessed women, whom we call nuns, &c. For every bishop to see his churches repaired of his own proper charge ; and boldly to inform the king, whether the houses of God were well maintained, &c. For flying into the church for sanctuary, &c. Concerning cases and determinations on matrimonial questions, &c. All which constitutions declare what interest kings took in those days in ecclesiastical matters as well as others, within their dominion, and not only in disposing the ordinances and rites, such as appertained to the in- stitution of the church, but also in placing and setting bishops in their sees, &c. In the time of this Edmund, Ulstan was archbishop of York, and Odo archbishop of Canterbury. This Odo continued bishop the space of twenty years. After whom Elsinus was elected and ordained by the king to succeed through favour and money ; but in going to Rome for the pope's pall, in his journey over the Alps he died through the cold. WTiereupon Dunstan suc- ceeded. Before this king Edmund died, and was buried by Duostaa at Glastonbury. He was succeeded by his brother Edrid, (\.D. 948,) who governed as protector until Edwin the eldest son of Edmund came of age. KING EDWIN. Edwin, sometimes called Edwy, began his reign A.D. 955, befhg crowned at Kingston by Odo the archbishop of Canterbury. Of this Edwin it is reported that the first day of his coronation, while sitting with his lords, he suddenly left them for the company of a certain lady, whom he retained (it not being known whether she was Ms wife), to the great displeasure of his lords, and especially of the clergy. Dunstan was yet but abbot of Glastonbury, who following the king, brought him back, and accused him to Odo the archbishop, by whom the king was sus- pended out of the church. By reason whereof the king being displeased with Dunstan, banished liiin. About the same time the order of Benedict monks, cr black monks (as they were called), began to multiply and in- crease in England, so that where other priests and canons had been, there monks were set in, and tlie secu- lar priests (as they then were called, or canons) put out. But king Edwin for the displeasure he bare to Dunstan, so vexed all the orders of monks that in Malmesbury, Glastonbury, and other places, he thrust out the monks, and set in secular priests in their stead. Notwithstanding, it was not long before these priests and canons were again removed, and the monks restored in their stead, both in the aforesaid houses, and in many other cathedral churches, besides. In fine, king Edwin being hated by all his subjects, was removed from his kingly honour, and his brother Edgar received in his stead. KING EOGAR. Edgar, the second son of Edmund, being of the age of sixteen years, began his reign A.D. 959, but was not crowned till fourteen years after ; the causes whereof hereunder follow to be declared. In the beginning of his reign he called home Dunstan, whom king Edwin had exiled. Then was Dunstan, who was abbot of Glaston- bury, made bishop of Worcester, and then of London. Not long after, this Odo the archbishop of Canterbury deceased, after he had governed that church above twenty years. After whom Brithilinus bishop of Winchester, was first elected ; but because he was thought not suffi- cient, Dunstan was ordained archbishop, and the other sent home again to his old church. Where, note by the way, how in those days the donation and assigning of ecclesiastical dignities remained in the king's hand ; only they brought their pall from Rome as a token of the pope's confirmation. So Dunstan being by the king made archbishop, took his journey to Rome for his pall of Pope John XIII. Dunstan obtaining his pall, shortly after his return from Rome, intreats king Edgar that Oswald might be promoted to be bishop of Worcester, which was granted to him. And not long after, through means of Dunstan, Ethelwold was also made bishop of Winchester. The monks began first to swarm in the churches of England, that is, in the days of this Edgar, by the means of these three bishops, Dunstan, Ethelwold, and Oswald. Although Dunstan was the chief ringleader, yet Ethelwold being now bishop of Winchester, and Oswald bishop of Worcester were not much behind. By the instigation and counsel of these three. King Edgar is recorded to have built either new out of the ground, or to have re-edified more than forty decayed monasteries. In setting up and building which Ethelwold was a great founder under the king. Moreover, through the influence of this Dunstan and his fellows. King Edgar in many great houses and cathedral churches, where prebendaries and priests were before, displaced the priests and set in monks. After the king was thus persuaded to advance monkery, Oswald bishop of Worcester, and also made archbishop of York, having his see in the cathedral church of St. Peter, began with fair persuasions to try the minds of the canons and priests, whether they would be content t A. D. 965.] MONKS IN THE PRIMITIVE AGE LAYMEN 93 to change their profession, and be made monks or no ; when he saw it would not take effect, he practised this j)olicy with them : Near to the church of St Peter, within the churchyard, he erected another churcli of our lady, which he filled with monks, there he continually fre- quented, and was always there to be seen, by reason of which the other church was left naked and desolate, and all the people gathered where the bishop was. Tlie priests seeing themselves so neglected both by the bishop and the people, were driven either to relinquish the house, or else become monks. Ethelwold also drove out the canons and priests from the new monastery in Winchester, and in Oxford, and in Mildune, with other places, the secular priests with their wives were expelled to give place to monks. The cause whereof is thus pretended in certain writers : the priests and clerks were thought negligent in their church service, and set vicars in their stead, while they lived in pleasure, and mis-spent the patrimony of the church. Then king Edgar gave to the vicars the same land which before belonged to the pre- bendaries ; who also not long after shewed themselves as negligent as the others. Wherefore king Edgar, by the consent of Pope John XIII., removed the priests and ordained monks there. As we have entered upon the mention of monks and nuns, and of their profession so greatly commended in our monkish histories, lest perhaps the reader may be deceived in hearing the name of monks to be such an ancient thing in christian life (even from the primitive church after the apostles' time) therefore to prevent all error herein, it shall not be unprofitable to say somewhat concerning the original institution of monks, what they were who in the old time were called monks, in what the monks in the primitive time did differ from the monks of the middle time, and from the monks of this later age ; moreover, in what all these three differ from priests (as we call them) and from the clergy. Wherefore to answer to the superstitious scruple of such as allege the anti- quity of the name of monks ; I grant the name and order to be of old continuance, from the time of three hundred years after Christ. Several old authors write of them, as Augustine, Jerome, Basil (who was himself one of the first instituters and commenders of that superstition), Chrysostom, Nazianzen, Evagrius, Sozo- men, Dionysius, and others. In the number of these monks (who then were divided into hermits or ancho- rites, and coenobites) were Antony, Paul, John, with divers other recluses. Cassian makes mention of a certain mo- nastery in Thebes, wherein were above five thousand monks, under the government of one abbot. And here also in England, mention is made before of Bangor, wherein were two thousand and two hundred monks under one man's ruling (A. D. 596). Whereby it appears that monks were then, and two hundred years before, in the primitive church. But these monks were such as either by persecution were driven into solitary and desert places ; or else such as not constrained by any, but by their own voluntary devotion (joined with some superstition) withdrew themselves from all com- pany. And all these were then nothing else but lay- men ; of whom there were two sorts, one of the \'ulgar and common people, who were only partakers of the sacraments ; the other, following a monastic life, were called monks, (being nothing but laymen) leading a more severe and stricter life than the others.' Monks in the former age of the church, although they lived a solitary life, yet were only laymen, differing from priests, and differing from the other monks who succeeded them in the middle age of the church, in three points : first, they were bound to no prescribed form, either of diet or apparel, or any thing else. Secondly, they remained in the order of laymen (only being of a stricter life than the rest) and had nothing to do in matters ecclesiastical. Thirdly, the monks of that age (although the most part of them liyed single) yet some of them were married ; and cer- (1) August, lib. de moribus ecclesiae, rap. 13. Item, lib. de ope- ribus Moimchorum. Item, Epistola ad Aurelium. Also by Hierome ad Heliodorum. Also the same appeareth likewise by the fourth canon of the council of Chalcedon, where it i*. provided, "ne mona- tainly none of them were forbidden or restraiiicd from marriage. Of such as were married, speaks Athanasius in Epistola ad Dracontium, who says that he knew both monks and bishops married men, and fathers of chil- dren, &c. And yet the monks of the old time, though they were better than those that followed ; yet superstition began to creep among them into the church, through the crafty subtilty of Satan, and all for the ignorance of our free justification by faith in Jesus Christ. Examples declare the vain and prodigious superstition of these men ; two or three shall suffice for many, which I here insert, that the mind of the godly reader may the better consider and understand, how shortly after the time of Christ and his apostles, the doctrine of christian justification began to be forgotten, true religion turned to superstition, and the price of Christ's passion obscured through the vain opinion of men's merits, &c. A certain abbot named Moses thus testifies of himself in the collations of Cassian, that he so afflicted himself with fasting and watching, that sometimes for two or three days together, he not only felt no appetite to eat, but also had no remem- brance of any meat at all, and by reason thereof, was driven also from sleep. So that he was obliged to pray to God for a little refreshing sleep to be given him some part of the night. In the same author mention is made of a certain old man a hermit, who because he had conceived in himself such a purpose never to eat meat, without he had some g^uest or stranger with him, was sometimes constrained to abstain five days together until Sunday, when he came to the church, and brought some stranger or other home with him. Two other examples I will add out of Cassian, to shew how the subtilty of Satan, through superstition and false colour of holiness, blinds the miserable eyes of such as rather attend to men's traditions than the word of God. A certain abbot named John, in the desert wilderness of Scythia, sent two novices with figs to one that was sick, eighteen miles off from the church. It chanced these two young novices, missing the way, wandered so long in the wild forest or wilderness, and could not find the cell, that for emptiness and weariness they waxed faint and tired ; and yet rather would they die than taste the figs committed to them to carry, and so they did ; for shortly after they were found dead, their figs lying whole by them. Another story he also recites of two mouasttcal bre- thren, who making their progress in the desert of Thebes, purposed to take no sustenance but such as the Lord himself should minister to them. It happened as they were wandering in the desert, and fainting almost for want, certain Mazises, a kind of people by nature fierce and cruel, notwithstanding being suddenly altered into a new nature of humanity, came forth, and of their own accord offered bread to them ; which bread the one thankfully received as sent of God ; the other, as count- ing it sent of man, and not of God, refused it, and so perished. I might also add the story of Mucins, who, to shew his obedience, did not stick, at the commandment of his abbot, to cast his son into the water, not knowing whe- ther any were ready to rescue him from drowning ; so far were the monks in those days drowned in supersti- tion. What is this, but for man's traditions and com- mandments to transgress the commandments of God, which saith, " Thou shalt do no murder ; thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God?" What man is so blind, that sees not by these and many other examples, what pernicious superstition begun by reason of this monkery, almost from the beginning, to creep into the church ? ^^ hereat I cannot marvel enough, seeing that that age of the church had so many learned doctors, who not only approved and followed these monastical sects, but also themselves were authors and institutors of the same. Among whom may be reckoned Basil and Nazianzen, chi se ecclesiasticis ni-gotiis iramisceant ;" that is, " that monks should not intermeddle with inatttrs of the church," &c. Et Leo Epistola, 62, vetat monaehos et laicos, " etsi scientiee tiomina elo» rientur, admitti ad oflScium docendi et concionandi," 100 MONKS IN THE MIDDLE AND LATER AGES OF THE CHURCH. [Book III. who with immoderate austerity so reduced themselves, that when they were called to the office of bishops, they were not able to bear the labour thereof. After these monks followed other monks of the middle age of the church ; who, increasing both in multitude and in superstition, began by little and little to leave their desolate dens in the vast wilderness and approach nearer to great towns ; where they had solemn monas- teries founded by kings and queens, and kings' daugh- ters. I note, that the most part of these monasteries were first erected upon some great murder, either by war in the field, or privately committed at home, as will appear to those that read the books I have mentioned. But to return to our monks again, who, as I said, first began to creep from the cold field into warm towns and cloisters, from towns then into cities, and at length from their close cells and cities into cathedral churches, where, they not only abounded in wealth and riches (especially these monks of our later time) but much more in super- stition and Pharisaical hypocrisy, being yoked and tied in all their doings, to certain prescribed rules, and formal observances ; in watching, in sleeping, in eating, in rising, in praying, in walking, in talking, in looking, in tasting, in touching, in handling, in their gestures, in their vestures, every man apparelled not as the proper condition of others would require, nor as the season of the year did serve, but as the rules and order of every sect enforced them. The number of which sects was infinite; gome after Basil's rule, went in white ; some after Bene- dict's rule in black ; some of Cluny ; some after Jerome's rule, leather girdled, and coped above their white coat ; some Gregorians copper coloured ; some grey monks ; Eome Graudimontenses, wearing a coat of mails upon their bare bodies, with a black cloak thereon ; some Cistercians, who had white rochets on a black coat ; some Celestines, all in blue, both cloak, cowl, and cap ; some charter monks, wearing haircloth next their bo- dies ; some Flagellants, going bare-foot in long white linen shirts, with an open place in the back, where they beat themselves with scourges on the bare skin every day before the people's eyes, till the blood ran down, saying, that it was revealed to them by an angel, that in so scourging themselves, within thirty days and twelve hours, they should be made so pure from sin, as they were when they first received baptism ; some starred monks ; some Jesuites, with a white girdle and russet cowl. But who can reckon the innumerable sects and disguised orders of their fraternities ? Some holding of St. Benedict, some of St. Jerome, some of St. Basil, some of St. Bernard, some of St. Bridget, some of St. Bruno, some of St. Lewis, as though it were not enough for christians to hold of Christ only. So subject were they to servile rules, that no part of christian liberty remained among them ; so drowned and sunk in super- stition, that they had not only lost Christ's religion, but also almost the sense and nature of men. For where men naturally are and ought to be ruled by the discreet government of reason in all outward doings, wherein one rule can serve for all men ; the circumstance of time, place, person and business being so sundry and divers ; on the contrai-y among these, no reason, but only the knock of a bell ruled all their doings ; their rising, their sleeping, their praying, their eating, their coming in, their going out, their talking, their silence, and altogether like in- sensible people, either not having reason to rule them- selves, or else as persons ungrateful to God, neither enjoying the benefit of reason created in them, nor yet using the grace of Christ's liberty, whereunto he re- deemsd them. Thus the reader sees what the monks were in the pri- mitive time of the church, and what were the monks of the middle age, and of these our later days of the church. Whereto join this, that where the monks of elder time were mere laymen and no spiritual ministers : afterwards Boniface III. made a decree (A. D. 606), that monks might use the office of preaching, of christening, of hearing confessions, and also of absolving people from their sins, &c. So then monks, who in the beginning were but laymen, and no spiritual ministers, forbidden by the general council of Chalcedon to inter- meddle with matters ecclesiastical ; afterwards in pro- cess of time, did so much encroach upon the office of spiritual ministers, that at length the priests were dis- charged out of their cathedral churches, and monks set in their places ; because that monks in those days, leading a stricter life, and professing celibacy, had a greater countenance of holiness among the people than the priests, who then in the days of King Edgar had wives (at least so many as would) no law forbidding them to the contrary, till the time of Hildebrand, called Gregory VII. And thus much by the way, as to the order and pro- fession of monks. Now to turn again to the matter of King Edgar. Such provinces and lordships, as were not yet come under the king's subjection, he united to his dominion, and so made one perfect monarchy of the whole realm of England, with all the islands and borders about the same. Such as were wicked, he kept under, he repressed them that were rebels, the godly he main- tained, he was devout to God, and beloved of his sub- jects, whom he governed in much peace and quietness. And as he was a great seeker of peace, so God did bless him with much abundance of peace and rest from all wars. He was a great maintainer of religion and learn- ing, not forgetting herein the footsteps of King Alfred his predecessor. It is reported of this Edgar, by divers authors, that about the thirteenth year of his reign, he being at Chester, eight kings, to wit, petty kings, came and did homage to him. All which kings, after they had given their fidelity to Edgar, the next day (for a pomp or royalty), he entered with them into the river Dee, where he, sitting in a boat, took the helm, and caused these eight kings, every person taking an oar in his hand, to row him up and down the river, to and from the church of St. John to his palace again, in token that he was master and lord of so many provinces. And thus ye have heard, touching the commendation of King Edgar, such reports as the old monkish writers bestow upon him, as the great patron of their monkish, religion, who had built so many monasteries for them, as were Sundays in the year. Now, on the other side, what vices were in him, let us likewise consider, according as we find in the said authors described, which most wrote to his advance- ment. One vice is noted to be cruelty, as well upon others, as upon a certain earl, called Ethelwold. The story is this ; Ordgar, Duke of Devonshire, had a cer- tain daughter named Elfrida, whose beauty being highly commended to the king, he sent this Ethelwold, (whom he especially trusted), to the party, to see and to bring him word again, and if her beauty were such as was reported, he desired him also to negociate a mar- riage between them. Ethelwold finding the party, and seeing her beauty nothing inferior to her fame, and thinking to serve himself, gave a false account to the king. Whereupon the king changed his mind, and in the end Ethelwold himself married the maiden. Not long after the king hearing how he was deceived, set a fair face upon the matter before Ethelwold, and merrily jesting with him, told him he would come and see his wife, and indeed appointed the day when he would be there. Ethelwold perceiving this matter to go hardly with him, made haste to his wife, declaring to her the coming of the king, and also opening the whole order of the matter how he had done ; desiring her on her love for him, as she would save his life, to disfigure herself with such garments and attire as the king might not discover her beauty. Elfrida hearing this, contrary to the request of her husband and the promise of a wife, against the king's coming trimmed herself at the glass, and decked herself in her best array. When the king beheld her, he was not so much delighted with her, as in hatred with her husband, who had so deceived him. Whereupon the king shortly after, making aa though he would go to hunt in the forest of Harwood, sent for Ethelwold to come to him under the pretence of hunting, and there ran him through and slew him. And besides the vices objected to King Edgar in our monkish writers, I also observe another, which wa« A. D. 965—976.] KING EDGAR'S CHARACTER, AND ORATION TO THE CLERGY. blind superstition and idolatrous monkery brought into the church of Christ, with the wrongful expelling of lawful married priests out of their houses. Whereupon what inconveniences ensued after in this realm, especially in the House of the Lord, I leave to the consideration of them which have heard of the detestable enormities of those religious votaries ; the occasion whereof first and chiefly began in this Edgar, through the instigation of Dunstan and his fellows, who after they had inveigled the king, and had brought him to their purpose, caused him to call a council of the clergy, where it was enacted, that the canons of divers cathedral churches, parsons, vicars, priests, and deacons, with their wives and chil- dren, either should give over that kind of life, or else give room to monks, &c. And thus much concerning the history of King Edgar, and of such things as happened in his time in the church. When he had reigned the space of sixteen years, he died, and was buried at Glastonbury, leaving after him two base born children, Editha and Edward, and one lawful son, named Ethelred. King Edgar is noted in all histories to have lived a riotous and debauched kind of life ; in consequence of his having taken a nun named Elfled into his house ; he was kept back from his coronation by Dunstan archbishop of Canterbury, the space of seven years ; and so the king beginning his reign in the sixteenth year of his age (A. D. 959), was crowned (A. D. 974). Con- cerning the coronation and the presumptuous behaviour of Dunstan against the king, and his penance enjoined by Dunstan ; you shall hear both Osbern, Malmesbury, and other authors speak in their own words as follow : " After Dunstan had understood the king's offence per- petrated with the professed nun, and that it was blazed amongst the people, he came with great ire and passion of mind to the king, who, seeing the archbishop coming, arose from his regal seat towards him, to take him by th«! hand, and to give him place. But Dunstan refused to take him by the hand, and with stern countenance bending his brows, spake to this effect to the king. ' You that have not feared to corrupt a virgin dedicated to Christ, ])resume you to touch the consecrated hands of a bishop ? You have defiled the spouse of your Maker, and think you by flattering service to pacify the friend of the bridegroom ? No, Sir, his friend will not I be, who has Christ as his enemy,' &c. The king terrified with these thundering words of Dunstan, and touched with inward repentance of his sin, fell down weeping at the feet of Dunstan, who, after he had raised him from the ground, began to utter the horribleness of his act ; and finding the king ready to receive whatever satisfaction he would lay upon him, enjoined him this penance for seven years' space, as follows : — " That he should wear no crown all that time ; that he should fast twice in the week ; he should distribute his treasure, left to him of his ancestors, liberally to the poor, he should build a monastery of nuns at Shafts- bury, that as he had robbed God of one devoted maiden through his transgression, so he should restore to him many again in times to come. Moreover he should ex- pel clerks of evil life (meaning such priests as had wives and children), out of churches, and place convents of monks in their room," &c. It follows then in the story of Osbern, that when the seven years of the king's penance were expired, Dun- stan calling together all the peers of the realm, with the bishops, abbots, and other ecclesiastical degrees of the clergy, in the public sight of all the multitude, set the crown upon the king's head at Bath, which was the one- and-thirtieth year of his age, and the thirteenth year of his reign ; so that he reigned only but three years crowned king. All the other years Dunstan probably ruled the land as he pleased. Among his other laws, this king ordained that the Sunday should be solemnized from nine o'clock on Satur- d) Foie had placed this oration at the end of the present bool«, ■with this observation — " A certain oration of Kinj Edsar's which should have been placed before, chanced in the meantime to come to my bauds, not unwortliy to be read : 1 tliouijlit by tlie way, in 101 day evening till Monday morning. He also made a certain oration to the clergy, not unworthy to be read, as follows :' THE ORATION OF KING EDGAR TO THE CLERGY. " Because God hath shewed his great mercy to work with us ; it is meet (most reverend fathers,) that with worthy works we should answer his innumerable benefits. For we possess not the land by our own sword, and our own arm hath not saved us : but his right hand and his holy arm, because he hath been delighted in us. There- fore it is meet that we should submit both ourselves and our souls to him, that hath subjected all these things under our government ; and we ought stoutly to labour, that they, whom he hath made subject to us, might be subject to his laws. It belongs to me to rule the lay- people with the law of equity, to do just judgment be- tween a man and his neighbour, to punish church-rob- bers, to hold under rebels, to deliver the helpless from the hand of the stronger, the needy also and the poor from them that rob them. It belongs also to my care to provide necessary things for the ministers of the churches, for the flocks of the monks, for the company of nuns, and to provide for their peace and quiet. The examining of all whose manners belongeth unto us ; whether they live purely, if they behave themselves honestly toward them that be without, whether they be diligent at God's service, if they be earnest to teach the people, if they be sober in eating and drinking, if they keep measure ia apparel, and if they be discreet in judgment. If ye had regarded these things with a trial of them (O reverend fathers, by your leaves I speak) such horrible and abomi- nable things of the clerks should not have come unto our ears. I omit to speak how their crown is not broad, nor their rounding convenient : the wantonness of your life, the pride of your gesture, the filthiness of your words do declare the evil of the inward man. " Furthermore, what negligence is in God's serv'ice, whence they will scarce be present at the holy Vigils .' And when they come to mass, they seem rather to be gathered to play and laugh than to sing. I will tell that, which good men will be sorry for, and the evil laugh at. I will speak with sorrow (if so be I may express it) how they are riotous in banquetings, in chambering, drunk- enness and riotings that now clerks' houses may be thought to be convents of players. There is dice, there is dancing and singing, there is watching to midnight, with crying and shouting. Thus the goods of kings, the alms of princes, yea (and what is more) the price of that precious blood is not esteemed. Have our fathers then spent their treasure for this purpose .' Have the king's coffers decayed by taking away many revenues for this cause? Hath the king's liberality given lands andpos- sessions to Christ's churches for this intent, that clerks' dancers and singers should be decked with the same .' that riotous feasts might be dressed ? that hounds and hawks and such otlier toys might be gotten .' The soldiers cry out for these things, the people grudge, minstrels sing, and dance, and yet ye regard it not, ye spare it, ye dissemble it. Where is the sword of Levi, and the zeal of Si- meon, which killed the Sichemites and the circumcised, who bare the figure of them that defile Christ's church with filthy deeds, because they abused Jacob's daughter ? Where is Moses' spirit, which spared not his own kinsfolk that worshipped the head of the calf.' Where is Phineas the priest's dagger, which pacified God's anger by holy zeal, when he killed him that sinned with the Midianite ? Where is Peter's spirit, by whose power covetousness is destroyed, and simouiacal heresy is condemned ? Be earnest ye priests, be earnest to fol- low the ways of the Lord, and the righteousness of our God. It is time to act against them that have broken the law of God. I have Constantine's sword, and ye have Peter's sword in your hands ; let us join right hands, tlie end of this book, to insert ihe same, (although out of order) yet 1 judge it better out ol order, than out of the book." It il iiere inserted in it6 proper place. lEu.J 102 THE ORATION OF KING EDGAR TO THE CLERGY. KING EDWARD. [Book III. let us couple sword to sword, that the lepers may be cast out of the temples, that the holy place of the Lord may be purged, and the sons of Levi may minister in his temple, who said to his father and mother, I know you not ; and to his brother, I know you not. Go to, dili- gently, I pray you, lest we repent to have done that we have done, and to have given that we gave, if we shall see that to be spent not in God's service, but on the riotousness of wicked men, through vile and corrupt liberty of life, for lack of chastisement. Let the relics of holy saints, which they despise, and the holy altars before which they play the madmen, move you. Let the great devotion of our ancestors move you, whose alms the madness of the clerks doth abuse. My great grand- father (as ye know) gave the tenth part of all his lands to churches and abbeys. My great-great grandfather, Alfred, of holy memory, thought it not meet to spare his treasures, his goods, nor costs, nor rents, that he might enrich the church. Your fatherhood is not ignorant how great things my grandfather the elder Edward gave to the churches. It becometh you to remember with what gifts my father and his brothers did enrich Christ's altars. O father of fathers, Dunstan ! behold (I pray thee) the eyes of my father looking on thee, from that bright place of heaven : hearken to his complaining words sounding in thine ears, thus pitifully lamenting, 0 Father Dunstan ! thou, thou (I say) gavest me coun- sel to build abbeys and churches, thou wast my helper and fellow-worker in aU things : I chose thee as a shep- herd and bishop of my soul, and a keeper of my man- ners. When did I not obey thee ? What treasures did I prefer in respect of thy counsels ? What posses- sions did I not despise, if thou badest me ? If thou thoughtest meet to give any thing to the poor, I was ready. If thou thoughtest meet to give any thing to churches, I deferred not. If thou complainedst that monks or clerks wanted any thing, I supplied. Thou saidst that alms lasted for ever, and that there was none more fruitful than that which was ^ven to abbeys or churches. For with that both God's servants are sus- tained, and that which remaineth is given to the poor. O, worthy alms ! O, worthy price of the soul ! O, wholesome remedy for our sins, which now doth stink in the sweet furrs of priests' lemmans, wherewith they adorn their ears, and deck their fingers, apparelling their delicate bodies with silk and purple ! O, father I is this the fruit of my alms ? is this the effect of my desire, and of thy promise .' WTiat wilt thou answer to this complaint of my fathers .' I know, I know : when thou didst see a thief, thou runnedst not with him, neither hast thou put thy portion with adulterers. Thou hast rebuked, thou hast exhorted, thou hast blamed them ; but words have been despised ; now we must come to stripes of correction. Thou hast here with thee the worshipful father, Edward bishop of Winchester. Thou hast the reverend prelate, Oswald bishop of Worcester. 1 commit this business to you, that both by bishoply correction, and the king's authority, the filthy livers may be cast out of the churches and they that live orderly may be brought in," &c. In this oration of King Edgar above prefixed, three things are chiefly to be noted and considered by them that have judgment to mark and understand, to wit, The religious zeal and devotion of kings, both in giving to the church, and also in correcting the manners of churchmen. Secondly, the dissolute behaviour of the clergy, then abusing the great donations and patri- monies of princes bestowed upon them. Thirdly, the blind ignoranfie and superstition of that time in both states, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, in esteeming Christ's religion chiefly to consist in giving to churches, and in maintaining of monkery ; being falsely persuaded that the remission of their sins, and the remedy of their souls therein, did lie in building monasteries, erecting churches and cloisters, and in placing monks in the same, and such other alms-deeds, and works of devotion. MTierein appears how ignorant they of that time were of the true doctrine of Christ's faith, and of the free grace of the gospel, which promises life, remedy, and justifica- tion, not by any devout merits of ours nor by any works either of the law of God, or of the inventions of man, but only and freely by our faith in Christ Jesus the Son of God, in whom only consist all the promises of God. Amen. KING EDWARD, CALLED THE MARTYR. After the death of King Edgar no small trouble arose among the lords and bishops concerning the succession of the crown ; the principal cause whereof rose upon this oc- casion : Immediately after the decease of the king, Alferus, duke of Mercia, and many other nobles who held with Ethelred, the only right heir and lawful son of Edgar, dis- liking the placing and intruding of monks into churches, and the tlirusting out of the secular priests, with their wives and children out of their ancient possessions, ex- pelled the abbots and monks, and brought in again the priests with their wives. Against whom certain other there were on the contrary part that made resistance, as Ethelwin duke of East Angles, Elfwold his brother, and the Earl Brithnoth, saying. That they would never suff'er the religious monks to be expelled and driven out of the realm, who held up all religion in the land ; and thereupon levied an army to defend the monasteries by force. In this hurly-burly amongst the lords, about the placing of monks, and putting out of priests, rose also the contention about the crown, who should be their king ; the bishops, and such lords as favoured the monks, seeking to advance such a king as they knew would in- cline to their side ; so that the lords thus divided, some of them would have Edward, and some Ethelred, the lawful son. Then Dunstan archbishop of Canterbury, and Oswald archbishop of York, with their fellow bishops, abbots, and other lords and dukes assembled in a council together. In which council Dunstan coming in with his cross in his hand, and bringing Ed- ward before the lords, so persuaded them that in the end Edward was elected, consecrated, and anointed for their king. After Dunstan and his fellows had thus set up Edward for their king, they supposed all to be sure on their side, and that they had established the kingdom of monkery for ever, through the help of the young king, and the duke of East Angles, and certain other nobles whom they had drawn to their part. However this mat- ter passed not so well with them as they hoped, for shortly after the coronation of the young king, Alfenis, duke of Mercia, stoutly standing on the other side, drove out the monks from the cathedral churches, and restored the priests with their wives. The words of the very author are these, " Alferus, duke of Mercia, with other great men more, drove out the monks from the great monasteries whom King Edgar had there set in before, and restored again the priests with their wives." (Hist. Jornal in vita Edgari.) Whereby it evidently appears that priests in those days were married, and had their lawful wives. The duke and nobles of England expelled the monks out of the monasteries after the death of King Edgar ; whereof let us hear what the abbey of Crowland records. " The monks being expelled out of certsdn monasteries, the clerks were again brought in, who distributed the manors or farms of the said monasteries to the dukes and lords of the land, that they being obliged to them, should defend them against the monks. And so were the monks of Evesham thrust out, and the secular clerks placed, and the lands of the church given to the lords ; with whom the queen, the king's stepmother holding the same time, took part also with the said clerks against the king. On the contrary part stood the king and the holy bishops, taking part with the monks. Howbeit the lords and peers of the realm, staying upon the favour and power of the queen triumphed over the monks," &c. Thus, as there was much ado through all quarters of the realm among the lords, so arose no less contention between the priests and monks. The priests complain- ing to the king and Dunstan, said for themselves that it 1 was uncomely, uncharitable yea and unnatural, to put i A.D. 97C— 995.T KING EDWARD MURDERED, SUCCEEDED BY KING ETHELRED. 103 dut an old known dweller for a new unknown ; and that God was not pleased that that should be taken from the ancient possessor which by God was given him. The monks on the other side said for their part, that Christ allowed neither the old dweller, nor the new comer, nor yet looked upon the person, but that whoever would take the cross of penance upon him, and foUow Christ in vir- tuous livir.g. should be his disciple. These and such other were the allegations of the monks. But whether a monk's cowl, or a wifeless life make a sufficient title to enter into other men's posses- I gions or no, I refer to the judgment of the godly. The troublous cares in marriage, the necessary provision for house-keeping, the virtuous bringing up of children, the daily helping of poverty, and bearing of public charges, with other manifest perturbations and encumbrances daily incident to matrimony, might rather appear to wise men to come nearer to the cross of penance, than the easy and loitering idleness of monkery. In the end, upon this controversy a council of bishops and other of the clergy was held, where the greater part both of the nobles and commons, judged the priests to have suffered great wrong, and sought by all means possible to bring them again to their old possession and dignities. Not long after, King Edward, whom the writers de- scribe to be a virtuous and a meek prince, very pitiful and beneficial to the poor, about the fourth year of his reign, came once from hunting in the forest alone, without the company of his servants to the place in the west country, where Alfrith his mother, with her son Ethelred lived. When the queen-mother was warned of his coming, she calls a servant who was of spe- cial trust, shewing him how and what to do for the ac- complishing of her wicked purpose. Which thing so done, she made towards the king, and received him with all courtesy, desiring him to tarry that night, but he in like courtesy excused himself, and desired to see his brother, and to drink upon his horse sitting. Now, while the cup was at his mouth, the servant of the queen struck him in the body with a long two-edged dagger. After which the king struck the horse with the spurs, and galloped towards the place where he supposed to meet with his company, but he bled so much, that he fell from his horse with faintness, one foot being caught in the stirrup, by which he was drawn by his horse over fields and lands till he came to a place named Corf-gate, where he was found dead. In the order and course of the Roman bishops, men- tion was made last of Agapetus II., after whom next succeeded Pope John XII. ' This pope is noted to be very wicked and infamous, with abominable vices ; an adulterer, gamester, an extortioner, perjurer, a fighter, a murderer, cruel and tyrannous. Of his cardinals, some he put out their eyes, from some he cut off their tongues, some their fingers, some their noses, &c. In a general council be- fore the Emperor Otho I., these objections were articled against him, " That he never said his service ; that in saying his mass he did not communicate ; that he ordained deacons in a stable ; that playing at dice he called for the devil to help ; that for money he made boys bishops ; that he committed adultery ; that he put out the eyes of the Bishop Benedict; that he caused houses to be set on fire ; that he brake open houses ; that he drank to the devil ; that he never crossed himself," &c. For which causes he was deposed by the consent of the emperor with the prelates, and Pope Leo VIII. was substituted in his place. But after his departing, Pope John was restored again to his place, and Leo was deposed. At length about the tenth year of the popedom of this John, he being found without the city with ano- ther man's wife, was so wounded by her husband, that within eight days after he died. After him the Romans elected Pope Benedict V., (I) The FPader must bear in mind that Foxe introduces Pope Joan with tlie desisnation the Vlllth., [see page 90] and therefore lie arranu'is all the succeeilinj Johns under numbers proportionably liicrher in the numeral line of succession. Again, durin? the pon- tifioare of Bonifaoe VII., there was another Jon.v, whom Foxe nekons as tlie XVth, and wlio was elected, after the election, and deposed before the death of this Boniface VII.: and who. therefore, | without the consent of the emperor r whereupon the said Otho, the emperor, being not a little displeased for dis- placing of Leo VIII., whom he had before promoted, and for the choosing also of Benedict V., came with his army, and laid siege to Rome, and so set up Pope Leo VIII. again. Leo, to gratify his benefactor, in re- turn crowned Otho for emperor, and intitled him to be called Augustus. Also the power which Charlemagne had given before to the clergy and people of Rome, this Leo granted to the emperor and his successors ; that is, touching the election of the bishop of Rome. The emperor again restored to the see of Rome all such dona- tions and possessions which either Constantine (as they falsely pretend) or which Charlemagne took from the Lombards, and gave to them. After Pope Leo, succeeded Pope John XIII. Peter, the head captain of the city, with two consuls, twelve aldermen, and divers other nobles, gathering their power together, laid hands upon him in the church of Lateran, and put the pope in prison eleven months. The emperor hearing this, •;vith all speed returned with his army to Rome ; who after execution done upon the authors and chief doers of that act, committed Peter to the pope's sentence, he caused him first to be stripped naked, then his beard being shaven, to be hanged by the hair a whole day together, after that to be set upon an ass (his face turned backward, and his hands bound under the ass's tail), and so to be led through the city, that all men might see him ; that done, to be scourged with rods, and so banished the city. Thus ye see how the holy father followeth the injunction of the gospel, " Love your enemies." From this pope proceeded first the christening of bells (A. D. 971). After him followed Pope Benedict VI., wno in like manner was apprehended by Cinthius, a captain of Rome, and cast in prison, where he was strangled, or as some say, famished to death. Then came Pope Donus II., after Boniface VII. was pope, who likewise seeing the citizens of Rome conspire against him, was constrained to hide himself, and seeing no place there for him to tarry, took the treasure of St. Peter's church, and so privily stole to Constantinople. In whose stead the Romans set up one Pope John. Not long after Boniface returning again from Constantinople, by his money and treasure procured a garrison or com- pany to take his part : this Pope John was taken, his eyes put out, and so thrown into prison, where he was, as some say, famished ; some say he was slain by Ferrucius. Neither did Boniface reign many days after, but suddenly died ; whose carcass after his death was dravra by the feet through the streets of Rome after a most despiteful manner, the people shrieking and exclaiming against him, (A. D. 976). Next pope after him was Benedict VII., by the con- sent of the Emperor Otho II. and reigned nine years. After Benedict succeeded Pope John XIV., and died the eighth month of his papacy ; next to whom came John XV., and after him Gregory V. (A. D. 995). This Gregory was a German, and therefore the more disliked by the clergy and people of Rome. Where- upon, Crescentius, with the people and clergy, conspir- ing against Gregory, set up John XVI. Gregory went in all haste to the emperor, who set forward with his army to Italy, got the city, and there took both Crescentius the consul, and John the pope. John first having his eyes put out, was deprived after of his life. Crescentius the consul was set upon a vile horse, having his nose and ears cut off, and so was led through the city, his face being turned to the horse's tail, and afterward having his members cut off, was hanged upon a gibbet. Pope Gregory thus being restored, reigned four years in his papacy. is cenerally omitted in the line of iuccessioii in the papal chair. These occasion much difficulty to tlie general reader, as confusing the def iijnations of the many popes of this name ; therefore the desisnation of Joan as the Vlllth, and of the Pope John in the time of Boniface, as tlie XVth, arc omitted in this edition, and the others stylea in the usual way. [Ed.] 104 DEATH OF KING ETHELRED. EDMUND AND CANUTE. [Book III. KING ETHELRED IT. SOMETIMES CALLED EGELRED AND ELRED. ' King Edward being murdered, as before said, the crown fell next to Ethelred. This Ethelred had a long reign given him of God, which endured the term of eight-and-thirty years, but very unfortunate and full of great miseries ; and he himself seems a prince not of the greatest courage to govern a commonwealth. Our English histories writing of him, report of his reign, that in the beginning it was ungracious, wretched in the middle, and hateful in the latter end. About the eleventh year (some say the ninth year) of this king's reign Dunstan died. Not long after the death of Dunstan, the Danes again entered England, in many and different places of the land ; so that the king scarcely knew to which coast he should go first to withstand his enemies. But in the end, he was compelled to appease them with great sums of money : and when that money was spent, they fell to robbing the people, and assailing the land, not only about Northumberland, but also besieged the city of London at last. But being from thence repelled by the manhood of the Londoners, they strayed to other coun- tries adjoining, burning and killing wherever they went ; so that for lack of a good head or governor, many things in the land perished. For the king gave him- self to vice and taxing his subjects, and disinheriting men of their possessions, and caused them to redeem the same again with great sums of money ; for he paid great tributes to the Danes yearly, which was called dane-gilt. Which tributes so increased, that from the first tribute of ten thousand pounds, it was brought at last in process of five or six years, to forty thousand pounds. To this sorrow, moreover, was joined hunger and penury among the commons, insomuch that every one of them was constrained to pluck and steal from others. So that what for the pillage of the Danes, and what by inward thieves and bribers, this land was brought into great affliction. The Danes thus prevailing more and more over the English grew in such pride and presumption, that when they caused the husbandmen to ear and sow the land, and to do all other vile labour belonging to the house, they would sit at home at their pleasure. And when the husbandman came liome, he could scarcely have of his own, as his servants had ; so that the Dane had all at his will, and fill, faring of the best ; when the owner scarcely had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people being so oppressed by them, were in such fear and dread, that not only were they constrained to suffer them in their doings, but also glad to please them. And thus hitherto we have brought this history to A. D. 1000. In this year, Ethelred, through the counsel of his familiars about him, in the one-and- twentieth year of his reign, began a matter which was the occasion of a new plague to the Saxons, for the king this year married Emma the daughter of Richard duke of Normandy. By reason of which marriage King Ethelred was not a little inhanced in his own mind ; and sent secret and strict commissions to the rulers of every town in England, that upon St. Brices' day at an hour appointed, the Danes should be suddenly slain. And so it was performed. Soon after tidings came into Denmark of the murder of those Danes, Swanus king of Denmark with a great host and navy, landed in Cornwall; and took Exeter, and beat down the walls. From thence proceeding further into the land, they came to Wilton and Shere- borne, where they cruelly spoiled the country, and slew the people. But Swanus hearing that the king was coming to him took to his ships. And as soon as he heard of any host of Englishmen coming toward him, then he took shipping again. So that when the king'8 army sought to meet him in one coast, then would he suddenly land in another. And thus they wearied the English, and in conclusion brought them into extreme •ind unspeakable misery ; insomuch, that the king was fain to take peace with them, and gave to King Swanvui 30,000/. After this, Swanus hearing of the increase of his people in England, broke his covenants not to molest the English, and with a great army and navy, landed in Northumber- land and proclaimed himself king. Where after much vexation when he had subdued the people, and caused the earl with the rulers of the country to swear to him fealty ; he passed the river of Trent, and subduing the people there, forced them to give hiin pledges or hostages ; which hostages he committed with his navy, unto his son Canute to keep, while he went further into the land ; and so with a great host came to Mercia, kil- ling and slaying. Then he took by strength Winchester and Oxford, and did there what he liked. That done, he came toward London, and hearing the king was there, passed by the river Thames, and came into Kent, and there besieged Canterbury, where he was resisted for the space of twenty days. At length by the treason of a deacon called Almaric he won it, and took the goods of the people, and fired the city, and decimated the monks of St. Augustine's abbey (that is, they slew nine out of every ten by cruel torment, and the tenth they kept alive as their slave). So they slew there of monks to the number of nine hundred persons ; of other men, women and children, they slew above eight thousand. And finally, when they had kept the bishop Elphegus in prison the space of seven months, because he would not give them 3000/. ; after many villanies done to him, they brought him to Greenwich, and there stoned him to death. King Ethelred in the mean time, fearing the end of this persecution, sent his wife Emma, with his two sons Alfred and Edward, to the Duke of Normandy, with whom also he sent the bishop of London. The DanesJ proceeded still in their fury and rage, and when theyj had won a great part of West Saxony, they returnedl again to London. Whereof the Londoners hearing,! sent unto them certain great gifts and pledges. At lasM the king about the five-and- thirtieth year of his reign,] was chased unto the Isle of Wight, and with a secret! company he spent there a great part of the winter ; andl finally, without cattle or comfort, sailed to Normandy to his wife. Shortly after Swanus died suddenly. When King Ethelred heard of the death of Swanus, he returned to England. Canute, being unprovided, fled to Sandwich, and there cutting off the noses and hands of the hostages whom his father left with him, sailed into Denmark ; the next year he returned again with a great navy, and landed in the south country. The eldest son of King Ethelred, called Edmund Iron- side, made provision to meet him. At this time King Ethelred being at London, was taken with great sick- ness, and there died, after he had reigned thirty and six years ; leaving his said eldest son Edmund Ironside, and Elfred, and Edward. This Ethelred, although he was miserably assailed and vexed by his enemies, yet with his council he gave forth many wholesome laws. EDMUND IRONSIDE A SAXON, AND CANUTE A DANK, KINGS TOGETHER IN ENGLAND. After the death of Ethelred variance fell between the Englishmen for the election of their king. For the citi- zens of London, with certain other lords, named Edmund the eldest son of Ethelred (a young man of lusty and valiant courage), in martial adventures both hardy and wise, who could very well endure all pains ; wherefore he was surnamed Ironside. But more of the lords favoured Canute, the son of Swanus, especially the abbots, bishops, and other spiritual men, who before had sworn to his father. By means whereof, between these two martial princes many great battles were fought, first in Dorsetshire, where Canute was compelled to fly the field. And after that they fought another battle in Worcestershire, so hard fought that none could tell who, had the better ; but either for weariness or for lack of day, they departed one from the other, and on the next morning fought again ; but then Canute was compelled to forsake the field. After this they met in Merciaf A. D. 995-1007.] HARDICANUTE, THE LAST DANISH KING IN ENGLAND. 105 'and there fought again ; where Edmund had the worse. Thus there were many great conflicts between these two Iprinces. But upon a season, when the hosts were ready to join, and a certain time of truce was taken before the battle, a knight of the party of Edmund stood up upon a high place, and said these words : " We die daily land none has the victory : and when the knights be dead on either part, then the dukes compelled by need shall : agree, or else they must fight alone. And is this kingdom not sufficient for two men, which sometimes sufficed seven ? But if the covetousness of lordship in these two be so great, that neither can be content to take a part and live with the other, nor the one under the other, then let them fight alone that will be lords alone. If all men continue to fight, at the last all men shall be slain, and none left to be under their lordship, nor able to defend the king that shall be against strange enemies and na- jtions." I These words were so well approved of both by the hosts and princes, that both were content to try the quar- :rel between the two princes only. Then the place and time was appointed, where they both met in sight of the two armies. And when they had assailed each other with swords and sharp strokes, first by the motion of Canute (as some write) suddenly they both agreed, land kissed each other to the comfort of both hosts. And shortly after they agreed upon the partition of the land ; and after that during their lives they loved as brethren. Soon after a son of wicked duke Edric espied when King Edmund was unarmed, and with a spear (some isay with a long knife) thrust him through, whereof lEdmund shortly died, after he had reigned two years. I He left behind him two sons, Edmund and Edward, iwhom Edric the wicked duke, after the death of their [father, took from their mother (not knowing yet of the death of Edmund her husband) and presented them to king Canute. Thus Canute, after the death of Edmund Ironside, was king of the whole realm of England. When Canute was established in the kingdom, he called a parliament at London, where this question was proposed to the bishops, barons, and lords of the parlia- ment, whether in the composition made between Edmund [and Canute, any provision was made for the children lof Edmund, for any partition of the land. The lords [flattering the foreign king, and speaking against their own minds, as also against their native country, said Ithere was not. Affirming moreover with an oath (for Ithe king's pleasure) that they to the uttermost of 'their powers, would put off the blood of Edmund in Sail that they might. By reason of which answer and (promise, they thought to have purchased great favour with the king. But by the just retribution of God it ; chanced far otherwise. For many of them he distrusted land disdained ever after, so that some he exiled, and la great many he beheaded. Among whom was wicked ! Edric the traitor. For as the king was in his palace, ' Edric coming to him, began to reckon up his benefits and labours in forsaking and betraying Ethelred, then in slaying King Edmund his son, with many such other deeds more, which for his sake he had done. "Well," said the king, " thou hast here rightly judged thyself, and thou shall die deservedly for slaying thy natural prince, and my sworn brother." And so he commanded him to be bound immediately hand and foot, and to be thrown into the Thames. Thus the Danes being settled in England, began by little and little to become christians. Canute went to Rome, and returning again to England, governed that land the space of twenty years, leaving after him two sons, Harold and Hardicanute. Harold (called Harefoot, for his swiftness), began his reign over England A.D. 1036 : he reigned but four years. Hardicanute was next king of England, and when he had reigned two years he was suddenly stricken dumb, I and fell down to the ground, and within eight days after j died without issue of his body. He was the last Danish I king that reigned in England. The earls and barons, after his death, assembled in council, and determined that no Dane should ever be king of England, for the despite that they had done to Englishmen. For evermore before, if the Englishmen and the Danes had happened to meet upon a bridge, the Englishmen were obliged to stand still till the Dane had passed. And moreover, if the Englishmen had not bowed down their heads to do reverence to the Danes, they would have been beaten. For which despites and villanies they were driven out of the land after the death of Hardicanute, and they never came again. The earls and barons, by their common consent and council, sent unto Normandy for these two brethren, Alfred and Edward ; intending to crown Alfred the elder brother, and to make him king of England. And to this the earls and barons made their oath : but the earl Godwin of West Sax, falsely and treacherously, thought to slay these two brethren as soon as they came into England, that he might make Harold his son king: which son he had by his wife, Hardicanute's daughter. When Alfred had heard these messengers, and per- ceived their tidings, he thanked God, and in all haste came to England, arriving at Southampton. There Godwin the false traitor (having knowledge of his coming) welcomed and received him with joy, pretending to lead him to London, where the barons waited to make him king, and so they passed forth together toward London. But when they came to Guilddown, the traitor command- ed his men to slay all that were in Alfred's company, which came with him from Normandy ; and after that, to take Alfred, and to lead him into the Isle of Ely where they should put out both his eyes ; so they slew all the company that were there, to the number of twelve gen- tlemen, which came with Alfred from Normandy ; and after that they took Alfred, and in the Isle of Ely they cruelly murdered him. And so this innocent Alfred, being the right heir of the crown, died through the trea- son of wicked Godwin. When the lords of England heard thereof, and how Alfred, that should have been their king, was put to death through the false traitor Godwin they were very wroth, and swore between God and them that he should die a worse death, and would immediately have put him to death, but that the traitor fled thence into Denmark, and there continued more than four years, and lost all his lands in England. And thus much of Canute, and of his sons Harold and Hardicanute. Of this Canute, it is reported that he following the superstition of Achelnot, archbishop of Canterbury, went on a pilgrimage to Rome, and there founded an hospital for English pilgrims. He gave the pope precious gifts, and burdened the land with a yearly tribute, called the *' Rome-shot." He shrined the body of Berinus, and gave great lands and ornaments to the cathedral church of Winchester ; he built St. Benedict's in Norfolk, which before was an hermitage. Also St. Edmunsbury, which King Athlestan before ordained for a college of priests, he turned to an abbey of monks of St. Benedict's order. Henry, archdeacon of Huntington, makes mention of this Canute, as does also Polydore. That after his coming from Rome, he was walking upon a time by the port of Southampton, but Polydore saith and Fabian affirmeth the same, that it was by the Thames side of London, when his flatterers coming about him, began to exalt him with high words, calling him a king of aU kings (most mighty) who had under his subjection both the people, the land, and also the sea : Canute revolv- ing this matter in his mind (either for pride of his heart exalted, or to try and refute their flattering words) com- manded his chair of state to be brought to the sea-sidC; at the time it should begin to flow : (Polydore saith that no seat was brought, but that he sat upon his garments, being folded together under him), he there charged and commanded the floods arising and coming towards his feet, that they should touch neither him nor his clothes. But the water keeping its ordinary course came nearer and nearer ; first to his feet, and so growing higher, began to wash over him. Wherewith the king abashed, and partly also afraid, started back, and looking to his lords ; " Lo," said he, " ye call me such a mighty king, and yet I can- not command this little water to stay at my word, but it is ready to drown me. Wherefore aU earthly kings may 105 EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. HAROLD II. [Book III. know, that all their powers are vain, and that none is worthy to have the name of a king, but he alone which hath all things subject to the power and authority of his word, which is the Lord of heaven and earth, the Creator of all things, the Father of Christ our Lord, who with him for ever is to be glorified : Him let us worship and extol for our King for ever." After this (as histories witness) he never suffered the crown to come upon his head but went to Winchester, or (as some say) to Canter- bury ; but both those may be true ; for his going to Canterbury, was to acknowledge that there was a Lord much higher and of more power than he himself was, and therewithal to render up his crown for ever. Here is also to be noted in this Canute, that although he acted in the beginning of his reign upon King Edgar's laws, yet in process of time, he set forth peculiar laws of his own. Among which, there are several that concern ecclesiastical causes. Whereby it may appear, that the government of spiritual matters did not depend then on the bishop of Rome : but appertained to the lawful authority of the temporal prince, no less than matters and causes temporal. And here being an end of the Danish kings, we return to the English kings, whose right line comes in again as follows KINO EDVfARD, CALLED THE CONFESSOB.. The next election and right of the crown appertained to Edward the younger son of King Ethelred and Emma, a true Englishman : who had now been long banished in Normandy : he was a man of gentle and soft spirit, more appliable to other men's counsel, than able to trust to his own ; so averse to all war and bloodshed, that being in his banishment he wished rather to continue all his life long in that private estate, than by war or bloodshed to aspire to any kingdom. This Edward came over, ac- companied with a few Normans, and was crowned (A. D. 104.'i). After he had thus taken upon him the govern- ment of the realm, he guided the same with much wisdom and justice, the space of nearly four-and-twenty years : from whom issued (as out of a fountain) much godliness, mercy, pity, and liberty toward the poor, gentleness and justice toward all men, and in all honest life he gave a virtuous example to his people. In the time of this Edward, Emma his mother was accused, of being familiar with Alwin, the bishop of Win- chester : upon which accusation he took from her many of her jewels, and caused her to be kept more strictly in the abbey of Warwel, and the bishop he committed to the examination of the clergy. Polydore says they were both in prison at Winchester, where she sorrowing the defame both of herself and the bishop, and trusting upon her conscience, desires justice, offering herself ready to abide a;iy lawful trial, yea, although it were with the sharpest. Then many of the bishops petitioned the king for them both, and would have obtained their wish, had not Robert then archbishop of Canterbury stopped the suit. Who, being not well pleased with their labour, said to them ; " My brethren, how dare you defend this woman? She has defamed her own son the king, and degraded herself with the bishop. And if it be so, that the woman will purge the priest, who shall then purge the woman, that is ac- cused to be consenting to the death of her son Alfred, and who procured venom to the poisoning of her son Edward.' But let her be tried in this way, whether she be guilty or guiltless ; if she will go barefooted for herself four steps, and for the bishop five, upon nine red hot plough-shares ; then if she escape harmless, he shall be acquitted by this challenge, and she also." To this she consented, and the day was appointed ; at whicli day the king, and a great part of his nobles were prerient, except only Robert the archbishop. This Robert had been a monk of a house in Normandy, and an helperof the king in his exile, and so came over and was made first bishop of London, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury. Tiiea siie w;us led blindfold unto the place between two men, where the irons lay burning hot, and passed the nine sh:ir.'s uahurt. " At last," says she : " Good Lord, when shall 1 come to the jdace of my purgation ?" When they then opened her eyes, and she saw she was past the paio^ she kneeled down giving God thanks. Then the king repented, (says the history,) and restored to her what he had taken from her, and asked her forgiveness. About this time, William Duke of Normandy, came with a goodly company into England to see King Edward, and was honourably received : and the king at his return en- riched him with many great gifts, and there (as some write) promised him, that if he died without issue, the said William should succeed him in the kingdom of England. This virtuous and blessed King Edward, after he had reigned twenty-three years and seven months, died, and was buried in the monastery of Westminster , which he had greatly augmented and repaired. KING HAROLD n. Harold, the son of Earl Godwin, and last king of the Saxons, succeeded, although many of the nobles went with Edgar Adding, the next heir after Edmund Iron- side : yet he contemning the young age of Edgar, and forgetting also his promise which he had made to Duke William, that he would marry his daughter and keep the kingdom for him, took upon him to be king of Eng- land (A. D. 1066). Immediately on which, William, duke of Normandy, sent an ambassage to Harold, king of England, remind- ing him of the covenants that were agreed between them : which was, to have kept the land to his use after the death of Edward. But because the daughter of Duke William (that was promised to Harold) was dead, Harold thought himself thereby discharged. Upon this answer, Duke William having in the meanwhile that the messengers went and came, gathered his knights, and prepared his navy, and having obtained the consent of the lords of his land to aid and assist him in his journey : sends to Rome to Pope Alexander, con- cerning his title and voyage into England, the pope con- firms him, and sent to him a banner, desiring him to bear it in the ship, in which himself should sail. Thus Duke William took shipping at the haven of St. Valery, where he tarried a long time for a convenient wind : at last the wind came about, and they took shipping with a great company, and landed at Hastings in Sussex. There were three causes which induced Duke William to enter this land to subdue Harold. One was, that it was given to him by King Edward his nephew. The second was, to take vengeance for the cruel murder of his nephew Alfred, and of the Normans, which deed he ascribed chiefly to Harold. The third was, to revenge the wrong done to Robert archbishop of Canterbury, who was exiled by means of Harold. Thus, while Harold was in the north, Duke William made so great speed, that he came to London before the king ; out of which he was kept till he made good surety, that he and his people should pass through the city without tarrying : wliich promise he well observing, passed the bridge, and went over to Sussex, whence he sent a monk to Harold, and proffered him three ways. First, to render to him the possession of the land, and so to take it again of him under tribute, reigning under him ; secondly, to abide and stand to the pope's arbitra- tion ; or, thirdly, to defend this quarrel in his own person against the duke, and they two only to try the matter by dint of sword, without any other blood-shedding. But Harold refused all these offers, saying, " It should be tried by dint of swords, and not by one sword:" and so gathered his people and joined battle with the Normans, in the place where afterwards was builded the abbey of Battel in Sussex. In the begin- ning of which fight, the Englishmen kept them in good array and were likely to vanquish the Normans : where- fore, Duke William caused his men to give back, as though they fled, whereby the Englishmen followed fast, and broke their array. Then the Normans, fiercely giving a charge upon them, in conclusion obtained the victory through the just providence of God. Where King Harold, who before had murdered Alfred the true heir of the crown, with his company of Normans so A D 1066 1 THE SUCCESSION OF POPES FROM GREGORY V. TO ALEXANDER II. I cruelly, was now wounded of the Normans in the left 1 eye with an arrow, and thereof died : although Gerard i says he fled away to Chester, and lived after that a monk I in the monastery of St. James. I This Duke WilUam and King Edward were cousins by the father's side. For Richard the first of that name, I which was the third duke of Normandy after Rollo, was , father to Duke Richard the second of that name, and brother to Emma mother to King Edward. Which Duke Richard the second was father to duke Robert, this Duke William's father. ■ Although the church of Christ and state of religion, I first founded and grounded by Christ and his apostles, did not continually remain in the. primitive perfection, wherein it was first instituted ; but in process of time began from better to worse, to decrease and decline into . much superstition and inconveniency ; partly through the coming in of Mahomet, partly through the increase of wealth and riches, partly through the decrease of , knowledge and diligence in such as should be the guides 'of Christ's flock: yet the infection and corruption of that time (though it were great) did not so abound in Isuch excessive measure as afterwards in later times now following, that is, about a thousand years after Christ, whereof we have to treat. About which time and year came Sylvester II., who succeeded after Gregory V., and occupied the see of Rome about A. D. 1000. After Sylvester, succeeded John XVII., by whom was Ibrought in the feast of All Souls (A. D. 1004), through (the means aad instigation of one Odilo, abbot of Cluny, to be celebrated next after the feast of All Saints. This Imonk Odilo, thinking that purgatory should be in the iMount Etna, dreamed upon a time, in the country of 'Sicily, that he by his masses had dehvered divers souls from thence : saying moreover, " that he did hear the Ivoices and lamentations of devils, crying out for that the Isouls were taken from them by the masses and dirges !" iNot long after, came John XVIII. and Sergius IV. After whom succeeded Benedict VIII., then John XIX., who brought in the fast of the eve of John Baptist and St. Lawrence. After him followed Pope Benedict IX., who was fain to sell his seat to his successor, Gregory VI., for i^&loOO. At which time were three popes together in Rome, reigning and raging one against another ; Benedict IX., Sylvester III., and Gregory VI. For which cause the em- peror coming to Rome, displaced the three monsters, placing Clement II. in the papal chair, and thereupon jnactiug that there shovdd be no bishop of Rome hence- f'orth chosen, but by the consent and confirmation of the amperor. Which constitution, though it was both agree- ible, and also necessary for the public tranquillity of chat city, yet the Cardinals would not suffer it long to ptand, but did impugn it afterward by subtile practice (ind open violence. In the time of this Clement, the Romans made an oath to the emperors concerning the jlection of the bishops, to intermeddle no further there- Ln, but as the consent of the emperor should approve. flowever the emperor departing into Germany, by and jjy they forgot their oath, and within nine months after f)oisoned the bishop. Which act some impute to Stephen, biis successor, called Damasus II. Some impute it to Brazutus, who (as histories record) within thirteen years poisoned six popes ; that is, Clement II., Damasus II., Leo IX., Victor II., Stephen IX., Nicholas II. I Thus Clement being poisoned, after him succeeded Damasus II., neither by consent of the people, nor elected by the emperor, but by force and invasion, who filso within twenty-three days being poisoned, (A. D. 1049.) much contention and striving began in Rome kbout the papal seat ; whereupon the Romans through fhe counsel of the Cardinal sent to the emperor, desiring him to give them a bishop : and so he did, whose name fvas Bruno, afterward o&Ued Leo IX. This Bruno being ^ simple man, and easy to be led with evil counsel, Doming from the emperor towards Rome in his pontifical ipparel like a pope ; there meet him by the way, the ibbot of Cluny, and Hildebrand, a monk, who seeing bim so in his pontifical robes, began to rate him, aying to his charge that he would so take his authority ►f the emperor, and not rather of the clergy of Rome, 107 and the people thereof, as his predecessors were wont to do : and so counselled him to lay down that apparel, and to enter in with his own habit, till he had his election by them. Bruno following their counsel, and confessing his fault before the clergy of Rome, obtained their favour, and so was nominated Leo. IX., whereby Hil- debrand was made a cardinal. Under this Pope Leo, two councils were held ; one at Versailles, where the doctrine of Berengarius against the real presence in the sacrament was first condemned (although Berengarius yet recanted not, which nevertheless was done after in the council of Lateran, under Nicholas II., A. D. 1060). The other was held at Moguntia, where amongst many other decrees it was enacted. That priests should be ex- cluded and debarred utterly from marriage. After the death of Leo, whom Brazutus poisoned the first year of his popedom, Theophylactus strove to be pope ; but Hildebrand, to defeat him, went to the em- peror, who assigned another bishop, called Victor II. This Victor holding a council at Florence, deposed divers bishops and priests for simony and fornication ; for simony, in that they took their dignities of secular men for money ; for fornication, in that, contrary to their canon, they were married, &c. The second year of his papacy, and little more, this pope also followed his pre- decessors, being poisoned by Brazutus, through the pro- curement of Hildebrand and his master. Here now the church and clergy of Rome began to wring out of the emperor's hand the election of the pope ; electing Stephen IX. for pope, contrary to their oath, and to the emperor's assignment. This Stephen was not ashamed to accuse the Emperor Henry of heresy, for minishing the authority of the Roman see. So this was their heresy at that time, not to maintain the ambitious proceedings of the Romish prelate. And they called it simony, to take and enjoy any spiritual living at a secular man's hand. In the mean time, Stephen the pope, tasting of Bra- zutus' cup, fell sick. Hildebrand, hearing that, returned home with all speed. So being come to Rome, he as- sembleth all the companies and orders of the clergy together, making them to swear that they should admit none to be bishop but he who shall be appointed by the public consent of them all together. This being done, Hildebrand, takes his journey into Florence, to fetch the bishop of Florence to install him bishop ; the clergy swearing unto him that no bishop should be ordained before his return again. But the people of Rome, not suffering the election to stand so long, after the death of Stephen, elected one of their own city, called Benedict X. Hildebrand hearing of this, was not a little ofi'ended ; wherefore returning to Rome with one Garhard, bishop of Florence, he caused the clergy to proceed to a new election, saying. That Benedict was not lawfully called, but came in by force and bribing. But the clergy not daring to attempt any new election at Rome, went to Sene, and there elected this Garhard, whom Hildebrand brought with him. So there were two popes in Rome together: but Garhard, named Nicholas II., holding a council at Sutrium, through the help of Duke Godfrid and Guibert, and other bishops about Italy, caused the other pope to be deposed. Benedict understanding them to be set against him through the means of Hildebrand, unpoped himself, and went to Velitras ; living there more quietly than he would have done at Rome. Nicholas being thus set up without the mind either of the emperor or of the people of Rome, after his fellow pope was driven away, brake up the Synod of Sutrium, and came to Rome, where he assembled another council, called the Council of Lateran. In which council first was promulgated the terrible sentence of excommunica- tion mentioned in the decrees. The effect whereof is this : first, that he after a subtle practice undermines the emperor's jurisdiction, and transfers to a few cardinals, and certain cathohc persons, the full authority of choos- ing the pope. Secondly, against all such as do creep into the seat of Peter by money or favour, without the full consent of the cardinals, he thunders with terrible blasts of excommunication, accursing them and their children with devils, as wicked persons, to the auger of 108 SUCCESSION OF POPES. ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY. [Book III. Almighty God, giving also authority and power to car- dinals, with the clergy and laity, to dei)Ose all such persons, and call a general council, wherever they will against them. In the council of Lateran, under Pope Nicholas II. Berengarius, an arch-deacon, was driven to the recanta- tion of his doctrine, denying the real suhstance of Christ's holy hody and blood to be in the sacrament, otherwise than sacrameutally and in mystery. In tlie same council also was hatched and invented the new found device and term of transubstantiation. It were too long here to declare the confederation betwixt this Nicholas and Robert Guiscard, whom this pope (contrary to all right and good law, displacing tlie right heir) made duke of Apulia, Calabria, Sicily, and cai)tain-general of St. Peter's lands : that through his force of arms and violence he might the better subdue all such as should rebel against him. Now, let all men, which be godly and wise, judge and understand how this stands with the doctrine of Christ, the exam])le of Peter, or the spirit of a christian bishop, by outward arms and violence to conquer christian men and coun- tries, under the obedience of a bishop's see. Thus Pope Nicholas II., by might and force continued three years and a half. But at length he met with Brazutus' cup, and so died. At the beginning of this, Nicholas, or somewhat be- fore (about A. D, 1057), Henry IV., after the decease of Henry III., was made emperor, being but a child, and reigned fifty years : but not without great molestation and much disquietness, and all through the ungracious wickedness of Hildebrand, as hereafter (the Lord so per- mitting) shall De declared. Here by the way comes to be noted an example, whereby all princes may learn and'linderstand how the pope is to be handled, whoever looks to have any good- ness at his hand. If a man stand in fear of his curse, he shall be made his slave ; but if he be despised of you, you shall have him as you like. For the pope's curse may well be likened to Domitian's thunder : If a man give ear to the noise and crack, it seems a terrible thing ; but if you consider the causes and effect thereof, it is most vain and ridiculous. In the reign of this Nicholas (A. D. 1060), Aldred bishop of Worcester was appointed archbishop of York, who, coming to Rome with Tostius, Earl of Northum- berland, for his pall, could not obtain it, but was de- prived of all dignity. Whereupon returning again to Rome with Tostius, he there made his complaint, but would not be heard, till Tostius, a man of stout courage, tak- ing the matter in hand, told the pope to his face, " That his curse was not to be feared in far countries when the pope's own neighbours, yea, and the most vile vaga- bonds derided and despised it at home." Wherefore he required the pope, either to restore Aldred again to his goods, or else it should be known that they were lost, through his means and subtilty. And that the king of England hearing this would debar him of St. Peter's tribute, thinking it shameful treatment to him and his realm, if Aldred should come from Rome both deprived of dignity, and spoiled also of his goods. The pope being thus persuaded by the argument gf his purse, was content to send home Aldred with his pall, according to his request. After the death of Nicholas, the Lombards being op- pressed before by Pope Nicholas, and brought under fear, were the more desirous, and thought it good to have a bishop of their company, and so elected the bishop of Parmen, called Cadolus, to be pope : sending to the emperor, and desiring his favour and support therein, for the election of the pope (they said) most properly appertained unto him. The emperor, well pleased and content, gave them his voice and support But Hildebrand, a stout main- tainer of popish liberties against good emperors, hearing this, sets up by a contrary faction another bishop, Anselm, after called Alexander II. Cadolus, thus elected by the emperor and the cardinals, sets forward to Rome with a sufficient army and strength of men. Alexander, also, no less prepared, there received him with another army, where they had a great conflict, and many slain on both sides. But Cadolus, as he had the better cause, so he had the worse fortune. The emperor seeing this hurly-burley, to take up the matter, sent thither his ambassador Otho archbishop of Cullen: who, coming to Rome, sharply chides the pope for taking so upon liim without the leave or knowledge of the em- peror, declaring how the election of that see ought chiefly to appertain to the right of the emperor, as it had done for the most part in the time of his predeces- sors before. But Hildebrand all set on wickedness and ambition, and also puffed up not a little with his late victories, not suH'ering the ambassador to tell to the end, interruptiil iiim in tlie middle of his tale ; affirming that if they should stand to law and custom, the liberty of that election should rather belong to the clergy than to the emperor. To make short, Otho the ambassador agreeing more with the clergy than with the emperor, was content to be persuaded, and only required this in the eni])eror's name, that a council should be held, to decide the matter, whereat the emperor should be pre- sent himself; which was agreed. In the which council being held at Mantua, Alexander was declared pope, the other had his pardon granted. In this council, amongst many other con:^iderations, it was concluded concerning priests. That they should have no wives : priests' chil- . dren not to be secluded from holy orders : no benefices to be bought for money : halleluiah to be suspended in time of lent out of the church, &c. This also was de- creed (which made most for Mildebrand's purpose) that no spiritual man, whatsover he be, should enter into any church, by a secular person, and that the pope should be elected only by the cardinals, &c. Cardinal Benno writes of Alexander, tliat after he perceived the frauds of Hildebrand, and of the emperor's enemies, and under- standing that he was set up and enthroned only for a purpose ; being at his mass, as he was preaching to the people, told them he would not sit in the place, unless he had the license of the emperor. Which when Hilda- brand heard, he was stricken in such a fury, that he could scarcely keep his hands off him, while mass was doing.' After the mass was finished, by force of soldiers and strength of men, he had him into a chamber, and there struck Pope Alexander with his fists, rating and rebuking' him because he would seek for favour of the emperor. — Thus Alexander being kept in custody, and being stintedi to a certain allowance, as about five groats a-day, Hilde- brand engrossed all the whole revenues of the church to himself. At length Alexander, under the miserable in- durance of Hildebrand, died after eleven years and- a-half, of his popedom. And thus much of Romish matters. Now returning again to the history of our own coun- try, we enter upon the reign of William the Conqueror, the next king following in England. But first, as at the end of the former book, we will give the order of the archbishops of Canterbury ; beginning with Ethelred, who succeeded after Celnoth, the last mentioned. The names and order of the archbishops of Canterbury, from the time of King Egbert to William Conqueror. 18. Ethelred. 19. Pleimund. 20. Athelm. 21. Ulfelm. 22. Odo. 2A. Elfius, or Elfinus. 24. Dunstan. 25. Ethelgar. 26. Elfric. 27. Siric. 28. Elphege. 29. Livinge. 30. Egenold. 31. Edsius. 32. Robert. 33. Stigand. 34. Lanfranc. ACTS AND MONUMENTS. BOOK IV. CONTAINING THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR, TO THE TIME OP JOHN WICKLIFFE ; WHEREIN IS DESCRIBED THE PROUD AND MIS-ORDERED REIGN OF ANTICHRIST, BEGINNING TO STIR Ilf THE CHURCH OF CHRIST. William, duke of Normandy, surnamed the Con- queror, base son of Robert, the sixth duke of Normandy, and nephew to King Edward, after the victory against Harold, was received as king over the realm of England, not so much by assent, as for fear and necessity ; for Ithe Londoners had promised their assistance to Edgar Etheling. But being weakened and wasted so greatly in former battles, and the duke coming so fast upon them, and fearing that they could not make their party good, they submitted themselves. William was crowned upon Christmas-day (A. D. 1066), by the h^nds of Aldred, archbishop of York ; for at that time Stigand archbishop of Canterbury was absent, or else durst not, or would not come into the presence of the king. This king reigned over England twenty-one years and ten months, with great sevciity towards the English, burthening them with tributes and exactions ; requiring for every hide of ground containing twenty acres, six j shillings. Some parts of the land rebelled, and espe- jdally the city of Exeter. But at last William overcame Ithem, and punished them. On account of that and lother severities of William, several of the Lords oe- Iparted into Scotland ; wherefore he kept the other lords ithat tarried the stricter, and exalted the Normans, giving j:hem the chief possessions of the land. And as he iDbtained the kingdom by the sword, he changed the Inhole state of the government, and ordained new laws lit his own pleasure, profitable to himself, but grievous j^nd hurtful to the people ; abolishing the laws of King JEdward, though he was sworn to observe and maintain them. William endeavoured to establish a form of govern- ment both in the church and commonwealth answerable 0 his own mind : however he allowed the clergy a kind jf jurisdiction of bringing persons before them and of ex- ercising such ecclesiastical discipline as that age and time lid use. Besides this, William, as he was a warrior, delighting in "orts and bulwarks, builc four strong castles ; two at ITork, one at Nottingham, ana another at Lincoln, which jarrisons he furnished with Normans. About the third year of his reign, Harold and Canute, sons of Swanus, king of Denmark, entered into the north country. The Normans within York, fearing that the Englishmen would aid the Danes, fired the suburbs of the town. And the flame was so great and the wind so strong that it took to the city, and burnt a great part of it with the minster of St. Peter, where no doubt many worthy works and monuments of books were consumed. The Danes by the favour of some of the citizens entered the city, and slew more than three thousand of the Normans. But not long after King William chased them out, and drove them to their ships, and was so displeased with the in- habitants of that country, that he destroyed the land from York to Durham, so that nine years after the province lay waste, and the inhabitants kept in such penury by the war of the king ; that (as our English history re- lates) they eat rats, cats, and dogs, with other vermin. Also in the fourth year of the reign of this king, Mal- colm king of Scots entered into Northumberland, and de- stroyed the country, and slew there many of the people, both men, women, and children, in a lamentable way, and took some prisoners. But within two years after, King William made such war upon the Scots, that he forced Malcolm their king to do him homage. And thus much concerning the outward calamities of this realm under this foreign conqueror, which is novr the fifth time that the land has been scourged by the hand of God. First, by the Romans, then by the Scots and Picts, afterwards by the Saxons ; and then by the Danes. And yet the indignation of God ceased not, but stirred up the Normans against them, who conquered and altered the whole realm ; so, that besides the innovation of the laws, coins, and possessions, there was scarcely an English bishop in any church of England, but only Nor- mans and foreigners placed through all their dioceses. To such a misery was this land then brought, that not only of all the English nobility not one house was standing, but also it was thought reproachful to be called an Englishman. In the fourth year of this king, a solemn council of the clergy of England was held at Winchester. At which council were present two cardinals sent from Pope Alex- ander II. In this council, the king being present, several bishops, abbots, and priors were deposed, (by the means of the king) without any cause, that his Normans might be 110 CONTROVERSY FOR THE PRIMACY BETWEEN THE TWO METROPOLITANS. [Book IV. promoted to the rule of the church, as he had promoted his knights to the rule of the temporality. Among whom also Stigand archbishop of Canterbury was deprived of his dignity, and kept in Winchester as a prisoner during his life. This Stigand is noted for a man so covetous and sparing, that when he would take nothing of his own, and swore that he had not a penny, yet by a key fastened about his neck, great treasure of his was found hid under the ground. At the same time, Thomas, a Norman, was preferred to the archbishopric of York, and Lanfranc, an Italian, was made archbishop of Canterbury. After this, Lanfranc and Thomas came to Rome, with Remi"-ius Bishop of Dorchester for their palls, as the man- ner was ; without which no archbishop nor bishop could be confirmed, although their election were never so law- ful. This pall must be asked no where but of the pope or his assigns, and that within three months, which was no small gain to the Romish see. For although at the beginning the pall was given without money, according to the decree (Dist. 100), or for little; yet in process of years it grew to such excess, that where the bishoprick of Mentz was wont to give to Rome only ten thousand florins, afterwards he could not obtain it without twenty thousand. And from thence it exceeded to five and twenty thousand, and at length to seven and twenty thousand florins ; which sum James archbishop of Mentz was obliged to pay a little before the council of Basil, so that at his death (which was four years after), he said that his death did not so much grieve him as to remember that his poor subjects would be constrain- ed to pay so terrible a fine for the pope's pall. Now by this ; the enormous sum which comes to the pope in the whole of Wermany, containing in it above fifty bishop- ricks, may be easily conjectured. Lanfranc coming to Rome with the otlier two bishops, for the fame of his learning obtained of Alexander two palls, one of honour, the other of love. He obtained for the other two bishops also their confirmation. At the time while they were there the controversy began first to be moved (or rather renewed) for the primacy between the two metropolitans, that is, between the archbishop of Canterbury and the archbishop of York, which of them should have the pre-eminence. For Canterbury chal- lenged to himself the prerogative and primacy over all Britain and Ireland ; this contention continued a long time between these two churches, and was often renewed in the days of several kings after this ; as in the reign of Henry I., between Thurstin of York and Radulph of Canterbury. And again, in the seven and twentieth year of the same king, at his second coronation. For Radulph would not suffer the first coronation to stand, because it was done by the bishop of York, without his consent. Also in the reign of Henry II., where pope Alexander made a decretal letter between these two Metropolit?.ns, for bearing the cross, (A.D. 1159.) Also another time, in the reign of the said king, betwixt Richard of Canter- bury, and Roger of York. Again, about the year of our Lord 1170, when Thomas Becket hearing that the king was crowned by Roger bishop of York, complained grie- vously to Pope Alexander III. Also another time, (A. D. 1176), betwixt Richard and Roger, which of them should sit on the right hand of Cardinal Hugo, in his council in London. Moreover, in the beginning of the reign of King Richard (A. D. 11 DO), betwixt Bald- win of Canterbury, and Godfrid of York, &c. Now to proceed in the history of this : after this question was brought to the pope's presence, he (not disposed to decide the matter) sent them home to Eng- land, there to have their cause determined. Upon which (A.D. 1070), they brought the matter before the king and the clergy at Windsor. Lanfranc first alleg- ing for himself, how that from the time of Austin to the time of Bede, (which was about a hundred and forty years) the bishop of Canterbury had ever the primacy (1) Some allege 182 instead of 180, for the introduction of the christian f:iith. It appears this Thomaa alleged the former date. [ED.j over the whole land of Britain and Ireland ; how he kept his councils several times within the precincts of York • how he called and cited the bishops of York thereto ; of whom, some he constituted, some he excommunicated, and some he removed ; besides also he alleged various privileges granted by princes and prelates to the primacy of that see, &c. To this Thomas archbishop of York replied, and first beginning vrHh the original of the Britons' church, declared in order of time how the Britons, the first possessors of this kingdom of Britain, which en- dured from Brutus and Cadwalladar, 2076 years, under an hundred and two kings, at length received the chris- tian faith in the year 162, in the time of Lucius their king, Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, having sent tJtt preachers Fagan and Damian to them,' at wliich tiSfe after their conversion, they assigned and ordained in the realm eight and twenty bishops, with two archbishops, Theonus, the archbishop of London, and Theodosius archbishop of York. Under those bishops and arch- bishops the church of Britain was governed after their conversion, almost three hundred years, till at length the Saxons, being then infidels, with Hengist their king, subduing the Britons by fraudulent murder invaded their land, which was about A.D. 449. After this the Britons being driven into Cambria (which we now call Wales), the Saxons over-running the land, divided themselves into seven kingdoms. And so being Infidels and Pagans, continued till the time that Gregory bishop of Rome sent Austin to preach to them ; which Austin coming first to Dover, being then the head city of Kent, called in Latin, Dorobernia, and there planting himself, converted first the king of Kent, called Ethelbert, who had then subdued certain other kings unto the H umber. By reason of which Austin was made archbishop of Dover, by the appointment of Gregory, who sent him certain palls with his letter from Rome, as is before mentioned.''' Which letter being recited, then Thomas declares how the meaning of Gregory in this letter was, to reduce the new church of the Saxons to the order that was among the Britons ; that is, to be under two metropolitans, one of London, the other of York. Not- withstanding, he gives to Austin this prerogative during his hfe time, to have authority and jurisdiction, not only over his twelve bishops, but over all other bishops and priests in England. And after his decease then these two metropolitans, London and York, were to oversee the whole clergy, as in times past amongst the Britons ; whom he joins together after the death of Austin, to constitute bishops, and to oversee the church. And that he so means London to be equal with York, appears by four arguments : First, that he ordains London to be consecrated by no bishop, but by his own synod. Secondly, he ordains no distinction of honour to be betwixt London and York, but only according as each one of them is elder in time. Thirdly, he places these two equally together in common council, and with one agreement to consent together in doing such things as they shall consult upon in the zeal of Christ Jesus ; and that in such sort that one should not dissent from the other. What means this, but that they should govern together ? Fourthly, where he writes that the bishop of York should not be subject to the bishop of London ; what means this, but that the bishop of London should be equivalent with the metropolitan of Y'ork, or rather superior unto him ? And thus he expounded the meaning of Gregory in the letter. Lanfranc again answers, " That he was not the bishop of London, and that the question pertained not to London." Thomas replies, " That this privilege was granted by Gregory to Austin alone, to have all other bisho])s subject to him ; but after his decease there should be equality of honour betwixt London and Y^ork, without distinction of priority ; except only the priority of time. And although Austin translated the see from London to Kent ; yet Gregory, if his mind had been to give the same prerogative to the successors of (2) See page 78. jil. D 1070—1073.] LANFRANC OBTAINS THE PRIMACY. Ill ■Austin (which he gave to him) would expressly have ! uttered it in the words of his epistle, writing thus to jAustin : ' That which 1 give to thee, Austin, 1 give also land grant to all thy successors after thee.' But as he (.'makes here no mention of his successors, it appeeirs I ithe.reby, that it was not his mind so to do." I I To this Lanfranc argued again: "If this authority I had been given to Austin alone, and not to his succes- ,Sors, it had been but a small gift, proceeding from the , apostolic see, to his special and familiar friend ; espe- ciadlv seeing also that Austin in all his life did constitute no bishop of York, neither was there any such bishop to be subject to him. Again, we have privileges from the apostolic see, which confirm this dignity in the succes- sors of Austin, in the same see of Dover. Moreover, all Englishmen think it both right and reason to fetch the direction of well living from that place, where first they took the sparkle of right believing. Further, whereas you say that Gregory might have confirmed with plain words the same thing to the successors of Austin, which he gave to him ; all that I grant ; yet, this is not prejudicial to the see of Canterbury. For, if you know your logic, that which is true in the whole is also true in the part, and what is true in the more, is also true in the less. Now the church of Rome is as the whole, to n-hom all other churches are as parts thereof. The church of Rome is greater than all churches ; that which is wrought in it ought to work in the less churches also ; so that the authority of every chief head of the :hurch ought to stand also in them that succeed ; unless :here be any precise exception made by name. Where- fore like as the Lord said to all bishops of Rome the 5ame thing which he said to Peter, so Gregory in hke manner said to all the successors of Austin, that which [ he said to Austin. So thus I conclude, as the bishop of Canterbury is subject to Rome, because he had his faith from thence ; so York ought to be in subjection to Can- terbury, which sent the first preachers thither. Now vhereas you allege that Gregory desired Austin to be resident at London, that is utterly uncertain. For how is it to be thought that such a disciple would do contrary ;o the mind of such a master ? But grant (as you say) , (hat Austin removed to London, what is that to me, I vho am not bishop of London ? Notwithstanding all I ihis controversy ceasing betwixt us, if it shall please you .0 come to some peaceable composition with me (all contention set apart) you shall find me not out of the vay, so far as reason and equity shall extend." With these reasons of Lanfranc, Thomas gave over, ondescendiug that his province should begin at the tlumber. W^hereupon it was then decreed that York jrom that time should be subject to Canterbury, in all mat- lers appertaining to the rites and government of the ca- holic church ; so that wherever within England the rclibishop of Canterbury would hold his council, the rchliishop of York should resort thither with his bishops, lid be obedient to his canonical decrees. Provided that when the archbishop of Canterbury hould decease, York should repair to Dover, there to onsecrate with others the bishops that should be elect. iiid if York should decease, his successor should resort I Canterbury, or else where the bishop of Canterbury hould appoint, there to receive his consecration, making i< jnofession there, with an oath of canonical obedience. 'Iiomas being content withal, Lanfranc, the Italian, tri- ni|ihed with no small joy, and put the matter forth- ith in writing, that the memory of it might remain to i> .-uccessors. But yet that decree did not stand long; )r shortly after the same scar, so superficially cured, urst out again ; so that in the reign of king Henry I., A. D. 1121) Thurstin, archbishop of York, could lot be compelled to swear to the archbishop of Canter- jury ; and yet by letters of Calixtus II., was consecrated Kthout any profession made to the said bishop, with liuch more matter of contention, to recite all which were bo long. But this I thought to commit to history, that ien might see the lamentable decay of true Christianity Inongst the christian bishops, who, enflamed with glo- ious ambition, so contended for honour, that without ae force of the law no modesty could take place. About A. D. 1016, the bishopric of Lindaffame, otherwise named Holyland, was translated to Durham ; so likewise in the days of this Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury (A. D. lO/C), several bishops' sees were altered and removed from townships to greater cities. As the bishopric of Selese was removed to Chichester ; that of Cornwall to Exeter ; from Wells to Bath ; from Sherborne to Salisbury ; from Dorchester to Lincoln ; from Litchfield to Chester ; which bishopric of Chester, Robert being then bishop, was removed from Chester to Coventry. Likewise after that in the reign of William Rufus (A. D. 109.i), Herbert, bishop of Thetford, from thence removed the see to Norwich, &c. As concerning Dover and Canterbury, whether the see was likewise translated from the town of Dover to the city of Canterbury in the time of Theodore ; or whether in the old time Canterbury had the name of Dorobernia (as the letter of Lanfranc to Pope Alexander above mentioned pretends), I find it not expressly defined in histories ; save that I read by the words of William, being yet duke of Normandy, charging Harold to make a well of water for the king's use in the castle of Doro- bernia, that Dorobernia was then taken for that which we now call Dover ; but whether Dorobernia and the city of Canterbury be both one or different is not im- jjortant. Notwithstanding I read this in the epistle of Pope Boniface to King Ethelbert, as also to Justin, archbishop : also in the epistle of Pope Honorius to Bishop Honorius : also of Pope Vitalian to Theodore : of Pope Sergius to King Ethelred, Alfred and Adulphus, and to the bishops of England : Likewise of Pope Gregory III. to the bishops of England : Also of Pope Leo to Athelard, archbishop of Canterbury : of Formo- sus to the bishops of England, and of Pope John to Dunstan ; that the names of Dorobernia and of Canter- bury are indifferently taken for one matter. In this time (and by the management of this Lan- franc), in the ninth year of William I., a council was held at Loudon, where these were the principal things concluded : 1. For the order of sitting, that the archbishop of York should sit on the right hand, and the bishop of London on the left hand, or in the absence of York, London should have the right, and Winchester the left hand of the archbishop of Canterbury sitting in council. 2. That bishops should translate their sees from villages into cities, whereupon those sees above named were translated. 3. That monks should have nothing as private pos- sessions ; and if any so had, he dying unconfessed should not be buried in the churchyard. 4. That no clerk or monk of any other diocese should be admitted to orders, or retained without letters com- mendatory or testimonial. 5. That none should speak in the council, except bishops and abbots, without leave of the arch-metro- politans. 6. That none should marry within the seventh de- gree, with any either of his own kindred, or of his wife's. 7. That none should either buy or sell any office within the church. 8. That no sorcery or any divination should be used or permitted in holy church. 9. That no bishop nor abbot, nor any of the clergy, should be at the judgment of any man's death or dis- membering, neither should be any favourer of the judi- cants. Moreover in the days of this Lanfranc, many good bishops of the realm began to take part with the priests against the monks, in displacing these out of their churches, and to restore the married priests again ; so that Walkelm, bishop of Winchester, had placed above forty canons instead of monks in his diocese ; but this godly enterprise was stopped by Lanfranc. After the death of Pope Alexander above mentioned, next followed Hildebrand, sirnamed Gregory VIL This Hildebrand, as he was a sorcerer, so was he the first and principal cause of all this trouble that ia 2'Jl POPE GREGORY VII. CALLED HILDEBRAND. [Book IV DOW and has been since his time in the churcli ; through his example all this ambition, boldness, and pride entered into the church of Rome, and has ever since continued. For before Hildebrand came to Rome working his feats there, setting up and displacing what bishops he chose, corrupting them with perni- cious counsel, and setting them against emperors, under pretence of chastity destroying matrimony, and under the title of liberty breaking peace, and resisting autho- rity ; before this (I say) the church of Rome was in some order, and the bishops quietly governed under christian emperors, and also were defended by the same ; as Marcellus, Miltiades, and Sylvester, were under obe- dience to Constantine (A. D. 340) ; Siricius to Theodo- sius (A. D. 388) ; Gregory to Maurice (A. D. COO) ; Adrian and Leo to Charlemagne (A. D. 801) ; Paschal and Valentius to Lewis the Pious (A. D. 830) ; Ser- gius II. to Lothaire (A. D. 840) ; Benedict III. and John VIII. to Lewis, son of Lotliaire (A. D. 85()). But against this obedience and subjection Hildebrand first began to spurn, and by his example taught all other bishops to do the same. At length they brought to pass that it should be law- ful for a few cardinals (contrary to ancient ordinances and decretal statutes) to choose what pope they liked, without any consent of the emperor at all. And, whereas, before it stood in the emperor's gift to give and to grant bishoprics, archbishoprics, benefices, and other ecclesiastical preferments within their ovm limits, to whom they chose ; now the popes, through much wrestling, wars, and contention, have extorted all that into their own hands ; yea, have plucked in all the riches and power of the whole world : and not content with that, have usurped and prevailed so much above emperors, that, as before, no pope might be chosen without the confirmation of the emperor : so now no emperor may be elected without the confirmation of the pope, taking upon them more than princes to place or displace emperors at their pleasure for every light cause ; to put down or set up when and whom they pleased; as Frederic I., for holding the left stirrup of the pope's saddle, was persecuted almost to excommu- nication, which cause moves me to use more diligence here, in setting out the history, acts, and doings of this Hildebrand, from whom, as their first patron and foun- der, sprang all this ambition and contention about the liberties and dominion of the Roman church. And first, how this Hildebrand had behaved himself, before he was pope, I have partly declared. For though he was not yet pope in name, yet he was then pope in- deed, and ruled the popes and all their doings as he liked. What devices he had attempted ever since his first coming to the court of Rome, to magnify and maintain false liberty against true authority ; what prac- tice he wrought by councils, what factions and conspi- racies he made, in stirring up popes against emperors, striving for superiority ; and what wars followed, I have also expressed. Now let us see further the worthy virtues of this princely prelate, after he came to be pope, as they are described in the histories of several writers. THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF GREGORY THE SEVENTH, OTHERWISE NAMED HILDEBRAND. Hitherto the bishops of Rome have been elected by the voices and suffrages of all sorts and degrees, as well of the priests and the clergy, as of the nobility, people, and senate, all assembling together. And this election I find in force, if ratified by the Roman emperors, who had authority to call and assemble all tlaese, as well as bishops to councils, as the case required. Under the authority and jurisdiction of these emperors in Ger- many, France, Italy, and through the whole dominion of Rome, all patriarchs, bishops, masters of churches and monasteries were subject by the decree of councils, according to the old custom of our ancestors. The holy and ancient fathers, (as Christ with his dis- ciples and apostles both taught and did) honoured and esteemed their emperors as the supreme potentate next under God on earth, set up, ordained, elected, and crowned of God, above all other mortal men, and so counted them, and called them their lords. To them they yielded tribute, and paid their subsidies, and also prayed every day for their life. Such as rebelled against them tliey regarded as rebels, and resisters against God's ordinance and christian piety. The name of the emperor was of great majesty, and received as given from God. Then these fathers of the church never inter- meddled nor entangled themselves with political affairs of the commonwealth, much less did they occupy them, selves in martial arms, and feats of chivalry : all their contention with other christians was only in poverty and modesty, who should be poorest and most modest among them. And the more humbleness appeared in any, the higher opinion they conceived of him. They took thfs sharp and two-edged sword given to the church of Christ, to save and not to kill ; to quicken and not to destroy ; and they called it the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God, the life and the light of men, who revokes from death to life, making of men gods ; of mortal, immortal. They were far from thrusting out any prince or king (though he were never so far out of the way, yea, an Arian) from his kingdom, or to curse him, or to release his subjects from their oath and their allegiance, to change and translate kingdoms, to subvert empires, to pollute themselves with christian blood, or to war with their christian brethren for rule and principality. This was not their spirit and manner then, but rather they loved and obeyed their princes. Again, princes loved them also like fathers and fellow-princes with them of the souls of men. Now this Gregory VII., otherwise named Hildebrand, was the first of all others who, contemning the authority of the emperor, invaded the see of Rome, vaunting him- self as having both the ecclesiastical and temporal sword committed to him by Christ, and that fulness of power was in his hand to bind and loose at his will. Thus he presumed to grasp both governments, to challenge all the whole dominion, both of the eastern and western churches, yea, and all power to himself alone, admitting none as equal, much less superior, to him, derogating from others, and arrogating to himself their due right and honour, set at nought Cesars, kings, and emperors. Bishops and prelates as his underlings he kept in awe, suspending and cursing, and cutting off their heads, stirring up strife and wars, sowing discord, making factions, releasing oaths, defeating fidelity and due alle- giance of subjects to their princes. Yea, and if he had offended or injured the emperor himself, yet notwith- standing he ought to be feared, as he himself glories in an epistle, as one that could not err, and had received of Christ our Saviour, and of Peter, authority to bind I and unbind at his will and pleasure. Priests then in i those days had wives openly and lawfully (no law for- • bidding to the contrary) as appears by the deed and 1 writings of their chapter-seals and donations, which i were given to temples and monasteries, wherein their r wives also are cited with them for witness, and were called presbyterissse. Also, as for bishops, prelates, parsons of churches, governors of the clergy, masters of monasteries, and religious houses ; all these were then in those times in the emperor's appointment, to assign to whom he would. Now these two things Gregory could not endure, for which two causes only was all his striving from his first beginning to abolish the marriage of priests, and to translate the imperial authority to the clergy. To this scope only tended all his labour, as ap- peared before in the council of Lateran, under Pope Nicholas, and also in the council of Mantua, under Alexander, making their marriage heresy, and the other to be simony. And that which previously he went about by others, now he practises by himself, to con- demn ministers that were married as Nicholaitans, and to receive any spiritual charge of secular persons as simony, directing his letters to Henry the emperor, to dukes, princes, potentates, and tetrarchs ; namely to Berchtold, to Rodulph of Swevia, to Whelpo, Adal- beron, and to their wives : also, to bishops, archbishops, priests, and to all the people ; in which letters he de- jA.D. 1074.] MARRIAGE OF PRIESTS FORBIDDEN BY HILDEBRAND. 113 :nounces them to be no priests who were married, for- bidding men to salute them, to talk, to eat, to company jwith them, to pay them tithes, or to obey them if they would not be obedient to him. Among others, he directed special letters to Otho bishop of Constance c'liiceruing this matter. But Otho perceiving the un- ci) JIv and unreasonable pretence of Hiidebrand, would uiver separate them that were married from their wives, n )r vet forbid them to marry who were unmarried. The following is the letter of Hiidebrand sent to the bishop of Constance against priests' marriages : — " Gregory, bishop, servant of servants of God, to the clergy and laity, both more and less, within the diocese of Constance, salvation and benediction. We have directed to our brother Otho, your bishop, our letters exhortatory ; wherein we enjoined him, according to the necessity of our duty, by the apostolical authority, that he should utterly abolish out of his church the heresy of simony, and also should cause to be preached with all diligence the chastity of priests. But he, neither moved wich reverence of St. Peter's precept, nor yet with the re;- ird of his duty, neglected to do these things, whereto wo so fatherly have exhorted him, incurring thereby a double offence, not only of disobedience, but also of re- bellion, in that he has gone and done clean contrary to I our commandment (yea, rather the commandment of I blessed St. Peter), so that he hath permitted his clergy, not only such as had wives, not to put them away, but :also such as had none, to take them. Whereupon we i being truly informed, and grieved therewith, have di- , rected to him another letter, declaring the motion of our I displeasure and indignation. In which letters also we I have cited him up to our council at Rome, there to ap- I pear and give account of his disobedience in the au- I dience of the whole synod. And now, therefore, we j thought it best to signify this to you (our dear children) I whereby in this behalf we might the better provide for ! your health and salvation. For if your bishop shall i continue so obstinately to repugn and resist our com- mandment, he is not meet to sit over you. Wherefore, I these shall be to command you, and all them that be obedient to God, and to blessed St. Peter, by our apos- • toUcal authority, that if this your bishop shall persist in his obstinacy, you that be his subjects hereafter give to I him no service nor obedience. For the which we here I discharge you before God and your souls. For if your bishop shall act contrary to the decrees and apostolical I injunctions, we, through the apostolical authority of 1 St. Peter, discharge and absolve you from the band of your allegiance to him. So that if you be sworn to him, 80 long as he is a rebel against God and the aposto- lic seat, we loose you from the peril of your oath, that you shall not need to fear therein any danger," &c. In the council held at Rome, Hiidebrand, with other bishops of Rome, did then enact, among many others, j these three things especially. First, That no priest here- I after should marry. Secondly, That all such as were I married should be divorced. Thirdly, That none here- I after should be admitted to the order of priesthood, but 1 should swear perpetual celibacy, &c. This council of Rome being ended, forthwith the act of Hiidebrand, concerning the single life of priests, was proclaimed and published in all places, and strict commandment given to bishops to execute the same. The following is the copy of his bull sent into Italy and Germany : — " Gregory the pope, otherwise Hiidebrand, the ser- vant of the servants of God, sends the apostle's blessing to all within the kingdoms of Italy and Germany, that shew true obedience to St. Peter. If there be any priesis, deacons, and subdeacons, that still will remain in the sin of marriage, we forbid them the church's en- trance, by the omnipotent power of God, and by the authority of St. Peter, till in time they amend and re- pent. But if they persevere in their sin, we charge that none of you presume to hear their service ; for their blessing is turned into cursing, and their prayer into sin, as the Lord doth testify to us by his prophets, ' I will turn your blessing,' " &c. The bishops of France being called upon daily by the pope's letters, were compelled to obey the decree of the council ; but the rest of the clergy manfully and stoutly withstanding the pope's decree and their bishops, would not agree, and said that the council did manifestly op- pose the word of God, and that the pope did take from priests that which both God and nature had given them; and therefore was a heretic and author of a wicked doc- trine, who ruled not by the Spirit of God, but by Satan ; that the decree and act set forth was directly against the word of God and the saying of Christ, " All men receive not this saying." Against the sound doctrine of St. Paul, writing these words, " Concerning virgins I have no commandment of the Lord," &c. 1 Cor. vii. 25. Again, " Let them marry," 1 Cor. vii. 9. And that it was against the canons both of the apostles, and of the Nicene council. Moreover, that it was against the course of nature, that men being separated from their wives, should be compelled to live as angels ; and that, therefore, the bishop opened a pernicious window to im- morality and vice. In short, they concluded. That they had rather give up their benefices than forsake their lawful wives. And, finally, if married priests could not please them, they ought to call down angels from heaven to serve the churches. But Hiidebrand, nothing moved, either with honest reason, or with the authority of holy scripture, or with the determination of the Nicene council, or any thing else, follows up this matter, calls upon the bishops still, accuses them of negligence, and threatens them with excommunication, unless they cause the priests to obey his decree. Whereupon a great number of bishops, for fear of the pope's tyranny, laboured the matter with their priests, by all means possible to bereave them of their accustomed matri- mony. Among others, the archbishop of Mentz, perceiving this might produce no little trouble, talks with his clergy gently, admonishes them of the pope's mind and decree, and gives them half a year's respite to deliberate upon the matter ; exhorting them diligently to shew themselves obedient to the pope and to him. The time of deliberation expired, the archbishop assembles his clergy at Erpsford, and there requires them either to ab- jure all matrimony or to renounce their benefices. The clergy defend themselves against the decree with scrip- ture, with reason, with the acts of general councils, with examples of ancestors, by strong arguments, de- claring the pope's decree inconsistent, and that it ought not to take effect. But the archbishop said he was compelled by the pope, and could not but execute that which was enjoined him. The clergy seeing that no reason, nor prayer, nor dis- putation would serve, consulted among themselves what was best to be done ; some gave counsel not to return to the synod, some thought it good to return and thrust out the archbishop from his see, and to punish him with death, that by his example others might be warned, never to attemj3t it again to the prejudice of the church, and the rightful liberty of ministers. After this was signified to the archbishop by certain spies, he, to pre- vent the matter, sends to the priests as they were coming out, certain messengers, bidding them be of good hope, and they should have what would content their minds. So being thus persuaded, they corne again to the council. The bishop promises he would do what he could, to change the mind of the bishop of Rome, desiring them in the mean time to continue as they had done in their ministry. The next year Hiidebrand the soldier of Satan sends his legate to the archbishop of Mentz, and assembled a council, in which the archbishop again proposes the matter, commanding all the clergy, under pain of the pope's curse, either to renounce their wives or their livings. The clergy defended their cause again with great constancy. But when no defence would avail, but all went by tyranny, it burst at last to an up- roar and tumult, where the legate and the archbishop i2 114 THE EMPEROR HENRY VI. EXCOMMUNICATED. [Book IV. hardly escaped with their lives, and so the council Oroke up. By this schism and tumult the churches afterwards, in choosing their priests, would not send chem to the bishops (the enemies and suppressors of matrimony) to be confirmed and inducted, but elected them within themselves, and so put them in their office without all leave or knowledge of the bishops, who then agreed and were determined to admit no priests, but such as would take an oath never to marry. And thus first came up the oath and profession of single priest- hood. Notwithstanding, if other nations had followed in like manner, the constancy and concord of those German ministers, the devilish decree of this Hildebrand for rather hell-brand) had been frustrated. But the greediness of livings in weak priests made them yield up tlieir liberty to wicked tyranny. And thus much for the I roliibition of matrimony. Now let us proceed to the contention between Hilde- brand and the emperor. But it will not be amiss first to say a little of the character of this pope, as we find it described in the epistles of Benno a cardinal, written to other cardinals of Rome. This Cardinal Benno lived at the same time with Hildebrand. He is thus described in one epistle of Benno to his brother cardinals as follows : — " We have made mention before of some colleges of the church of Rome which refused to hold communion with him; as Leo, Benno, Ugobald, John; all cardinals: Peter, chancellor and cardinal, being all instituted before the time of this Hildebrand. These three also, though consecrated by him, Natro, Innocent, and Leo, forsook him, cursing the detestable errors which he held. Also Theodine, whom he constituted arch-deacon, and other cardinals more, John, surnamed Primicerius, Peter Oblationarius, with all that belonged to them, saving one man only. And now when this Hildebrand saw that the bishops also would forsake him, he called to him the laymen, and made them his privy councillors, thinking thereby to separate the bishops, so that they should have no conference with the cardinals. Then he called the bishops together, and being guarded with bands of laymen, he forced the bishops partly through fear, and partly through his menacing words, to swear .tlrat they would never oppose what he wished to have done, and that they would never defend the king's quarrel, and that they would never favour nor obey any pope who might be instituted in his stead. " As soon as Pope Alexander was dead, who died somewhat before night, the same day, contrary to the canons, Hildebrand was chosen pope by the laymen. But the cardinals did not subscribe to his election. For the canons prescribed (under an anathema or curse) that none should be chosen pope before the third day after the burial of his predecessor. But Hildebrand re- moved the cardinals from being members of the council. And then, contrary to the minds of the cardinals, and to the regular order of pronouncing judgment by the canons, he rashly excommunicated the emperor, al- though he had not been in any synod solemnly accused I efore. The sentence of wliich excommunication none cf the cardinals would subscribe. ■" The emperor was wont oftentimes to go to St. Mary's church to pray. Hildebrand, when he knew all the doings of the emperor, caused the place where the em- peror was accustomed either standing or prostrate on his face to pray, to be marked, and he hired an assassin to gather and lay together a heap of great stones directly over the place in the vault of the church, v.here the em- peror would stand, that in throwing them down upon his head, he might slay the emperor. As the assassin hasted, and was busy removing to the place a stone of great weight, it broke the plank on which it lay, and as the assassin was also standing on it, they fell together from tiie roof to the pavement of the church, by which he was killed. After the Romans had learned the matter, they fastened a rope to one of the feet of the assassin, and caused him to be drawn through the streets of the city three days together as an example to others. " In the Easter week, when the clergy and the people were assembled at St. Peter's church to hear mass, after the gospel, Hildebrand went into the pulpit as he was ia his pontifical attire, and in the presence of the bishops, cardinals, senate, and people of Rome openly preached, that the emperor should die before the feast of St. Peter next ensuing : or at least, that he should be so hurled from his kingdom, that he should not be able to gather together above six knights. This he preached to the bishops and cardinals, and all that were present, crying out of the pulpit in these words, ' Never accept me for pope any more, but pluck me from the altar, if this pro- phesy be not fulfilled by the day appointed.' About the same time he sought by murderers to kill the emperor, but God preserved him. " When the time was expired that Hildebrand had named, and when neither was the king dead, nor the power of the empire impaired : he subtilely turned his words, saying, ' that he meant them not of the body of the king, but of his soul.' " It were too long and tedious here to recite all the de- testable doings, and diabolical practices of Hildebrand, of which there is a long narration in the epistles of the cardinal Benno to the other cardinals, to which the reader may refer, who has either leisure to read or mind to understand more of the abominable parts and devilish acts of this pope. Now let us proceed to set forth the vexation which the virtuous and godly emperor sustained by that ungodly pontiff. When Henry VI. was encumbered with civil dissensioa in Germany, the time seemed to Hildebrand very oppor- tune to work out his objects : his study from the begin- ning was to advance the Romish seat above all other bishops, and also to press down the authority of the temporal princes, under the spiritual men of the church. The emperor busied in his wars, had no leisure to at- tend to councils. But the pope proceeds to assemble his council ; and threatens even to excommunicate tha emperor, and depose him from his royal kingdom, unless he would renounce the right of presenting to benefices, and do penance. The council being ended, Guibert,' archbishop of Ravenna persuaded one Centius to take the' emperor's part against the pope, and he watching his' time, in the temple of St. Mary, upon Christmas day in the morning, takes the pope and puts him fast in a strong tower. The next day the people of Rome hearing tliis, proceed to help the bishop, whom they loosed out of prison, and tlien they besieged the house of Centius, and pulled it down to the ground ; his family having their noses cut off, were cast out of the city ; Centius himself escaping, fled to the emperor. The emperor being moved' with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate, called a council at Worms. In which council all the bishops not only of Saxony, but of all the empire of Germany, agreed and concluded upon deposing Hilde- brand, and that no obedience hereafter should be giveu to him. This being determined in the council, Roland was sent to Rome with the sentence, who in the name of the council, commanded the pope to resign his seat, and charged the cardinals to resort to the emperor for a new election of another pope. The following was the sen- tence of the council of Worms against Pope Hilde- Irand : " Forsomuch as thy first ingress and coming in hath been so spotted with so many perjuries, and also the church of God brought into no little danger through thine abuse and new fangleness ; moreover, because thou hast defamed thine own life and conversation, with so much and great dishonesty, that we see no little peril or slander to rise thereof; therefore the obedience, which yet we never promised thee, hereafter we utterly renounce, and never intend to giv'e thee. And as thou hast never taken us yet for bishops (as thou hast openly reported of us) so neither will we hereafter take thee to be apostolic." The po])e touched witii this sentence, first condemns it in his council of Lateran with an excommunication. Secondly, deprives Sigifrid archbishop of Mentz of his dignities and ecclesiastical livings, with all other bishops, abbots, and priests, as many as took the emperor's part. Thirdly, accuses Henry the emperor himself, depriving him of his kingdom, and releasing all his subjects of their oath of A.. D. lOrfi— 1080.] THE EMPEROR'S SERVILE SUBMISSION TO THE POPE. 115 allegiance in the following sentence excommunicatory, against Henry the empei-or by Pope Hildebrand. " O blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles, bow down thine ears I beseech thee, and hear me thy servant, whom thou hast brought up even from mine infancy, and hast delivered me until this day from the hands of the wicked, who hate and persecute me, because of my faith in tiiee. Thou art ray witness, and also the blessed mother of Jesus Christ, and thy brother St. Paul, fellow partner of thy martyrdom, how that I entered this function not willingly, but enforced against my will ; not that I take it so as a robbery, lawfully to ascend into this seat, but because that I had rather pass over my life like a pilgrim or private person, than for any fame or glory to climb up to it ; I do acknowledge (and that worthily) all this to come of thy grace, and not of my merits, that this charge over christian people, and this power of binding and loos- ing is committed to me. Wherefore, trusting upon this assurance for the dignity and tuition of holy cliurch in the name of God omnipotent, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, I do here depose Henry, the son of Henry, once the emperor, from his imperial seat, and princely government, who hath so boldly and pre- sumptuously laid hands upon the church. And further- more, all such as heretofore have sworn to be his sub- jects, I release them of their oath, whereby all subjects are bound to the allegiance of their princes. For it is meet and convenient that he should be void of dignity, who seeks to diminish the majesty of thy church. More- over, for that he has contemned my admonitions, tending to his health and the wealth of his people ; and has separated himself from the fellowship of the church (which he, through his seditions, studies to destroy) therefore I bind him by virtue of excommunication, trusting and knowing most certainly, that thou art Peter (in the rock of whom as in the true foundation) Christ our king has built his church." The emperor, thus assaulted with the pope's censure, sends his letters through all nations to clear himself, de- claring how wrongfully he was condemned. The princes of Germany partly fearing the pope, and partly rejoicing that an excuse was given to rebel against the emperor, assembled and consulted together, and so concluded to elect another emperor, unless he would submit and obtain pardon from the pope. Here we may see the lamentable affections of the Ger- mans in those days, thus to forsake such a valiant emperor, and to regard so much a vile bishop. But this was the ignorance and rudeness of the world then, for lack of better knowledge. The emperor, seeing the chief princes ready to forsake him, promises them with an oath, that if the pope would repair to Germany, he would ask forgiveness. IJpon this tlie bishop of Treves was sent to Rome, to intreat the pope to come into Germany. The pope was content and entered into Germany, thinking to come to Augsburgh ; but he retired in fear to Canusium. Henry (immediately coming out of Spires with his empress and his young son) resorts to Canusium. All nis peers and nobles had left him for fear of the Pope's curse, neither did any accompany him. Wherefore the emperor, being not a little troubled (laying apart his regal ornaments) came barefooted with his empress and child to the gate of the city, where from morning to night (all the day fasting) he most humbly desired absolution. Thus he continued three days together ; at length an an- swer came, that the pope's majesty had yet no leisure to speak with him. The emperor patiently and humbly waits without the walls, with no little grievance and pain ; for it was a sharp winter, and all freezing with cold. At length it was granted, through the entreaty of Matilda the pope's favorite, and of Arelaus earl of Sebau- dia, and the abbot of Cluny, that he should be admitted to the pope's presence. On the fourth day being ad- mitted, he pelds to the pope his crown, with all other imperial ornaments, and confessed himself unworthy of the empire, if ever he should do against the pope here- after, as he had done before, desiring for that time to be ab- solved and forgiven. The pope answered, he would neither forgive him, nor release the bond of his excommunication, but upon certain conditions. First, to promise that hs should be content to stand to his arbitration, and to take such penance as he shall enjoin him ; also that he shall be ready to appear, in whatever place or time the pope shall appoint him. Moreover, that he, being content to accept the pope as judge of his cause, shall answer to all objec- tions and accusations laid against him, and that he shall never seek any revenge in return. Also that he shall submit to the pope's mind and pleasure, whether he shall have his kingdom restored or not. Finally, that before his trial, he shall neither use his kingly ornaments, sceptres or crown, nor usurp authority to govern, nor to exact any oath of allegiance from his subjects, &c. These things being promised to the bishop by an oath, and put in writing, the emperor is released from his excommunication. The pope with his cardinals vaunted and triumphed with no little ))ride, that they had so quailed the emperor, and brought him on his knees to ask forgiveness. Yet, mistrusting themselves, and what might befall them if fortune should turn, and God give the emperor a more quiet kingdom ; they study and consult privily how to dis- place Henry from his kingdom. They determined to offer the empire to Rodulph, a man of great nobility among the chief states of Germany. To bring this pur- pose the better to pass, legates were sent down from the pope, who should persuade all France, that Henry was rightfully excommunicated, and that they should give to the bishop of Rome their consent in choosing Rodulpk to the empire. While this conspiracy was in hand Henry was absent. In the meantime Rodulph was elected emperor. Upon this comes the bishop of Strasburgh to the emperor, certifying him what was done. He mustered his mer with expedition, and marched forward to defend his right, and attempted battle against Rodulph. A great slaugh- ter took place on both sides, but the victory was certait on neither part ; so that both the captains yet challenged the empire. Their armies being refreshed, they soor had another conflict, but victory was again doubtful. Thus both the captains being wearied in wars, th«i Romish beast, the bishop, who was the cause of ail, sends his legates to call together a council in Germany, where it should be determined to whom the empir« should belong. But the emperor would not permit the legates to hold any council within Germany unless they would first depose Rodulph. The pope hearing this, and seeing hia purpose was so thwarted by the emperor, draws out ano- ther excommunication against him, and again deprives him of his kingdom. Tke Second Excommunication of Hildebrand against th\ Emperor. " Blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles, and thou St, Paul also, the teacher of the Gentiles, give ear unto mt, I beseech you a little, and gently hear me, for you are the discijiles and lovers of truth. The things that I shall say are true. This matter I take in hand for truth's sake, that my brethren (whose salvation I seek) may the more obsequiously obey me, and better understand, how that I trusting upon your defence (next to Christ, and his mo- ther the immaculate Virgin) resist the wicked, and am ready to help the faithful. I did not enter this seat o< mine own accord, but much against my will and with tears, for that 1 accounted myself unworthy to occupy so high a throne. And this I say, not that I have chosen you, but you have chosen me, and have laid this great burthen upon our shoulders. And now, whereas by this your assignment, I have ascended up this hill, crying to the people and shewing them their faults, and to the children of the church their iniquities ; the members of Satan have risen up against me, and have laid hands together to seek my blood. For the kings of the earth have risen up against me, and the princes of this world, with whom also have conspired certain of the clergy against the Lord and against us his anointed, saying, " Let us break their bonds asunder, and cast their cords away from us." This have they done against me, to bring me either to death or to banishment, la 116 SENTENCE OF THE COUNCIL OF BRIXIA AGAINST POPE HILDEBRAND. [Book IV. the number of whom is Henry, whom they call king, the son of Henry the emperor, who has lifted up so proudly his horns against the church of God, making conspiracy with divers other bishops, Italians, French, and Germans. Against the pride of whom hitherto your authority has prevailed ; who rather being broken than amended, coming to me in Cisalpina, made humble suit to me for pardon and absolution. I, thinking there was true repentance in him, received him again to favour, and did restore him to the communion only, from which he was excommunicated, but to his kingdom (from which in the synod of Rome he was worthily expelled) I did not re- store him, nor to the rents and fruits thereof, (that he might return to the faith again) that I granted not to him. And that I did for this purpose, that if he should defer to agree with certain of his neighbours whom he h:is always vexed, and to restore again the goods both of the church and otherwise, then he might be compelled bv the censures of the church, and force of arms thereto. Wiiereby divers and sundry bishops and princes of Ger- many (such as he had long troubled) being helped by this opportunity, elected Rodulph their duke to be king in phice of Henry, whom they for his transgressions had removed and dispatched from his empire. But Rodulph, first in tliis matter using a princely modesty and integrity, -ent up his messengers to me, declaring how he was con- strained to take that regal government upon him, although he was not so desirous thereof, but that he would rather sliow himself obedient to us, than to the other that offered him the kingdom ; and vi'hatever our arbitration should be therein, he would be under obedience both to God and to us. And for more assurance of his obedience he hath sent his own children hither for pledges. Upon this Henry began to be angry, and first intreated us to restrain and inhibit Rodulph, through the pain of our curse, from the usurpation of his kingdom. I answered 1 would see which of them had the best right and title '.hereto, and so send our legates thither to know the whole etate of the matter ; and thereon I would decide between them which of them had the true right. But Henry would not suffer our legates to come to take up the mat- ter, and slew many both secular men and clergy, spoiling and profaning churches ; and so by this means hath endangered himself in the bonds of excommunication. I therefore, trusting in the judgment and mercy of God, and in the support of the blessed virgin, also upon your authority, do lay the sentence of curse upon the said Henry and all his adherents ; and here again I take his regal government from him, charging and forbidding all christian men that have been sworn to him, whom I dis- charge here of their oath, that hereafter they obey him in nothing, but that they take Rodulph as their king, who is elected by many princes of the province. For it is right and convenient, that as Henry for his pride and stubbornness is deprived of his dignity and possession ; so Rodulph being acceptable to all men for his virtue and devotion, be exalted to the imperial throne and dominion. " Therefore, O you blessed princes of the apostles, grant this, and confirm with your authority what I have said, so that all men may understand, if you have power to bind and loose in heaven, you have also power in earth to give and take away empires, king- doms, principalities, and whatever here on earth belongs to mortal men. For if you have power to judge in such matters as appertain to God : what then should we think you have of these inferior and profane things ? And if it be in your power to judge the angels, ruling over proud princes, what then shall it beseem you to do upon their servants ? Therefore let the kings under- stand by this example, and all other princes of the world, what you are able to do in heaven, and what you are with God ; that thereby they may fear to contemn the com- mandment of holy church. And now do you exercise this judgment quickly upon Henry, whereby all men may see this son of iniquity fall from his kingdom, not by any chance, but by your provision and only work. Not- withstanding this I would crave of you, that he, being brought to repentance through your intercession, yet in the day of judgment may find favour and grace with the Lord." After this, Henry and Rodulph, to try the matter by the sword, contended together in battle, where Henry, by the favour of God, contrary to the judgment of Hil- debrand, had the victory. Rodulph being severely wounded in the conflict, was taken out of the army, and carried to Hyperbolis, where he commanded the bishops and chief movers of his conspiracy to be brought before him. When they came, he lifted up his right hand in which he had received his deadly wound, and said, " This is the hand which gave the oath and sacrament of fidelity to Henry my prince, and which through your instigation so often has fought against him and fought in vain ; now go and perform your first oath and alle- giance to your king ; for I must go to my fathers," and so he died. Thus the pope gave battle, but God gave the victory. Henry, after his enemy was thus subdued, forgot not the injuries received from Hildebrand, by whom he was twice excommunicated, and expelled from his kingdom. Therefore he calls a council of the bishops of Italy, Lombardy, and Germany, at Brixia (A.D. 1083), where he cleared himself, and then accused Hildebrand of various crimes, as an usurper, perjured, a necromancer, a sower of discord ; complaining moreover of wrongs and injuries done by the bishop and church of Rome ; his father, who was emperor before him, had installed many bishops by his assignment, without the election of any other : and now this pope, contrary to his oath and promise, thrust himself in without the will and knowledge of him who was the emperor and chief magistrate. For, in the time of his father Henry III., this Hilde- brand with others, bound themselves with an oath, that so long as the emperor and his son should live, they should neither themselves presume, nor suffer any other to aspire to the papal seat, without the assent and approbation of the emperors ; which now this Hildebrand, contrary to his oath, had done. Wherefore the council, with one agreement, condemned this Hildebrand that he should be deposed, and passed the following sentence against him. " Because it is known that this bishop was not elected of God, but has intruded himself by fraud and money — • who has subverted all ecclesiastical order — who has dis- turbed the government of the christian empire — menacing death of body and soul against our catholic and peace- able king — who has set up and maintained a perjured king — sowing discord where concord was — causing de- bate amongst friends — slanders and offences amongst brethren — -divorce and separation among the married, (for he took away the marriage of priests) — and finally disquieting the peaceable state of ail quiet life : There- fore we here, in the name and by the authority of God, congregated together, with the legates and nineteen bishops, on this day of Pentecost, at Mentz, do proceed in canonical judgment against Hildebrand, a most wicked man, preaching sacrilege and burning, maintaining per- jury and murders, calling in question the catholic faith of the body and blood of the Lord, a follower of divina- tion and dreams, a manifest necromancer, a sorcerer, and infected with an evil and heathen spirit, and therefore departed from the true faith, and we judge him to be de- posed and expelled, and unless he, hearing this, shall yield and depart the seat, to be perpetually condemned." This being enacted and sent to Rome, they elected Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna in the place of Hilde- brand, to govern the church of Rome, under the title of Clement III. But when Hildebrand neither would give over his hold, nor give place to Clement, the emperor gathering an army came to Rome to depose him, and to place Clement. But Hildebrand sending to Matilda, who possessed great power and authority in Italy, re- quired her, in remission of all her sins, to withstand Henry, and so she did. But Henry prevailed, and came to Rome, where he besieged the city all the Lent, and after Easter got it, the Romans being compelled to open the gates to him ; so, coming to the temple of St. Peter, he there places Clement in his papacy. Hilde- brand straight flies into Adrian's tower with his adherents, where, being beset round about, he sends for Robert Guiscard his friend, a Norman. In the meantime, A. D. lO'^— 1087.] DEATH OF HILDEBRAND AND WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 117 while Robert collects his power, the abbot of Cluny, conferring with Gregory, exhorts him to crown Henry as emperor in Lateran. Which if he would do, the other promises to induce Henry to depart with his army 1 into Germany : the people of Rome did likewise move ; him unto this. Gregory answered, " That he was con- tent so to do, but upon condition that the emperor would submit himself to ask pardon to amend his fault and to promise obedience. The emperor not agreeing to those conditions, went to Senas, taking Clement the new pope with him. After the return of the emperor, Robert Guiscard, ap- proaching with his soldiers, burst in at one of the gates, and spoiled the city. And not long after, delivered Hildebrand out of his enemy's hands, and carried him away to Campania ; where he not long after died in exile. Antony writes, that Hildebrand, as he lay dying, ' called to him one of his chief cardinals, bewailing to him I his fault, and the disorder of his spiritual ministry, in I stirring up discord, war, and dissension, whereupon he I desired the cardinal to go to the emperor, and desire \ of him forgiveness, absolving from the danger of excom- I municatioa both him and all his partakers both quick and dead. Thus the reader has the full history of Pope Gregory VII. called Hildebrand ; which I have laid out more at large, because from this pope sprang all the occasions of mis- chief, of pomp, pride, presumption, and tyranny, which since that time has reigned in the cathedral church of the Romish clergy. For here came first the subjection ! of the temporal authority under the spiritual jurisdiction ; and emperors, who before were their masters, now are made their underlings. Also here came in the suppres- sion of priests' marriage. Here came in moreover the authority of both the swords spiritual and secular into spiritual men' s hands. So that christian magistrates could do nothing in election, in giving bishopricks or benefices, in calling councils, in hearing and correcting the excesses of the clergy, but the pope alone must do all. And finally, here came in the first example to per- secute emperors and kings with rebellion and excommu- nication. Now we may return to the history of England. About the death of Pope Hildebrand, or not long after, fol- lowed the death of King William the Conqueror, in the year 1087, after he had reigned in England the space of one-and-twenty years and ten mouths. By the life and acts of this king it may appear true, as histories report of him that he was wise, but guileful ; rich, but covetous ; a fair speaker, but a great dissem- bler ; glorious in victory, and strong in arms, but rigor- ous in oppressing those whom he overcame, and passing all others in laying taxation. Insomuch that he caused to be enrolled and numbered in his treasury every hide of land, and the owner thereof, what fruit and revenues were derived of every lordship, every township, castle, village, field, river, and wood, within the realm of England ; how many parish churches, how many living cattle there were, what and how much every baron in the realm could spend, what fees were belonging to them, what wages were taken, &c. The tenor and contents of all which yet remains in rolls. The king had such pleasure in hunting, and in parks, that in the county of Southampton, for the space of thirty miles, he cast down churches and townships, and there made the new forest ; loving his deer so dearly, as though he had been a father to them, making sharp laws for the increasing thereof, under pain of losing both the eyes. So hard was he to Englishmen, and so favourable to his own country, that there was no English bishop remaining, but only Wolstan of Winchester, who being commanded by the king and Lanfranc to resign up his Btaff, partly for inability, partly for lack of the French tongue, refused otherwise to resign it, but only to him that gave it, and so went to the tomb of King Edward, where he thought to resign it, but was permitted to en- joy it still. Among his other conditions, this is noted, that he was so given to peace and quiet, that any maiden laden with gold or silver, might pass through the whole realm without harm or resistance. This William in his time built two monasteries, one in England, at Battle in Sussex, where he won the field against Harold, called the Abbey of Battle ; another besides, named Barmond- sey, in his own country of Normandy. A little above, mention was made of the bishop's see of Sherborne, translated from thence to Salisbury. The first bishop of Salisbury was Hirman, a Norman, who first began the new church and minster of Salisbury. After whom succeeded Osmund, who finished the work, and endowed the house with great revenues, and much good singing. This Osmund first began the ordinary which was called " Secundum usum Sarum " (A. D. 1076). The occasion whereof was this, as I find in au old story book, entitled " Euloffiurn." A great conten- tion chanced at Glastonbury, between Thurstan the abbot, and his convent, in the days of William the Con- queror. The cause of this contention was, that Thur- stan contemning their choir service, then called the use of St. Gregory, compelled his monks to the use of one William, a monk of Fiscam in Normandy. Whereupon came strife and contentions among them, first in words, then from words to blows, after blows then to armour. The abbot, with his armed guard, fell upon the monks, and drove them to the steps of the high altar, where two were slain, and eight wounded with arrows, swords, and pikes. The monks then driven to such a straight and narrow shift, were compelled to defend themselves with forms and candlesticks, with which they wounded some of the soldiers. One monk (an aged man), instead of his shield took an image of the crucifix in his arms for his defence, which image was wounded in the breast by one of the bowmen, whereby the monk was saved. My story adds that the striker immediately fell mad, which seems some monkish addition. This matter being brought before the king, the abbot was sent again to Cadonum, and the monks, by the command of the king, were scattered in far countries. Thus Osmund, bishop of Salisbury, devised that ordinary, which is called " the use of Sarum," and was afterward received in a manner through England, Ireland, and Wales. WILLIAM RUFUS. William Rufus, the second son of William the Con- queror, began his reign (A. D. 1087), and reigned thir- teen years, being crowned at Westminster by Lanfranc. After his coronation, he released out of prison, at the request of his father, several English lords, who had been in custody. It happened that, at the death of Wil- liam the Conqueror, Robert, his eldest son, was absent in Germany, who hearing of the death of his father, and how William his younger brother had taken upon him the kingdom, was greatly incensed : he laid his duke- dom to pledge to his brother Henry, and gathered an army, and landed at Hampton. But William Rafus sent to him fair and gentle words, promising him sub- jection, as to the more worthy and elder brother, only requiring that as he was in possession, he might enjoy it during his life, paying to him yearly three thousand marks, with condition that whichever of them outlived the other should enjoy the kingdom. The occasion of this variance between these brothers brought a great dis- sension between the Norman lords and bishops, both in England and in Normandy. But Duke Robert, by the advice of his council, was content to consent to all that was desired, and returned shortly after into Normandy. This Rufus was so disliked by the Normans, that be- tween him and his lords there was frequently dissension. All the Normans took part against him, so that he was forced of necessity to draw to him the Englishmen. Again, he was so covetous and so immeasurable in his taxes and takings, in selling benefices, abbeys, and bi- shoprics, that he was hated by all Englishmen. King William was an exceeding plunderer of church goods ; after he had given the bishopric of Lincoln to his chancellor, Robert Blevet, he then began to cavil, avow- ing that the see of Lincoln belonged to the see of York, 118 WILLIAM R[JFUS.— THE FIRST CRUSADE. [Book IV till the bishop of Lincoln had pleased him with a great Bum of money, viz., five thousand marks. And as nothing could come in those days -without money, so Herbert Loginga, by paying to the king a piece of money, was made Bishop of Thetford, as he had paid a little before to be made abbot of Ramsay. He removed his see from Thetford to the city of Norwich, and there elected the cathedral churcli with the cloister, where he furnished the monks with sufficient living and rents of his own charges, besides the bishi)i)'s lands. Afterwards, re- penti:ig of his oi)enaiul mnnifest simony, be went to Rome, where he resigned into the pope's hands his bishopric, but so thit i.nmediately he received it back again. \\'e heard a little before of the death of Pope HildebraaJ, after whose time the emperors began to lose their aathority in the po})e's election, and in giving of benelic^^s. I'or next aft„'r this Hildebrand came Pope Victor III., through the influence of Matilda, and the Duke of Normiiidy, with the faction and retinue of Hil- debrand, who likewise shewed himself stout against the eaipc-ror. But God restrained bis power. For Victor being poisoned, as some say, in his chalice, sat but one ycai- and a half. However, the example of Hildebrand coutiiuied still in those that followed hitn. And as the k:n,'s of Israel followed for the most jjart the steps of Jroboam, till the time of their desolation; so the popes folknved the steps and proceedings of this Hildebrand, th i'ir spiritual Jeroboam, in maintaining false worship, and c'.iielly in upholding the dignity of that see, against ail rightful authority, and the lawful kingdom of Sion. Next to Victor sat Urban II., by whom the acts of Hildebrand were confirmed, and also new decrees en- acted against Henry the emperor. In this time were two popes together at Rome, Urban II. and Clement III., whom the emperor set up. Under Pope Urban II. came in the white monks of the Cistercian order. In this order the monks lived by the labour of their hands ; they payed no tithes nor offerings, they wore no fur nor lining, they wore red shoes, white cowls, and black coats, all shorn, save a little circle round their heads ; they only eat flesh in their journeys. This Urban held several councils ; one at Rome, where he excommunicated all such lay persons as gave inves- titure of any ecclesiastical benefice ; also all such of the clergy as degraded themselves to be the underlings or servants to lay persons for ecclesiastical benefices. He held another council at Cleremont in France, where among other things, the bishop made an oration to the lords there present, concerning the recovering the Holy Land from the Turks and Saracens. The cause of which first sprang by one Peter, a monk or hermit, who being in Jerusalem, and seeing the great misery of the christians under the pagans, declared it to Pope Urban II., and was a great advocate for the cru- sade to all christian princes. By which, after the ora- tion of Pope Urban II., 30,000 men (taking on them the sign of the cross), made preparation for that voyage. Their chiefs were Godfrey, duke of Loraine, with his two brothers, Eustace and Baldwin ; the bishop of Pody ; Bohemond, duke of Puell, and his nephew Tan- cred ; Raymond, earl of St. Egidius ; Robert, earl of Flanders, and Hugh le Grand, brother of Philip the French king. To whom also was joined Robert Curthoise, duke of Normandy, with other noblemen, together with Peter the hermit, who was the chief cause of the undertaking. At that time many of the noblemen laid their lands and lordships to mortgage, to assist in this crusade ; as Godfrey, duke of Loraine, who sold the dukedom of Bologna, to the bishop of Eburone for a great sum of money. Also Robert Curthoise, duke of Normandy, pledged his dukedom to his brother William, king of England, for ten thousand pounds. Thus the christians, who passed first over the Bos- phorus, under the guidance of Peter the hermit (a man more devout than expert in guiding an army), being entrap])ed by their enemies, were slain and murdered in great numbers. When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constantinople (where Alexius was emi)eror), passing over by the Hellespont on their way to Jerusalem, they took the cities of Nice, Eraclea, Tarsis, and subdued the country of Cicilia. Antioch was besieged, and in the ninth month of the siege it yielded to the christians by one Pyrrhus ; about - which time were fought many strong battles, to the great slaughter and desolation of the Saracens, and not with- out the loss of many christian men. The government of this city was committed to Bohemond, duke of Puell, whose martial knighthood was frequently proved in the time of the siege. And not long after, Corbona master of the Persian chivalry, was vanquished and slain, with an hundred thousand infidels. In which discomfiture 15,000 camels were taken. On the nine-and-tbirtieth day of the siege, Jerusalem was conquered by the christians, and Robert, duke of Normandy, was elected king of it. However, he refused it, hearing of the death of William Rufus, king of England, wherefore he never succeeded well in all his affairs afterwards. Then Godfrey, captain of the chris- tian army, was proclaimed the first king of Jerusalem. At the taking of the city, such was the murder of men, that blood was congealed in the streets the thickness of a foot. Then after Godfrey, reigned Baldwin his bro- ther ; after him Baldwin II., his nephew. Then Gau- fride, duke of Gaunt, and after him Gaufride his son, by whom many great battles were fought against the Saracens, and all the country thereabout subdued, save Ascalon, &c. And thus much touching the voyage to the Holy Land. Now to our own land again. About this time (as Matthew Paris writes) the king of England did not much favour the See of Rome, be- cause of the impudent and unsatiable exactions which they required ; nor would he suffer any of his subjects to go to Rome. By Pope Urban II. it was decreed, that no bishop should be made, but under the name and title of some certain place. That matins and hours of the day should be said every day. Also that every Saturday there should be said the mass of our lady, and all the Jews' sabbath turned to the service of our lady. That all such of the clergy as had wives should be de- prived of their order. That it should be lawful for subjects to break their oath of allegiance with all such as were excommunicated by the pope. In the year 109.3, the king gave the archbishopric of Canterbury to Anselm, abbot of Beck in Normandy. This Anselm was an Italian, born and brought up in the abbey of Beck in Normandy, where he was so strict a follower of virtue, that (as the story records) he wished rather to be without sin in hell, than with sin in heaven. Which saying and wish of his, if it were his, may seem to proceed out of a mind neither speaking orderly according to the phrase and understanding of the scripture, nor yet sufficiently acquainted with the justification of a christian man. Of this Anselm it is reported, that he was so unwil- ling to take the archbishopric, that the king had much ado to thrust it upon him ; and he was so desirous to have him take it, that the city of Canterbury, which previously was held by Lanfranc, only at the king's good will and pleasure, he now gave absolutely to Anselm (A. D. 1093). But as desirous as the king then was to place Anselm there, so much did he repent it afterwards, seeking all possible means to defeat him if he could. Such strife and contention rose between them for certain matters, the ground and occasion whereof first was this : After Anselm had thus been elected to the see of Canterbury, before he was fully consecrated, the king communed with him that such lands and possessions of the church of Canterbury as the king had given and granted to his friends since the death of Lanfranc, they might still enjoy as their own lawful possessions. But to this Anselm would not agree. At which the king, conceiving great displeasure against him, stopped his consecration, till in process of time the king, forced A. D. 1087—1098.] DISPUTE BETW'EEN THS KING AND ANSELM. iiy "by the daily complaints and desires of his people, for want of an archbishop to moderate the church, was constrained to admit him. Thus Anselm, taking his consecration, and doing his homage to the king, went to his see of Canterbury, and not long after the king sailed over to Normandy. About this time there were two striving in Rome for the popedom, as is before touched. Urban and Guibert, different realms consenting, some to the one, some to the other. England, taking part with the king, rather inclined to Guibert, called Clement III. ; but Anselni went with Urban. After the king returned I from Normandy, the archbishop comes to him, and asks leave to go to Rome, to obtain his pall of Urban. When he could not at first obtain leave, he appeals from the king to the pope. The king being justly displeased, charges the archbishop with breach of his fealty, contrary to his promise made, that without his licence he should not appeal either to Urban, or to any other pope. Anselm answers again, that it was to be referred to some greater council, ■where it is to be disputed, whether this be breach of a man's allegiance to an earthly prince, if he appeal to the vicar of St. Peter. And here much arguing and con- tending was on both sides. The king's reason proceeds thus: " The custom, saith he, from my father's time, has been in England, that no person should appeal to the pope witliout the king's licence. He that breaks the customs of the realm, violates the power and crown of the kingdom ; and he that violates and takes away my crown is a traitor and enemy against me," &c. To this Anselm replied again, — " The Lord, saith he, easily discusses this question, briefly teaching what fidelity and allegiance we ought to give to the vicar of St. Peter, where he saith, ' Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church, and to thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind in earth, shall be bound in heaven ; and what- soever thou shalt loose in earth, shall be loosed in heaven,' &c. Again, to them all in general, he saith, ' He that heareth you, heareth me ; and whoso despiseth you, despiseth me.' And in another place, ' He that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye.' On the other side, what duty we owe to the king, he shews also. 'Give,' saith he, 'to the emperor, what belongeth to the emperor, and to God, that which to God belongeth.' "Wherefore, in such things as belong to God, I will yield, and must yield by good right and duty, my obedience to the vicar of St. Peter ; and in such things as belong again to earthly dignities of my prince, in those I wiU not deny my faithful help and counsel so far as they can extend." Thus you have the arguments of this prelate against his prince, to whicli perhaps was joined also some piece of a stubborn heart. But in this conclusion none of his fellow bishops durst take his part, but were all against him ; namely, William, bishop of Durham, to whom Anselm thus protests, saying, " Whoever he were that would presume to prove it any breach of allegiance or fealty to his sovereign, if he appealed to the vicar of St. Peter, he was ready to answer at all times to the con- trary." The bishop of Durham answered again, — " That he who would not be ruled by reason, must be constrained with force." &c. The king, having on his part the agreement of the bishops, thought to deprive the archbishop of his pastoral see, and to expel him out of the realm. But he could not perform this; for An- selm, as he was ready to depart the realm, said, when- ever he went, he would take his office and authority with him, though he took nothing else. Whereupon that matter was deferred till a longer time. In the meanwhile, the king had sent privately two messengers to Pope Urban, to intreat him to send his pall to the king, for him to give it where he chose ; which mes- sengers by this time were returned again, bringing with thejn from Rome Galtar, bishop of Alban, the pope's legate, with the pall to be given to Anselm. This legate, first landing at Dover, came privately (unknown to Anselm) to the king, declaring and promising, that if Urban was received pope in England, whatever the king required to be obtained, he, by his privilege from the apostolical see, would ratify and confirm, save only that when the king required of the legate that Anselm might be removed, the legate thereto would not agree, saying, " That that was impossible for such a man as he, being lawfully called, to be expelled without manifest cause." In conclusion, although he could not obtain his request of the legate, yet the legate so managed with the king, that Urban was proclaimed lawful pope throughout all the realm. Then certain bishops were sent to Anselm, to influ- ence his mind, declaring what charges and pains the king had been at in his behalf, to procure the pall for him from Rome, which otherwise would have stood him in great expenses, and that all this the king had done for his sake ; therefore it was but good reason and pro- per that he, to gratify the king, should yield somewhat to his request in return. But with all this Anselm, the stout archbishop, would not be moved. Therefore the king, seeing no other remedy, was compelled to grant to him the full right of his archbishopric. And so on the appointed day, when the pall was to be brought to Canter- bury (being carried with all solemnity in a silver box), the archbishop, with a great concourse of people, came forth barefoot with his priestly vestments, to meet it. And so being brought in, it was laid upon the altar, while Anselm, spreading over his shoulders his popish vestments, proceeded to his popish mass. Thus agreement being made between the king and the bishop, so long as it would hold ; it happened the year following, that the king entered with his army into Wales, to subdue such as rebelled against him there. After victory the king, returning home with triumph, found Anselm was coming to congratulate him on his suc- cess. But the king prevented him by messengers, laying to the bishop's charge both the small number and the evil service of his soldiers sent to him at his need. At hearing this, all the hopes of Anselm were dashed to the ground, for he had thought to have obtained and done many great matters with the king, touching the state of the church. But here all turned contrary to his expec- tation, so that he was charged, against the next court of parliament, to make his answer. But he avoided that by appealing to Rome. So he made his suit and inter- est with the king for licence to go to the pope. The king answered, " That he should not go, neither was there any cause for him to do so ; for that both he knew him to be of so sound a life, that he had done no such offence, whereof he needed to crave absolution at Rome, neither was there any such lack of science and kno^ - ledge, that he needed to borrow any counsel there ; in- somuch, saith the king, I dare say Pope Urban rather has to give place to the wisdom of Anselm, than Anselm to have need of Urban. Wherefore as he has no cause to go, so I charge him to tarry. And if he continue in his stubborn- ness still, I shall assuredly seize upon his possessions, and convert his archbishopric into my coft'ers, because he transgresses and breaks fidelity and obedience, pro- mising before to observe all the customs of my kingdom. Neither is it the fashion in this realm, that any of my nobles should go to Rome without my sending. And therefore let him swear to rae, that he will never for any grievance appeal hereafter to the see of Rome, or else let him leave my realm." Anselm thinking best not to reply by any message, but by word of mouth, comes himself personally to the king, and places himself on the right hand of the prince, where he made his reply to the message sent to him by the king. " Whereas you say I ought not to go to Rome, either in regard of any trespass, or for abundance of counsel and knowledge in me (although I grant neither of them to be true), yet what the truth is therein, I refer it to the judgment of God. And whereas ye say that I promised to keep and observe your customs ; that I grant, hut with a condition, so far to keep them, and to observe such of them as were consonant to the laws of God, and ruled with right and equity. Moreover, whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and al- legiance, for that, contrary to your customs I appeal to the apostolic see (my reverence and duty to your sove- reignty reserved) ; if another person would say it, it 120 ARTICLES IN WHICH THE GREEK CHURCH DIFFERED FROM THE LATIN. [Book 3V. would be untrue. For the fidelity and obedience that I owe to thee, O king ! I have it of the faith and fidelity of God, whose vicar St. Peter is, to whose seat I do appeal. Further, whereas ye require me to swear, that I shall for no cause hereafter at any time appeal to Rome, I pronounce openly that a christian prince has no right to require sucli an oath of his archbishop ; for if I should forswear St. Peter, I should deny Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ, then shall I be content and ready to stand to the satisfaction of my transgression to you, for asking licence to go to Rome. And perad- venture when I am gone, the goods of the church shall not so serve your temporal desires and commodities as ye ween for." At these words of the bishop the king and his nobles were not a little incensed. And declared again, " That in his promise of observing the king's customs, there was neither condition, nor any clause put in, either of God or right," ike. At length the king, after many threatening words, told him he should carry nothing out of the realm with him. " Well," said the bishop ; " if I may neither have my horse nor garments with me, then will I walk on foot ;" and so he prepared to set out on his journey, (all the other bishops forsaking him), of whom none would take his part ; but if he came to them for coun- sel, they said he was wise enough, and needed not their counsel, as being one who for his prudence knew best what was to be done, as also for his holiness, was willing and able to follow what he knew. As for them, they neither durst nor would stand against the king their lord, ■whose favour they could not be without, for the peril that might happen both to themselves and their kin- dred. Anselm coming to Rome, made his complaint to Pope Urban of the king ; and the pope, writing to the king in behalf of Anselm, his letters and commands were de- spised. In the meantime, while the pope's letters were sent to the king, and Anselm was bid to wait about the pope for an answer back, till perceiving at length how little the king regarded the pope's letters, he began to be weary of waiting, and desired the pope that he might be discharged from his archiepiscopal office. To this the pope would not consent, but added, " As touching these matters we shall sufficiently provide at the next council to be holden at Baycwine, where 1 require you to be present. When the time of the council was come, Anselm among others was called for, who, first sitting outside the bishops, was afterwards placed at the right foot of the pope, whence the same place was appointed to the suc- cessors of the see of Canterbury, in every general council by the decree of Pope Urban, to sit at the right foot of tlie pope. In this council there was great stir and much reasoning against the Grecians, concerning the matter and order of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost. Where is to be noted, that the Greek church has for a long time dissented from the Latin church in many points, to the number of twenty, or twenty-nine Articles, as I have them collected out of the register of the church of Hereford, of which some are as follow : Wherein the Greek church differ eth from the Latin. 1. They are not under the obedience of the church of Rome, because that the church of Constantinople is not fcubject but equal to the same. '2. Tliey hold that the bishop of the apostolic see of Rome has not greater power than the four patriarchs. And whatever the pope does beside their knowledge, or without tlitir approbation, it is of no value. '.'i. They say wliatever has been done or concluded, since the second general council, is of no authority ; btia ISC fiom that time they a(!count the Latins to be in eiror, and excluded uut of the holy church. 4. Tiiey liolJ the eucharist consecrated by the church of Rome not to be tlie very body of Christ. Also where the Raitiisli church consecrates in unleavened bread, they tonsicrate in bread leavened. a. 'I'l.ey say that the Romish church errs in the words of bajitisui, for saying, " I baptize thee ;" when they should say, "Let this creature of God be baptized/* &c. 6. They hold moreover that there is no purgatory, and that the suffrages of the church do not avail the dead, either to lessen the pain of them that be destined to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained to salvation. 7. They hold that the souls out of the bodies departed (whether they have done good or evil) have not tneir perfect pain nor glory, but are reserved in a certain place till the day of judgment. 8. They condemn the church of Rome for mixing cold water in their sacrifice. y. They condemn the church of Rome, for that women as well as priests anoint children (when they baptize tliem) on both shoulders. 10. They call our hveaiA panagia. 11. They blame the church of Rome for celebrating their mass on other days besides Sundays, and certain other feasts appointed. 12. Also in this the Greek church varies from the Latin ; for they have neither cream nor oil, nor sacra- ment of confirmation. \'S. Neither do they use extreme unction, or anoint- ing after the manner of the Roman church, expounding the place of St. James of the spiritual infirmity, and not corporal. 14. They enjoin no satisfaction for penance, but only that they shew themselves to the priests, anointing them with simple oil in token of remission of sins. 15. Only on Maunday Thursday they consecrate for the sick, keeping it for the whole year after, thinking it to be more holy on that day consecrated than upon any other. Neither do they fast any Saturday through the whole year, but only on Easter-eve. 16. They give but only five orders, as of clerks, sub- deacons, deacons, priests and bishops ; whereas the Ro- man church gives nine orders after the nine orders of angels. 17. Moreover the Grecians in their orders make no vow of celibacy, alleging for them the fifth canon of Nice, requiring that priest or deacon will not forsake his wife for honesty sake. 18. Every year the Grecians use upon certain days to excommunicate the church of Rome, and all the Latins as heretics. 19. Among the Grecians they are excommunicated that beat or strike a priest. Neither do their religious men live in such priestly celibacy as the Roman priests do. 20. Their emperor amongst them ordains patriarchs, bishops, and other of the clergy, and deposes the same at his pleasure ; also he gives benefices to whom he chooses, and retains the fruits of the same benefices as pleases him. 2 1 . They blame the Latin church because they eat no flesh, eggs, and cheese on Fridays, and do eat flesh on Saturdays. 22. They hold against the Latin men for celebrating without the consecrated church, either in the house or in the field ; and fasting on the Sabbath day ; also for suffering dogs and other beasts to enter into the church. 2.H. The Grecians use not to kneel in all their devo- tions, yea not to the body of Christ, but one day in the whole year ; saying and affirming that the Latins are goats and beasts, for they are always prostrating them- selves upon the ground in their prayers. 24. The Grecians moreover permit not the Latins to celebrate upon their altars. And if it chance any Latin priest celebrates upon their altar, they wash the altar in token of abomination and false sacrifice. And they diligently observe that whenever they do celebrate, they do but one liturgy or mass upon one altar or table that day. 2;"). They dissent from the church of Rome touching the order and manner of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost. These articles, wherein is declared the diff'erence be- tween the east and west church, of the Grecians and Romans, as I found them articled and collected in an ancient and authentic register of the church of Hereford, A.D.1098— 1100.] VACILLATING CONDUCT OF THE POPE. 121 so I thought here to insert them, and leave them to the consideration of the reader. Other four articles more in the same register are there expressed concerning simony and usury, not forbidden with them ; and touching also tlieir emperor ; and how they teach their children to hart or damnify the Latin priests in all manner of ways. Which articles, because they seem not truly collected out of their teachings, or else not greatly pertinent to the doctrine of religion ; I pass them over, and return to our history again. When some of these questions weie moved in the council to be discussed, namely concerning the assertion of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost, and concerning leavened bread in the ministration of the Lord's supper, Anselm was called for, who in the handling and treating of the articles so bestirred him in that council, that he well pleased the pope and them about him. Then in the history it follows, after long debating and discussing of these matters in the council, when they had published their judgment on them, and the pope had blasted out his thundering excommunications against the Grecians, and all that took their part : at length the complaints and accusation against the king of England were brought in. Upon this. Pope Urban with his ad- herents was ready to proceed in excommunication against the king. But Anselm kneeling before the pope, after he had first accused his king, afterwards obtained for him longer time to be given for further trial. Thus the council breaking up, the pope returning again to Rome, directs his letters to the king, commanding him that Anselm should be reinvested in his archbishop- ric, and all other possessions there pertaining. To this the king sends answer by messengers ; who coming to the pope, declared in the king's behalf, that the king their master did not a little marvel what induced him to com- i mand Anselm to be reinvested in his archbishopric ; I seeing he before told him plainly, that if he went lout of England without his leave, he would deprive him of it. " Well," said the pope, " have ypu no other Inatter against Anselm but only this ?" "No," quoth they. "And have ye taken all this travel," said the pope "to come hither so far to tell me this, that the 1 primate of your country is dispossessed, because he has appealed to the apostolical see and judgment } Therefore I if you love your lord, speed home and tell him, if he will j not be excommunicated, that he quickly reinvest Anselm I again to all that he had before. And lest I have you be hanged for your labour, look to your time, and see that i you bring me answer again from him to this city, against I the next council the third week after Easter." The mes- I senger or speaker being somewhat astonished at the j hearing of this tragical answer, and thinking yet to work I something for his king and master, came secretly to the ' pope, saying that he would confer a certain mystery from t his king privately with his hohness. What mystery that was, or what there passed from the king to the pope and the court of Rome, my author does not shew ; but so cun- ningly that mystery was handled, that with a full consent both of the pope and all the court of Rome, a longer day was given, from Easter to Michaelmas, and the pope's choleric heat so assuaged, that when the council came (which was held at St. Peter's church at Rome) although great complaints were denounced against the king ; yet such favour was found that he suffered no harm. Only the sentence of excommunication was there pronounced against such laypersons as gave investiture of churches, and them that were so invested. Also against them that consecrate such, or who gave themselves in subjection to lay men for ecclesiastical livings, as is before touched. This council being finished, the archbishop seeing the unstedfastness of the pope (which but pleased him but little) took his journey to Lyons, where he continued his abode a long time, till the death first of pope Urban, then afterwards of the king. Of this King William many things are differently re- corded, some to his commendation, and some to his blame ; whereof this is one, which some will ascribe to hardiness, but 1 rather ascribe to rashness in him. As the king once was in his sport of hunting, suddenly word came to him that Cenourona (a city in Normandy) was besieged. The king without tarrying or advice took the straight way toward the sea-side, sending to his lords that they should follow after. They advised him to stay till his people were assembled, but he would not be stayed, saying that such as loved him (he knew) would follow him shortly, and so went and took ship. The ship- master seeing the weather so dark and cloudy was afraid, and counselled the king to tarry till the wind would change, and the weather be more favourable. But the king persisting, commanded him to make all speed he could for his life, saying, " That he never heard that any king yet was ever drowned." And so he passed the sea in safety, and came to Normandy. In the tliirteenth year of his reign King William, (hav- ing at the same time in his hand three bishoprics, Can- terbury, Wincliester, and Sarum ; also twelve abbeys in farm\ was wounded to death, as he was in his sport of hunting in the New Forest, by the glancing of an arrow, shot by a knight named Walter Tyrrel, and was carried speechless to Westminster, and there buried. His life was such that it is hard for a history that should tell the truth, to say whether he was more to be commended or reproved. Among other vices, there is especially to be rebuked in him unmeasurable and unreasonable covetousness ; so that he coveted to be every man's heir. This one example of liberal and princely nature 1 find in him ; that upon a time when a certain abbot of a place was dead, there came to his court two monks of the same house, who had gathered much money, and used in- fluence with the king, and severally made large offers to be promoted to that dignity. There was also a third monk of the same place, who of meekness and humility followed the other two, in order that upon him whom the king would admit for abbot, he should give attendance, and as his chaplain return with him. The king called be- fore him the two monks severally, of whom the one out- bid the other. As the king cast his eye aside, he espied a third monk standing by, supposing that his coming had been also for the same matter. Then the king calling him, asked what he would do, whether he would give more than his brethren had offered, to be appointed abbot. He answered the king, and said, that he neither had nor would (if he could) offer money for it by any such unlawful means. When the king had well pondered this third Monk's answer, he said that he was best worthy to be the abbot, and to have the rule of so holy a charge ; and so he gave him that benefice without taking any money. Urban bishop of Rome, who (as is said) succeeded after Victor, ruled the church of Rome about the space of twelve yeai-s ; and amongst his other acts he excommunicated the emperor Henry IV., as a man not very devoted to the see of Rome. But yet he was a worthy and victorious prince, in whom also some vice perchance might be noted, yet none such for which any prelate or minster of Christ ought to excite his subjects to rebel against public autho- rity appointed of God. This Emperor Henry IV. was excommunicated by four popes severally ; by Hildebrand, by Victor, by Urban, and by Paschal. Which excommuni- cation wrought so in the ignorant and blind hearts of the people, that many (as well the nobles as of the multitude, contrary to their sworn allegiance) rebelliously conspired against the king and emperor. KING HENRY THE FIRST. Henry, the first of that name, the third son of William the Conqueror, succeeding his brother Rufus, began his reign in England (A. D. 1100); for his knowledge and science in the seven liberal arts, he was sirnamed Clerk or Beauclerk. In him it may well appear how knowledge and learning greatly conduce to the government and ad- ministration of any realm or country. At the beginning he reformed the state and condition of the clergy, released the grievous payments introduced against King Edward'a laws, with amendments thereof ; he reformed the ol«* and untrue measures, and made a measure after the length of his arm ; he greatly abhorred excess of meats and drinks ; he reformed many abuses ; and used to counsel than by sword. HENRY I. DISPUTE BETWEEN THE KING AND ANSELM. In the second year of his reign, Robert his elder bro- ther, duke of Normandy, being occupied in the christian wars against the Tinrks, and being elected king of Jeru- salem, hearing of the death of Rufus, refused the king- dom thereof. Thus returning to Normandy, he made there his preparation, and came over to England with a great army to challenge the crown ; but by mediation of the lords, it was agreed upon that Robert should have yearly during his life three thousand marks, as was like- wise promised him before by King Rufus his brother ; and whichever of them overlived the other, shoidd be the other's heir. In process of time there was variance again between King Henry and Robert ; and at length Robert in the wars was taken prisoner and brought over to England, and was put into the castle of Cardiff in Wales, where he continued a prisoner as long as he lived. It has been already stated how Anselm went to the pope ; after the death of King William he was sent for again by King Henry, and returned, and was at the coun- cil of the king at Westminster, where the king, in tlie presence of the lords, as well temporal as spiritual, ordained and invested two bishops, Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Roger bishop of Hereford. After this council, Herbert bishop of Norwich had much ado with the priests of his diocess ; for they would neither leave their wives, nor yet give over their benefices as had been decreed in the council. Whereupon he wrote to Anselm the archbishop for advice. Anselm required him to persuade the people of Norfolk and Suffolk ; that as they professed Christianity, they should subdue them as rebels against the church, and utterly drive both them and their wives out of the country, placing monks in ther rooms. Gerard the archbishop of York had also much trouble in depriving the priests of his province of their wives, which with all his excommunications and thunderings, he could hardly bring about. About the end of the third year of the reign of this king, which was A. D. 1103, a variance arose between King Henry and Anselm, the occasion of which was this : you heard a little before how Henry had of his own authority in- vested two bishops, one Roger, who was chancellor, bishop of Salisbury ; and another bishop of Hereford. Besides these he invested others also, and several other things he took upon him in the ecclesiastical state, which he might lawfully do, God's word allowing the same ; but because he was restrained by the bishop of Rome, and forbidden to do so, this Anselm was so enraged that he would neither consent to it, nor yet confirm them, nor communicate nor talk friendly with them, whom the king had instituted and invested ; but opprobriously called them abortives, or children of destruction, disdainfully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of religion, and pol- luter of their holy ceremonies. With this uncomely out- rage the king was much displeased, and required Gerard tlie archbishop of York to consecrate them : who without delay did so, saving that one William Gifford, to whom the king had given the bishopric of Winchester, refused to take his consecration by the hands of the bishop of York. For which cause the king deprived him both of bishopric and goods, and banished him the realm. Moreover, the king required of Anselm, to do homage, after the manner of his ancestors. Also it was asked, whether he would join with the king in giving investi- tures, as Lanfranc his predecessor had done. Anselm answered that he would not do homage to the king ; alleging the pope's excommunication, who, in his council of Rome a little before, had given forth open sentence of excommunication upon all such lay persons (whatever they were) that should from henceforth con- fer or give any spiritual promotions : also upon them that received such promotions at their hands, and those who consecrated any such receivers. Moreover he pro- nounced all them accursed who for benefices or other ecclesiastical promotions should subject themselves under the homage or service of any great man, king, prince, duke, or earl of the laity. For (the pope said) it was unseemly and a thing very execrable, that the hands which were converted into so high a working, as was granted to no angel (that is, to create Jesus Christ in [Book IV. the mass, even him who created all, and to offer up the same before the sight of the Father for the salvation of the whole world) should be brought to such a slavery, as to be subject to those filthy hands, which are polluted with robberies, and bloodshed, &c. Anselm allegin" this decree of Pope Urban, refused to do homage, fear'! ing (as he said) the pope's excommunication. In the mean time, while there was long disputation on both sides for investing, the nobles of the realm con- tended, that investings did belong to the king's dignity ; wherefore the king calling for Anselm again, required him either to do homage to him or else to leave his kingdom. To whom Anselm replying again, required the pope's letters to be brought forth, and the matter to be decided according to the tenor thereof. For now the messengers were returned from Rome, with the pojie's answer ; altogether agreeing with Anselm. Then said the king ; " What have I to do with pope's letters ? I will not forego the liberties of my kingdom for any pope." Thus the contention continued between them. Then other ambassadors were sent again to the pope, that he would something oualify and moderate (or rather abolish) the sternness of the Roman decree before- men- tioned. On the part of Anselm were sent two monks, Baldwin and Alexander. On the king's behalf were sent two bishops, Robert bishop of Lichfield, and Her- bert bishop of Norwich. After the ambassadors (thus sent on both sides to Rome) had pleaded their causes ; the pope glad to gratify the king (yet loath to grant his request, being against his own profit, and therefore more inclining to Anselm's side) sent his letters to Anselm, signifying that he would not repeal the statutes of his holy fathers for one man's pleasure : charging him moreover, not only not to yield in the cause of investing, but con- stantly to adhere to the decree of Pope Urban, &c. Besides this letter to Anselm, he directed also another to the king himself : which letter, the king suppressed and did not shew, only declaring by word of mouth, what the ambassadors had said unto him from the pope. Which was, that he permitted unto him the licence of investing, upon condition that in other things he would execute the office of a good prince, &c. The conten- tion still continuing, it was agreed by the king and his nobles, that Anselm should go himself to Rome. And much entreaty was made that he would take that journey in hand, in his own person, to present himself to the pope, for the peace of the church and of his country. And so at length by persuasion, he went to Rome and spake with the pope. He was followed also by the king's ambassador, William Warlwast, new elect bishop of Exeter. There it was decreed, that the bishops who were invested by the king, should be ex- communicated. The absolution and satisfaction of whom was left to Anselm, the king only, who had invested them, being excepted. Thus Anselm, leaving Rome, took his journey to- ward England. But the ambassador, pretending to go to St, Nicholas, remained behind, to see whether he could win the pope's mind to the king's purpose. Which when he saw he could not do, he overtakes Anselm by the way, at Placentia, and told him the king's pleasure. " The king," said he, " gives to you in charge and commandment, that if you will come to England, and there behave yourself to him, as your predecessor did to his father, you should be received and retained in the realm accordingly : if not — you are wise enough to know what I mean, and what will follow." And so with these words, parting from him, he returned again to the king : and Anselm remained at Lyons a year and a half, and wrote to the king as follows : " To his Reverend Lord, Henry, King of England, An- selm, Archbishop of Canterbury, faithful Service, with Prayers. " Although you understand by William Warlwast what we have done at Rome ; yet I shall shortly shew j you that which belongs to me. When I came to Rome ] A.D 1100—1106.] SYNODAL DECREES OF ANSELM. 123 I I declared the cause wherefore I came to the lord pope. lie answered that he would not swerve from the ! statutes of his predecessors. Furthermore, he com- manded me that I should have no fellowship with those who received investings of churches at your hands, after the knowledge of this prohibition, unless they would do penance, and forsake what they had re- ceived, without hope of recovery ; also tliat 1 should not communicate with the other bishops that had conse- crated such men, unless they would present themselves to the judgment of the apostolic see. The aforesaid William can be a witness of all these things if he will. This William, when we departed asunder (reckoning up in your behalf, the love and liberality which you had always towards me) warned me as your archbishop, that I should shew myself such an one, that if I would come into England, 1 might be with you as my predecessor was with your father, and you might treat nie with the same honour and liberty that your father treated my predecessor. By which I understand, that unless I should shew myself such a one, you would not have me come into England. For your love and liberality 1 thank you : but that I should be with you as my predecessor was with your father, 1 cannot do it. For 1 dare not do homage to you, nor communicate with those who take investings of churches at your hands : because of this inhibition made, 1 myself hearing it. Wherefore I de- sire you to send me your pleasure herein if it please you, whether I may return into England (as I said) with your pi ace and power of mine office." In the meanwhile there was great debate, and many messengers sent to and fro between the king, the arch- bishop, and the pope, but nothing was done : for the pope would not agree to the king, neither would the king condescend to the archbishop. At last the arch- bishop, seeing he could by no means prevail against the king, thought to revenge himself by excommunication, and so went about the same. The king, hearing of this by the Countess Adela his sister, desires her to come to him into Normandy, and bring Anselm with her : whereupon (through the means of the countess) the king and Anselm were reconciled, and the archbishop was restored to his former possessions again. Only his return was deferred, because he would not communicate with those whom the king had invested. So the king took his passage over into England, and Anselm abode at the abbey of Becke. In the meantime complaints were daily brought from England to Anselm, against the priests and canons, who, in his absence, contrary to the late council holden at London, received their wives unto their houses again, and were permitted so to do by the king, they paying him certain money for the same. Anselm, the sore enemy against lawful marriage, grieved therewith, ad- dressed his letters to the king, requiring him to refrain from taking any more of such exactions, declaring, moreover, and affirming, that the offences of all such ec- clesiastical ministers must be corrected by the bishops, and not by laymen. It was not long after that the king, as he had promised, went again to Normandy, and meeting with Anselm at the abbey of Becke, he agreed with him in all such points as the archbishop required. As first, that all his churches, which before were made tributary to King William, now should remain free from all tribute ; that he should require nothing of the said churches or provinces in the time of the seat being vacant. Moreover, concerning such priests and minis- ters as had given money to the king for liberty to keep their wives, it was agreed that they should cease from all ecclesiastical functions for the space of three years. Thus Anselm, the stout champion of popery and super- stition, after he had gained this victory over the king, for which he had so long fought, sailed into England with joy and triumph, having obtained all his popish re- quests. Where first he flies like a lion upon the mar- ried priests, contrary to the word of God, divorces and punislies, by man's authority, those whom the Eternal aad Almighty God had coupled. Next, he looks to those who held any church by farm under the king. Against simony, Ukewise, and against those that married within the seventh degree, he proceeds with his full pontifical authority. Shortly after, as King Henry had finished his war in Normandy, he returned again with victory into England, about the sixth year of his reign, Anselm archbishop of Canterbury (by the permission of the king) assembled a great council of the clergy and prelates of England at Westminster in London. In which (by the bishop of Rome's authority) he so wrought with the king, that at length (though not without great difficulty) it was newly confirmed and enacted, that no temporal man after that day should make investiture with cross or with ring, or with pastoral hook. In this council various injunctions were given forth to priests and deacons. And, as we are here mentioning the synodal acts concluded in the time of this Anselm, I here place them all together, taking them from Malmesbury and other authors. The first thing decreed by this Anselm, in his synodal councils, was touching the fiiult of simony, whereby many bishops and abbots (as is before mentioned) were at the same time deposed : and laymen were forbidden to confer any ecclesiastical piromotion. Also, it was decreed, that no bishop should bear any office in secular men's business or meetings : and that such should not go apparelled as the laymen did, but should have their vestures decent and meet for religious persons. And that in all places they should never go without some to bear witness of their conversation. That no archdeaconries should be let out to farm. That no archdeacon should be under the degree of a deacon. That no archdeacon, priest, deacon, sub-deacon, coUigener, nor canon, should from that time marry, nor yet keep his wife, if he had been married to one before. That every sub -deacon, being under the degree of a canon, marrying a wife after the profession of celibacy, should be subject to the same rule. That any priest who did not put away his wife, should be reputed unlawful, and that he should say no mass, and if he said mass, he should not be heard. That none should be admitted to orders from that time forward, from the degree of a sub-deacon, unless he professed celibacy. That priests' sons should not claim the benefices of their fathers by heritage, as the custom had always been before. That no spiritual person should sit in any secular office, as to be procurators or judges of blood. That priests should not resort to taverns or banquets, nor sit drinking by the fireside. That the garments of priests should be of one colour, and that their shoes should be decent. Besides all these synodal acts, with others which we omit, given out by Anselm, he also directed other new injunctions to the priests. That they and their wives should never meet in one house, neither yet have dwelling in their territories. That the priests, deacons, and sub-deacons, should keep no female in their house, unless they were of their next kin. That such as had separated themselves from the so- ciety of their wives, and yet for some cause had to com- municate with them, might do so, if it were out of doors, and before two or three witnesses. That if any of them should be accused by two or three witnesses, and could not clear himself again by sLx able men of his own order if he be a priest ; or, if he be a deacon, by four ; or, if he be a sub-deacon, by two ; then he should be judged a transgressor of the statutes, deprived of his benefice, and be made infamous, or be put to open reproach of all men. That any who rebelled, and in contempt of this new statute still held his wife, and presumed to say mass, upon the eighth day after (if he made not due satisfac- tion) should be solemnly excommunicated. That all archdeacons and deacons should be straitly sworn not to wink or dissemble at their meetings, nor to bear with them for money. And if they would not n* LETTERS OF POPE PASCHAL AND ARCHBISHOP ANSELM. [Book IV. be sworn to this, then to lose their offices without re- covery. That such priests, as forsaking their wives were will- ing to serve still and remain in their holy order, first must cease forty days from their ministration, setting vicars to serve for them in the mean time, and taking such penance upon them, as should be enjoined by their bishop. Thus you have heard of the life and doings of Anselm, how superstitious he was in his religion, how stubborn against his prince, what occasion of war and discord he ministered by his complaints (if they had been taken) ; what zeal without right knowledge, what fervency with- out cause he pretended, what pains without profit he took. Who, if he had bestowed that time and labour in preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he took in going to Rome to complain of his country, in my mind he had been better occupied. Moreover, you have heard what violent and tyrannical injunctions he set forth concerning investing and other things ; but espe- cially against the lawful and godly marriage of priests : what a vehement adversary he was in this matter, may appear by these extracts from letters, which we here an- nex as follows : — A LETTER OF ANSELM. Anselm, Archbishop ; to his Brethren and Dearest Sons the Lord Prior and others at Canterbury. " As concerning priests,' of whom the king com- manded that they should have both their churches and their wives as they had in the time of his father, and of Lanfranc archbishop : both because the king hath re- vested and reseized the whole archbishopric, and because so cursed a marriage was forbidden in a council in the time of his father and of the said archbishop : I boldly command by the authority which I have by my arch- bishopric, not only within my archbishopric but also throughout England, that all priests who keep wives, shall be deprived of their churches and ecclesiastical benefices." A LETTER OF POPE PASCHAL TO ANSELM. Paschal, Bishop, Servant of God's Servants; to his Reverend Brother Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, greeting and apostolical blessing. " We believe your brother-hood is not ignorant what is decreed in the Romish church concerning priests' children. But because there is so great multitude of such within the realm of England, that almost the greater and better part of the clerks are reckoned to be on this side : therefore we commit this dispensation to your care. For we grant these to be promoted to holy offices by reason of the need at this time, and for the profit of the church (such as learning and life shall com- mend among you) so that yet notwithstanding the pre- judice of the ecclesiastical decree be taken heed to here- after," &c. ANOTHER LETTER OF ANSELM. Anselm, Archbishop ; to the Rev. Gudulph, Bishop; and to Arnulph Prior; and to William, Archdeacon of Canterbury ; and to all in his Diocese, greeting. " William, our archdeacon, hath written unto me, that some priests that be under his custody (taking again their wives that were forbidden) have fallen into the error from the which they were drawn by wholesome counsel and commandment. When the archdeacon would amend this thing, they utterly despised with wicked pride his warning and worthy commandment to be received. Then he, calling together many religious men and obedient priests, worthily excommunicated the proud and disobedient, who despised the curse, and were not afraid to defile the holy ministry, as much as lay in them," &c. And thus much concerning Anselm archbishop of Canterbury ; whose stout example gave no little courage to Tliurstin and Becket his successors, and others that followed after, to do the like against their kings and princes, as hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appear. About the same time and year when King Henry began to reign. Pope Paschal entered his papacy, suc- ceeding after Urban (about A. D. 1100), nothing swerving from the steps of Hildebrand his superior. About the same time (A. D. 1101), the bishop of Florence began to teach and to preach of antichrist then to be born and to be manifest, as Sabellicus testifies : whereupon, Paschal, assembling a council, put to silence the said bishop, and condemned his books. In this council at Trecas, priests that were married were con- demned for Nicolaitans. Concerning the excommunication and other troubles that Hildebrand wrought against the Emperor Henry IV. it is declared sufficiently before. This excommunication Paschal renewed against Henry. And not only that, but also convening the princes of Germany to a general assembly, set up the emperor's own son against him, causing the bishops of Mentz, >of Cologne, and of Worms to deprive him of his imperial crown, and to place his son Henry V. in his father's kingdom. So coming to the place at Hilgeshem, first they required his diadem, his purple, his ring, and other ornaments per- taining to the crown, from him. The emperor de- manded the cause, being then excommunicate and void of friends. They pretended, for selling bishoprics, ab- bacies, and other ecclesiastical dignities for money : also alleging the pope's pleasure and other princes. Then he inquired first of the bishop of Mentz (and likewise of the other two, whom he had preferred to their bishop- rics before) asking them in order, if he had received one penny of them for promoting them to their dignities. This they could not deny to be so, " Well" (saith he) " and do you requite me again with this treatment ?" and with many other words of exhortation he admo- nished them to remember their oath and allegiance to their prince. But the perjured prelates, neither reve- rencing his majesty, nor moved with his benefits, nor regarding their fidelity, ceased not for all this, but first plucked from him (sitting in his throne) his imperial crown, then disvestured him, taking from him his purple and his sceptre. The good emperor, being left desolate and in confusion, said to them: " Let God see and judge." Thus leaving him, they went to his son to confirm him in his kingdom, and caused him to drive his father out. In the end, being utterly dispossessed of his kingdom, he was brought to that distress, that coming to Spire, he begged of the bishop there, whom he had done much for before, to have a prebend in the church : and as he had some skill in his book, he de- sired to serve in our lady's quire, yet he could not obtain so much at his hand, who swore by our lady, he should have nothing there. Thus the woeful emperor came to Leodium, and there died for sorrow, after he had reigned fifty years. After the decease of this emperor, his son Henry V. reigned the space of twenty years. Who, coming to Rome to receive the crown of the pope, could not ob- tain it, before he would fully assent to have this ratified, that no emperor should have any thing to do with the election of the Roman bishops or with other bishoprics. Soon after, however, the emperor prevailing against the pope, compelled him to agree to restore to him his right in the election of the pope and other bishops : but as soon as the emperor was returned again to Germany, forthwith the pope, calling a synod, not only revoked all that he had agreed to before, but also excommunicated Henry as he had done his father before. The emperor seeing no end of these conflicts (unless he would yield to the pope) was obliged to give over, and forego his privilege, agreeing not to meddle with matters pertaining to the pope's election, nor with in- vesting, nor such other things belonging to the church and churchmen. And thus the peace between them was concluded, and proclaimed to the no small rejoicing of both the armies, then lying by Worms, near the river Rhine. After the death of Paschal (A. D. 1118), succeeded A. D. 1109—1126.] THE TWO METROPOLITANS CONTEND ABOUT THE PRIMACY. 125 Pope Gelasius, chosen by the cardinals, but without the consent of the emperor, whereupon rose no little vari- ance in Rome. And at length another pope was set up by the emperor called Gregory, and Gelasius driven away into France, and there died. After whom came Calix- tus II., chosen likewise by a few cardinals, without the voice of the emperor, who, coming up to Rome to enjoy his seat, first sent his legate into Germany to ex- communicate the Emperor Henry ; who then, having divers conflicts with his fellow Pope Gregory, at length drove him out of Rome. In conclusion, the emperor being overcome, and fear- ing the dangerous thunderbolt of his curse, was obliged to condescend to the unreasonable conditions of the pope. First, to ratify his election, although the other pope was yet alive. Secondly, that he should resign up his right and title in matters pertaining to the election of the pope, and investiture of bishops. This being done and granted, and the writings set up in the church of Lateran, as a triumph over the emperor, the pope went after Gregory his rival pope, who was then in a town called Sutrium ; which being besieged and taken, Gregory also was taken. Calixtus the pope setting him upon a camel (his face to the camel's tail), brought him so through the streets of Rome, holding the tail in his hand instead of a bridle ; and afterwards being shorn, he was thrust into a monastery. The same Calixtus, holding a general council at Rheims, decreed that priests, deacons, and sub-deacons should put away their wives ; and whoever was found to keep his wife should be deprived of benefice, and all other ecclesiastical livings. After the death of Anselm (A.D. 1109), the church of Canterbury stood empty five years ; and the goods of the church went to the king's use. And when he was prayed to appoint a pastor, his answer was, that as his father and brother had been accustomed to set the best tried and approved men in that see, that he might do the same, he took the more time. And so he delayed the time, while he filled his coffers with the riches of that benefice. After this (A.D. 1115), Rodulph, bishop of Rochester, (an Englishman) was promoted to be archbishop of Can- terbury, and Thurstin, the king's chaplain, was elected archbishop of York. Who being content to receive his benediction or consecration of the see of Canterbury, yet, because he refused to make his profession of obedience to the same see, was deprived by the king of his dignity. Then Thurstin (by the instigation of certain of his clerks at York) took his journey to Rome ; who there making his complaint to Paschal, brought with him a letter from the pope to the king, where among other words was contained as follows : " We hear and understand, that the archbishop elect of the church of York (a discreet and industrious man) is sequestered from the church of York, which stands against both divine justice and the institution of holy fathers. Our purpose is, that neither the church of Canterbury should be impaired, nor again that the church of York should suffer any prejudice, but that the same constitution which was by blessed Gregory (the apostle of the English nation) set and decreed be- tween those two churches, should remain still in force and effect inviolate. Wherefore, as touching the fore- said elect archbishop, let him be received again by all means, as is right and meet unto his church. And if there be any question between the foresaid churches, let it be handled and decided in your presence, both the two parties being there present." Upon the occasion of this letter, a solemn assembly was appointed at Salisbury, about the hearing of this controversy. The variance between these two prelates still increased more and more. Rodulph archbishop of Canterbury in no case would yield or condescend to give imposition of hands to him, unless he would make his profession of obedience. Thurstin again said, he would wiUingly receive and embrace his benediction ; but as to the profession of his subjection, that he would not agree unto. Then the king signified to Thurstin, that without his subjection and obedience professed to the archbishop of Canterbury, he should not enjoy the arch- bishoprick of York. Thurstin upon this renounced his archbishoprick, promising moreover to make no more claim unto it, nor to molest them that should enjoy it. Shortly after this, it happened that pope Paschal died : after whom, as is above rehearsed, succeeded pope Gela- sius, who lived not more than a year, and died in France. The cardinals (who then followed Pope Gelasius to Cluny) created another pope of their own choosing, whom they called Calixtus II. The other cardinals who were at Rome chose another pope called Gregory. About these two rival popes there was much stir in the christian world. As this Calixtus was remaining in France, and there calling a general council at Rheims, Thurstin the archbishop of York desired licence of the king to go to the council, purposing there to open the cause of his church ; first promising to the king that he should there attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the church of Canterbury. In the meantime the king had sent secret word to the pope, by Rodulph and other proctors, that he should in no case consecrate Thurstin. Yet, notwithstanding the faithful promise of the pope made to the king, the pope was inclined to consecrate him, and gave him the pall ; and required of the king that he would license Thurstin to return with favour into his realm. But the king utterly refused, unless he would profess subjection to the church of Canterbury, as his predecessors had done before ; and excused himself by his oath which he had before made. To this the pope answered that he, by his apostolical authority, would easily dispense with him for his promise or oath. Then the king said that he would consult his council, and send an answer; which answer was this, "That, for the love and request of the pope, he was content that Thurstin should re-enter his realm, and quietly enjoy his pre- lateship, upon this condition, that he would profess his subjection to the church of Canterbury." The year following after that (which was A.D. 1120), Pope Calixtus directs his letters for Thurstin to the king, and to Rodulph archbishop of Canterbury. In which epistle, by his full power apostolical, he interdicts both the church of Canterbury and the church of York, with all the parish churches within the same cities, from the burial of the dead, also from all divine service, ex- cepting only baptizing of children, and absolution of them that are dying ; unless, within a month after the receipt of the same, Thurstin (without any exaction of subjection) were received and admitted to the see of York, and that the king also should be excommunicated except he would consent to the same. Whereupon, for fear of the pope's curse, Thurstin was immediately sent for and reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly in his archiepiscopal see of York. It followed not long after (within two years) that Ro- dulph archbishop of Canterbury died, in whose see suc- ceeded after him William de Turbine. About which time (in the twenty-seventh year of the king's reign, or a little before), the king called a council at London, where the spirituality of England consented to the punishment of married priests. By reason of which the priests, paying a certain fine to the king, were suffered to retain their wives still, whereby the king gathered no small sum of money, (Rog. Hoved. Guliel. Gisburnesis.) It was before stated tliat Matilda or Maud, daughter of king Henry, was married to the emperor Henry V. ; and after his decease she returned about this time with the imperial crown to her father in Normandy, bringing with her the hand of St. James 1 For the joy of ob- taining this relic, the king built the abbey of Reading, where the hand was deposited. This Matilda was re- ceived by the council as next heir to the king, her father, in possession of tlie English crown, for lack of issue male. And soon after she was sent over to Normandy, to marry Geoffrey Plantagenet Earl of Anjou, of whom came Henry II., who was king of England after Stephen. After Calixtus, succeeded Pope Honorius II. ; not- withstanding that the cardinals had elected another, yet he by the means of certain citizens obtained the papacy (A.D. 1125). About the second year of his in« STEPHEN KING OF ENGLAND, SUCCEEDED BY HENRY 11. [Book IV, duction there was a certain legate of his called John Cremensis sent to England. This legate coming with the pope's letters, after he had refreshed himself in the bishops' houses, and amongst the abbots, at length re- sorted to London, where he assembled the whole clergy together, inquired concerning priests' wives, and made thereupon a statute in the said synod of London after this tenor: "To priests, deacons, subdeacons, and canons, we do utterly inhibit by authority apostolical, all manner of society and conversation with all kind of wo- men, except only their mother, sister, or aunt, or such whereof can rise no suspicion. And whoever shall be found to violate this deciee, being convicted thereof, shall sustain thereby the loss of all that he hath by his order." But see how God works against such ungodly proceedings. It happened that the same cardinal was found to be guilty of gross vice, although he had so strictly given out his precepts the day before, to the no little slander and shame (as Matthew Paris writes) of the whole clergy. After Honorius succeeded Pope Innocent II. (A.D. 11,'iO.) But as it was with his predecessors before him, that at every change of popes there came new troubles, and very commonly when a pope was elected, some other was set up as a rival against liim (there being sometimes two and sometimes three popes together), so likewise it happened with this Innocent ; for after he was chosen, the Romans elected another pope, named Anacletus. Between these two popes there was much trouble, and great conflicts. Aboutthe time of these things, (A.D. 11.35,) king Henry being in Normandy, as some say, by a fall from his horse, as others say, by a surfeit in eating lanii)ieys, fell sick and died, after he had reigned five-and-thirty years and odd months ; leaving for his heirs his daughter the empress Matilda, with her young son Henry, to succeed after him ; to whom all the prelates and nobility of the realm were sworn. But contrary to their oath made to h^r, in the presence of her father, William the archbiphop of Canterbury, and the nobles of the realm, crowned Stephen earl of Boulogne, and sister's son to king Henry, upon St. Stephen's day in Christmas week. KING STEPHEN. Thus, when king Stephen, contrary to his oath, had taken ui)on him the crown, he swore before the lords at O.xford, that he would not hold the benefices that were vacant, and that he would remit the danegilt, with many other things, which afterwards he little performed. As he dreaded the coming of the empress, he gave licence to bis lords, every one to build upon his own ground strong castles or fortresses. All his reign he was annoyed with wars, especially with David king of the Scots, with whom, however, he at length made peace. But yet the Scottish king would pay him no homage : although Henry, the son to king David, did homage to king Stephen. But he re- penting thereof, entered into Northumberland with a great army, and burnt and slew the people in a most cruel man- ner, neither sparing man , woman, or child. The children they tossed upon spear points, and laying the priests upon the altars, they mangled and cut them all to pieces, after a most terrible manner. But by the valour of the English lords and soldiers, and through the means of Thurstin, archbishop of Vork, they were met and defeated, a great number of them being slain, and David their king con- strained to give his son Henry as hostage for surety of peace. In the mean time, king Stephen was occujtied in the South countries, besieging various castles of bishops and other lords, and took them by force, and fortified them with his knights and servants, to withstand the empress, of whose coming he was ever afraid. About the sixth year of his reign, the empress came into England out of Normandy, and by the aid of Robert, Earl of Gloucester, and Ranulph of Chester, made war upon king Stephen. In the end the king's party was chased, and himself taken prisoner ; and sent to Bristol, there to be kept in close confinement. After this battle the queen. King Stephen's wife, made great entreaty to the empress and her council, to have the king released and put in to some monastery, but could not obtain it. Also the Londoners made great suit to the , empress, to have Saint Edward's laws again, and not the i laws of her father, which were more strict and strange to ' them than the other. When they could not obtain this request of her and her council, the citizens of London, being discontented, would have taken the empress : but she fled privately from London to Oxford : then the Kentish-men and Londoners, taking the king's part, join- ; ed battle against the empress ; where Robert, earl rf fj Gloucester, and base brother to the emj)ress, was taken, ,: and so by exchange, both the King and the Earl Robert were released from prison. Then Stephen without delay, gathering a strong army, pursued ]\Iatilda or Maud, with her partisans, besieging them in the castle of Oxford. In the siege there fell a great snow, and the frost was so liard, tliat a man heavily-burthened might pass over the water : upon this the empress, arranged with her friends and re- tinue clothed in white sheets, and issuing out by a jiostern- gate, went upon the ice over the Thames, and so escaped to Wallingford. After this, the king gained the castle, and when he found not the empress he was much dis- pleased. He pursued the empress and her company so hard, that at last he caused them to fly the realm, which was the sixth year of his reign. The second year after this, which was the eighth of his reign, there was a parliament at London, to which all the bishops of the realm resorted, and there denounced the king as accursed, and all those with him that did any hurt to the church, or to any minister of it : upon tliis the kingbegan somewhat to amend his proceedings for a time, but afterwards was as bad as before. The empress being compelled to fly the realm, returned again to Normandy to Geoffrey Plantagcnet her husband : who, after he had valiantly won and defended the duchy of Normandy against King Stephen, ended his life, leaving his son Henry to succeed in that dukedom. In the meanwhile, Robert earl of Gloucester, and the earl of Chester, had several conflicts with the king,so that at a battle at Wilton the king was nearly taken, but yet escaped. Soon after this Henry, duke of Normandy, with a great army entered England, and won the castle of Malmestiur)-, the tower of London, and afterward the town of Notting- ham, the castles of Wallingford, with other holds and cas- tles. Between him and the king many battles were fought. During which time, Eustace the king's son died. Upon this occasion, the king caused Theobald archbishop of Canterbury to mediate with the Duke for peace, which was concluded upon this condition, that Stephen, during his lifetime, should hold the kingdom, and Henry in the meantime be proclaimed heir-apparent in the chief cities throughout the realm. These things being concluded, duke Henry returned to Normandy, and the same year king Stephen, as some say for sorrow, ended his life, after he had reigned nineteen years. As Theobald succeeded after William archbishop of Canterbury, so in York, after Thurstin, succeeded Wil- liam, who was called St. William of York, and was poison- ed in his chalice by his chaplains. Matthew Paris writes how Stephen king of England, reserved to himself the right and authority of bestowing spiritual livings, and investing prelates. At this time also, the Emperor Lotharius began to do the same in recovering again the right and privilege taken away from Henry his predecessor ; had not Bernard given him contrary counsel. At this time came into the church the manner of curs- ing with bell, book and candle, devised in the Council of London, held by William, bishop of Winchester under Celestine II. who succeeded Innocent II. (A.D. 114:5). KING HENRY THE SECOND. Henry II. the son of Geoff"rey Plantagcnet, and the Em- press Maud, daughter of King Henry I. began his reign after King Stephen (A. D. lir)4), and continued five-and- thirty years. The first year of his reign he subdued Ireland ; and not long after, Thomas Becket was made Lord Chan- cellor of England. He went into the north, where he sub- dued William king of Scotland, who at that time held a A. D. 1130—1155.] CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR. great part of Northumberland, and joined S( oMand to liis own kingdom, from the South ("cean to the North Isles of Orcad'es. Also he put under his domini in the king- dom of Wales. So that by his great manho k1 and policy, the dominion of England was increased with the addition of Scotland, Ireland, the Orcades, Brittany, Poictoii, and Guienne. Also he had ii\ his rule Normmdy, Gascoyn, Anjou, and Chinon ; also Auvergne and the city of Tho- iouse : besides these (by the title of his wife Eleanor, daughter to the Earl of I'oii-tou) he obtained the Mount Pyrame in Spain : so that we read of none of his proge- nitors, who had so many countries under his dominion. Now the time requires us to proceed to the history of Fre- derick I. (called Barbarossa) successor to Conrad in the empire, who marched into Italy, to subdue certain rebels there. The Pope hearing this, came with his clergy to meet hira, in hojies to obtain his assistance against his enemies. The emperor, on seeing the bishop, alighted from his horse to receive him, holding the stirrup to the prelate on the left side, when he should have held it on the right, at which the pope shewed himself somewhat annoyed. The emperor smiling, excused himself, that he was never accustomed to hold stirrups ; and as it was done only of good will, and of no duty, it was little matter which side of the horse he held. The next day, to make amends to the bishop, the emperor sent for him, and received him holding the right stirrup, and so all the matter was settled. After this, as they were come in and sat together, Adri- an, the pope, began to declare unto him, how his ances- tors before him, such as sought unto the See of Rome for the crown, were wont always to leave behind them some special token or monument of their benevolence for the obtaining thereof. Wherefore he required some benefit to proceed likewise from him to the church of Rome, in restoring again the country of Apulia to the church of Rome ; which if he would do, he for his part would do what appertained to him to perform : meaning in giving him the crown, for at that time the popes had brought the emperors to seek their crown at their hand. Frederick with his princes perceiving that, unless he would of his own proper costs and charges recover Apulia out of Duke William's hands, he could not secure the crown, promised all that the pope required, and so the next day after was crowned. This done, the emperor returned into Germany, while Adrian, not liking to be idle, gives forth his excommu- nication against WiUiam, duke of Apulia. Besides, not content with this, he sends also to Emmanuel, Emperor of Constantinople, inciting him to war against William. The duke perceiving this, sends to the pope for peace, promising to restore to him whatever he wished. But the pope, through the malignant counsel of his cardinals, would grant no peace, thinking to get more by war. The duke, seeing nothing but war, prepared him- self with all expedition, and he arrived at Apulia, and there put the Emperor Emmanuel to flight. Then he proceeded to the city of Bonaventure, where the pope with his cardinals were looking for victory. He so be- sieged and pressed the city, that the pope with his car- dinals were glad to treat" for peace, which they refused before. The duke granted peace upon certain conditions, viz. that he should not invade such possessions as belong- ed to Rome, and that the pope should make him king of both Sicilies. The emperor, Frederick Barbarossa, all this while sit- ting quietly at home, began to consider with himself how the pope had extorted from the emperors his predeces- sors, the investiture of prelates; how he had sickened and taxed all nations by his legates, and also had been the sower of seditions through all his empire ; he began therefore to require of all the b.ishops of Germany ho- mage, and an oath of allegiance ; commanding also the pope's legates, if they came into Germany, without his sending for, not to be received. Charging moreover all his subjects that none of them should appeal to Rome. Besides this, in his letters he set and prefixed his name before the pope's name : whereupon the pope, being not a little offended, directed his letters to the Emperor Frederick alter this tenor, as follows : 127 "Adrian bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Frederick emperor, health and apostolical benediction. The law of God as it promises to them that honour father and mother long life, so it threatens the sentence of death to them that curse father and mother. We are taught by the word of truth, that every one who exalteth himself shall be brought low. Wherefore, my well-beloved son in the Lord, we marvel not a little at your wisdom, in that you seem not to show that reverence to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy church of Rome, which you ought to shew. For why ? In your letters sent to us, you jilace your own name before ours, wherein you incur the note of insolency, yea, rather of arrogancy. Why should I here recite to you the oath of your fidehty, which you sware to blessed St. Peter and to us, and how you ob- serve and keep the same ? Seeing you so require homage and allegiance of them that be gods, and all the sons of the high God, and presume to join their holy lands with yours, working contrary to us : seeing you also exclude, not only out of your churches, but also out of your cities, our cardinals, whom we direct as legates from our side : what shall I say then to you ? Amend, therefore I advise you, amend ; for while you go about to obtain of us your consecration and crown, and to get those things you have not, I fear much your honour will lose the things you have. Thus fare ye well." The Answer of Frederick the Emperor to the Pope. " Frederick by the grace of God, Roman Emperor, ever Augustus, to Adrian Bishop of the Roman church, and to all such as be willing to cleave to those things which Jesus began to do and to teach, greeting. The law of justice gives to every person accordingly that which is his. Neither do we derogate from our parents, of whom according as we have received this our dignity of the imperial crown and governance ; so in the same kingdom of ours, we do render their due and true honour to them again. And for so much as duty in all sorts of men is to be sought out, let us see first in the time of Constantine (Sylvester then being bishop of Rome) what ))atrimony or regality he had of his own, due to him that he might claim. Did not Constantine of his liberal be- nevolence give liberty and restore peace to the church ? And whatever regality of patrimony the see of your papacy has, was it not by the donation of princes given to them ? Revolve and turn over the ancient chroni- cles, (if either you have not read or neglected what we do affirm) where it is to be found. Of them which are gods by adoption, and hold our lordships of us, why may we not justly require their homage, and their sworn al- legiance, when he which is both your master and ours (taking nothing of any king or any man, but giving all goodness to all men) paid toll and tribute for him and Peter unto Caesar ? giving you example to do the like. And therefore he saith to you and all men, ' Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly,' &c. Wherefore either render again your lordships and patrimonies which ye hold of U3 ; or else if ye find them so sweet to you, then give that which is due to God unto God ; and that which is due to CsSsar, unto Caesar. As for your cardi . nals, we shut them out both of churches and cities, because we see they are not preachers but prowlers ; not makers of peace, but rakers for money ; not pillars and upholders of the church, but the insatiable taxers of the world, and collectors of money and gold. When we shall see them otherwise (such as the church requires them to be) as members and makers of peace, shining lorth like lights to the people, assisting poor and weak men's causes in the way of equity, &c., then shall they find us forward and ready to relieve them with salaries, and all things necessary. And where you bring such questions as these to secular men (little conducing to religion) you incur thereby no little note andblemish of your humility, which is keeper of all virtues, and of your meekness. Therefore let your fatherhood beware and take heed, lest in moving such matters as seem to us unseemly for you, ye give thereby offence to such as depend on your word (giving ear to your mouth as it were to an evening shower) : for we cannot but teU you of what we hear ; 123 DISSENSION BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR. [Book IV seeing now the detestable beast of pride creeps into the Beat of Peter, providing always as much as we may (by God's grace) for the peace of the church. Fare ye well." Upon this Adrian the pope directs a bull against Fre- derick, excommunicating him with public and solemn ceremonies, and then conspiring with William Duke of Apulia, he souglit all manner of ways to infest the em- peror, and to set all men against him, especially the clergy. The pope understanding the intent of the empe- ror,"and how loth he was to come under subjection to his see, devised by all crafty ways to bring it to pass ; and sent some sharp letters to him, and yet not so sharp as proud and disdainful. Wherein the first sa- lutation by his legates was this: "Oar most blessed father the pope greeteth you, and the universal company of the cardin tls, he as your father, they as your bre- thren." Meaning that the emperor should understand himself to be subject and underling to the pope, no less than the cardinals were. The emperor with his princes, perceiving, on perusing the letters, at what the pope by his legates was aiming, could not brook such intolerable presumption, whereupon there was much contention between the legates and the princes. " And of whom then," say the legates, " does the emperor receive the empire, if not from the pope ?" With this the German princes were so much offended that, had not the emperor stopped them with some difficulty, they would have used violence against the legates. But the emperor not per- mitting that, commanded the legates away, charging them to make no turn by the way, but to depart straight home. And he, to certify to the whole state of the empire the truth of the matter, directs forth these letters that follow : The Emperor's Letter sent through all his empire. *' For so much as the providence of God (whereof de- pendeth all power, both in heaven and earth) hath com- mitted to us, his anointed, this our empire to be go- verned, and the peace of his churches by our imperial arms to be protected, we cannot but lament and com- plain to you with great sorrow of heart, seeing such causes of dissension the root and fountain of evils, and the infection of pestiferous corruption thus to rise from the holy church, imprinted with the seal of peace and love of Christ. " By reason whereof (except God turn it away) we fear the whole body of the church is like to be polluted, the unity thereof to be broken, and schism and division to be betwixt the spiritual and temporal government. Per we being of late at Bisunze, and there intreating busily of matters pertaining as well to the honour of our empire, as to the wealth of the churches, there came ambassadors of the see apostolical, declaring that they brought a legacy to our majesty of great importance, redounding to the no small commodity of our honour and empire. "Who then, the first day of their coming, being brought to our presence, and received of us (as the man- ner is) with honour accordingly, audience was given them to hear what they had to say. They forthwith bursting out of the mammon of ini(iuity, haughty pride, stoutness and arrogancy, out of the execrable presump- tion of their swelling heart, delivered their message with letter apostolical, whereof the tenor was this : ' That we should always have before our eyes, how tliat our sovereign lord the pope gave us the imperial crown, and that it doth not repent him, if so be we have received greater benefits at his hand.' And this was the effect of that so sweet and fatherly legation, which should nourish peace both of the church and of the empire, to unite them fast together in the band of love. "And at the hearing of this so false, untrue, and most vain-glorious presumption of so proud a message, not only the emperor's majesty conceived indignation, but, also all the princes (there present) were moved with such anger and rage thereat, that if our presence and request had not stayed them, they would not have held their hands from "these wicked priests, or else would have proceeded with sentence of death against them. " Furthermore, because a great number of other letters (partly written already, partly with seals ready signed, for letters to be written according as they.sliould think good to the churches of Germany) w^ere found about them, whereby to work their conceived intent of iniquity here in our churches, to spoil the altars, to carry away the jewels of the church, and to tear off the limbs and plates of golden crosses, &c. To the in- tent their avaricious meaning should have no further power to reign, we gave them commandment to depart the same way they came. And now seeing our reign and empire stands upon the election of princes from God alone, who in the passion of his Son subdued the world to be governed with two swords ; and again, seeing Peter the apostle hath so instructed the world with this doctrine, ' Fear God, honour your king ;' therefore, whoso sayeth that we have and possess our imperial kingdom by the benefit of the lord pope, is contrary both to the ordi- nance of God, and to the doctrine of Peter, and also shall be reproved for a liar. " Therefore as our endeavour has been heretofore to help and to deliver the servile captivity of churches out of the hand and from the yoke of such Egyptians, and to main- tain the right of their liberties and dignities, we desire you all with your compassion to lament with us this slanderous ignominy, cast upon us and our kingdom, trusting that your faithful good will, which has been ever trusty to the honour of this empire (never yet blemished from the first beginning of this city, and of religion) will provide that it shall have no hurt through the strange novelty and presumptuous pride of such. Which thing rather than it should come to pass, know you this for certain ; I had rather incur the danger of death, than suffer such confusion to happen in our days." This letter of the emperor fretted the pope not a little, who wrote again to the bishops of Germany, accusing the emperor, and requiring them to work against him what they could. This pope continued not very long, the space only of four years and odd months. Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet the next was much worse. Alexander III. was not elected alone, for the emperor with nine cardinals set up another pope, named Victor IV. Between these two popes rose a great discord that long continued. So that the emperor, being required to take up the matter, sent for them both to ap- pear before him, that in hearing them both he might judge their cause better. Victor came, but Alexander refused to appear. Whereupon the emperor, with a full consent of his bishops and clergy ratified the election of Victor. Alexander flying into France accursed them both, sending his letters through all Christendom against them, as men to be avoided and cast out of all christian com- pany. Also at Rome, by flattery and money he got on his side the greatest part of the city. After this, Alex- ander coming from France to Sicily, and from thence to Rome, was there received with much favour, through the help of Philip the French king. The emperor, hearing of this, marched with great force into Italy. Coming at length to Rome, he required the citizens that the cause betwixt the two popes might be decided, and that he who had the best right might be taken. Alexander mistrusting his part, and doubting the will of the citizens, fled to Venice. The emperor sent his son Otho, with men and ships against Venice, charging him not to attempt any thing before his coming. The young man more hardy than circumspect, joined battle with the Venetians, was over- come, and taken prisoner. The father, to help the captivity and misery of his son, was compelled to submit himself to the pope, and to treat for peace. So the emperor coming to Venice (at St. Mark's church, where the bishop was, there to get his absolution) was obliged to kneel down at the pope's feet. The proud pope, setting his foot upon the emperor's neck, said this verse of the psalm, " Thou shalt tread upon the adder and the serpent, the lion iind the dragon shalt A.D. 1155-1164.] THE HISTORY OF THOMAS BECKET. thou tread under thy feet." The emperor answered, " Not to thee but to Peter." The pope aand and them. Also Richard de Lucy, and Jocelin de Baliol, who have assisted the favourers of the king's tyranny and workers of their heresies. Also Rodulph de Brock, and Hugo de St. Clare, and Thomas the son of Bernard, who have usurped the possessions and goods of tlie church of Canterbury without our licence and consent. We have also excommunicated all those, who without our licence stretch out their hands to the pos- sessions and goods of the church of Canterbury. The king himself we have not yet excommunicated per- sonally, still waiting for his amendment : whom (not- withstanding) we will not defer to excommunicate, un- less he quickly amend, and be warned by what he has done. And therefore that the authority of the see apos- tolic, and the liberty of the church of God, which in these parts are almost utterly lost, may be by some means restored, it is meet and very necessary that what we have herein done should be ratified by your holi- ness, and confirmed by your letters. Thus I wish your holiness long to prosper and flourish," By this epistle, he that wishes to understand the doings of Becket, may partly judge what is to be thought of them. Although in some part they may be imputed either to ignorance of mind, or blindness of zeal, or human frailty ; yet in this point, so vilely to complain of his natural prince, he can by no wise be defended. But such was the blindness of the prelates in those days, who measured and esteemed the dignity and liberties of Christ's church by nothing but by the goods and pos- sessions flowing and abounding in the clergy ; and thought no greater point of religion to be in the church, than to maintain the same. For whicVi cause they most abominably abused christian discipline and the excommu- nication of the church. And what wonder if the acts and doings of this archbishop seem now to us in tliese dajs both fond and strange : when the suffragans of his own church and clergy, writing to him, could not but repre- hend him, as may be seen in this their epistle. An effecfual and pithy Letter, full of reason and persua- sion, sent from all the Svffrayans of the Church of Canterbury to Thomas Becket their Archbishop. " Such troubles and perturbations as happened through the strangeness of your departure out of the realm, we hoped by your humility and prudence should have been reduced again (God's grace working withal) into a peaceable tranquillity. And it was no little joy to us, to hear so of you in those parts where you are con- versant, how humbly you there behaved yourself, nothing vaunting yourself against your prince and king, and that you attempt no risings or wrestlings against his king- dom, but that you bear with much patience the burthen of poverty, and gave yourself to reading and prayer, and to redeem the loss of your time spent, with fasting, watchings, and tears ; and so, being occupied with spiritual studies, to tend and rise up to the perfection of virtue, &c. But now, through the secret relation of some, we hear (what we are sorry for) that you have sent to him a threatening letter, wherein there is no salu- tation premised. In which also ye pretend no intreat- ing nor prayers for the obtaining of favour, nor use any friendly manner in declaring what you write, but menac- ing with much austerity, threaten to interdict him, and to cut him froni the society of the church. W'hich thing if you shall accomplish with like severity, as in words ye threaten to do, you shall not only put us out of all hope of any peace, but also put us in fear of hatred and discord without measure, and without all redress amongst us. But wisdom will consider before the end of things, labouring and endeavouring to finish that which she wisely begins. Therefore your discretion shall do well diligently to forecast and consider whereto ye tend ; what end may ensue thereof, and whereabout ye go. Certainly we, for our parts, hearing what we do hear, are discouraged from what we hoped for, who, previously having some good comfort of tranquillity to come, are cast from hope to despair : so that while one is drawn thus against another, there is scarcely any hope or place left to make entreaty or supplication. Where- fore, writing to your fatherhood, we exhort and counsel you by way of charity. That you add not trouble to trouble, nor heap injury upon injury: but that you so be- have yourself, that all menaces set aside, you rather give yourself to patience and humility, and to yield your cause to the clemency of God, and to the mercy of your prince ; and in so doing you shall heap coals of charity upon the heads of many. Thus charity shall be kindled, and that which menacings cannot do (by God's help and good men's counsel) perad venture pity and godliness shall obtain. It were better to sustain poverty with praise, than in great promotions to be a common note to all men. It is right well known unto all men, how kind the king has been to you, from what baseness to what dignity he has advanced you, and also into his own familiarity has so much preferred you, that from the northern ocean to the Pyrinean mountains, he has sub- dued all things to your authority : in so much that they were among all others accounted for fortunate men, who- ever could find any favour with you. A. D. linfi— 1169. LETTER OF THE EMPRESS MATILDA TO BECKET. 139 " And, furthermore, lest your estimation should be over matched by any nobility, he (against the mind of j his mother, and of his realm) has placed and ratified you I substantially in ecclesiastical dignity, and advanced you I to this honour wherein ye stand : trusting through your help and counsel to reign more safely and prosperously. 1 Now, if he shall find disquietness, wherein he trusted to I have quietness, what shall all men say or think of you ? M'hut recompence or retribution shall this be thought to j be for so many and great benefits received ? Therefore : (if it shall please you) ye shall do well to favour and ! spare your fame and estimation, and to overcome your I lord and sovereign with humility and charity. Whereto j if our advice cannot move you ; yet the love and fidelity you bear to the bishop and holy church of Rome ought to incline you not to attempt any such thing, where- by the troubles of the church our mother may in- crease, or whereby her sorrow may be augmented in the loss of them, whose disobedience she now bewails : for •what if it so happen through provocation, tliat the king (whom all his subjects and kingdoms obey) should re- linquish the pope, which God forbid, and should deny all obedience to him, as he denies to the king help or aid against you ? what inconvenience would grow thereof ? And think you, he hath not great instigations, supplica- tions, gifts, and many fair promises so to do ? Yet he (notwithstanding) abides firm hitherto, in the rock, de- spising with a valiant mind all that the world can offer. This one thing we fear, lest his mind (whom no worldly offers can assail, no glory, riches, nor treasure can over- turn) only through indignation of unkindness be sub- verted. Which thing if it chance to happen through you, then may y^ou sit down and sing the song of the Lamentation of Jeremiah, and weep your full. " Consider therefore, if it please you, and foresee well with yourself, this purpose of yours, if it proceed, how hurtful and perilous it will be ; not only to the pope, and to the holy church of Rome, but also to yourself most especially. But some perad venture about you, of haughty and high minded stoutness, more stout than wise, will not suffer you to take this way, but will give yon con- trary counsel, rather to prove and declare what you are able to do against your lord and prince, and to practise against him and all his the utmost of your power and au- thority, which power and authority of yours, to him that offends is fearful ; and to him that will not amend, terri- ble. Such counsel as this, some peradventure will whis- per in your ear. But to these again, we say this, and answer for our king, whom notwithstanding we do not affirm to be without fault ; but yet we speak confidently and protest in his behalf, that he is always ready to amend and make satisfaction. " The king, appointed as the Lord's anointed, pro- vides for the peace of his subjects all that he is able : and therefore to the intent that he may preserve this peace in his churches and among his subjects committed to him, he wills and requires such ordinances as are due to the kings, and were exhibited before time to them to be exhibited to him also. Wherein if there has any contradiction sprung between him and us, he being admonished from the pope by the reverend bishops of London and Hereford, burst not out into any defiance, but meekly and humbly an- swered, that wherein soever the church or any ecclesias- tical person can shew himself grieved he would therein stand to the judgment of the church of his kingdom. Which also he is ready no less to perform, thinking no- thing more sweet unto him than to be admonished of his fault, if he have offended the Lord, and to reform the same ; and not only to reform and amend his fault, but also to satisfy it to the utmost, it the law shall so require him. W^herefore, seeing he is so willing to recompense and sa- tisfy the judgment of the church in all things appertain- ing to the church ; refusing no order that shall be taken, but in all things submitting his neck to the yoke of Christ : with what right, by what canon, or reason can you inter- dict him, or use excommunication against him ? It is a thing laudable and a virtue of great commendation in wise men, wisely to go with judgment and reason, and not to be carried with puffs of hasty violence. Whereupon this u the oidy and common petition of us all, that your fa- therly care will diligently provide for your flock and sheep committed to you, so that they miscarry not, or run to any ruin through any inconsiderate or too much heady counsel in you : but rather that through your softness and sufferance, they may obtain life, peace and security. It doth move us all, what we hear of late to be done by you against the bishop of Salisbury, and the dean of the same church, prosperously, as some men suppose ; against whom you have given out the sentence of excommunica- tion and condemnation, before there was any question of their crime ; following therein, as seems, more the heat of hastiness than the path of righteousness. This is a new order of judgment, unheard of yet to this day in our laws and canons, first to condemn a man, and after to inquire of the fact committed. Which order lest you should hereafter attempt to exercise in like manner against our sovereign and king, or against us and our churches, and parishes committed to us, to the detriment of the pope, and the holy church of Rome, and to the no little con- fusion of us all ; therefore we lay here against you, for ourselves, the remedy of appeal. And, as before, openly in the public face of the church with lively voice we ap- pealed to the Pope for certain perils that might have hap- pened : so now again in writing we appeal to the same, assigning as the term of our appeal the day of the Lord's ascension. Most humbly and reverently beseeching your goodness, that you, taking a better way with you in this matter, will let your cause fall, sparing herein both the labours and charges, as well of yourself, as ours also. And thus we wish you right well to fare, reverend in the Lord." The Letter of Matilda the Empress, and Mother of the King, to Thomas Becket. " My Lord the Pope commanded me, and upon the forgiveness of my sins enjoined me, that I should be a mediator and means of peace and concord between my son and you, by reconciling of yourself to him, whereunto (as you know) you requested me. Wherefore the earnester and with more affection (as well for the divine honour as for holy church) I took the enterprise upon me. But this by the way, I assure you, that the king, his barons, and council, take it grievously, that you, whom he en- tirely loved, honoured and madechiefest in all this realm to the intent to have more comfort and better trust in you, should thus (as the report is) rebel, and stir his peo- ple against him. Yea and further, that as much as in you lies, you went about to disinherit him, and deprive him of his crown. Upon the occasion whereof, I sent to you our trusty and familiar servant Lawrence archdeacon, by whom I pray you that I may understand your mind here- in, and good will toward my son, and how you mean to behave yourself (if my prayer and petition may be heard by him in your behalf) toward his Grace. But this one thing I assure you of, that unless it be through your great humility and moderation, evidently appearing in you, you cannot obtain the favour of the king. Herein what you mean to do, I pray you send me word by your proper letters and messengers." But to proceed further in the order of the history. After these letters sent to and fro (A- D. 1169), which was the fifteenth year of the reign of King Henry II. the king doubting and fearing with him- self, that the archbishop would proceed in his excommu- nication against his person, made his appeal to the pre- sence of the pope, requiring to have certain legates sent down from Rome, to take up the matter between the archbishop and him ; requiring moreover that they might also be absolved that were interdicted. Whereupon two cardinals, being sent from Alexander the Pope with let- ters to the king, came to Normandy : where they ap- pointed the archbishop to meet them before the king upon St. Martin's day. But the archbishop, neither agreeing with the day nor the place, delayed his coming till the eighth day after, neither would go any further than to Grisortium. where the two cardinals and arch- bishop, with other bishops meeting together, had a treaty of peace and reconciliation, but it came to no conclusion. 140 LETTER OF TWO CARDINALS TO THE POPE, CONCERNING BECKET. [Book IV, The contents of which treaty or action, because it is suf- ficiently contained in the cardiiial's letters, who were called William and Otho, written to the pope, it requires no further labour, than to give the letter itself, as follows. The copy of the Epistle written and sent ly two Cardi- nah to the Pope, concerning the matter of the Arch- bishop Becket. " William and Otho, cardinals of the church of Rome to Alexander the Pope, &c. Coming to the land of the king of England, we found the controversy betwixt him and the archbishop of Canterbury more sharp and vehe- ment than we would. For the king, and the greater part of them about him, said, that the archbishop had stirred lip the French king, grievously against him ; and also the earl of Flanders his kinsman (wlio bare no displeasure to him before) he made his open adversary, ready to war against him, as is by divers evidences most certain. Thus when we came to Cadomus, into the king's pre- sence, we gave the letters of your fatherhood to his hands, which after that he had received and considered (bringing forth other letters received from you before, something different and altering from these which he re- ceived of us) he was moved with no little indignation ; saying, that after our departure from you, the archbishop had received of you other contrary letters, by the virtue whereof he was exempted from our judgment, so that he should not be compelled to answer us. Moreover, the king affirmed to us, and so did the bishops there present, testify the same, that concerning the old and ancient customs of his progenitors (whereof complaint was made to you) all that for the most part was false and untrue which was intimated to you ; offering further to us, that if there were any such customs or laws in his time, that seemed prejudicial or disagreeable to the statutes of the church, he would willingly be content to revoke and dis- annul the same. Whereupon we with other archbishops, bishops and abbots of the land hearing the king so rea- sonable, laboured by all the means we might, that the king should not utterly break from us, but rather should incline to us to have the matter brought before us between Lim and the forenamed archbishop. By reason whereof, we directed our chaplains with letters to the archbishop, appointing him both time and place where he might safely meet with us in the feast of St. Martin. Nevertheless he, pretending certain excuses, made delays, putting off the time from the day of St. Martin to the eighth day following, which stirred the king's heart more than is to be thought. " Thus although we offered to the archbishop safe con- duct, yet when he refused to meet us in the borders of the king, we, to satisfy his mind, condescended to meet him within the land of the French king, in the place where he himself appointed, because there should be no hinderance in us, whereby to stop his profit. After we had entered communication, we began to exhort him, all that we could, to submit and humble himself to his sove- reign and king, who had heaped him with such benefits and dignities. He, being thus moved and exhorted by us, departed aside to consult with his council upon the matter. At length after counsel taken, he comes again, answering in this manner : that he would submit and humble himself to the king, ' Saving the honour of God, and liberty of the church, saving also the honesty of his person, and possessions of churches ; and more- over, saving the justice of him and of all his in all things, ' &c. After which communication, we moved and required him more urgently, that he would come to the special- ties. Likewise we demanded of him, if he would stand and submit himself to our letters, if the king and the bishops were contented to do ."^o. To which he said, ' That he had received from you a commandment, not to answer until he and all his were restored fully to all their pos- sessions ; and then he would proceed in the matter, accord- ing as he should receive commandment from the see apostolical.' " Thus we breaking off communication, seeing that he neither would stand to j'ulginent, nor come to confor- ■aity, thought to make relation thereof to the king, and so did : declaring that which he had expressed to us ; yet not uttering all, but keeping back a great part of that which we had heard and seen. Which when the king and his nobles had understanding of, he affirmed to us again ; that he therein was cleared so much the more, for that the archbishop would not stand to their judgment, nor abide their trial. After much heaviness and lamentation of the king, the archbishop, bishops, and abbots of the realm requiring of us, whether we had any such power, by virtue of our commission, to withstand him and proceed against him ; and perceiving that our authority would not serve thereto, and fearing lest the archbishop, refusing all order of judgment, would work again disquietness to some noble personages of the realm : and seeing our authority could not extend so far as to help them against him, they holding consultation among themselves agreed with one consent, to make their appeal to your audience, prefix- ing accordingly the term of their appeal." By this epistle of these two cardinals sent to the pope, may sufficiently appear all the discourse and manner of that assembly concerning the confidence be- tween the cardinals and the archbishop. When William, who was the more eloquent of the two cardinals, had rea- soned long with him asconcerning the peace of the church : which Becket said he preferred above all things. "Well then," said the cardinal, " seeing all this contention between the king and you rises upon certain laws and customs to be abrogated, and that you regard the peace of the church so much : then what say you ? Will you renounce your bishoprick, and the king will renounce his customs ? The peace of the church now lies in your hands, either to retain or to let go ; what say you :" To whom he answereth again, " That the proportion was not hke. For I," saith he, " (saving the honour of my church and my person) cannot renounce my bishopric. On the other hand, it becomes the king for his soul's health and honour to renounce these his ordinances and customs." Which thing he thus proved ; because the pope had con- demned those customs, and he likewise with the church of Rome had done the same, &c. After the cardinals were returned, the French king seeing the king of England disquieted and solicitous to have peace (or at least pretending to set an agreement between them) brought the matter to a communication among them. In which communication the French king made himself as umpire between them. The king of England, hearing that the archbishop would commit him- self to his arbitration, was the more willing to admit his presence. Whereupon, many being there present, the archbishop, prostrating himself at the king's feet, de- clared to him kneeling upon his knees, that he would commit the whole cause, whereof the dissension rose between them, unto his own arbitration ; adding (as he did before) " Saving the honour of God." The king (as is said before) being greatly offended at this word, hear- ing and seeing the stiffness of the man sticking so much to this word, was highly displeased, rebuking him with many grievous words, as a man proud and stubborn, and also charging him with sundry and great benefits be- stowed upon him, as a person ungrateful, and forget- ing what he had so gently done and bestowed upon him. And speaking to the French king there present : " See, sir, if it please you," saith the king of England, " what- soever displeases this man, he calls it contrary to the honour of God. And so by this means he will vindicate and challenge to himself both what is his and what is mine also. And yet as 1 will not do anything contrary or prejudicial to God's honour, this I offer him : there have been kings in England before, both of greater and less puissance than I am ; likewise there have been bishops of Canterbury many both great and holy men : what the greatest and most holy of all his predecessors before him has done to the least of my progenitors and predeces- sors,let him do thesame to me and I am content." Thejr that stood by, hearing these words of the king, crifd all with one voice, " The king hath debased hinistlf enough to tlie bishop." The archbishop made no answer, but kept silence, "What," saith the French king to him, " my lord archbishop, will you be better than those holy men .' Will ye be greater than Peter . What stand you A. D. 1169— 1170.] DISSIMULATION OF LOUIS. BECKET RETURNS TO ENGLAND. 141 doubting ? Here now you have peace and quietness placed in your o.vn hands, if ye will take it." To this the arch- bishop answered again. "Truth it is," saithhe, '• my pre- decessors were both much better and greater than I, and every one of them for tiis time, although he did not extirpate all, yet did pluck up and correct somewhat which seemed adverse and repugnant to God's honour. For if they had taken all together away, no such occasion then had been left for any man to raise up this fiery trial now against us ; that we, being so proved with them, might also be crowned with them, being likewise par- takers of praise and reward, as we are of their labour and travel. And though some of them have been slack, or exceeded in their duty, we are not bound in that to follow their example. When Peter denied Christ, we rebuke him ; but when he resisted the rage of Nero, therein we commend him. And therefore because he could not find in his conscience to consent to what he ought in no wise to dissemble, neither did he ; by reason thereof he lost his life. By such like oppressions the church has always grown. Our fore-fathers and predecessors, because they would not dissemble the name and honour of Chiist, therefore they suffered. And shall I, to have the favour of one man, suffer thehonour of Christtobe suppressed ?" The nobles standing by, hearing him thus speak, were greatly grieved with him, noting in him both arrogancy and wilfulness, in perturbing and refusing such an honest offer of agreement. But specially one amongst the rest was most grieved, who there openly protested, that seeing the archbishop so refused the counsel and the request of both of the kingdoms, he was not worthy to have the help of either of them ; but as the kingdom of England had rejected him, so the realm of France should not receive him. Alan, Herbert, and another of his chaplains that com- mitted to history the doings of Becket, record (whether truly or no I cannot say), that the French king sending for him, as one much sorrowing and lamenting the words that he had spoken, at the coming of Becket did pro- strate himself at his feet, confessing his fault, in giving counsel to him in such a cause (pertaining to the honour of God) to relent therein and to yield to the pletusure of man : wherefore, declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolved thereof. So that after this, the French king and Becket were great friends together ; insomuch that King Henry sending to the king to intreat him, and de- sire him that he would not support nor maintain his enemy within his realm, the French king utterly denied the king's request, taking part rather with the archbishop than with him. Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the king and the archbishop above mentioned, there followed yet another, which was this : shortly after this communica- tion between the king and Becket, the king of England re- turning again from Normandy into England (A. D. 1170, and the sixteenth year of his reign), kept his court of par- liament at Westminster ; in which parliament he (through the assent both of the clergy and the lords temporal) caused his son Henry to be crowned king. Which coronation was done by the hands of Robert archbishop of York, with the assistance of other bishops administering to the game, as Gilbert of London, Jocelin of Salisbury, Hugo of Durham, and Walter of Rochester. By reason of which Racket of Canterbury, being neither mentio.ied nor ciUed for, took no little displeasure ; and so did Louis the French king, hearing that Margaret his daughter was not crowned with her husband : whereupon gather- ing a great army, he forthwith marched into Normandy. But the matter was soon composed by the king of Eng- land, who sending his son to him in Normandy, there en- treated and concluded peace with him, promising that his son should be crowned again, and then his daughter should be crowned also. But the archbishop not ceasing his displeasure and emulation, sent to the pope, com- plaining of these four bishops, especially of the archbishop of York ; who durst be so bold in his absence, and with- out his licence, to crown the king, being a matter proper and peculiar to his jurisdiction. At this request, the pope •ent down the sentence of eicommunication against the bishop of London. The other three bishops with the arch- bishop of York he suspended. This being done, the archbishop of York with the other bishops resorted to the king with a grievous comjjlaint, declaring how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustained for fulfilling his commandment. The king, hearing this, was highly moved, as no marvel was. But what remedy ? The time of tlie ruin of the pope was not yet come ; and what prince then could withstand the injurious violence of that Romish potentate ? In the mean time the French king with his clergy and courtiers lost no occasion to excite and solicit Alexander the pope against the king of England to excommunicate him also : thinking to have some advantage against the realm. Nor was the king ignorant of this, which made him more ready for reconciliation. At length came down from the pope two legates, the archbishop of Rothomage and the bishop of Navern, with the direction and full commission either to drive the king to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the pope's censures out of the church. The king understanding himself to be in greater straits ihan he could avoid, at length through the medi- ation of the French king and of other prelates and great princes, was content to yield to peace and reconciliation with the archbishop, whom he both received to his favour, and also permitted and granted him free return to his church again. Concerning his possessions and lands of the church of Canterbury, although Becket made great labour there for, yet the king (being then in Normandy) would not grant him them, before he should repair to Eng- land to see how he would there agree with his subjects. Thus a sort of pea^e being concluded between the king and him, the archbishop, after six years banishment, re- turned to England, where he was right joyfully received by the church of Canterbury ; although by Henry the young king, he was not so greatly welcomed. So that coming up to London to the king, he was sent back to Canterbury, and there bid to keep his house. Roger Hoveden makes mention in his chronicle, that the archbishop (upon Christmas-day) excommunicated Robert de Brock for cutting off the tail of a certain horse of his the day before. In the mean time the four bishops before mentioned, whom the archbishop excommunicated, sent to him, humbly desiring to be released of their censure. To whom when the archbishop would not grant clearly and simply without cautions and exceptions, they went over to the king, declaring to him and complaining of their misera- ble state and uncourteous handling by the archbishop. Whereupon the king conceived great sorrow in his mind, and displeasure toward the party. Insomuch ihat he lamented to them about him, (amongst so many that he had done for) there was none that would revenge him of his enemy. By occasion of which words, certain that were about the king (to the number of four) hearing him tlms complain and lament, addressed themselves in great heat of haste to satisfy the grieved mind and quarrel of their prince: who within four days after Christmas-day, sail- ing over into England, came to Canterbury, where Becket was commanded to keep. After certain consultations among themselves, they pressed at length into the palace where the archbishop was setting with his company about him : first to try him with words, to see whether he would relent to the king's mind, and come to some conformity. They brought to him, they said, commandment from the king, and bid him choose whether he had rather openly there in presence, or secretly receive it. Then the com- pany being desired to leave, as he sat alone, they said, " You are commanded from the king beyond the sea, to repair to the king's son here, and to do your duty to him, swearing to him your fidelity for your barony and other things, and to amend those things wherein you have tres- passed against h'm." Whereupon the archbishop refus- ing to swear, and perceiving their intent, called in his company again, and in multiplying of words to and fro, at length they came to the bishops who were excommu- nicate for the coronation of the king, whom they com- manded in the king's name he should absolve and set free again. ■ The archbishop answered, " That he neither supended nor excommunicated them, but the pope ; where- 142 BECKET SLAIN AT CANTERBURY BY FOUR SOLDIERS. [Book IV fore, if that were the matter that grieved them, they should resort to the pope, he had nothing to do with the matter." Then said Reginald one of the four ; " although you in your own person did not excommunicate them, yet through your instigation it was done." To whom the archbishop said again, " and if the pope (said he) tender- ing the injuries done to me and my church, wrought this revenge for me, I confess it offends me nothing." " Thus then (said they) it appears well by your own words, that it pleases you right well (in contempt and contumely oi the king's majesty) to sequestrate his bishops from their ministry, who at the commandment of the king did ser- vice in the coronation of his son. And seeing you have so presumed tlius to stand against the exaltation of this our sovereign, our new king, it seems likely that you asjiired to take his crown from him, and to be exalted king yourself." " I aspire not (said he) to the crown and name of the king, but rather if I had four crowns (to give him more), I would set them all upon him ; such good will I do bear him, that only his father the king excepted, there is none, whose honour I more tender and love. And as concerning the sequestrating of those bi- shops, this I give you to understand, that nothing was done in that behalf without the knowledge and assent of the king himself ; to whom when I had made my com- plaint at the feast of Mary Magdalene, of the wrong and injury done to me and my church therein; he gave me his good leave to obtain at the pope's hand such remedy as I could, promising moreover his help to me in the same." " What is this," quoth they, " that thou sayest? Makest thou the king a traitor, and a betrayer of the king his own son ? that when he had commanded the bi- shops to crown his son, he would give thee leave afterward to sus|)end them for so doing ? Certainly, it had been better for you not to have accused so the king of this treachery." The archbishop said to Reginald, that he was there present at that time, and heard it himself. But that he denied, and swore it was not so. " And think you (said they) that we the king's subjects will or ought to suffer this ?" And so approaching near him, they said he had spoken enough against his own head ; where- ujion followed great exclamation and many threatening words. Then said the archbishop, " I have since my coming over sustained many injuries and rebukes, con- cerning both myself, my men, my cattle, my wines, and all other goods ; notwithstanding the king, writing over to his son, required him that I should live in safety and peace, and now, beside all others, you come hither to threaten me." To this Reginald answering again, said, " If there be any that works you any injury otherwise than is right, the law is open, why do you not complain ?" " To whom, (said Becket,) should I complain ?" " To the young king," said they. Then said Becket, " I have complained enough if that would help, and have sought for remedy at the king's hands, so long as I could he suf- fered to come to his speech ; but now seeing that I am stopt from that neither can find redress of so great vexa- tions and injuries as I have and do daily sustain, nor can have the benefit of the law or reason ; such right and law, as an archbishop may have, that will I exercise and will be hindered for no man." At these words one of them, bursting out in exclamation, cried, " He threatens, he threatens. What ? will he interdict the whole realm and us altogether ?" " Nay, that he shall not, (saith another,) he has interdicted too many already." And drawing more near to him, they protested and denounced him to have spoken words to the jeopardy of his own head. And so departing in great fury and with many high words, they rushed out of the doors ; but returning to the monks, charged them in the king's name, to keep him forth- coming, that he should not escape away. " What," quoth the archbishop, " think ye, I will flee away ? Nay, nei- ther for the king, nor any man alive, will I stir one foot from you." " No, (say they,) thou shalt not leave, though thou wouldst." And so they departed, the archbishop fol- lowing them out of the chamber door, crying after them, " Here, here, here shall you find me," laying his hand upon his crown. The names of these four soldiers above mentioned were these, Reginald Bereson, Hugh Mortevil, William Thracy and Richard Brito, who going to put on their armour, returned the same day, but finding the hall door of the palace of Canterbury shut against them, they went to an inward back door leading into the orchard ; there they broke a window, and opened the door, and so got into the palace. The monks (it being about even-song time) had got the archbishop into the church, who being per- suaded by them, caused his cross to be borne before him, and through the cloister, by a door which was broken up for him, he proceeded into the choir. The armed men following after, at length came to the church-door, which door the monks would have shut against tliem ; but, as the history says, the archbishop would not suffer them. So they approaching into the church, and the archbishop meeting them upon the stairs, there he was slain ; every one of the four soldiers striking him with his sword into the head, who afterward flying into the north, at length, with much ado, obtained their pardon of the pope by the king's procurement, and as some histories record, went to Jerusalem. Thus you have the life and death of Thomas Becket, what judgment we should form respecting him, let his own actions and conduct declare. And although the Scripture ought to be the only rule for us to judge all things by, yet if any one shall require further testimony to satisfy the mind, we have the judgments of certain men, in years and times almost as ancient as himself re-, specting his conduct. And first to begin with the testimony of one of hisov religion and church, and also not far from his own timeJ who in writing of his martyrdom and miracles, gives tol us the judgment and opinion of others concerning his proj motion and behaviour. The Chronicle being written " Latin, is here translated for the English reader : " Man][ there are who as to his promotion regard it not as caJ nonical. For it was effected rather by the influence of tha king (thinking him a man ready and useful to him) than bj the assent either of the clergy or of the people. It is reJ marked in him as presumption and want of discretion,' that when scarce worthy to take the oar in hand, he would take upon him to sit at the helm and guide the ship of the church, where the crew being in gesture and ves- ture religious, is wont to have their prelate of the same profession. Whereas he scarcely bearing the habit of a clergyman, and going in his changes and soft apparel, is more conversant among the delicate rufflers in the court, rather savouring of worldly things, not refusing to climb up to the high preferment of such an holy dignity, but rather willingly and of his own accord aspiring to it. Moses we read did otherwise, he being the (riend of God and sent by him to conduct his people Israel out of Egypt, trembled at the message, and said, who am I, Lord, that I should go to Pharaoh, and bring thy people Israel out of Egypt, &c." And although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age (being all blinded and corrupted with supersti- tion), yet let us hear what Neubergensis an ancient his- torian says, who being a contemporary and continuing his history to the time of King Richard I. has these words, writing of Thomas Becket. " Whereas many are wont, in those whom they love o"* praise (judging them more by affection than prudence) to allow and approve whatever they do, yet if I might judge tliis reverend man, verily I do not think his doings and action praiseworthy or allowable, for so much as they were unprofitable and only stirred up the anger of the king, wliereujion afterward sprung many and great mis- chiefs, although what he did might have proceeded from a laudable zeal." To this matter also refer the words of Cesarius the monk, about the eight and fortieth year after the death of Thomas Becket (A.D. 1220), his words are to this ef- fect : — " There was a question moved among the mastt rs of the university of Paris, whether that Tlionias Becket was saved or damned ? To this question Roger, a Nor- man, answered, that he was worthy of death and damna- tion, because he was so obstinate against God's minister, his king. On the other hand, Peter Cantor, a Parisian^ §m\\ of Cjjomas %, ^etkt. Piige 142. A.D. 11 ro— 1171.] FALSE MIRACLES ASCRIBED TO BECKET, BLASPHEMOUS ANTHEM. 143 disputed, saying and affirming, tliat his miracles were great signs and tokens of salvation, and also of great holiness in that man ; affirming, moreover, that the cause of the church allowed and confirmed his martyr- dom, for which church he died," itc. And tiius have ye the judgment and censure of the school of Paris toucliing this question, for the sainting of Thomas Becket. In which judgment as the greatest argument rests in the miracles said to have been wrought by him after his death ; let us, therefore, pause a little, and examine these miracles. In this examination we shall find one of these two things to be true, either that if the miracles were true, they were wrouglit not by God, but by a contrary spirit, of whom Christ our Lord gives us warning in his gospel, saying, "There shall arise false Christs and false prophets, and shall shew great signs and wonders, insomuch that if it were possi- ble, they shall deceive the very elect," Matt. xxiv. 24. 2 Thes. ii. 9. Rev. xiii. 14. ; or else we shall find that no sucli miracles were ever wrought at all, but were feigned and forged by idle monks, and by nuns and friars, for the exaltation of their churches, and the profit of their purses : this, indeed, seems rather to be the truth, as may appear by the miracles themselves, set forth by one of his own monks, and of his own time. This monk, in five solemn books, has included all the revelations, virtues, and miracles of the archbishop ; which books I have seen and perused : in them is con- tained the whole sum of all his miracles, to the number of two hundred and seventy ; and they are far beyond all truth and reason ; some are ridiculous, some mon- strous, and vain, and absurd, some blasphemous, and some so impudent, that not only they deserve no credit, (altogether savouring of mere forgery), but also for very shame would abash a modest pen to write them. Now if miracles serve for convincing infidels, what necessity was there, in a christian realm that has the word of God, for God to work such miracles after the death of a man who never wrought any miracle in all his life ? Then if we consider the object of these miracles, to what pur- pose do they tend, but only to bring men to Canter- bury, with their vows and offerings to enrich the Convent ? Beside the number of these miracles, which is said to be so great, that they lose all credit, what disease is there belonging to man or woman, in the curing of which some miracle has not been wrought by this wonder- worker, as fevers, the gout, tooth-ache, palsy, consump- tion, falling sickness, leprosy, head-ache, broken arms, maimed legs, swelling throats, the raising up the dead who have been two days departed, with numberless others. To recite all these prodigious revelations and fantasti- cal miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop, were nothing else but to write a legend of lies, and to occu{)y the people with trifles. And be- cause it pertains rather to the idle profession of such dreaming monks and cloisterers, that have nothing else to maintain their religion with ; I will not take their profession out of their hands. Wherefore, to omit all such vain and lying apparitions and miracles, as how this angry saint (three days after his death) appeared by vision at the altar in his Pontifical robes, commanding the choir not to sing, but to say this office of his mass, Exurge, quare ohdormis, Domine, i^'c. To omit also the blasphemous lie, how in another vision the arch- bishop said, " That his blood did cry out of the earth to God, more than the blood of righteous Abel." Also in another vision that appeared to a monk, how this saint Thomas had his place in heaven appointed with the apostles, above Stephen, Lawrence, Vincent, and all other martyrs; for which. this reason is given that St. Ste- phen, Lawrence, and others, suffered only for their own cause ; but that this Thomas Becket suffered for the universal church. Also, how it was shewn to a young man twelve years before the death of this Becket, that among the apostles and martyrs in heaven there was a vacant place left for a certain priest of England, which was credibly supposed to be this Thomas Becket. Also, how a certain knight's son, being two days dead, was revived again so soon as he had the water of Canter- bury put into his mouth, and had four pieces of silver offered by his parents, in Canterbury, in the child's be- half. All these, I say, with such others, I omit, giving only this one story, or another that follows, which shall suffice to express the vanity and impudent forgery of all the rest. There is a miracle of a countryman of Bedfordshire, whose name was Kihvard ; in his drunkenness, bursting into another man's house, who was his debtor, he took out of his house a whetstone, and a pair of hedging gloves. The other party seeing this value not sufficient for his condemnation, entered an action of felony againsi him for other things besides, as for stealing his wimble, his axe, his net, and other cloths. Whereupon Eihvard being condemned, was judged to have both his eyes put out. Which punishment by the malice of his adversary being executed upon him, he, lying in great danger of death by bleeding, was counselled to make his prayer to this Thomas of Canterbury. Which done, saith the mi- racle, there appeared one to him by night, in white ap- parel, bidding him to watch and pray, and put his trust in God and our lady, and holy St. Thomas Becket. In conclusion, the miracle thus fell out. The next day at evening, the man, rubbing his eyelids, began to feel his eyes restored again ; first, in a little, after in a greater measure, so that one was of a grey colour, the other was of black. This one miracle I thought here to express, that by this one thou mightest judge of all the rest of his mi- racles. Wherefore, as I said, if the holy sainting of Thomas Becket stands upon nothing but his miracles, what credit is to be given thereto .' and upon what a weak ground his shrine has stood so long, by this may easily be seen. Another fable as notable as this we read in the story of Gervasius. That Thomas Becket ap- pearing to a certain priest, named Thomas, declared to him that he had so brought to pass, that all the names of the monks of the church of Canterbury, with the names of the priests and clerks, and with the families belonging to that city and church of Canterbury, were written in the book of life ! But whatever is to be thought of his miracles, or how- ever the testimony of the school of Paris, or of these an- cient times, went with him or against him, certain it is, that this anthem, lately written and used in his praise, is blasphemous, and derogates from the praise of him to whom only all praise and honour is due. By the blood of Thomas, MTiich he for thee did spend, Grant us, Christ, to climb, Where Thomas did ascend. After the death of Thomas Becket, the king, fearing the pope's wrath and curse, sent the archbishop of Rotho- niage, with other bishops and archdeacons, to the pope with his excuse, which the pope would in nowise hear. And after other messengers were sent, it was shewn to them that on Good Friday, the pope was used to absolve or to curse, and that it was rumoured that the king of England, with his bishops, would be cursed, and his land interdicted, and that they should be put into prison. After this, certain of the cardinals shewed the pope, that the messengers had power to swear to the pope, that the king would obey his punishment and penance. So that on the same day the pope cursed the perpetrators, and all that either aided or harboured them. The king's ambassadors could find no grace or favour for a long time at the pope's hands. At length it was agreed, that two cardinals should be sent down to in- quire into the matter concerning those that were con- senting to Becket' s death. The king, perceiving what was preparing at Rome, and being yet uncertain what the design of the pope and coming down of the cardinals would tend to, applied himself with a great army to invade Ireland, giving it in charge and commandment, that no bearer of any brief or letter should come into England, or pass out of the realm, without special licer>e and as- surance, that he would bring nothing that should be pre- judicial to the realm. 144 PENANCE ENJOINED ON THE KING FOR THE DEATH OF THOMAS BECKET, [Book VI. This being ordained, the king, with four hundred great ships, takes his voyage to Ireland, where he sub- dued in a sliort time the whole land, which at that time was gv)verued under several kings, to the number of five ; of wIkmu four submitted themselves to King Henry, the fifth only refused to submit, keeping in the woods and marshes. Wiiile the king was thus occupied in Ireland, the two cardinals that were sent from the pope, Theodine and Albert, were come to Normandy. The year following, the king went to meet them (October, A. D. 1172). The king, returning out of Ireland, by Wales, into England, and from thence to Normandy, there cleared himself of the charge, before the pope's legates, as to the death of Becket, to which he swore he was neither aid- ing nor consenting, but only that he spoke severely against him, because his knights would not avenge him against Thomas ; for which cause this penance was en> joined lam under his oath. First, thdt he should send so much money into the Holy Land, as would supply two hundred knights or soldiers for the defence of that land. Also, that from Christmas-day next following, he should s?,t forth in his own person to fight for the Holy Land, ft)r the space of three years together, unless he should be otherwise dispensed with by the pope. Also, that if he would make his journey into Spain, he should there fight against the Saracens, and as long as he should abide there, so long he might take in pro- longing his journeys to Jerusalem. Also, that he should not hinder, nor cause to be hindered by him, any appeal made to the pope of Rome. Also, that neither he nor his son should depart or dis- sever from Pope Alexander, or from his catholic succes- sors, so long as they should count him or his son for catholic kings. Also, that the goods and possessions taken from the church of Canterbury should be restored, as they stood the year before Thomas Becket departed the realm ; and that free liberty should be granted to all such as were outlawed for Becket's cause to return again. Also, that the customs and decrees established by him against the church, should be extinct and repealed, (such only except that concerned his own person, &c.;, besides other secret fastings and alms enjoined him. All these conditions the king with his son agreed to, debasing himself in such submission before the two car- dinals, that they took no little glory from it, using this verseof the Psalm : " Helooketh on the earth, and it trem- bleth, He toucheth the hills, and they smoke," Psalm civ. 32. It is mentioned, too, that a little after, the king returning out of Normandy to England, came first to Can- terbury, (A. D. 1174) and as he came within sight of Bec- ker's church, lighting off his horse, andputtingoffhis shoes lie went barefoot to the tomb, the steps of which were found bloody, through the roughness of the stones. And not only tliat, but he received the further penance of the discipline of the rod, by every monk of the cloister. By whicli great degradation of the king, if it were true, we mny see the blind and lamentable superstition and igno- rance of tliose days. The next yo-ir (A. D. 117.t"), a convocation of bishops was held at Westminster by Richard archbishop of Can- terbury. In which all the bishops and abbots of the provinca of Canterbury and of York being present, de- termined (as it had done a little before in the days of King Henry I. A. D. 111.'5) about the obedience that York should pay to Canterbury ; that is, whether the arch- bishop of York might bear his cross in the diocese of Canterbury or not, of which somewhat was mentioned before in this history. Upon these and other such matters rose such controversy between these two sees, that the one appealed the other to the presence of the bishop of Rome. In these and such like causes, how much better had it been if the supremacy had remained more near at home in the king's hands. By which not only much labour and travelling had been saved, but also the great and wasteful expenses at Rome might with much more fruit and profits have been spent among their cures and flocks committed to them. We have stated already among the acts and doings of Pope Alexander III., how he had brought the emperor's head under his foot in St. Mark's church at Venice, when the peace was there concluded, and a composition made between the pope and the Emperor Frederick. This pacification Roger Hoveden, and Walter Gisbiirn. refer to about this time (A. D. 1177), bringing in two letters sent from the said pope to Richard archbishop of Canterbury, and to Roger archbishop of York, and to Hugh bishop ot Durham. Out of which letters, so much as serves to our present purpose, I have here inserted. The Letter of Pope Alexander. " Alexander servant of the servants of God, to his re- verend brethren Roger archbishop of York, and Hugh bishop of Durham, greeting and apostolical blessing. The obsequiousness and service of your kind devotion, which hitherto you are known to have given both devoutly and laudably to us and to the church, requires that we should describe to you, as to our special friends, the prosperous success of the church, and to let you know, as spiritual children or the church, what has happened to the same. For it is meet, convenient, and also honest, that you, whom we have had so firm and sure in our devotion, should now be cherished and made joyous in the prospe- rity of us and of the church." And about the end of the epistle it follows thus : " The next day, which was the feast of St. James, the emperor so requesting us, we came to the church of St. Mark, to celebrate there our solemn mass ; where (as ■we were coming in the way) the emperor met us without the church, and placing us on his right hand, he brought us so into the church. After the mass was done, placing us again on his right hand, he brought us to the church door. And moreover, when we would mount our palfry, he held our stirrup, exhibiting to us such honour and re- verence, as his progenitors were wont to exhibit to our predecessors. Wherefore these shall serve to excite your diligence and zeal towards us, that you may rejoice with us and the church in these our prosperous successes, and also that you may open the same source of peace to other devout children of the church : that such as are touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may be thankful and rejoice in the Lord for the great peace which he hath given. Given at Venice, the 2f)th of July." This year the contention revived again between the two archbishops of York and Canterbury, the occasion whereof was this ; the manner and practice of the pope is, when he begins to want money, to send some cardinal abroad to gather in his harvest. So there came this year into England a cardinal from Rome, called Hugo, who would needs keep a council at Westminster. To this council resorted a great concourse of bishops, abbots, priors, doctors, and others of the clergy. As every one was there placed in his order, and according to his rank, first comes the archbishop of York, who to anticipate the other archbishop, came something sooner, and placed him- self on the right hand of the cardinal, the archbishop of Canterbury following shortly after, and seeing the first place occupied, refuses to take the second, complaining of the archbishop of York, as having prejudiced his see. So while the one would not rise, and the other would not sit down, there arose no small contention between them. The archbishop of Canterbury claimed the upper seat by the pre-eminence of his church. On the other hand, the archbishop of York alleged the old decree of Gregory. By which this order was appointed between the two metropolitans of Canterbury and York, that which ever of them should be first in election, should have the pre- eminence in dignity before the other. Thus contending to and fro, they waxed so warm in words, that at last they turned to blows. How strong the archbishop of York was in reason and argument, I cannot tell ; but the archbishop of Canterbury was stronger at the arm's end ; whose servants being more in number and like valiant men, not suffering their master to take up with such a trick, so succeeded against York, as he sat on the right A.D. 1172—1189.] DEATH OF HENRY IT. FORM OF GIVING THE PALL TO THE ARCHBISHOP. 145 hand of the cardinal, that they plucked him down from the hand to the foot of the cardinal upon the ground, treading and trampling upon him with their feet, so that it was a marvel he escaped with life. His robes were all rent and torn from his back. But what did the noble Roman cardinal ? Standing up in the midst, and seeing the house in such a broil, he committed himself to flight. The next day the arch- bishop of York brings to the cardinal his robes, to bear witness what injury and violence he had sustained ; ap- pealing and citing up the archbishop of Canterbury to the bishop of Rome. And thus the holy council was dissolved the same day it was begun. Under the reign of this King Henry II. the dominion and crown of England extended so far as had not been seen in this realm before him ; histories record him as possessing under his rule and jurisdiction, first, Scot- land, to whom William king of Scots, with all the lords temporal and spiritual, did homage both for them and for their successors (the seal whereof remains in the king's treasury) as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Aqui- taine. Gaunt, &c., to the mountains of the T'yrenees, being also protector of France ; to whom Philip the French king yielded both himself and his realm wholly to his government (A. D. 1181). He was offered also to be made king of Jerusalem, by the patriarch and master of the hospital there ; who, being distressed by the Soldan, brought him the keys of the city, desiring his aid against the infidfls ; which offer he refused, alleging the great charge wliich he had at home, and the rebellion of his sons, which might happen in his absence. The wisdom, discretion, manhood, and riches of this prince was so spread abroad and renowned in all quarters, that messages came from Emmanuel emperor of Constan- tinople, Frederick emperor of Rome, and William arch- bishop of Treves in Germany, the duke of Saxony, and from the earl of Flanders, and also from the French king, to ask counsel and determination in difficult questions from this King Henry, as one most wise, and schooled in all wisdom and justice, so as to solve their questions and doubts. Alphonso king of Castile, and Sancius king of Navarre being in strife for certain castles and other pos- sessions, submitted them (of their free accord, and by their oath) to abide the award of this King Henry ; who made his award and pleased them both ; by this it is to be supposed, that this king, to whom other princes so resorted, as to their arbiter and judge, was not given either to sloth or vicious living. From which it may appear that the acts of this prince were not so vicious as some monkish writers describe. Among many other memorable things in this king, one is that he reigned five-and- thirty years, and having such wars with his enemies, yet he never put upon his sub- jects any tribute or tax. And yet his treasury after his death amounted to above nine hundred thousand pounds, besides jewels, precious stones, and household furniture. But as there is no felicity or wealth in this mortal world so perfect, as not to be darkened with some cloud of adversity ; so it happened to this king, that among his other princely successors, this affliction followed him, that his sons rebelled and stood in arms against him, taking the part of the French king against their father. At the coronation of his son Henry, whom the father joined with him as king, he being both father and king, notwithstanding, set down as if he was only an attendant, the first dish to his son, renouncing the name of a king. The archbishop of York, sitting on the right hand of the young king, said, " Sir, ye have great cause this day to joy, for there is no prince in the world that hath such an attendant this day," &c. And the young king disdain- ing his words, said, '* My father is not dishonoured in doing this, for I am a king and a queen's son, and he is not so." And not only this, but afterwards he even per- secuted his father ; and so in his youth when he had reigned but a few years he died ; teaching us what is the reward of breaking the commandment of God. After him likewise his son Richard (who was called Richard Cceur de Lion) rebelled against his father, and also John his youngest son did not much degenerate from the steps of his brethren. Insomuch that this Richard, taking part against his father, brought him to such distress of body and mind, that for sorrow of heart he fell into an ague, and within four days departed, (A.D. 118y) after he had reigned five-and-thirty years. And thus much concerning the reign of Henry II., and the death of Thomas Becket ; whose death happened in the days of Pope Alexander III. ; which pope usurping the keys of the ecclesiastical government one-and-twenty years (or as Gisburn writes, three and-twenty years) go- verned the church with much tumult. This pope, among many other acts, had certain coun- cils, some in France, some at Rome, in Lateran ; by whom it was decreed, that no archbishop should receive the pall, unless he should first swear to obey the pope. Concerning the solemnity of which pall, for the order and manner of giving and taking the same with obedience to the pope, as it is contained in their own words, I thought it good to set it forth. The form and manner how and by what words the pope i» wont to give the pall unto the Archbiahop. "To the honour of Almighty God, and of blessed Mary the virgin, and of blessed St. Peter and Paul, and of our lord Pope N., and of the holy church of Rome, and also of the church of N., committed to your charge, we give to you the pall taken from the body of St. Peter, as a fulness of the pontifical office, which you may wear within your own church upon certain days which are ex- pressed in the privileges of the said church, granted by the see apostolic." In like manner proceedeth the oath of every bishop swearing obedience to the pope as follows : " I, N., bishop of N., from this hour henceforth, will be faithful and obedient to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy apostolic church of Rome, and to my lord N. the pope. 1 shall be in no council, nor hel]) either with my consent or deed, whereby either of them, or any member of them may be impaired, or whereby they maybe taken with any evil taking. The counsel which they shall com- mit to me either by themselves, or by messenger, or by their letters wittingly or willingly I shall utter to none to their hinderance and damage. To the retaining and maintaining the papacy of Rome, and the regalities of St. Peter, I shall be an aider (so mine order be saved) against all persons, the legate of the apostolic see, both in going and coming, I shall honourably treat and help in all ne- cessities. Being called to a Synod I shall be ready to come, unless I be hindered by some lawful and canonical impeachment. The palace of the apostles every third year I shall visit either by myself or my messenger, ex- cept otherwise being licensed by the see apostoUc. All such possessions as belong to tlie table and diet of my bishoprick, I shall neither sell, nor give, nor lay to mort- gage, nor lease out, nor remove away by any manner of means without the consent and knowledge of the bishop of Rome ; so God help me and the holy gospeb of God." In the reign of King Henry (about A.D. 1178), I find in Roger Iloveden and others, that in the city of Toulouse there was a great multitude of men and women whom the pope's commissioners prosecuted and con- demned as heretics ; some of them were scourged naked, some were chased away, and some were compelled to ab- jure. Concerning their opinions I can give no certain account.because I find the papists so often falsifying things in their accusations, and untruly collecting men's words, not as they meant them, but wresting and depraving men's assertions in such a way as pleased thcniselvea. But I find that one of the commissioners or inquisitor! (Henry the abbot), in a letter, wrote thus of one of them, that, " After a new opinion he affirmed that the holy bread of eternal life, consecrated by the ministry of the priest, was not the body of the Lord," &c. In the time of this Pope Alexander commenced the doctrine and name of those who were called, " Poor mea of Lvons," who, from Waldus or Waldo a chief senator in Lyons, were named " Waldenses," ^about A.U., 1100, or as Laziard writes A.D. 1170.) Not long before this time lived Gratian, maaier of th« 12 I4() THE HISTORY AND DOCTRINES OF THE WALDENSES. decrees, and Peter Lombard, master of the sentences, both arch -pillars of all papistry ; after whom followed two others as bad or worse than they, Franci? and Dominic, mai'itaining blind hypocrisy not less than the others main- tained proud prelacy. As these laboured one way by superstition and worldly advancement to corrupt the simplicity of the christian relii^on, so it pleased Christ on the contrary, working against them, to raise up the Waldenses against the pride and hypocrisy of the others. Thus we never see any great corruption in the church, but some sparks of the true and clear light of the gospel by God's providence remains ; whatever doctors Aus- tin, Reinerius, Sylvius, Cranzius, with others in their popish histories, write of them, defaming them and ac- cusing them as disobedient to orders, rebels to the catholic church, and contemners of the Virgin Mary ; yet they that judge impartial judgment, rather trusting truth than wavering with the times, in weighing their articles, shall find it otherwise ; and that they main- tained nothing but the same doctrine which is now de- fended in the church. The history of the Waldenses concerning their original and doctrine, with their persecutions. The first origin of these Waldenses was one Waldus, (or Waldo), a man of great substance in the city of Lyons. About the year IKiO some of the best and chief inhabitants of the city of Lyons, walking in a cer- tain place after their old accustomed manner, especially in the summer time, conferred and consulted together on various matters, either to pass away the time, or to de- bate their measures. Among them it chanced that one fell down suddenly dead ; this Waldus was among them at the time. He, looking on the matter more earnestly than the others, and terrified with so awful an ex- ample, and God's Holy Spirit working within him, was stricken with a deep and inward repentance. Upon this followed a great change, with a careful study to reform his former life. So that first he began to minister large alms of his goods to such as were in need. Secondly, to instruct himself and his family with the true know- ledge of God's word. Thirdly, to admonish all that resorted to him on any occasion, to repentance and vir- tuous amendment of life. Partly through his extensive charities to the poor, partly through his diligent teaching and wholesome admonitions, more of the people daily frequented about him ; and when he saw them ready and diligent to learn, he began to give out to them certain easy portions of the scripture, which he had translated himself into the French tongue ; for as he was wealthy in riches, so he was also not unlearned in languages. Although Laziard, Volateran, with others, describe him as utterly unlearned, and charge him with ignorance, yet by others that have seen his works yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appears he was both able to declare and translate the books of scripture, and also to collect the comments of the learned upon them. But whatever he was, whether lettered or unlettered, the bishops and prelates seeing him thus intermeddle with the scriptures, and have such resort about him, altliough it was only in his own house and in private conference, could not abide that the scriptures should be explained by any other than themselves, and yet they would not take the pains to explain it themselves. So they threatened to excommunicate him if he did not cease to do so. Waldus seeing his proceedings to be godly, and their malice stirred up without just or godly cause, neglected the threatenings and frettings of the wicked, and said, " that God must be obeyed rather than man." To be brief, the more diligent he was in setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the errors of antichrist, the more maliciously their fierceness increased. So that when they saw their excommunica- tion despised, they ceased not to persecute him with (1) This article seems to be given of them in Bohemia not long ftfter, fur indulgences came not in before Boniface VIII. [Book IV. prison, with sword, and banishment, till at length they had driven both Waldus and all the favourers of his true preaching out of the city. Whereupon came first their name, that they were called Waldenses, or the poor men of Lyons, not be- cause they would have all things common among them, or that they, professing any wilful poverty, would imi- tate to live as the apostles did (as Eneas Sylvius falsely belied them), but because, being thrust out both of country and of goods, they were compelled to live poorly whether they would or not. And thtis much touching the first occasion and be- ginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintain- ing of the true doctrine of Christ's gospel, against the proud proceedings of popish errors. Now, concerning their articles, which I find in order and in number to be these : — L Only the holy scripture is to be believed in matters pertaining to salvation, and no man's writing, or man besides. IL All things necessary to salvation are contained in holy scripture, and nothing is to be admitted in religion, but only what is commanded in the word of God. in. There is one only Mediator; other saints are in no wise to be made mediators, or to be invoked. IV. There is no purgatory, but all men are justified by Christ to life, or without Christ are condemned ; and besides these two there is not any third or fourth place. V. That all masses, namely, such as are sung for the dead, are wicked and ought to be abolished. VI. All men's traditions are to be rejected, at least not to be reputed as necessary to salvation, and there- fore this singing and superfluous chanting in the chancel should be ceased ; constrained and prefixed fasts bound to days and times, difference of meats, such variety of degrees and orders of priests, friars, monks, and nuns, superfluous holy days, so many sundry benedictions aud hallowing of creatures, vows, pilgrimages, with all the rites and ceremonies brought in by man, ought to be abolished. VII. The supremacy of the pope usurping above all churches, and especially above all realms and govern- ments, and his usurping the jurisdiction of both the swords, is to be denied ; and no degree of orders is to be received in the church, but priests, deacons, and bishops. VIII. The communion under both kinds is necessary to all people, according to the institution of Christ. IX. The church of Rome is the very Babylon spoken of in the Apocalypse ; and the pope the fountain of all error, and the very antichrist. X. The pope's pardons and indulgences they re ject. ' XI. The marriage of priests and of ecclesiastical persons, is godly, and also necessary in the church. XII. Such as hear the word of God, and have a right faith, are the right church of Christ. And to this church the keys of the church are given, to drive away wolves, and to institute true pastors, and to preach the word, and to minister the sacraments." These are the principal articles of the Waldenses, although there are some who add more to them ; some again divide these into more parts. The Waldenses, at length exiled, were dispersed in many and various places, many remained long in Bo- hemia, who, writing to their king, Uladislaus, to clear themselves against the slanderous accusations of Dr. Austin, gave their confession together with an apology of their christian profession ; defending with strong and learned arguments the same defence and confession which is now received in most reformed churches con- cerning gBBce, faith, charity, hope, repentance, and works of mercy. As for purgatory, they say that Thomas Aquinas is the creator of it. Concerning the supper of the Lord, their faith was. (2) Some ancient autliors add another article — viz. " They r»- ceive and approve of two sacruments only, Baptism and the Coi" I munton." [Ed.] A.D. 11S9.] DOCTRINE AND MANNERS OF THE WALDENSES. 147 I that it was ordained to be eaten, not to be shewed and worshipped ; for a memorial, not for a sacrifice ; to serve for the present ministration, and not for reservation ; to I be received at the table, not to be carried out of the doors ; according to the ancient use of the primitive church, when they used to communicate sitting. And this they prove both by an old chronicle called Chronica Gestorum, as also by ancient Origen upon the third book of Moses, bringing in his words, which are these, proving that this sacramental bread ought not to be re- served : — " Whoever receives this bread of the supper , of Christ upon the second or third day after, his soul shall not be blessed, but polluted. Therefore because the Gibeonites brought old bread to the children of Israel, it was enjoined them to carry wood and water," &c. ; Dr. Austin, disputing against them about this matter of the holy eucharist, urges then* with this question, whether it be the same Christ present in the sacrament , which is present at the right hand of the Father .' If it ' be not the same Christ, how is it true in the scripture, '"One farth, one Lord Jesus Christ?" If it be the i same Christ, then how is he not to be honoured and worshipped here as well as there .•" To this the Waldenses answer and grant that Christ is one and the same with his natural body, in the sacra- ment which he is at the right hand of his Father, but not after the same existence of his body. For the existence of his body in heaven is personal and local, to be appre- hended by the faith and spirit of men. In the sacra- ment the existence of the body is not personal or local, to be apprehended or received of our bodies, after a personal or corporeal manner, but after a sacramental manner ; that is, where our bodies receive the sign, and our spirit the thing signified. Moreover, in heaven the existence of his body is complete with the full propor- tion and quantity wherewith he ascended. Here, the existence of his complete body, with the full proportion, measure, and stature, does not, and cannot stand in tie sacrament. That answer being made to the captious proposition of Dr. Austin, the Waldenses (retorting the like ques- tion to him) demand of him to answer them : Whether it be all one Christ substantially and naturally, which sits in heaven, and which is under the forms of bread and wine, and in the receivers of the sacrament ? If he grant it to be so ; then they bid him say, seeing Christ is as well in the sacrament as in heaven, and as well in the receiver as in the sacrament, and all one Christ in substance and nature ; why then is noi the same Christ to be worshipped as well in the breast of the receiver, as under the forms of bread and wine in the sacrament ; seeing he is there after a more perfect manner in man, than in the sacrament ? for in the sacrament he is but for a time, and not for the sacrament's sake, but for the man's sake : in man he is not for the sacrament's sake, but for his own ; and that not for a season, but for ever, as it is written, " He that eateth this bread shall live for ever," &c. Besides this, seeing transubstantiation is the passing of one substance into another ; they question again with him, whether, the forms of bread and wine remaining, the substance be changed into the whole person of our Lord Christ Jesus ; that is, into his body, soul, and divinity, or not into the whole Christ .' If he grant the whole ; then say they, that is impossible (concerning the divinity) both to nature and to our faith, that any crea- ture can be changed into the Creator. If he say, the bread is changed into the body and soul of Christ, not to his divinity, then he separates the natures in Christ. If he say, into the body alone, and not the soul, then he separates the natures of the true manhood, &c. and so it cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for us ; for that he had both body and soul. To conclude, to what part soever he would answer, this doctrine of transub- stantiation could not be defended without great incon- veniences. Besides this, Eneas Sylvius, writing of their doctrine and assertions (perchance as he found them, perchance makinst worse of them than they taught or meant^ re- ports of them after this manner : "The bishop of Rome is equal with other bishops. Among priests there is to be no difference of degree- No priest is to be reputed for any dignity of his order, but for the worthiness of his life. "The souls of men departed enter either into pain ever- lasting, or everlasting joy. There is no fire of purga- tory. To pray for the dead is vain, and a thing only invented for the lucre of priests. " The images of God (as of the Trinity) and of saints should be abolished. The hallowing of water and palm are a mere ridicule. The religion of begging friars is an invention of the devil. Priests should not engross riches in this world, but rather follow poverty, being content with their tithes, and men's devotion. The preaching of the word should be free to all men called thereto. " No deadly sin is to be tolerated, for the sake of a greater convenience. The confirmation which bishops exercise with oil, and extreme unction, are not to hb counted among the sacraments of the church. Auriculai confession is but a childish thing ; it is enough for every man to confess himself in his chamber to God. Bap- tism ought to be administered only with pure water, without any mixture of hallowed oil. The temple of the Lord is the wide world. The majesty of God is not re- strained within the walls of temples, monasteries, and chapels, so as that his grace should be found in one place more than in another. "Priests' apparel, ornaments of the high altar, vest- ments, corporals, chalices, patins, and other church- plate, are of no use. It makes no matter in what place the priest consecrates or ministers to them who require it. li- is sufficient to use only the sacramental words witVout other superfluous ceremonies. " The suffrages of saints, reigning with Christ ia iieaven, are prayed for in vain ; they being unable to help us. In saying or singing the hours and matins of the day the time is lost. A man ought to cease from his labour no day, but only upon the Sun- day. " The feasts and festivals of saints ought to be rejected. Such fasts as are compulsory, and enjoined by the church, have no merit in them." The doctrines of the Waldenses being thus specified by Eneas Sylvius, who afterwards was pope, I thought it well to give them in English, that as they are the less to be doubted, being described by the pen of this pope, so we may the better know what their opinions were, and also understand how this doctrine, now preached and taught in the protestant church, is no new doctrine, in- asmuch as we here see it both taught and persecuted almost 400 years ago. And as I have spoken hitherto sufficiently concerning their doctrine : so now we will briefly somewhat touch of the order of their life and conversation, as we find it registered in a certain old book of inquisition. " The manner of the Waldenses is this, kneeling upon their knees, and leaning on some bank or stay, they continue in their prayers with silence so long as a man may say the Lord's prayer thirty or forty times. And this they do every day with great reverence, among themselves, and such as are of their own religion, and no strangers with them, both before and after dinner ; likewise before and after supper ; also when they go to bed, and in the morning when they rise, and at certain other times also, as well in the day as in the night. They use no other prayer but the Lord's prayer, and that without any ' Hail, Mary,' or the creed, which they affirm not to be by Christ, but only by the church of Rome. Although they use the seven articles of faith concerning the divinity, and seven articles concerning the humanity, and the ten commandments, and seven works of mercy, which they have compiled together in a compendious book. " Before they go to meat they ask a blessing, and that the Lord Christ may have mercy upon them, and they say the Lord's prayer. Which being said, then the elder among them begins thus in their own tongue :— ' God who blessed the five barley loaves, and two fialiei 148 ORIGIN OF THE VARIOUS CROSSES. [Book IV. in the desert before his disciples, bless this table, and what is set upon it, or shall be set upon it: In the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, Amen.' And likewise again, when they rise from meat, the senior gives thanks, saying the words of the Apocalypse, ' Blessing, and worship, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, honour, virtue, and strength to God alone for ever and ever. Amen.' And adds, moreover, ' God reward them in their bosoms, and be beneficial to all them that be beneficial to us, and bless us. And may the God who has given us bodily food grant us his spiritual life ; and may God be with us, and we always with him.' To which they answer again, ' Amen. ' And thus saying grace, they hold their hands upward, looking up to heaven. After their meat and grace said, they teach and exhort amongst themselves, conferring together upon their doctrine," &c. In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent and painful, that Reinerius, a writer about their time, and a violent enemy against them, in a long process, wherein he describes their doctrine and teaching, testi- fies that he heard of one who knew the party, that a certain heretic, as he calls him, merely to turn a person away from our (Roman) faith, and to bring him to that of the Waldenses, swam in the night, and in the winter time, over the river Ibis, to come to him, and to teach him. So perfect were they in the scriptures, that Reinerius says, he heard and saw an unlettered country- man who could recite the whole book of Job word by word, without book, and others who had the whole New Testament perfectly by heart. And although some of them rather strange'y ilian un- skilfully expounded the words, " Sui non rccepprvnt e'i7n," John i. 11. ; " swine received him not ;" yet ihev were not so ignorant and devoid of learning, nor yet ^-, few in number, but that they greatly spread ; so that Reinerius has these words : " There was none durst stop them for the power and multitude of their favourers. I have often been at their inquisition and examination, and there were numbered forty churches infected with their heresy, insomuch that in one parish of Cammach, were ten open schools of them," &c. And Reinerius, when he had said all he could in slan- dering and impugning them, yet is driven to confess this, where he distinguishes their sect from every other sect. " This sect of the Lyonists has a great shew of holiness, they live justly before men, and believe all things well of God, and hold all the articles contained in the creed ; only they blaspheme the Romish church, and hate it," &c. Now to say a little about their persecutions : After they were driven out of Lyons, they were scattered into various places (the Providence of God so permitting it,) that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad in the world. Some went to Bohemia, many fled into the provinces of France, some into Lonibardy, others into other pluces, &c. But as the cross commonly fol- lows the true and sincere preaching of God's word, 80 neither could these be suffered to live or remain at rest. There are yet to be seen the consultations of law- yers, archbishops, and bishops of France, which yet re- main in writing, for the extirpation of these Waldenses, written above three hundred years ago ; by which it appears that there was a great number of them in France. Besides, there was a council held in Toulouse about three hundred and fifty-five years ago, (A. D. 122!),) against these Waldenses, who were condemed in another council at Rome before that. What great persecutions were raised up against them in France by the pope's commissioners before alluded to, appears by their writings ; I will recite some of their words, which towards the end are these: — " Who is such a stranger that he knows not the condemnation of the heretical Waldenses decreed, so many years ago, ■o famous, so public, followed up with so great labours] expenses, and travel of the faithful, and sealed with so many deaths of these infidels, so solemnly condemned and openly punished ?" By this we may see persecu- tion to be no new thing in the church of Christ, when antichrist so lon^j before (even three hundred yeais ago) began to rage against these Waldenses. In Bohemia likewise afterwards, under the name of Taborites (as Sylvius records) they suffered no little trouble. But never was persecution stirred up against them, or against any other people more terrible than in these later years in France by the French king (A. D. 1.54.i) the lamentable story is described in Sleidan, and here- atter in the course of this book, when we come to the j)roper period it shall be narrated (by the grace of Christ) more at large. In this persecution it is stated that in one town, Cabiiera, there were slain eight hundred ))ersons at once, without respect of women or children ot any age ; of whom forty women, and most of them great with child, thrust into a barn, and the windows be . ing kept with pikes, and fire being applied to them, were all consumed. Besides, in a cave not far from the town Mussium, five-and-twenty persons were at the same time destroyed with smoke and fire. At Merindolum (when all the rest had fied away) one young man, being found, was tied to an olive-tree, and most cruellj destroyed with torments. There was much more per- secution, as shall appear hereafter in the history trans- lated out of Sleidan. There is also an old document of process, wherein it appears that four hundred and forty-three were brought to examination in Pomerania, Marchia, and places thereabouts (about A. D. Kiyi). And thus much touching the origin, doctrine, and the lamentable persecutions of the Waldenses, who, as is de- clared, first began about the time of this King Henry 11. It now remains in the order of time to narrate such other incidents as occurred under the reign of this kiu", not unworthy to be observed. There was a great war in Palestine, when the city of Jerusalem, with the cross and king of the city, and others of the temple, were taken by the Saracens, and most pait of the christians there were either slain or taVen. There was cruel murder and slaughter by the Turk, wlio caused all the chief of the chri.-*^ians to be brougu forth and beheaded before his face, so that Pojie Urban III. died for sorrow, and (Gregory VIII., ne.\C pope after him, lived not two months. Then, in tiie days of Pope Clement III., sorrow was growing daily for the loss of Palestine, and destruction of the chris- tians. King Henry of England, and Philip the French king, the duke of Burgundy, the earl of Flanders, the earl of Campania, with other christian princes with a general consent upon St. George's day, took the mark of the cross upon them, promising together to take their voyage into the Holy Land. At which time the histories say, the king of England received first the red cross, the French king took the white cross, the earl of Flanders took the green cross ; and se likewise other princes took various colours, so as to be known every- one by his proper cross. But King Henry (after the three years were expired, in which he promised to per- form his voyage) sent to the pope for further delay of his promise, offering to erect three monasteries in- stead. Almaric, king of Jerusalem, destroyed Babylon (A. D. 1170), so that it was never after to this day restored, but lies waste and desolate ; wherein was fulfilled that which in the j)roj)hets was threatened against Babylon. This Almaric had a son named Baldwin, and a daugh- ter called Sibylla. Sibylla was first married to one Willerm, marquis of Mount Ferrat, by whom she had a son called also Bald- win. After him she was married to another husband named Guido de Liziniaco, earl of Joppa and of Asca- lon. After the death of Baldwin, and the next heir, his crown by descent fell to Sibylla the wife of Guido. The peers and nobles, joining together in council, offered Sibylla as the lawful heir to the crown, that she should be their queen, with this condition, that she should separate, by solemn divorce, from her husband Guido ; but she refused the kingdom offered to her on that con- dition, till at last the magistrates, with the nobles in general, granted to her, and by their oaths confirmed it, that whoever she would choose as her husband, they would all obey as their king. Guido her husband, among A.D. 1000—1190.] KING RICHARD II.— SLAUGHTER OF THE JEWS. 149 the rest, humbly requested her that the kingdom might not, for his account, or for his private loss, be desti- tute of government. At length, with tears consenting to their entreaty, she was solemnly crowned their queen, and received their allegiance by their oath. Upon this, Guido, without any hope of wife and kingdom, departed home quietly to his own place. Then the queen, as- sembling her states and prelates together, conferred with th.-m about choosing a king, according to what they had pioniis.>d, and sworn to her, that they would obey him as their king whom she would name to be her husband. Thu^, while they were all in great expectation, waiting every man to see whom she would nominate, the queen with a loud voice said to Guido that stood among them, •• Guido, my lord, I choose thee for my husband, and, yielding myself and my kingdom unto you, openly I proclaim you to be the king." At these words all the assembly, being amazed, wondered that one simple woman had beguiled so many wise men. And she was worthy, no doubt, to be commended and extolled for her singuiir virtue, both of faithfulness and prudence : so man:iging the matter, that she obtained to her husband the kingdom, and retained to herself her husband, whom she so faitlifully loved. As I have hitherto described the public acts of King Henry, so now I mean to say something of his private condition. He was of mean stature, eloquent, and learnei, manly and bold in chivalry, fearful of the muta- bility and chance of war, more lamenting the death of his soldiers when dead, than loving them when alive. No one was more courteous and liberal for obtaining Ihis purpose ; in peace and tranquillity none was more rou^^h ; stubborn against the stubborn ; sometimes mer- ciful to those whom he had vanquished ; strict to his household servants, but liberal to strangers ; publicly of jiublic things liberal, sparing of his own ; whoever he once took a displeasure against he hardly or never would receive again to favour ; somewhat lavish of his tongue, a willing breaker of his promise, a lover of his ease, but lan oppressor of his nobility ; a severe avenger and pro- imoter of justice, variable of word, and crafty in his italk, a nourisher of discord amongst his children ; more- jover the papists, bearing him (for Thomas Becket's quar- rel, and such like, as may be gathered) no good will, term him an adversary of the faith. He died in the five-and-thirtieth year of his reign, in khe castle of Chinon in Normandy. KING RICHARD. King Richard, the eldest son of Henry II., succeeded his fiither (A. L>. 1189) ; at which time Pope Clement sat at Rome, succeeding Gregory, who died a little be- fore with sorrow for the loss of the holy cross. During the time of his coronation it happened, that, filthough the king, the day before his coronation, by public ledict, had commanded the Jews and their wives not to presume either to enter the church or palace, during the solemnization of his coronation, amongst his nobles tmd barons, yet, while the king was at dinner, the chief bf the Jews, with several others, entered the court gates. IA christian man, being offended, struck one of them, and bade him stand further from the court gate, as the king had civen commandment. Others following the example, and displeased against the Jews, offered them similar in- iBult. Others, also, supposing that the king had so com- ^landed, fell upon all the Jews that stood outside the court gate: and first they beat them, but afterwards they took up stones and such other things as they could get, and threw at them from the court gates, some of them they wounded, some they slew, and some they left for dead. ! There was among the Jews,one who was called the blessed Jew of York, who was so severely wounded, that for fear 'of his life, he said he would become a christian, and was baptized ; by which he escaped death, and the persecu- tors' hands. In the meanwhile, there was a great ru- mour spread throughout all the city of London, that the :king had commanded to destroy all the Jews. Upon which, the citizens, and innumerable people, being as- sembled to see the king's coronation, armed themselves and came together. The Jews thus being for the most part slain, the rest fled into their houses, where, for a time, they were defended ; but at length their houses were set on fire, and they destroyed within them. These things being declared to the king while he was with his nobles and barons at dinner, he sends immedi- ately Ranulfe de Glanville, the lord high steward of Eng- land, with other noblemen to accompany him, that they might stay and refrain these excesses of the Londoners ; but all was in vain ; for in so great a tumult, there was none that either regarded what the nobility said, or reverenced their persons, but, rather with stern looks and threaten- ing words, advised them to depart, and that quickly. They, thinking it best to do so, departed ; the tumult and insurrection continuing till the next day. At which time the king, sending certain of his officers into the city, gave them in command to apprehend and present such as were the chief of the malefactors. Three were condemned to be hanged ; one, because he had robbed a christian's house in the tumult ; and the other two because they fired the houses to the great danger of the city. After this, the king sent for the man that from a Jew was converted to Christianity, and in the presence of those that saw where he was baptized, the king asked him whether he was become a christian or not ? He, answering the king, said " No ; but to the intent he might escape death, he promised to do whatever the christians would have him." Then the king asked the archbishop of Canterbury (other archbishops and bishops being present) what were best to be done with him ? Who, unadvisedly answering, said, " If he will not be a man of God, let him be a man of the devil," and so he returned again to Judaism. Then the king sent his writs to the sheriffs of every county, to inquire for the authors of this outrage. Of whom three were hanged ; and several were imprisoned. So great was then the hatred of Englishmen against the Jews, that as soon as they began to be removed from the court, the Londoners fell upon them, set their houses on fire, and spoiled their goods. The country again, follow- ing the example of the Londoners, did the same. And thus the year which the Jews took to be their jubilee, was to them a year of confusion. In the city of York, the Jews obtaining a certain castle for their preserva- tion, and afterward not being willing to restore it to the christians again, when they saw no other remedy, but to be vanquished by force, first offered money for their lives ; when that would not be taken, by the counsel of an old Jew among them, every one, with a sharp razor, cut another's throat, whereby a thousand and five hun- dred of them were destroyed. King Richard, after the death of his father, coming to remembrance of hinistlf, and of his rebellion against his father, sought for absolution ; and, in satisfaction for the same, agreed with Philip the French King, to take his voyage with him for the recovery of Christ's patri- mony, as they call the Holy Land. After this, King Richard, preparing to set all things in an order before his going, tomniitted the whole go- vernment of the realm, principally to William, bishop of Ely, his chancellor, and to Hugh, bishop of Durham, whom he appointed the chief justice of all England in his absence, sending also to Pope Clement, in behalf uf William, bishop of Ely, that he might be made the j)ope's legate through all England and Scotland, which also was obtained. Thus the bishop, being advanced to high authority, provides out of every city in England, two palfries, and two sumpters, and also out of every abbey, one palfry, and one sumpter, for the king's service in Palestine. These things being set in order, the king, according to his appointment, sailed into France, wlierc the French king and he conferring together, prorogued their voyage till after midsummer. In the meantime, the king oc- occupied himself in redressing and establishing such things as were requisite. Ue ajpointcd the cap- tains and constables over his navy, and set laws to be ob- 150 KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND AT MESSINA. [Book IV. served in his voyage upon the seas, but especially his care was to make unity and concord between parties that were at variance, and to reconcile them. After King Richard had composed such things as were to be redressed within the realm, he advanced forward bis journey, and came to Touraine, to meet with Philip the French king ; and so after that went to Vezelay ; where the French king and he joining together, for the continuance of their journey, assured themselves by solemn oath, swearing fidelity one to the other ; the form of whose oath was this : " That either of them should defend and maintain the honour of the other, and bear true fidelity unto him of life, members, and worldly honour ; and that neither of them should fail one the other in their affairs ; but the French king should aid the king of England in defending his land and dominions, as he would himself defend his own city of Paris, if it were besieged ; and that King Richard of England likewise should aid the French king in defending his land and dominions, no otherwise than he would defend his own city of Rouen if it were besieged," &c. But how slenderly this oath held these two kings, and by whose chief occasion it first fell asunder, the sequel of the history (the Lord willing) shall declare. The laws and ordinances appointed by King Richard for his navy were these : 1 . That whoever killed any person on shipboard, should be tied with him that was slain, and thrown into the sea. 2. And if he killed him on the land, he should in like manner be tied with the party slain, and be buried with him in the earth. 3. He that shall be convicted by lawful witness to draw out his knife or weapon, to the intent to strike any man, or that hath stricken any to the drawing of blood, shall lose his hand. 4. Also, he that strikes any person with his hand, without effusion of blood, shall be plunged three times in the sea. 5. Wlioso speaks any opprobrious or contumelious words in reviling or cursing one another, for so often as he hath so reviled, shall pay so many ounces of silver. 6. A thief or felon that has stolen, being lawfully con- victed, shall have his head shorn, and boiling jiitch poured upon his head, and feathers or down strewed upon the same, whereby he maybe known ; and so at the first landing-place they shall come to, there to be cast up, &c. King Richard sending his navy by the Spanish seas, and by the straits of Gibraltar, to meet him at Marseilles, went himself to Vezelay, to the French king. The two kings from thence went to Lyons, where the bridge over the Rhone gave way with the press of people, and many, both men and women, were drowned. The two kings were then constrained to separate for the rest of their journey, arranging to meet in Sicily ; and so Philip took his way to Genoa, and King Richard to Marseilles, where he remained eight days, appointing his navy to meet him there. From thence crossing over to Genoa, where the French king was, he passed forward by the coast of Italy, and entered the Tiber not far from Rome, where meeting with Ottoman, the cardinal and bishop of Hostia, he complained greatly of the filthy simony of the pope and the pope's court, for receiving seven hundred marks for consecrating the bishop Cenomanensis ; also a thousand and five hundred marks from William the bishop of Ely for his office as legate ; and likewise an infinite sum of money from the bishop of Bordeaux, for acquit- ting him when he should have been deposed for a certain crime laid to his charge by his clergy, ^c. The seventh day of August King Richard departed from Marseilles, and the three-and-twentieth of Septem- ber arrived at Messina, with such a noise of trumpets and shawms, with such a rout and show, that it was to the great wonder and terror both of the Frenchmen and all others that heard and beheld the sight. The French king had come to the town of Messina be- fore the sixteenth day of the month of September, and had taken the palace of Tancred, king of Sicily, for his lodgings. King Richard after his arrival, soon went to Lim; and when the two kings had conversed together, immediately the same day the French king took shipping to sail to the laud of Jerusalem. But after he was out of the haven, the wind rising against him, he returned to Messina. The last day of September, Richard passed over the Hood of Delfar, and there gained a strong hold called De la Bagmare, or Le Bamre, and placing therein a sufficient garrison, he returned to Messina. The second of October he won another stronghold, and he deposited there all his store and provision, which came from Eng. land or other places. The citizens of Messina, seeing that the king of Eng- land had won the castle and island in De la Bagmare, and also the monastery of the Griffons, and doubting lest the King would extend his power further to invade their city, and if he could, all the Isle of Sicily, began to stir against the king's army, and to shut the Englishmen out of tlie gates, and keep their walls against ihem. The Englishmen seeing that, made to the gates, and by force would have broken them open, so that the king riding among them with his staff, and breaking some of their heads, could not assuage their fierceness ; such was the rage of the Englishmen against the citizens of Messina. The fourth day of the month of October, the archbishop of Messina came to King Richard, with two other arch- bishops, also with the French king, and other earls, baions, and bishops, to treat for peace. As they were consulting, and had almost concluded upon the peace, the citizens of Messina issued out of the town, some went uj) upon the mountains, some with open force invaded the mansion or lodging of Hugh Brun an English captain. The noise of this coming to the ears of the king, he, sud- denly breaking off the conference with the French king and the rest, departed, and coming to his men, commanded them forthwith to arm themselves ; who then, with some of his sohliers, making up to the top of a mountain, there put the citizens to flight, chasing them down the mountain, to the very gates of the city; some of the king's servants pursued them within the city, where five valiant soldiers, and twenty of the king's servants were slain, the French king looking on, and not once desiring to rescue them, contrary to his oath and league with the king of England. For the French king with his men, being there present, rode in the midst of them safely and without harm to and fro, and might well have assisted the king's party, if he wished. This being known to the English army, how their com- rades were slain, and the Frenchmen permitted in the city, and that they were excluded, and the gates barred against them, being also stopped from buying of food and other things ; they with great indignation, gathered them- selves in arms, burst open the gates, and scaled the walls, and so, winning the city, set up their flags, with the Eng- lish arms upon the walls. When the French king saw this he was ofiended; requiring the king of England that the arms of France might also be set up and joined with his ; but King Richard would not agree ; but to satisfy his mind, he consented to take down his arms, and commit the custody of the city to the Hospitale and Templars of Jerusalem, till the time that Tancreil king of Sicily and he, should agree together u])on the conditions. In this mean time, as these two kings of France and England were thus wintering at Messina, the eni])eror, Frederick I. (on whose neck Pope Alexander trod in the church of Venice, saying the verse of the j)sulm, "Thou shalt tread on the serpents and the adders,") and his son Conrad, with a mighty army of Germans and others, were coming likewise to the siege of Acre ; where the emperor, falling oflT his horse into a river, was drowned. Conrad, his son, taking the con\- mand of his army, came to the siege of Acre, in which siege he also died. In consequence of the coming of thi^ multitude of Germans, there was a dearth in the camp which lasted two months, so that a loaf of bread, which before the coming of the German army was sold for one j)enny, was afterward sold for three pounds, by reason of this many christian soldiers perished through famine. The chief food which the princes had to feed upon was horse-flesh. This famine being so miserable, some good bishops who were in the camp, namely, Hubert bishop of Salisbury, with certain others, makiuij a AD. 1190.] RICHARD OVERCOMES CYPRUS, AND PROCEEDS TO THE SIEGE OF ACRE. 151 general collection through the whole camp for the poor, made such a provision that in this penury of all things, no man was so destitute and needy, but he had some- what for his relief; till within a few days after by the merciful providence of God, who is the feeder of all creatures, ships came to them with abundance of corn, wine, and oil. The siege of this town of Acre lasted a long time, and as it was ably assailed by the christians, so it was strongly defended by the Saracens, especially by the help of wild- fire, which the Latins call Greek fire, so that there was great slaughter on both sides. The next year following (A. D. 1191), King Richard sent over his gallies to Naples, there to meet his mother Eleiior, and Berengaria the daughter of Sancius king of Navarre, whom he purposed to marry. In the meantime King Richard shewed himself exceeding bountiful and liberal to all. To the French king he gave several ships ; upon others he bestowed rich rewards ; and of his goods and treasure he distributed largely to his sol- diers and servants about him. It was reported that he distributed more in one month, than any of his prede- cessors did in a whole year ; by which he obtained great love and favour, which not only redounded to the ad- vancement of his fame, but also to his great advantage and profit, as the sequel proved. To proceed then in the progress of King Richard, leaving the city of Messina, he went to Catana, where Tancied king of Sicily then lay, where he was honourably received, and remained with King Tancred three days and three nights. On the fourth day, when he was departing, Tancred offered him many rich presents in gold and silver, and precious silks ; of which King Richard would receive nothing, but one little ring, as a token of his good will. For which King Richard again gave liim a rich sword. At length, when King Richard should take his leave, King Tancred would not so let him part, but would give him four great ships, and fifteen gallies ; and he himself would accompany him the space ol two days journey to a place called Tavernium. Then the next morning when they should take their leave, Tancred declared to him the message which the French king a little before had sent to him by the duke of Burgundy, which was this: "That the king of England was a false traitor, and would never keep the peace that was between them. And if Tancred would war against him, or attack him secretly by night, he would assist him with all his power, and join with him to the destruction of him and all his army," &c. Richard the king protested that he was no traitor, nor ever was ; and as to the peace begun between them, it should never be broken through him ; nor could he believe that the French king, being his good lord and his sworn partner in that voyage, would utter any such words by him. When Tancred heard this, he brings forth the letters of the French king sent to him by the duke of Burgundy ; af- firming, that if the duke of Burgundy would deny the bringing of the letters, he was ready to meet him by any of his dukes. King Richard receiving the letters, and musing not a little upon them, returns to Messina. From that time King Richard being angered against King Philip, never shewed him any gentle countenance peace and amity, as he was wont before. Soon after this. King Philip sailed for Acre, and the next month King Richard sailed with an hundred and fifty great ships, and three-and-fifty great gallies well manned and appointed, also towards Acre ; on Good Friday there rose a mighty tempest, which scattered all his navy. The king with a few ships, was driven to the isle of Crete. The ship that carried the king's sister queen of Sicilia, and Berengaria the king of Navarre's daughter, with two other ships, were driven to the isle of Cyprus. The king making great moan for the ship of his sister, and Berengaria his intended wife, and not knowing where they were, after the tempest was blown over, sent his gallies diligently to search for the ship wherein his sister was, and the maiden whom he was to marry ; at length they were found safe and well at the port of Limisso in the isle of Cyprus. Though the two ships, which were iu their company in the same haven, were lost. The king of Cyprus was then Isakius (called also the empe- ror of the Griffons) who took and imprisoned all English- men, who were cast by shipwreck upon his land ; and would not suffer the ship wherein the two ladies were to enter within the port. The tidings of this being brought to King Richard, he in his great wrath, gathering his gallie?and ships together, landed in Cyprus, where he first iu gentle terms signifies to King Isakius, how he with his Englishmen, coming as strangers to the support of the Holy Land, where by dis- tress of weather, driven upon his borders, and therefore with all humble petition besought him in God's behalf, and for reverence of the holy cross, to release such pri- soners of his as he had in captivity, and to restore again the goods of them who were drowned, and which he detained in his hands, to be employed for the benefit of their souls, &c. And this the king, once, twice, and thrice requested of Isakius. But he, answering proudly, sent the king word, that he would neither let the captives go, nor re- turn the goods of those who were drowned, &c. When King Richard heard how little Isakius made of his humble and honest petition, and how nothing there could be got without force ; he soon gives command through all his army, to put themselves in armour, and to follow him, to revenge the injuries received from that proud and cruel king of Cyprus; desiring them to put their trust in God, and not to doubt but the Lord would stand with them, and give them the full victory. Isakius in the mean time, stood guarding the sea coasts, where the Englishmen should arrive, with swords, bills, and lances, and such other weapons as they had, setting boards, stools, and chests before them instead of a wall. However, but few of them were in armour, and for the most part inexpert, and unskilful in the feats of war. Then King Richard with his soldiers, issuing out of their ships, first set his bowmen forward, who with their shot made a way for others to follow. The Englishmen, thus gaining the land, pressed so fiercely upon the Griffons, that after long fighting, and many blows, Isakius was put to flight; King Richard valiantly pursued, and slew many, and several he took alive, and had nearly taken the king, had not the night come on and parted the battle. And thus King Richard returning with much spoil and great vic- tory to the port town of Limisso, which the townsmen had abandoned for fear, found there great abundance of corn, wine, oil, and provisions. The same day, Joan the king's sister, and Berengaria the maiden entered the port and town of Limisso, with fifty great ships, and fourteen galliots ; so that the whole navy, there meeting together, were two hundred and fifty four tall ships, and above threescore galliots. Then Isakius, seeing no way to escape by sea, pitched his tents five miles off, swearing that the third day he would give battle to King Richard. But Richard set upon the tents of the Griffons early, while they were unwares and asleep, and made a great slaughter of them, so that Isakius was compelled to run away naked, leaving his tents and pavi- lions to the Englishmen, full of horses and rich treasure, al- so with the imperial standard, the lower part of which with a costly streamer was covered and wrought all with gold. King Richard then returning with victory and triumph to his sister and Berengaria, shortly after, married Beren- garia, in the isle of Cyprus. Isakius being afterwards taken and sent in chains of silver and gold to Tripoli, and all things being set in order touching the possession of the isle of Cyprus, the keep- ing of it he committed to Radulph, son of Godfrey, lord chamberlain. King Richard departed from the isle of Cyprus, with his ships and gallies towards the siege of Acre ; and on his voyage he met with a great bark, fraught with soldiers and men of war, to tlie number of one thousand and five hundred ; who pretending to be Frenchmen, and shewing their flag with French arms, were really Saracens in disguise, secretly sent with wild- fire, and barrels of unknown serpents, to the defence of the town of Acre. King Richard at length perceiving this, soon set upon them, and vanquished them, the niost of them were drowned, and some were taken alive. The next day. King Richard came to Acre : soon after his coming, the Pagans within the city seeing their walls 152 RICHARD TAKEN BY THE DUKE OF AUSTRIA. undermined, and towers overthrown, were driven to escape •with life and limb, to surrender the city to the two kings. An jfhe.r great help to the christians in winning the city WH.^ this r in the city of Acre there was a secret christian aino:.;^ the Saracens, who in the time of the siege, used to CA>t over the walls, into the camp of the christians, cert^iin letters written in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, in which he disclosed to the christians, from time to time, the doings and counsels of their enemies, advertising them ho>v, and by what way they should work, and what to bjware of; and always his letters began thus : "In the nane of the Father, and of the Sou, and of the Holy Ghost." By this, the christians were much advantaged in their proceedings. But it was a source of great heaviness to them, that he would never tell his name, nor when the city was got, could they ever understand who he was. To make of a long siege a short narration, upon the twelfth day of July (A. D. lliU), the princes and ciptai;i3 of the Pagins, upon agreement came, to the tent of the Templars, to commune with the two kings touching peice and giving up of their city. The twentieth d ly of July, King Richard, speaking with the French king, desired him that they two with their armies would bind themselves by oath to remain there, still in the land of Jerusalem the space of three years, for the winning and recovering again of those countries. But he said he would swear no such oath. So al)out the beginning of the month of August, Philip tlie French king, went from Acre to Tyre ; although King Ricliard and all the princes of the christian army with great intreaty desired him to tarry ; shewing what a shame it were for him to come so far, and now to leave undone that for which he came. After his departure the Pagans refused to keep their covenants ; they would neither restore the holy cross, nor the money, nor the captives, as they had pledged ; sending word to King Richard, that if he beheaded the hostages left with him at Acre, they would chop off the heads of such captives of the christians as were in their hands. Shortly after this, the Saladin, sending great gifts to King Richard, requested the time limited, viz., forty days for behead- ing the captives might be prolonged ; but the king re- fused to take his gifts, and to grant his request. W'here- Upon the Saladin caused all the christian captives within his possession forthwith to be beheaded, which was the eighteenth day of August. But yet. King Richard would not anticipate the time before prescribed for the execu- tion of his prisoners, being the twentieth of August. Upon which day he caused the prisoners of the Sara- cens, openly in the sight of the Saladin army, to lose their heads : the number came to two thousand five hundred, save only that certain of the principal of them he reserved for purposes, and considerations, especially to make exchange for the holy cross, and some of the christian captives. After this, King Richard purposed to besiege the city of Joppa ; where, by the way between Acre and Joppa, Saladin with a great multitude of his Saracens came fiercely against the king's rear : but through God's mer- ciful grace, the king's warriors acquitted them so well, that the Saladin was put to flight (whom the christians pursued the space of three miles), and lost the same day many of his nobles and captives, so that the Saladin had not been put to such confusion for forty years before. From thence King Richard went to Joppa, and then to Ascalon, where he found first the city of Joppa forsaken by the Saracens, who durst not abide the king's coming. And Ascalon, the Saladili tlirew down to the ground, and forsook the holy land of Syria; through all which the king had free passage without resistance, neither durst the Saracen piince encounter after that with King Richard. Many other valiant and famous acts were achieved by him and the French king, and more would have been accoiniili.-ihed, had not those t'vo kings, falling into discord, separated thrmselves. Pliilip, the French king, returni'd home within a short time, and soon invaded Normandy, urging John, the brother of King Richard, to seize tiie kingdom of England iu his brother's absence ; [Book IV. who then made league with the French king, and did homage to him. Richard being then in Syria, and hear- ing of this, made a peace with the Turks for three years. And not long after (in the spring following) King Richard returned also. In his return he was driven, by distress of weather, about the parts of Istria, in a town called Synaca, and was there taken by Leopold, duke of the same country, and sold to the Emperor Henry, for 60,000 marks. King Richard, being thus shipwrecked, and traitor- ously taken and sold to the emperor by the Duke of Austria, was there kept in custody a year and three months. In some histories, it is affirmed that King Ri- chard, returning out of Asia, came to Italy with prosper- ous winds, where he desired of the pope to be absolved from an oath made against his will, and could not obtain the absolution. And so setting out from thence towards England, passing by the country of Conrad, the marquis, whose death was falsely imputed by the French king to the king of England, was there traitorously taken, as is be- fore said, by Leopold, duke of Austria. Although in another history I find the matter more credibly set forth, which saith, "That King Richard slew the brother of this Leopold, playing with him at chess in the French king's court. And Leopold, taking his advantage, was the more cruel against him, and delivered him, as is said, to the emperor ; in whose custody he was detained during the time above mentioned, a year and three months. The French king, in the meantime, raised war in Nor- mandy ; and Earl John, the king's brother, invaded England ; but the barons and bishops of the land mightily withstood him, and besieged him in the castle of Windsor, where they took from him all the castles and forts, which he had got before. Thus the earl, see- ing no hope of prevailing in England, and suspecting the deliverance of the king his brother, went to France, and stayed with the French king. At length it was agreed and concluded with the emperor, that King Richard should be released for a hundred thousand pounds. That sum of money was here gathered, and made in England, of chalices, crosses, shrines, candlesticks, and other church plate, also with public contribution of friaries, abbies, and other subjects of the realm. Part of this sum was immediately paid, and for the residue, hostages and pledges were taken, which was about the fifth year of his reign. And then it was obtained of the pope, that priests might celebrate with chalices of pewter and tin, and so it was granted and continued long after. Thus King Richard being ransomed, was restored again and repaired into England. At his return Earl John his brother, coming to him with humble submission, desired to be pardoned for his trangressions. King Richard an- swered, " I would to God that this your misconduct as it dies in oblivion with me, so it may remain in remembrance with you," and so he gently forgave him. And after he had recovered his holds and castles, he caused himself to be crowned again. Which done, he went with his forces against the French king, and drove him out of Normandy. And after that, he went against the Welshmen, and sub- dued them. The year following, (A.D. 1197,) Philip the French king brake the truce made between him and King Richard ; and the king was compelled to sail over again to Nor- mandy to withstand the malice of his enemy. About which time, my history records of one called Fulco by some ; some say he was the archbishop of Rouen, called Walter, This Fulco being then in England, and coming to the king's presence, said to him with great courage and bold- ness; " Thou hast, O mighty king, three daughters very vicious and of evil disposition ; take good heed of them, and at once ])rovide for them good husbands ; lest, by untimely bestowing them in marriage, thou shalt not only incur great loss and injury, but alsu utter ruin and de- struction to thyself." The kingina rage said, "Thou lying and mocking hyi)0crite, thou knowest not where thou ait, or what tliou sayest ; I think thou art mad, or not wi-U in thy wits ; for 1 have never had a daughter, as all the world knows, and therefore thou 0])en liar get rhee out of our presence." Fulco answered, "No, and like yojr grace. A. D. 1191—1205.] DEATH OF RICHARD CCEUR DE LION. SUCCEEDED BY JOHN. 153 I lie not. but say truth : for you have three daughters wliich I iintinually frequent your court, and wholly possess your person, and such three naughty ones as never before was heard of; 1 mean, mischievous /;rjrfe, greedy covet- ou-miexif, and filthy ludtti-y ; and therefore again I say, O king, ijcware of tnem, and at once provide marriages for tiiein, lest m not so doing, thou utterly undo both thyself aui all tijc whole realm." The king took his words in good part, with correction of himseli, and confession of the same. Whereupon im- mediately, he called his lords and barons before him, to whom he declared the conversation of Fulco, who had desired hiui to beware of his three daughters, pride, ava- rice, and luxury, with advice to marry them immediately, lest further inconvenience should ensue both to him and to the whole realm : "His good counsel (my lords)l intend to follow, not doubting of all your consent thereto. Wherefore here before you all, 1 give my daughter swelling pride to wife to the proud Templars ; my greedy daughter avarice to the covetous order of the Cistercian monks ; and last of all, my tilthy daughter luxury to the riotous prelates of the church, whom I think to be very meet men for her ; and go severally well agreeing to all their natures, that the like matches in this our realm are not to be found for them." And thus much concerning Fulco. Not long after this, a certain noble personage found a great treasure both of gold and silver hid in the ground, a great part of which he sent to King Richard, as chief lord and prince over the whole country. Which the king refused ; saying, he would have all or none, for that he was the principal chieftain over the land. But the tinder ■would not condescend to that. Therefore the king laid siege to a castle of his, called Galuz, thinking the treasure to lie there. But the keepers and warders of the castle, seeing themselves not sutticient to withstand the king, offered to him the castle, desiring to depart with life and armour. To this the king would in no wise grant, but bid them to re-enter the castle again, and to defend it in all the forcible wise they could. It so befel, that as the king with the duke of Brabant went about the castle, viewing the places thereof; a soldier within, named Bertrand Cordoun, struck the king with an arrow in the arm, and the iron remaining and festering in the wound, the king I within nine days after died ; who, because he was not I content with the half of the treasure that another man i found, lost all his own treasure that he had. The king, I being thus wounded, caused the man that struck him to be brought to him, and asked him the cause why he so ' wounded him ? Who answered him (as the history says), i that he thought to kill rather than to be killed ; and what ! punishment soever he should sustain, he was content, so ! that he might kill him who had before killed his father and : brothers. The king, hearing his words, freely forgave him and caused an hundred shillings to be given him. Al- though (as the history adds) after the death of the king, the duke of Brabant, caused him after great torments, to ' be hanged. The history of Gisburn says, that the killer of ; King Richard coming to the French king, thinking to have a great reward, was commanded to be drawn asunder with horses, and his quarters to be hanged up. Another history affirms, and Gisburn partly testifies the ] same, that a little before the death of King Richard, three ' abbots of the order Cistercian came to him, to whom he I was confessed ; and when he saw them somewhat stay at 1 Lis absolution, he added these words : that he did willingly ' commit his body to be eaten of worms, and his soul to I the fire of purgatory, there to be tormented till the judg- ment, in the hope of God's mercy. KING JOHX. After the death of King Richard, called Coeur de Lion, his brother John, earl of Morton.began his reign, A. D. 1199. The archbishop put the crown on his head, and swore him to defend and to maintain the church. And unless he resolved in his mind to do so, the archbishop charged him not to presume to take on him this dignity. And on St. John Baptist's day next following, King John sailed into Normandy and came to Rouen, where he was royally received, and a truce concluded between him and the French king for a time. And there came to him the earl of Flanders, and all other lords of France that were of Kiiu; Richard's band and friendship, and were sworn unto him. Not long after this, Philip the French king made Ar- thur a knight, and received his homage for Normandy, Brittany, and all other his possessions beyond the sea, and promised him assistance against King John. After this, King John and the French king conferred with their lords about one hour's space ; and the French king asked so much land for himself and Knight Arthur, that King John would grant him none, and so he de]iarted in wrath. The same year a legate came into France, and com- manded the king on pain of an interdict, to release one Peter out of prison, who was elected to a bishoprick ; and he was accordingly released. And after that the legate came into England, and com- manded King John, also under pain of an interdict, to de- liver the archbishop whom he had kept as prisoner two years ; which the king refused to do, till he had paid him six thousand marks ; because he took him in armour in battle against iiim, and sware him upon his deliverance, that he should never wear armour against any Christiaa man. This time a divorce was made between King John and his wife, daughter of the Earl of Gloucester, because they were in the third degree of kindred. And afterwards by the advice of the French king, King John wedded Isabel, daughter of the Earl of Angouleme ; and then Arthur of Brittany did homage to King John for Brittany and other lands. At this time there was a contention between King John and Geffrey the archbishop of York ; first, because he would not suffer and permit the sheriff of York to pro- ceed in such affairs as he had to do for the king within his diocese. Secondly, because he also excommunicated the sheriff. Thirdly, because he would not sail with him into Normandy, to make the marriage between Louis the French king's son, and his niece, &c. In the year 1202, Philip the French king required that King John should part wich all his lands in Normandy and Pictavia to Arthur his nephew, or else he would war against him ; when King John refused, the next day the French king with Arthur attacked his towns and castles in Normandy, and put him to much trouble ; but he re- ceived, however, such a repulse at the Englishmen's hands, that they, pursuing the Frenchmen in their flight, so followed them that they not only took Arthur prisoner, with many others, but gave such an overthrow, that none was left to bear tidings home. This Arthur was nephew to King John, and son to Geffrey, who was the elder brother to John. For King Henry II. had eight children ; one William, who died in childhood; the second, Henry, who died also while his father was yet alive ; the third, Geffrey, earl of Brittany, who likewise died in his father's days, leaving behindhim two children, Arthur and Brecca ; the fourth, Richard Coeur de Lion, king ; the fifth, John, now reigning ; and three daughters besides. Arthur being thus taken, was brought before the king, and having been exhorted with many gentle words to leave the French king, and to incline to his uncle, an- swered boldly and with great indignation ; demanding the kingdom of England, v.-ith all the other dominions thereto belonging, as the lawful heir of the crown. By this he pro- voked the king's displeasure against him and was sent to the tower of Rouen, where at length (whetuer by leaping into the ditch, thinking to make his escape, or whether by some other secret hand, or by what chance else it is not yet agreed upon in history) he finished his life. King John was under great suspicion ; whether justly or un- justly, the Lord knows. The year following, John lost all his holds and posses- sions in Normandy, through the power of the French king. After these losses, came other troubles upon him, with as great or greater enemies, that is, with the pope and his popelings in the affair of the archbishop of Canterbury. In A. D. 1205, Hubert the archbishop of Canter- bury died. Before his body was yet committed to the earth, the younger sort of the monks gathered them- 1«4 DISPUTE CONCERNING THE ARCHBISHOPRICK OF CANTERBURY. [Book IV selves together at midnight, and elected their superior Reginald, and without the king's license, or even know- ledge, placed him in the metropolitan seat. And lest the king should make the election void, tliey charged him by virtue of his oath to keep all secret, and to reveal no- thing till he came to the pope ; but he, contrary to his oath, so soon as he came into Flanders, opened abroad all the matter. The next day the elder monks sent to the king, desiring him of his gracious license canonically to choose tiieir archbishop. The king most gently and fa- vourably granted their petition, desiring that for his sake they would shew favour to John Gray, then bishop of Norwich, as indeed they did, electing him to that See of the primacy. As the authority of kings and princes was then but small in their own dominions, without the pope's consent and confirmation ; he also sent to Rome to have the election ratified by the pope. The suffragans of Canter- bury then being not a little offended at these two elections sent speedily to Rome to have them both stopped ; for they had not been consulted about them. And from them grew a most prodigious tumult. In this year the clergy grew so unruly, that they ne- glected their charge, and incensed the king's displeasure so much against them, thathetook order about the goods of such as were faulty. A Letter of King John, touching the Lands and Goods of such Clergymen as refuse to celebrate Divine Service. " The king to all clerical and lay persons within the bi- shoprick of Lincoln, greeting : know ye that from Mon- day next before the feast of Easter, we have committed to William of CornhiU, archdeacon of Huntington, and to Joseline of Canvil, all the lands and goods of the abbots and priors, and of all the spiritual persons ; and also of all clerks within the bishoprick of Lincoln, who will not from that time celebrate divine service. And we com- mand you, that from thence you assist them as our bai- liffs ; and believe them in those things which they shall tell you privately on our behalf. Witness ourself at Claren- don the 18th day of March, in the 9th year of our reign." But to proceed in this troublesome election : the next year, the suffragans of the province of Canterbury on one side, and the monks of Canterbury on the other, came be- fore the pope with their brawling matter. First , the monks, presenting Reginald their superior, desired that their election might be confirmed. The suffragans like- wise complained that the monks should presume to choose the archbishop without their consent, and therefore de- sired the first election to be annulled. The pope, decid- ing the matter, pronounced with the monks ; charging the suffragans and bishops to meddle no more with that election, but to let the monks alone. The monks of Can- terbury, now having the whole election in their own hands, fell out among themselves. The younger sort who had chosen Reginald their superior, wished that election to stand. The elder sort of monks replied that the first election was done by stealth and by night, and by the younger part ; also without the counsel of the other monks. Besides, it was done without the king's license and appointment, and without due solemnity. When they had multiplied talk on both sides a long time, and could not agree upon one person, Pope Inno- cent condemned both their elections, commanding them to choose Stephen Langton, then cardinal of St. Chryso- gon, for their archbishop. The monks then answered, that they durst not so do without consent of their king. The pope in a passion, taking the words out of their mouths, said to them, " We desire you to know that we have full power and authority over the church of Canter- bury, and are not wont to tarry for the consent of princes, therefore we command you, on pain of our great curse, that ye choose him only whom we have appointed." The monks at these words abashed and terrified, though they much murmured in their hearts, yet consented, and thus Stephen Langton was made archbishop of Canterbury. Upon this occasion King John conceived an exceeding displeasure against the clergy and monks of Canterbury for doing so many things against his prerogative. With- out his license they elected their archbishop, and set aside the bishop of Norwich, whom he had appointed. They wasted a great part of his treasure, and to bring all to the devil, they made Stephen Langton their high me- tropolitan ; so that in his anger he banished them out of the land to the number of sixty-four. The king then sends messengers to the pope with his letters, wVerein he sharply remonstrates with the pope, because he so uncourteously refused the election of the bishop of Norwich, and set up Stephen Langton, conse crating him archbishop of Canterbury ; and among other things he adds, that he will stand for his liberties, if need be, unto death ; and he thus concludes, saying, "That if he be not heard in this his request, he will so pro- vide for the sees that there shall be no such gadding and coursing any more over toRome, suffering the riches of the land no more to be transported there. And seeing he has of his own, archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the church, sufficiently provided and instructed in all kinds of knowledge, he shall not require to seek for judgment and justice abroad." When these came to the pope, he directs letters ia return to the king in this form : " Innocent, pope, servant of the servants of God, to our well-beloved son in Christ, the king of England, health and apostolical blessing. Whereas we have writ- ten to you heretofore, exhorting and intreating you after an humble, diligent, and gentle way ; you have written to us in reply after a threatening and upbraiding manner; both spitefully and frowardly. And whereas we have borne with you and given way to you above what our right and duty required ; you for your part have given to us not so much as by right and duty you are bound to do. And though your devotion, as you say, has been to us very necessary, yet consider again that ours also is not a little opportune and expedient for you. And whereas we have not shewed at any time the like honour to any prince as we have to you ; you again have so much derogated from our honour, as no prince else hath presumed to do besides you alone ; pretending certain frivolous causes and occasions," &c. Then alluding at length to the election of Langton, he thus proceeds : " Wherefore be it known to your dis- cretion or kingly prudence, that as this election of Ste- phen Langton has proceeded without fraud or deceit upon a person meet for the same ; therefore we will for no man's pleasure, neither may we without danger of fame and of conscience defer or protract any longer the consummation of the said election. Wherefore, my well- beloved son, seeing we have had respect to your honour, above what our right and duty required, study to honour us so much as your duty requires again, so that you may the more plentifully deserve favour both at God's hand and ours ; lest that by doing the contrary you bring yourself into such a sea of troubles as you shall after- wards scarce free yourself of again. For know this for a certainty, that in the end it must needs fall out that he shall have the better, to whom every knee of ' things in heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth' doth bow, whose place I serve in earth, though I be un- worthy. Therefore set not yourself to obey their per- suasions, who always desire your unquietness, that they may fish the better in the troubled water ; but commit yourself to our pleasure, which undoubtedly shall turn to your praise, glory, and honour." After this letter was sent, there proceeded not long after a charge and commandment into England to certain bishops, requiring them by apostolic authority that if the king would not receive the prior of Canterbury and his monks they should interdict him throughout all his realm. For the executing of this four bishops were appointed by the pope's bulls, namely, William, bishop of London ; Eustace, bishop of Ely ; Walter, bishop of Winchester ; and Giles, bisliop of Hereford. These bishops went to the king, and shewed their commission from the i)ope, and wished him to consent ; but the king refused, and would by no means grant their request. They went on the morrow after the Annunciation of the Virgin, and pro- nounced the general interdict throughout all England, so that the church doors were shut up with keys and othel fastenings, and with walls, &c. A. D. 1205—1210.] THE POPE CURSES KING JOHN. Ic Now when the king heard of this, he began to be moved against them, and took all the possessions of the four bishops into his haads, appointing certain men to keep the livings of the clergy throughout the realm, ar.d that they should enjoy no part thereof. Which be- ing done, the bishops cursed alt them that kept, or should meddle with church goods. After a time certain prelates, on the king's part, made an arrangement with them, and when the form of agreement was concluded, it was engrossed in two in- dentures ; and the four bishops set their seals to one part, and the other part the bishops, earls, and abbots carried to the king. When the king saw the arrange- ment he liked it well, only he would not agree to make restitution of the church goods. So he sent to the four bishops again that they should put out that point of restitution. But they answered stoutly that they would not put out one word. Then the king sent word to the archbishop, by the four bishops, that he should come to Canterbury to speak with him. When the archbishop Stephen came to Canterbury, the king sent his treasurer the bishop of Winchester to him, to persuade him to put out of the indentures the clause of restitution ; but he refusing to alter a word of it, angered the king so that immediately it was proclaimed throughout England at the king's command that all those that had any church livings, and went over sea should come back to England by a certain day, or else lose their livings for ever. And further in that proclamation, he charged all sheriffs within the realm, to inquire if any bLshops, abbots, priors, or any other churchman (from that day forward) received any command that came from the pope, and that they should take his or their body and bring it be- fore him : and also that they shovdd take into their hands, for the king's use, all the church lands that were given to any man by the Archbishop Stephen, or by the priors of Canterbury, from the time of the election of the archbishop ; and he further charged that all the woods, that were the archbishop's, shovdd be cut down and sold. When tidings came to the pope that the king had acted thus, he was moved with fiery wrath, and sent to the king two legates (Pandulph and Durant), to warn him in the pope's name that he should cesise his doings to the holy church, and amend the wrong he had done to the archbishop of Canterbury, to the priors and the monks of Canterbury, and to all the clergy of England. And further, that he should restore the goods again that he had taken against their will, or else they should curse the king by name ; and for this purpose, the pope gave them his bulls and letters patent. These two legates, coming into England, came to the king, and informed him of the pope's pleasure. Then the king answered, " All that ye have said I would gladly do, and all things else that you would or- dain ; but as to the archbishop, 1 shall tell you as it lies in my heart. Let the archbishop leave his bishoprick, and if the pope shall then intreat for him, perhaps I may give him some other bishoprick in England, and upon this condition I will receive and admit him." Then said Pandulph to the king, " Holy church was wont never to degrade an archbishop without reasonable cause ; but she was ever wont to correct princes that were disobedient to her." " What.' How now ?" said the king, " do ye threaten me r" " Nay," said Pandulph, " but you have now openly told us as it stands in your heart ; and now we will tell you what is the pope's wiU. He has wholly interdicted and cursed you, for the wrongs you have done to the church and to the clergy. And for so much as ye continue in your malice, and will come to no amendment, you are to understand, that from this time forward the sen- tences against you have force and strength. And all those that have had intercourse with you before this time, whether that they be earls, barons, knights, or any other, we absolve them safely from their sins up to this day ; but from this time forward we accurse them openly, and specially by this our sentence, that hold in- tercourse with you. -\nd we absolve, moreover, earls, barons, knights, and all other manner of men, of their homages, services, and fealties. Also, Sir King," said Pandulph, " all the kings, princes, and the great dukes of Christendom, have requested the pope to give license to them to cross themselves, and to war against thee, as upon God's great enemy, and win thy land, and to ap- point for king whom the pope pleases. And we here now absolve of their sins all those that will rise against thee here in thine own land." Then the king, hearing this, answered, " \Miat fur- ther shame may ye do to me than this r" Pandulph again : " We say to you, by the word of God, that neither you, nor any heir that you have, after this day shall be crowned." So the king said, " By him that is Almighty God, if I had known of this thing before ye came into this land, and that ye had brought me such news, I woidd have made you stay away these twelve months out of my realms." Then answered Pandulph, " Full well we thought, at our first coming, that you would have been obedient to God and to holy church, and have fulfilled the pope's commandment, which we have shewed and pronounced to you. And now you say, that if you had known the cause of our coming, you would have made us stay away a whole year ; you might as well say, that you would have taken a whole year's respite without the pope's leave ; but, thoug'n we were to suffer death for it, we shall not shrink from telling all the pope's message and wiO, that he gave us in charge." In another chronicle I find the words between the king and Pandulph somewhat otherwise described, as if the king had threatened him with hanging, if he had foreknown of his coming. Pandulph answered, that he looked for nothing else at his hands, but to suffer for the church's rights. Whereupon the king, being mightily incensed, departed. The king, being then at Northampton, desired the sheriffs and bailiffs to bring forth all the prisoners there, that such as had deserved it should be put to death, to the intent (as some think) to make Pandulph afraid. Among them was a certain clergyman, who, for counterfeiting the king's coin, was condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered ; and was commanded by the king, thereby to anger Pan- dulph, to be hanged higher than the rest. Panduljih hearing of this, though he began to fear lest he should be hanged himself, yet went with courage to the church to bring out book, beU, and candle, charging that no man, under pain of cursing, should lay hands upon the clergyman. Upon this the king and the car- dinal parted in no little anger ; and Pandulph went to Rome, and reported to the pope and the cardinals what had been done. Then the pope summoned all the bishops, abbots, and clergy of England, to repair to Rome, to consult what was to be done. In which council it was decreed, that John king of England should be accursed, with all such as held with him. However, it was not yet permitted that the people should assume the cross to fight against him, because as yet he had shed no blood. But after- wards the pope, seeing that King John would not stoop under his subjection, sent to the French king, that upon remission of all his sins, and those of all that would accompany him, he should invade the realm of England. Pope Innocent again commanded, on pain of his great curse, that no man should obey King John : he forbid all persons to eat and drink with him, or talk with him, to commune or counsel with him ; yea, he for- bid his own familiar household to do him any kind of service, either at bed, or at board, in church, in hall, or in stable. Neither was the pope content with this, but gave sentence definitive that King John should be put from his regal seat and deposed, and another put in his room. And for the speedy execution of this sen- tence he appointed the French king Philip, promi.-ing to give him full remission of all his sins, and the clear possession of all the realm of England, to him and his heirs, if he either killed him or expelled him. The next year the French king began his attempt, being well manned with bishops, monks, prelates, priests, 156 KING JOHN RESIGNS HIS CROWN TO THE POFE. [Book IV. and their senants. But, behold the work of God, the English navy took three hundred of the French king's ships, well laden with wheat, wine, meal, flesh, armour, and such materials for the war ; and burnt one hun^ dred within the harbour, taking the spoils with them. In the meantime the priests within England had pro- vided them a false prophet, c died Peter Wakefield of Poiz, who was an idle wanderer and talking fellow. They made this Peter prophesy lies, rumouring his ))rophesies abroad, to bring the king out of all credit with his peo- ple. This knavisii fellow prophesied of King John, that he should reign no longer than Ascension-day (A.D. r2l:i), and this, he said, he had by revelation. Then it was demanded of him whether John would be slain, or expelled, or resign the crown ? He answered, that he could not tell ; but of this he was sure, that neither he, nor any of his stock, or lineage, should reign after that dav. The king, hearing of this, laughed much at it. " Tush, (said he,) it is but an idiot knave, and one out of his wits." But when this foolish prophet had escaped the king's displeasure, he used to talk more than enough ; so tliat they who loved the king apprehended him as a malefactor, and he was thrown into prison without the king knowing it. Soon after, the fame of this prophet went all over the realm, and his name was known every where, specially because he was imprisoned for the matter. From thence old gossips' tales went abroad, new tales were invented, fables were added to fables, and lies grew upon lies, so that every day new slanders were raised against the king, rumours arose, blasphemies were spread, the ene- mies rejoiced, and treasons were maintained by the priests. When the Ascension-day was come, which was pro- phesied of before. King John commanded his regal tent to be spread abroad in the open field, passing that day with his noble council and men of honour, in the great- est solemnity that he ever did before, solacing himself with musical instruments and songs, and always in sight among his trusty friends. When that day was past in all prosperity and mirth, his enemies turned all to an allegorical understanding, to make the prophesy good, and said, " he is no longer king, for the pope reigns, and not he." Then was the king persuaded by his council, that this false prophet had troubled the realm, perverted the hearts of the people, and excited the commons against him. The king, therefore, commanded that he should be hanged and drawn like a traitor. Then the popish prelates, monks, canons, priests, &c., began to practise with Pope Innocent and the French king abroad, besides the treasons which they wrought within the real,m, and they blinded the nobility and commons by their confessionals. The king thus surrounded with enemies, and knowing the conspiracies that were work- ing against him, as well by the pope, as by Philip the French king, and being aware that his lords and barons were rebelliously incited against him, and seeing the pope's curses and interdicts against such as took his part, and his absolutions and dispensations for all those that woidd rebel against him, commanding them to de- tain from him such homage, service, duties, debts, and all other allegiance that godly subjects owe and are bound to yield and give to their liege lord and prince. The king, I say, in the thirteenth year of his reign, see- ing all this, and that the French king began an invasion upon his realm, sent ambassadors to the pope, the foun- tain of all this mischief, promising to do whatever the pope should command him in the reformation of himself, and restitution of all wrongs done to holy church. Then the pope sent again into England his legate Pandulph, with others, and the king waited their coming at Canterbury ; where, the thirteenth day of May, the king received them, making an oath, that of and for all things wherein he stood accursed, he would make ample restitution and satisfaction. All the lords and barons of England (so many as were there with the king) sware in like manner, that if the king would not accomplish in every thing the oath which he had taken, they would compel him to hold and confirm the same. Then the king submitted himself to the court of Rome, and resigned his dominions and realms of Eng- land and Ireland for himself and for his heirs for ever. With this condition, that the king and his heirs should take again these two dominions of the pope to farm, pay- ing yearly to the court of Rome one thousand marks of silver. Then the king took the crown from his head, and kneeling upon his knees, in the presence of all his lords and barons of England, he gave it to Pandulph, saying, " Here I resign the crown of the realm of Eng- land to the hands of the pope. Innocent III., and place myself wholly at his mercy." Then Pandulph took the crown, and kept it five days as a possession and seizin- taking of these two realms of England and Ireland, con- firming also all things promised by his charter obligatory, as follows : — The Copy of the Letter Obligatory that King John made to the Pope, concerning the yielding vp of the Crown and Realtn of England into the Pope's hands, for a certaiti sum of money yearly to be paid. " To all christian people throughout the world, John, by the grace of God, king of England, greeting : be it known unto you all, that as we have grieved and offended God, and our mother church of Rome, and as we have need of the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, and we can offer nothing so worthy, or make so competent satis- faction to God and to holy church, as with our realms of England and of Ireland, then, by the grace of the Holy Ghost, we desire to humble ourselves, for the love of him that humbled himself to the death upon the cross. And through counsel of the nobles, earls, and barons, we offer and freely grant to God, and to the apostles St. Peter and Paul, and to our mother church of Rome, and to our holy father Pope Innocent III., and to all the popes that come after him, all the realm, patronages of churches of England and of Ireland, with all the appur- tenances, for remission of sins, and help and health of our kings' souls, and of all christian souls. So that from this time afterward, we will receive and hold of our mother church of Rome, as in farm, doing fealty to our holy father the pope. Innocent III., and to all the popes that come after him, in the manner above said. And in the presence of the wise Pandulph, the pope's legate, we make liege homage, as if it were in the pope's presence ; and thereto we bind us, and all that come after us, and our heirs for ever, without any gainsaying to the pope. And in token of this, we will confirm, and ordain, that he be our special renter of the aforesaid realms, saving St. Peter-pence, in all things. To the mother church of Rome, paying by the year 1000 marks of silver, at two periods of the year, for all customs that we should do for the said realms, that is to say, at Michaelmas, and at Easter ; that is, for England 700 marks, and 300 marks for Ireland, saving to us and to our heirs, our justices and our other franchises. And all these things, we will that they be firm and stable without end, and to that obliga- tion, we and all our successors, and our heirs in this manner are bound, that if we or any of our heirs through any presumption fail in any of these things, and he being warned and not amending, he shall then lose the aforesaid realms for ever ; and this charter of obligation and our warrant for ever, shall be firm and stable without gainsaying. We shall from this day afterward be true to God, and \o the mother church of Rome, and to thee, Innocent IH., and to all that come after thee, and the realms of England and of Ireland we shall maintain against all manner of men, by our power through God's help." Upon this obligation, the king was discharged the se- cond day of July, from that tyrannical interdict, under which he continued five years and three months. But before the release, he was thus miserably comjiellcd to give over both his crown and sceptre to that antichrist of Rome, for the space of five days, and as his client, vas- .•581, feudary, and tenant, to receive it again of him at the hands of another cardinal, being bound both for himself and for his successors, to pay yearly (for acknowledg- ment thereof) 1000 marks for England and Ireland. la (A. D. 1215), as witnesses, Paulus utmihus. A.D. 1210—1216.] KING JOHN POISOxNED BY A MONK. IS and other histories, Pope Innocent III. held a ge- neral synod at Rome, called the council of Lateran. The chief causes of that council were these : 1 i the days of this Innocent, heresy, as he calls the truth of God, or the doctrine that rebukes sin, began to spread forth its branches, so that many princes were excommunicated. as Otho the emperor, John the kinc; of En2;land, Peter king of Arragon, Raimund the earl of Toulouse, Aqui- tain, Sataloni, and others. Therefore this council was proclaimed, and prelates from all iiations called to it. And the pope gave out that his intent was only to have the church universally reformed, and the Holy Land reco- vered from the Turks. But all this was craft and false- hood, as the sequel proved. For his jiurpose was to subdue all princes, and to make himself rich and wealthy. For there he made this antichristian act, and established it by public decree, that the pope should have from thenceforth the correction of all christian princes, and that no emperor should be admitted, except he were sworn before, and were also crowned by him. He or- dained, too, that whoever should speak evil of the pope, should be punished in hell with eternal damnation ; (Cnnradris, Urspergensis , Hieronymus, Marins.) In this council transubstantiation was first invented and brought in ; of which John Scot, sirnamed Duns, makes mention in his fourth book, writing in these words : " The words of the scripture might be expounded more easily, and more plainly, without transubstantia- tion. But the church did choose this sense, which is more hard ; being moved thereto, as it seems, chiefly be- cause about the sacraments men ought to hold as the holy church of Rome holds," &c. Now let us return to King John again, and mark how the priests and their adherents were plagued for their treatment of his majesty's will. In the council of Lateran, Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, was excommunicated, with all those bishops, prelates, priests, barons, and commons, who had been with him in the former rebellion. And when the archbishop had made suit to be absolved, the pope answered with great indig- nation,— " I swear by St. Peter, thou shalt not so soon at my hand obtain the benefit of absolution." With the barons of England, the pope had been so deeply offended and angered a little before, that he rent and destroyed the great charter of the liberties of England, and by sen- tence condemned it for ever ; and cursed all the other rebels, with book, bell, and candle. About the same time were such treasons and conspi- racies wrought by the bishops, priests, and monks throughout all the realm, that the king knew not where to find trusty friends ; he was compelled to tn vel from place to place, but not without a great army of men, looking every day when his barons and their confeder- ates would cruelly set upon him. For the space of three months he remained in the Isle of Wight, abroad in the air to quiet himself for a time from all tumults, and led there a solitary life among rivers and watermen. He rather coveted to die than to live, being so traitor- ously handled by his bishops and barons, and not know- ing how to be avenged. Therefore, he took upon him the cross, or voyages against the Turks, for the recovery of Jerusalem. Influenced rather by the doubts which he had of his people, than by any devotion ; and he said to his familiar servants, " Since I submitted myself and my lands (England and Ireland) to the church of Rome, nothing ever prospered with me, but all hath gone against me." In this year (A. D. 1216,) died Pope Innocent III. After whom succeeded Cintius, called Honorius III., a man of very great age : yet he lived in the papacy ten years and a half, and more. In the same year, as King John was come to Swinstead abbey, not far from Lincoln, he rested there two days : where (as most writers testify) he was most traitorously poisoned by a monk of that abbey. Among other peculiar traits belonging to this king, there was one which is not to be reprehended, but rather commended in him : for being above the superstition which kings at that time were commonly subject to, he regarded not the popish mass ; I find testified of him, that on a time in his hunting, coming where a very fat stag was cut up and opened, the king beholding the fat- ness and the liking of the stag : " See," saith he, " how easily and happily he has lived, and yet for all that he never heard a mass." It is recorded in the chronicle of William C'axton, that the Monk Simon being much off'ended with the king, cast in his wicked heart how he most speedily might bring him to his end. And first of all he took counsel with his abbot, shewing him the whole affair, and what he designed to do. He alleged the prophesy of Caiajihas, " It is expedient for us that one man die for the people, and that the whole nation perish not," John, xi. 50. " I am well contented," saith he, "to lose my life, and so become a martyr, that I may utterly destroy this tyrant." The abbot wept for gladness, and much commended his fervent zeal. The monk then being ab- solved by his abbot beforehand for doing this act, con- veyed poison into a cup of wine, and with a smiling and flattering countenance said to the king, *' If it please your princely majesty, here is such a cup of wine as ye never drank better in all your life time ; I trust this was- sail shall make all England glad :" and with that he drank a great draught of it himself, the king pledging him. The monk died, and had continually from thenceforth three monks to sing mass for his soul, confirmed by their general chapter ! What became of King John, ye shall now learn. I would ye did mark well the wholesome pro- ceedings of these holy votaries, how virtuously they obey their king, whom God hath appointed, and how religiously they bestow their confessions, absolutions, and masses ! The king within a short space after (feeling great pain in his body) asked for Simon the monk ; and answer was made that he was dead. " Then God have mercy upon me," said he, " I suspected as much, after he had said that all England should thereof be glad." With that he com- manded his chariot to be prepared, for he was not able to ride. So he went from thence to Sleaford castle, and from thence to Newark on Trent, and there within less than three days he died. Upon his death-bed he much repented of his former life, and forgave all them that had done him injury ; desiring that his elder son Henry might be admonished by his example, and learn by his misfortunes to be natural, favourable, gentle, and loving to his people. His soldiers both Englishmen and strangers were still about him, and followed his body in their armour, till they came to the cathedral church of Wor- cester, and there he was honourably buried by Silvester the bishop, between St. Oswald and St. Wolstan, two bishops of that church. He died A. D. 1216, the nine- teenth day of October, after he had reigned in such ca- lamity, eighteen years and six months and odd days. Many opinions are among the chroniclers of the death of King John. Some of them write that he died of sor- row and heaviness of heart, as Polydore : some of sur- feiting in the night, as Raduljih Niger : some of a bloody flux, as Roger Hoveden : some of a burning ague ; some of cold sweat, some of eating apples, some of eating pears, some of plums, &c. Thus you see what variety is among the writers con- cerning the death of this King John. Of which writers, although the most of them agree in this, that he was poi- soned by the monk, yet Matthew Paris writes thus, " That going to Lincolnshire, and there hearing of the loss of his carriage and of his treasures upon the washes, he fell into great heaviness of mind ; insomuch that he fell thereby into a burning fever, at the abbey of Swinsted. This ague he also increased through evil surfeiting and improper diet, by eating of peaches and drinking of new ciser, or as w^e call it cider. Thus being sick, he was carried from thence to the castle of Sleaford, and from thence to the castle of Newark ; where calling for his son Henry, he gave to him the succession of his crown and kingdom, writing to all his lords and nobles to receive him for their king ; and shortly after, upon St. Lucy's eve, he departed this life, being buried at Worcester," &c. In the reign of this King John, the citizens of London first obtained of the king to choose yearly a mayor. In whose time also the bridge of London was first built of stone, which before was of wood. 1S8 ORIGIN OF THE DOMINICANS AND FRANCISCANS. [Book IV. KIXG HENRY THE THIRD. After King John had reigned seventeen years, he died. He left behind him four sons and three daughters ; firj^t, Henry, the second Richard earl of Cornwall, the third William of Valentia, the fourth Guido Disenaie : he had also another son, who afterwards was made bishop. Of his daughters, the first was Isabel, married to the emperor Frederick, tlie second Elenor, married to William earl marshal, the third to Mountford the earl of Leicester, &c. Another history says, that he had but two daughters, Isabel and Elenor, or as another calls her Joan, who was after queen of Scotland. Henry the eldest son was then nine years of age, when the majority of the barons of England adhered to Lewis the French king's son, whom they had previously in- vited to come to England, proposing, in their opposition to King John, then under the pope's curse, to elect this Lewis as their king, and had sworn to him their allegiance. Then William, earl marshal, a nobleman of great autho- rity, and a grave and sound counsellor, in a friendly and quiet way called together several earls and barons, and tak- ing this Henry the young prince, he sets him before them, using these words, "Behold, right honourable and well beloved, although we have persecuted the father of this young prince for his evil demeanour, and worthily ; yet this young child w^hom here ye see before you, as he is in years tender, so is he pure and innocent from these his father's doings : wherefore in as much as every man is charged only with the burthen of his own works and trans- gressions, neither shall the child (as the scripture teacheth us) bear the iniquity of his father : we ought therefore of duty and conscience to pardon this young and tender prince, and take compassion of his age. And now for so much as he is the king's eldest son, and must be our sovereign and king and successor of this kingdom; come and let us appoint him our king and governor, and let us remove from us Lewis the French king's son, for it is a shame to our nation, and let us cast off'the yoke of our servitude from our shoulders." To these words the earl of Gloucester answered ; "And by what reason or right," said he, "can we so do, seeing we have called him hither, and have sworn to him our fealty?" The earl marshal again said, " Good right and reason we have, and ought of duty to do no less ; for contrary to our mind and calling he has abused our affiance and fealties. It is true we invited him, and meant to prefer him to be our chieftain and governor ; but he has con- temned and despised us: and if we shall so suffer him, he will subvert and overthrow both us and our nation, and so shall we remain a spectacle of shame to all men, and as outcasts of all the world." At these words they all cried with one voice, " Be it so, Henry shall be our king." And so the day was ap- pointed for his coronation. Notwithstanding this, Lewis did not forego his claim, but laid siege to the castle of Dover. When he could not succeed there he took the castle of Berkhamstead, and also the castle of Hert- ford, doing much harm in the countries, in spoiling and robbing the people where he went : so that the lords and commons, who held with the king, assembled together to drive Lewis out of the land, and gave battle to him ; in conclusion Lewis lost the field and fled to London, which was in the hands of his friends, causing the gates to be shut, and waiting there for more succour out of France. In the meantime, Eustace, a French lord, came with a grand army and a hundred ships to assist Lewis ; but before they arrived, they were encountered upon the seas by Richard, King John's natural son ; who having no more than eighteen ships to keep the cinque ports, set eagerly upon them, and tlirough God's grace overcame them, and he smote off the head of Eustace : the rest of the French lords to the number of ten, he brought ashore with hiin, where he imprisoned them in the castle of Dover, and slew almost all their men, and sunk their ships in the sen, so that only fifteen ships escaped. Lewis hearing this loss of his ships and men, proposed terms, and left the kingdom. The life and acts of Pope Innocent III. are partly de- scribed before : how he intruded Stephen Langron against the king's will into the archbishoprick of Canterbury, stirring up sixty-four monks of the church of Canterbury privily to work against the king. How he excommuni- cated the king as a jiublic enemy of the church, putting him and his whole kingdom under interdict, for the space of five years and three months, and at length deposed and deprived him of his sceptre, keeping it in his own hands for five days. How he absolved his subjects from their due obedience and subjection to him. How he gave away his kingdoms and his possessions to Lewis the French king's son, commanding Lewis to spoil him both of lands and life. Whereupon the king, being for- saken of his nobles, prelates, and commons, was forced against his will to submit and swear obedience to the pope, paying a yearly tribute of one thousand marks a year, for receiving his kingdom again, whereby both he and his successors after him were vassals to the pope. These were the apostolical acts of this holy vicar of Jesus Christ in the realm of England ! Moreover, he condemned Almeric, a learned man and a bishop, as an heretic, for teaching and holding against images. This pope brought first into the church the jiaying of private tithes. He ordained the receiving the communion once a year at Easter. To the papal decretals he added the decree, which declares every human creature to be subject to the pope. Also the reservation of the sacrament, and the going wth the bell and light before the sacrament, was appointed by him. In the council of Lateran he also ordained that the canon of the mass should be received with equal authority, as though it had proceeded from the apostles themselves. And it was he, in this council, who first formally established trausubstantiation as the doc- trine of the church of Rome. In this council of Lateran there were present sixty- one archbishops and primates, four hundred bishops, twelve abbots, eight hundred priors and conventuals, besides other ambassadors and legates, doctors and lawyers innume- ble, &c. In the history of Herman Mutius, we read how iu A. D. 1212, in this pope's time several noblemen, and others in the country of Alsatia, held contrary to the tra- dition of the Romish popes, that every day was free for eating flesh, if done in moderation. They held also that it was wicked to restrain priests and ministers from their wives, for which opinions, this pope Innocent and his bishops, caused an hundred of them in one day to be burned and martyred ! In the days of this Pope Innocent, began the twd orders of friars, one called "The Preachers' Order, and Black Friars of St. Dominic ;" the other called " The Minorites of St. Francis." The preachers of the black friars order began with one Dominic, a Spaniard, about the parts of Toulouse, who after he had laboured ten years in preaching against the Albigenses, and such others as held doctrines contrary to the church of Rome, afterward cameto the council of Late- ran, and desired of Innocent, to have his order of preaching friars confirmed, which the pope a great while refused to grant : at length he had a dream, that the church of Lateran was ready to fall ; and that this Dominic, with his shoulders propped up the church, and so preserved the building from falling, &c. And right well this dream may seem verified, for the friars have been always tlie chief pillars and upholders of the pope's church. Upon this the pope, waking out of his dream, called Dominic to him, and granted his petition : and so came up this order of the dominicans ! Tlie order of the minors or minorite friars, was de- scended from one Francis, an Italian, who, hearing how Christ sent forth his disciples to preach, thought to. imi- tate the same in himself and his disciples, and so left off his shoes, and had but one coat, and that of coarse cloth. Instead of a latchet to his shoe, and of a girdle, he took about him a hempen cord, and so he apparelled his disciples, teaching them to fulfil, for so he speaks, the perfection of the gospel, to embrace poverty, and to walk in the way of holy simplicity. He left in writing, to his dis- ciples and followers, his rule, which he called "The Rule of the Gospel." As if the gospel of Christ were A. D. 1220.] THE RA.BBLEMENT OF RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 159 not a sufficient rule to all christian men, but it must take its perfection from Francis ! This Francis, as he was superstitious in all things ; so by way of penitential de- ception he covered his body in the winter season with ice and snow ! These Franciscan or begging friars, al- though all under one rule of St. Francis, yet are divided into "many orders : some go on treen shoes or pattins, some barefooted, some are called Regular Franciscans or Observants, some Minors or Minorites, others Minimi, others Gospelers, others De Caputio. They all differ in many things, but agree in superstition and hypocrisy. As we have here entered into the matter of these two orders of friars, I thought a little to digress from our history, in reciting the whole catalogue or rabblement of monks, friars, and nuns of all sects, rules, and orders, set up and oontirraed by the pope. The names are as follow : THE R.-LBJiLEMENT Or RfiLIGIOUS ORDERS.' Augustinians, the first order. A.n. Ambrosians, two sorts ;^0y Antony's Hermits •*-■* Austin's Hermits 498 Austin's Observants 41>0 Armenians. Ammonites and Moabites. Basiliu's Order 384 Benedict's Order ^'^^ Bernardus' Order 1120 Barefooted Friars 1221- Bridget's Order 1-^0 Beghearts or White Spirits 1^93 Brethren of Jerusalem 1103 Brethren of St. John de Civitate, Black Friars . 1220 Brethren of Wilful Poverty. Cluny, Order of °1*' Canons of St. Augustine 1080 Charter-house Order 1086 Cistercian Order 1098 Cross-bearers, or Crossed Fnars 1216 Carmelites, or White Friars 1212 Clare's Order 1225 Celestine's Order 1297 Cuuialdulensi's Order °^0 Cross-starred Brethren. Constantinopolitan Order. Cross-bearers. Chapter-Monks. Dutch Order Ipl^ Dominican Black Friars 1220 Franciscans 1224 Grandmontain Order 10/6 Gregory's Order ^"4 George's Order 1407 GuUelmites (Williamites) 1246 Gerundinensis Order. Galilei, or Galileans. Hermits. Helen's Brethren. Humiliati 1166 Hospital Brethren. Holy Ghost Order. ' Jerome's Orders, two sorts 1412 I John's Hermits. I Justin's Order 1432 John's Order, Joannites ^80 Otherwise Kmghts of Rhodes 1308 Injesuati 1365 Jerome's Hermits 490 Joseph's Order. Janu's Order. James' Brethren Order. James' Brethren wth the Sword. Indian's Order. The reader sees what orders and what sects of religion have been set up by the pope, the catalogue and number of them all, si far as we could search them out. The number of which rabblement of monkish persons came to one hundred and one. Now as I have reckoned up the names and varieties of these prodigious sects, I will add the words of Hildegar- dis. a celebrated nun in 1146, against the Romish pre- (1) This list is very far from satisfactory. The various orders of monks and nuns were far more numerous than are here given : Eraillianne specifies half as many more, while he omits some that are here specified by Foxe " The Lords of Hungary," or Teu- tonic Knights, " The Templars," &c. as here inserted, are a very tmall portion of the military orders. It is not easy to explain the K5.tharine of Sienna Order 1455 Keyedmonks. Knights of Rhodes. Lazarites of Mary Magdalene's, our Lady Brethren 1034 Lords of Hungary. Minorites, who are divided into Conventuals. De Caputio. Observants. De Evangelic. Reformed. Amedet. Collectane. Clariui and others. Minors or Minorites 1224 Malay's Servants 1304 Monks of Mount Olivet 1046 Marovinies. Minorites. Monachi and Monachae. Morbonei and Meresti. Menelaish and Jasonish Sect. New Canons of St. Austin 1430 Nestorini. Nalheart Brethren. New Order of our Lady. Nazareans. Paul's Hermits 345 PrBemonstre Order 1119 Preacher-Order or Black Friars. Peter the Apostle's Order 1409 Purgatorean Brethren. Rechabites. Sarrabites. Sambouites 1199 Scourgers, the first Sect 1266 Soldiers of Jesus Christ 1323 Scopenits or St. Salvator's Order 1367 Specularii, or the Glass Order. St. Sepulchre's Order. Sheer Order. Swerd's Order. Starred Monks. Starred Friars. Sclavonian Order. Scourgers, the second Sect, called Ninevites. Stool Brethren. Scottish Brethren Order. Sicarii. St. Sophia's Order. Templar Lords Templar Knights The Valley of Jehoshaphat's Order. Vallis Umbrosa 1400 Waldenses Sect. Wentzelaus Order. Wilhelmer Order. White Monks of Mount Olivet 1406 Zelote's Order. lates, and especially against the friars. This Hildegardis is held among the papists themselves as a great prophet- ess, and therefore let us hear her opinion about these mcu, long before the Reformation. " In tliose days shall arise a senseless people, proud, greedy, without faith, and subtle, who shall eat the sins of the people, holding a certain order of foolish devotion in.erti.mof such names as Galileans - Rechabites - Waldenses, &c They seem to have been taken witliout correction from some list\Yhich confounded sects and orders without distinction -an error very natural to writers before the Reformation and not ud- frequently committed. Ku.j 1110 1120 160 THE l»ROPHECY OF HILDEGARDIS, A NUN. [Book IT, ' under the feigned cloak of being " mendicants," prefer- ring tlieinselves above all others by their "feigned devotion, arrogant in understanding, and pretending holiness, walking without shamefacedness or the fear of God, in inventing many new mischiefs strong and stout. But this order shall be accursed of all wise men and faith- ful christians. They shall cease from all labour, and give themselves over unto idleness, choosing rather to live through flattery and begging. Moreover, they shall together study how they may perversely resist the teach- ers of tlie truth, and slay them together with the noble- men ; how to seduce and deceive the nobility, for the necessity of their living and pleasures of tliis world : for the devil will graft in them four principal vices, that is to say, flattery, envy, liypocrisy, and slander. Flat- tery, that they may have large gifts given thein ; envy, when they see gifts given to others, and not to them ; hypocrisy, that by false dissimulation they may please men. Backbiting, that they may extol and commend themselves, and backbite others, for the praise of men, and seducing of the simple. Also they shall instantly preach, but without the devotion, or after the example of the martyrs, and shall speak evil of the secular princes, taking away the sacraments of the church from the true pastors, receiving alms of the poor, diseased, and miserable, and also associating themselves with the common people ; instructing women how tliey shall deceive their husbands and friends by their flattery and deceitful words, and to rob their husbands to give to them, for they will take all these stolen and evil- gotten goods and say, ' Give it to us, and we will pray for you ;' so that they being curious to hide other men's faults, do utterly forget their own. And alas, they will receive all things of rovers, pickers, spoilers, thieves, and robbers, of sacrilegious persons, usurers, and adulterers, heretics, schismatics, apostates, noble- men, perjurers, merchants, false judges, soldiers, tyrants, princes, of such as live contrary to the law, and of many perverse and wicked men, following the persuasion of the devil, the sweetness of sin, a delicate and transi- tory life, and fulness even unto eternal damnation. " All these things shall manifestly appear in them to all people, and they (day by day) shall wax more wicked and hard-hearted: and when their wickedness and deceits shall be found out, then shall their gifts cease, and then shall they go about their houses hungry, and as mad dogs looking down upon the earth, and drawing in their necks as doves, that they might be satisfied with bread. Then shall the people cry out upon them, ' Woe be unto you, ye miserable children of sorrow, the world has seduced you, and the devil hath bridled your mouths, your flesh is frail, and your hearts without savour, your minds have been unsteadfast, and your eyes delighted in much vanity and folly, your dainty appetites desire delicate meats, your feet are swift to run into mischief. Remember when you were apparently blessed, yet envious ; poor in siglit, but rich ; simple to see to, but mighty flatterers, unfaith ful betrayers, perverse detractors, holy hypocrites, sub- verters of the truth, righteous overmuch, proud, un- shamefaced, and unsteadfast teachers, dilicate martyrs, confessors for gain ; meek, but slanderers ; reUg'ous, but covetous ; humble, but proud ; iiitiful, but hard-hearted liars ; pleasant flatterers ; persecutors, op])ressors of the poor, bringing in new sects newly invented of yourselves; thought merciful, but found wicked ; lovers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoilers of benefices, unprofitable orators, seditious conspirators, drunkards, desirers of honours, maintainers of miscliief, robbers of the world, unsatiable preachers, mon-pleasers, seducers, and sowers of discord. You have Iniilded up on high, and when you could ascend no higher, then did you fall even as Simon Magus, whom (Jod overthrew, and did strike with a cruel jdague ; so you likewise through your false doctrine, naughtiness, lies, detractions, and wickedness are come to ruin. And the people shall say unto them, 'Go, ye teachers of wickedness, subverters of the truth, brethren of the Shunamite, fathers of heresies, false apostles, which have feigned yourselves to follow the life of the apostles, and yet have not followed it in any part : ye sons of iniquity, you will not follow the know- ledge of your ways, for pride and presumption hath de- ceived you, and insatiable covetousness hath subverted your erroneous hearts. And when you would ascend higher than was meet or comely for you, by the just judgment of God, you are fallen back into perpetual opprobrium and shame." About the same time that these Franciscans and Dominican friars began, then sprang up also the Cross- Bearers, or Crutched Friars. Innocent III. raised an army, signed with a cross ,-on the breast, to fight against the Albigenses, whom the pope accounted for heretics la the neighbourhood of Toulouse. What these Albi- genses were cannot be well gathered from the old popish histories ; for if any held, taught, or maintained anything against the pope or his papal pride, or withstood and gainsayed his traditions, rites, and religions, &c., the historians of that time do so deprave and misrepresent them that they paint them forth as worse than Turks and infidels. And it was that, I suppose, which caused tlie pojiish historians to write of them as they did. I find in some records that the opinions of the Albigenses were sound enough, holding and professing nothing else but only against the wanton wealth, pride and tyranny of the prelates, and denying the pope's authority to have ground in the scriptures ; neither could they bear with the ceremonies and traditions, images, pardons, purga- tory of the Romish church, calling them (as some say) blasphemous o(-cupyings, &c. Of these Albingenses ' there were slain and burned a great multitude by the means of the pope, one Simon and others. As mention is here made of these superstitious sects of friars, and such other mendicant orders, it might seem not out of place, as I have done with Hildegardis before, ) so now to annex also another ancient treatise compiled by Geoffery Chaucer, by the way of a dialogue or ques- tions, moved in the person of a certain uplandish and simple ploughman of the country. The author intitled it "Jack Upland," and shews in it to all the world the blind ignorance and discord of these irreligious monks ; whereby it may be seen that it is no new thing, but that their blasphemous doings have been detected by various good men in old time. A Treatise of Geoffrey Chaucer, intitled Jack Upland. I, Jack Upland make my moan to God, and to all that are true in Christ, that antichrist and his discijiles (by co- lour of holiness) walking and deceiving Christ's church by many false figures, where through, (by antichrist and his) many vertues been transposed to vices. But the felliest folk that ever antichrist found, been last brought into the church and in a wonder wise, for they been of divers sects of antichrist, sown of divers countries and kindreds. And all men known well, that they be not obedient to bishops, ne leegemen to kings : neither they tillen, ne sowen, weeden, ne repen, wood, corn, ne grass, neither nothing that man should help ; but only themselves their lives to sustain. An these men han all manner power of God as they seein in heaven and in yearth, to sell heaven and hell to whom that them liketh, and these wretches weet never were to been themselfs. And therefore (Freer) in thine orders and rules been grounded on Goddis law, tell thou me. Jack Upland, that I ask of thee, and if thou be or thinkest to be on Christ's side keep thy paciens. Saint Paul tcacheth, that all our deeds should be doo in charity, and else it is nought worth, but displeasing to God and harme to our own souls. And for that freers challenge to be greatest clerks of the church, and next following Christ in living. Men should for charity ax them some questions, and pray them to ground their an- swers in reason and holy writ, for else their answer would nought be worth, be it florished never so fair : and as mee think men might skilfully ask thus of a freer. 1. Freer, how many orders be in earth, and which is the perfectest order ? Of what order art thou ? Who made thine order ? What is thy rule ? Is there any perfecter rule than Christ himself made? If Christ's rule be most perfect, why rulest thou thee not thereafter .' A D. 1220.] A TREATISE OF GEOFFREY CHAUCER, ENTITLED ' JACK UPLAND,' 161 W itlioiit more why, shall a freer be more punished if he bi^ak the rule that his patron made, than if he break the h:,sts tuit God himself made ? 2. Approoveth Christ any more religions then one, that St. James speaketh of.' If he approoveth no more, whv hast thou left his rule and takest another ? Why is a freer apostate that leaveth his order and taketh another Sect, sith there is but one religion of Christ ? 3. Why be you wedded faster to your habits then a mail is to his wife ? For a man may leave his wife for a year or two as many men done : and if you leave your habit a quarter of a year, ye should be holden apostate. 4. Maketh your habit you men of religion or no ? If u do, then ever as it weareth, your religion weareth, and after that your habit is better, your religion is better, and when you have liggen it beside, then lig ye your religion beside you, and bin apostates : why hie you so pretious clothes ? sith no man seeketh such but for vain glory, as St. Gregory saith. What betokeneth your great hood, your scalpery, your knotted girdle, and your wide cope .■■ 5. Why use ye all one colour, more then other chris- tian men doo ? What betokeneth that ye been clothed all in one manner of clothing ? If ye say, it betokeneth love and charity, certes then ye be oft hypocrits, when any of you hateth another, and in that that ye wooll be said holy by your clothing. Why may not a freer wear clothing of another sect of friers, sith holiness stondeth not in the cloths? fi. Why hold ye silence in one house, more then ano- ther, sith men ought over all to speak the good and leave the evil ? Why eat you flesh in one house more than another, if your rule and your order be perfect, and the patron that made it ? 7. Why get you your dispensations to have it more easie .' Certes, either it seemeth that ye be unperfect, or he that made it so hard, that ye may not hold it, and Biker, if ye hold not the rule of your patrons, ye be not then her freers, and so ye lie upon your selves. 8. Why make you as dead men when ye be professed, and yet ye be not dead, but more quick beggers then ye were before ? And it seemeth evil a dead man to go about and beg. 9. Why will yee not suffer your novises hear your councils in your chapter-house ere that they have been professed, lif your councels been true and after God's law ? 10. W^hy make ye you so costly houses to dwell in ? lith Christ did not so, and dead men should have but graves, as falleth it to dead men, and yet ye have more courts than many lords of England : For ye now wen- den through the realm, and each night will lig in your own courts, and so mow but few right lords do. 11. Why heire you to ferm your limitors, giving there- fore erth year a certain rent, and will not suffer one in anothrior of Merton. All prebends that were void he sought out and reserved for the pope, among which was the golden prebend of Sarum, belonging to the chancellor of tlie choir, whom he preferred to the bishopric at Bath, and so seized upon the prebend being void, against the wills both of the bishop and the chapter. He brought with hira blanks in paper and parchment, signed in the pope's cham- ber with his stamp and seal, wherein he miglit aftenvanl write to whom, and what he would. He, moreover, required of the king, in the pope's behalf, to help his ho- liness with a contribution to be taxed amongst his clergy, at least 10,000 marks. And to the end that the pope might win the king sooner to his devotion, ho \7i AMOUNT OF THE POPE'S EXACTIONS IN ENGLAND. [Book IV. writes to the nobles and commons of the realm, that they should not fail, upon pain of his great curse, to grant such subsidy of money to the support of the king, as he then demanded of them, but they stood stiff in not granting to him. While the insatiable avarice of the pope thus made no end in gathering riches and goods together in England ; the nobles and barons, with the community as well of the clergy as the laity, weighing the miserable state of the realm, and especially of the church, who now neither had liberty left to choose their own ministers, nor yet could enjoy their own livings, laid their heads together, and so exhibited an earnest intimation to the king, be- seeching him to consider the pitiful affliction of his sub- jects under the pope's extortion, living in more thraldom than the people of Israel under Pharaoh. Whereupon the king beginning at last to look up, and to consider the injuries and wrongs received in this realm tlirough the avarice of the court of Rome, directs to Pope Inno- cent IV. this letter, in tenor as follows : J%c hinges letter to Pope Innocent IV. " To the most holy father in Christ, and lord Inno- cent IV., by the grace of God, chief bishop, Henry, by the same grace, king of England, &c. Greeting and kissings of his blessed feet. The more devout and ob- sequious the son shews himself in obeying the father's will, the more favour and support he deserves to find at his father's hands again. This therefore I write because both we and our realm have ever and in all things been hitherto at the devotion and commandment of your fa- therhood ; and although in some certain affairs of ours and of our kingdom, we have found your fatherly favour and grace some times propitious to us, yet in some things again, as in provisions given and granted to your clerks of foreign nations, both we and our kingdom have felt no small detriment. By reason of which provisions, the church of England is so sore charged and burthened, that not only the patrons of churches to whom the do- nations thereof do appertain, are defrauded of their right, but also many other good works of charity thereby do decay, for that such benefices, which have been merci- fully bestowed upon religious houses, to their sustenance are now wasted and consumed by your provisions. " Wherefore as your apostolic see ought to be favour- able to all that are petitioners to the same, so that no person be wronged in that which is his right, we thought therefore to be suitors to your fatherhood, most humbly beseeching your holiness, that you will desist and cease for a time from such provisions. In the meantime, it may please your fatherhood, we beseech you, that our laws and liberties (which you may rightly repute none other but your own), you will receive to your tuition, to be conserved whole and sound, nor to suffer the same by any sinister suggestion in your court to be violated and infringed. Neither let your holiness be any whit moved therefore with us, if in some such cases as these be, we do or shall hereafter resist the tenor of your command- ments ; for so much as the complaints of such, which daily call upon us, do necessarily inforce us thereto, who ought, by the charge of this our office, and kingly dignity committed to us of Almighty God, to foresee that no man in that which is their right be injured, but truly to minister justice to every one, in that which duly to him appertains." This letter was sent the eight-and- twentieth year of the king's reign. (Ex Parisiensi, fol. 172.) A man would think that this so gentle and obedient letter of the king to the pope would have wrought some good effect in the apostolical breast. But how little all this prevailed to stop his insatiable greediness and into- lerable extortions and oppressions, the sequel well de- clares. Shortly after, the pope sent Master Martin with blanks, being bulled for contribution of ten thousand marks, in all haste to be paid also, even immediately upon the receiving of this letter. And the pope, after all this great submission of the king, and so manifold benefits and payments yearly out of his realm was not ashamed to take of David, prince of North Wales, five hundred marks a-year, to set him against the king of England, and exempted him from his fealty and obedience due to his own liege lord and king, to whom both he and all other Welchmeu had sworn their subjection before. (Matth. Parisiensi, fol. 172.) Neither did Master Martin in the meanwhile slip his business, in making up his market for the pope's money of ten thousand marks, but still was caUing upon the prelates and clergy, who, first excusing themselves by the absence of the king and the archbishop of Can- terbury, afterward being called again by new letters, made their answer by the dean of St. Paul's their pro- locutor : — That the poverty of the realm would not suffer them to consent thereto. That, whereas they had given before a contribution to Cardinal Otho, for paying of the pope's debts, and knew the money to be employed to no such end as it was de- manded, for they had now more cause to doubt, lest this contribution in his hands, which was a much more infe- rior messenger than the cardinal, would come to the same, or a worse effect. That, if they should now agree to a new contribution, they feared le.st it would grow to a custom, seeing that one action, twice done, makes a custom. That, forsomuch as a general council is shortly looked for, where every prelate of the realm must needs bestow both his travel and expenses, and also his present to the pope, if the prelates now should be bound to this tax, they were not able to abide this burthen. That, seeing it is alleged, that the mother church of Rome is so far in debt, it were reason and right, that the mother so oppressed should be sustained of aU her devout children meeting together in the general council ; whereas by helps of many, more relief might come than by one nation alone. And, last of all, they alleged, that for fear of the emperor and his threatenings, they durst not consent to the contribution. While these things were thus in talk between the pope's priests and the clergy of England, comes in John Mariscal and other messengers from the king, command- ing in the king's name, that no bishop that held his ba- ronage of the king, should infeft his lay fee to the court of Rome, which they ought only to him, &c. Not long after this, (in A. D. 1245), the whole nobi- lity of the realm, by general consent, and not without the king's knowledge also, caused all the ports by the sea- side to be watched, that no messenger with the pope's letters and bulls from Rome should be permitted to enter the realm ; some were taken at Dover and there stayed. But, notwithstanding, when complaint was brought to the king by Martin, the pope's legate, there was no remedy, but the king must needs cause these let- ters to be restored again, and executed to the full ef- fect. Then the king, upon advice, caused a view to be taken through every shire in England, to what sum the whole revenues of the Romans and Italians amounted, which, by the pope's authority, went out of England; the whole sum whereof was found to be yearly sixty thousand marks, to which sum the revenues of the whole crown of England did not extend I (Ex Matt. Parisiensi, fol. 185. a.) The nobles then understanding the miserable oppres- sion of the realm, being assembled together at Dunsta- ble for certain causes, sent one Fulco, in the name of the whole nobility, to Martin, the pope's legate, with this message ; that he immediately upon the same warn- ing should prepare himself to be gone out of the realm, under pain of being cut to pieces. At which message, the legate being sore aghast, went straight to the king, to know whether his consent was to the same or not. Of whom when he found little better comfort, he took his leave of the king, who bade him adieu in the devil's name, says Matthew Paris, and thus was the realm rid of Master Martin, (A. D. 1245.) As soon as Pope Innocent had intelligence hereof, by the complaint of his legate, he was in a mighty rage. A.D. 1245—1246.] SUPPLICATION TO THE POPE IN THE GENERAL COUNCIL AT LYONS. 173 And, remembering how the French king, and the king of Arragon, not long before had denied him entrance in'o their land, and being therefore in displeasure with them likewise, he began in great anger to knit his brows, and said, " It is best that we fall in agreement with our prince, whereby we may the sooner bring under these little petty kings ; and so the great dragon being pacified, these little serpents we shall handle at our own pleasure as we please." After this, immediately then followed the general council of Lyons, to which council the lords and states of the realm, with the consent of the commonalty, sent two bills, one containing a general supplication to the pope and the council, the other with the articles of such grievances as they desired to be redressed, whereof re- lation is made sufficiently before. The other bill of the supplication, because it is not before expressed, I thought here to exhibit for two causes ; first, that men in these days may see the pitiful blindness of those igno- rant days, wherein our English nation here did so blindly humble themselves and stand to the pope's courtesy, whom rather they should have shaken off, as the Grecians did. Secondly, that the pride of the pope might the better appear in his colours, who so disdain- fully rejected the humble suit of our lords and nobles, when they had much more cause, rather to disdain and to stamp him under their feet. The tenor of the sup- plication was this : I The copy of (he sttpplication written in the names of all the nobles and commons of England, to Pope Innocent IV., in the general council at Lyons, (A. D. 1245.^ " To the reverend father in Christ, Pope Innocent, chief bishop, the nobles, with the whole commonalty of the realm of England, sendeth commendation with kissing of his blessed feet. " Our mother, the church of Rome, we love with all our hearts, as our duty is, and covet the increase of her honour with so much affection as we may, as to whom we ought always to fly for refuge, whereby the grief lying upon the child, may find comfort at the mother's hand. Which succour the mother is bound so much the rather to impart to her child, how much more kind and beneficial she finds him in relieving her necessity. Neither is it unknown to our mother how beneficial and bountiful a giver the realm of England has been now of long time for the more amplifying of her exaltation, as appeared by your yearly subsidy, which we term by the name of Peter-pence. Now the said church, not con- tented with this yearly subsidy, has sent divers legates for other contributions, at divers and sundry times to be taxed and levied out of the same realm ; all which con- tributions and taxes notwithstanding have been lovingly and liberally granted. " Furthermore, neither is it unknown to your father- hood, how our forefathers, like good catholics, both loving and fearing their Maker, for the soul's health, as well of themselves, as of their progenitors and successors also, have founded monasteries, and have largely en- dowed the same, both with their own proper lands, and also patronages of benefices, whereby such religious I persons professing the first and chiefest perfection of I holy religion in their monasteries, might with more peace and tranquillity occupy themselves devoutly in God's service, as to the order appertained ; and also the clerks presented by them into their benefices, might sustain the I other exterior labours for them in that second order of religion, and so discharge and defend them from all hazards, so that the said religious monasteries cannot be defrauded of those their patronages and collations of benefices, but the same must touch us also very near, and work intolerable griefs unto our hearts. " And now see, we beseech you, which is lamentable to behold what injuries we sustain by you and your pre- decessors, who, not considering those our subsidies and contributions above remembered, do suffer also your Italians and foreigners, which are out of number, to be possessed of our churches aud benefices in England, pertaining to the right and patronage of those monas teries aforesaid, which foreigners, neither defending the said religious persons, whom fhey ought to see to, nor yet having the language, whereby they may instruct the flock, take no regard of their souls, but utterly leave them to wild wolves to be devoured. Wherefore it may truly be said of them, that they are no good shei)herds, whereas they neither know their sheep, nor do the sheep knowthe voice of their shepherds, neither do they keep any hospitality, but only take up the rents of those benefices, carrying them out of the real.n, wherewith our bre- thren, our nephews, and our kinsfolks might be sus- tained, who could and would dwell upon them, and employ such exercises of mercy and hospitality as their duty re- quired. Whereof a great number now for mere neces- sity are laymen, and obliged to fly out of the realm. " And now to the intent more fully to certify you of the truth, ye shall understand that the said Italians and strangers receiving of yearly rents out of England, not so little as sixty thousand marks by year, besides other avails and excises deducted, do reap in the said our kingdom of England more emoluments of mere rents, than doth the king himself, being both tutor of the church, and governor of the land. " Furthermore, whereas at the first creation of your papacy we were in good hope, and yet are, that by means of your fatherly goodness we should enjoy our franchises, and free collation of our benefices and dona • fives, to be reduced again to the former state, now comes another grievance which we cannot but signify unto you, pressing us above measure, which we receive by Master Martin, who, entering late into our land without leave of our king, with greater power than ever was seen before in any legate, although he bears not the state and shew of a legate, yet he has doubled the doings of a legate, charging us every day with new mandates, and so most extremely has oppressed us ; first, in bestowing and giving away our benefices, if any were above thirty marks, as soon as they were vacant, to Italian persons. " Secondly, after the decease of the said Italians, un- knowing to the patrons, he has intruded other Italians therein, whereby the true patrons have been spoiled and defrauded of their right. " Thirdly, the said Master Martin yet also ceases not to assign and confer such benefices still to the like per- sons ; and some he reserves to the donation of the apos- tolical see ; and extorts, moreover, from religious houses immoderate pensions, excommunicating and interdicting whoever dare withstand him. " Wherefore, forasmuch as the said Master Martin has so far extended his jurisdiction, to the great perturbation of the whole realm, and no less derogation to our king's privilege, to whom it has been fully granted by the see apostolic, that no legate should have to do in his land, but such as he by special letters did send for : with most humble devotion we beseech you, that as a good father will always be ready to support his child, so your fatherhood will reach forth your hand of compas- sion to relieve us your humble children from these grievous oppressions. " And although our lord and king, being a catholic prince, and wholly given to his devotions and service of Christ Jesus our Lord, so that he respects not the health of his own body, will fear and reverence the see apos- tolic, and, as a devout son of the church of Rome, de- sires nothing more than to advance the estate and honour of the same ; yet we who labour in his affairs, bearing the heat and burden of the day, and whose duty, together with him, is to tender the preservation of the public wealth, neither can patiently suffer such oppres- sions, so detestable to God and man, and grievances in- tolerable, neither by God's grace will suffer them, through the means of your godly remedy, which we well hope and trust of you speedily to obtain. And thus may it please your fatherhood, we beseech you to accept this our supplication, who in so doing shall worthily deserve of all the lords and nobles, with the whole com- monalty of the realm of England, condign and special thanks accordingly." A. D. 1245. (Ex Mat. Paris, fol. 188.) 174 MISERY OF CHRISTENDOM THROUGH THE POISE'S EXTORTIONS. [Book IV This supplication being sent by the hands of Sir R. Bigot, knight, W. de Powick, esq., and Henry de la Mare, with other knights and gentlemen, after it was there opened and read, Pope Innocent, first keeping silence, delayed to make answer, making haste to pro- ceed in his detestable excommunication and curse against the good emperor Frederick ; which curse being done, and the English ambassadors waiting still for their answer, the pope told them flatly they should not have their request fulfilled. Whereat the Englishmen, departing in great anger, sware -with terrible oaths, that they would never more suffer any tribute, or fruits of any benefices, whereof the noblemen were patrons, to be paid to that insatiable and greedy court of Rome, worthy to be detested in all worlds. The pope hearing these words, although making then no answer, thought to watch his time, and did so. Dur- ing the council, he caused every bishop of England to ))ut his hand and seal to the obligation made by King John for the pope's tribute ; threatening, moreover, and saying, that if he had once brought down the em- peror Frederick, he would bridle the insolent pride of England. But here by occasion of this council at Lyons, that the reader may see upon what slippery uncertainty and variableness the state of the king depended, it is ma- terial here to introduce the form of a letter sent by Henry III. to the prelates of his land, before they were transported over the sea to Lyons ; wherein may be gathered, that the king suspected they would be pushing and heaving at his royalty, and therefore directed these letters to them, otherwise to prepare their affections : the tenor whereof follows : — A Letter of Charge to the Prelates of England, pur- posed to assemble in the Council at Lyons, that they should ordain nothing to their King^s prejudice. " The king to the archbishops, bishops, and to all other prelates of his land of England, appointed to meet at a council at Lyons, greeting : you are (as you know) bound to us by oath, whereby you ought to keep all the fealty that you can to us in all things, concerning our royal dignity and crown. Wherefore we command you upon the fealty and allegiance wherein you are firmly bound to us, enjoining that you do your uttermost en- deavour, as well to get as to keep, and also to defend the right of us and our kingdom. And that neither to the prejudice of us, or of the same kingdom, nor yet against us or our rights, which our predecessors and we by ancient and approved custom have used, you pre- sume to procure or attempt anything in your council at Lyons ; nor that you give assent to any that shall pro- cure or ordain ought in this case, upon your oath afore- said, and the loss of your temporalities, which you hold of us. Wherefore in this behalf so behave yourselves, that for your good dealing and virtue of thankfulness, we may rather specially commend you, than for the con- trary by you attempted (which God forbid) we reprove your unthankfulness, and reserve vengeance for you in due time. Witness myself, &c., the nine-and -twentieth year of our reign." In the same way he wrote to the archbishops and bishops, &c. of Ireland and Gascony. In the beginning of the year following (A.D. 1246), Pope Innocent came to Cluny, where a secret meeting was tlien appointed between the pope and Lewis the French king (who was then preparing his voyage to Jerusalem). The pope sought all means to persuade the French king, in revenge of his injury, to war against the weak and feeble king of England, as he called him, either to drive him utterly from his kingdom, or else to damnify him, whereby he should be constrained, whether he would or no, to stoop to the pope's will and obedience, wherein he also would assist him with all the authority he could. Nevertheless, the French king would not agree to this. Straight upon this followed then the exaction of Boni- face archbishop of Canterbury, that he had bought of the pope ; which was to have the first year's fruits of all benefices and spiritual livings in England for the space of seven years together, until the sum should come to ten t.iousand marks. At this the king at first was greatly grieved. But in conclusion, he was obliged at last to agree with the archbishop, and so the money was gathered. Over and besides all other exactions wherewith the pope miserably oppressed the church of England, thig also is not to be passed over in silence, how the pope, sending down his letters from the see apostolic, charged and commanded the prelates to find him some ten, some five, and some fifteen able men, well furnished with horse and armour for one whole year, to fight in the pope's wars. And lest the king should have knowledge of it, it was enjoined them, under pain of excommuni- cation, that they should reveal it to none, but to keep it in secret only to themselves. When Pope Innocent IV. had knowledge of certain rich clerks leaving great substance of money, who died in- testate, as of one Robert Hailes, archdeacon of Lincoln, who died leaving thousands of marks and much plate behind him, all which, because no will was made, came to temporal men's hands : also of Almarike, arch- deacon of Bedford, being found worth a great substance when he died ; and likewise of another, John Ho- tosp, archdeacon of Northampton, who died suddenly intestate, leaving behind him five thousand marks, and thirty standing pieces of plate, with other infinite jewels besides ; he sent forth a statute to be proidaiuied in England, that whatsoever ecclesiastical person hence- forth sliould decease in England intestate, that i.s, witli- out making his will, all his goods should redound to the pope's use. The pope, not yet satisfied with all this, addresses new letters to the bishop of Winchester, and to William bishop of Norwich, for gathering up among the clergy, and religious houses in England, six tliousand marks for the holy mother church, without any excuse or de- lay, by virtue of obedience. Which, being greatly grudged by the clergy, when it came to the king's ear, he directed contrary letters to all the prelates, and every one of them, commanding them, upon fortViting their temporalities to the king, that no such subsidy-money should be gathered or transported out of the rcahri. But the pope again hearing of this, in great anger writes to the prelates of England, that this collection of money, upon pain of excommunication and suspension, should be provided, and brought to the new Temple in London, by the feast of the Assumption next ensuing. And as he perceived the king to go about to oppose his proceedings, taking thereat great disdain, he was about to interdict the whole land. To whom then one of his cardinals, called John Anglicus, an Englishman born, speaking for the realm of England, desired his fatherhood for God's cause to mitigate his moody ire, and with the bridle of temperance to assuage tlie pas- sion of his mind: "Which," said he, " to tell you plain, is here stirred up too much without cause. Yotir fatherhood may consider that these days be evil. First, the Holy Land lies in great perils to be lost. Ail the Greek church is departed from us. Frederick the eu)- peror is against us, the mightiest prince this day in all Christendom. Both you and we, who are the peers of the church, are banished from the papal see, thrust out of Rome, yea, excluded out of all Italy. Hungary, with all coasts bordering about it, looketh for nothirig but utter subversion by the Tartars. Gerniai;y is wasted and afflicted with inward wars and tumults. Spain is fierce and cruel against us, even to the cutting out of the bishops' tongues. France is so im])overished by us that it is brought to beggary, which also conspires against us. Miserable England, being so often plagued by our manifold injuries, even much like to Balaam's ass, beaten and bounced with spurs and staves, begins at length to speak and complain of her intolerable griefs and burthens, being so wearied and damnified, that she may seem past all recovery ; and we, after the manner of Ishmael, hating of men, provoke all men to hate us." For all these words of John Anglicus his cardinal, t'>e A.D. 1246.] SICKNESS AND SUPPOSED MIllACULOUS RECOVERY OF THE FRENCH KING. 175 pope's passion could not yet be appeased, but forthwith he sends commandment with full authority to the bishop of Worcester, that in case the king would not speedily cease his rebellion against his apostolical proceedings he would interdict his land. So that in conclusion, the king, for all his stout enterprise, was obliged to relent at last, and the pope had his money, (A. D. I2iti). What man having eyes is so blind who sees not these execrable dealings of the pope to be such, as would cause any nation in the world to do as the wise Grecians did, and perpetually to renounce the pope, and well to consider the usurped authority of that see not to be of God .' But such was the rude dulness then of miserable England, for lack of learning and godly knowledge, that they feeling what burdens were laid upon them, yet would play still the ass of Balaam, or else the horse of JEsop, which receiving the bridle once in his mouth, could afterward neither abide his own misery, nor yet recover liberty. And so it fared with England under the pope's thraldom. And so it follows in the history of Matthew Paris, how the pope taking more courage by his former abused boldness, and perceiving what a tame ass he had to ride upon, ceased not thus, but directed a new precept the same year (A.D. 1246), to the prelates of England, com- manding by the authority apostolic, that all beneficed men in the realm of England, who were resident upon their benefices, should yield to the pope the third part of their goods, and they who were not resident should give the one-half of their goods, and that for the space of three years together, with terrible threatenings to all them that should resist ; and ever with this clause withal, non obstante, which was like a key that opened all locks. Which sum, cast together, was found to amount to sixty thousand pounds, which sura of money could scarce be found in all England to pay for King Richard's ransom. (Paris, fol. 207.) The execution of this pre- cept was committed to the bishop of London, who con- ferring about the matter with his brethren in the church of St. Paul's, as they were busily consulting together, and bewailing the insupportable burden of this contri- bution, which was impossible for them to sustain, sud- denly comes in certain messengers from the king, Sir John Lexinton, knight, and Master Lawrence Martin, the king's chaplain, straightly in the king's name foibidding them in any case to consent to this contribution, which would be greatly to the prejudice and desolation of the whole realm. And thus much hitherto of these matters, to the in- tent that all who read these histories, and see the doings of this western bishop, may consider what just cause the Grecians had to separate from his subjection, and communion. For what christian communion can be held with him who so contrary to Christ and his gospel seeks for worldly dominion, so cruelly persecutes his brethren, so given to avarice, so greedy in getting, so injurious in oppressing, so insatiable in his exactions, so malicious iu revenging, stirring up wars, depriving kings, deposing emperors, playing the monarch in the church of Christ, so erroneous in doctrine, so abominable in abusing excom- munication, so false in promise, so corrupt in life, so void of God's fear: and briefly, so far from all the qualifications of a true evangelical bishop .' For what seems he to care for the souls of men, who sets boys and outlandish Ita- lians in the benefices : and further appoints one Italian to succeed another, who neither knew the language of the flock, nor could bear to see their faces ? And who can blame the Grecians then for dissevering themselves from such an oppressor against Christ ? If this realm had followed their wise example, as it might, our predecessors had been rid of an infinite num- ber of troubles, injuries, oppressions, wars, commotions, long journeys and charges, besides the saving of innu- merable thousands of pounds, which this bishop of Rome full falsely had raked and transported out of this realm. But as I must not exceed the bounds of my history, my purpose being not tostandupon declamations, nor to dilate on common places, I will pass this over, leaving the judgment of it to the further examination of the reader. For if I wished to prosecute this argument so far as the matter would lead me, and truth perhaps require me to say, I might not only say, but could well prove the pope and court of Rome to be the fountain and principal cause, not only of much misery here in England, but of all the public calamities and notorious mischiefs which have ha])pened these many years through all these western parts of Christendom, and especially of the lamentable ruin of the church, which not only we, but the Grecians also this day do suffer by the Turks and Saracens. As whoever well considers by reading of histories, and views the doings and acts passed by the bishop of Rome, shall see good cause to think with me. Only one narrative touch- ing this argument, I am disposed to set before the readers, it happened about this present time of King Henry's reign (A. D. 1244.) It happened that Lewis the French king, son to Queen Blanch, fell very sick, lying in a trance for some days, in such a way that few thought he would have lived, and some said he was gone already. Among others, there was with him his mother, who sorrowing bitterly for her son, and given somewhat to superstition, went and brought forth a piece of the holy cross, with the crown and the spear ; and blessing him with them, laid the crown and spear to his body, making a vow in the person of her son, that if the Lord would visit him with health, and release him of that infirmity, he should be crossed or marked with the cross, to visit the holy sepulchre, and solemnly tc render thanks in the land which Christ had sanctified with his blood. Thus as she, with the bishop of Paris, and others there present were praying, the king, who was supposed by some to be dead, began with a sigh to move his arms and legs, and stretching himself began to speak, giving thanks to God, who from on high had visited him, and called him from the danger of death. As the king's mother with others took this as a great mi- racle wrought by the virtue of the holy cross : so the king amending more and more, as soon as he was well re- covered, received solemnly the badge of the cross. After this there was great preparation and much ado in France toward the setting forth to the Holy Land. For after the king first began to be crossed, the greater part of the nobles of France with several archbishops and bishops, with earls, and barons, and gentlemen to a mighty number, received also the cross upon their sleeves. A. D. 1246. (Ex Matt. Parisiensi, fol. 204. 6.) The next year, the French king yet persevering in his purposed journey. Lady Blanch his mother, and the bishop of Paris his brother, with the lords of his council, and other nobles, and his special friends advised him with great persuasions to alter his mind as to that adventurous and dangerous journey, for his vow, they said, was unadvisedly made, and in time of his sickness, when his mind was not perfectly established : and what dangers might happen at home was uncertain ; the king of England being on the one side, the emperor on the other side, and the Pic- tavians in the midst, so fugitive and unstable : and as to his vow, the pope would dispense with it, considering the necessity of his realm, and the weakness of his body. To this the king answered, *' As you say, that it was in feebleness of my senses I took this vow upon me . lo, as you wish me, I lay down the cross that I took." And putting his hand to his shoulder, lie tare oif the badges of the cross, saying to the bishop, " Here I resign to you the cross wherewith I was signed." At the sight of this there was no small rejoicing among all that were present. The king then, altering his countenance and his speech,thus spake to them : " My friends, whatever I was in my sickness, now I thank God I am of perfect sense, and sound reason, and now I require my cross again to be restored unto me :" saying moreover, " That he would eat no food until he were recognized again with the same cross, as hewas before." At this all present were astonished, sup- posing that God had some great matter to work, and so moved no more questions to him. Upon this drew nigh the feast of John Baptist, which was the time appointed for setting forth. And being in readiness, the king in a few days after was entering his journey : but yet one thing was wanting. The king, per- ceiving the mortal variance between the pope and good Frederick the emperor, thought best before his going to CONTESTS BETWEEN THE FRENCH AxNiJ THE SsARACENS. 176 have that, matter appeased, by whii^h his way might be safer through the emperor's countries, and also be less danger at home after his departure ; and therefore, he first went to Lyons, where the pope was, partly to take his leave; but especially to make reconcilement between the emperor and the pope. . , , Here it may be noted by the way, that with the good emperor there was no difficulty or hindrance. He rather sought all means how to compass the pope's favour, and never could obtain it: so that before he was excom- municated in the council of Lyons, he not only answered sufficiently by his attorney, discharging himself against whatever crimes or objections could be brought against him ; but so far humbled himself to the pope and the council, that for all detriments, damages, losses, or wrongs done on his part, what amends soi;ver the pope coulifor would require, he would recompence it to the uttermost. This the pope would not take. He then offered, that if the pope could not abide liis remaining in his own dominions and empire, he would go and fight against the Saracens and Turks, never to re- turn into Europe again, offering there to recover the lands and kingdoms, that at any time belonged to Christ- endom, provided that the pope would be contented that Henry his son, who was nephew to King Henry here in England, should be emperor after him. Neither would this be admitted by the pope. Then he offered for the security of his promise, to put in the French king and the king of England to be his sureties, or else for trial of his cause to stand to their award and arbitration. Neither would that be granted. At last he desired, that he might come himself and answer before the council. But the proud pope in no case would abide that, saying, " That he did not yet find himself so ready and meet for martyrdom, to have him to come to the council ; for if he did, he would depart himself," &c. Such was the obstinate rancor and devilish malice of Pope Innocent and his predecessor, against that valiant emperor and against the Grecians ; what disturbance and mischief it wrought to the whole church, what strength it gave to the Saracens and Tartars, how it impaired chris- tian concord, and weakened all christian lands, not only the army of the French King found shortly after, but Christendom even to this day may and does feel and rue it. Nor can there in history be found any greater cause that made the Turks so strong, to get so much ground over Christendom as they have, than the pestilent work- ing of this pope, in deposing and excommunicating this worthy emperor. In the mean time, when the French king coming thus to the pope at Lyons to intreat for the emperor, could find no favour, he took his leave, and with great heavi- ness departed, setting forward on his journey. About the beginning of October, the French took Damietta, being the principal fort or hold of the Sara- cens in Egypt (A. D. 1249.) After wiiming Damietta, the Saracens, being terrified at the loss, offered to the christians great ground and possessions more than ever belonged to Christendom before, on condition that they might have Damietta restored to them again. But the pride of the earl of Artois, the king's brother, would not accept the offers of the Saracens, but required both Da- mietta and Alexandria the chief metropolitan city of all Egypt, to be surrendered. The Saracens, seeingthe pride and greediness of the Frenchmen, would not abide that : which turned afterwards to the great loss of the christians. At length after long conferences between them, the Sol- dan proposed to them to resign to him the city of Dami- etta, with every thing which they found in it, and that they should have in return all the country about Jerusalem, with all the captive christians, restored to them. The christians, said he, ought to be contented with this, and to seek no more, but only to possess the land of Jerusa- lem ; which being granted to them, they ought not en- croach into lands and kingdoms, whereto they had no right. This form of peace well pleased the meaner sort of the poor soldiers, and many of the council and nobiUty ; but the proud earl of Artois, the king's brother, would not assent to it, but still required the city of Alex- [BooK IV. andria to be yielded to him, which the Egyptians would by no means agree to. From that time the French army, being surrounded by sea and by land, began every day more and more to be dis- tressed for provisions and with famine, being driven to that misery, that they were obUged to eat their own horses in Lent time, which should have served them unto other uses. Neither could any christian power, nor Frederick, being deposed by the pope, send them any succour. The more misery the christians were in, the more fiercely the Saracens pressed upon them on every side, detesting their froward wilfulness. Many of the christian soldiers de- serted, and not able to abide the affliction, privately went over to the Saracens, who gladly received and relieved them, and some were permitted still to keep their faith, some marrying wives among them, and for hope of honour apostatized. The Soldan, being perfectly informed by these fugitives of every thing in the king's army, sent to him in derision, asking where were all his mattocks, forks, and rakes, scythes, ploughs, and harrows, which he brought over with him, or why he did not occupy them, but let them lie by him to rust and canker ? All this and much more the king with his Frenchmen were obliged to bear with. The French king, with his army, seeing himself dis- tressed, and that nothing was done against the Soldan of Egypt, after he had fortified the city of Damietta, with an able garrison, and left it with the duke of Burgundy, j he removed his camp from thence to go eastward. In his army followed William Longspath, who came from England to fight in the Holy Land, accompanied with a picked number of English warriors : but such was the ■ hatred of the French against this William Longspath , and the English, that they could not abide them, but flouted them in an insulting manner, calling them " English tails," insomuch that the good king himself had much ado to keep peace between them. (| The original cause of this grudge between them began ? thus : there was, not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a strong fort or castle, filled with noble ladies, and rich treasure of the Saracens : this stronghold it happened that W^illiam Longspath, with his company of English soldiers, got possession of, more by good luck and politic dexterity, than by open force of arras, by which he and his followers were greatly enriched. W'hen the French had knowledge of this, they began to conceive a heart- burning against the English soldiers, and could not i speak well of them after that. It happened again, not long after, that William Longspath had intelligence of a company of rich Saracen merchants going to a fair about the parts of Alexandria, with their camels, asses, and mules, richly laden with silks, precious jewels, spices, gold and silver, with cart-loads of other wares, besides victuals and other furniture, of which the soldiers then stood in great need. Having secret knowledge of tliis, he gathered all the EngUsh, and so by night falling upon the merchants, some he slew, some he took, and some he put to flight. The carts with the drivers and with the oxen, and the camels, asses, and mules, with the whole carriage and provisions he took and brought with him, losing in all the skirmish but one soldier, and eight of his servitors. This being known in the camp, forth came the French, who all this while loitered in their pavilions, and meet- ing the carridges by the way, took all the spoils wholly to themselves, rating Longspath and the English, for adventuring and issuing out of the camp without leave or knowledge of their general, contrary to the disci})line of war. William Longspath said, he had done nothing but he would answer to it, that his purpose was to have the spoil divided to the whole army : when this would not serve, being grieved in mind at being spoiled in so cowardly a way, of that for which he had so adventur- ously travelled, he went to the king to complain. But when no reason nor complaint would serve, owing to the proud earl of Artois disliking him, he bid the king fare- well, and said he would serve him no longer. And so William Longspath, with his followers, breaking from the French host, went to Acre. Upon their de- parture the earl of Artois said, " Now is the army of th» A. D. 124&— 1250.] OVERTHROW OF THE FRENCH ARMY BY THE SARACENS. 177 French well rid of these tailed people." ^N'Tiich words, Bpoken in great despite, were evil taken by many good men that heard him. The king, setting forward from Damietta, directed his journey towards Cairo. The Soldan in the meantime hearing of the coming of the French host, in great hopes of conquering all, sent to the king, offering to the chris- tians the quiet and full possession of the Holy Land, with all the kingdom of Jerusalem, and more ; besides other infinite treasure of gold and silver, or what else might please them, only upon this condition, they would restore again Damietta, with the captives there, and so would join together in mutual peace and amity. Also they should have all their christian captives delivered home, and so both countries should freely pass one to another with their wares and traffic, such as they chose to adventure. It was also firmly asserted that the Soldan, with most of his nobles, were willing to leave the filthy law of Mahomet, and receive the faith of Christ, so that they might quietly enjoy their lands and possessions. Then great quietness had no doubt per- vaded in all Christendom, with the end of bloodshed and misery, had it not been for the pope and his legate, who (having command from the pope, that if any such offers should come, he should not take them) in no wise would receive the conditions offered, (Paris, fol. 2'^3). After this every thing was prepared on both sides for war. The king comes to the great river Nile, thinking to pass over upon a bridge of boats. On the other side the Soldan pitched himself to oppose his passage. In the mean time there occurred a certain festival among the Saracens, in which the Soldan was absent, leaving his tents by the water side. This was observed by a Saracen lately converted to Christ, ser\'ing with Earl Robert the king's brother, who pointed out a shallow ford in the river, where they might more easily pass over ; the earl and the master of the Templars, with a great force of about the third part of the army, passed over the river, followed by William Longspath with his band of English soldiers. Being joined together on the other side of the water, they encountered the Saracens i remaining in the tents, and put them to flight. After 1 this victory the French earl, elated with pride and J triumph, as if he had conquered the whole earth, would i needs press forward, dividing himself from the main i host, thinking to win the spurs alone. Some sage men I among the Templars advised him not to do so, but rather to return and take their whole strength with them, and 1 that so they would be more sure against all deceits and 1 dangers. The practice of that people (they saidj they i knew well, and had had more experience of than he : alleg- I ing also, their wearied bodies, their tired horses, their I famished soldiers, and the insufficiency of their number, I which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies : with other such like words of persuasion. 'When the proud earl heard them, being inflamed with I no less arrogancy than ignorance, he reviled them, called ithem cowardly dastards and betrayers of the whole country, objecting to them the common report, which said, That the land of the holy cross might be won to I Christendom, were it not for the rebellious Templars, with the Hospitallers and their fellows, &c. To these contumelious rebukes the master of the iTemplars answered for himself and for his companions, ibidding the earl display his ensign whenever he would, and wherever he dared, they were quite as ready to fol- low him, as he to go before them. Then began William iLongspath the worthy knight to speak, desiring the earl to give ear to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those countries and people than he had, commending their counsel to be discreet and whole- some, and so turning to the master of the temple he be- gan with gentle words to soften and appease him. The knight had not half ended his taik, when the earl, taking the words out of his mouth, began to fume and swear, crying out of these cowardly Englishmen with tails. " What a pure army (said he) should we have here, if these tails, and tailed people were purged from it?" with other like words of great villany and much hatred. The English knight answered " Well, Earl Robert t wheresoever you dare set your foot, my step shall go a:i far as yours ; and I believe, we go this day where you shall not dare to come near the tail of my horse." la the event it proved true. Now, seeing Earl Robert would needs set forward to get all the glory to himself, he attacked a place called Mansor. Then immediately comes the Soldan with all his main power ; he seeing the christian army to be di- vided, and the brother separated from the brother, had that which he had long wished for, and so enclosing them round about so that none should escape, he fell on them and there was a cruel fight. Then the earl began to repent of his rashness, but it was too late : then see- ing William Longspath the English knight gallantly fighting in the chief brunt of the enemies, cried to him in a most cowardly way to fly, seeing God (said he) fights against us. The knight answered " God forbid that my father's son should run away from the face of a Saracen." The earl then turning his horse fled away, thinking to escape bv the swiftness of his horse, and so taking the river of Thafnis, pressed down with his armour, he sunk and was drowned. Thus the earl being gone, the French began to despair and scatter. Then William Longs])ath, bearing all the force of the enemy, stood against them as long as he could, wounding and slaying many a Saracen, until at length his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, he could no longer stand, yet as he was down, he mangled their feet and legs, and did the Saracens much sorrow, till at last, after many blows and wounds, being stoned by the Saracens, ho yielded his life. After his death the Saracens setting upon the rest of the army, whom they had compassed on every side, destroyed them all, so that scarce one man escaped alive, saving two Templars, one Hospitaller, and one poor soldier, who brought tidings of it to the king. These things being known in the French camp to the king and his soldiers, there was no little sorrow and heaviness on every side, with great fear and doubt in. themselves what was best to do. At last, when they saw no remedy, but they must stand manfully to revenge- the blood of their brethren, then the king with his host- passed over the Nile, and coming to the place where the- battle had been, there they beheld their fellows and brethren, pitifully lying with their heads and hands cufc off. For the Saracens for the reward before promised by the Soldan or Sultan, to them that could bring the head or hand of any christian, had mangled the chris- tians, leaving their bodies to the wild beasts. Thus as- they were sorrowing and lamenting the rueful case of their christian fellows, suddenly appears the coming of the Soldan, with a multitude of innumerable thousands. Against them the Frenchmen soon prepare themselves to encounter, and so the battle being struck up, the armies began to join. But alack for pity, what could the French do, their number was so lessened, their hearts wounded with fear and sorrow, their bodies consumed with penury and famine, their horses for feebleness not able to serve them .' In conclusion, the Frenchmen were overthrown, slain, and dispatched; and seeing there was no flying, happy was he that first could yield himself. In which miserable conflict, the king with his two brethren, and a few that clave unto him, were taken captives, to the confusion of all christian realms, and presented to the Soldan. All the rest were put to the' sword, or else stood to the mercy of the Saracens,, whether to be slain or to remain in woful captivity. And this was the end of that sorrowful battle, wherein almost all the nobihty of France was slain, and there was scarcely one man in the multitude who escaped free, but was either slain, or taken prisoner. The Soldan, after taking of the French king, deceit- fully disguising an array of Saracens to the nimaber of the French army, with the arms and ensigns of them that were slain, made toward Damietta, where the duke of Burgundy, with the French queen, and Otho, the pope's legate, and other bishops, and their garrisons were re- maining, supposing under the shew of Frenchmen to be let in ; but the captains mistrusting their hasty coming,. and doubting their visages, not like to the Frenchmeiu shut the gates against them. v2 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. [Book IV. 175 As the Soldan missed his purpose, he thought by ad- vice of his council, to use the king's life for his own advantage in recovering the city of Damietta, as in the end it came to pass. For, although the king at the first was greatly unwilling, and had rather die than surrender Damietta again to the Saracens, yet the conclusion fell out, that the king was put to his ransom, and the city of Damietta was also resigned, which city being twice won, and twice lost by the christians, the Soldan or Soladine afterward caused it utterly to be razed down to the ground. The ransom of the king, upon condition that the Soldan should see him safely conducted to Acre, came to 6'0,000 marks. The number of French and others who died in that war by water and by land, came to 80,000 persons. And thus you have the brief narration of this lamenta- ble pilgrimage of Lewis the French king, all occasioned by the pope and Otho his legate ; by whose sinister means and pestilent pride, not only the lives of so many christians were then lost, but also the loss of other cities and christian regions bordering in the same quarters, is to be ascribed ; for by the occasion of all this, the hearts of the Saracens on the one side were so encou- raged, and the courage of the christians on the other side so much discomfited, that in a short time after, both the dominion of Antioch, and of Acre, with all other possessions belonging to the christians, were lost, to the great diminishing of Christ's church. Another reason, too, why the ruin of this French army is deservedly imputed to the pope, is this ; for, when Lewis the French king perceiving what a necessary friend and helper Frederick the tmperor might be to him against the Saracens, and therefore was an earnest suitor for him to the pope, to have him released ; yet neither he, nor the king of England, by any means could obtain it. Through which, not only the French king's army went to wreck, but also such a fire of mischief was kindled against Christendom, as yet to this day cannot be quenched. For the Saracens, and after them the Turks, got such a hand over Christendom, as to this day we all have great cause to rue and lament. The chief and greatest cause of all which, was, that the emperor who could have done the most, was deposed by the pope's tyranny, by which all those churches in Asia were left desolate. As to the Emperor Frederick, whom we have frequently mentioned before, as his history is strange, his acts wonderous, and his conflicts tragical, which he sustained against four or five popes one after another, I thought it well to set it forth, that the reader may know what is to be thought of this see of Rome, which had wrought such abominable mischief in the world, as in the sequel of the history following, may be seen. The whole tragical history of the Emperor Frederick IT. , translated out of the Latin book of Nicholas Cisnerus, (fromA.D. 1193, to A.D. 1250.J Frederick II. was of the noblest lineage, being grand- son to Frederick Barbarossa, and son to the Emperor Henry VI., and Constantia, daughter of the king of Sicily. The Emperor Henry "VI., when he died, which was shortly after the birth of Frederick II., committed the protection of him to Constantia his wife, to Philip his brother, governor of Etruria, and to the bishop of Rome, then Innocent III. Constantia, not long after the death of Henry her hus- band, being sickly and growing into age, resigned, and willed by her testament the safety both of her son Frederick, and also of his dominions, to the protection and government of Innocent III. This Pope Innocent, as soon as he had the protection of the young emperor, became, instead of a patron and protector to him and his dominions, both an enemy and conspirator. The examples are many ; he per- suaded Sibylla, the wife of Tancred (whom Henry put from the kingdom of Sicily), to recover the same again. "Whereupon Walter, who was married to tlie daughter of this Tancred, by the instigation, counsel, and aid of the French king, with the pope, invaded Campania and Apulia. At which time also, the same worthy protector Innocent III., sent his legates with letters of excoinmu- nication against all that would not take Walter for their king. Again, when the princes, electors, and other nobles, had promised by their oath to Henry, that they would make Frederick his son emperor after his decease, the pope absolved them all from the oath which they had taken and given for the election of Frederick. He then went about to procure that Otho, the son of Henry Leo, should be made emperor. He deprived all such bishops as he knew to be favourable to Philip, who ruled the empire during the minority of his nephew Fre- derick. But Philip, whose cause was better, and whose skill in martial affairs was greater, and who was stronger in power, after many and great conflicts, and the fearful disturbance and desolation of the whole empire, by God's help, defeated the other. All which calamities and mis- chiefs, Conrad Lichtenau, living at that time, in his annals, most pitifully complains of, and accuses the bi- shop of Rome and his adherents to be the chief authors and devisers of this great and lamentable mischief. Thus you may see how it was by the counsel and con- sent of Pope Innocent, and by his instigation, besides his secret conspiracies, that this good Frederick and his dominions were hurt and damaged. At this time Frederick was come to the age of twenty years ; by the provision of Constantia his mother, he was so well instructed in letters, and so accomplished with other arts and virtues, that at these years there ap- peared and shone in him excellent gifts both of wisdom and knowledge. He was excellently well versed in the Latin and Greek languages, although at that time learning began to decay, and barbarousness to increase. He had also the German tongue, the Italian tongue, and the Saracen tongue. He daily exercised and put in practice those virtues which nature had planted in him, as piety, wis- dom, justice, and fortitude; so that he might well be compared and accounted among the worthiest and most renowned emperors his predecessors. When Frederick had gathered his armies, he was crowned ; and after that, he set the empire at rest, and in order, and appeased the whole of Germany. And then with all his nobles and princes he returned to Rome, and by Pope Honorius III. was with great solem- nity consecrated and called Augustus. W^hich Honorius succeeded Innocent in the papal see. After the consecration of Frederick was with great solemnity finished, he departed from Rome, to set in order and settle the cities and great towns of Italy, for the better tranquillity of himself, and the safety of his subjects, where he heard of some that began to raise and make new factions against him. Among whom were Thomas and Richard, the brothers of Innocent III., who held some castles from him by force. These castles he besieged and beat down. Richard he took and sent as a prisoner into Sicilia ; but Thomas escaped to Rome ; there also repaired certain bishops and others that were con- spirators against Frederick, and were by this bishop of Rome maintained and defended. Frederick began to ex- postul;\te with the pope, who, on the other side, was so chafed and vexed, that immediately, without further delay, he thunders out against Frederick his curses and excommunications. Thomas Fazel declares the detestation or defiance that broke out between them in a different manner. There were, says he, among those who were found traitors to the em- peror, certain bishops, who flying to the pope, requested his aid : upon which the pope sent his legates to the eini)e- ror, and requested liim, that he would admit and receive to favour those bishops whom he had banished and put from their offices, and that he would not intermeddle with any ecclesiastical charge wherewith he had nothing to do: and said further, that the correction and punishment of such matters pertained to the bishop of Rome, and not to him. And, moreover, that the oversight of those churches in that kingdom, from the which he had expelled the bishops, pertained and belonged to the pope. To this Frederick replied, " That forsomuch as now A. D. 119:5— 1250.] THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 179 four hundred years and more (from the time of Charle- magne) all emperors and kings in their dominions might lawfully commit to meet and tit men for the same, such ecclesiastical functions and charges as were within their territories and kingdoms ; that he also looked to have the like privilege and authority, which his predecessors had before him." And being chafed and moved with these demands of the pope, lie breaks forth and says, " How long will tlie bishop of Rome abuse my patience ? When will his covetous heart be satisfied ? Whereunto will his ambitious desire grow?" With such words, repeating certain injuries and conspiracies, both against him and his dominions, plotted as well by Honorius as by Inno- cent. " What man, (says he,) can suffer and bear this in- credible boldness and intolerable insolency of so proud a bishop ? Go," says he, to the legates, " and tell Hono- rius, that I will hazard both the seigniory of my empire, and crown of my kingdom, rather than suffer him thus"^ to diminish the authority of our majesty." Whilst Frederick was in Sicilia,his wife Constantia died. In the mean time the christians, with a great navy sailed into Egypt, and took the city Heliopolis, commonly called Damietta, being in good hope to have driven the Soldan out of Egypt, they experienced a great and mar- vellous overthrow by the water of the Nile (which then overflowed their camp), and they were obliged to agree to a truce with the Soldan for some years, and to deliver up the city again. Upon this, John sumamed Brennus, king of Jerusalem, arrived in Italy, and prayed aid of the em- peror, in whom he had great hopes of finding a remedy of these calamities ; thence he went to Rome to the pope, describing to him the great discomfiture, as also the pre- sent peril and calamity that they were in. By his means, the emperor was reconciled again to the pope, and pro- mised, that he would prepare an army for the recovery of Jerusalem, and go there himself. In the mean time Honorius, to whom he was lately reconciled, purposed to have made against him some great and secret attempt, had he not been prevented by death. After him succeeded Gregory IX., who was as great an enemy of Frederick. This Gregory was scarcely settled in his papacy, when he threatened the emperor with ex- communication, unless he would proceed into Asia accord- ing to his promise ; the reason why the pope so hastened the journey of Frederick, you shall hear hereafter. For he could not well bring to pass, what he had devised in his mischievous mind, unless the emperor were farther from him. However, Frederick it should seem smelling a rat, or mistrusting somewhat, as well he might, alleged different excuses for delay. Fazell, a Sicilian writer, says, that the special cause of the emperor's stay was, the oath of truce and peace during certain years, which was made between the Saracens and christians, and which time was not yet expired. The same also writes of King John of Jerusalem, that when his daughter was brought to Rome, the emperor and the pope were reconciled together. And being called up to Rome to celebrate the marriage of the emperor with Joel, the daughter of John, Pope Gregory (as the manner of those proud prelates is) offered his right foot to the em- peror to kiss. But the emperor, not stooping so low, scarcely with his lip touched the upper part of his knee, and would not kiss his foot ; which the pope took in very evil part, and was marvellously offended. But no opportu- nity that time served to revenge his malice, so he dissem- bled for that time, thinking to recompence it at the full, as time would serve. After this, the emperor hearing how the christians were oppressed by the Soldan in Syria, and that there came a great army against the christian princes, he made the more haste, and was with more desire encouraged to set forward on his journey into Asia. \\ ith all his power, he made speedy preparation for the wars : he rigged and manned a puissant navy ; he had the most picked men and the best soldiers that were in every country, and made warlike provision for every thing pertaining to such a voyage and expedition. Great bands assembled and mustered both of German soldiers and others, and appointed under their captains, they set forth and marched to Brundusium, where lying a long time, and waiting for the emperor, who was delayed by sickness, a great pestilence broke out among them, through the great heat of that country ; and many a sol- dier there lost his life ; among them died Thuringus, one of their generals. The emperor when he had somewhat re- covered his health, launched with all his navy, and set forward to Brundusium. And when he came to the straits of Peloponnesus and Crete, he suddenly fell sick, his diseases returning upon him again, and so sending be- fore all or the most part of his bands and ships into Palestine, and promising to follow them so soon as he might recover and get never so little health ; he himself with a few ships returned to Brundusium, and from thenca for want of health, went into Apulia. When tidings hereof came to the pope's ear, he sent out his thundering curses and excommunications against the emjieror. The pretended cause of this, I find noted and mentioned by his own letters, how that wlien Frede- rick had robbed and taken from Brundusius, prince of Thuring, his horses, his money, and other rich furniture of his house at the time of his death, he sailed into Italy ; not to make war against the Turk, but to convey his prey away from Brundusius ; and so neglecting his oath and promise which he had made, and feigning himself tobesick, came home again : and by that his default Damietta was lost, and the host of the christians sore afflicted. Then Frede- rick, to repel and refute the slander, sends the bishop of Brundis and other legates to Rome ; but the pope would not suffer them to come to his presence, nor yet to the coun- cils of the cardinals, to make his vindication. Wherefore the emperor, to purge himself of the crimes which the pope so falsely accused him of, both to all christian kings, and especially to the princes of Germany, and all the nobles of the empire, writes his letters that those things are both false and feigned and invented by the pope's own head ; and he shews, how that his ambassadors with his vindica- tion were not suffered to come into the pope's presence. " Amongst other catholic princes," says Matthew Paris, " he also wrote his letters to the king of England, embossed with gold ; declaring in the same, that the bishop of Rome was so inflamed with the fire of avarice and manifest covetousness, that he was not contented with the goods of the church which were innumerable, but also that he shamed not to bring princes, kings, and em- perors to be subjects and contributors to him, and so to disinherit them, and put them from their kingly dignities: and that the king of England himself had good experi- ment thereof, whose father. King John, they held so long excommunicated, till they had brought both him and his dominions under servitude, and to pay tribute to him. Behold the manners and conditions of our Roman bishops ! behold the snares wherewith these prelates seek to entangle men ; to wipe their noses of their money , to make their child- ren bondmen, to disquiet such as seek to live in peace, being clothed with sheep's clothing, when indeed they be but ravening wolves, sending their legates hither and thither to excommunicate and suspend ; as having power to pun- ish whom they please, not sowing the seed, that is, the word of God, to fructify, but that they may bribe and tax men's persons, and reap that which they never sowed. Thus it comes to pass, that they spoil the holy churches and houses of God, which should be the refuge for the poor, and the mansion houses of saints, which our devout and simple parents built for that purpose, and ordained for the relief of poor men and pilgrims, and for the sus- tenance of such as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate varlets, whom letters have only made both mad and malapert, strive and gape to be both kings and emperors. " Doubtless the primitive church was built and laid in poverty and simplicity of life, and then, as a fruitful mother she begat those her holy children, whom the catalogue of saints now makes mention of ; and verily no other foundation can be laid by any other church, than that which is laid by Jesus Christ. But this church as it swims and wallows in all superfluity of riches, and builds and raises the frame in all superfluous wealth and glory ; so is it to be feared lest the walls thereof fall to decay, and when the walls be down, utter ruin and sub- version follow after," &c. iSD THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. [Book IV But now, that Frederick might in very deed stop the mouth of tlie cruel pope, who persisted still in his ex- communication against him, when he had prepared all things for the war, and had levied a great army, he de- parted, and came by sea to Cyprus with his army. From Cyi)rus the emperor sailed to Joppa, which he fortified ; but it came to i)ass, that in short space they wanted provisions, and were afflicted with famine. Then they made their humble supplication to God, and the great tempest and foul weather ceased, whereby, the seas being now calm, they had provisions and all other necessary things brought to them. Immediately the emperor and his army, as also the inhabitants of Joppa, were greatly refreshed and animated ; and, on the other side, their enemies being disappointed of their purpose, were greatly discouraged, so that the king of Egypt, who with a great army had encamped within one day's journey of Joppa, thinking to have besieged it, was now contented to treat for peace. Whereupon ambassadors were sent with the emperor's demands, and the Sara- cens immediately granted them, so that a peace for ten years was concluded, and was confirmed by solemn oath on the behalf of both princes, according to their several usages and manner : the form and condition of which articles of peace briefly collected, are these : — " First, That Frederick the emperor should be crowned and anointed king of Jerusalem, according to the man- ner of the kings of Jerusalem before him. " Secondly, That all the lands and possessions which were situated between Jerusalem and Ptolemais, and the greatest part of Palestine, and the cities of Tyre and Sidon, which were in Syria, and all other territories which Baldwin IV. at any time had and did occupy there, should be delivered unto him, only certain castles being reserved. " Thirdly, That he might fortify and build what for- tresses and castles, cities and towns, he thought good in all ^'yria and Palestine. " Fourthly, That all the prisoners which were in the Saracens' hands, should be ransomed freely and sent home. And again, that the Saracens might have leave without armour to come into the temple, where the Lord's sepulchre is, to pray ; and that they should still hold and keep Chratum and the king's mount." As Frederick thought the conclusion of this peace to be both necessary, and also profitable for all christians, and as he had got as much thereby, as if the wars had continued, he sent his legates with letters to all chris- tian kings, princes, and potentates, as also to the bishop of Rome, declaring the circumstance and success of his journey and wars, as you have partly heard ; requiring them that they also would praise and give God thanks for his good success and profitable peace concluded. And he desired the pope, that as he had now accom- plished his promise, and there was no cause why he should be displeased with him, he might be reconciled and obtain his favour. In the meantime the emperor with all his army marched to Jerusalem, where, upon Easter-day (A.D. 122y,) he was with great triumph, and to the joy of all his nobles, and also the magistrates of that kingdom, solemnly crowned king. After this he rebuilt the city and the walls, which ■were beaten down by the Saracens ; he supplied it with munition, he built up the churches and temples that were in ruins, he fortified Nazareth and Joppa with strong garrisons, provisions, and all other necessary things. Now see and behold, I pray you, whilst Frederick was thus occupied, what practices the pope was about in Italy ; not any whit careful in the affairs of the christian commonwealth, but studying and labouring what mis- chief he might work against the emperor. First, he caused the soldiers, whom the emperor sent for out of Germany to the maintenance of the holy wars, to be stopped as they passed tlirough Italy, preventing their journey, and spoiling them of all such provision as they had. And not only this, but lie sent secretly letters iato Aula to the patriarch of Jerusalem, and the sol- diers that kept the temple and the hospital, enticmg and inciting them to rebel against the emperor ; and, fur thermore, he dissuaded tlie princes of the Saracens, that they should make no league nor truce with F'-ederick, nor deliver up to him the crown and kingdom of Jeru- salem. Which letters, as they were manifest testimo- nies of his treachery and treason towards him, whom God had instituted and made his liege lord and sove- reign, and mightiest potentate upon the earth ; so it was lus will that he should come to the knowledge thereof, and that tliose letters should fall into his hands, that he kept those letters for the more certain testimony of all this, he protests in his last epistle to the christiait princes. When the pope had thus conspired against Frederick, and had betrayed him, as far as he could, to the public enemy of all christians, the Turk, he could not dissem- ble this his mischievous treasons, nor content himself with it, but he must needs devise and practise another. For he incited John, father-in-law to Frederick, to make war against him, and caused the subjects of the empire to withdraw their allegiance from him, as also the inha- bitants of Picenum and of Lombardy ; and thus joining themselves together they sought further assistance of the French king, by which they gained great power. That done, they divided their force in two armies, invading with one the empire, and with the other the territories belonging to the inheritance of Frederick. But when the pope saw, that fortune neither favoured his designs, nor served his longings, he was as a man bereft of his wits, and especially at these tidings of the prosperous success of the emperor against the Saracens. He tore and threw all his letters on the ground, and with all insulting language rebuked and reviled the legates for the emperor their master's sake. These injuries of the pope against Frederick, are great and most wicked treasons. But still his cruel and ty- rannical mind was not contented, but it went so far as is scarce credible, for he not only set variance between Frederick and his son Henry, but also caused the son to become an enemy to the father. And this was the drift of all his policy, that at one instant in different and many places far one from another, war might be made against the emperor. When the emperor understood what commotion the pope kept up in ail his dominions in his absence, think- I ing to prevent the pope's purpose, and also to confirm the friendship of those whom in his absence he found I his trusty subjects ; he left Asia, and with all speed came \ to Calabria. During the time of his being there, he as- sembled his forces, and made all the preparation he could. From thence he went to Berletta, where the duke of Spoletanum, with all his garrisons came to him ; and thence he came into Apulia ; and within a short time, by God's help, recovered again all his dominions there. And then, going into Campania, he won as many towns and holds as the pope had there, even almost to Rome. And i now although the emperor had got this entrance upon \ the pope's dominions, whereby he might have revenged i himself of all the injuries done to him ; yet he preferred nothing before the christian and public tranquillity, for the love of which, restraining his wrath, he sends his legates to treat for peace. Furthermore, to treat for this peace, and decide all controversies, he sent to the jjope eight or ten of the noblest and chiefest about him, l)rinces and dukes of the empire. But yet so great was the insolence and pride of the pope, that by no gentleness or kindness could he be brought to promote the profitable concord of the church and christian commonwealth. O, worthy head, that chal- lenges all authority to himself in the church of Christ, and for his own wilful revenge, cares nothing for the health and advantage of all Christendom 1 The next year a peace was concluded between them, by the help of Leopold of Austria. The pope absolving the emperor of his excommunication, took therefore of him 120,000 ounces of gold, restoring the titles both of his empire, and also of his kingdoms. Although Frederick concluded writh the pope this peace unprofitable for himself, yet he performed thoM A.D. 1193—1250.] THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 181 tilings that were agreed upon faithfully. But the pope, who thought it but a trifle to break his promise, would not stand to the conditions of the peace. For, to pass over other things, he neither restored, as he promised, the customs of the land of Sicily, nor yet the city Castel- lana. Yet Frederick, for the quietness and advantage of the commonwealth, bore and suffered these small inju- ries, and studied in all that he could, as well by liberal gifts as otherwise, to make the pope a trusty friend. Whilst these things were done in Italy and Sicily, great rebellions were moved in Germany against the emperor, by his sons Henry Caesar, and Frederick of Austria. For Henry being now shaken off from his I ;rd pope, by reason of the peace between his father and thi:- pope, began now to make an open claim to the empire. ■Wht-n intelligence of these things was brought to the emperor, he sent his legates, and commanded that both the Ciesar his son, and other princes of Germany, who ha.l assembled their armies, should break up and dis- perse. And as he saw his son made so apparent rebel- lion ag-iinst him, and fearing greater insurrections in Germaay, he thought it good to prevent the same with all expedition. So he determined to go in all haste to Germany with his army, from whence he had now been absent fourteen years. The pope promised the emperor that he would write letters in his behalf to all the princes of Germany, but persuaded him to the utmost of his power, that he should in no case go into Germany him- self. For why ? his conscience accused him that he had written to the nobles in Germany, even from the be- ginning of his papacy, that they should not suffer the emperor, nor any of his heirs, to enjoy the empire ; and had stirred them all up to rebel against him ; and had moved Henry the emperor's son, by his bribes and fair promises to conspire against his father. And to con- clude, he was the author and procurer of the conspiracy which the Lombards then made against him, and fearing lest these things should come now to the emperor's ear, he was greatly troubled. But the emperor not thinking it good at so important a time to be absent, went speedily into Germany. And assembling there a council, Henry Caesar his son, after his conspiracy was manifestly detected, whereof the pope was chief author, was by judgment and sentence of seventy princes, condemned of high treason ; and being commanded by his father to be bound, was brought to Apulii, where, not long after, he died in prison. Furthermore, by public commandment he renounced his son Frederick of Austria, and caused him to be proclaimed an enemy to the public weal. And when he saw that that punishment did not cause him to remember himself, and acknowledge his miscon- duct, the emperor, with a great army, took from him all Austria and Styria, and brought them again under his own obedience and fidelity. Then when he had set Germany in quietness, he left there his son Conrad Caesar, and returned to Italy, to punish such as had conspired against him, whose trea- sons were all detected at the condemnation of his son, chiefly set on by the pope. The pope understanding that the emperor marched towards Italy, pretended himself reconciled, and a friend to Frederick, yet was he not- withstanding a most secret and dangerous enemy. He advised the rebellious to join together, and to fortify strongly their cities with garrisons, that they should send for aid to their friends, and that with all the force they Were able, they should prepare for the war. And he sent his ambassadors to the emperor, to whom, under the pretence of promoting a peace, he had given a secret commandment that they should interdict him and his army, so soon as he came within the borders of Italy. The emperor then prosecuted his purpose, and marched into Italy, where he brought under his subjection those cities that rebelled against him. And then he set upon the great host of the confederators, of whom he took one thousand prisoners, and also their general, and slew several captains, and took all their ensigns. The pope now somewhat dismayed at this overthrow of his confederates, began to fear the emperor ; and whereas before, he wrought secretly and by others, now he goes to woiic with might and main to subdue and deprive the emperor. And although the emperor saw and perceived what hate and mortal malice he bare towards him ; yet, that there should be no fault found in him for the breach of the peace, he sent four legates to the bishop of Rome, who should answer and refute those criminating charges which he laid to him. The bishop, when he understood the ambassadors to be not far from Rome, thought that in hearing the e.\cuse and reasonable answer of the emperor, perhaps he might be pro%-oked to desist from his purpose, so he refused to speak with them, and at the day appointed pronounced the sentence of proscription against him, depriving him of all his dignities, honours, titles, prerogatives, kingdoms and whole empire. And calling the Venetian and Genoese le- gates, he made a peace bet-^^een them, and covenanted with them, that at their charges they should rig and man five- and-thirty galleys, which should spoil and burn all along the sea-coasts of the kingdoms and dominions of Frederick. But when the pope saw the good will and fidelity which the good duke of Venice bare to the emperor, and saw also what aid the emperor had from him, and that he was not likely to win him to his purpose ; then he had recourse again to his old crafty practices and subtilties. And he devised to put forth an edict at Rome to the uni- versal church and people ; wherein he declares the causes why he curses and gives the emperor to the devil of hell, and has dejected him from all his princely dignity. He in the same edict accuses him of many and great crimes, that are detestable even to name. And, besides that, he restrains his sovereign lord and emperor of the appeal, which every private man by law may have. He accuses him of trea- son, perjury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kindred, and all impiety ; he accuses him for an heretic, a schis- matic, and a miscreant : and to be brief, what mischief soever the pope can devise, with that he charges and burthens the emperor. The pope issued two other man- dates, in which he commanded all bishops, prelates, and other of the clergy, that they should solemnly recite the same in their churches instead of their sermon, that by his decree he had excommunicated Frederick out of the fel- lowship of christian men, put him from the government of the empire, and that he had released all his subjects of their allegiance and fidelity towards him. And charges them, and all other christian men, under pain of cursing and damnation, that they neither succour the emperor, nor yet so much as wish him well. Among the other noblemen of Germany at that time, was Otho, a prince of great honour, riches, and estima- tion. This prince, the pope both with fair promises and rewards, enticed from the emperor. Otho again caused three other princes and dukes to revolt from the emperor to the pope. To whom came also Frederick of Austria, his son ; who was easily won to the pope. The emperor was at Patavium when this news was brought to him. Therefore he commanded Peter of Ve- nice his secretary, upon Easter day, to make a narration to the people of his great and liberal munificence to the bishops and church of Rome, and again, of the injuries of them toward him in recompence thereof ; of his inno- cence also in that, of which the pope had accused him, and of the unseemliness of such an act or deed, of the right use of the ecclesiastical censure, and of the errors and abuse of the church of Rome. By which oration of his, he so removed the cloud of blind superstition from many men's hearts, and the conceived opinion of holiness of the church of Rome, and its bishops, and their usurped power, and subtle jjcrsuasion, that they plainly saw the vices of the church of Rome, and of the bishops of that see, as also their fraudulent deceits, and flagitious doings, most vehemently lamenting and complaining of the same. The emperor also, by his letters and legates, gives in- telligence to all christian kings, to the princes of his own empire, to the college of cardinals, and people of Rome ; as well of the pretended crimes wherewith he was charged, as also of the cruelty of the bishop of Rome against him. The copy of which letter or epistle is as follows : — The Emperor to the Prelates of the World. " In the beginning and creation of the world, the in- 182 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. [Book IV. estimable foreknowledge and providence of God (who asketh counsel of none) created in the firmament of heaven two lights, a greater and a less ; the greater he created to rule the day, and the less to rule the night : which two 80 perform their proper offices and duties in the zodiac, that although oftentimes the one be in an oblique aspect to the other, yet the one is not an enemy to the other ; but rather the superior communicates his light to the in- ferior. Even so the same eternal foreknowledge hath appointed upon the earth two authorities, that is to say, priesthood and kingly power ; tlie one for knowledge and wisdom, the other for defence ; that man which is made of two parts, might have two reins to govern and bridle him withal, that thereby peace and love might dwell upon the face of the earth. But alas, the bishop of Rome sitting in the chair of perverse doctrine or pesti- lence, that pharisee anointed with the oil of iniquity above the rest of his consorts in this our time, who for his abominable pride is fallen from heaven, endeavours with his power to destroy and to undo all, and thinks, I believe, to star himself again there, from whence he fell. His purpose is to darken and to shadow the light of our unspotted life, whilst that, altering the verity into lies, his papal letters, stuffed with all untruths, are sent into sundry parts of the world ; of his own corrupt humour, and upon no reasonable cause, blemishing the sincerity of our religion. The lord pope has compared us to the beast rising out of the sea, full of names of blasphemy, and spotted like a leopard. But we say, that he is that mon- strous beast of whom it is said, and of whom we thus read : ' And there went out another horse that was red, and power was given to him that sat thereon to take peace from the earth, and that they should kill one another,' Rev. vi. 4. For since the time of his promotion he has not been the father of mercy, but of discord ; a diligent steward of desolation, instead of consolation, and has en- ticed all the world to commit offence. And to take the words in a right sense and interpretation, he is that great dragon that has deceived the whole world ; he is that antichrist, of whom he has called us the forerunner ; he is that other Balaam hired for money to curse us ; the prince of darkness, who has abused the prophets. This U the angel leaping out of the sea, having his vials filled with bitterness, that he may hurt both the sea and the land ; the counterfeit vicar of Christ, that sets forth his own imaginations. He says, that we do not rightly believe in the christian faith, and that the world is deceived with three manner of deceivers, which to name, God forbid we should open our mouth ; seeing that we openly confess only Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour to be the ever- lasting Son of God, coequal with his Father and the Holy Ghost, begotten before all worlds, and in process of time sent down upon the earth for the salvation of mankind ; conceived by the Holy Ghost ; who was born of the glori- ous Virgin Mary, and after that suffered and died, as touching the flesh ; and by his godhead the third day he raised from death that other nature which he as- sumed in the womb of his mother. But we have learned that the body of Mahomet hangs in the air, and his soul is buried in hell : whose works are damnable and con- trary to the law of the Most High. We affirm also, that Moses was the faithful servant of God and a true teacher of the law ; and that he talked with God in Mount Sinai. By whom also God wrought miracles in Egypt, and delivered the law written to the Israelites, and that after- wards with the elect he was called to glory. In these and other things our enemy and envier of our state, caus- ing our mother the church to accuse her son, has written against us venomous and lying slanders, and sent the same to the whole world. If he had rightly understood the apostle's meaning, he would not have preferred his ■violent will, which bears such sway with him, before reason ; neither would he have sent out his mandates at the suggestion of those who call light darkness, and evil good ; who suspect honey to be gall, for the great good opinion they had conceived of that holy place, which in- deed is both weak and infirm, and converts all truth into falsehood, and affirms that to be which is not. " Truly my opinion, so impartial on every side, ought not in any case to be infringed and turned from the faith to such enemies of so corrupt a conscience. Where- fore we are greatly forced to marvel not a little, which thing also doth much disquiet us to see ; that you, who are the pillars and assistants in the office of righteous dealing, the senators of Peter's city, and the principal beams in God's building, have not remedied the disturb- ances of so fierce a judge ; as do the planets of heaven in their kind, which to mitigate the passing swift course of the great orb or sphere of heaven, draw a contrary way by their opposite movings. In very deed our im- peiial felicity has been, almost from the beginning, spurned against, and envied by the papal see and dignity : as Simonides being demanded why he had no more enemies and enviers of his state, answered : ' Be- cause I have had no good success in any thing that ever I took in hand.' And whereas we have had prosperous success in all our enterprises (the Lord's name be blessed therefore), especially in the overthrow, of late, of our rebellious enemies, the Lombards, to whom in their quarrel he promised life and absolution, with remission of their sins, and this our success is the cause why tii's apostolical bishop mourns and laments. And nov^', not by your counsels, I suppose, he labours to oppose this our felicity, but out of his own power of binding and loosing, of which he glories so much. But presently where power and ability wants redress, there abuse takes place. We see in him who was so mighty a king, and the worthiest prince among all the prophets, a desire and craving of the restitution of God's Holy Spirit, wlien he had polluted the dignity of his office. But the proverb is, ' As things indissoluble are not to be loosed, so things that cannot be bound, are not to be bound.' Which thing is manifestly proved in him. For why, the scriptures of God instruct men how to live, they mortify our souls which are immortal, and quicken the same which are dead for want of life. And doubtless he is able to hum- ble and bring down those that are unworthy of dignity, as much as he pleases, and when he pleases. Doubtless if the bishop of Rome were a true bishop indeed, inno- cent, unpolluted, and not associated with wicked livers and evil men, his life should prove him to be so. He would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice, but a peacable oll'erer of love and charity, and would cense, not with the incense of grief and hatred, but with the sweet smelling incense of concord and unity, neither yet would make of a sanctified office an execrable abuse. If he were sucli a bishop as he ought to be, he would not wrest or abuse the preaching the word into the fruit and gain of his own dissension, neither should we be accused as such an enemy of our mother the true church, as is laid unto her Son's charge by such a bishop. W^hich true and mother church we honour with all reverence, and embrace, being so beautified and adorned with God's holy sacra- ments. Some singular persons notwithstanding, feigning themselves to be our brethren by that mother, and who yet are not, such, I say, as are subject and slaves to cor- ruptible things (putting them from amongst us) we ut- terly reject : especially because injuries done by them are not merely transitory and belonging to this life, where- with our majesty is so molested, vexed, and grieved. Wherefore we cannot so easily mitigate our mood, neither ouglit we in very deed to do so, and therefore are we forced the more to take the greater revenge of them. You therefore that are men of grave and deliberate counsel, having tlie excellent gift (as from God) of wis- dom and understanding ; oppose that roaring enemy of ours in these his proceedings, whose beginnings are so wicked and detestable, wisely comparing things past, with those to come. Otherwise you that are under our subjection, as well of our empire as other our dominions, shall feel and perceive (both of my chief enemy and per- secutor, as also of the princes that are his favourers and adherents) wliat revenge by sword Frederick Augustus shall take upon them, God so permitting." The bishops and prelates, with one consent support- ing the emperor, and contemning the pope's mandates and writs, and also the curses and threatenings of Al- bert his legate, accused, reproved, and greatly blamed his temerity, and also the tyranny which he usurped A.D. 1193— 1250.] THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 183 against the churches of Germany, and especially against the good emperor ; that without his consent he durst be 80 bold as to meddle in churches committed to the em- peror's government against the old and ancient cus- toms ; and that he had excommunicated the emperor without just cause ; that he had condemned the empe- ror's faithful subjects as enemies to the church, for standing with their liege and sovereign prince (which allegiance without horrible iniquity they might not vio- late), and so had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations ; and had also in that quarrel given such defiance to the emperor. They ac- cused and condemned Albert for a most impudent im- postor, and for a most pestiferous botch and sore of the christian commonwealth, and they give him to the devil as a ruinous enemy, as well of the church as of his own natural country, and further think him worthy to have his reward with the rest of the pope's pursuivants, being one of the most wicked inventors and devisers of mischief that were in all Germany. This done, they in- formed the emperor of it by their letters ; and, further, they advertised all the princes of Germany (especially those which were of the pope's faction or rebellion, and were the favourers of Albert), that they should take heed and beware in any case of his subtle deceits and pernicious deceivable allurements, and that they should not assist the pope against the emperor. While these things were thus in working in Ger- many, Frederick came to Etruria, and after he had allayed certain insurrections there, from thence to Pisa, where he was received and welcomed with great amity and honour. This city was always faithful to the emperors of Germany. Frederick then getting on his side the Lucenses, the Volaterans, the Genenses, the Aretines, and several cities besides in Etruria, came to Viterbium, which took part with him. When the pope understood that Frederick was come to Viterbium he was very heavy, for he feared he would come to Rome, the good-will of which city the pope much mistrusted. He, therefore, caused a supplication to be drawn, pourtraying the heads of Peter and Paul, and with a sharp and contumelious oration he much de- faced the emperor, promising everlasting life and the badge of the cross to as many as would arm themselves and fight against the emperor, as against the most wicked enemy of God and the church. Now when the emperor, marching somewhat near to the gates of Rome, beheld those whom the pope had, with his goodly spec- tacle of St. Peter and St. Paul, and with his alluring oration, stirred up against him, and marked with the badge of the cross, coming forth in battle against him ; disdaining to be accounted for the enemy of the church, when he had been so beneficial to it, he made a fierce charge upon them, and soon put them to flight, and as many as he took (cutting off that badge from them) he caused to be hanged. After this, when the emperor had greatly afflicted by battle such as conspired with the pope against him, he marched to vanquish the rest of his enemies in Italy, and besieged Asculinum. There understanding what the pope's assistants had done with the princes elec- tors, and other princes of Germany, he wrote his letters to them. In which, first he shewed how that those con- tumelies and spiteful words, which the pope blustered out against him, are lighted upon himself ; and how the bishops of Rome not only seek to bring emperors, kings, and princes under their obedience, but also seek to be honoured as gods, and say that they cannot err, nor yet be subject or bound to any religion. And further, as princes they command (under pain of cursing) that men believe every thing they say, how great a lie soever it be. Insomuch that by this covetousness of his, all things go backward, and the whole commonwealth is subverted, neither can any enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the church of God than he. He wrote to them further, that he, seeing their good wills and practices towards him, would, with all the power and ability that God had given him, endeavour that he who in the likeness of the shepherd of the flock, and the servant of Christ, and chief prelate in the church, shews himself so very a wolf, persecutor and tyrant, may be removed from that place, and that a true and careful shepherd of God's flock may be appointed in the church. Wherefore he exhorts them, if they desire the safety and preservation of the whole state of the commonwealth and empire, that they be furtherers of his purpose and proceedings, lest otherwise they also should happen to fall into the same snare of servitude with the bishop of Rome. When the pope, as is said before, would not hear the emperor's legates that came to treat for peace, he called to a council at Rome, all such prelates out of Italy, France and England, as he thought to favour him and his proceedings, that thereby, as his last shift and only refuge, he by their help might deprive Frederick of his empire, as an utter enemy to God and to the church. All which things Frederick having knowledge of, deter- mined to prevent their passage to Rome, as well by sea as by land. So that all the passages by land being now stopped and prevented, he commanded his son Henry with certain galleys to go and keep the coasts of Sardinia, and from thence to go to Pisa, and with the Pisans to rig out a navy to meet with such as should come to aid the pope at Rome. The pope's champions understanding they could not safely repair to Rome by land, procured galleys and ships out of Genoa to the number of forty sail for their defence ; thinking that if they should happen to meet with any of the emperor's ships or galleys, they should be able to make their part good, and give them the repulse. Encius in like manner and Huglinus (being captain and admiral of the Pisan navy for the emperor) launched forth to sea with forty ships and galleys ; and met with the Genoese ships, and fiercely began to grapple with them and board them, in which fight at length three of the Genoese ships were sunk, with all the riches and trea- sure in them. In these, three legates of the popes, were taken, of whom were two cardinals, all cruel enemies against the emperor, and many other prelates more ; be- sides a great number of legates and procurators of cities, with an infinite number of monks and priests, besides six thousand soldiers, with others. Pandolph Colonutius, in describing the circumstances of the great loss and misfortune of these champions of the pope by sea, declares that besides the great spoil and booty, they also found many writings and letters against Frederick, which much helped them in the defence of those causes, wherein they had laboured against him. News hereof was brought to the emperor not long after, who immediately led his army towards Rome ; and in the way he reconciled the city of Pisa to the cause. But Fanum, because the townsmen shut their gates and would not sufl'er the emperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed. The emperor, seeing that neither by petition to the pope, nor yet by lawful excuse, could he do any good with him, thought, by his sudden comiiig there, and the tVar of the imminent peril, he might be brought to leave off his])er- tinacity. And although the emperor was too strong for the pope, yet, because he regarded nothing more than the public tranquillity of the enijiire, and that he might then take the Tartar wars in hand, he refused not to treat for peace, as if he had been both in force and fortune much his inferior. While this ruffle was betwixt the emperor and the pope, the emperor of the Tartars' son, invaded the borders next adjoining to him, and there won Roxolanum, Bodolium, Mudanum, with many other cities, towns, and villages, destroying, wasting and burning the countries all about, killing and slaying man, woman, and child, sparing none of any sex or age. At this sudden invasion, the people being in such fear and perplexity, having no city, no re- fuge, nor aid to stand in defence for them, were obliged to leave all that they had, and disperse themselves into woods, and fly into marshes and mountains, or wherever any succour offered itself to them. The emperor though! it very requisite, that this mis- chief should be remedii d and prevented with all speed ; but his great enemy the pope, was the only hinderance. For when he saw and perceived that he himself could do no good, and only laboured in vain in seeking peace with 184 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDl KICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. [Book IV. the pope, he gave commandment to Boiemus and Boius, to intreat and persuade with him. And (considering the imminent peril likely to ensue, by reason of such civil dissension, to the whole state of Christendom) that he would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate some- what his fierce and wrathful mood ; and when he saw further, that neither by that means of intreaty nor any other, the pope would desist from his stubborn and mali- cious purpose, he wrote to the king of Hungary, that he was right sorry and greatly lamented their miserable state, and that he much desired to relieve the need and neces- sity that he and all the rest stood in. But that he could not redress the same, nor be any assistance to him, be- cause as the bisho]) of Rome refused all treaty of peace, he could not without great peril to himself depart out of Italy, lest by tlie pope's mischievous imaginations, he should be in peril of losing all at home. This was the loving zeal and affection of the pope and his adherents in this time of calamity towards the christian state and com- monwealth ; that he had rather bend his force and re- venge his malice upon the good and christian emperor, than either he himself withstand, or suffer and permit, by any profitable peace, that this most bloody and cruel Tartar should be restrained from so great a havock, spoil and slaugh- ter of christian men ; and yet forsooth these men will seem to have the greatest regard of all others to the christian preservation, and think to have the supremacy given therein ! What else is this, but manifest mockery and deceiving of the people. When Frederick saw there was no other remedy, and that he laboured in vain to have peace with the pope, he prosecuted this war to the uttermost ; and when he had got Tudertum, he destroyed the towns of Geminum and Narvia, and gave the spoil to his soldiers ; he gently re- ceived the surrender of Siburnium, and wasted all the country about Rome. The pope, dismayed and troubled, and seeing that things prospered not so well with him and against the emperor as he wished, died for very anger. In the stead of Gregory, succeeded Celestine IV., who, the eighteenth day after he was created pope, also died. When the cardinals were all assembled, they made Sinibald pope, whom they called Innocent IV. Of which election, when Frederick was informed, he was well pleased ; and as he had in all this troublous time been his friend, he hoped that the christian common- wealth would now have been brought to much peace and concord. The legates of Frederick also, with the assistance of Baldwin, the emperor of Constantinople, laboured very dihgently for the conclusion of the promise of peace. And to be brief, every man was in good hope, and looked for no less. But the matter fell out far otherwise, and contrary to all their expectation. For the pope was secretly set on and encouraged by the cardinals and others against Frederick. And while the emperor's le- gates waited for the answer, Rainerus, the cardinal, went secretly to Viterbium with a number of soldiers, and took the town. The emperor, hearing of this, mustered his bands, and with a sufficient force entered the pope's territory to recover Viterbium. From thence he sent ambassadors to Rome, and with them also the emperor of Constanti- nople, and the earl of Toulouse, who he thought were able to do much vrith the pope in the prosecuting of this peace. But when the legates perceived no conclusion of peace was purposed, they began to despair of the matter; and so sent word to the emperor. The emperor yet doubted not, but if he might himself speak with the pope, he should, upon reasonable conditions, accord with him ; so by his legates and letters, he desired him to appoint a place where the emperor might resort to him. The pope seemed to be contented, and appointed a day at Fescennia, where they would talk together ; and the pope promised that he would be there before him, and wait the emperor's coming. But the pope had made a confederacy with the French king against Frederick; and when he knew the three galleys previously hired to be ready, he secretly in the night took ship, and came to Genoa, and from thence to Lyons in France, where, calling a council, he, with a loud voice summoned Fre- derick, and appointing him a day, commanded him there personally to plead his cause. And although his sudden departing out of Italy made plain demonstration of no conclusion of a peace ; yet the most modest emperor, using the innocency and upright, ness of his cause, and as one most desirous of peace and christian concord, sent the patriarch of Antioch, tlie bishop of Panormia andThadeus Suessanus. the president of his court, a most skilful and prudent civilian, to the council of Lyons, who signified to them that the emperor would be there for the defence of his own cause ; and, as tlie day was very short, required a more convenient time for him to repair there. The emperor also sent to in- treat that he would prorogue the day of hearing, till he might conveniently travel thither. But the pope would not give so much as three days' space, in which time the ambassadors assured them of the emperor's presence. When the day was come, the pope, with his confederates, against God's law, against christian doctrine, against both the precept of the law of nature and reason, against the rule of equity, against the constitutions of emperors, and also the decrees of the empire, without any observa- tion of the law, or granting dilatory days, without proof of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded or heard what might be answered therein, taking upon him to be both adversary and judge, condemned the emperor in his absence. What more wicked sentence was ever pronounced ? What more cruel act, considering the person, could be committed ? Or, what thing more brutish could have been imagined or devised ? When the emperor heard of this cruel and tyrannical sentence of the pope, passed and pronounced against him, he thought good by his letters to let all christian princes and potentates understand, as well what injurious and manifold displeasure he had sustained by the four preceding popes in their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this pope, in pronouncing the sentence of judgment and con- demnation against him passing the bounds both of justice, equity, and reason. This policy the pope used to disturb Germany, and the whole empire ; and utterly to destroy and subvert the same. And thus, Germany was divided, some taking part with Frederick the emperor ; some with those that should by the pope's appointment be the electors of the new emperor, and thus was the public peace and quiet broken, and all together in tumult. By these civil wars, Germany suffered no little cala- mity ; in every place was manslaughter and murder, the country spoiled, the towns and villages set on fire and burnt, the churches and temples, wherein the husband- men had put their goods and substance, violated and robbed ; houses were pulled down, the goods divided, and every man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turmoil and contention of deposing and choosing another emperor, in this faction of princes, and this liberty of ^ wearing armour ; in this licence of hurting and sinning, the < impudent boldness of private soldiers, and especially of such as were the horsemen, then counted the better sort of j soldiers, was so great, and their unbridled and unsatiable , desire in robbing, spoiling and taking of booties, catching and snatching all that came to hand, so much, that nothing could be sure and in safety that any good man enjoyed. Otho Boius, however, kept his promise and faith which he had pledged before to the emperor Frede- rick and Conrad his son. Whereupon Philip Javavensis, Albert and others calling a council at Mildorsus by the pope's commandment, sent for Otho, to whom they open- ed the pope's pleasure and commandment. To all which when he had heard, Otho answered, " I cannot marvel at some of you enough, that, when heretofore you persuaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the bishop of Rome, whom you yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist , and that I should take part with the emperor, you your- J selves will not keep your fidelity and promise made to those good princes." And he said, that "he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity, both in their words and deeds, who now call that wicked, unjust and j violent wrong, that but lately they thought equal, just j XD. 1229—1250.] THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 185 i and right." He said further, " that they were ove'-come ' with pleasures, corrupted with superfluity, won with bribes, gaping for honour and estimation ; and that they , neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty and ' office ; but studied how to make dissension and commo- tions, and longed after war and bloody battle." He said further, that for his part he would obey God and his prince, to whom he had sworn fidelity ; and that he nought esteemed the feigned holiness and detestable practices of such prelates. He said he believed in Christ, and would trust to his mercy ; and that he believed how those whom they cursed and gave to the devil, were in the greatest favour with God. However, those prelates took in good part this expostulation of his, and seemed to bear Otho no malice or grudge for what he had said, but to be desirous of peace and unity ; yet not long after Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as the worst. Albert the pope's champion nowbethought himof amis- chievous device against Conrad Caesar the emperor's son. Albert with certain of his confederates, by means of Ulric a chief officer of the monks, came in the dead time of the night into the chamber, where the Coesar with a few others about him was lying down ; and falling upon them, they took some, and slew others ; and finding no other body in the chamber or lodging, they thought that Csesar had been slain among the rest. But he hearing the noise, forsook his bed, and hid himself under a bench, and so escaped their hands. The next day he outlawed or proscribed the bishop and his co.Tipanions, and also the monk's bailiff for treason, and seized upon all the goods of the house. But at the suit of the guiltless monks he released aU to them again, taking by way of fine one hun- dred pounds. Ulric lost his office, and Albert, to escape punishment, took the habit of a monk. Conrad Hochen- folseus, who was the murderer of these men, though he escaped the punishment of man's hand, yet the vengeance of God for the fact he escaped not. For as he was riding in the day time abroad, he was suddenly stricken with a thunderbolt and died. During all this busy and contentious time, it may well oe gathered, that Frederick was not still, but had his hands full suppressing these rebellious Popish tumults, and having done strict execution on those that had con- spired against his person, he came to Cremona and took with him the wisest, most virtuous, and best learned men that there were, thinking with them to have gone himself to Lyons to the pope, and there to have communication with him as well concerning the sentence, as also about the conclusion of some peace, if by any means he might. And when all things were prepared and ready, he took the journey in hand. When within three days' journey of Lyons, he was certified that Parma was taken by the out- laws of sundry factions of the pope ; when he understood this and that the pope was the chief actor, he saw mani- festly it would little prevail to attempt any further the thing he went about, and then at length when he saw no other remedy, putting from him all hope of peace, he prepared himself to the wars with all his force and might. Thus altering his purpose and journey, he took the straightest way into Lombardy, and with an army of sixty thousand men he besieged Parma. In the beginning all things prospered well with Frederick, and had good suc- cess; for he sharply repelled the charges of them that de- fended the city of Parma. And further, Robert Casti- lion, who was the emperor's lieutenant in Picenum near to Auximum, discomfited the pope's army, and slew of them more than four thousand, and took many such as were of the confederate cities prisoners. But this good success and prosperous fortune lasted not long. For when Frederick to recreate himself (as he seldom had his health) rode about the fields with some of his horsemen to hawk and hunt, many of the soldiers wandered and ranged unarmed about the fields. The soldiers in Parma, having this opportunity, entered with all force and speed possible the emperor's camp, which not being strongly fenc%d, nor having gates to shut against them, was a thing easy enough to do. When they had killed and slain a great number of the emperor's soldiers, and had burnt snd destroyed the camp, they came again to Parma. After this also, Richard in another conflict in Picenum, discomfited the pope's soldiers, and slew their captain Hugolinus, besides two thousand others slain and taken prisoners. When Frederick had now again gathered, and new mustered his bands at Dominum, he marched forth to Cremona ; and notwithstanding that there he under- stood of the good success and victory that Encius had at Rhegium, yet he perceived the defection of the most part of Lombardy from him, and he determined to take his journey into Apulia, and when he had there levied a strong and sufficient army, he purposed to make his speedy return again into Lombardy. When news was brought him thither, that Encius his son (coming to aid the Mutinenses against the Bono- nians) was taken prisoner two miles from Mutina ; and that in his absence, the pope's captains, with their bands and garrisons, went throughout all Lombardy, Emilia, Flamminia, and Etruria, to stir and procure the cities to revolt from the obedience of the emperor, and working the same partly by subtle policies, and partly by force and sinister means to bring them to his purpose : he determined, with all the force and power he might by any means procure, to begin afresh, and prosecute this war to the utmost. Nor was it to be doubted but that he would have wrought some marvel- lous exploit and great attempt, but that he was pre- vented by unlooked-for death. When he fell into this ague, which led to his death, he made and ordained his testament. And when to Conrad and his other children he had given and appointed the great and innumerable mass of money which he had collected and levied for the maintenance of his wars, and godly purpose (as it is called) and also had given all his kingdoms and domin- ions (to every one according to their ages and years) he departed this wretched and miserable world. Pandolph writes, that Frederick was very willing to die, and, as they made certain report to him who were present at his death, that his mind was altogether set and bent on heavenly joy and felicity. He died in A. D. 1250, the 13th of December, in the seven-and- fiftieth year of his age, and seven-and-thirtieth year of his reign. This Frederick had not his equal in martial affairs, and in warlike policies none could be compared to him among all the princes of that age : he was a wise and skilful soldier, a great endurer of painful labours, most bold in greatest perils, prudent in foresight, industrious in all his doings, prompt and nimble about what he took in hand, and in adversity most stout and courageous. But as in this corruption of nature, there are few that attain perfection, neither yet is there any prince of such government and godly insti- tution both in life and doctrine as is required of them : so neither was this Frederick without his fault and human frailty, for the writers impute to him some faults wherewith he was stained and spotted. As you have heard of the iniquity and raging pride of the popish church against the lawful emperor ; so now you shall hear how God begins to resist and withstand the corruption of that church, by stirring up certain faithful teachers in sundry countries ; as in Suevia (about A. D. 1240), where many preachers, mentioned in Urspergensis, and also in Crantzius (lib. viii. cap. 16 and 18), preached against the pope. These preachers (as Crantzius saitli) ringing the bells, and calling together the barons in Hallis of Suevia, preached that the pope was a heretic, and that his bishops and prelates were simo- niacs and heretics ; and that the inferior priests and prelates had no authority to bind and loose, but were all deceivers. That no pope, bishop, or priest could re- strain men from their duty of serving and worshipping God ; and therefore such cities or countries, as were then under the pope's curse, might lawfully resort to the re- ceiving of sacraments as well as before. That friars, Dominican, and Franciscan, subverted the church with their preaching. And that the indulgence of the pope was of no value. And thus much I thought here to re- cite, whereby it may appear how the resisting of the pope's usurped power and corrupt doctrine is no new thing in these days in the church of Christ. THE ACCOUNT OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD, BISHOP OF LINCOLN. [Book IV. 186 And not long after rose up Arnold De Nova Villa, a Spaniard, and a man famously learned and a great writer (A. D. 1250), whom the pope condemned among heretics for holding and writing against the corrupt errors of the popish church. His teaching was, that Satan had seduced the world from the truth of Christ Jesus. That the faith (which then christian men were commonly taught) was such a faitli as the devils had ; meaning belike (as we now affirm) that the papists do teach only the historical faith, that christian people (meaning the most part) are led by the pope unto hell. That all monks and nuns are void of charity and damned ; that masses are not to be celebrated ; and that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. And as this Arnold was condemned, so also at the same time John Semeca, the gloss-writer of the pope's decrees, and provost of Halberstat,was excommunicated and deprived of his provostship, for resisting Pope Clement IV. in gathering his exactions in Germany ; and therefore he appealed from the pope to a general council, and had many great favourers on his side, till at last both the pope and he died. Then followed the worthy and valiant champion of Christ, and adversary of antichrist William de St. Amore, a master of Paris, and chief ruler of that university. This William in his time had no small ado writing against the friars, and their hypocrisy, condemning their whole order. All the testimonies of scripture that make against antichrist, he applied against the clergy of prelates, and the popish spirituality. He compiled many worthy works, wherein, although he uttered nothing but truth, yet he was by antichrist condemned for a heretic, exiled, and his books burnt. In the days of this William there was a most detest- able and blasphemous book set forth by the friars, which they called " The Everlasting Gospel," or " The Gos- pel of the Holy Ghost." In which book many abomina- ble errors of the friars were contained, so that the gos- pel of Jesus Christ was utterly defaced, which, this book said, was not to be compared with this Everlasting Gos- pel, no more than the shell is to be compared with the kernel, than darkness to light, &c. Moreover, that the gospel of Christ shall be preached no longer than fifty years, and then that this " Everlasting Gospel " should rule the church, &c. Also, that whatever was in the whole bible, was likewise contained in this new gospel. At length this friars' gospel was accused to the pope, and six persons were chosen to peruse and judge of the book, among whom this William was one, who mightily impeached this pestiferous and devilish book. These six, after perusing the book, were sent to Rome. The friars likewise sent their messenger, where they were refuted, and the book condemned •, but the pope com- manded the book to be condemned not publicly, but privately, wishing to preserve the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own chief champions. Among the others of that age, who withstood the bishop of Rome and his antichristian errors, was one Lawrence an Englishman, and master of Paris ; another was Peter John, a minorite. Lawrence was about the year A. D. 1260; in his teaching, preaching, and writ- ing, he stoutly defended William de St. Amore against the friars. Other things also he wrote, wherein by various proofs and testimonies he argued, that antichrist was not far off to come. The other, Peter John, was about the year A.D. 1290. He taught and maintained many things against the pope, proving that he was antichrist, and that the syna- gogue of Rome was Babylon. To these is to be added Robert Gallus, who being born of a noble parentage, for devotion sake was made a dominican friar about the year A.D. 12'J0. This man calls the pope an idol, who having eyes sees not, neither desires to see the abominations of his people, nor the excessive enormity of their licentiousness, but only to see to the heaping up of his own treasure. It is time that we return to our own country again. Wherein following the course of time, we will now add the bishop of Lincoln, named Robert Grostluad, a man famously learned in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and in all liberal sciences ; his works and sermons are yet ex- tant. He was a man of excellent wisdom, of profound doctrine, and an example of all virtue. He set forth many books concerning philosophy. Afterward being doctor in divinity, he drew out several treatises out of the Hebrew glosses, and translated divers works out of the Greek. Many other works and volumes besides were written by Grosthead. This godly and learned bishop, after many conflicts sus- tained against the bishop of Rome, at length, after great labour and trouble of life, finished his course A.D. 1253. Of his decease Matthew Paris thus writes, (fol. 278) ; — " Out of the prison and banishment of this world (which he never loved) was taken the holy bishop of Lincoln, Robert ; who was an open reprover of the pope and of the king, a rebuker of the prelates, a corrector of the monks, a director of the priests, an instructor of the clerks, a favourer of scholars, a preacher to the people, a persecutor of the incontinent, a diligent searcher of the scripture, a mallet against the Romans, and a con- temner of their doings, &c. What a mallet he was to the Romans in the sequel shall better appear. Pope Innocent had a certain cousin or nephew (so popes were wont to call their sons) named Frederick, being yet young and under years, whom Innocent would needs prefer to be a canon or prebendary in the church of Lincoln, in the time of Robert bishop of that church ; and he directed letters to certain here in England for the execution thereof. It is no great wonder if this godly bishop Robert Grosthead was offended with these letters ; he desei-ves a double commendation, in that he was so firm and con- stant in standing against the pope, according as his an- swer to the pope appears, wherein he denounces the pope's attempt to appoint one who would not be a true pastor, saying, among other things : — " This would be a great apostasy, corruption, and abuse of the seat and fulness of power, and an utter se- paration from the glorious throne of our Lord Jesus Christ, and a near approach to the two principal princes of darkness, sitting in the chair of pestilence, prepared for the pains of hell (i. e. Lucifer and antichrist). Neither can any man, who is faithful to the see, obey with sincere and unspotted conscience such precepts and commandments, or other such attempts, even though proceeding from the high order of angels themselves, but rather ought with all their strength to withstand and rebel against them. Wherefore, my reverend lord, I, like an obedient child, upon my bounden duty of obe- dience and fidelity which I owe to the holy and apostolic see, and partly for love of unity in the body of Christ, do not obey but withstand and utterly rebel against these things contained in the letter, and which espe- cially urge and tend to the aforesaid wickedness, so abo- minable to the Lord Jesus Christ, so repugnant to the holiness of the holy apostolic see, and so contrary to the unity of the catholic faith." Then it follows, in the history both of Matthew Paris, and of Florilegus, in these words : — " That when this epistle came to the knowledge of the pope, he, fuming and fretting with anger and indigna- tion, answered with a fierce look and proud mind, say- ing, What old doting frantic wretch is this, so boldly and rashly to judge of my doings? By St. Peter and Paul, were it not but tliat we are restrained by our own clemency and good nature, we would hurl him down to such confusion thatwewould make him a fable, a gazing- stock, an cxamjile and wonderment to all the world. For is not the king of England our vassal ? and, to say more, our errand-boy or jiage, who may at our pleasure and beck both hamper him, imjunson him, and put him to utter shame ? When the yio]w in his great fury and rage had uttered tliis among his brethren the cardinals, they were scarce able to ai)])t;i!-e his furious violence." Not long after this, this reverend and godly Robert, bishop of Lincoln, ftU grievously sick, and within a few days departed. In the time of his sickness he called to him a certain friar of the preaching order, a man expert and cunning both in i>liysic and divinity, partly to re- ceive of him some comfort of his body, and partly to A.D. 1250—1260.] DEATH OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD.— PROVISIONS MADE AT OXFORD. 1S7 confer with him in spiritual matters. Thus upon a certain day, the bishop reciting the doings of the pope, rebuked and reprehended severely the preaching friars, and the other order also of the minors. The vehemency of his disease more and more increasing, and because the nights were somewhat longer, the third night before his departure, the bishop, feeling his infirmity to grow, directed certain of his clergy to be called to him, that he might be refreshed with some conference or communi- cation with them. To them the bishop mourning and lamenting in his mind for the loss of souls, reproved such detestable enormities of the court of Rome, as, all kinds of avarice, the usury, the simony, the extortion, all kinds of filthiness, gluttony, and their sumptuous apparel in tiiat court ; afterwards he went about to prosecute more, how the court of Rome, like a gulf, never satisfied, ever gaping so wide, that the flood of Jordan might run into his mouth, aspired how to possess himself of the goods of them that die intestate, and of legacies bequeathed without form of law ; and in order the more licentiously to bring this to pass, they used to join the king, as partaker with them in their spoils, extortions, and robbing. "Neither," saith he, "shall the church be delivered from the servi- tude of Egypt, but by violence and force, and with the bloody sword." " And although," saith he, " these be yet but light matters, yet shortly more great and grievous things than these shall be seen." And in the end of this which he scarcely could utter without sighing, sobbing, and weeping, his tongue and breath began to fail, and so his voice being stopped, he made an end of both his speech and life. ( Matth. Paris.) Ye have heard it often complained of, how the pope violently encroached upon the church of England, in giving benefices and prebends to his Italians and strangers, to the great damage and ruin of Christ's flock. This injury could by no lawful and gentle means be reformed ; so about this time it began to be some- what bridled by means of another kind. In the reign of this king, the bishop of London, named Fulco, had given a certain prebend, in the church of St. Paul, to one Rustand, the pope's messenger here in England, who, dying shortly after, the pope immediately conferred the prebend on one of his specials, a stranger as the other was. About the same instant, it befel that the bishop of London also died, by which the vacant bishopric fell into the king's hands, who, hearing of the death of Rustand, gave the prebendship to one John Crakehale, who, with all solemnity, took his installation, not know- ing as yet that it was already bestowed by the pope on another. Not long after, this being noised at Rome, forthwith comes down a proctor, with the pope's letters, to receive collation to the benefice, wherein Jolm Crake- hale had been already installed by the king's donation. This matter coming before Boniface archbishop of Can- terbury, he, inquiring and searching which donation was the first, and finding it was the pope's grant, gave sentence with him against the king ; so that in conclu- sion, the Roman clerk had the advantage of the benefice, although the other had long enjoyed the possession. Thus the pope's man being preferred, and the English- man excluded, after the party had been invested and stalled, he, thinking himself in sure possession, at- tempted to enter the chapter-house, but was not per- mitted, whereupon the pope's clerk, giving place to force and number, went to the archbishop to complain. This being known, certain monks pursued him, and one in the thickness of the throng, who was never after known, suddenly rushed upon him, and cut off his head. This heinous murder being famed abroad, a strict in- quiry was made, but the murderer could not be known; and although great suspicion was laid upon Crakehale, the king's chaplain, yet no proof could be brought against him. But most men thought, that this bloody act was done by certain ruffians about the city or the court, who disdained that Romans should be so enriched with Englishmen's livings. And therefore because they saw the church and realm of England in such subjection, and so mu,;h trodden down by the Romans and the pope's messengers, they thought by such means to prevent them from coming so much into this land. Besides many other matters, I pass over the con- flict,— not between the frogs and the mice which Ho- mer writes of, — but the mighty pitched field, fought A. D. 1259, between the young students and scholars of the university of Oxford, having no other occasion, but the difference of the country where they were bom. For the northerns, joining with the Welch, to try their manhood against the southerns, fell on them with their ensigns and warlike array, so that in the end several on both sides were slain. This heavy and bloody conflict increased among them, and the end was that the nor- thern lads with the Welch had the victory. After fury and fiery fierceness had done what it could, the victors thinking partly of what they had done, partly how it would be taken by the higher powers, and fearing punish- ment, took counsel together, and offered to king Henry four thousand marks, to Edward his son three hundred, and to the queen two hundred, to be released of all pu- nishment. But the king answered that he set a higher value on the life of one true subject than on all they of- fered, and would not receive the money. The king, however, being then occupied in great affairs and wars, and partly involved in discord at home with his nobles, had no leisure to attend to the correction of these uni- versity men. (Matth. Paris.) This that follows concerning the commotion between the king and the nobles, is lamentable, and contains much fruitful example, both for princes and subjects, to see what mischief grows in the commonwealth, where the prince regards not offending his subjects, and where the subjects forget the office of christian patience in suffer- ing their princes' injuries ; therefore, I thought it not unprofitable to occupy the reader a little in perusing this lamentable matter. King Henry married Elenor, daughter of the earl of Provence, a foreigner, by which a great door was opened for foreigners, not only to enter the land, but also to fill the court ; to them the king seemed more to incline his favour, advancing them to greater preferment than his own English lords, which was no little grievance to them. The king, too, by Isabel his mother, who was a foreigner, had several brothers, whom he supported with great livings and possessions, and large pensions, which was another heart-sore and hinderance to his nobles. Over and besides which, there were unreason- able collections of money from time to time, levied by the king, as well on the spirituaUty, as on the laity. By reason of all which collections, the commonwealth of the realm was utterly stripped, to the great impover- ishment of the English. In the year 1260, a great number of aliens resorted to England, and had the management of all principal mat- ters of the realm under the king, which not a little trou- bled the nobility of England. So that Simon Montfort earl of Leicester, offering to stand to death for the liber- ties of the realm, conferred with other lords and barons upon the matter, who, then coming to the king with an humble sort of petition, declared how all his realm, and his own affairs were altogether disposed by the hands and after the wills of strangers, neither profitable to him, nor to the public weal ; for his treasures being wasted and himself in great debt, he was not able to satisfy the pro- vision of his own house. And now therefore, said they, if your highness will please to be informed by our advice, and to commit your house to the guiding and government of your own faithful and natural subjects, we will take upon us to discharge your whole debt within one year, out of our own proper goods and revenues, so as that we within five years may repay ourselves again. To these words so lovingly declared, — so humbly pre- tended,— so heartily and freely off"ered, the king as wil- lingly condescended, assigning to them both day and place where to confer and to dehberate further upon the matter, which should be at Oxford the fifteenth day after Easter. At which day and place all the sUtes and lords, with the bishops of the realm, were summoned to appear. Where an oath was taken, first by the king hiinself, then by the lords, that what decrees or laws should m the said assembly be provided to the profit of the king and of the realm, the same should universaUy be kept and observed 188 THE KING ABSOLVED BY THE POPE FROM HIS OATH MADE AT OXFORD. [Book IV. to the honour of God, and utility of his church, and wealth of the realm. Besides these lords and the king, there were also nine bishops, who swearing to the same, ex- communicated all such as should withstand the provisions there made ; the king holding a burning taper in his hand, and the lords openly protesting to rise with all their force against all that shall stand against the same. In this assembly it was enacted that all strangers and aliens of what state or condition soever, should forthwith leave the realm on pain of death. Various other provi- sions were ordained and established at the same time, that if any held of the king in whole or in part, and should die (while his heir was under age,) the wardship of the heir should belong to the king. Moreover, it was there decreed, that the wool of Eng- land should be wrought only within the realm, neither should it be transported out to foreigners. That no man should wear any cloth, but which was wrought and made within the realm. That garments too sumptuous should not be brought in nor worn. That all excessive and prodigal expenses, wasted upon pleasure and superfluity, should be avoided by all persons. Many other laws and decrees were ordained in this assembly, which continued the space of fifteen days. After the promulgation of the laws many things dis- pleased the king, and he began to repent of his oath. But because he could not at that present otherwise choose, he dissembled for a season. Within a year following, (A.D. 1261), the king sent to the pope, praying both for himself and bis son Edward to be released of their oath made at Oxford. This absolution being easily obtained (or rather bought at the pope's hands) the king stepping back from all that was before concluded, calls another parliament at Oxford, where before the lords and nobles he declared, how in the late council of Oxford they had agreed on certain measures for the common utility of the realm of the king, as they pretended, for the increasing of his treasure, and diminishing his debt ; and thereupon bound themselves with an oath, causing also himself and his son Edward to be bound to the same. But now that they, contrary to their covenant made, sought not so much the profit of him and of the realm, as their own, taking him not as their lord, but going about to bring him under their subjection ; and that moreover his treasure greatly decreas- ing, his debts increasing, and his princely liberality cut short and trodden under foot, they should not marvel, if he henceforth would be no more ruled by their counsel, but would provide himself with some other remedy. And moreover, as to the oath wherewith he and his son stood bound to them, he had sent already to Rome, and had obtained absolution and dispensation of the same, both for him, and his son Edward, and for all others that would take his part. And therefore he required of them to be restored again to that state and condition he had enjoyed in times past. To this the nobility gave answer on the other side, in the number of whom was Simon Montfort earl of Lei- cester, Richard Clare earl of Gloucester, with many more ; whose answer to the king was, " that the provisions made at the council at Oxford, to which they were sworn, they would hold, defend and maintain to their lives' end." All this while, the pope's absolution for the king, although it was granted and obtained at Rome, yet was not brought down in solemn writing. At length, the writing of the king's absolution being brought from Rome, the king soon commanded it to be published throughout the realm, and sends to the French king and other strangers for help ; moreover he seized all his castles into his own hand, rejecting the counsel of the lords, to whose custody they were before com- mitted; also removing the former officers, as justices, the chancellor, with others placed before by the lords, he appointed new ones in their stead. After this followed the year 126.3, in which the barons of England, confederating themselves together, for main- taining the statutes and laws of Oxford, and partly moved with their old dislike conceived against the fo- reigners, joined all their forces, and attacked the foreigners who were about the king. Their goods and manors they wasted and spoiled, whether they were per- sons ecclesiastical or temporal. By reason of this it came to pass, that a great number of foreigners, espe- cially monks and rich priests, were urged to such ex- tremity, that they were glad to flee the land. In the mean time, the king keeping then in the Tower, and seeing the greatest part of his nobles and commons with the Londoners set against him, agreed to the peace of the barons, and was contented to assent again to the ordinances and provisions of Oxford ; although the queen, by all means possible, went about to persuade the king not to assent thereto ; so that as she was endea- vouring to pass by barge from the Tower to Windsor, the Londoners standing on the bridge with their exclama- tions, cursing and throwing of stones and dirt at her, in- terrupted her course, forcing her to return to the Tower again. When this contention was referred to the French king, and he decided against the barons, it wrought in their hearts great indignation, and they hastened home to de- fend themselves with all their strength and power. The king called his council together at Oxford, whence he ex- cluded the university of students for a season ; and hearing that the barons were assembled in a great number at Nor- thampton, went there with his host, and with his ban- ners displayed. The king commanded the barons that were therein, to yield the city to him, or he' would im- mediately destroy them. But they boldly, and with one mind answered. That they would not obey the king's will, but would rather defend themselves and the city, if need were, even to the death. Which the noblemen of the king's part hearing, sent word again, that at least they should come to the wall of the city to speak to the king, if by any means peace might he made. And they, suspecting no deceit, came to the wall. But in the mean time, while matters were reasoned and treated of, the Lord Philip Basset, with mattocks and other instru- ments, undermined the wall of the city ; and the wall fell down, and there was made a great plain, so that there might have gone together forty horsemen abreast. And of this subtlety the foreign monks were thought to be the workers, because they made way and entrance for them that came in. But when they that passed by saw this, and the king's banners were erected ready to enter in, there was a great howling made, and the noise of the people came to the ears of the barons, and they made speed to resist them, but it was all in vain, because they were already prevented by a great company of their enemies. But the clerks of the university of Oxford, (which university by the barons' commandment was translated thither) did the king's men more hurt than the barons, with their slings, long bows, and cross- bows, for they had a banner by themselves, that was set up on high against the king. The king being greatly moved, sware at his entering in, that they should all be hanged. Which when they heard, many of them shaved their crowns, and they that were able ran away as fast as they could. And when the king entered the city, many fled in their armour into the castle, others left their horse and armour, and ran into the churches, and a few were slain, and those were of the common people ; but there was not much bloodshed, because all things were done as upon the sudden. When the city was at length set in quiet, the king commanded his oath to be executed upon the clerks. But his counsellors said to him, " This be far from thee, O king, for the sons of thy nobles, and of other great men of thy kingdom, were there gathered to- gether into the university ; whom if thou wouldst cause _ to be hanged or slain, even they that now take thy part ■ would rise up against thee, not suffering, to the utmost ^ of their powers, the blood of their sons and kinsfolk to be shed." And so the king was pacified, and his wrath against the clerks was appeased. The king then went to Rochester, and raising the siege, proceeded to Tunbridge, and thence he continued his journey to Winchester, where he received to peace the seamen of the haven towns. And three days after, he came to the town of Lewes, and was received into the abbey, and his son Edward into the castle. The barons now drew near to the king ; for they were A.D. 1261 WAR BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS. 18S not far distant from Lewes : and the king's troops being without provision for their horses, it was commanded them to go out and seek for hay : when they were attacked by their enemies, and most of them killed. Then the barons, coming to the full plain, descended there, and girding and trimming their horses, put on their armour. And there the Earl Simon created the earl of Gloucester, and Robert de Vere, and many other new knights. Which being done, he divided and distin- guished his host into four several divisions, and he ap- fointed noblemen to guide and govern every division. n the meantime the king's host came forth, preparing themselves to the field in three divisions, of which Edward the king's son led the first. The most part of the king's army were but young men, for the king thought not that his barons had come so nigh. Their armies being on both sides set in array and order, they exhorted one another on either party to fight valiantly : and after they buckled together, the battle was great, and many horsemen were overthrown even in a moment. But by and by Edward the king's son with his band, as a fierce young gentleman and valiant knight, fell upon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to recoil back a great way, so that the hindmost (thinking by reason of their giving back, that the foremost were slain) ran many of them away. Straightway the Lon- doners, knowing not how the battle went, took to their heels: Edward pursued them with his band, killing them for the space of two or three miles ; for he hated them because they had rebelled against his father, and dis- graced his mother when she was in her barge upon the Thames, as is before mentioned. Whilst Prince Edward was thus in chase of the Londoners, the main division of the barons set upon the king's main division, of which the king of Almain the brother of King Henry had the leading, who was soon discomfited, and he with his son Henry and other captains taken prisoners, the reserve where the king himself fought was immediately attacked, and he seeing his knights and soldiers on every side about him beaten aown and slain, and his soldiers forsaking the field, re- tired into the abbey, and shutting up the gates, caused them to be strongly guarded with soldiers. The barons thus getting the field, after a long fight, and many men on both sides slain, entered the town of Lewes. In the mean time, when Prince Edward returning from the chase of the Londoners, came to the place where the bloody battle had been fought, and saw the great discomfiture and overthrow, which in his absence, had happened with great slaughter, his heart was much dismayed, and his countenance altered. Yet comforting and encouraging his knights and soldiers, of whom he had a valiant company, he marched in battle array toward the town ; against whom came the barons again with all their power. And thus was begun between them a fresh field and new battle, and many men slain on both sides. But at length the earl de Warenia, with the king's two brothers, forsook the field and fled : after whom went more than seven hundred chosen soldiers, who were of their house and family, who the same day came to Pevensy, and there took shipping over the sea. Also Hugh Bigot, with several others, fled, and left the valiant prince fighting in the field : upon which he re- treated to the town. And when he found not the king at the castle, he went from thence to the abbey where he was. In the meantime the town was divided into parts, some fighting, some spoiling, some getting booties. But when within a while the barons had assembled some company, they gave an assault upon the castle, thinking to have rescued John Gifford and others, whom the king's soldiers had taken prisoners and put therein. But the soldiers within manfully defended it, and in throwing out balls of wild-fire for the defence of it, they fired part of the town. Then the barons retired and left the castle, and purposed to have set upon the abbey where the king and Prince Edward his son was, which also was set on fire by the assault given to the castle ; but yet it was shortly recovered and quenched. Then Edward the king's son, perceiving the bold enterprize of the barons, prepaied with the courageous knights and soldiers, who yet remained within the abbey, to have issued out, and to have given a new charge upon them. But the barons, perceiving that, sent to the king messengers to intreat a truce for that day, and on the morrow to talk and conclude of a further peace between them, when Prince Edward was given as hostage for the king and his party, and Henry, son of the king of Almoin, for his father. In this year also, Boniface, archbishop of Canter- bury, a foreigner, having been some years beyond the seas in disgrace with the king of England, upon occa- sion of some misdemeanour, the king being of a relent- ing nature, and bearing much with clergymen's inso- leucies, consulted with his nobles about the return of Boniface into England. After much ado, we read that Boniface returned, and becoming more holy towards his death, he went with other bishops to the king, requesting him, that being mindful of the decay of his kingdom, by ecclesiastical livings bestowed upon foreigners, he would hereafter prefer learned and godly men of his own nation. The king answered that he would willingly do it. " Where- fore I think it meet that you, who are yourself a foreigner and unlearned, and also my brother Ethelmer, bishop of Winchester, whom I have preferred to such dignities only for kindred's sake, should first give ex- amples to others, and forsake your churches, and I will provide other learned men to serve in tliem." Which answer of the king so pierced this Boniface, that he al- ways after lived a wearisome life in England. Where- fore, perceiving himself to be disliked of the king and the people, he desired to return into his country. And thereupon first felling and selling the woods, letting out the archbishopric, taking great fines of his tenants, and making a great mass of money of the clergy of his pro- vince, he went with the curse of all men unto Savoy, and soon after died. After the death of Pope Urban, succeeded Pope Clement IV. (A. D. 1265.) Clement (as affirmeth Nic. Trivet) was first a married man, and had wife and children, and was solicitor and counsellor to the French king ; then after the death of his wife, was bishop ; and afterwards archbishop of Narbon ; and at last made car- dinal ; and being sent as legate by Pope Urban, was in his absence elected pope by the cardinals. Now, after all the tumults and broils of the king and his barons, to the vexation of the whole land, it was thought meet and necessary that all parties at variance should be reconciled. Whereupon peace was made be- tween them. The king now was at leisure to reform the abuses of the church ; and as he considered that non-residence being a blame-worthy abuse, required reformation, he wrote his mind to the bishop of Hereford for the redress of the same ; his letter, because it is memorable, and the matter contained in it is applicable to non-residents of our time, we have here inserted it. A Letter of King Henry JIT. to the Bishop of Hereford concerning Non-reaidence. The king to the bishop of Hereford sendeth greetin;:; v Pastors or shepherds are set over flocks, that by exercis- ing themselves in watching over them day and night, tliey may know their own cattle by their look, bring the hun- ger-starved sheep into the meadows of fruitfulness.and the straying ones into one fold by the word of salvation, and the rod of correction ; and to do their endeavour, tliat indissoluble unity may be kept. But some there are who damnably despising this doctrine, and not knowing how to discern their own cattle from others, take away the milk and the wool, not caring how the Lord's flock may be nourished ; they catch up the temporal goods, and who perishes in their parish with famishment, or miscarries in manners, they regard not ; which men de- serve not to be called pastors, but rather hirelings. And even we in these days, when removing ourselves into the borders of Wales, to take order for the disposing of the garrisons of our realm, have found this default in your church of Hereford; we report it with grief; for we have m PRINCE EDWARD ESCAPES FROM CUSTODY.— BATTLE OF EVESHAM. [Book IV found there a church destitute of a pastor's comfort, as having neither bishop nor official, vicar nor dean, that may exercise any spiritual function and duty in the same. But the church itself, which in time past was wont to flow in delight, (and had canons that attended upon service day and night, and that ought to exercise the works of charity, they forsaking the church, and leading their lives in countries far hence,) hath put off her stole or robe of pleasure, and fallen to the ground, bewailing her widow- hood, and there is none among all her friends and lovers that will comfort her. Verily while we beheld this, and considered diligently, pity did move our bowels, and the sword of compassion did inwardly wound our heart very sore, that we could no longer dissemble so great an injury done to our mother the church, nor pass the same over uncorrected. " Wherefore we command and straitly charge j'ou, that all occasions set aside, you endeavour to remove yourselves with all possible speed unto your church, and there per- sonally execute the pastoral charge committed unto you in the same. Otherwise we will you to know for cer- tainty that if you have not a care to do this, we will ■wholly take into our own hands all the temporal goods, and whatsoever else does belong unto the oarony of the same church, which goods, it is certain our progenitors of godly devotion have bestowed thereupon for spiritual exercise sake. And such goods and duties as we have commanded hitherto to be gathered and safely kept and turned to the profit and commodity of the same church, the cause now ceasing we will seize vipon ; and suffer no longer that he shall reap temporal things, who fears not unreverently to withdraw and keep back spiritual things, whereunto by office and duty he is bound ; or that he shall receive any profits who refuses to undergo and bear the burthens of the same. Witness the king at Hereford, the first of June, in the forty- eighth year of our reign." But leaving these affairs of the church, and church- men, we will now enter into other troubles of the tempo- ral state. You heard before of a pacification concluded between the king and his barons, when Prince Edward was given as hostage (A.D. 1264.) But it came to pass among the lords and barons, that no such firm recon- ciliation was made as was likely to last long. For in the year 126."), the sons of the Earl Simon did that which much displeased the earl of Gloucester : inso- much that he challenged Henry, the eldest son of the Earl Simon Montfort : this affair, however, was settled without fighting, but afterwards the earl of Gloucester sent to the Lord Roger Mortimer, who always took the king's part, desiring that they two might talk together about the interests of the king. When they met, the earl of Gloucester shewed him all that he purposed to do, and lamenting that he had so offended the king, said he would now make amends, and would deliver Prince Ed- ward, so they sent secretly to Robert the brother of the earl of Gloucester, who was near about the Earl Simon, and made him consent with them. And to work this more circumspectly, Roger Mortimer sent to Edward, the king's son, a horse excelling all others in fleetness, to wliich he might safely trust, when he saw conveni- ent opportunity. After which things thus contrived. Prince Edward desired leave of the Earl Simon to prove his courser against such time as he should ride at the tilt. As soon as he had got leave, and that with gallop- ing and ranging the field, he had wearied several of their horses : at the last, getting up uj)on that fleet horse which was sent for that purpose, and spying a servant on horse- back coming toward him with two swords, he turned about to his keeper, and to others that were with him, saying, *' My loving lords, tlius long have I kept your company, and have been in your custody ; and now not purposing to use your company any longer, I commit you to God." And quickly turning his horse about, put to the spurs, and away he went. The others pricked after apace, but could not overtake him. When the prince's escape was publicly known, much people came to him out of every quarter, with great joy. Among whom the first was the earl of Gloucester, and the other soldiers of the king, and within a short space he had a great and a mighty host. Which when the Earl Simon understood, he muc- doubted and mistrusted himself ; and sending into Wale: he got from thence a great many men, and augmented his force as strongly as he could from every part (; England. He sent also Simon his son to the nobleaie of the northern parts, that with all possible speed b might bring them with him ; who with a great com pany came with him, and staid a while at Kenilwortl and there pitched their tents. And when this was de clared to Edward, he pre]iared himself in the night, t go to the place where Simon and his company ha pitched. In khe morning they were very early in armin themselves, and met some of their enemies stragglin loosely, and thinking to have gone a foraging ; whom thei took, and with their fresh horses new horsed their sol diers that had their horses tired with long travel. An' so marching forward, came very early in the mornin; upon their enemies, whom for the most part they fount sleeping ; and laying lustily about them, they slew seve ral ; some they took, the rest they put to flight, ani fifteen of their chiefest ensigns they took, with man- other rich spoils. But when Edward heard that Earl Simon was comingto ward Kenilworth, to join with his son's battle, he march ed forward to meet him the third day after at Evesham Edward caused his own standards and ensigns to be takei down, and young Simon's, which he had taken, to bi displayed ; so that the Earl Simon thinking them to havi been his son's army, and not knowing of his overthrow was deceived, till his scout the better to descry them went up to the abbey steeple, wkere he could plainly dis cern them and all their standards ; for by this time the; had mounted the hill, thinking to have that advantage when they should give their charge, and they had also dis played again his own standards. Then he cried aloud t( the Earl Simon, and said, " We are all but dead men ; fo it is not your son, as you suppose, that comes, but it i Edward the king's son that comes from one part, and thi earl of Gloucester from another part, and Roger Morti mer from the third part." Then said the earl, " The Lon be merciful to our souls, forsomuch as our bodies and live: are now in their hands;" commanding that every mai should make himself ready to God, and to fight out the field for that it was their wills to die for their laws, and in a jus quarrel. And such as would depart, he gave leave to go thei ways, that they should be no discouragement to thi rest. Then came to him his eldest son Henry, and comfortec him, desiring him to have no despair, nor yet mistrust n the good success of this victory, with other such cheerfu words. " No, my son," says he, " I despair not ; but yet it is thy presumption, and the pride of the rest of th) brethren that has brought me to this end you see ; not- withstanding, yet I trust I shall die to God, and in ( , righteous quarrel." After words of comfort given to all his host, and the oration made as is the manner, they all armed themselves. The king also (whom the earl alwajsi kept with him) he armed in an armour of his own : and then dividing their battles, they marched towards theii| enemies. But before they joined, the Welshmen ranj away, and thinking to escape over the river Dee, soraei were drovs'ned, and some slain. Then when the battle joined and they fought hand to hand, in a short time many of the earl's party fell and were slain ; the kingi himself being struck at, cried with a loud voice to them,| saying, " Kill me not, I am Henry your king :" by which^ words, the Lord Adam Monthaut knew him, and saved him. Also Prince Edward his son, hearing his cry, came and delivered him to the guard and care of certain knights. In the mean time the Earl Simon was hard beset and beaten, and slain before Edward the prince came at him. But before he fell, when he fought for his life, and his son Henry, and other noblemen on his part were about him, he brake out into these words to his enemies, say- ing, " What ! is there no mercy and compassion with you .•"' Who again answered, " What compassion should there be shewed to traitors ?" Then said he, " The Lord be merciful to our souls, our bodies are in your hands.^ ' And so soon as these words were spoken, they mangled his body, and cut oflf his head, which head Roger Mortimer A.D. 1264— 1271.] PRINCE EDWARD WOUNDED BY AN ASSASSIN. 191 gent to his wife. And not far off from him also was slain Henry his eldest son. After this great slaughter and overthrow there was a parliament summoned at Winchester by the earl of Gloucester, and others. Here it is to be remembered, that although the king was in the camp of the earl of Leicester, being then in custody, and his son Edward with the earl of Gloucester, yet the king was on that side against his will, and therefore in the parliament the king was restored to his kingly dignity, which was be- fore that time under the custody of the barons. Soon after, a general voyage being proclaimed to war against the Turks, and a subsidy being collected in Eng- land for the same, Prince Edward, with others,were appoint- ed to take their voyage, and were now on their journey. After some stay in Sicily, Prince Edward took ship- ping again, and soon after Easter arrived at Acre, and went ashore, taking with him a thousand of the best and roost expert soldiers, and tarried there a whole month, refreshing both his men and horses, and that in this space he might learn the secrets of the land. After this he took with him six or seven thousand soldiers, and marched forward twenty miles from Acre, and took Nazareth ; and slew all those that he found there, and afterwards returned again to Acre ; b\it their enemies following after them, thought to have attacked them unawares. The prince perceiving this, again charged, and slew many of them, and put the rest to flight. WTien the fame of Prince Edward thus grew among his enemies, and they began to fear him, they devised among themselves how by some policy they might circumvent and betray him. Whereupon the great prince and admiral of Joppa sent to him, pretending, with great hypocrisy, to become a christian, and that he would draw with him a great number besides, provided they might be honour- ably entertained and treated by the christians. This pleased the prince well, and induced him to finish the thing, he had begim so well, by writing again ; he also sent by the same messenger, and wrote back to him several times about the matter, by which no distrust should arise. When this messenger came the fifth time, and was searched by the prince's servants, ac- cording to custom, to see what weapon and armour he had about him, as also his purse ; and when not so much as a knife could be found about him, he was brought up into the prince's chamber, and after doing homage, he pulled out certain letters, which he delivered to the prince from his lord, as he had done before ; at which time the prince was laid bareheaded upon his bed in his jerkin, for the great heat of the weather. Wlien the prince had read the letters, it appeared by them, that upon the Saturday next following the prince of Joppa would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised. The report of this news by the prince to those standing by pleased them well, and they drew somewhat back to consult about it among themselves. In the meantime the messenger kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince (ques- tioning further with him) put his hand to the belt, as though he would have pulled out some secret letters, and suddenly he pulled out an envenomed knife, think- ing to have stricken him therewith as he lay there on the bed ; but the prince lifting up his hand to defend his body from the blow, received a great wound in the arm : and the assassin being about to fetch another stroke at him, the prince with his foot gave him such a kick that he felled him to the ground. With that the prince got him by the hand, and wrested the knife from him with such violence, that he hurt himself with it in the forehead, but immediately thrust the traitorous messenger through and slew him. The prince's ser- vants being in the next chamber not far off, hearing the bustling, came running in with great haste, and finding the messenger lying dead on the floor, one of them took up a stool and beat out his brains ; at which the prince was angry, because he struck a dead man, and one that was killed before. The rumovir of this attack being so strange, soon went throughout all the court, and from thence among the common people, so that they were very heavy and greatly discouraged. The captain of the temple also came to the prince, and brought him a costly and precious drink against poison, lest the venom of the knife should penetrate the blood ; and in a blaming way said to him, " Did 1 not shew your grace be- fore of the deceit and subtilty of this people ? Notwith- standing," saith he, " let your grace take a good heart, you shall not die of this wound, my life for yours." But the surgeons and physicians were immediately sent for, and the prince's wound was dressed, and within a few days after it began to putrefy, and the flesh to look dead and black ; whereupon they that were about the jjrince began to be very sad and heavy : which he perceiving, said to them, " Why do you whisper thus among your- selves ? What see you in me, can I not be healed ? Tell me the truth, be ye not afraid." Whereupon one said to him, " Your grace, you may be healed, we mis- trust it not ; but yet it will be very painful for you to suffer." — " May suffering," said he again, " restore health ?" — " Yea," saith the other, " on pain of losing my head." — " Then," said the prince, " I commit myself to you, do with me what you think good." Then said one of the physicians, " Is there any of your nobles in whom your grace reposes special trust ?" To whom the prince answered, " Yea," naming certain of the noblemen that stood about him. Then said the physician to the two whom the prince first named, the Lord Edmund, and the Lord John Voisie, " And do you also faithfully love your lord and prince ?" Who answered both, " Yea, undoubtedly." Then saith he, " Take you away this gentlewoman and lady (meaning his wife) and let her not see her lord and husband until such a time as I tell you." Whereupon they took her out of the prince's presence, crying out and wring- ing her hands. Then said they unto her, " Be ye con- tented, good lady and madam ; it is better that one woman should weep a little while, than that all the realm of England should weep a great season." Then upon the morrow they cut out all the dead envenomed flesh out of the prince's arm, and said to him, " How cheers your grace ? We promise you within these fif- teen days you shall shew yourself abroad (if God per- mit) upon your horseback, whole and well as ever you were." And according to the promise he made the prince so it came to pass, to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subjects. When the great Soldan heard of it, and that the prince was yet alive, he would scarcely believe the same ; and sending to him three of his nobles and princes, he excused himself by them, calling his gods to witness, that the same was done neither by him, nor with his consent. Which princes and messengers standing aloof from the king's son, worshipping him, fell flat upon the ground. " You," saith the prince, " do reverence me, but yet you love me not." Nevertheless he treated them honourably, and sent them away in peace. Thus when Prince Edward had been eighteen months in Acre, he took shipping, returning homeward, and came to Rome, where he was honourably entertained by the pope ; from thence he came into France, where his fame and noble prowess was much celebrated among the common people, and envied by the nobility, especially by the Earl de Chalons, who sent him and required him that he might break a staff with him at a tilt in his country. As the prince would not diminish his honour and fame by declining the challenge (although he might have well alleged sufficient excuse), he willingly con- sented ; whereupon it was proclaimed, that Prince Ed- ward by such a day, with those that were with him, had challenged all comers at the tilt and barriers. Then great assemblies were made in the country all about, and several horsemen as well as footmen had sworn among themselves, and conspired against the English- men, selling their horses and armour aforehand, and drinking one to another in good success of the spoil of them whom they would take as their prisoners. Prince Edward in the meantime sent into England for certain earls and barons to come to him. When the day ap- pointed was arrived, the prince had with him more than one thousand horsemen, who were knights, besides his footmen, but yet there were as many more on the other 192 THE POPE ENCOURAGES THE SCOTS TO RISE AGAINST EDWARD I. [Book IV. side both in horsemen and footmen. When the parties met the French footmen, who had before conspired, began both to spoil, rifle, and kill the Englishmen, who resisted and defended themselves both with bows and slings; slew many of the Frenchmen, and drove them to the gates of their city ; the others they chased over a river, where many of them were drowned. In the meantime the Earl de Chalons, with fifty of his knights who followed him, came forth and joined battle with a like number of the prince's followers, and a long time together they tried it with their swords, laying one at another. At the last the earl perceiving himself not able to match with Prince Edward at the arm's end, closed with him, and takir.g him about the neck, held him with his arms very tight. " What mean you, my lord," said the prince, " think you to have my horse ?" — " Yea, marry," said the earl, " I mean to have both thee and thy horse." Ilereat Prince Edward, being indignant, lifted up him- self, and gave him such a blow, that therewith he, for- saking his horse, hung still about the prince's neck, till he shook him off to the ground, and the prince, being somewhat in a heat, left the grounds to take the air, thereby to refresh himself. But when he saw the injury of the French towards his men, and how they had slain many of them, he said to them, that they used rather the exercise of battle, than of tourney. " Spare ye not, therefore," said he, " from henceforth, any of them all, but give them again as good as they give you." Then they began to kill each other freely on their part, and let their swords work. And when by this time the English footmen were again returned, and saw the conflicts of the horsemen, and that many of the Englishmen were overthrown ; they put themselves amidst the grounds ; and some stabbing the horses, some cutting asunder the girths of the French- men's saddles, they overthrew the riders. Then when the Earl De Chalons was horsed again by some of his men and had come among the throng. Prince Edward also rushed in among the thickest, and coupled again with him, and cried to him that he should yield himself as vanquished ; but he would not do so, notwithstanding when his strength began to fail him, he was obliged to yield himself to a simple knight, according as Prince Ed- ward bade him, and all the rest of his horsemen and knights fled and saved themselves. However, many of them were slain in that place, and the Englishmen re- turned having the victory. But when after this they ex- pected to be quiet and at rest, the citizens attacked them unawares by two and by three at once, and killed some of them as they went in the streets. When the prince heard this, he sent for the mayor and burgesses, commanding them to see this matter redressed, and that immediataly : for otherwise, by his knighthood he assured them, that upon the morrow he would fire the city, and make it level with the ground. Upon which they went, and set watchmen in many places to keep peace, by which means the prince and his men were in safety and quiet. Thus in this pastime of tourneying, much blood was spilt. From thence the prince came to Paris, and was honour- ably entertained by the French king, and after certain days, he went from thence into Gascony, where he stayed till he heard of the death of the king his father. KING EDWARD THE FIRST. Edward the eldest son of Henry III., as soon as he heard of his father's death, returned from Gascony home to his country, and was crowned (A.D. 1274.) He then laid down his crown, saying lie would no more put it on, before he had gathered together all the lands appertaining to the same. Of the gentle nature of this courageous prince, sufficient proof is given by this one example ; at one time he being engaged in his sport of hawking, hap- pened sharply to rebuke the negligence of one of his gentlemen, for what fault I cannot tell, about his hawk ; the gentleman being on the other side of the river, hear- ing his menacing words said, " he was glad that the river was between them." The courageous blood of this prince being moved with this answer, he leaped straight into the flood, which was a swift stream and of a dangerous deep- ness, and Qo less hard in getting out : notwithstanding, either forgetting his own life, or neglecting the present danger, and having a good horse, he ventured his own death, to have the death of his man. At length, with much difficulty recovering the bank, with his sword drawn he pursued his provoker, who having not so good an horse, and seeing himself in danger of being overtaken, reined in his horse, and returning back bareheaded to the prince, submitted his neck under his hand to strike. The prince, whose courage and passion could not be quenched by the water of the whole river, so cooled at the little submis- sion of this man that the quarrel fell, his anger ceased, and his sword was put up without any stroke given. And so both returned to the hunting good friends again. As Edward urged his claim to Scotland as well as Eng- land, and pursued it by force of arms, and as the Scots, &c., saw they could not make their party good, they sent privily to pope Boniface for his aid and counsel, who im- mediately sent down his precept to the king, that he should cease to disquiet or molest tlie Scots, for that they were a people exempt from his jurisdiction and properly pertaining to the papal chair. The king briefly madef answer, swearing with an oath, that he would to his ut. termost keep and defend that which was his right, evi- dently known as it was to all the world. Thus the Scots bearing themselves bold upon the pope's message, and also confederating themselves with the Frenchmen, passed over that year. The next year (which was the '29th ofthe king). Pope Boniface directs his letters again to theking, wherein he claims the kingdom of Scotland to be the pro- perty of the church of Rome, and not subject to the king of England. And therefore it wasagainst God, againstjustice, and also prejudicial to the church of Rome, for him to have or to hold any dominion over the same ; adding fur- thermore, that the kingdom of Scotland first was con- verted by the relics of the blessed apostle St. Peter, through the divine operation of God, to the unity of the catholic faith ! The king, after he had received these letters of the pope, assembled a parliament at Lincoln : by the advice of which he addressed letters in reply to the pope, where- in first in all reverend manner he desires him not to give a light ear to the sinister suggestions of false reports, and imaginers of mischief. Then he declares out of old re- cords and histories from the first time of the Britons, that the realm of Scotland had always from time to time been one with England, beginning first with Brutus in the time of Eli and Samuel the prophet, which Brutus, coming from Troy to this isle, called then Albion, after called by him Britannia, had three sons ; Locrinus, tot whom he gave that part of the land, called then of hinu Loegria, now Anglia ; Albanactus his second son, to whom he gave Albania, now called Scotia, and his third son' Camber, to whom he gave Cambria, now called Wales, &c. — The letter then continued : " And thus much concerning the first division of tM» isle, as in ancient histories is found recorded. In which: matter, passing over the deatli of King Humber, the acta of Dunwald king of this realm, the division of Belyn andf Brenne, the victories of King Arthur, we will resort (saitb the king) to more near times, testified and witnessed by« sufficient authors, as Marian Scot, William Malme8-( bury, Roger Abyndon, Henry Huntington, Radulph ds Bizoto and others ; all of whom make special declaration^, and give manifest evidence of the execution of this our right (saith he) and title of superiority ever continued and preserved hitherto. " And first to begin with King Edward before the con- quest, son to Alfred king of England, about A.D. yOO, it is plain and manifest, that he had the king? of Scots under his dominion and obedience. And here is to be noted, that this matter was so notoriou* and manifest, that Marian the Scot, writing that history in those days, grants, confesses and testifies the same ; and this dominion continued in that state twenty-three years. At which time, Athelstane succeeded to the crown of England, and having by battle conquered Scotland, he made one Constantine king of that party, to rule and go- vern the country of Scotland under him, adding thi* princely word, that it was more honour to him to makv a king, than to be a king. A.D. 1274—1303.] VARIANCE BETWEEN THE FRENCH KING, AND BONIFACE VIII. 193 "T.veiity-four years after that, (which was A.D. 947; Eldred the king our progenitor, At:iel=tane's brother, re- ceived homage of Irise, tlieii king of Scots. " Thirty years after that, (which was A.D. 977), King Edgar our predecessor received homige of Kyuald king of Scots. Here was a little trouble in England by the death of St. Edward king and martyr, destroyed by the deceit of his mother-in-law, but yet within memory. " Forty years after the homage done by Kynald to King Edgar, (that is to say, A.D. 1017,) Malcoliue the king of Scots did homage to Canute our predecessor. Af- ter this homage done, the Scots shewed some piece of their natural disposition, whereupon, by war made by our progenitor St. Edward the Confessor, tliirty-and-nine years after that homage done, (that is to say, A.D. 1056') Malcoline king of Scots was vanquished, and the realm of Scotland given to Malcoline his son by our said proge- nitor St. Edward, unto whom the said Malcoliue made homage and fealty. " Within fifty years after that, William the Conqueror entered this realm, whereof he accounted no perfect con- quest until he had likewise subdued the Scots ; and there- fore in the same year (A.D. lOtiS), the said Malcoline king of Scots did homage to the said William the Con- queror as his superior, by conquest king of England. " Twenty-five years after that, (wliich was A.D. 109.'>) the said Malcoline did homage and fealty to William Rufus,son to the said William the Conqueror, and yet after that, he was for his offences and demerits deposed, and his eoa substituted iu his place ; who likewise failed in his duty. Edgar brother to the last Malcoline, and son to the first, was ordained king of Scotland by the said Wil- liam Rufas, who did iiis homage and fealty accordingly. " Seven years after that, (which was in A.D. 1100), the said Edgar, king of the Scots, did homage to Henry I. cur progenitor. " Thirty-seven years after that, David king of Scots did homage to Matilda the empress, as daughter and heir to Henry I. Wherefore being after required by Stephen, then obtaining possession of the realm, to make his ho- mage : he refused so to do, because he had before made it to M itilda, and thereupon forbare. After David's death, which followed shortly after, tiie soa of the said David made homage to King Stephen. " Fourteen years after that (which was in A.D. 1150), William king of Scots, and David his brother, with all the nobles of Scotland, made liomage to the sou of Henry II., with a reservation of their duty to Henry 11. his father. "Twenty-five years after that (which was in A.D. 1175), William king of Scotland, after much rebellion and resist- ance, according to their natural inclination (king Henry II. then being in Normandy)acknowledged finally his er- ror, and made his peace and composition, confirmed Vvfith his great seal, and tlie seals of the nobility of Scotland, making therewith his homage and fealty. " Within fifteen years afcer that (which was in A.D. 1190), the said William king of Scots came to our city of Canterbury, and there did homage to our noble proge- nitor King Richard I. " Fourteen years after that, the said William did ho- mage to our progenitor King John, upon a hill besides Lincoln, making his oath upon the cross of Hubert, tiien archbishop of Canterbury, being there present, and a marvellous multitude assembled for that purpose. "Twenty-six years after that (which was iu A.D. 1230), Ale.\aaJer king of Scots married INIargaret the daughter of our progenitor Henry III. at our city of York, in the feast of Christmas. At which time the said Alexander did his homage to our said progenitor, who reigned in this realm fifty-six years. And therefore between the homage made by the said Alexander king of Scotland, and the homage done by Alexander, son to the said king of Scots, to us at our coronation at Westminster, there was about fifty years. At which time, the said Alexander king of Scots repaired to the said feast of our coronation, aud there did he his duty as is aforesaid." In the year 1303, William Wallace in his rebellion, gathered great multitudes of the Scots to withstand the king, till at length he was taken, and sent up to London, and there executed. After which the king held his par- liament at Westminster. Slioitly after, Robert Bru>;e, forgetting his oath to the king, within a year or two after this, by the counsel of the abbot of Stone, and the bishop of St. Andrews, sent to Pope Clement V. for a dispensation of his oath ; insinuating to him, tliat King Edward vexed and grieved the realm of Scotland wrong- fully. Whereupon the pope wrote to the king to leave otf such doings. Notwithstanding which inhibition of the pope, the king prosecuting his own right, gathered his men, and set otf to Scotland, where joining battle with Sir Robert and all his army of Scotland in a plain, near to St. John's Town, he put him to fiiglit, and so chased the Scots, tiiat there were slain of them to the number of seven thousand. In which victory, such bishops and abbots as were taken he sent to the pope ; the temporal lords and other Scots he sent to London. Sir Robert Bruce after this discomfiture, when he had thus lost both the field and his chief friends, fled into Norway, When this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots, he yielded thanks to God for his victory, and returned to London, which was the thirty-fifth and last year of his reign. Now touching the variance and dissension between Philip the French king, and Pope Boniface VUI. After the bishoprick of Rome had been vacant through the dissension of the cardinals, for the space of two years and three months ; at length Pope Celestine was chosen successor to Pope Nicholas IV. Celestine in his first consistory began to reform the clergy, by which he pro- cured to himself such hatred among his clergy, that this Boniface, speaking through a reed in his chamber wall at midnight, warned him, as it had been a voice froaii heaven, that he should give over his papacy, as being a^ burthen greater than he could wield. This Pope Celestine after he had sat six months, was induced by the treachery and falsehood of this Boniface, to resign his bishoprick, partly on account of the voice spoken of before, partly from fear 5 being told^ of certain persons craftily suborned in his chamber, that, if he did not resign, he should lose his life. This Pope Boniface succeeding after Celestine, be- haved himself so imperiously, that he put down princes, and excommunicated such kings as did not take their confirmation at his hand : many of his cardinals he drove away for fear, some of them he deposed as schismatics and spoiled of all their substance. Philip the French king he excommunicated, for not suffering his money to go out of the realm ; and therefore cursed both him and bis to the fourth generation. Albert the emperor, not once or twice, but tiirice sought at his hands to be con- firmed, and yet was rejected. This pope first ordained tiie jubilee in Rome, in the solemnizing whereof, the first day he shewed himself in his pontifical robes, and gave free remission of sins to as many as came to Rome out of all the parts of the world. The second day (being arrayed with imperial ensigns) he commanded a naked sword to be carried before him, and said with a loud voice, " Lo, here the power and authority of both the swords!" These things thus premised of Pope Boniface, now I will come to the occasion of the strife between him and the French king. In A. D. l.'iOl, the bishop of Oppanu- ham, being accused of a conspiracy against the French king, was brought up to his court, and so committed to prison. The pope hearing this, sends word to the king by his legate to set him at liberty. The French king, not daring to the contrary, released the bishop ; but at the same time, he dismissed both the bishop and the legate, commanding them to leave his realm. Upon: this Pope Boniface revoked all the graces and privileges granted either by him or his predecessors to the kingdom of France ; and not long after he thundered out the sen- tence of his curse against him. Moreover, he cited all the prelates, all divines, and lawyers both civil and canon, to appear personally before him at Rome, at a certain day. Against this citation the king provided and commanded by proclamation, that no person should export out of the realm either gold, or silver, or anj- ware or merchandise, upon pain of forfeiting all their 02 194 APPEAL OF WILLIAM NAGARETA AGAINST BONIFACE VIII. [Book IV. goods, and their bodies at the king's pleasure : pro- viding at the same time, that the roads and harbours or seaports, should be diligently kept, that none might pass unsearched. Besides which, the king defeated the pope in giving and bestowing prebends, and benefices, and other ecclesiastial livings, contrary to the pope's profit. For which cause, the pope wrote to the king in form and effect as follows. " Boniface, bishop, and servant to God's servants, to his beloved son Philip, by the grace of God, king of France, greeting and apostolical blessing. " Boniface, the servant of God's servants. Fear God, and observe his commandments. We will thee to under- stand, that thou art subject to us both in spiritual things, and temporal ; and that no gift of benefices or prebends belongs to thee ; and if thou have the keeping of any being vacant, that thou reserve the profits of them to the successors. But if thou have given any, we judge the gift to be void, and revoke how far soever thou hast gone forward. And whosoever believes otherwise, •we judge them heretics." To this letter of the pope. King Philip made answer as follows : Philip, by the grace of God king of France, to Boniface not in deeds behaving himself for pope, little friend- ship or none. " To Boniface, bearing himself for chief bishop, little health or none. Let thy foolishness know, that in tem- poral things we are subject to no man, and that the gifts of prebends and benefices, made and to be made by us, were and shall be good, both in time past and to come. And that we will defend manfully the possessors of the said benefices, and we think them that believe or think otherwise, fools and madmen. Given at Paris the Wed- nesday after Candlemas, 1301." After these and other writings passing to and fro, between the French king and the pope, within a year and a half after, the king summoned a parliament, send- ing down his letters to his sheriffs and other officers, to summon the prelates and barons of the realm to the court of parliament. A declaration of master William Nagareta, made against Pope Boniface the Eighth, with his appellation also made at Paris, before the king and his council in the church of Paris. In the name of God, amen. In the year of our Lord, 1303, the 12th day of March, and the ninth year of the popedom of the most holy father the Lord Boniface VIII., by God's providence pope, and in the presence of us common notaries, and witnesses under written, the nobleman master William Nagareta, (or de Nogaret), knight, a worshipful professor of the laws, standing before the most excellent prince the lord Philip, by the grace of God most noble king of France, spake with lively words, and gave in writings these things that follow : " There have been false prophets among the people, as there have been also false teachers among you. St. Peter, the glorious prince of the apostles, speaking to us by the Spirit, told us things to come ; that likewise as there were false prophets aforetimes, so there should come among you false teachers, bringing in sects of destruction ; by the which the way of truth shall be defaced ; and covetously they shall make merchandise of you with feigned words ; such masters follow the way of Balaam, the son of Bosor, who loved the reward of wickedness, and had his bridled ass to correct his madness, which speaking in a man's voice, did stop the foolishness of the prophet. All which things as they are shewn to us by the greatest patriarch himself ; your eyes see them fulfilled this day according to the letter. For there sits In St. Peter'i chair the master of lies, causing himself to be called ' Boniface,' that is ' a well doer,' when he is notable in all kind of evil doing, and so he has taken to himself a false name ; and where he is not a true ruler and master, he calls himself the lord, judge, and master of all men. And coming in contrary to the common order appointed by the holy fathers, and also contrary to the rules of reason, and so not entering in at the door into the Lord's sheepfold, he is not a shepherd nor even a hireling, but rather a thief and robber. For he (the true husband of the Romish church yet living) deceived him that was delighted in simplicity, and enticed him with feigned flatterings and gifts to let him have his spouse to be his wife, against truth, which cries, ' Those whom God hath joined together, let no man put asunder ;' and at length laying violent hands upon him, persuading him falsely that which the deceiver said was come from the Holy Spirit, was not ashamed to join to himself with wicked practice that holy church, which is mistress of all churches, calling himself her husband, whereas he cannot, I be so ; for Celestine, the true Romish bishop, agreed \ not to the divorce, being deceived by so great subtilty ; nothing is so contrary to agreeing as error and deceit, as man's laws bear witness, therefore I need not speak ii of his violence. But because the Spirit inspires whom li he will, and he that is led by the Spirit is not under the J law ; the holy universal church of God, not knowing the crafts of that deceiver, stumbling and doubting whether it came from the Holy Ghost that Celestine should leave off his government, and the sins of the people deserving it, for fear of a schism suffered the foresaid deceiver : although, according to the doctrine of our Lord, ' By hig d fruits he might be known,' whether he came to the said 1] government by the Holy Ghost or otherwise ; his fruits i (as it is plainly here written beneath) are now manifest I ' to all men, by which it is apparent to the world, that he j came not in by God, but other ways ; and so came not i| in by the sheepfold. His fruits are most wicked, and ' his end is death ; and therefore it is necessary that so evil a tree, according to the Lord's saying, ' should be cut down and cast into the fire. This cannot avail to his excuse, which is made by some men, that is, that the cardinals agreed upon him again, after the death of ; Celestine the pope, seeing he could not be her husband, j whom it is manifest he defiled by adultery, when her i first husband was yet living, and she being worthy to have the promise of marriage kept to her ; therefore, because that which is done against the Lord turns to the v. wrong of all men ; and especially in so great a mischief, \ I, like a bridled ass, by the power of the Lord, and not by the voice of a perfect man, being not able to bear so great a burthen, take in hand to rebuke the madness of the said false prophet Balaam, who at the instance of King Balak, that is, of the Prince of Devils, whom he serves, is ready to curse the people blessed of the Lord. I beseech you, most excellent prince, and Lord Philip, by the grace of God, king of France, that like as the angel of God in time past met the prophet Balaam in the way, with a drawn sword, as he was going to curse God's people ; so you, who are unwilling to execute fierce justice, and are therefore like the angel of the Lord, and , minister of power and office, would meet with a naked sword this said wicked man, who is far worse than Balaam, that he perform not that evil which he intends to the people. "1. I propound that the foresaid man, who names himself Boniface, is no pope, but wrongfully keeps the seat which he has to the great damage of all the souls of God's holy church. I say also, that his entering was faulty in many ways, and he entered not in at the door, ■ but otherways, and therefore is to be judged a tliief and a robber. "2. I propound also, that the said Boniface is a ma- nifest heretic, and utterly cut off from the body of the holy church, because of many kinds of heresies, which \ are to be declared in convenient time and place. \ "3. I propound also, that the said Boniface is an' horrible simoniac, and such a one as has not been since i the beginning of the world : and the mischief of this lia i| A. D. 1303—1304.] THE APPEAL OF KING PHILIP AG.UNST BONIFACE VIIL 195 I in him is notorious to all the world, (which thing is ma- I nifest to all that will plainly understand) insomuch that ! he, being openly slandered, said openly, that he could ' not commit simony. I " 4. I propound also, that the said Boniface, being I wrapt in many manifest and heinous sins, is so hardened in them, that he is utterly impossible to be corrected ; ' and lies in dungeon of mischief so deep, that he cannot I be suffered any longer, without the overthrow of the . church. His mouth is full of cursing, his feet are swift i to shed blood. He utterly tears in pieces the churches, which he ought to cherish ; wickedly wasting the goods ' of the poor, and making much of wicked men that give ' him rewards ; persecuting the righteous, and not gather- ing but scattering among the people, bringing in new ; sects of destruction that have not been heard of; blas- ' pheming the way of truth, and by robbery thinking him- self equal to the Lord Jesus Christ who is blessed for ; ever. And he being most covetous thirsts for gold, j covets gold, and by some device gets gold of every I people ; and utterly disregarding the worshipping of God, ; with feigned words, sometimes by flattering, sometimes ! by threatening, sometimes by false teaching, and all to get money withal, he makes merchandise of us all ; envying all things but his own ; loving no man, nourish- ing war, persecuting and hating the peace of his subjects. He is rooted in all unspeakable sins ; contrarying and : striving against all the ways and doctrines of the Lord. He is truly the abomination of the people, which Daniel the Lord's prophet described. " Therefore I answer, that laws, weapons, and all the elements ought to rise against him, who thus overthrows jthe state of the church; for whose sins God plagues the i whole world. And finally nothing remains to him, being |so unsatiable, to satisfy him withal, but only the unsa- 'tiable mouth of hell, and the fire that cannot be 'quenched, continuing forever. Therefore seeing that in a. general council it so becomes, and I see this wicked 'man to be damned, who offends both God and all men : I ask and require as instantly as I can, and I beseech 'you, my lord and king aforesaid, that you would declare thus much to the prelates, doctors, people and princes, 'your brethren in Christ, and chiefly to the cardinals and all prelates, and call a council. In the which (when the 'aforesaid wicked man is condemned) by the worshipful [cardinals, the church may be provided with a shepherd : [and for that council I offer myself ready lawfully to pur- 'sue the aforesaid things. And whereas the said man, ibeing in the highest dignity, in the mean time cannot be suspended of his superior; therefore he ought to be taken, suspended indeed for the things aforesaid, seeing his state is called into judgment, by the means aforesaid. " I beseech and require the said cardinals by you, and I presently require them and the church of God, that this wicked man being put in prison, the church of Rome may be provided with a vicar, who may minister those things that shall appertain, until the church of God be provided with a bishop, utterly to take away all occasion of a schism. And lest the said wicked man should let and hinder the prosecuting thereof, I require these things of you, my lord king, affirming you to be bound to do this for many causes. First, for the faith's sake. Secondly, for your kingly dignity, to whose office it be- longs to root out such wicked men. Thirdly, for your oath's sake, which you made for the defence of the churches of your realm, which the aforesaid ravener utterly tears in pieces. Fourthly, because you are the patron of the churches, and therefore you are not bound only to the defence of them, but to the calling for again of their goods, which this aforesaid man has wasted. Fifthly, following the footsteps of your ancestors, you ought to deliver your mother, the Romish church, from so wicked a band wherein by oppression she is tied and bound. I require that a public instrument may be made of these requests by the notaries here present, under the witness of the worshipful men that be here present. These things were done and spoken as is aforesaid, at Paris, in the king's house of Lupara." After tins protestation of Master Nagareta, immedi- ately ensued the appeal of the king, pronounced and published against Boniface, recapitulating and ampli. fying the same charges as are in the appeal of Na- gareta. Then King Philip made his appeal to a general coun- cil, in form as follows : "We, Philip, by the grace of God, hearing and un- derstanding the objections propounded by our beloved faithful knight, William of Nagareta, against Boniface, now having the government of the Romish church : al- though we would gladly cover with our own cloak, the filthy parts of such a father ; yet for the love of the ca- tholic faith, and great devotion that we bear to the holy Romish and universal church our mother, and all faith- ful men, and spouse of Christ, following the steps of our ancestors, who hesitated not to shed their own blood for the increase and defence of the church's liberty, and the faith ; and desiring to provide for the purity of the faith and state of the church ; as also to avoid the hurt of the general slander, not being able any longer to pass over these things with winking and dissembling, and my con- science driving to the same ; seeing this estimate and opinion of this Boniface in these matters is not rashly conceived by us, but vehemently and plainly increased by the many and continual complaints of credible men, and fearing, moreover, the destruction of the faith, both of us and of all other subjects, and especially of kings and princes of the world, who ought to reprove negligence, who acknowledge that we have received power given us from the Lord, to the promoting and increasing of it ; we agree to your request in this behalf, and to the calling and assembling a council for the glory of God (saving the honour and reverence that is due to the holy Romish church in all things) whereby the truth may appear in the premises, and all error avoided : that the state of the universal church, and all Christianity, and the matters of faith, and the holy land may be provided for, and the slanders and jeopardies hanging over us may be with- stood ; we are ready, and offer ourselves gladly, as much as in us lies, to bestow our labours and diligent pains thereabout ; earnestly requiring and beseeching in the merciful bowels of Jesus Christ, you archbishops and other prelates here present, as children of the church and pillars of faith, called of the Lord to the promoting, increase and preserving thereof, to care for the same, that with all diligence you would gire heed, as becomes you, and that you would effectually labour by all ways and fit means, to the calling and assembling of this coun- cil, in which we intend to be personally present. And lest the said Boniface, who has boldly and wrongfully many times threatened to proceed against us, stopping and hindering our purposes and intent, lest any of his works of darkness (if there be any) should come to light, directly or indirectly hindering the calling and gathering of this council ; or lest any state being in the same realm that will indeed proceed against us, or our state, churches, prelates, barons, and other faithful vas- sals, our subjects, our lands, or our realm, and the state of the realm, by abusing any spiritual sword, in excom- municating, suspending, or other ways, by any means : for us and our well-willers, and them that will follow us, we provoke and appeal in writing to the aforesaid ge- neral council (which we instantly desire to be called) and to one lawful chief bishop that shall be, or to any other to whom we should appeal ; and yet not going from the appeal made by William of Nagareta, to whom we ad- hered then, and also yet adhere : requiring earnestly a witness of our appeal by you prelates and notaries, ex- pressly to renew such provocation and appeal, when and before whom it shall be thought meet to you." Then the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, make their appeal in like manner with the king to a ge- neral council. These things being done, then followed the year 1304. In the which year, a garrison of soldiers, sent partly by the French king, partly by the cardinals of Columna, came to the gates of Arvagium, where the pope hid himself. The captains of which army were one Schaira, brother to IVG THE POPE MADE PillSONEll AND DIES. [Boor IV. those cardinals, and another, William de Longareto, lii^h steward to the French king, who, invadiaij the pope's town, and finding tlie gates open, gave assault to the pope's frontier, where the pojie, witli his nephew, a marquess, and three other cardinals were immured. The townsmen, seeing all their intent and strength to be bent against the pope, caused the common bell to be rung, and so assembling themselves in a common coun- cil, ordained Adolphus, one of the chiefest rulers of the town, for their captain, who, unknown to them, was a great adversary to the pope. This Adolphus joined •with the French company against the pope, and beset his palace on every side. And first, setting upon the palaces of the three cardinals, who were then chief about the pope, they rifled and spoiled all their goods. The cardinals by a back door hardly escaped their hands ; but the pope's palace, through the strength of tlie mar- quess, was somewhat better defended. At lengtli the pope, perceiving himself not able to make his party good, desired truce with Schaira, wliich was granted from one till nine. During which time of truce, the pope privily sends to the townsmen of Arvagiura, desir- ing them to save his life, which, if they would do, he promised so to enrich them, that they sliould all have cause never to forget or repent their kindness be.-towed on him. To this they made answer, excusing them- selves, that it lay not in their ability to do him any good, for that the whole power of the town was with the cap- tain. Then the pope, all destitute and desolate, sends to Schaira, beseeching him to draw out in articles wherein he had wronged him, and he would make him amends to the uttermost. Schaira to this makes a plain answer, signifying to him again, "That he should in no wise escape with his life, except upon these three condi ■ tions. First, to restore again the two cardinals of Columna his brethren, whom he had before deprived, with all other of their stock and kindred. Secondly, that after their restitution, he should renounce his papacy. Thirdly, tliat his body should remain in his power and custody." These articles seemed to the pope so hard, that in no case would he agree to them. When the truce expired, the captains and soldiers, set- ting themselves against the bishop, first fired the gates of the palace, whereby the army, having a full entrance, fell to rifle and spoil the house. The marquess upon hoping to save hi- life, and the life of his children, yielded himself to the hands of Scliaira and the oth.er captain, jvhich, when the pope heard, he we])t and made great lamentation. After this breaking through the windows and doors, they burst in to the pope,Vhom they treated with words and threats accordingly. Upon this he was put to his choice, whether he v.'ould pre- sently leave his life, or give over his papacy. But he said that he would never while he lived renounce his popedom. Then Schaira was ready to slay him, but he was prevented by some that were about hi'm. The sol- diers, who ranged in the meantime through all the corners of the jiope's house, loaded themselves with all the immense treasure of gold, silver, plate, and orna- ments that were collected there. Thus Boniface, be- reaved of all his goods, remained in their custody three days, during which time tliey set him on a wild unbroken colt, his face turned to the horse's tail, and caused the horse to gallop, so tliat the pope was almost breathless : they kept him so without meat, that he was nearly fa- mished to death. After the third day, the Arvagians and people of the town, mustering themselves together, to the number of ten thousand, secretly bui-st into the house where the pope was kept, and slaying the keepers, delivered the pope by a strong hand. Being then brought into the middle of the town, he gave thanks with weeping tears to the people for saving his life, pro- mising, moreover, (forsomuch as he was out of all ids goods, having neither bread nor drink to put in his mouth), God's blessing and his, to all them that now would relieve him with any thing, eithi-r to eat or drink. And here now see what j)overty and affliction can work in a man ; the pope, before in all his pom]) and most ruffling wefilth, was never so proud, but now he was as humble and lowly^ thsit every poor simple man might have a bold and free access to his person. To make the story short, the pope, in that great distress of famine, was not so gret.dy of the peoj)le's victuals, as tliey were greedy of his blessing. The women and people of the toivn came so thick, some with bread, some with wine, some with water, some with meat, some with one thing, some with anotlier, that the pope's chamber was too lit- tle to receive the offering ; insomuch, that when tliere lacked cups to receive the wine, they poured it down on the chamber floor, not regarding the loss of wine to win the ))0])e's holy blessing. Thus Pope Boniface, being refreshed by the town of Arvagium, took his journey from thence, accompanied with a great multitude of sol. diers, and came to Rome, where, shortly after, partly from fear, partly from famine, partly from sorrow for the loss of so inestimable a treasure, he died. Now, after this matter between the French king and Poj)e Boniface, let us proceed in our English history. About this time, in the days of King Edward, the church of Rome began daily more and more to rise up, and swell so high in pride and worldly dominion, that no king could do scarcely any thing, but as pleased the pope, who ruled all in all countries, but chiefly here in England. When tlie king and the church of Canterbury , in their election h id chosen one Robert Burnhil, bishop of Bath, to be archbishop of Canterbury, Pope Boni- face, of his own presumptuous authority, ruling the matter after his own pleasure, frustrated their election, and thrust in another, named John Peckham; for among others, this had always been one practice of the court of Rome, ever to have the archbishop of their own appoint- ing, or sucli an one as they might be sure of on their side, to weigh against. the king. To this John Peckham, Pope Boniface directed a solemn bull from Rome, as also to all quarters of the universal church. In which bull it was decreed, directly against the rule of scrip- ture and christian obedience, " That no church nor ec- clesiastical person should henceforth yield to his king or temporal magistrate, either any giving or lending, or promising of tribute or subsidy, or portion whatsoever, of the goods and possessions belonging to him, but should be clearly exempted and discharged from all tax- ation in the behalf of the prince and his affairs." This decree manifestly rebelled against the ordinance of God, and the apostolical canon of St. Peter, and all other ex- amples of holy scripture. For as there is no word in the scripture that excludes spiritual men more than tempo- ral from obedience and subjection to princes ; so if the prince was to be too rigorous in his exacting, or cruel ia oppression, that is no cause for the clergy to be ex- empt, but they rather should bear the common burthea of obedience, and pray to God to turn and move the prince's mind. This bull being directed from Rome to the archbi- shop of Canterbury, and likewise through the whole church, under the pope's authority ; it happened not . long after that the king held his parliament at St. Ed- mundsbury, where was granted to him by all cities and boroughs an eighth, and by the commons a twelftii of their goods. Only the clergy, by virtue of this bull,, stoutly refused to pay any thing to the king. This an- swer not pleasing the king, he desired them to deliberate better with themselves upon the matter, and after ma- ture advice to give him answer against the next parlia- ment, which should be held the next Hilary term at London. In conclusion, when the parliament met, the clergy, persisted still in the denial of their subsidy, alleging the pope's bull for their warrant and discharge. Where- upon the king excluded them from under his j)rotectiou and the safeguard of his laws. And as concerning the archbisho]) of Canterbuiy aijove mentioned, because he was found more stubborn than the rest, and was tlie in- citer to the others ; he seized upon all his goods, and caused an inventory of the same to be enrolled in the exchefpier. Several of the otlier bishops relented sooa after to tlie king, and contributed the fifth of their good4 unto him, and were received !x.x;iin to favour. After the death of John Poc-kliam, archbishop of C'an- I terbury, succeeded iitbirt Vi'iuchelsey ; with whom aif*" A. D. i;'.C4— 130/-.] THE EPISTLE OF CASSIODORUS TO THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 197 the kin? had similar variance. And as this king was tro'.ibk'ii in hi.-; time with both the archbishops, John Peckham, and also Robert Wiuchelsoy ; so it h-'ppened to all otht-r kiuijs for the most part, from the time of Lan- franc (that is, from Pope Hildebrand) that every king in his time had some trouble or other with that see. As William Rufus, and Henry L were troubled with Ansehn ; Henry IL with Thomas Beeket ; King Richard and all England, with William, bishop of Ely, the pope's legate ; King John, with Stephen Langton : King Henry IH. with Edmund, arclibishop, called St. Edmund; likewise this King Edward L, with John Peckham and Robert Winchelsey. And so other kings after him, with some prelate or other. After Pope Boniface succeeded Benedict XI. and then Pope Clement V., who translated the pope's court to Avignon in France, where it remained for seventy- four years after. At the coronation of this Clement, was present Philip, king of France; Charles his son; and Duke John, duke of Brittany, with a great number of Other men of state and nobility. At which coronation, ill the middle of the pomp and procession, a great wall break down and fell upon them : by the fall of which, Duke John, with twelve others, were slain ; King Philip, hurt and wounded ; the pope struck from his horse, and lost out from his mitre upon his head, a carbuncle, esteemed to the value of (5000 florins. By this Clement it was ordained, that the emperor, though he might be called king of the Romans before, yet he might rot enjoy the title and right of the emperor, until he was confirmed by him. And that the emperor's seat being vacant, the pope should reign as emperor, till a new emperor was chosen. By him the oVder of the Templars (who at that time were too abominable) was put down at the council of Vienna. He also ordained and con- firmed the feast of Corpus Christi. assigning indulgences to such as heard the service. And as Pope Boniface before heaped up the book of decretals, called Sextus Decretaltum, so this Clement compiled the seventh book of the decretals, called of the same Clement, The Clementines. In the time of this pope, the Emperor Henry VI. was poisoned in receiving the sacrament, bv a false dissembling monk called Bernard, that feigned himself to be his familiar friend ; which was thought to be done not without the consent of the pope's legate. The emperor, perceiving himself poisoned, warned him to flee and escape away ; for the Germans would surely have slain him ;■ although he escaped himself, yet man .' of his order were slain with fire and sword. This Pope Clement V. had well provided against the empire of Rome to bring it under his girdle, insomuch that, without the pope's benediction, no emperor might take the state upon him, and now he proceeded to intermeddle with the empire of Constantinople ; where he first exercised his tyranny and power of excommu- nication against the emperor Andronicus Paleologus, (A. D; 130()), declaring him to be a schismatic and heretic, because he neither would nor durst suffer the i Greeks to make their appeal from the Greek church j to the pope, nor would acknowledge him for his su- I perior. From this it may appear, that the Greek I church did not admit the pope's superiority as yet, nor i indeed at any time before, except about the time of [Pope Innocent III. (A. D. 1202), when Baldwin, earl 'of Flanders, joined with the Venetians, and went against the Greeks, to place Alexius in the empire of Constanti- jnople, upon condition (as writes Platina) of subduing the Greek church under the church of Rome. Alexius I being restored, and shortly after slain, the empire came ito the Frenchmen, with whom it remained the space of jfifty-eight years, till the coming of Michael Paleologus, |Who restored the empire to its pristine state. After Ithis, Michael, emperor of Constantinople, being called jup to a council at Lyons by Pope Gregory X., alDOut the wontroversy of the procession of the Holy Ghost and obedience to the church of Rome, submitted himself and the Greeks to the subjection of Rome, and he thereby procured to himself such grudge and hatred among the Greek monks and priests, that after his death they denied him the due honour and place of burial. The son of this Michael Paleologus was Andronicus above mentioned : who was constrained by the Greeks not to admit any appeal to the bishop of Rome, and was there- f'.re accursed by the pope's censures for a heretic. Whereby it apjiears, that the Greeks, recovering their state Jigain, refused all subjection at this time unto the church of Rome, which was A. D. 1307. After this Clement V. followed Pope John XXII., with wliora Lewis the emptror had much trouble. After whom next in course s'uveeded Pope Benedict XII. Now to return to the Engli-h history in the year 1307, which was the thirty-fourth of the reign of this king, the king kept a parliament at Carlisle, where great com- plaints were brought in by the nobles of the realm, concerning the manifold and intolerable oppressions of churches and monasteries, and exactions of money by the pope's legate, William Testa. The pope sent this legate into England with his bulls, in which he reserved the first fruits of all churches vacant at any time, within the realm of England, .Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, and also the fruits of abbeys and priories, &c. The king, with his nobles, seeing the inconve- nience and injury of this to the whole realm, in the parliament held at Carlisle, withstood the legate, com- manding him by the assent of the earls and barons, that henceforth he should abstain from all such exactions. And as concerning his lord the pope, the king wrote, de- claring and admonishing the pope, that he should not exact the first fruits of the churches and abbeys, founded by his predecessors and the noblemen of the land, for the honour and maintenance of God's service, for alms and hospitality. During this parliament, as men w^ere talking of the pope's oppressions, there suddenly fell down among them a certain paper, with this superscription. An Ejnxtle of Cassiodorus to the Church of England, concerning the Abuses of the Romish Church. " To the noble church of England, serving in clay and brick, as the Jews did in time past under the ty- ranny of the Egy])tians ; Peter the son of Cassiodorus a catholic soldier, and devout champion of Christ, sends greeting, and wishing it to cast off the yoke of bondage, and to receive the reward of liberty. " To whom shall I compare thee, or to whom shall I liken thee, O daughter of Jerusalem .' To whftm shall I match thee, O daughter of Sion ? Great is thy troubled state, like to the sea. Thou sittest alone without com- fort all the day long, thou art confounded and consumed with heaviness. Tl)0u art given up into the hands of him from whence thou canst not rise without the help of one to lift tbee up : for the scribes and pharisees sit- ting upon the chair of Moses, the enemies of the Romans are as tliy heads and rulers : enlarging their guarded phylacteries, and seeking to be enriched with the marrow of thy bones, laying heavy burdens, and not able to be borne upon thy shoulders, and on thy minis- ters, and they set thee under tribute, (who of old time hast been free) beyond all honesty or measure. But marvel not thereat, for thy mother, v.hich is the lady of people, like a widow having married and coupled her- self to her subjects, has appointed him to be thy father : that is to say, the bishop of Rome, who shews no point of any fatherly love towards thee. He magnifies and ex- tends to the utmost his authority over thee, and by experience he declares himself to be the husband of thy mother. He remembers oft with himself the prophetical saying of the prophet, and well digested the same in the inward part of his breast : ' Take to thee a great book, and write therein quickly with the pen of a man ;' ' take the spoil, rob quickly.' But is this it which the apostle says that he was appointed for, where he writes thus ? ' Every bishoj), taken from among men, is apjiointed for men in those things that belong to the Lord:' not to spoil, nor to lay on them yearly taxes, nor to kill men, but ' to offer gifts and sacrifices for sins," and to sorrow with them that be ignorant and do err. .\nd so we read of Peter the fisherman (whose successor ha boasts himself to be; 198 DEATH OF KING EDWARD I.— HIS CHARGE TO HIS SON. [Book IV. that after the resurrection of Christ, he returned with the other apostles, to the office of fishing : who when he could take nothing on the left-side of the ship, at the bidding of Christ turned to the right-side, and drew to land a net full of fishes. M'herefore the profitable minis- ti7 of the church is to be exercised on the right side, by which the devil is overcome, and plenty of souls are gained and won to Christ. But certainly the labour on the left side of tlie ship is far otherwise : for in it the faith stumbles, heaviness bears rule, when that which is desired by seeking, is not found. For who is so foolish as to think that he can at one time serve both God and man .' satisfy his own will, or stick to the revelations of flesh and blood, and offer worthy gifts to Christ .' And doubtless that shepherd who watches not for the edifying of the flock, prepares another way for ' the roaring lion seeking whom he may devour.' And now behold, I say, O daughter, the deeds of him that is called thy Father, are such as have not been heard of before : he drives away the good shepherds from the sheepfold, and places in their stead bishops, to rule, but not to profit (his ne- phews, cousins, and parents) some that know no letters, and others dumb and deaf, who understand not the plain voice of the sheep, not curing their wounds, who are hurt by the wolves: but like hirelings, plucking off the fleeces, and reaping that which other men have sown, whose hands moreover are always ready in their baskets and pouches, but their backs are turned from their bur- thens. By which it is manifest, that the priesthood is clean changed in these days, — the service of God decayed, — alms diminished and brought to nought, — the whole devotion of kings, princes and christians, is banished. May not this be thouglit wonderful in the eyes of all men ; that whereas Christ commands tribute to be paid to kings for him and for Peter, this bishop now goes about by domi- nion of his style, to subdue to him both realms, and princes of realms (against his will, whose vicar he saith he is, and who refused the realms and judgments of the world) which this bishop contrarywise challenges, claiming all that which he in his style writes to be his ? Alas ! O daughter, what doth he yet more against thee? Mark, he draws from thee whatever pleases him, and yet he is not content, to have the tenth part only of thy goods from thee ; except he have also the first fruits of the benefices of the ministers, whereby he may get a new patrimony, as well for himself as for his kindred, contrary to the godly wills of the first founders. Over and besides all this, he introduces other execrable taxes and stipends for his legates and messengers, whom he sends into England ; who not only take away the feeding and cloth- ing of thee and thine, but also like dogs tear in pieces your flesh and skins. May not this prince be compared to King Nebuchadnezar, who destroyed the temple of the Lord, and carried away the golden and silver vessels thereof ? The very same does this man also ; he robbed the ministers of God's house, and left them destitute of due help. — In like manner does he : truly they are better who are killed with the sword, than they who are pined with hunger ; for they are dead immediately, but these are wasted with the barrenness of the earth. O daughter, all they that pass by, let them have pity and compassion on thee, for there is no sorrow like thy sorrow. For now thy face is blacker than coals, through much sorrow and weeping, and thou art no more known in the streets : thy foresaid ruler has placed thee in darkness, and has given thee wormwood and gall to drink. O Lord, hear the sorrow and sighing of thy people, behold. Lord, and descend, for the heart of this man is more hardened than the heart of Pharaoh. For he will not suffer the people to depart, except only by the strength of thy hand. For he not only scourges them miserably upon the earth, but also after their death, he intends, to ingross the goods of all christians under the name and title of dying intestate, or making no will. Therefore, let the chivalry of England well remember, how the French- men iri times past, directing their greedy eyes on the realm of England, laboured with all their power how to bring the same under their subjection. But it is to be feared, lest the new devices and practice of this new enemy supply that r^Hich hitherto has been lacking in them. For in diminishing the treasure of the realm, and spoiling the church goods, the realm shall be brought inio such inability, that it shall not be able to help itself against the enemy. Therefore, O daughter, and you the ministers thereof, suffer not yourselves to be led any more into such miserable bondage. It is better for the wealth of thee and thine, that the christian king and the powers of the realm, who have clothed thee with great benefits, and you also who are clothed with their benefits, do la- bour with all your power how to resist the devices, conspi- racies, arrogance, presumption, and pride of the foresaid person : who not for any zeal of God, but for the inrich- ing of his parents, and for his own kindred (exalting himself like an eagle) by these and such other exactions goes about, after another kind of extortion, to scrape up and devour all the money and treasure of England. Now, lest the dissembled simplicity of the realm in this behalf do bring utter subversion, and afterward be compelled to seek remedy when it is too late : 1 beseech the Lord God of Hosts to turn away the veil from the heart of that man, and to give him a contrite and an humble mind, in such sort as he may acknowledge the ways of the true God, whereby he may be brought out of darkness, and be forced to relinquish his old sinister attempts ; and that the vineyard, which the Lord's hand has planted, may be replenished continually with the preachers of the word. Let the words of the Lord, prophesied by the mouth of Jeremy, stir up your minds to withstand and resist the subtle practices of this man, by which words the Lord speaks : ' O thou pastor which hast scattered my people, and hast cast them out of their habitations, be- hold I will come and visit upon thee, and upon the malice of thy studies : neither shall there be any of thy seed which shall sit upon the seat of David, neither which shall have power any more in Judah. So that thy nest shall become barren, and utterly subverted, like Sodom and Gomorrah.* " ' And if he being terrified by these words, do not leave off from this which he beginneth, and does not make resti- tution of those which he has received, then let all and singular persons sing for him being hardened, to him that seeth all things,' the 108 Psal. For as truly as favour, grace, and benevolence, remits, and neglects many things ; so again the gentle benignity of man, being too much op- pressed and grieved, seeking to be delivered and freed from the same, strives and searches to have the truth known, and casts off that yoke by all means possible that grieves him," &c. In the year 1307, King Edward, marching toward Scotland, fell sick, which sickness increased so upon him, that he despaired of life : wherefore calling before him his earls and barons, he caused them to be sworn that they should crown his son Edward. That being done, he called his son Edward, informing and advising him with wholesome precepts ; and he charged him also, as he valued his blessing, with several matters. First, That he should be courteous, gentle, upright in judg- ment, fair spoken to all men, constant in deed and in word, familiar with the good ; and especially to be mer- ciful to the miserable. He gave him also charge not to be too hasty in taking his crown before he had revenged his father's injuries against the Scots ; but that he should remain in those parts to take with him his fa- ther's bones, after being well boiled from the flesh ; and so being inclosed in some fit vessel, should carry them with him till he conquered all the Scots, saying, that so long as he had his father's bones with him, none should overcome him. He desired and required him to love his brothers Thomas and Edmund ; also to cherish and be tender to his mother Margaret the queen. He, also, strictly charged him upon his blessing (as he would avoid his curse) that he should in no case call to him again, or send for Peter Gaveston, which Peter Gave- ston the king had before banished from the realm, for his naughty and wicked intimacy with his son Edward, and for his leading him astray with evil counsel. For which he banished both Peter Gaveston utterly out of the realm, and also put Edward his son into prison ; and, therefore, he strictly charged his son not to send for this Gaveston, or to have him about him. And. finally, because he had conceived in himself a vow to A.D. 1307—1311.] EDWARD II.— PRIDE AND TYRANNY OF POPE CLEMENT V. 199 have returned in his own person to the Holy Lmd, (which from his many wars with the Scots he could not perform), therefore he had prepared thirty-two thousand pounds of silver, for sending some soldiers with his heart to the Holy Land ; which he required his son to see accomplished, so that the money, under his curse and malediction, should not be employed to other uses. But these injunctions and precepts the dis- obedient son did not observe after the decease of his father, but leaving off the war with the Scots, he hasted with all speed to his coronation. Also contrary to the mind of his nobles, and against the precept of his father, he sent for Peter Gaveston, and prodigally be- stowed upon him all that treasure which his father had bequeathed to the Holy Land. He was moreover a proud despiser of his peers and nobles, and therefore reigned unfortunately. KING EDWARD THE SECOND. Edward II. was born at Carnarvon, in Wales, and after the death of his father, entered the government, A.D. 130", but was not crowned before the year follow- ing (A.D. 1308,) by reason of the absence of Robert Winchelsey, who was banished by King Edward I. Whereupon the king wrote to the pope for the restitu- tion of the archbishop, for by an ancient law of the realm the coronation of the king could not proceed without the archbishop of Canterbury. This Edward, as he was personable in body and outward shape, so in conditions and evil dispositions he was much deformed ; being unsteadfast in his word, and lightly disclosing secrets of great counsel ; also refusing the company of his lords and men of honour, he associated with villains and vile personages, given moreover to drinking, and such vices as usually ensue on drunkenness. And as of his own nature he was disposed to such vices, so he was made much worse by the counsel and familiarity of certain evil disposed persons, as Peter, or Pierce Gave- ston, and the two Spensers, and others, following whose wanton counsel he gave himself to riot and debauchery ; not ordering his government with gravity, discretion, or justice, which caused great variance between him and his nobles, so that he shortly became odious to them, and in the end was deprived of his kingdom. In the first year of his reign he took to wife Isabel, daughter of Philip king of France, with whom, the year after, he was crowned at Westminster by the bishop of Winches- ter, as Robert Winchelsey, archbishop of Canterbui^, was not yet returned home. The barons and lords first made request to the king to put Peter Gaveston from him, or else they would not consent to his coronation ; whereupon he was forced to grant them at the next parliament to have their requests accomplished, and so he was crowned. In the meantime this Peter or Pierce, emboldened by the king's favour, continued triumphing and setting at light all the other states and nobles of the realm, so that he ruled both the king and the realm, and all things went as he wished, neither had the king any delight or kept company with any, but with him ; with him only he told all his mind, and conferred all his counsels. This seemed strange to the lords and earls, and inflamed them so much against this Peter Gaveston, that through the exciting of the nobles, the bishops of the land proceeded in excommunication against him \inless he departed the land. At length the parliament met (A.D. 1310), and ar- ticles were drawn by the nobles to be exhibited to the king, which articles were the same as contained in Magna Charta, and de Foresta, with such other articles as his father had charged him with before ; to wit, that he should remove from him and his court all aliens and perverse counsellors, and that all the matters of the commonwealth should be debated by the common coun- cil of the lords both temporal and spiritual ; and that he should stir no war out of England in any other foreign realm, without the common assent of the same, &c. Tlie king perceiving their intent to be, as it was indeed, to separate Peter Gaveston from his company, Wid seeing no other remedy but he must yield and grant his consent, agreed that Gaveston should be banished to Ireland ; and so the parliament breaking up, the lordii returned home well pleased. In the history of King Edward I. mention was made of Pope Clement v., who succeeded Benedict; also of the suppression of the Templars, which happened in this year by means of the French king. He burned in the city of Paris this year fifty-four Templars, with the grand master of the order, and induced Pope Cle- ment to call a council at Vienna, where the whole order of Templars was condemned, and shortly after, with the consent of all christian kings, totally suppressed in one day. After this the French king thought to make his son king of Jerusalem, and to transfer to him all the lands of the Templars. But Clement the pope would not agree, and transferred aU their lands to the order of Hospitallers, for the great sum of money given for the same. The cause of these impious Templars being sup- pressed, was on account of their abominable and filthy practices, which are better not told, if those things be true which some authors write. Another matter of similar abomination I may here mention, touching a certain nunnery in France called Provines, within which, at the cleansing of a fish-pond, many bones of young children were found, and the bodies also of some infants not yet decomposed. On account of this, several of the nuns of this nunnery, to the number of twenty-seven, were brought to Paris, and there imprisoned. In the same council also it was decreed by Clement v., that all religious orders who were then exempt should be subject to the common laws as others were. But the Cistercian monks with money and great gifts redeemed their privileges and exemptions of the pope. These Cistercians succeeded better than the Minorites of the Franciscans in their suit. Of which Franciscans, when certain of them had offered to the pope forty thousand florins of gold, besides silver, if he would dis- pense with their having lands and possessions against their rule. The pope asked them where was that money ? They answered, in the merchants' hands. So the space of three days was given them to produce the merchants. Then the pope absolved the merchants of their bond made to the friars, and commanded all that money to be employed to his own use ; declaring to the friars that he would not infringe or violate the rule of St. Francis lately canonized, neither ought he to do it for any money. And thus these rich friars, although they called themselves "the begging friars, "and" themen- dicant order," lost both their money and their indulgence. This Pope Clement V. excommunicated the Vene- tians for aiding and preferring Azoda to the state of Ferrara ; and wrote his letters throughout all Europe, condemning them as enemies of the church, and giving their goods as a lawful prey to all men, which caused them to sustain great harm. But Francis Dandulus, a nobleman of Venice, being ambassador from the Vene- tians to Clement, in order to obtain their absolution and the safety of their city and country, and to pacify the pope's fury, so humbled himself before this proud pre- late, that he suffered a chain of iron to be tied about his i«ck, and lay down flat before his table, to catch the bones and fragments that fell from it, as if he had been a dog, till the pope's fury was assuaged ; so that afterwards in reproach (because he so humbled himself for the behalf and helping of his country), he was by some called a dog. But the city of Venice showed themselves not ungrateful to Dandulus for his gentle good will thus shown to his country ; for as he had abased himself in the vile and ignominious condition of a dog for his country's sake, so they extolled him with as much glory when he returned home, decking and adorning him after the best array, with the chief princely ornaments of the city, to make him amends for his for- mer reproach. /» r. Tjn\ i„ Let us proceed to the next year (A.D. 1.511). In which year Peter Gaveston, Nvho had wandered the countries about, and could find no safe restmg place, secretly returning into England, j.resented hiniMlt to the king. The king for joy ran to meet him. and em- 200 PETER GAVESTON BEHEADED-GREAT FAMINE IN ENGLAND. [Book IV. I racing him, not onlv retained him, but also for his sake undid all such acts as had been enacted in the par- liament. The queen and the whole court seeing this doting of the king, were exceeding sorrowful. After this return of Gaveston was noised among the com- mons, the peers, and nobles of the realm were not a little stirred, consulting with themselves what was best to be done. At last they determined that Thomas, earl of Lancaster should be elected among them the chieftain, and chief doer in this business ; to whom all other earls, barons, and jirelates also consented, ex- cept only AValtcr bishop of Coventry, whom Robert the archbishop, therefore, afterwards excommunicated. The earl of Lancaster, by the assent of the i-est, sent to the king, (who was then at York) humble petitions in the name as well of the whole nobility as of the commons, desiring his grace to give Gaveston over to them, or else, according to the ordinance of the realm, that he might be banished ; but the tyrannous king, who set more value on the love of one stranger than on his whole realm besides, would neither hearken to their counsel, nor give place to their sujiplications, but in all hasty fury removed from York to Newcastle, where he remained till near midsummer. In the meantime the barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able soldiers, and came towards New- castle, not intending any molestation against the king, but only the execution of the laws upon the wicked Gaveston. The king not having men to resist their power, removed to Tynemouth, and thence to the castle of Scarborough, where leaving Peter Gaveston to the safe keej)ing of his men, himself journeyed toward War- wick. The lords hearing where Peter was, bent thither all their power ; so that at length Gaveston seeing no remedy but he must needs come into their hands, yield- ed, and submitted himself, requiring no other con- dition, but only that he might talk but a few words to the king in their presence. It chanced tiiat Guy, the earl of Warwick, came to the place where Gaveston was in custody, and taking him out of the hands of his keejiers, he carried him to the castle of Warwick, where they would have put him to death ; but doubting and fearing the king's displeasure, they stayed a little. When one of the company (a man of sage and wise counsel, as mine author writes) standing up among them, gravely declared the nature of the man, the wickedness of his own condition, the realm so greatly endamaged by him, the nobles de- spised and rejected, the intolerable pride and ambition of the man, the ruin of things like to ensue by him, and the great charges and expeusts they had been at in so long i)ursuing and catching him ; and now being gotten and in their hands, he exhorted them to use and take the occasion now present. Briefly he so persuaded the hearers, that forthwith Gaveston was brought out and beheaded. And thus he that had called the earl of Warwick the black dog of Ardeine, was thus worried by the dog. After this, great disturbance began to rise between 1 he king and the lords ; who hnving their forces lying about Dunstable, sent message to the king at London, to have their former acts confirmed. Gilbert, earl of Gioc%^ter, the king's nephew, (who neither held against the king, nor yet against the nobles), with the bishops and pre- lates of the realm, went between both j)arties with great diligence to make unity. At which time also came two cardinals from Rome, with letters from the ])ope. Tlie nobles answered to the message of the cardinals, then at St. Albans ; that as to themselves, they should be at all times welcome, but as touching their letters (forasmuch as they were unlettered men, and only brought up in ■war and feats of arms) tlierefore they cared not for seeing the same. Then message was sent again, re- quiring that they would at least speak with the pope's legates, who purposely came for the intent to set quiet and unity in the realm. Tiiey answered again, that they had bisho])S both godly and learned, by whose counsel only they would be led, and not by any strangers, who knew not the true cause of their commotion. And therefore they said explicitly, that they would have no foreigners or aliens to be doers in their business and affairs pertaining to the realm. Yet notwithstanding, through the mediation of the archbishop, and of the earl of Glocester, the matter at length was so taken up, ttiat the barons agreed to restore to the king or to his attorney of St. Albans, all the treasure, horses, and jewels of Gaveston which were taken at Newcastle, so that their requests should be granted. And so the matter at that time was settled. Shortly after this, Isabel the queen way delivered of a fair child at Windsor. At the birth tl,(-;e was great rejoicing througii all the land, and especially tlie king so much joyed, that he began daily more and more to forget the sorrow and remembrance of Gave ston's death, and was after that more agreeable to the will of his nobles. In the mean time the Scots began to be busy, and to rebel through the means of Robert Bruce ; who being chased out of Scotland by King Edward L, as is before mentioned, went into Norway, but was now returned again into Scotland, where he so influenced the lords there, that in a short time he was made king of the realm, and warred so strongly upon them that took the king's part, that he won from them many eastlcs and strongholds, and invaded the borders of England. The king hearing this, assembled a great army, and enters the realm of Scotland by sea. Against whom Robert Bruce with his Scots fought a strong battle at Estrivelin ; in the end, the Englishmen were discomfited. The Scots after this, exalted with pride and fierceness, invaded the realm of England, killing and destroying man, woman, and child ; they came winning and wasting the north parts as far as to York. Besides this, there was such dearth of victuals, and penury of all things so oppressed the whole land, such murrain of sheep and oxen ; that men were compelled to eat horse-flesh, dogs, cats, mice, and whatever else they could get. Moreover, such a price of corn followed, that the king hardly had bread for the sustenance of his own household. More- over, there were some that stole children and eat them, and many died for the lack of victuals. And yet all this amended not the king of his evil living. The cause and origin of this great dearth, was partly the wars and dissension between the English and the Scots, whereby a great part of the land was wasted. But the chiefest cause was the intemperate season of the year, which contrary to the common course, was so moist with abundance of rain, that the grain laid in the earth could have no ripening by the heat of the sun, nor grow to any nourishment. They that had any thing to eat could not be satisfied, but soon were as hungry again. They that had nothing were driven to steal and rob ; the rich were constrained to abandon and diminish tiieir households ; the poor died from famine. And not so much the want of provisions, which could not be gotten, as tlie unwholesomeness of the same when it was taken, so consumed the people, that the living were not sufficient to bury the dead. For the corruption of the meats, by reason of the unseasonableness of the ground, was so infectious that many died of hot fevers, many of the pestilence, and other diseases. And not only the bodies of men were infected, but also the beasts, by the putrefaction of the herbs and grass, fell into so great a murrain, that the eating of flesh was suspected and thouglit contagious. A quarter of corn and salt, from the month of June to September grew from thirty shil- lings unto forty shillings. The flesh of horses was then precious to the poor. Many were driven to steal fat dogs, and to eat them. Some were said in secret corners to eat their own children. Some would steal other men's children to kill them and eat them privily. The prisoners and thieves that were in prison, for hunger fell upon such as were newly brought in to them, and tearnig them in pieces eat them half alive. Briefly, this extreme penury had extinguished and consumed (as it was thought) the greatest part of the people of the land, had not the king by the advice of the Londoners given forth command through all his land, that no corn shoiild at that time be turned to the making of drink. Such a Lord is God, thus able to do where he is disposed to A.D. 1311—1323.] THE KING PROHIBITS THE EXACTIONS OF THE POPE'S LEGATES. 201 strike. And yet we miserable creatures in our wealth and abundance will not cease daily to provoke his terrible majesty. « t, Soon after this two legates came from Rome, sent by Pope John XXII., under pretence of setting agreement between England and Scotland ; who for their charges and expenses, required of every spiritual person four pence in every mark. But all their labour availed nothing ; for the legates as they were in the north parts with their whole family and train, were robbed and despoiled of their horses, treasure, apparel, and what else they had, and being severely handled, retired back again to Durham, where they staid waiting for an answer from the Scots. But when neither the pope's legacy nor his curse could obtain any place with the Scots, the legates returned to London, where they first excommunicated and cursed as black as soot all those arrogant and pre- sumptuous robbers of Northumberland. Secondly, for supplying the losses which they had received, they exacted of the clergy eightpence in every mark to be paid to them. But the clergy would not agree, seeing it was their own covetousness (as they said) that made them venture farther than they needed. Whereof the king being advertised, and taking part with his clergy, directed his letters to the legates in form as follows : *' The king to Master Rigand of Asserio, canon of Aurelia, greeting : we have taken notice of the clamours and lamentable petitions of the subjects of our realm, perceiving by the same that you practise many and sun- i dry inconveniences very strange, never heretofore accus- ! tomed, nor heard of in this our realm, as well against I the clergy and ecclesiastical persons, as against the laity, I even to the utter oppression and impoverishing of many ] of our liege people, which if it should be winked at (as God forbid) may in process of time be occasion of ] greater perils ; whereat we are (not without cause) i moved, and not a little grieved : we command you there- i fore, that from henceforth you practise not, or presume j in any case to attempt any thing within this our realm, I either against our clergy or laity, that may any way tend to the prejudice of our royal person, or of our crown and regal dignity. Witness the king at Windsor, the sixth day of February, in the eleventh year of his reign." In the same year the king wrote to the same effect to the archbishop of Canterbury, to the archbishop of York, and to every other bishop through England. By which letters the greedy legates being restrained of their ravening purpose, taking what they could get, and settling a peace Csuch as it was) between the king and the earl of Lan- caster, were obliged to depart. Besides the restraint above mentioned for strange im- positions, there followed the same year the king's prohi- bition for the gathering of Peter-pence, directed to the legate, the tenor whereof follows. A Prohibition of Peter-pence. "The king to Master Rigand of Asserio, canon of Aurelia, greeting. We are given to understand that you demand and purpose to levy the Peter-penny within our realm, otherwise than the said Peter-penny hath been heretofore accustomed to be levied in the time of any of our progenitors, exercising herein grievous censures ec- clesiastical, to the great annoyance and damnifying of the subjects of our realm : for present remedy whereof, our loving subjects have made their humble supplication to us. And forasmuch as the said Peter-penny hath been hitherto accustomed to be gathered and levied upon lands and tenements within our realm, after a due man- ner and form : we, not willing that any such unaccus- tomed impositions shaU, in anywise be made upon the lands and tenements of any our subjects within our do- minions, prohibit you, upon grievous penalty, straitly charging that in nowise you presume to exact, gather, or levy the said Peter-penny in any other form or man- ner than has been heretofore accustomed to be gathered and levied in the time of our progenitors, or since the beginning of our reign until further order be taken in our high court of parliament, by the advice of the nobles and peers of our realm, s\ich as may well be taken witi.out prejudice of our crown, and damage of our subjects. Witness the king at Westminster, the first day of March." To the same effect, letters were directed to the arch- bishops, deans, archdeacons, and the rest of the clergy. Touching the first original of which Peter-pence, though mention is made already in the life of King Ofla, and others : yet to make a brief recapitulation of the matter, according to the rolls it thus follows: " It is thus found recorded in ancient chronicles touching the Peter- pence of St. Peter, (A. D. 1S7), Otfa, king of Mercia, travelled up to Rome in the time of Pojie Adrian I., to obtain the canonizing of St. Alban.^ And having performed his vow, visiting the college of English students which then flourished in Rome, he gave to the maintenance of the scholars of England, students in Rome, one jienny out of every tenement within this realm that had land belonging to the same, amounting to the yearly value of thirty pence." In the meantime the lords and nobles of England, de- testing the outrageous pride of the two Spensers, where- by they wrought daily both great dishonour to the king, and hinderance to the commonwealth, conspired against them. These Spensers being favouied by the king, were as har.ghty and proud as Peter Gaveston was, and having much influence over the king, they were greatly hated both by the nobles and commons, who now gathering their forces together, made a request to the king, that he should remove the Spensers from his person. For which there was a parliament called in London, and the barons came together with a great company. At this parliament both the Spensers were banished the land for the term of their lives: and they took shipping at Dover, and so left the land. But it was not long after, before the king sent for them again, and set them in high authority. Wherefore, the barons again intending toreform this mischief, assembled their forces ; but the king, making much haste, gathered his people as soon, and as he was stronger than they, he pursued them so in divers places, that the barons not fully joined together, were in the end chased so closely, that Thomas, earl of Lancaster, was taken and put to death, with the rest of the nobility, to the number of two-and-twenty of the : greatest men, and chiefest captains of this realm. After the ruin of these noble personages, the king, as though he had gained a great conquest, began to triumph not a little with the Spensers, trusting and committing all to their counsel ; insomuch, that both the queen and the other nobles were but little regarded. Polydore Virgil, among other histories of our English nation' which he intermeddles with, prosecuting also the acts and hfe of this present king, and coming to write of the queen's going over into France, infers much variety and difference of authors concerning the cause thereof. The precise truth of the matter is as follows : The king of England had been frequently cited to the court of France, to do homage for the dukedom of Aqui- taine, and other lands which the king held of France, when the king of England refused, the French king began to enter all such possessions as the king held in°France ; upon which there were great contention and conflicts on both sides. At length in this year, a parliament was called in London ; where it was at last determined that certain should be sent over to make agreement between the two kings. For the better for- warding of which agreement, it was thought good that Queen Isabel, sister to Charles, the French king, should be sent over. Where is to be noted first, that the queen's lands, and possessions and castles, upon the breach between the French king and the king of Eng- land, a little before, were seized into the knig's hands, and the queen put to her pension, &c. Thus the queen being sent over, with a few to attend upon her, only Sir John Cromwel, baron, and four knights, took their pas- sa^e into France : by whose mediation it was there con- cluded that the king of England (if he would not himself THE QUEEN AND PRINCE PROCLAIMED TRAITORS. [Book IV, come to do his homage) should give to his son Edward, the dukedom of Aquitaine, and the earldom of Pontigne, and so he should come to make his homage to the king, and to possess the same. Upon this, deliberation was taken in the council of England. But the two Spensers, fearing either to take the voyage with the king, or else to remain behind without the king, so appointed, that Prince Edward was sent, which proved afterwards their utter desolation. For all things being quieted and ordered according to the agreement in France, King Edward, of England, sends for his wife and his son agadn out of France. But she sending home most part of her family, refused to return herself ; for what cause is not fully certain. The king seeing this, gives forth in proclamation, and limits a certain day to the queen and his son to return ; or else to be proclaimed traitors to the king, and to the realm. Notwithstanding, the queen persisting in her purpose, refused to return, unless the other nobles who were fled might be permitted also to return safely with her. The king immediately caused them both to be proclaimed traitors. Here then began great hatred between king and king, and between the king and the queen much preparation of war. Then the king, (by the counsel of the Spensers) sent privily to procure the death of the queen and of his son, through the means of the earl of Richmond, the queen's familiar friend. But that was prevented and utterly frustrated. The queen, however, doubting what corruption might do in the court of France, removed from thence, and was received, with Edward, joyously and honourably in the court or country of the earl of Henawde, or fleinault, where a marriage was concluded between Edward her son, and the earl's daughter. When this was noised in England, several men of honour and name came over to the queen. And soon after the earl of Heinault prepared a body of five hundred men of arms to send over with the young prince and his mother to England. The fame of this spread shortly through the realm. The king made all provision to have the havens and ports securely kept, to resist the landing of his enemies. On the other side the queen, with no less preparation, provided all things necessary to her ex- pedition. When she saw her time, she hastened to the sea-coast with Prince Edward, Lord Edmund, earl of Kent, the king's brother, Sir Roger Mortimer, the Lord Wygmore, and other exiles of England, accompanied also by the band of Heinaulters, of whom Sir John Heinault, the earl's brother, was a captain, having with her of Englishmen and strangers, the number of two thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven soldiers : she took ship- ping, and had the wind so favourable, that they landed in England, near Harwich, in Suffolk. After her land- ing, the Earl Marshal, and the earl of Leicester, joined her, with other barons, knights, and bishops also ; namely, the bishops of Lincoln, Hereford, Durham, and Ely. The archbishop of Canterbury, though he came not himself, yet sent his aid, and money. Thus the queen, well furnished with both men and provisions, sets forward toward London ; so that the further she came, the more her number daily increased, and the king's power on the other hand decreased ; so that not one al- most in all the realm could be hired with any wages to fight on the king's behalf against the queen, neither did the queen's army hurt any man or child, either in goods or any thing else, by the way. At the arriving of the queen, the king was in London, who first would not believe it to be true. Afterward he fortified the tower of London with men and provisions, committing the charge of it to John Eltham, his younger son. And leaving Walter Stapleton, bishop of Exeter, behind him to rule the city of London, he himself hear- ing daily the great recourse of the people that drew to the queen, fled with a small company westward toward Wales. But before his departing from London, he caused a proclamation to be made, wherein all persons were charged upon forfeiture of life and goods, every man with all his power to rise and invade the rebels and destroy them all, only the life of the queen, his son, and his brother, reserved. Also that no man should help, rescue, or relieve the rebels, with goods, victuals, or otherwise. It was also proclaimed, that whoever would bring to the king the head and body of Sir Roger Mor- timer, either dead or alive, should have out of the king's coffers, a thousand pounds. On the other hand, the queen sets forth another pro- clamation, wherein it was forbidden to take or spoil violently any man's goods against the will of the owner, under pain of losing his finger, if it were three- pence : of his hand, if it were sixpence : of his head, if it were twelve-pence. Moreover, whoever would bring to the queen the head of Hugh Spenser the younger, should receive for so doing of the queen, two thousand pounds. This done, the queen sends her letters to the city of London for aid and succour to subdue the oppres- sor of the realm. These letters being published and perused, the bishop of Exeter, to whom was committed the rule of the city, sent to the mayor for the keys of the gates, using so sharp words in the king's name, that variance began to kindle between him and the citizens ; so that the com- mons in their rage took the bishop and belieaded him and two of his household at the Standard in Cheapside. Then the king, with Hugh Spenser, and Sir Robert Bal- dock, chancellor, and the earl of Arundel, went into Wales. And the queen so pursued them, that they took Sir Hugh Spenser the father, who being drawn and torn, they at last hanged up at Bristol in iron chains. As the king was thus flying, the queen caused to be pro- claimed through her army, that the king should come and appear, and so receive his kingdom again, if he would be comfortable to his liege subjects : and when he did not appear, Prince Edward his son was pro- claimed high keeper of the realm. In the meantime, Henry earl of Lancaster, brother to the good Earl Thomas who was beheaded, also Lord William Souch, and Master Uphowel were sent by the queen into Wales to pursue the king ; and there they took him and sent him to the castle of Kenilworth : and took Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock, chancellor, and Sir John Earl of Arundel, and brought them all to the town of Hereford. And, soon after, Hugh Spenser the son, was drawn and hanged on a gallows fifty feet high, and then beheaded and quartered, whose quarters were sent into four quarters of the realm. Sir John of Arundel was beheaded, Sir Robert Baldock was put into Newgate at London, where shortly after he pined away and died among the thieves. This done, a parliament was assembled at London, from whence mes- sage was sent to the king, that if he would resign up his crown, his son should have it after him : if not, another should take it to whom the lot would give it. Where- upon the king, being constrained to yield up his crown to his son, was kept in prison ; where he is said to have felt great repentance. It is thought by some writers, that the year following, by means of Sir Roger Mortimer, the king while in prison, was miserably slain : he was buried at Gloucester, after he had reigned nineteen years. In the time and reign of this king, the college of Cambridge, called Michael House, was founded and built by Sir Henry Stanton, knight, for the use and in- crease of learning. About the same time also was Nicolas de Lyra, who wrote the ordinary Gloss of the Bible. Also William Ocham, a worthy divine, and of a right sincere judg- ment, as the times then would either give or suffer. Among those who fell into trouble with this king during his contention with his barons, was one Adam, bishop of Hereford : who being impeached of treason with others, was arrested in the parliament. Many things there were laid against him, for taking part with them that rose against the king, with other matters and heinous rebukes, &c. Whereto the bis.hop % great while answered nothing. At length the bishop claiming the liberties and privi- leges of the church, answered to the king in this form : " I, an humble minister and member of the holy church of God, and bishop consecrate (although unworthy) can- not, and ought not to answer to these high matters without authority of the archbishop of Canterbury, my A. D. 1323—1327.] LEWIS TROUBLED, AND AT LAST POISONED BY THE POPE. 203 Jirect judge, next under the high bishop of Rome, whose suffragan I am, and the consent likewise of the other my fellow bishops." After which, the archbishop and other bishops with him were ready to make humble intercession for him to the king, and did so. But when the king would not be won nor turned with any suppli- cation ; the bishop, together with the archbishop and the clergy, coming with their crosses, took him away, challeng- ing him for the church, without making any more an- swer ; charging, moreover, none to presume to lay any further hands upon him, under the censures of the church and excommunication. The king, moved with this bold- ness and stoutness of the clergy, commanded notwith- standing, to proceed in judgment, and the jury of twelve men to go upon the inquiry of his cause : who finding and pronouncing the bishop to be guilty, the king im- mediately caused all his goods and possessions to be confiscated unto himself: moreover, he made his plate and all his household provision to be thrown out of his house into the street ; but yet he remained still under the protection and defence of the archbishop. This archbishop was Walter Winchelsey, after whom succeeded Simon Mepham in the same see of Canter- bury, A. D. 1327. (Ex Thorn. Walsingham). After Pope Clement V., by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant two years and three months, Pope John XXII., a Cistercian monk, was next elected, who sat in that papacy eighteen years. He was stout and inflexible. given so much to the heaping of riches, that he pro- claimed them heretics who taught that Christ and his apostles had no possessions of their own in this world. At this time was emperor Lewis of Bavaria, a worthy man ; who had no less contention with this pope, and others that followed him, than had Frederick, before men- tioned in the time of King Henry III. This contention continued the space of four-and-twenty years. The cause and first origin of this tragical conflict, rose upon the con- stitution of Clement V. predecessor to this pope ; by whom it was ordained, that the emperors might be called kings of the Romans, but might not enjoy the title or right of the empire, to be nominated emperors, without their confirmation by the pope. Wherefore, because this emperor used the imperial dignity in Italy, before he was authorised by the pope, the pope therefore ex- communicated the emperor. And, notwithstanding the emperor several times proffered himself to make treaty of peace and concord, yet the pope would not bend. The writings of both parties are yet extant, wherein the bishop makes his boast, that he had full power to create and depose kings and emperors at his pleasure. In the same time were several learned men, who, seeing the matter, greatly condemned the bishops of Rome's do- ings ; among whom was William Ocham, whose treatises were afterwards condemned by the pope, for writing against the temporal jurisdiction of their see. And another named Marsilius, who wrote the book intitled ' Defensor Pacis,' which was given into the hands of the emperor, wherein the controversy of the pope's unlaw- ful jurisdiction in things temporal is largely disputed, and the usurped authority of that see set forth to the utmost. It is found in some writers, that a great cause of this variance was that one of the emperor's secreta- ries, unknown to the emperor, in some of his letters had likened the papal see to the beast rising out of the sea in the Apocalypse. At length, when the emperor, after much suit made to the pope at Avignon, could not ob- tain his coronation ; coming to Rome, he was there re- ceived with great honour, where he and his wife were both crowned by the full consent of all the lords and cardinals there. Not long after which, the pope died at Avignon in France. After him succeeded Bene- dict XII., and reigned seven years, who confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursings that John his pre- decessor had published against the Emperor Lewis. Moreover, he deprived him of his imperial crown, and also of his dukedom of Bavaria. After whom followed Pope Clement VI., a man of the most furious and cruel disposition. Renewing the for- mer excommunications of his predecessors, he caused ids letters to be set upon church doors, wherein he threatened and denounced most terrible thunderbolts against the Emperor Lewis, unless within three days he should satisfy God and the church, and renounce the imperial possession of the crown. The emperor upon this comes to Frankfort, and there ready to stand in all things to the ordinance of the pope, sends his orators to the court of Rome, to intreat the pope's favour and good will towards him. To which messengers the pope an- swered that he would never pardon the emperor, before he gave over and confessed his errors and heresies, and resigning up his empire to his hands, would submit him- self, his children, and all his goods to the will and plea- sure of tlie bishop, declaring that he should not receive again any part of the same, but upon his good grace, as his will should be to restore them. The pope also sent to the emperor certain written conditions for him to sign. The princes and electors, seeing the conditions, some of which sounded to the malicious defacing and destruction of the empire, abhor- ring the wickedness thereof, desired the emperor to stand to the defence of the imperial dominion, as he had be- gun, promising that their assistance and aid to the utmost should not be wanting. Upon that, other ora- tors were sent to Pope Clement from the princes, desir- ing him to abstain from such articles conceived against the state and majesty of the empire. The pope surmis- ing all this to spring from the Emperor Lewis, to the utter subversion of him and all his posterity, onMaunday- Thursday issued out most black curses against him, re- newing all the former processes of his predecessor against him, as against both an heretic and a schismatic; commanding, moreover, the princes electors to proceed in choosing a new emperor. Upon which, the arch- bishop of Cologne, the duke of Saxony, and some other electors, being bribed by the king of Bohemia, elected his son Charles emperor. In the meantime, what sor- row there was among the princes and citizens of Ger- many, and what complaints were made against Pope Clement, and those electors, cannot be expressed. For as they were all together at Spires in a general assembly, so there was none among them all, that allowed the election of Charles, or that cared for the pope's process, promising all to adhere and continue faithful subjects to Lewis their lawful emperor. But Lewis, remembering his oath made before to the pope, voluntarily and wil- lingly gave over his imperial dignity, and went to Bur- gravia, where, shortly after, through the procurement of Pope Clement, poison was given him to drink ; and there the good and gentle emperor, wickedly persecuted and murdered of the pope, fell down dead, whom I may well recount among the innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ. For if the cause being righteous makes a mar- tyr, what papist can justly disprove his cause or faith ? If persecution joined thereto causes martyrdom, what martyr could be more persecuted than he who having three popes like three bull dogs upon him, at length was devoured by them. This Pope Clement first reduced the year of jubilee to every fiftieth year, which before was kept but on the hundreth year. And so he being absent to Avignon (which he then purchased with his money to the see of Rome) caused it to be celebrated at Rome, (A.D. 1350.) In which year there were numbered, of pilgrims going in and coming out every day at Rome, to the calculation of five thousand. The bull of Pope Clement, given out in this present year of jubilee, proceeds in these words : — " What person or persons soever, for devotion sake, shall take their pilgrimage to the holy city, the same day when he sets forth out of his bouse, he may choose to him what confessor or confessors, either in the way, or where else he chooses ; to which confessors we grant, by our authority, plenary power to absolve aU cases papal, as fully as if we were in our proper person there present. Also, we grant that whoever being truly con- fessed, shall chance to die by the way, he shall be quit and absolved of all his sins. Moreover, we command the angels of Paradise to take his soul out of his body, being absolved, and to carry it into the glory of Paradise, &c." And in another bull, he says, "We will that no pain of hell shall touch him ; granting, moro- 204 EDWARD III.— ENGLAND INVADED BY THE SCOTS [Book IV. over to all persons, signed with the holy cross, power, and autharity to deliver and release three or four souls, whom they themselves please, out of the pains of purga- tory," &c, KING EDWARD III. After the imprisonment of King Edward II., as is above expressed, Edward his son was crowned king of England, being about fifteen years of age, and reigned the space of fifty years. He was a prince of great tem- perance, very expert in feats of arms, and no less fortu- nate in all his wars than his father was unfortu- nate before him ; he was worthily commended for his liberality and clemency ; and, briefly, in all princely virtues he was famous and excellent. Concerning the memorable acts of this prince, both in war and in peace, as how he subdued the Scots, had great victories by the sea, how he conquered France, (A.D. 13ii2), won Calais, (A.D. 1348), and took the French king prisoner, and how the French arms were first brought in by him, and joined with the English arms ; also, how the Order of the Garter was first invented and ordained by him, (A. D. 1356.) How he in his parliament at Notting- ham, decreed that all such in Flanders, or elsewhere, that had skill in making cloth, might peaceably inhabit the land, and be welcome. (For three years before that it was enacted, that no wool should be transported over the sea, which was to bridle the pride of the Flemings, who then loved better the sacks of wool, than the nation of Englishmen.) All these, with other noble acts of this worthy prince, although they are fully treated of in other chronicles ; yet according to the order I have be- gun (saying somewhat of each king's reign, although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history), I have here mentioned them, making haste to other matters, shortly and compendiously abridging them out of many and various authors. The coronation of King Edward III. and all the pomp thereof was no sooner ended, than Robert Bruce king of Scotland, understanding the state and government of the realm to be (as it was indeed) in the queen, the young king, the earl of Kent and sir Roger Mortimer ; and that tiie lords and barons, as he was informed, did scarcely well agree amongst themselves, thought this a fit time for his purpose, to make invasion. Whereupon, about the feast of Easter he sent his ambassadors with heralds and letters of defiance to the young King Edward III., the queen and the council ; declaring, that his purpose was with fire and sword to enter and invade the realm of England, &c. The king and queen made speedy preparation for this expedition : the noblemen provided themselves with all things necessary ; the English captains and soldiers (their bands tlioroughly furnished) were ready at their appointed time and place. After this, the king set forward his army towards Durham, and encamped himself near about the same, he also sent the lord Vitlbrd and the lord Mounbrey to Carlisle with a sufficient company to keep that entrance ; and also the lord marshal of England to keep the town of Newcastle with a sufficient company to defend the same, and tlie country adjoining. But the Scots privily passed tlie river between the two towns into England, few being aware of it till the great firu'S which the Scots had kindled and made in England, betrayi-d them : who came burning and destroying the country all about as far as Stanhope-park. This being declared to the king, he commanded his army with all speed to march towards them ; but the Scots, understand- ing the sui)erior fo»L'e of the king always kept the advan- t-ue of the liills, retiring in the night from one to ano- tliL-r : t!iat without great advantage on the one side, and haaard to the other, the king could not set upon them. Tints the Scots keeping the advantage of the hills, in the day time, and in the night time retiring till they came to 'inother hill, came near the bank of that river where tliey rirst passed over, and there they made a shew to ofi'er hatllo to the king ujjou the morrow. Whereupon tiie ki;ig bei.ig busied iu putting liis men and divisions in readiness to fight tlie next morning, being almost wearied in pursuing the Scots from place to place : the Scots in the meantime crossed over the river, and eyc-iju d the danger of the king. It would have availed the l>;u^ very little to have made pursuit after them, as the wily Siota knew full well. For the joy whereof, the Lord XVilUam Douglas, one of the Scot's generals, with two huaui-cd horses, gave alarm in the king's camp ; and came so near that he cut certain of the lines of tlie king's tent in sunder with his sword, and retired to his company without great loss of any of his men. A truce of four years was soou after concluded between them. After the truce of four years, the king prepared ano- ther army against Scotland, and wasted the land, liunit destroyed, and took towns and castles with small resistance or none ; and during the space of six months together did what he pleased in that land, without any battle otiered to him. For the king of Scots was but a (diild, not al)ove fifteen years of age, and wanted good captains that should have defended the realm. Then Sir Robert de Artois, a nobleman of France, descended of the blood royal, being in Englai.d with the king, often put him in mind of his good and rightful title to the crown of France. King Edward was not unwilling to hear of this, but took delight often in reasoning and debating the matter with him. But yet, he thought it not good to make any attempt without advised and cau- tious counsel ; therefore, calling togetlicr certain of his council, he sought their deliberate advice touching the matter. In fine, it was thought good by them, that the king should send certain ambassadors over to the earl of Heinault, whose daughter he had married, as well to hear his advice and counsel herein ; as also to learn wliat friends and aid, by him and his means, might be procured. The king appointed for this ambassage the bishop of Lin- coln with two baronets, and two doctors ; who in a short space returned to the king with this answer, that not only the earl's counsel and advice should be at the service of the king of England, but also the whole country of Hein- ault. And further, that he would procure for the king greater aid, as the duke of Brabant his cousin-germain, and a puissant prince, the duke of Guerles, the archbi- shopof Cologne,themarquessof Juliers, &c., whowereall good men of war, and able to make ten thousand fighting men. This answer well pleased the king, and made him very joyous. But this counsel of the king, secret as it was, came to the French king's ears : whereupon he stayed the voyage of the cross which he had then in hand, sending forth countermands to stay the same, till he knew further the purpose of the king of England. The king hereupon himself takes shipping, and when he had consulted with all the lords of the empire in this matter, and understood their fidelity, he repaired to the emperor, at whose hands he was well entertained, and honourably received. Philip hearing this, prepared his army, and rigged his navy, that so soon as the king , should enter into the dominion of France, they also might enter into England, requiring like for like. The king of England, after the feast of St. John Baptist, according to his purpose, prepared all things ready to such an expedition, conducting his army, and ,' gathering a greater force in the empire, as was promised, ' using the emperor's authority therein, as his lieutenant- general, although at the charge altogether of the king of England. The French king, as soon as King Edward had landed his army at Machelen in Flanders, sent certain ships lying ready, and waiting for such oppor- tunity to the coast of England ; which, upon a Sunday, whilst the townsmen were at the church, little looking for any such matter, entered the haven of Southampton, took the town and spoiled the same, shamefully ill- treated the women, burnt, killed, took captives, and carried away rich spoils to their ships, and so again de- parted into France. Further, as the king of England had allied himself with the noblemen of the empire, and had tiie friendly favour of the emperor, so the French king made league and alliance with David the king of Scots, and forthwith sent garrisons and bands into Scot- land to keep play with the Englishmen. King Edward, departing from Ma«helen, set forward his host toward Heinault till they came to Cambray, and besieged it with 40,000 men, while another company went to St. A.D. 1327—1340.] WAR CET"A'EEN EDWARD AND THE FRENCH KING. 205 ; Quintin. But neither there, nor at Cambra}', nor else- where, was any thing remarkable achievt-d. But the summer being well spent, and the kiu'^' of Eugluid I prevailing little in the siege of Cambray, being strong in situation, and well defended with men and ammu- nition, he brake up the siege, and marched further into the heart of France. And afterwards '^without any battle either given or taken) he returned with his army to Gaunt. The winter then drew on, and the king thought best for a season to return to England with his army, giving iover the wars till the next spring. When he came to London, he was told of the great spoil the Frenchmen had made at Southampton : he answered, " That within one year he doubted not but they should be well paid land recompensed." In the spring tlie king again pre- i pared his army, and rigged his navy, purpos^ing to land 'in Flanders. But the archbishop of Canterbury, then Herd chancellor, having understood that the French J forces were upon the sea, watching for the king, gave I him information of it, desiring him to go more strongly lor else not to venture. But the king not crediting the iarchbishop, and being angry with him, said, " That he would go forward :" whereupon the bishop resigned the cliancellorship, and removed himself from his council : ,then the king consulting farther with the Lord Morley jhis admiral, and others, furnished himself with a greater [force, and embarked ; so that a few days before mid- 'summer, he was upon the sea with a great fleet. The French king, to stop his passage, had ready a great 'navy, well near to the number of twenty score sail, be- ifore the town of Sluse ; and had made the Christopher |of England (which the Frenchmen had captured at Southampton) their admiral's ship ; betwixt which two navies there was a long and terrible fight. But in the end. the victory, by God's grace, fell to the king of England, (in which fight he himself was personally en- gaged). So that of the number of thirty thousand Frenchmen, few or none escaped alive, and two hundred sail of ships were taken, in one of which were found four hundred dead bodies. This victory being achieved, and the fame thereof spreading abroad in England, it was not believed, till letters came from the king to Prince Edward his son, then at Waltham, directed to the bishops and prelates of the realm : the effect of which letters here follows : — " The bountiful benignity of God's great clemency poured upon us of late, for your true certainty and re- joicing, we thought good to intimate to you. It is not unknown (we suppose) to you, and to oui other faith- ful subjects, who also have been partakers with us of the same, with what storms of boisterous wars of late we jliave been tossed and shaken, as in the great ocean. jBut although the rising surges of the sea are marvellous, jyet more marvellous is the Lord above, who, turning the itempest into a calm, in so great dangers, so mercifully jhas respected us. For whereas we of late ordained our passage upon urgent causes into Flanders ; the Lord |Philip de Valois, our bitter enemy, understanding there- jof, laid against us a mighty navy of ships, intending jthereby either to take us, or at least to stop our voyage. A\ hich voyage, if it had been staid, had been the cut- ting off of all the great enterprises by us intended and (taken in hand ; and, moreover, we ourselves had been jbrought to a great confusion. But the God of mercies, peeing us so distressed in such perils and dangers, hath graciously, and beyond man's expectation, sent to us great succour and strength of fighting soldiers, and a prosperous wind after our own desires. By the means and help of which, we set out of the haven into the seas, where we soon perceived our enemies well appointed and prepared with a main multitude to set upon us, upon midsummer-day last past. Against whom, notwith- standing, Christ our Lord and Saviour hath rendered to |US the victory, through a strong and vehement conflict. In w]ii<'h conflict, a mighty number of our enemies were |destroyt;d, and well near all thtrir whole navy was taken; jwith some loss al;,o ot our )art, but nothing in compari- son to tlieics. By reasoa of wliicu we doubt not but I our passage by the seas lierenfl'er shall be more quiet and safe for our subjects, and also many other advan- tages shall ensue, as we have good cause to hope well of the same. For which cause we, devoutly considering the heavenly grace so mercifully wrought upon us, do render most humble thanks and praise to Christ our Lord and Saviour, beseeching liim, that as he hath been and always is, ready to anticijiate our necessities in time of ojiportunity, so he will continue his helping hand ever towards us, and so to direct us here temporally, that we may reign and joy with him in heaven eternally. And in like sort we recpiire your charity, that you also with us rising up to the praise of God alone, who hath begun so favourably to work with us to our goodness, in your prayers and divine service do instantly recommend us to the Lord, while we are travelling here in these foreign countries, studying not only to recover our right here in France, but also to advance the whole catholic church of Christ, and to rule our people in justice. And also that ye call upon the clergy and people, every one through his diocese, to do the same, invocating the name of our Saviour, that of his mercy he will give to us his humble servant a docible heart, so to judge and rule hereupon rightly, doing that which he hath commanded, that at length we may attain to that which he hath promised, &c." Which letter was written to the bishops and prelates, A. D. 1340. After this victory the king passing into Flanders, came to Gaunt in Brabant, where he had left the queen, who joyfully received him, being a little before delivered of her fourth son, whose name was John, commonly called John of Gaunt, who was earl of Richmond and duke of Lancaster. At Villenorth the king assembled his council, whereat the noblemen of Flanders, Brabj^nt, and Heinault, joining together in most firm league, tne one to help and defend the other, with the king of Eng- land, against the French king, purposing and determin- ing from thence to march toward Tournay to besiege it. The French king, understanding their counsel, fortified and victualled the same before their coming thither. Furthermore to stop King Edward, he sent with King David of Scotland a great army, to make invasion in England, thereby the sooner to cause the king to remove his siege. This David (with the aid of the Scots and Frenchmen) so much succeeded, that they recovered almost all Scot- land. Then they invaded England, and came with their army, wasting and burning the country before them, till they came as far as Durham, and then returned again into Scotland, where they recovered all their holds again, saving the town of Berwick. Edinburgh they took by a stratagem or subtile device practised by Douglas, and others: who ap])arelling themselves in poor men's habits, as victuallers with corn and provender, and other things, demanded of tlie porter early in the morning whether they had need thereof? Who nothing mistrusting, opened the outward gate, where they should tarry till the captain rose : and perceiving the porter to have the keys of the inward gate, they threw down their sacks in the outward gate, that it might not be shut again, and slew the porter, taking from him the keys of the town. Then they blew their horns as a warning to their bands, who laid not far off : and they coming quickly, and find- ing the gates ready opened, entered upon the sudden, and killed as many as resisted them, and so obtained the city of Edinburgh. At the same time the French king gathered together an army, purposing to raise the siege of Tournay : and among others sent for the king of Scots, wlio caii\e to him with a great force, besides other nobLmen of France : so that the French king had a gre^t army, and thought himself able enough to raise the siciie. But for all this, he durst not yet approach the king of England so near, as to give him battle, but ktpt himself with his army aloof, in a sure place ibr his better defence. And although the king of Englai.d wasted, burnt, spoiled, and destroyed the c.rintry. t'.veii'y rniles about Tournay, and took many strons; towns and holds, and slew above three huiidrcd men of anus, i:ud 206 LETTER OF THE KING AND NOBLES OF ENGLAND TO THE POPE. [Book IV. killed of noblemen, the Lord of Duskune, of Mauris- Ifou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis, of Ham- elar, Mountfaucon, and other barons, to the number of fourteen ; and also slew and killed above one hundred and tliirty knights, being all men of great possessions and prowess, and took other small cities and towns to the number of three hundred : yet for all this, the French king durst neither rescue his towns nor relieve his own men: but of his great army he lost (which is to be mar- velled at, being in the midst of his own country) by fa- taine and other inconveniencies, and for want of water, more than twenty thousand men without fighting any battle. Whereupon at the entreaty of Philip by his ambassadors to the king, and by the mediation of the Lady Jane, sister to Philip, and mother to the earl of Heinault, whose daughter king Edward had married ; a truce for one year was concluded. As soon as this truce was finished. King Edward brake up his camp, removing his siege from Touruay, and came again to Gaunt. From whence (very early in the morning) he with a small company took shipping, and came by sea to the tower of London, very few or none having been aware of it. And being greatly displeased with some of his council and high officers (for through their default he was constrained against his will, not having money to maintain his wars, to condescend to the truce) he com- manded the Lord John Stonehore chief justice of Eng- land, and Sir John Poultney, with divers others, to be apprehended and brought to him to the Tower. And the next morning he sent for the bishop of Chichester, and the Lord Wake, the lord treasurer, and others that were in authority and office, and commanded them all to be kept as prisoners in the Tower, the bishop only ex- cepted. The history treating of this matter reports, that the king had at this time under him evil substitutes, and covetous officers : who attending more to their own gain than to the public honour and commodity of the realm, left the king destitute and naked of money. With which crime also John Stratford then archbishop of Canter- bury was suspected. About the year A. D. 1341, there were sent from the pope two cardinals to treat with King Edward for three years truce more, to be concluded with the French king, besides the former truce taken before for one year, and all by the pope's means. For here is to be understood, that it was not for the pope's purpose to have the king of England to reigu over so many countries. The next year, which was A. D. 1342, the emperor, ■who before had shewed great courtesy to King Edward in his first voyage, insomuch that he made him his vicar or vicegerent-general, and offered him also aid against the French king; now (either turned by inconstancy, or seduced by the pope) writes to him contrary letters, wherein he revokes the vicegerentship granted to him, and befriends the French king. In the mean time Pope Benedict XII. died ; after whom succeeded Pope Clement VI. Of whom it is reported, that he was very liberal and bountiful to his cardinals, enriching them with goods and possessions not of his own however, but with the ecclesiastical dignities and prefer- ments of the church of England. But the king being offended therewith, made void and frustrated all those provisions of the pope ; charging and commanding that no person whatever should busy himself with any such provisions, under pain of imprisonment and losing his life, (A. D. 1344.) Pope Clement began to make new provisions for two of his cardinals of the benefices and churches that should be next vacant, besides bishopricks and abbotships, to the extent of two thousand marks. And the proctors of the cardinals were sent down for them. But the king and nobility of the realm not suffering such proceed- ings under pain of imprisonment, caused the proctors forthwith to leave the realm, and the nobles and commons shortly after wrote a fruitful epistle to the pope, for the liberties and maintenance of the English church, which the pope and the cardinals were not able to answer. The argument of which letter is as follows : The letter of the king of England, and the nobles of the same, to the pope, against the reservations and provi- sioTis which he had in England. " To the most holy father in God, Lord Clement, by the grace of God, of the holy church of Rome, and of the universal church, chief and high bishop ; his humble and devout children, the princes, dukes, earls, barons, knights, citizens, burgesses, and all the commonalty of the realm of England, assembled at the parliament holden at Westminster the fifteenth day of May last past ; send devout kissings of his holy feet, with all humble reverence and humility. Most holy father, the holy discretion, government and equity, which appears to be in you, and ought of duty to be so, (being so high and holy a prelate, and head of the holy church), by whom the holy universal church and people of God ought to be as by the sun-beams enlightened, gives us good hope and likelihood, that the just petitions (to the honour of Jesus Christ and holy church, and vour holi- ness also) by us declared, shall be by you graciously heard and considered ; and that all errors and other iniquities should be quite taken away and removed ; instead whereof, fruitful exploits and necessary remedies (by the grace of the Holy Spirit which you in so high an estate have received) may be by you likewise graciously ordained and disposed. Wherefore most holy father we aU (upon great deliberation and common assent) come unto your holiness, shewing and declaring that the noble kings of England, our progenitors, our ancestors, and we, according to the grace of the Holy Spirit to them and us given, every one according to his devotion, have established, founded, and endowed within the realm of England, churches, cathedrals, colleges, abbeys, priories, and other houses of religion ; and to the prelates and go- vernors of the same places have given lands, possessions, patrimonies , franchises , advowsons, and patronages of dig- nities, revenues, offices, churches, with many other bene- fices ; whereby the service of God and the faith of Christ might have been honoured and had in reverence, that the hospitals and alms-houses that are made, with all the churches and edifices, might be honestly kept and maintained, and that devout prayers might in those places be made for the founders, and the poor pa- rishioners aided and comforted. And such only ought to have the cure thereof, as are able to hear confessions ; and in their own natural tongue are otherwise meet to inform and teach their parishioners. And forsomuch as (most holy father) you cannot well come to the notice of divers such errors and defaults, neither yet understand the conditions of the places, being so far off, unless your holiness be informed and advertised ; we having the per- fect intelligence and understanding of the said errors and defaults of the places, within the realm, have thought meet to signify the same unto your holiness : that divers reservations, provisions, and collations by your prede- cessors apostolic of Rome, and by you, most holy father, in your time, have been granted, and that more largely than they have been accustomed to be, to divers persons as well as strangers, and of sundry nations, as to some such as are our enemies having no understand- ing at all of the tongue and condition of them, of whom they have the government and cure. Whereby a great number of souls are in peril, — a great many of their parishioners in danger, — the service of God destroyed, — the alms and devotion of all men diminished, — the hos- pitals perished, — the churches with their appurtenances decayed, — charity withdrawn, — the good and honest persons of our realm unadvanced, — the charge and government of souls not regarded, — the devotion of the peo])le restrained, — many poor scholars unpreferred, — and the treasure of the realm carried out against the minds and intents of the founders. All which errors, defaults and slanders, most holy father, we neither can nor ought to suffer or endure. We therefore most humbly require your holiness, that the slanders, errors and defaults, which we have declared to you, may be through your great discretion considered ; and that it may please you that such reservations, provisions, and collations may be utterly annulled, that from henceforth 1 A. D. 1340—1346.] TRUCE BETWEEN THE KINGS OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 207 the same be no more used among us ; and to take such order and remedy therein, that the benefices, edifices, rights, with their appurtenances, may be to the honour of God, occupied, defended, and governed by our own countrymen. And that it may further please your holi- ness by your letters to signify to us, without delay, what your pleasure is touching this our lawful request ; that we may do our endeavour with diligence herein for the remedy, correction, and amendment of those enormities above specified. In witness whereof, unto these letters patent we have set our seals. Given in the full par- liament at Westminster, the eighteenth day of May, A. D. 1343." The king shortly after sent over his proctors, the Earl of Lancaster and Derby, Hugh Spenser, Lord Ralph Stafford, with ihe bishop of Exeter, and others, to the pope's court, to discuss and plead about the right of his title before the pope. To whom Pope Clement VI., not long after sent down this message ; how that Lewis, Duke of Bavaria the emperor, whom the pojie had before deposed, had submitted himself to him in all things ; and therefore deserved at his hands the benefit of abso- lution ; and how the pope had conferred and restored to him justly and graciously the empire, which he before held unjustly, &c. Which message when the king heard, being moved to anger, he answered again, saying, *' That if the pope also agreed and compounded with the French king, he was ready to fight with them both." Within this year, pence, half-pence, and farthings, began to be coined in the Tower. And the next year following (which was A. D. 1344), the castle of Windsor (where the king was born) began to be repaired ; and in which the house called the round table was situate, the diameter whereof, from the one side to the other, con- tained two hundred feet : to the expenses of which house there was allowed weekly an hundred pounds for the maintaining of the king's chivalry, till at length by the occasion of the French wars, it came down to nine pounds a week. During the same year the clergy of England granted to the king tenths for three years ; for which the king in recompence granted to them his charter, containing these privileges : that no archbishop nor bishop should be arraigned before his justices, if the said clergyman do submit and claim his right as a clergyman, professing himself to be a member of holy church ; who doing so, shall not be bound to come before the justices. And if it shall be laid to their charge that they have married two wives, or have married a widow, the justices shall have no power to proceed against them. But the cause shall be reserved to the spiritual court, &c. About this present time at the setting up of the round table, the king made Prince Edward, his eldest son, the first Prince of Wales. All this while the truce continued between the two kings. Although it is thought that the French king made many attempts to infringe it. Where- upon Henry Earl of Lancaster, with six hundred men at arms, and as many archers, was sent over to Gascony, the year after, (A. D. 1345), who there so valiantly behaved himself, that he subdued fifty-five townships to the king, he took twenty three noblemen prisoners, encountering with the French at Allebroke. So cour- teously and liberally he dealt with the soldiers, that it was a joy to them, and a preferment to fight under him. His manner was in winning any town, to reserve little or nothing to himself, but to divide the whole spoil to his soldiers. One example in the author (whom I follow) is mentioned ; how the earl at the winning of the town of Briers, where he had granted to every soldier for his booty the house with all its contents, which he should obtain by victory ; among his other soldiers was one who took a certain house which contained the mint and coined money for that country ; when the soldier had found it, in breaking up a house where the gross metal was not yet perfectly wrought, he came to the earl, declaring to him the treasure, to know what was his pleasure therein. To whom the earl answered, " That the house was his, and whatever he found therein." Afterward the soldier, finding a whole mint of pure silver ready coined, again informed the earl, as he thought such treasure too great for his portion ; the earl again answering, declared that " He had once given him the whole house, and what he had once given, he would not call back again, as children use to play." And therefore bade him enjoy that which was granted to him ; and if the money were thrice as much, it should be his own. Which story, whether it was true or otherwise in those days, 1 have not to affirm. But, if in these our covetous, wretched days now present, any author should report the like act to be practised, I would hardly believe it to be true. As the Earl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gas- cony, the Scots were as busy in England, wasting and spoiling without mercy ; who were thought to be set on by the French king. And therefore he was judged both by that, and by other ways to have broken the covenants of truce between him and the king of England. Wherefore the next year (A. D. 1346) King Edward first sending his letters to the court of Rome, and therein complaining to the pope of Philip, how he transgressed and broke the truce between them ; about the month of July made his voyage into Normandy, in such a secret way, that no man well knew whither he designed to go. First he entered the town of Hogs, and from thence proceeded to Cardoyne. Where, about the twenty-seventh of July, by the river of Cardoyne, he fought a great battle with the Normans and other Frenchmen, who to stop his passage, defended the bridge. At the battle there were taken of the lords of France, the Earl of Ewe, the Earl of Tan- kerville ; and of knights with other men of arms, to the number of one hundred; of footmen six hundred; and the town and suburbs beaten down to the hard walls. And all that could be borne away, was transported to the ships. A little before, mention was made how the French king began first to infringe the truce, and how the Earl of Lancaster on that account, was sent unto Gascony. It appears that the French king (contrary to the form of truce taken at Vanes) had seized some of the nobles of England, and had brought them to Paris to be im- prisoned and put to death ; besides other slaughters and spoilings made in Brittany, Gascony, and other places. King Edward therefore seeing the truce broken on the French king's part, A. D. 1345, the fourteenth of the month of June, published and sent abroad his letters of defiance. Now concerning the campaign of the king, with his achievements from the winning of Codane or Car- doyne, to the town of Poissy, all is sufficiently described by one of the king's chaplains and his confessor ; who being a Dominican Friar, and accompanying the king through all his journey, writes as follows : " We have great cause to praise and laud the God of Heaven, and to confess his holy name, wlio has wrought mercy to us. For after the conflict at Codane, in which many were slain, and the city taken and sacked even to the bare walls, the city of Baia immediately yielded, fear- ing lest their counsels had been betrayed. After this the lord our king directed his progress toward Rouen. And while at the town of Lexon, there came certain cardinals to him, greatly exhorting him to peace. The cardinals being courteously entertained by the king from reverence to the pope's see, it was answered them ; that the king being desirous of peace, had tried by all reasonable ways and means how to maintain it, and therefore had offered conditions of peace to the no small prejudice of his own cause. And he is yet ready to admit any reasonable offer of peace. With this answer the cardinals going to the French king, to persuade him in like manner, returned to King Edward again, offering to him in tlie French king's name, the dukedom of Aquitaine, besides the hope also of obtaining more, if treaty of peace might be obtained. But for so much as that did not content the king, and as the cardinals did not find the French king so tractable and desirous of peace as they looked for, they returned, leaving the matter as they found it. So the king hasten- ing forward, subdued the country and the great towns, without any resistance of the inhabitants, who all fled and ran away. Such fear God struck into them, that it seem- 208 EDWARD'S CONFESSOR DESCRIBES THE KING'S PROGRESS IN FRANCE. [Book IY. cd as if they had lost their hearts. As the king had got- ten many towns and villages, so he also subdued many strong castU-s, and that with little difficulty. His enemy being at the same time at Rouen had reared a great army, yet he ever kej)! on tlie other side of the ri- ver Suine, bniuking down all the bridges that we should not come over to him. And althoui;h the country round about was spoiled, sacked, and consumed with tire lor a circuit of twenty miles ; yet the French king, being dis- tant scarcely the space of one mile from us, either would not, or else dared not (when he might easily have passed over the river) make any defence of his country and peo- ple. And so our king journeying forward, came to Pu- siake or Poissy, where the French king had also broken down the bridge, and kept on the other side of the river." After coming to Poissy, this cliajilain and confessor to the king, named Michael Northburgh, describes the king's progress, and the acts of the English from the town of Poissy, to his coming to Calais as follows : — A Letter of William Northburgh the King's Confessor, descriOing the King's Progress into France. " Salutations premised, we give you to understand, that our sovereign lord the king came to the town of Poissy, the day before the assumption of our lady, where was a bridge over the Seine, broken down by the enemy, but the king waited there, till the bridge was again made. And while the bridge was repairing, there came a great number of men-at-arms, and other soldiers, to hinder the works. But the earl of Northampton issued out against them and slew more than one tliousand ; the rest fled away, thanks be to God. At another time our men passed the water, although with much difficulty, and slew a great number of the common soldiers about the city of Paris, and adjoining country ; so that our people now made other good bridges, God be thanked, without any great loss or damage to us. On the morrow after the assumption of our lady, the king passed the river Seine and marched toward Poissy, a town of great defence and strongly immured, and a very strong castle within it. When our vanguard was passed the town, our rear-guard gave an assault and captured it, there were slain more than three hundred men-at-arms of our enemies. The next day, the Earl of Suffolk and Sir Hugh Spenser mardied forth upon the commons of the country assem. bled and w^U armed, and discomtited them, and slew more tiian two hundred, and took six hundred gentlemen prisoners, beside others. After that, the king marched toward Grand V^illers, and while he was encamped there, the vaiiguard was descried by the mea-of-arras of the king of Bohemia ; whereupon our men issued out in great haste, and joined battle with them, but were forced to retire. But thanks be unto God, the earl of Northamp- ton issued out, and rescued the horsemen with other sol- diers ; so that few or none of them were either taken or siain, (except oniy Thomas Talbot,) but had the enemy in chase within two leagues of Amiens, of whom we took eight, and slewtwelve of their best men-at-arms ; the rest being well horsed, reached the town of Amiens. After this, tiis king of England marched toward Pountife upon Bartliolome.v d ly, and came to the water of Somme where theFrenchkinjrli id laid five hundred men-at-arms, and three thousand footin-.ui, purjiosing to have stopped our passage, but thanks be to God, the king of EiigUuul and his host entered the w iti'r of Somme, without the loss of any of our men. After that he encountered with the enemy, and slew more than two thousand of thein ; the rest fled to Abbeville, in which chase there were taken many knights, squires, and men-at-arms. The same day Sir Hugh Spenser took tiie town of Croylay, where he and his sol- diers slew four hundred men-at-arms, and kept the town, where they found great store of victuals. The same night the king of England encamped in the forest of Cressy upon the same water, for the French king's host came on the other side of the town near to our passage ; and so marched toward Abbeville. And upon the Friday follow- ing, the king being still encamped in the forest, our scouts descried the French king, marching toward us in four great divisions. And having then information of our enemies, a little before the evening we drew to the plain field, and set our forces in array ; and immediately the light began, it was sore, cruel, and long, for our enemies behaved themselves right nobly. But thanks be given to God, the victory fell on our side, and our adversaiy was discomtited with all his host, and put to Hight : there was slain the king of Bohemia, the duke of Lorraiii, the earl of Dabeson.the carl of Flanders, the earl of Blois, the earl of Arcot, with his two sons, the earl of Damerler, the earl of Navers, and his cr -..her, the lord of Tronard, the archbishop of Meymes, the archbishop of Saundes, the high prior of France, the earl of Savoy, the lord of Morles, the lord de Guis, seignior de St. Novant, seig- nior (le Rosinburgh, with six earls of Germany and other earls, barons, knights and squires, whose names are unknown. Philip (the French king) himself, with another marquess, who was called Lord Elector among the Romans, escaped from the battle. The number of the men-at-arms found dead in the field, besides the common soldiers and footmen, were one thousand five hundred and forty-two. And all that night the king of England with his host, remained armed in the field where the battle was fought. On the next morrow before the sun rose, there marched toward us another great army, mighty and strong. But the earl of Northampton, and the earl of Norfolk is- sued out against them in three divisions ; and after a long and terrible fight, they discomfited them by God's great help and grace (for otherwise it could never have been) where they took of knights and squires a great number, and slew above two thousand, pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battle was fought. The same night the king encamped again in the forest of Cres- sy, and on the morrow marched toward Boulogne, and by the way took the town of Staples ; and from thence he marched toward Calais, which he intends to besiege. And therefore our sovereign lord the king commands you, to send to the siege, convenient supplies of victuals. For after the time of our departing from Chaam, we have travelled through the country, with great peril and dan- ger of our people, but yet always had plenty of victuals, thanks be to God. But now as the case stands, we need your help to be refreshed with victuals. Thus fare you well. Written at the siege before the town of Calais the 14th day of September." After the siege and winning of Poissy, the third day of September A.D. \MG, the king through the mid.>t of France, directed his course to Calais, and besiegid it ; which siege he continued from the 3rdofSeptember,till the 3rd of August next ensuing, upon which day it was sur- rendered and subdued to the crown of England. After thus winning Calais, King Eward, remaining in the town, was in consultation concerning his proceeding further into France. But by means of the cardinals, a truce for a time was accejited, and instruments made that certain noblemen as well for the French king, as for the king of England, should come to the pope, there to debate upon the articles. To which King Edward, for peace sake, was not much oi:i)osed (A. D. 1.'517). In A. D. i;5.";0, the town of Calais was, by the trea- son of the keeper of the castle, almost betrayed and won from the Englishmen. And within the same year Philip the French king died. After whom King John his son, succeeded to the crown. About A. D. l.''.')l, concord and agreement began to come well forward, and instruments were drawn upon the same between the two kings. But the matter being brought up to Pope Innocent VI., partly by the quar- relling of the Frenchmen, partly by the winking of the pope, who ever held with the French side, the condi- tions were repealed, which were these : that to the king of England all the d\ikedom of Aquitaine with other lands there, should be restored without homage to the French king. And that King Edward again should sur- render to him all his right and title, which he had in France ; whereupon rose the occasion of great war and tumult which followed after between the two realms. It followed after this, (A. D. 1355,) that King Ed- A.D. 1346—1350.] REMONSTRANCES AGAINST THE POPE'S USURPATION. 209 ward hearing of the death of Philip the French king, and that King John his son had granted the dukedom of Aquitaine to Charles his eldest son and dauphin of Vienna, sent over Prince Edward with the earls of Warwick, of Salisbury, of Oxford, and with them a suf- ficient number of able soldiers into Aquitaine. Where he being willingly received by some, he subdued the rest, partly by force of sword, partly by their submitting themselves to his protection. Not long after this, in the same year, word was brought to King Edward, that John, the French king, was ready to meet him at St. Omers, there to give him battle, so he gathered his forces, and set over to Calais with his two sons, Lionel earl of Wilton, and John of Gaunt earl of Richmond, with Henry duke of Lan- caster, &c. When Edward was come to St. Omers, the French king with a mighty army, heard of his coming, but the nearer he approached to them, the fur- ther they retired back ; wasting and destroying behind them, so that the English army in pursuing them, might find no provisions. By which, King Edward following him for the space of nine or ten days to Hadem (when he could find neither his enemy to tight, nor provisions for his army) returned to Calais. King Edward, seeing the shrinking of his enemy, crossed the seas into Eng- land, where he recovered again the town of Berwick, which the Scots before by subtlety had gotten. The same year, when King Edward had recovered Berwick, and subdued Scotland, Prince Edward being in Gascony, made toward the French king. The victo- rious prince made way with his sword, and after much slaughter of the French, and many prisoners taken, he at length came up with the French king at Poictiers, and with scarcely two thousand men, overthrew the French with seven thousand men of arms and more. In which conflict, the French king himself, and Philip his son, with Lord James of Bourbon, the archbishop of Senon, eleven earls, and twenty-two lords were taken. Of other warriors and men of arms two thousand. Some affirm, that in this conflict there were slain two dukes, of lords and noblemen twenty-four, of men of arms two thousand and two ; of other soldiers about eight thousand. The com- mon report is, that more Frenchmen were there taken prisoners, than the whole English army which took them. This noble victory gotten by the grace of God, excited no little admiration among all men. It were too long, and little pertaining to the purpose of this history, to comprehend in order all the doings of this king, with the circumstances of his victories, of the bringing in of the French king into England, of his abode there, of the ransom levied on him, and of David the Scotish king ; of which, the one was rated at one million of pounds, the other at an hundred thousand marks, to be paid in ten years. Thus having treated of all martial affairs and warlike exploits in the reign of this king between him atid the realms of France and Scotland : now, to return to our ecclesiastical matters, it follows to notify the troubles and contentions growing between the king and the pope, and other ecclesiastical persons in matters touching the church, taken out of the records in the Tower. In the fourth year of his reign, tlie king wrote to the archbishop of Canterbury to this effect: that whereas King Ed- ward I. his grandfather, gave to his chaplain, the dignity of treasurer of York, (the archbishoprick of York being then vacant and in the king's hands,) in the quiet pos- session of which the chaplain continued, until the pope would have displaced him, and promoted a cardinal of Rome to that dignity, the king therefore straitly charges the archbishop of York not to suffer any matter to pass, that may be prejudicial to the donation of his grand- father, upon pain of his highness's displeasure. The like precepts were also directed to these bishops following: to the bishop of Lincoln, bishop of Worcester, bishop of Sarum, archdeacon of Richmond, archdeacon of Lincoln, the prior of Lewen, the prior of Lenton, to Master Rich of Bentworth, to Master Iherico de Con- core, to the pope's nuncio, to Master Guido of Calma. And he wrote letters to the pope consisting of three parts. First, in the declaration and defence of bis right and title to the donation and gift of all manner of tempo- rnlties, of offices, prebends, benefices and dignities ecclesiastical, held of him in capite, as in the right of his crown of England. Secondly, in expostulatinj; witli the pope for intruding himself into the ancient right of the crown of England, intermeddling with such colla- tions, contrary to right and reason, and the example of all his predecessors. Thirdly, intreating him that he would henceforth abstain and desist from molesting the realm with such novelties and strange usurpations ; and so much the more, because in the parliament lately held at Westminster, it was agreed by the universal assent of all the estates of the realm, that the king should stand to the defence of all such rights and jurisdictions as to his regal dignity and crown any way appertained. The tenth year of his reign he wrote also to the pope to this effect : that whereas the prior and chapter of Norwich nominated a clerk to be bishop of Norwich, and sent him to Rome for his investiture, without the king's knowledge ; therefore the pope would withdraw his consent, and not intermeddle in the matter apper- taining to the king's peculiar jurisdiction and preroga- tive. After this, in the sixteenth year of this king, it hap- pened that the pope sent over legates to hear and deter- mine matters ajipertaining to the right of patronages of benefices ; the king perceiving this to tend to the no small derogation of his right, and the liberties of his subjects, writes to the said legates, admonishing and re- quiring them not to proceed therein, nor attempt any thing unadvisedly, otherwise than might stand with the lawful ordinances and customs of the laws of his realm, and the freedom and liberties of his subjects. The year following, which was the seventeenth of his reign, he wrote another letter to the pope, against his provisions and reservations of benefices. The year following, another letter likewise was sent by the king to the pope, upon occasion taken of the church of Norwich, requiring him to cease his reserva- tions and provisions of the bishoprics within the realm, and to leave the elections thereof free to the chapters of such cathedral churches, according to the ancient grants and ordinances of his noble progenitors. Proceeding now to the nineteeth year of this king's reign, there came to the king certain legates from Roma, complaining of certain statutes passed in his parliament, tending to the prejudice of the church of Rome, and the pope's primacy, viz., that if abbots, priors, or any other ecclesiastical patrons of benefices should nut present to the benefices within a certain time, the laj)se should come to the ordinary or chapter thereof, or if they did not present, then to the archbishop, if the archbishop likewise did fail to present, then the gift to pertain not to the lord pope, but to the king and his heirs. Another complaint also was this, that if archbishops should be slow ill giving such benefices as properly pertained to their own patronage in due time, then the collation thereof likewise should ajipertain to the king and his heirs. Another complaint was, that if the pope should make void any elections in the church of England for any defect found therein, and so had placed some honest and discreet persons in the same, that then the king and his heirs was not bound to render the temporalties to the parties placed by the pope's provision. Whereupon, the pope being not a little aggrieved, the king wrote to liim, certifying that he was misinformed, denying that there was any such statute made in that parliament. And further, as touching all other things, he would confer with his prelates and nobles, and would return answer by his legates. In the twentieth year of his reign, another letter was written to the pope by the king, the effect whereof was this : "That in respect of his great charges sustained in his wars, he had by the counsel of his nobles, taken into his own hands the fruits and profits of all his benefices in England." To proceed in the order of years, in the twenty-sixth year of this king, one Nicholas Heath, clerk, a busy- headed body, and a troubler of the realm, had procured some bishops, and others of the king's council to bo r2 210 SUNDRY EMINENT WRITERS AGAINST THE POPE. [Book IV. cited up to the court ^f Rome, there to answer such complaints as he had made against them. Whereupon commandment was given by the king to all the ports of the reahn for the restraint of all passengers out, aud for searching aud arresting all persons bringing in any bulls or other process from Rome, tending to the derogation of the dignity of the crown, or molestation of the subjects. The same year the king wrote also to the pope's le- gate resident in England, requiring him to cease from exacting divt-rs sums of money of the clergy, in the name of hrst fiuits of benetices. The tiiirty-eighth year of his reign an ordinance was made by the king and his councd, and proclaimed in all poi t towns within the realm, — " Tliat good and diligent search should be made, that no person whatsoever com- ing from the court of Rome, ike, do bring into the reahn with him any bull, instrument, letters patent, or other jjiocess that may be prejudicial to the king, or any of his subjects ; or that any person, passing out of this realm toward the court of Rome, do carry with him any instrunieut or process that may redound to the prejudice c f tiiC king or his subjects ; and that all persons passing to the said court of Rome, with the king's special license, do, notwithstanding, promise and find surety to the lord chancellor, that they shall not in any wise attempt or pur- sue any matter to the prejudice of the king or his subjects, under pain to be put out of the king's protection, and to forfeit his body, goods, and chattels, according to the sta- tute made in the twenty- seventli year of his reign." And thus much concerning the letters and writings of the king, with such other domestic matters and troubles as passed between him and the pope, taken out of the public records of the realm, wlierebj' I thought to give the reader to understand the horrible abuses, the into- lerable pride, and the insatiable avarice of tliat bishop, more like a proud Lucifer than a pastor of the church of Christ, in abusing the king, and oppressing his subjects with immeasurable exactions ; and not only exercising liis tyranny in this realm, but raging also against other princes, both far and near, amongst wliom he didnotspare, even the emperor himself. In the history of the Em- peror Lewis, whom the pope excommunicated upon Maundaj Thursday, and the same day placed another emperor in his room, mention was made of certain learned men, who took the emperor's part against tlie pope. In number of whom was Marsilius of Padua, William Ockam, John of Ganduno, Leopold, Andrew Landensis, Ulric Hangenor, treasurer of the emperor, Dante, Aligerius, &c. Of whom Marsilius compiled a worthy work entitled ' Defensor Pacis,' written in the emperor's behalf against the pope. Wherein (both godly and learnedly disputing against the pope) he proves all bishops and priests to be equal, and tliat the pope has no superiority above other bishops, much less above the emperor. That the word of God ought to be the only chief judge in deciding and determining causes ecclesiastical ; that not only spiritual persons, but laymen also being godly and learned, ought to be admitted unto general councils ; that the clergy and the pope ought to be subject to magistrates ; that the church is the uni- versity of the faithful, and that the foundation and head of the church is Christ, and that he never appointed any vicar or pope over his universal church; that bishops ought to be chosen every one by their own church and clergy ; that the marriage of priests may lawfully be permit- ted ; that St. Peter was never at Rome ; that the clergy and synagogue of the pope is a den of thieves ; that the doctrine of the pope is not to be fol- lowed, because it leads to destruction ; and that the corrupt manners of the christians do sj)ring and flow out of the wickedness of the spiritualty, lie disputes more- over in another work of free justification by grace, aud extenuated merits, saying that they are no efficient causes of our salvation, that this is to say, that works are I'D cause of our justification, but yet our justification goes not witnout them. For which doctrine, most sound and catholic, he was condemned by the pope, A. D. I'.i'H, (by the pope's decree Extravagant, cop. Licet inter doctrinam.) Concerning which man and his doc- trine, I thought good to commit thus much to history, to the intent men may see that they which charge this doctrine now taught in the church, with the note of no- velty or newness, are ignorant of the histories of past times. In the same number and catalogue comes also Ockam, (A. D. 1326), and who wrote likewise in defence of the emperor against the pope ; and also in defence of Michael, general of the Grayfriars, whom the pope had excommunicated and cursed for a heretic. Several trea- tises were set forth by Ockam, of which some are extant and in print, some are extinct and suppressed. Some again are not published under the name of the author, as the dialogue between the soldier and the clerk, wherein it is to be conjectured, what books and works this Ockam had collected against the pope. Of this Ockam, John Sleidan in his history makes mention, to his great commendation ; his words are these : " William Ock- am, in tlie time of the Emperor Lewis IV., flourished about A. D. 1326, who, among other things, wrote of the authority of the bishop of Rome. In which book he handles these eight questions very copiously : whether both the administrations of the bishop's office, and of the emperor's, may be in one man ? Secondly, whether the emperor takes his power and authority only from God, or else from the pope ? Thirdly, whether the pope and church of Rome have power by Christ to set and j)lace kings and emperors, and to commit to them their juris- diction .' Fourthly, whether the emperor being elected, \ has full authority ui)on his election, to administer » his empire ? Fifthly, whether other kings besideg i the emperor and the king of the Romans, in that they are consecrated by priests, receive of them any part of their power ? Sixthly, whether the kings in any case be subject to their consecrators ? Seventhly, wliethei if the kings should admit any new sacrifice, or should take to themselves the diadem without any further con • secration, they should thereby lose their kingly right, and title ? Eightlily, whether the seven princes elec- tors give as much to the election of the emperor, as suc- cession rightfully gives to other kings .'' Upon these questions he disj)utes and argues with many arguments and various reasons on both sides, at length he decides the matter on the part of the civil magistrate ; and by oc- casion thereof enters into the mention of the ])ope's " Decrees extravagant," declaring how little force or regard is to be given thereto." Trithemius makes mention of one Gregory of I Arimini, a learned and a famous and right godly man, who, ■ not much differing from the age of this Ockam, (about '' A. D. 1.350), disputed in the same doctrine of grace and free will as we do now, and dissented therein from the pa- pists and sophisters, counting them worse than Pelagians. And what should I speak of the duke of Bungundy, named Eudo, who, at the same time (A. D. 1350), per- suaded the French king not to receive in his land the new found constitutions, decretal and extravagant, nor to suffer them within his realm, whose sage counsel then given, yet remains among the'French king's records ? Dante, an Italian writer, a Florentine, lived in the time of Lewis the emperor, (about A. D. 1300), and took part with Marsilius against three sorts of men, who he said were enemies to the truth, that is, the jiope; secondly, the order of monks and friars, who count themselves the children of the church, when they are the children of the devil their father ; thirdly, the doc- tors of decrees and decretals. Certain of his writings are still extant, wherein he proves the pope not to be above the emperor, nor to have any right or jurisdiction in the empire. He proves the donation of Constantine to be a forged and a feigned thing, for which he was thought by many to be an heretic. He comj)lains very much, that the preaching of God's word was omitted, and instead of it, the vain fables cf monks and friars were j)reached and believed by the people, and so the flock of Christ was fed not with the food of the gospel, but with wind. " The pope," saith he, " of a pastor is mad" a wolf, to waste the church of Christ, and to pro- cure with his clergy, not the word of God to be preached, but his own decrees." In his canticle of purgatory, be declares the pope to be the whore of Babylon. A. D. 1 ',50— ir.GO.] WRITERS AGAINST THE POPE, — SUCCESSION OF ARCHBISHOPS. 211 Here miy be added the saying out of the book of Joi-.iauc!, imprinted with Dante ; that, forsomuch as antichrist comes not before the destruction of the empire, therefore such as strive to have the empire extinct, are in so doing forerunners and messengers of anticlirist. { " Tlierefore let the Romans," saith he, " and their bi- shops beware, lest their sins and wickedness so deserv- ing, by the just judgment of God, the priesthood be 1 taken from them. Furthermore, let all the prelates and I princes of Germany take heed," &c. < And because our adversaries who object to us the i newness of our doctrine shall see and perceive the course ! and form of this religion now received, not to have been I either such a new thing now, or a thing so strange in j times past ; I will add to these above recited, Master I Taulerus, a preacher of Argentine in Germany (A. D. 1 lo50), who, contrary to the pope's proceedings, taught I openly against all human merits, and against invocations I of saints, and preached sincerely of our free justification I by grace, referring all man's trust only to the mercy of God, and was an enemy to all superstition. \A'ith whom also may be joined Francis Petrarch, a I writer of the same age, who, in his works and Italian .verses, speaking of Rome, calls it " The whore of Ba- bylon,— the school and mother of error, — the temple of : heresy, — the nest of treachery, growing and increasing iby the oppressing of others ;" and saith further, that ishe extols herself against her founders, that is, the em- iperors who first set her up, and did so enrich her, and iseems plainly to affirm, that the pope was antichrist, de- i daring that no greater evil could happen to any man, ithan to be made pope. This Francis Petrarch was iabout A. D. 1350. About the year (A. D. 1340), iu the city of Her- bipoli, was one named Master Conrad Hager, who, (as appears by the old bulls and registers of Otho, bishop of the city), is there recorded to have maintained land taught for the space of twenty-four years together, jthat the mass was no sacrifice ; and that it profits not lany man, either quick or dead, and that the money given |by the dying for masses, are very robberies and sacrileges tof priests. He said too, that if he bad a store full of jgold and silver, he would not give one farthing for any mass. For this doctrine, this good preacher was con- jdemned, and inclosed in prison ; but what afterward be- jcame of him was never heard. There is among other old and ancient records of antiquity, belonging to this time, a certain monu- ment in verses poetically compiled, but not without a certain moral, intitled, " Poenitentiarius Asini," i. e. The Asses' Confessor ; bearing the date and year A. D. 1343. In this treatise are brought forth the wolf, the |fox, and the ass, coming to confess, and doing penance. (First, the wolf confesses to the fox, who easily absolves Jiim from all his faults, and also excuses him in them. |ln like manner the wolf, hearing the fox's confession, jshowed to him the like favour in return. After this comes the ass to confession, whose fault was this : |that he being hungry took a straw out from the sheaf of a man that went on a pilgrimage to Rome. The ass, repenting of this act, and thinking it not so heinous as the faults of the others, hoped the more for his absolu- tion. But what followed .' After the silly ass had ut- tered his crime in auricular confession, immediately the discipline of the law was executed upon him with se- verity ; neither was he judged worthy of any absolution, but was apprehended upon the same, slain, and devour- ed. Whoever was the author of this fabulous tale, he hud a moral in it ; for by the wolf was meant the pope ; but the fox represented the prelates, courtesans, pricbts, and the rest of the spiritualty. By the spiritu- alty the pope is soon absolved, as, in return, the pope soon absolves them in like manner. By the ass is meant the poor laity, upon whose back the strict cen- sure of the law is executed ; especially when the German rmperoi's come under the pope's inquisition, to be ex- amined by his discipline, there is no absolution or par- (loii to 1 e found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as l!i t!i?se histories may partly aiipear before. Not long alter this, (about A. D. 1^50), Gerhard Riddler wrote against the monks and friars a book, in ■ titled, " Lacryma Ecclesise," wherein he disputes against the order of the begging friars ; proving that kind of life to be far from christian perfection, as being against charity to live upon others, when a man may livd by his own labour ; and affirms them to be liypocrites, filthy livers, and such as for man's favour, and for lucre sake, do mix with true divinity, fables, apocryphas, and dreams of vanity. Also that, under pretence of long prayer, they devour widows' houses, and with their con- fessions, sermons, and burials, trouble the church of Christ. And therefore he persuaded the prelates to bridle and keep short the inordinate license and abuses of these monastical persons, &c. As yet I have made no mention of Michael Sesenas, provincial of the Gray Friars, nor Peter de Corbaria, of whom Antonine writes and says they were condemned in the " Extravagant" of Pope John, with one John de Poliaco. Their opinions, says Antonine, were these, — That Peter the apostle was no more the head of the church tlian the other apostles ; and that Christ left no vicar behind him, or head of his church ; and that the pope has no authority to correct and punish, to institute or depose the emperor ; also, that all priests, of what degree soever, are of equal authority, power, and juris- diction, by the institution of Christ : but by the institu- tion of the emperor, the pope may be superior, who, by the same emperor also, may be revoked again. Also, that neither the pope, nor yet the church, may punish any man with bodily restraint or compulsion ; unless they receive the license of the emperor. This Michael, master of the Gray Friars, wrote against the tyranny, pride, and primacy of the pope, accusing him to be an- tichrist, and the church of Rome to be the whore of Babylon, drunk with the blood of saints. He said there were two churches, one of the wicked, which was flourishing, wherein reigned the pope ; the other of the godly, which was afflicted. Also, that the truth was almost utterly extinct ; and for this cause he was de- prived of his dignity, and condemned by the pope. Notwithstanding, he stood constant in his assertions. This Michael was about A. D. 1322. And he left behind him many favourers and followers of his doc- trine, of whom a great part were slain by the pope : some were condemned, as William Ockam ; some were burned, as John de Castilione, and Francis de Arcatara. Much about this time the nuns of St. Bridget's order began first. About this time also was built the Queen's College, in (Jxford, by Queen Phillippa, of England, wife to King Edward III. (about A. D. 1360.) And here to make an end of this Fourth Book ; it now remains to prosecute the race of the archbishops of Can- terbury, contained in this Fourth Book, beginning, whd-e we before left off, (page 108), at Lanfranc. A Table of the Archbishops of Canterbury/, contained in the Fourth. Book. 34. Lanfranc. 35. Anselm. 36. Radulph. 37. William Curboil. 38. Theobald. 3!). Thomas Becket. 40. Richard. 41. Baldwin. 42. Hubert. 43. Stephen Langton. 44. Richard Magnus. 45. Edmund, of Abingdon 46. Boniface. 47. Robert Kilwarby. 48. John Peckham. 49. Robert Winchelsey. 50. Walter Reynald. 51. John Stratford. 52. JohnOflord. 53. Thomas Braidwarden. 54. Simon Islip. ACTS AND MONUMENTS, BOOK V. CONTAINING THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN. Thus having discoursed in these former books the order and course of years, from the first tying up of Satan to A. D. i;^(JO, I have a little overpassed the limit of time in the scripture, appointed for the loosing out of him again. For so it is written by St. .John, (Rev. xx. li), that after a thousand years, Satan, the old dragon, shall be let loose again for a season, &c. For the better explanation of which mystery, let us first consider the context of the scripture : afterwards let us examine by history, and course of times, the mean- ing of the same. And first, to recite the words of scripture, the text of the prophesy is this, (Rev. XX. 1.) " And I saw an angel come down from heaven, having the key of the bottomless pit, and a great chain in his hand. And he laid hold on tlie dragon, that old serpent, which is the devil and Satan, and bound him a thousand years, and cast him into the bottomless pit, and shut him up, and set a seal upon him, that he should deceive the nations no more till the thousand years should be ful- filled : and after that he must be loosed a little season. And I saw thrones, and they sat upon them, and judi^- ment was given unto them ; and I saw the souls of tlieiu that were beheaded for the witness of Jesus," &c. By these words of the Revelation, here recited, three special times are to be noted. First, Satan's being abroad to deceive the world. Secondly, The binding of him. Thirdly, The loosing of him again, after a thousand years, for a season. Concerning tlie interpretation of which times, I see the common opinion of many to be decfived by ignorance of histories, and state of things done in the church; they supposing that the chaining up of Satau for a thousand years, spoken of in the Revehition, was meant from the birth of Christ our Lord. Wlierein I grant that spi- ritually, the strength and dominion of Satan, in accusing and condemning us for sin, was cast down at tlie ])aiisi()u and by the passion of Christ our Saviour, and locked up, not only for a thousand years, hnt for ever. Although, as to the malicious hatred and fury of that serpent, against the outward bodies of Ciirist's poor saints, (which is the heel of Chi-ist) to afflict and torment the church outwardly ; that I judge to be meant in the Revelation of St. John, not to be restrained till tiie ceasing of those terrible persecutions of the primitive church, when it pleased God to pity the sorrowfal affliction of his poor flock, being so long under persecution, the space of three hundred years , and so to assuage their griefs and torments : which is meant by the binding up of Satan, the worker of all those mischiefs : understanding thereby that as the devil, the prince of this world, has now, by the death of Christ the Son of God, lost all his power and interest against the soul of man, he should turn his furious rage and malice, which he had to Christ, against the people of Christ, (which is meant by the heel of the seed, Gen. iii. lo.) in tormenting their outward bodies. Which yet shoaid not be for ever, but for a determinate time, as it should please the Lord to bridle the malice, and snaffle the power of the old serpent, and give rest to his church for the term of a thousand years. Which time being expired, the serpent shall be suffered loose again for a certain or a small time. And I am led by three reasons thus to expound this prophetical passage of scripture : The first is, that the binding up of Satan, and closing him in the bottomless pit by the angel, imports as much as that he was at liberty, raging and doing mischief before. And certainly, those terrible and horrible ]ier- secutions of the primitive time universally through the whole world, during the space of three hundred years of the church, do declare no less. Wherein it is to be thought and sup])osed, that Satan all that time, was not fastened and closed up. The second reason, moving me to think that the closing up of .Satan was after the ten persecutions of the jiriaii- tive church, is taken out of the twelfth cha))ter of Revelation; where we read, that after the woman, (meaning the church) had travailed of her man-child; tlie old dragon, the devil, the same time being cast down from heaven, drawing the third part of tlie st trs with him, stood before the woman with great anger, anil per- secuted her (that is, the church of God), with a wlio'e Hood of water, (that is, with abundance of all kinds i>f torments), and from thence went moreover to iit;l;t against the residue of her seed, and stood upon tiie sands of the sea ; whereby it appears that he was not as yet locked up. The third reason I collect out of the thirteenth chapter of Revelation ; wliere it is written of the beast, sig- nifying the imperial monarchy of Rome, that he had power to make war forty and two months. By which months is meant, no doubt, the time that tlie dragon, and the persecuting em])erors, should have in aflli(;ting the saints of the primitive church. Tlie computation of which forty-two months (counting every month for a A.D. 1360.] THE PLOUGHMAN'S COMPLAINT OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. '213 ! sabbath of years ; that is, for sev-en years, after the order : of scripture) rises to the sum (counting from the passion of the Lord Christ) of three hundred years, lacking six, I when Maxentius, the last persecutor in Rome, fighting against Constantine, was drowned with his soldiers, like as Pharaoh, persecuting the children of Israel, was drowned in the Red Sea ; to the which forty-two months, or sabbaths of years, if we add the other six years where- in Licinius persecuted in the East, ye shall find just three hundred years, as is specified before in the First Book.' After which forty and two months being expired, it is manifest that the fury of Satan, that is, his violent malice and power over the saints of Christ, was dimi- nished and universally restrained through the whole world. Thus then the matter standing evident, that Satan after three hundred years, counting from the passion of Christ, began to be chained up, when the persecution of ■ the primitive church began to cease : now let us see how long this binding up of Satan should continue, which , was promised in the book of the Revelation to be a thousand years. Which thousand years, if ye add to the forty-two months of years, that is, to two hundred , and ninety-four years ; they make one thousand two hundred and ninety-four years after the passion of the Lord. To these, moreover, add the thirty years of the age of Christ, and it comes to A. D. 11524, which was the year of the letting out of Satan, according to the prophecy. These things thus premising for the loosing out of Satan, according to the prophecy in the Revelation, now let us enter (Christ willing) to the declaration of these later times which followed after the letting out of i Satan into the world. Describing the wondrous trou- Ibles and cruel tyranny stirred up by him against Christ's I church ; also the valiant resistance of the church of i Christ against him and antichrist, as in these our books here following may appear. I The argument of which books consists in two parts : ; First, to treat of the raging fury of Satan now loosed, ;and of antichrist, against the saints of Christ fighting and labouring for the maintenance of truth, and the refor- imation of the church. Secondly : To declare the decay land ruin of antichrist, through the power of the word lof God, being at length, either in a great part of the [world overthrown ; or at least universally in the whole jworld detected. I Thus then to begin with the year 1360, wherein |l have a little transgressed the limits of the first loosing of Satan : we are come now to the time wherein the Lord, after long darkness, begins some reformation of |his church, by the diligent industry of his faithful and ilearned servants, of whom several we have already touched in the former book, as having withstood the corrupt errors, and intolerable enormities of the Bishop of Rome. Now to these (the Lord willing) we will add such other holy martyrs and confessors, as followed after in jthe course of years with like zeal and strength of God's |word, and also with like danger of their lives, gave the llike resistance against the enemy of Christ's religion, land suffered at his hands the like persecutions. First, Ibeginning with that godly man, whosoever he was, the author of the book, entitled. The Prayer and Complaint .of the Ploughman, written about this present time, as jfollows : — Ah old ancient Writing, intituled. The Prayer and Complaint of the Ploughman.* " Ah Lord, thou forgave sometime Peter his sins, and also Mary Magdalen, and many other sinful men with- out shriving to priests, and taking penance of priests for Itheir sins. And, Lord, thou art as mighty now as thou (1) See note pajre 69. [Ed.] (2) Tlie old luiieuage and spelling of this treatise ciillcd " The flouglunaii'g Liiment," render! it in a great degree unintullig Ue were that time, but gif any man have bynomen thee thy mignt. And we lewd men beleven, that there is no man of so great power, and gif any man maketh himself of so great power, he heighteth himself above God. And St. Paul speaketh of one that sitteth in the temple of God, and heighten him above God ; and gif any such be, he is a false Christ. " But hereto seyn priests, that when Christ made clean leprous men, he bade them go and shew them to priests. And therefore they seyn that it is a commandment of Christ, that a man should shewen his sin to priests. For as they seyn, lepre in the old law betokenneth sin in this new law. A, Lord God, whether thine apostles knew not thy meaning as well as men done now ? And gif they hadden yknow that thou haddest commanded men to shriven them to priests, and they ne taught not that commandment to the people, me thinketh they hadden ben to blame. But I trow they ktewen well that it was none of thy commandments, ne needful to heal of man's soul. And as me thinketh, the law of lepre is nothing to the purpose of shriving : for priests in the old law hadden certain points and tokens to know whether a man were leprous or not : and gif they were leprous, they hadden power to pu'ten them away from other clean men, for to that they weren clean ; and then they hadden power to receiven him among hig brethren, and offeren for him a sacrifice to God. " This is nothing to the purpose of shriving. For there is but one priest, that is Christ, that may know in cer- tain the lepre of the soul. Ne no priest may make the soul clean of her sin, but Christ that is priest after Mel- chisedec's order: ne no priest here beneath may ywit for certain whether a man be clean of his sin. or clean as- soiled, but gif God tell it him by revelation. Ne God ordained not that his priests should set men a penance for their sin, after the quantity of the sin, but this is man's ordinance, and it may well be that there commeth good thereof. But I wot well that God is much un- worshipped thereby. For men trust more in his abso- lutions, and in his years of grace, than in Christ's abso- lutions, and thereby is the people much appaired. For now the sorrow a man should make for his sin, is put away by this shrift : and a man is more bold to do sin for trust of this shrift, and of this bodilich penance. " Another mischief is, that the people is ybrought into this belief, that one priest hath a great power to as- soylen a man of his sin and clennere, than another priest hath. " Another mischief is this, that some prieSt may as- soylen them both of sin and pain : and in this they taken them a power that Christ granted no man in earth, ne he ne used it dought on earth himself. " Another mischief is, that these priests sellen for- giveness of men's sins and absolutions for mony ; and this is an heresie accursed that is yclejied simony : and all thilk priests that axeth price for granting of spiritual grace, beth by holy laws deprived of their priesthood, and thilke that assenteth to this heresie. And be they ware ; for Helyse the prophet took no mony of Naaman, when he was made clean of his lepre ; but Giesi his ser- vant ; and therefore the lepre of Naaman abode with him and with his heirs evermore after. " But, Lord God, he that sitteth in thy stede hath undo thy law of mercy and love ; Lord, thou biddest loven enemies as our self; and shewest in the gospel there as the Samaritan had mercy on the Jew. And thou biddest us abo prayen for them that cursen us, and that defamen us, and pursuen us to death. And so Lord thou diddest, and thine apostles also. But he that clepeth himself thy vicar on earth, and head of thy church, he hath undone thy law of love and mercy. For gif we speaken of loving our enemies, he teacheth us to fight with our enemies, that Christ hath forboden. He curseth and desireth vengeance to them that so doth to him. Gif any man pursueth him, he curseth Liia, to the general reader. It is of considerable length, and we ^.tTe retained only a portion of it, tliat the reader may be fl-abled to judge of its nature. [Kd.] 214 THE PLOUGHMAN'S COMPLAINT OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. [Book V. that it is a sorrow a christon m.in to hearen the cursings that they maken, and hlasphemies in sucli cursing. Of what thing that I know, I may bear true witness. " But gif we speak of loving of our brethren, this is nndone by him tliat saith lie is God's vicar in earth. For Christ in the gospel biddeth us, that we shoulder clepen us no father njiou earth : but clepen God our father, to maken us love iierfitlich together. And he clepeth himself Father of fathers, and maketh many re- ligions, and to everich a father. But whetlier is love and charity encreased by these fathers and by their re- ligions, or else yniade less .' For a frier ne loveth not a monk, ne a secular man neither, nor yet one frier another that is not of the order, and it is againward. " But, Lord, in the old law the tithings of the lewd people ne were not due to priests, but to that otiier childer of Levi that serveden thee in the temple, and the priest hadden their part of sacrifices, and the first by- geten beasts and other things as the law telleth. And, Lord, St. Paul thy servant saith, that the order of the priesthood of Aaron ceased in Christ's coming and the law of that priesthood. For Christ was end of sacrifices yoffered upon the cross to the Father of heaven, to bring man out of sin, and become himself a priest of ]\Ielchise- dek's order. For he was both king and priest, without beginning and end ; and both the priesthood of Aaron, and also the law of that priesthood ben ychanged in tlie coming of Christ. And S. Paul saith it is reproved, for it brought no man to perfection. For blood of goats, ne of other beasts ne might done away sin, for to that Christ shad his blood. " Ah Lord Jesus ; whether thou ordenest an order of priests to offren in the auter thy flesh and thy blood to bringen men out of sin, and also out of pein ? And whether thou geve them alonelich a power to eat thy flesh and thy blood, and whether none other man may eat thy flesh and thy blood withouten leve of priests ? Lord, we beleven, that thy flesh is very meat, and thy blood very drink ; and who eateth thy flesh, and drink - eth thy blood, dwelleth in thee, and thou in him, and ■who that eateth this bread shall live without end. But Lord thine disciples said ; this is a word ; but thou answerest them and saidest ; when ye seeth man soon stiven up there he was rather, the Spirit is that maketh you live, the words that ych have spoken to you ben spirit and life. Lord, yblessed mote thou be, for in this word thou teachest us that he that keepeth thy words, and doth after them, eateth thy flesh, and drinketh thy blood, and hath an everlasting life in thee. And for we shoulden have mind of this living, thou gavest us the sacrament of thy flesh and blood, in form of bread and wine at thy supper, before that thou shouldest suffer thy death, and took bread in thine hand, and saidest : ' Take ye this, and eat it, for it is my body :' and thou tookest wine, and blessedst it, and said ; ' This is the blood of a new and an everlasting Testament, that shall be slied for many men in forgiveness of sins : as oft as ye do this, do ye this in mind of me.' " Ah Lord, thou ne bede not thine disciples maken this a sacrifice, to bring men out of peines, gif a priest oflVed thy body in the altar ; but thou bed them go and fallen all the folk in the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, in forgiveness of their sins ; and teach ye tliem to keep those that ych have commanded you. And Lord, thine disciples ne ordained not priests prin- cipalli(h to make thy body in sacrament, but for to teach the people, and good husbandmen that well govern their households, both wives and children, and their meiny, they ordeiiied to be priests to teachen other men the livv of Christ, both in word, in dede, and they lived ein as true Cliristian men, every day they eaten Christ's body, and drinken his blood, to the sus- tenance of living of their souls, and other whiles they token of the sacrament of his body in form of bread and wi:ie, in mind of our Lord Jesus Christ. " But all this is turned ujjsedown : for now whoso will liven as thou taughtest, he shall been holden a fool. And gif he speak thy teaching, he shall ben holden an heretick, and accursed. Lord, have no longer wonder hereof, for so they seiden to thee when thou were here sometime. And therefore we moten take in patience their words of blasphemy as thou diddcst thy self, or else we were to blame. And trulich Lord 1 trow, that if thou were now in the world, and taughtest as tliou did- dest sometime, thou shouldest ben done to death. For thy teaching is damned for heresie of wise men of the world, and then moten thy needs ben hereticks that teachen thy lore, and all they also that travalien to live thereafter. " Lord in the gospel thou sayest, that true heriers of God ne herieth him not in that hill beside Samaria, ne in Hierusalem neither, but true heriers of God herieth him in spirit and in truth. And Lord God, what herying is it to bilden thee a church of dead stones, and robben thy quick churches of their bodilich livei- lood ? Lord God, what herying is it, to cloth mawp mets of stocks and of stones in silver and in gold, and in other good colours ? And Lord I see thine image gone in cold and in hete, in clothes all to broken, with- out shone and hosen, an hungred and athrust. Lord what herying is it to teende tapers and torches before l)lind mavv-mets that mowen not seyen ? And hide thee that art our light and our lantern towards heaven, and put thee under a bushel, that for darkness we ne may not seen our way toward bliss ? Lord what herying is it to kneel tofore mawmets that mow not yheren, and worshepen them with prayers, and maken thine quick images kneel before them, and asken of them absolu- tions and blessings, and worshepen them as gods, and putten thy quick images in thraldom and in travail evermore as beasts, in cold and in hete, and in feeble fare to finden them in liken of the world ? Lord what herying is it to fetch deed mens bones out of the ground, there as they shoulden kindelich rotten, and slirinen them in gold and silver ; and sufferen the quick bones of thine images to rot in prison for default of clothings ? And sufTren also thy quick images to perish for default of sustenance, and rooten in the hoorehouse in abominable lechery ? Some become thieves and rob. hers, and manquellers, that mighten ben yholpen with the gold and silver that hongeth about deed mens bones, aud other blind mawmets of stocks and stones. " Lord, here been great abominations that thou shewdist to Ezechiel thy prophet, that priests done in thy temple, and yet they clepen that thine herying. But leve Lord, methinketh that they loven thee little that thus defoulen thy quick images, and worshepen blind mawmets. " And Lord, another great mischief there is now in the world, an hunger that Amos thy prophet speaketh of, that there shall comen an hunger in the earth, not of bread, ne thrust of drink, but of hearing of God's words. And thy sheep woulden be refreshed, but their shepheards taken of thy sheep their livelode, as tyth- ings, &c. And liven themselves thereby where them liketh. " O Lord deliver the sheep out of the ward of thes? shepherds, and these hired men, that stonden more to keep their riches that they robben of thy sheep, than they stonden in keeping of thy sheep. " O Lord when thou come to Jerusalem, sometime thou drove out of the temple sellers of beasts and of other chafl^are, and saidst. Mine house should ben cleped an house of prayers, but they maden a den of thieves of it. O Lord thou art the temple in whom we should praien thy Father of heaven. And Salomon's temple, that was ybelded at .Jerusalem, was a figure of this temjile. But Lord, he that clepeth himself thy vicar ujion earth, and saith that he occupieth thy place here on earth, is become a cha])man in thy temple, and hath his chapmen walking in divers countries to sellen his chaf- fare, and to maken him rich. And he saith, Thou gave him so great a power aboven all other men, that wnat- ever he bindeth other unbindeth in earth, thou bindeth otlier unbindest the same in heaven. And so of great power he sellcth other men forgiveness of their sin. And for much nioney he will assoilen a man so clean of his sin. that he behcteth men of the bliss of heaven with- outen any pain r.ftcr that they be dead, that given him much money. A.D. 13C0.] A PARABLE PROPHESYING THE DESTRUCTION OF THE POPE. 215 Bishopnrks and chirches, and such other chaffares he gelletli also for money, and maketh himself rich. And thus hi' besfuiled the puple. " O Lord Jesus here is much untruth, and mischief, and matter of sorrow. Lord thou saidest sometime, tliat thou wouldest be with thy servants unto the end of the world. And thou saidest also, there as tweine or three ben ygraded togedder in thy name, that thou art in the middle of them. A Lord, then it was no need to thee to maken lief- teenant, sith thou wolte be evermore amongst thy servants. '* Lord, thou axedst of thy disciples, who they trowed that thou were. And Peter answered and said, ' That thou art Christ God's Son.' And thou saidst to Peter, ' Thou art yblessed Simon Barjona, for flesh and blood ne sliowed not this to thee, but my Father that is in heaven.' And I say to thee, ' That thou art Peter, and upon this stone ych would bilde my church, and the gates of hell he shullen not availen agens it. " And to thee ych wole geve the keys of heaven, and what ever thou bindest upon earth shall be bound in heaven, and what ever thou unbindest on earth, shall be nnbounden in heaven.' This power also was gran ten unto the other disciples, as well as to Peter, as the gospel openlich telleth. In this place men seggen that thou granted to Peter's successor, the selve power that thou gave to Peter. And therefore the bishop of Rome, that saith he is Peter's successor, taketh this power to him to biuden and unbinden in earth what him liketh. But Lord, ych have much wonder how he may for shame clepen himself Peter's successor : for Peter knowiedged that thou were Christ and God, and kept the bests of thy law ; but these han forsaken the hests of thy law, and hath ymaken a law contrary to thine hests of thy law. And so he maketh himself a false Christ, and a false god in earth. And I trow thou gave him no power to undo thy law. And so in taking this power upon him, maketh him a false Christ and antic'nrist. " For who may be more agens Christ, than he that in his words maketh himself Christ's vicar in earth ; and in his werkes undoth the ordinance of Christ, and maketh men believen that it is needful to the heal of men's souls, to believen that he is Christ's vicar in eartli .' And what ever he bindeth in earth, is ybounden in heaven, and under this colour he undoth Christ's law, and maketh men always to keepen his law and hests. " And thus man may yseen that he is against Christ, and therefore he is antichrist that maketh men worship- pen him as a god on earth, as the proud King Nabugod- onosor did sometime, that was king of Babylon. And therefore we lewde men that knowen not God but thee Jesus Christ, believen in thee that art our God, and our King, and our Christ, and thy laws ; and forsaken anti- christ, and Nabugodonosor that is a false god, and a false Christ, and his laws being contrary to thy preaching. " And Lord strength thou us against our enemies. For they ben about to maken us forsaken thee and thy law, other else to putten us to death. " O Lord, onlich in thee is our trust to help us in this mischief, for thy great goodness that is withouten end. " Lord thou ne taughtest not thy disciples to assoilen men of their sin, and setteu them a penance for their sin, in fasting, ne in praying, ne other almous deed ; ne thyself, ne thy disciples, useden no such power here on earth. For Lord, thou forgive men her sins, and bede him sin no more. And thy disciples fulleden men in thy name, in forgiveness of her sins. Nor they took no sucli power upon them as our priests dare now. And Lord, thou ne assoiledst no man both of his sin and of his pain, that was due for his sin, ne thou grautedst no man sucii power here on earth. " And Lord, me thinketh that gif there was a purga- tory, and any earthlich man had power to deliver sinful men from the peines of purgatory, he should, and he were in charity, savea everich man that were in the way of salvation from thilke peines, sith they make them greater than any bodilich peineg of this world. Also gif the bishop of Rome had such a power, he himself shuld never, comen in purgatory, ne in hell. And sith we see Well that he ne hath no power to keepen himself, ne other taen noth^r out of these bodilicb peiues of the world, and he may go to hell for his sin as another man may : I ne believe not, that he hath so great power to assoylen men of their sin as he taketh upon him aboven all other men. Andl trow that in this he higheth himself above God. " As touching the selling of bishopricks, and parso- nages, I trow it be a point of falsehed. For agenst God's ordinance he robbeth poor men of a portion of their sustenance, and selleth it, other givetli it, to find prond men in idleness that don the lewd puple little profit, but much harme, as we told before. Thus ben thy com- mandments of truth, of meekness, and of poorness undone by him, that clepeth himself thy vicar here upon earth." I doubt not, gentle reader, but in reading this godly treatise above prefixed, the matter is manifest and plain of itself without any further explication, what is to be thought and judged of this vicar of Christ, and successor of Peter, whom we call the bishop of Rome : whose life here is seen not only to be disordered in all points, swerving from the steps and example of Christ the prince and bishop of our souls, but also whose laws and doc- trines are so repugnant and contrary to the precepts and rule of the gospel, that there is scarcely any similarity between them : as in the perusing of this complain- ing prayer, may be understood. Wherefore having no need to stand in any further expressing of this matter, but leaving it to the consideration and discretion of the reader, I will (Christ willing) proceed towftrd the time of John Wickliffe and his fellows, taking, in the order of years as I go, such things by the way, as both happened before the time of Wickliffe, and also may the better prepare the mind of the reader, to the entering of that history. Where first I think it not inconvenient to insert a prophetical parable, written about this time, or not much before, which the author morally applies to the bishop of Rome. To what author this moral is to be ascribed, I can not certainly affirm. In the meantime, as I have found it in Latin expressed, because it ])aints out the pope so rightly in his feathers and colours ; so I thought the thing was not to be omitted, and therefore took this present place, as most fit (although peradven- ture missing the order of years a little) to insert the same. The effect of which parable is as follows : In the time of Pope Innocent VI., when friar John de Rupescissa was kept at Avignon in prison, Froysard heard in the pope's court this parable recited by this friar, to the cardinal Hostiensis, and cardinal Auxercensis. " When on a certain time a bird was brought into the world all bare and without feathers, the other birds hearing thereof, came to visit her : and as they saw her to be a marvellous fair and beautiful bird, they counselled together how they might best do her good, as without feathers she might neither fly, nor live conveniently. They all wished her to live for her excellent form and beauty's sake, insomuch that among them all there was not one, that would not grant some part of her ovra feathers to deck this bird withal : yea, and the more trim they saw her to be, the more feathers still they gave to her, so that by these means she was passing well penned and feathered, and began to fly. The other birds that had thus adorned her with goodly feathers, beholding her flying abroad, were marvellously delighted therewith. In the end, this bird seeing herself so gorgeously feathered, and of all the rest to be had in honour, began to wax proud and haughty. Insomuch that she had no regard at all to them, by whom she was advanced : yea, she punged them with her beak, plucked them by the skin and fea- thers, and in all places hurted them. Whereupon the birds sitting in council again, called the matter in ques- tion, demanding one of another what was best to be done touching this unkind bird, whom they lovingly with their own feathers had decked and adorned; affirming that they gave not their feathers, to the intent that she, thereby puff'ed up with pride, should contemptuously de- spise them all. The peacock theiefore answers first, ' Truly,' says he, ' as she is bravely set forth with my painted feathers, 1 will again take them from her.' Then says the falcon, ' And I also will have mine again.' This sentence at length took place among them all, so that 216 THE HISTORY AND WRITINGS OF ARMACHANUS, PRIMATE OF IRELAND. [Book V. every one plucked from her those feathers which before they had given, each taking their own again. Now this proud bird, seeing herself thus dealt with, began forth- with to abate her haughty spirit, and humbly to submit herself openly, confessing and acknowledging, that of herself she had nothing ; but that her feathers, her ho- nour and other ornaments was their gift: she came into the world all naked and bare, they clad her with comely feathers, and therefore of right they may receive them again. Wherefore most humbly she desires pardon, promising to amend all that is past, neither would Ehe at any time hereafter commit anything whereby through pride she might lose her feathers again. The gentle birds, that before had given their feathers, seeing her so humble and lowly, being moved with pity, restored ngain the feathers which lately they had taken away, lidding withal this admonition, * We will gladly,' say they, ' behold thee flying among us, so long as thou wilt use thine office with humbleness of mind, which is the chiefest comeliness of all the rest: but know thou this for certainty, that if at any time hereafter thou extol thyself in pride, we will straiglitways deprive thee of thy feathers, and reduce thee to thy former state wherein we found thee.' Even so, oh you cardinals," said this friar, " shall it happen to you: for the emperors of the Romans and OermaiiS, and other christian kings, potentates, and princes of the earth, have bestowed upon you goods, lands, and riphes, that should serve God, but you have poured it out, and consumed it upon pride^ and all kind of wickedness, riot, and wantonness." THE HISTORY OF ARMACHANUS. In the catalogue of these learned and zealous defenders of Christ against antichrist above rehearsed, whom the Lord about this time began to raise up for the reanima- tion of his church, I cannot omit to write something of the reverend prelate, and famous clerk, Richard Armach- anus, primate and archbishop of Ireland : a man for his life and learning so memorable that they had none almost his better. His name was Richard Fizraf. Such was the capacity and dexterity of this man, that being com- mended to King Edward III., he was promoted by him, first, to be archdeacon of Lichfield, then to be the com- missary of the university of Oxford ; at length to be archbishop of Armagh in Ireland. He had cause to come to London at the time when there was contention between the friars and clergy about preaching and hearing con- fessions, &c. Whereupon, this Armachanus, being re- quested to preach, made seven or eight sermons ; wherein he propounded nine conclusions against the friars, for which he was cited by the friars to appear before this Pope Innocent VI., and so he went, and before the face of the pope valiantly defended, both in preaching and in writing, the same conclusions, and therein stood constantly to the death, as John Wickliife well testifies. William Botonerus testifying of him in hke manner, says, " That Armachanus first reproved beg- ging-friars for hearing the confessions of professed nuns, without licence of their superiors, and also of married women without knowledge of their husbands. What dangers and troubles he sustained by his persecutors, and how miraculously the Lord delivered him from their hands, and in what peril of thieves and searchers he was, and yet the Lord delivered him ; yea, and in what dangers he was of the king's officers, who coming with the king's letters, laid all the havens fcr him ; and how the Lord Jesus delivered him, and gave him to triumph over all his enemies : how the Lord also taught him and brought him to the study of the scri])tures of God. All this, with much more, he himself expresses in a cer- tain prayer or confession made to Christ Jesus our Lord, in which he describes almost the whole history of his own life. Thus the troubles of this good man, and how he was cited up by the friars to the pope, you have ])artly heard. Now his reasons and arguments wherewith he defended his cause in the pope's presence, are to be declared. In the time of innocent 111., and the Lateran coun- cil, (A. D. 1215), lived Dominic, the author and founder of the preaching friars ; who laboured at Pope Innocent for the confirmation of his order, but did not obtain it in the life time of that pope. The year after this council Pope Innocent died, (A. D. 121G), after whom came Honorius III. who confirmed the order of the friar Dominic, and gave to him and his friars authority to preach, and to hear confessions, with other privileges. Dominic lived five years after the confirmation of his order, and died A. D. 1221. About which year the order of the Franciscan friars began also to breed, and to spread in the world. After this Honorius, next followed Pojtc Gregory IX., about A. D. 1228, who also promoted the order of Dominic. This Gregory died about A. D. 1241, after whom came Celestine IV., and sat but eighteen days; then came Innocent IV., and sat eleven years and six months. Who, although he began first to favour the friars, yet afterward he debarred them of their liberties and priri. leges, and gave out precepts and excommunications against friars. And not long after was dispatched and made away with. Innocent being thus removed out of the way, about A. D. 1254, succeeded Pope Alexander IV., a great maintainer of the friars, and sat seven years. He re- voked and repealed the acts and writings of Pope Inno- cent his predecessor against the friars ; the divines and students of Paris being not contented with this, stirred up tour principal doctors. Tliese four compiled a book against the begging order of friars, both Dominicann and Franciscans, entitled T)e PericuUs Ecclmce, containing fourteen chapters, the fourteenth has thirty-nine articles against the friars. Besides these thirty-nine articles, are seven other articles, under the name of the students of Paris against the friars. Besides these articles, certain conclusions were also propounded in the schools of Paris at the same time, solemnly to be disputed and defended against the friars : which were these : First, That the begging friars were not in the state of salvation. Secondly, That they were bound to labour vrith their hands, who could, and not to beg. Thirdly, That they ought not to exercise the office of preaching, or to hear the confessions of them that will come to them. All these articles and conclusions, with the book set forth by these Parisians, this Pope Alexander IV. con- demned to be abolished and burned, writing his precepts to the French king, and also the university of Paris, in favour of the friars ; commanding the friars to be re- stored to all their privileges and liberties. Not long after Pope Alexander IV. followed Clement IV., (A. D. 1265), and sat three years: who also gave privileges to the friars. Some time after this Clement came Pope Martin IV., (A. D. 1281), who renewed again the canon in behalf of the curates against the friars. Pope Boniface VIII. began to sit A. D. 1294, and sat eight years and nine months. Who taking side with the friars, gave them another privilege. In which privilege he licensed the friars, that without license of vicars of churches they shall first present themselves to the prelates to be admitted ; by whom if they be refused the second time, then they, upon special authority ot this pope, shall be privileged, without either bishop or curate, to preach, to bury, and to hear confessions. By this Pope Boniface, a certain Dominican friar was made cardinal, named Nicolas Bocasin, of Tervisa, and after the death of Boniface he was made pope, (A. D. Ki03), surnamed Pope Benedict XL, who made another consti- tution, revoking that of Boniface. Again, after Benedict XL, followed Pope Clement V., (A. D. i;{05), and sat nine years. Who, in his general council held at Vienna, revoked the constitution of Benedict his predecessor, and renewed the former de- cree of Boniface ; which constitution, moreover, was confirmed afterward by Pope John XXII. , (A. D. 1316). Upon this variable diversity of the popes (one dissent- ing and repugning from another) rose among the divine* and schoolmen in universities great matter of coabea- A.D. 1360.] HISTORY AND WRITINGS OF ARMACHANUS, PRIMATE OF IRELAND. tion, as well in the university of Paris, as the university of Oxford about the begging friars, some holding one tyay, some another way. The matter of contention about the friars stood in four points : first, preaching without licence of curates. Se- condly, in hearing confession. Thirdly, in burying. Fourthly, in begging and taking of the jjcoijle. 217 Popex that maintained the Friars. Honorius I IT. Gregory IX. Alexander IV. Clement IV. Boniface VIII. Clement V. Pojjes thai maintained Curates. Innocent III. Innocent IV. Martin IV. Benedict XI. These considerations being ])remised, for the opening of this present cause of Armachanus against the idle beg- garly sects of fi'iars ; it now remains, that we collect and open his reasons and arguments uttered in the consistory, and in the audience of the pope himself, wherewith he maintains the true doctrine and cause of the church against the pestiferous canker creeping in by these friars after subtle ways of hypocrisy, to corrupt the sincere {simplicity of Christ's holy faith and perfect testament. "Which reasons and arguments of his, I thought good and expedient for the utility of the church more amply and largely to discourse and prosecute, for I note in the sects, iofititutions, and doctrine of these friars, subtle poison to lurk, more pernicious and hurtful to the religion of Christ and soul* of christians, than all men peradventure do consider. Thus Armachanus, joining with the clergy of Eng- land, disputed and contended with the friars here of Eng- land, (A.D. 1358) about a double matter. "Whereof the one was concerning confession and other esciiPats which the friars encroached in parish churches against the cu- rates, and public pastors of churches. The other was concerning wilful beggary and poverty, which the friars then took upon them, not upon any necessity, being otherwise strong enough to work for their living, but only upon a wilful and affected profession. For which cause the friars appealed him up to the court of Rome. The occasion of which thus arose. It happened that Armachanus, upon certain business coming up to London, found there certain doctors dis- puting and contending about the begging of Chi'ist our Saviour. Whereupon he, being greatly urged and re- quested, made seven or eight sermons, wherein he uttered nine conclusions : whereof the first and principal conclu- eion was, touching the matter of the friars' privileges in hearing confessions. His conclusions were these : First, That if a doubt or question be moved for hear- ing confessions, which of two places is rather to be chosen ; the parish church is to be preferred before the church of the friars. Secondly, being demanded ; which is to be taken (to hear the confession of the parishioners, the parson or cu- rate, or the friar) it is to be said, rather the parson or the curate. Thirdly, that our Lord Jesus Christ in his human con- versation was always poor, but that he loved not poverty, nor did covet to be poor. Fourthly, that our Lord Jesus Christ did never beg, •wilfully professing to be poor. Fifthly, that our Lord Jesus Christ did never teach wilfully to beg, or to profess wilful beggary. The sixth conclusion was, that Christ our Lord held the contrary, that men ought not wilfully or purposely, without necessity to beg. Seventhly, that it is neither wisdom nor holiness, for any man to take upon him wilful beggary, perpetually to be obseiTed. Tiie eighth, that it is not agreeing to the rule of the ob- •erssaats, or friars' minorites, to observe wilful poverty. Xihe last conclusion was, touching the bull of pope Alexander IV., which condemned the libel of the masters of Paris : that the same bull touched none of these seven last conclusions. Upon these nine conclusions premised, Armachanus being cited, and brought up to the presence of the pope, began to prove the same. I. Beginning with the first conclusion ; that the parish church was a place more fit and convenient for the con- fessions or burials of the parishioners to be used, than any other exempt church or place of the friars. Which he proved by three causes ; first, for the more sureness or certainty to the conscience of the parishioners con- fessed. Secondly, for the more utility and profit of him. Thirdly, for the less incommodity ensuing by confessions taken in parish churches, than in friars' churches. As touching the first, for the more assuredness and certainty, he argued that as the sacraments of the cliuri;h are to be frequented and used in no other ])Iace, but only in that, which by God himself is assigned and commanded, and seeing that elect place in the law, i. e. the temple represents the parish churches ; and that the friar»'cluirch is not the place prescribed of God, but only permitted by bishops of Rome ; he concluded therefore, that pa- rish churches were more sure for confessions and burials than the places of the friars. By another reason also he confirmed the same, for the parish church stands free from the pope's interdict, and the churches of the friars do not, but are under suspicion and doubt of the pope's interdict And further, he proved that it had fewer inconveniences, for every man to resort to his parish church than to the friars. II. Now to the second conclusion, touching the person of the friar, and of the ordinary curate. If the question be, which of these two is to be preferred in the office of ecclesiastical administration ; the opinion of Armachanus was, that the ordinary curate was better than the extra- ordinary friar. He argued that it is more safe and sure for the parish- ioners to resort to their ordinary or parish priest ; be- cause the person of the lawful ordinary or priest, is ex- pressly commanded by God, where the person of the friar is not, and therefore is forbid. Also, because the pa- rishioner may more trust to his ordinary curate ; as one who is more bound and obliged to be careful for him, than any other extraordinary person. And because in the person of the ordinary curate, commonly there is no doubt of any interdict to bind him ; whereas in the friars there is good matter to doubt, whether he stand bound under the pope's censure of excommunication or not, and that for divers causes. As where it is decreed, that all such religious men are excommunicated de facto, who ever absolve any, against whom the sentence of excom- munication has been denounced by the statute provincial, or synodal ; as it is commonly said, that the friars are accustomed to do, in loosing them whom the censure of prelates or their officials have bound. Armachanus brings example of this in his own diocese : " For I (said he) in mine own diocese of Armagh have as good as two thou- sand under me, who, by the censure of excommunication every year denounced against wilful murderers, common thieves, burners of men's houses, and such like malefac- tors, stand accursed : of all which number notwithstand- ing, there are scarcely fourteen who come to me, or to any about me for their absolution. And yet all they re- ceive the sacraments as others do, and all because they are absolved, or because they feign themselves absolved by none other than by friars ; who in so doing are proved to be under the danger of excommunication, both the friars, and also the parishioners, if they knowing thereof do consent to their error." Moreover, that it is the more sure way for the pa- rishioners to resort to their appointed curates, than to the friars, he argues thus : that the parish priest or curate, being better acquainted with his own parishioner than is a stranger, he can better judge of the nature and disposition of his disease, and minister to him dne phy- sic of penance for the same, and also will be more care- ful in curing him. About this matter Armachanus leamedlr and wor» 218 HISTORY AND WRITINGS OF ARMACHANUS, PRIMATE OF IRELAND. [Book V. tliily discourses, proving how pernicious these orders of friars are to tlie whole state of the church, and what mischief comes by the privileges of certain popes, who have privileged them to intermeddle in the office and function of ecclesiastical ministers, to jireach and to take alms and tithes of the people, and impropriations from the church. To prosecute in order his reasons and arguments, as he has left them in writing, would make a large book. Yet because it will not be unfruit- ful both for the time present, and for posterity, to know the manifold detriments and inconveniences received through these friars, and to know what great benefit God has done for us in unburdening the church of this monstrous generation, I have briefly, therefore, con- tracted certain of his reasons, such as seemed most wor- thy of noting. And first, alleging the authority of Innocent IV., he sets forth four inconveniences rising by the friars, which are these : — Contempt of the people against their ordi- naries ; decreasing of devotion ; taking away of shame from the people by confessing to the friars ; detaining of oblations, such as the people are wont to give at their confessions and burials, and which by right belong to the jiarish churches. Also, by the privileges of the popes, granted to the friars, many other great enormities do arise. As first, because thereby the true shepherds do not know the faces of their flock. And, by the occasion of these privileges given to the friars, great contention, and sometimes blows rise be- tween the friars and secular curates, about titles, impro- priations, and other avails. Also, by the occasion of these privileges many young men, as well in universities as in their fathers' houses, are allured craftily by the friars their confessors to enter their orders ; from whence afterward they cannot get out though they would, to the great grief of their pa- rents, and no less repentance to the young men them- selves. Armachanus states a case of a certain English- man with him in Rome, who having a son at the uni- versity of Oxford, who was enticed by the friars to enter into their order, could by no means after release him ; but when his father and his mother would come to him, they could not be suffered to speak with him, but under the friars' custody. Whereas the scripture commands plainly, that whoso stealeth any man and selleth him (being thereof convicted) shall be put to death. Exod. xxi. 16'. The father was compelled to come to Rome to seek remedy for his son. And no less inconvenience and danger also by the friars rises to the clergy; for laymen, seeing their chil- dren thus stolen from them in the universities by the friars, refuse to send them to their studies, willing rather to keep them at home to their occupation, or to follow the plough, than so to be circumvented and de- feated of their sons at the university, as by daily expe- rience manifestly appears. For whereas in my time (saith Armachanus) there were in the university of Ox- ford thirty thousand students, now are there not to be found six thousand. The occasion of which so great decay is to be ascribed to no other cause but to this cir- cumvention only of the friars above mentioned. Over and besides this, another inconvenience as great, or greater, Armachanus inferred to proceed by the friars through the decay of doctrine, and knowledge in all manner of faculties, and liberal sciences, which thus he declared : — For that these begging friars through ! their privileges obtained of the popes to preach, to hear confessions, and to bury ; and through their charters of impropriations, did grow thereby to such great riches and possessions by their begging, craving, catching, and intermeddling with church matters, that no book could stir of any science, either of divinity, law, or physic, but they were both able and ready to buy it up. So that every convent having a great library full stuffed and furnished with all sorts of books, and there being so many convents within the realm, and in every con- vent so many friars increasing daily more and more, it came to pass that very few books or none at all remain for other students. Which by his own experience he thus testifies, saying : — That he himself sent forth to the university four of his own priests or cha;)lains, who sending him word again, that they could neither find the bible, nor any other good profitable book of divinity meet for their study, therefore were minded to return home to their country, and one of them, he was sure, was returned by this time. Furthermore, as he has proved hitherto the friars to be hurtful both to the laity and to the clergy, so pro- ceeding farther, he proves them to be hurtful also to themselves ; and that in three points, as incurring the vice of disobedience against God and against their own rule, the vice of avarice, and the vice of j)ride. The proving of all which points he prosecuted in a long discourse. As concerning the vice of avarice, it may be proved uj)on them (says Armachanus) ; for seeing so manv charges belong to the office of a secular parish priest, as to minister the sacrament at Easter, to visit tiie sick with extreme unction, to baptize children, to wed, with such other, wherein stands as great devotion ; how then happens it that these friars, making no labour for these, only procure privileges to preach in churches, to hear confessions, and to bury from parish churches, but be- cause there is lucre and gain in these, and none in the other. Which also may appear by this, for if it were for mere devotion only, that they procure license to bury from parish churches, and to preach, why then have they procured license to take offerings, oblations, and lega- cies for their funerals .' And, for their preaching, why have they annexed also license to require and take of the people necessaries for their labour, unless only avarice is the cause thereof? Likewise forbearing of confession, when all good men have enough to know their own faults, and nothing list to hear the faults of others, it may be sujiposed that they would never have been so desirous of procuring that privilege, were it not that these friars did feel some sweetness and gain to hang upon the same. Also, where the rule of Friar Francis forbids them to company with any woman, to enter into monasteries to be godfathers and gossips to men and women, how comes it that they, contrary to their rule, enter into the secret chambers of queens, and other women, and are made to know the most secret counsels of their doings, but that avarice and advantage have so blinded their eyes, and stirred their hearts. III. His third conclusion was, that the Lord Christ in his human conversation was always poor, not be- cause he loved or desired poverty for itself, &c. \\ herein this is to be noted, that Armachanus differed not from the friars in this, that Christ was poor, and that he loved poverty ; but herein stood the difference, in the manner of loving, that is, whether he loved poverty for itself, or not. IV. The fourth conclusion was, that Christ our Lord and Saviour did never beg wilfully. Which he proves by sundry reasons. First, for that (,'hrist in so doing should break the • law, which saith. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's ' house, his wife, his servant, his maid, his ox, his ass, of ' anything that is his. Exod. xx. The danger of which commandment he that begs voluntarily must needs incur. 2. If Christ had begged voluntarily, he should have committed sin against another commandment, which says, " There shall be no beggar, nor needy person j among you," &c. Deut. vi. 1 3. Christ in so doing should have transgressed thfe j emperor's law, for the emperor's law said there shall no able-bodied beggar be surt'ered in the city. 4. If Christ had been a wilful beggar, he had broken, the law of loving his neighbour ; whom he had vexed, 1 having no need. For whoever without need asks oir j craves of his neighbour, docs but vex him, in suciiaway ,• as he would not be vexed himself. Which Christ would ' never do. A.D. 13C0.J HISTORY AND WRITINGS OF ARMACHANUS, PRIMATE OF IRELAND. 219 5. If Christ had begged wilfully, he had moved slan- der thereby to his own gospel, which he with miracles confirmed ; for then they that saw his miracle in feeding five thousand in the wilderness, would have thought much with themselves how that miracle had been wrought, if he who fed others, either could not, or would not feed himself. 6'. If Christ had begged wilfully, then he had done that which himself condemns by Paul, for so we read, 1 Tim, vi. 5, that Paul condemns them, who esteem piety to be gain and lucre. Which all they do, who under the colour of piety, hunt or seek for gain, when otherwise they need not. 7. If Christ had begged wilfully, he had offended in declaring an untruth in so doing ; for he that knows in his mind that he needs not indeed that thing which he asks of another, declares in himself an untruth, as one who in word pretends to be otherwise than he is in very deed ; which Christ without doubt never did, nor would ever do. 8. If Christ had begged wilfully, that is, having no true need thereto, then had he appeared either to be an hypocrite, seeming to be what he was not, and to lack when he did not ; or else to be a true beggar in very deed, not able to suffice his necessity. For he is a true beggar in deed, who being constrained by mere necessity is forced to ask of others, that which he is not able to give to himself. But neither of these two agrees to Christ. 9. If Christ had begged wilfully, then why did Peter rebuke the mother of Clement his disciple, finding her to stand among the beggars, whom he thought to be strong enough to labour with her hands for her living, if she in so doing had followed the example of Christ ? 10. If Christ had begged wilfully : and if the friars do rightly define perfection of the gospel by wilful poverty, then was Clement, St. Peter's successor, to blame, who laboured so much to remove away beggary and poverty from among all them that were converted to the faith of Christ, and is specially for the same com- mended of the church. 11. Again, why did Clement, writing to James bishop of Jerusalem, command so much to obey the doctrine and examples of the apostles ; who as he shews in that epistle, had no beggar or needy person among them, if christian perfection (as by the friars' philosophy) stands in wilful beggary ? 12. If Christ the high priest had begged wilfully, then did the holy church err wittingly, which ordained that none without sufficient title of living and clothing, should be admitted to holy orders. And moreover, when it is said in the canonical decrees, that the bishop or clerk that begs, brings shame upon the whole order of the clergy. 13. If Christ had wilfully begged, then the examples of wilful poverty had pertained to the perfection of christian life, which is contrary to the old law, which commands the priests to have possessions and tithes to keep them from beggary. 14. If Christ did wilfully beg, then beggary were a point of christian perfection. And so the church (f God should err, in admitting such patrimonies and donations given to the church, and so in taking from the prelates their perfection. 15. Again, what will these friars who put their per- fection in begging, say to Melchisedec, who without begging or wilful poverty, was the high priest of God, and king of Salem, and prefigured the order and priest- hood of Christ ? l7, the offices here in England, as the lord chancellor, lord treasurer, and of the privy seal, were wont to be in the hands of the clergy. But about this year, through the motion of the lords in the parliament, and partly for hatred of the clergy, all the offices were removed from the clergy to the lords temporal. After the death of Pope Urban, succeeded Pope Gregory XI. who brought again the papacy out of France to Rome, after having been absent the space of seventy years : he was influenced (as Sabellicus records) by the answer of a bishop, whom the pope asked, why ■he was so long absent from his charge and church, say- ing that, " it was not the part of a good pastor, to keep him from his Hock so long." The bishop answer- ing said, " And you yourself, being the chief bishop, who may and ought to be an eiample to us all, why are you so Jong from the place where your church is?" The pope sought all means after that to remove his court out of France again to Rome, and he did so. The king of England, holding a parliament in the third year of this pope, sent his ambassadors to him, de- airing that from henceforth he would abstain from his (reservations of benefices used in the court of England ; and that spiritual men, promoted within this realm to bishoprics, might freely conduct their elections within ■the realm, and be confirmed by their metropolitans, ac- cording to the ancient custom of the realm. Wherefore, 'Upon these, and such other matters, where the king and the realm thought themselves aggrieved, he desired of *he pope to provide some remedy, &c. The pope re- turned answer to the king, requiring to be certified of the king's mind concerning the same. But what answer •it was, is not in history expressed, save that the year following, which was L574, there was a treating at Burgeg upon certain of the articles between the king and the pope, which hung two years in suspense ; and so At length It was agreed, that the pope should no more aise his ceservatioas of benefices in England, and the king shotdd no more confer and give benefices upon the Krit, Quare impedit, Hfc. But as to the freedom of elec* tions to be confirmed by the metropolitan, nothing was touched. The king by the consent of the lords and commons, ia the twenty-fifth year of his reign, enacted a statute in accordance with a statute made in the thirtieth year of his grandfather Edward I., wherein an act was ])assed against the ravenous pillage of the pope, through pro- visions, reservations, and collations, &c. but not put in execution: by which provisions, the state of the realm de- creased more and more, the king's royalty and pre- rogative was greatly obscured and diminished, innu merable treasure of the realm transported, aliens and strangers placed in the best and fattest bishopricks, abbeys, and benefices within the realm ; and such, as either for their offices in Rome, as cardinalships, &c. could not be resident here, or if resident, yet were better away, for infinite causes. The king not only revived the statute made by Edward I., but also enlarged the same. Adding very strait and sharp penalties against the of- fenders, as exemption out of the king's protection, loss of all their lands, goods, and other possessions, and their bodies to be imprisoned at the king's pleasure ; and further, whoever was lawfully convicted, or for want of appearance by process, was within the lapse of this statute of prfeiDunire, (for so was the name thereof), should suffer all and every such molestations and inju- ries, as men exempted from the protection of the king. So that whoever had killed such men, had been in no more danger of law, than for killing any outlaw, or one not worthy to live in a commonweal. Like unprofitable members they were then, yea, in that time of ignorance, esteemed in England who would offer themselves to the wilful slavery and servile obedience of the pope ; al- though in these days, yea and that amongst no small fools, it is counted more than evangelical holiness. He that wishes to peruse the statute, and would see every branch and article thereof at large discussed and han- dled, with the penalties, let him read the statute of pro- vision and pramunire, made in the twenty-fifth year of this king's days. And let him read in the statutes made in the parliaments holden the twenty-seventh and thirty-eighth years of his reign ; and under the same title of provision and prcemunire, he shall find the pope's primacy and jurisdiction within this realm more nearly touched, and much of his papal power restrained ; in- somuch that whoever, for any cause or controversy in law, either spiritual or temporal, the same being deter- minable in any of the king's courts (as all matters were) whether they were personal or real citations, or other, should either appeal or consent to any appeal to be made out of the realm to the pope or see of Rome, should incur the penalty and danger of prcemunire. Divers other matters wherein the pope is restrained of his usurped power, authority, and jurisdiction within this realm of England, are expressed in the titles and statutes, and at large set forth, whoever list to peruse the same, which for brevity's sake I omit, hasting to other matters. About this time (being A. D. 1370), lived holy Bridget, whom the church of Rome has canonized not only for a saint, but also for a prophetess ; who, not- withstanding, in her book of revelations, which has been oftentimes printed, was a great rebuker of the pope, and of the filth of his clergy, calling him a musderer of souls, a spiller and a pilferer of the flock of Christ, more abomi- nable than the Jews, more cruel than Judas, more unjust than Pilate, worse than Lucifer himself. The see of the pope she prophesies shall be thrown down into the deep like a millstone ; and that his assistant shall bui-n with brimstone; affirming that the prelates, bishops, and priests are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is ae- glected, and almost extinguished. And that the clergy have turned the ten commandments of God into two words, to wit, " Give money." It were long and tedious to declare all that she writes against them, let this suffice for all. Bridget affirms in her revelations, that when the Holy Virgin said to her Son, " how Rome was a fruitful and fertile field ;" " yea," said he, '' but of weeds only, and cockle," &c. To this Bridget I will join also Catherine of Sienn«, A.D. 1362— i;5-l.] DIVERS LEARNED MEN AT THIS TIME WRITE AGAINST THE POPE. 221 an holy nun, who lived much about the same time, (A. D. l.'{79). This Catherine was wont much to com- plain of the corrupt state of the churcli, namely, of the prelates of the court of Rome, and of the pope, warning them of the great schism, which then followed in the church of Rome, and endured to the council of Con- stance. (A. D. 1414.) Besides these, the Lord, who never ceases to work in his church, stirred up against the malignant church of Rome, the spirits of divers good and godly teachers, as Matthew Paris, a Bohemian born, who, about A.D. 1370, wrote a large book of antichrist, and proves him to be already come, and notes the pope to be the same. In this book he greatly inveighs against the wickedness and tilthiness of the clergy, and against the neglecting of their duty in governing the church. The locusts men- tioned in the Apocalypse, he says, are the hypocrites reigning in the church. The works of antichrist, he says, are these, the fables and inventions of men reigning in the church, the images and feigned relics that are wor- shipped every where. That men worship every one his own saint and saviour beside Christ , so that every man and city almost has his peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed morever, thatgodliness and true worship of God are not bound to place, persons, or times, to be heard more in this place than in another, at this time more than at another, &c. He argues also against the clois- terers, who leaving the only and true Saviour, set up to themselves their Francises, their Dominies, and such other, and have them for their saviours, glorifying and triumphing in them, and feigning many forged lies about them. He was greatly and much offended vrith monks and friars, for neglecting, or father burying the word of Christ, and, instead of him, celebrating and setting up their own rules and canons, affirming him to be hurtful to true godliness ; that priests, monks, and nuns, should account themselves spiritual, and all others to be lay and secular, attributing only to themselves the opinion of holiness, and contemning other men. He further writes, that antichrist had seduced all universities and colleges of learned men, so that they teaoh no sincere doctrine, neither give any light to the christians with their teaching. Finally, he forewarns that it will come to pass, that God yet once again will raise up godly teach- ers, who, being fervent in the spirit and zeal of Elias, shall disclose and refute the errors of antichrist, and an- tichrist himself, openly to the whole world. About the same time, or shortly after, (A. D. 1384), we read also of John of Mouiitziger, rector of the uni- i versity of Ulme, who openly in the schools in his ora- I tion propounded that the body of Christ was not God, and therefore not to be worshipped as God with that kind of worship called Latreia, as the sophisters term it, meaning thereby that the sacrament was not to be adored, which afterward he also defended in writhig ; affirming also, that Christ in his resurrection took to him again all his blood which he had shed in his pas- sion ; meaning thereby to infer, that the blood of Christ, which, in many places is worshipped, neither can be called the blood of Christ, neither ought to be wor- shi])ped. Nilus was archbishop of Thessalonica, and lived much about this time. He wrote a long work against the La- tins, that is, against such as took part and held with the church of Rome. His first book, being written in Greek, was afterward translated into Latin, and lately now into English, in this our time. In the first chapter of thisbook, ha lays all the blame and fault of the dissension and schism between the eastern and the western churches, upon the pope. He affirmed that the pope only would command what he pleased, were it never so contrary to all the ancient canons ; that he would hear and follow no man's advice ; that he would not permit any free coun- cils to be assembled, &c. And that therefore it was not possible that the controversies between the Greek church and Latin church should be decided. In the second chapter of this book he makes a very learned disputation. For first, he declares that the pope, not at all by God's commandment, but only by human law, has any dignity, more than other bishops, which dignity, the councils, the fathers, the emperors, have granted to him. Neither did they grant it for jiny consideration, than that the city then had the empire of all the whole world, and not at all because Peter was ever there, or not there. Secondly, he declares that the primacy is not so great as he and his svcophants usurp to themselves. Also he refutes the chiefest propositions of the papists one after another. He declares that the pope has no more do- minion than other patriarchs, and that the pope may err as well as other mortal men ; and that he is subject both to laws and councils, as well as other bishops. That it belonged not to him, but to the emperor, to call general councils ; and that in ecclesiastical causes he could establish and ordain no more than all other bishops might. And, lastly, that he gets no more by Peter's succession than that he is a bishop, as all other bishops after the apostles are, &c. I cannot leave out the memory of James Misuensis, who also wrote of the coming of antichrist. He men- tions a certain learned man, whose name was Militzius, who was a famous and worthy preacher in Prague. He lived about A. D. 1366, long before Huss, and before WicklilTe also. In his writings he declares how the same good man Militzius was by the Holy Spirit of God incited, and moved to search out of the holy scriptures the manner and coming of antichrist ; and found that now in his time he was already come. And James says that Militzius was constrained to go up to Rome, and there publicly to preach ; and that afterwards he affirmed the same before the inquisitor — that the same mighty and great antichrist, which the scriptures made mention of, was already come. He affirmed also, that the church, by the negligence of the pastors, should become desolate, and that iniquity should abound. Also, he said that there were in the church of Christ idols, which should destroy Jerusalem, and make the temple desolate, but were cloaked by hy- pocrisy. Further, that there are many who deny Christ, for they keep silence against their conscience ; neither do they hear Christ, whom all the world should know, and confess his truth before men. There is also a bull of Pope Gregory XI. to the arch- bishop of Prague, wherein he is commanded to excommu- nicate and persecute Militzius and his hearers. The same bull declares that he was once a canon of Prague, but that afterwards he renounced his canonship, and began to preach, because he preached that antichrist was already come, and he was, by John, archbishop of Prague, put in prison. He had his company or congregation to whom he preached, and among them were certain con- verted women who had forsaken their evil life, and did live godly and well ; he was accustomed in his sermons to prefer these before all the blessed nuns that never offended. He taught also openly, that in the pope, car- dinals, bishops, prelates, priests, and other religious men, was no truth, and that they taught not the way of truth, but that only he, and such as held with him, taught the true way of salvation. About the year' 1371, lived Henry de Jota, whom Gerson much commends, and also his companion Henry de Hassia, a learned and famous man. In an epistle of this Henry de Hassia, which he wrote to tlie Bishop of Normacia, the author greatly accuses the s]ii- ritual men of every order, yea, and the most holy of all others, the pope himself, of many and great vices. He said that the ecclesiastical governors in the primitive church were compared to the sun shining in the day- time ; and the political governors to the moon shining in the night. But the spiritual men, he said, ih.it now are, do neither shine in the day-time, nor yet in the night-time, but rather with their darkness do obscure both the day and the night, that is, with their filthy living, ignorance, and impiety. He cites also out of the prophecy of Hildegardis, these words : " Therefore doth the devil in himself speak of you priests ; damty ban- quets and feasts, wherein is all voluptuousness, do I find amongst these men; insomuch that mme eyes, mine ears, my body, and my veins be even filled with the froth of them!" " Lastly," saith he, " they every day 222 MARTYRS BEFORE WICKLIFF.— LAW OF PRAEMUNIRE REVIVED. [Book V. more and more, as Lucifer did, seek to climb higher and higher, till every day with him more and more, they fall deeper and deeper." About the year 1390, there were burned at Bringa thirtv-six citizens of Mentz, for the doctrine of the Waldenses, as Brussius affirms, which opinion was not contrary to what they held before, wherein they af- firmed the pope to be that great antichrist which should come ; unless peradventure the pope seemed then to be more evidently convicted of antichristianity, than at any other time. For the like cause many others beside these are to be found in histories, who sustained similar persecutions by the pope, if leisure would serve to peruse all that might be searched. As where Masseus records of some to the number of a hundred and forty, who, in the pro- vince of Narbonne, chose rather to suffer every grievous punishment by fire, than to receive the decretals of the Romish church, contrary to the truth of the scrip- ture. What should I here speak of the twenty-four who suffered at Paris (A. D. 1210) ? Also in the same au- thor is testified that (A. D. 1211) there were four hun- dred, under the name of heretics, burned, eighty be- headed. Prince Americus hanged, and the lady of the castle stoned to death. Moreover, in the chronicles of Hoveden, and of other writers, are recited a great number, who, in France, were burned for heretics. We will now, Christ willing, proceed upon no light reports of feeble credit, nor upon any fabulous legends without authority, but upon the true and substantial copies of the public records of the realm, remaining yet to be seen under the king's most sure and faithful cus- tody. Out of which records such matter appears against the popish church of Rome, and against his usurped au- thority, such open standing and crying against that see, and that not privily, but even in open parliament, in the days of this King Edward III., that neither will the Romish peojile of this our age easily think it true when they see it, neither yet shall they be able to deny it. King Edward III., in the sixth year of his reign, hearing that Edward Baliol had proclaimed himself King of Scotland, required counsel of the whole state. And for this he summoned a parliament of all estates to meet at York about the beginning of December, where the king was already come, waiting for the coming of such as were summoned. But none of all the clergy came, except the archbishop of York, the bishop of Lincoln, and of Carlisle, and abbots of York and Selby. So that there came not the archbishop of Canterbury, nor any other of his province, and all because there was a dispute whether Canterbury or York should carry the cross. It follows also in the records that the commons find great default at provisions coming from Rome, whereby foreigners were enabled to enjoy ecclesiastical dignities within this realm, and shew inconveniences ensuing thereby, namely, the decay of daily alms, — the trans- portini;: of the treasure to nourish the king's enemies, • — the discovering of the secrets of the realm, and the disabling and impoverishing of the clergy within this realm. They also shew how the pope had most covertly granted to two new cardinals within this realm above ten thousand marks of yearly taxes. They therefore required the king and nobles to find some remedy, for that they never could, or would any longer bear tliose strange op- pressions, or else to help them to expel out of this realm the pope's jower by force. Hereupon, the king, lords, and commons, sent for the act mad^^ at Carlisle, in the thirty-fifth year of King Edward I., upon the like comjdaint, thtreby forbidding that any tiling should be attempted or brought into the realm, which sliould tend to the bh wishing of the King's prerogative, or to the prejudice of his lords or c