ae SOSA vat SON bees ΠΥ PPP ΔΑ ΡΙΣΟΝ, Ἔτι ΩΝ “δυο τ Aner ere ain SE ΚΟ ΟΣ ὙΑΝ ee > Le ee aks hdr bleed = i hich ψφυσγὰν» & oS se gt the Cheslogicgs $,, ; | κω» PRINCETON, Ν. ὁ. BR 260.279 πο δ oe Pryce, John The ancient British church Number THE mNCIEINE -BRIFISn: CHURCH LONDON : PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STREET THE ANCIENT BRITISH CHURCH See eh Crh ES SA BY P JOHN PRYCE, M.A. VICAR OF BANGOR “Atte ndite ad petram nde estis, et ad am ist ie qua precisi estis’ LONDON LOG ANS, GREEN, AMD. € 0: 1878 All rights reserve d ἣ Ἶ Ἂ ἐν r é An ΐ 5A) ou ἡ is bah a ΠΝ ἐν Pes ; ὴ ἣν ὦ τ μὲ sa Ee, > lien ay "ἢ 4 ᾿ bi ii py ἢ ᾿ ᾿ Γι: ) ᾿ ᾿ rus we d et : ᾿ ν᾿ Al ν “ ᾿ ὟΝ ἣν ἊΝ ᾿ ' ΝΕ Avent Ὧν hey , SAL ὶ Ἰ 7 ἱ ave oe aye yi ᾿ τ iG δὴ hs abet ; ws yt μ hele \y icy ἢ Ἢ: Oe i Ly ated 2 : ' J ati i wy ὶ γ᾽ νυ oe ς Ἀν ty ΟΜΝ; ro eae Ὁ ᾿ ᾿ ᾿ ὺ , ἼΣ § hes ALS ey Md ; - ΚΤ ΣΝ ὅν Met re ie hy ὃ ko x ae y ᾿ i ᾿ μὲ 1 i ᾽ν ἐν ; " ᾿ ; As ¢ . 4 ‘ Ἵ ᾿ ἣν 4, : ᾿ μ᾿ ity ᾿ i ᾿ ᾿ Ἷ ἢ πὴ 2 F a - ᾿ ῃ 3 we ho : Ae is _ a >, % Π 4 ‘fe 7 i 3 "Cae . P P Υ ᾿ j Pat ee dae § run ays hy ‘ Te WS fe aE a) ὦ i δὲ Ἵ “i” 2 ve J LW Jy ~ Ὦ ’ ἫΝ μῳω : f \} ᾿ ee. “Ν᾽ oy a rows wt ἡ ἡ εἰ a Bese a ap OY hi ᾿ Ἵ A ᾿ « ᾿ Γ + ΓΝ ; . ἐκ ty Mi ἐν ΕἾ Χ δὶ ΤῊΣ ὙΦ Ν ἱ ) 9. ae he uf ° "" “4 Δ] δὲ ᾧ - ὺ " i hao ¥ 4 « ν᾿ sf y ΤΥ, ΔΝ wr an eer We) tea Ae ee ifs ἴω} A cay ᾿ ry hey f; 7, oy pers. he vs i | tig J . Li ὶ a ve ; { ἕ | Ν" } ΑΝ ~ ᾽ μῆς ἡ χὰ τ " ‘ 9) δὼ ‘ i ᾽ δ PP itd oI A ~ ; i υ μον: ἢ ᾿ Δ ᾽ “ἢ υ - ὶ i? he : are ea é " 4 Ν ἤχῳ 7 2 * ᾿ net + Ay i " ᾿ "ὦ j t ᾽ ΓΝ » Lj * ; > δ ‘ ; " " Lei { ‘ 7 7 Ι A ν Na ‘ P F - + i “ i “ 4 pr j ᾿ Ν { ae ; 4 SA. Vay . er ‘ ᾿ ᾿ » Hake jae ae . AS y ἀν « ee sy, ΩΝ ΩΝ ᾿ " Ὁ δὶ ΑΙ ; ὶ ‘ae ὁ ' aot dj fuse ee δὲ a > \¥ ᾿ < ; ν % Fosetsinath i Lyi Wh ae va tag Laat 4" ΜῈ» Θ ὯΝ nay ἐν Ν᾽ ἬΝ, δῖ ye) ity, *) “yy Ly ‘ae ‘dy ᾿" χ ide ree τὴν ie Pah . a) ‘a ἐμὴ PI et ἘᾺΝ ᾿ ἣν ; ; (aks sop: te ' 4 Au Cie td Ahad Bold ἭΝ oe ays ri i {Δ ibe 2. fi ee ; Shei ὃν a a i; Ἢ ἽΝ ΜΝ Ἢ hirer a Pine A eT Ot ees THE following Essay having been adjudged to be the best on ‘The Ancient British Church’ of the Essays submitted for competition at the National Eisteddfod of 1876, I have not felt myself at liberty to introduce alterations except in the way of phrase and illustration, together with the addition of some of the Notes and the latter part of Chapter V. The necessity of keeping closely in my treatment of the subject to the lines marked out by the Committee in their programme, is my apology for the dispropor- tionate length at which I have discussed some points, and for the consequent want of symmetry which I feel pervades the whole Essay. It will probably appear strange to not a few that, when Dissent is so prevalent in Wales, an enquiry into the foundation and subsequent history of the British Church should be considered a question vi PREPACE. sufficiently popular and sufficiently far removed from the region of polemics to find a place in the list of subjects chosen for competition at an Eisteddfod. The ‘explanation: is not) far to seek,’ The. Ancient British Church is rightly regarded as bound up with the past history of the Welsh people, exhibiting both the virtues and the defects of the National character. On the other hand, the Church in Wales at'the present. time, forced by the ‘policy of the Government and its Episcopal nominees during the Hanoverian period into an attitude of apparent antagonism to all that was dear to my countrymen, has come in a great measure to be considered an off- shoot of the Anglican Communion, reflecting and attracting the religious feeling of only the upper and wealthier classes. With time and patience we may hope to remove this impression, but of its ex- istence and of its powerful influence to the prejudice of the growth of the Church, there can be no doubt. It is not the least of the many difficulties they have to contend against who are praying and labouring that the Church may again become a living power in Wales, appealing to and commanding the sym- pathies of the people. PREFACE. vii Of modern authors, I would gratefully mention as those to whom especially I am indebted for information on points bearing on the Irish and Columban Churches, Dr. Reeves, Dr. Todd, Mr. King, Dr. Skene, and Dr. Forbes late Bishop of Brechin. On the differences between Rome and Britain at the beginning of the sixth century, Iam greatly beholden to the interesting and, on the non-oriental character of British peculiarities, unanswerable Essay of M. Varin, printed in Tom. V. (Premicre série) of the ‘Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres’ (Paris, 1858). From Bishop Basil Jones and Freeman’s ‘History of S. David’s Cathedral’ I have derived much help in connection with the early history of the See of S. David’s. Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy’s ‘ Descrip- tive Catalogue’ has been invaluable asa guide to original sources of information, and, in the ‘ Lives of the Saints,’ to the comparative historical value of each separate biographical compilation. Of ‘Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents’ (Haddon and Stubbs), I have made continual use, not omitting however to verify the extracts quoted by reference to the original authorities, with a view to see how far the meaning might be qualified by the context. vill PREFACE. I trust there is no irreverence in my closing these lines with the words of S. Augustine, slightly altered into the form of a prayer to suit our present needs: “Ὁ eterna Veritas, et vera Carttas, et cara Zt ternitas, Tu sis Deus noster? BANGOR: May, 1878. ΟΝ Τ ΕΝ ΤΟ. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. PAGE Original Inhabitants of Britain—Gaelic and Cymric Immigrations —Organic Unity of the Britons—Modern Celtic Languages— Vitality of the Welsh Language—Druidism—Suppression of the Druidical Order—The National Character—Patriotism of the Britons—Divine Design—Historical Tendency—Suscep- tivity of the Britons—Love of Christ constraining them , a ae CHAPTER Ὲ Christianity in Britain—Alleged Agencies—Glastonbury Legends —Joseph of Arimathea—Abbey of Glastonbury—Bran ab Llyr and Caradog—S. Paul—Authorities quoted—Vagueness of Clemens Romanus—Lucius or Lleurwg ab Coel—Conflicting Statements—Rapid Spread of Christianity—Greek Character of Early Christianity—Platonic Teaching—The British and Gallic Churches—Persecution at Vienne and Lyons—Gildas— Condition of Britam—Earliest Notices of Christians in Britain 31 CHAPTER ILI. State of Roman Society—Fiscal Oppression—Misery of the Times —Roman Provinces—Constantius, Helen—Diocletian Perse- x CONTENTS. PAGE cution—British Martyrs—S. Alban, 5. Amphibalus— Church Councils—Donatism—Council of Arles—Easter Controversy— Adoption of Different Lunar Cycles—Council of Niczea— Council of Sardica—Council of Rimini—History of the term Homoousion ° : Ξ : : ; : : S169 CHAPTER Ἢ North Britons —S. Ninian—Permanence of the Mission—Second Order of Irish Saints—S. Columba and S. Kentigern—Ob- stacles to the Conversion of the English—Pelagianism—Pela- gianism in Britain—SS. Germanus and Lupus—Victory of the Hallelujah— Permanent Results of the Missions— British Synods—Lives of the Saints ; Welsh Genealogies—S. David— His Childhood—Monastic Rule of 5. David—His Humility— Llanddewi-Brefi--Last Days of 5. David—His Death . 3 403 CHAPTER IV. Sees in Wales—See of Bangor—Title of Diocesan Episcopate Archbishop—See of Llanelwy—S. Kentigern— Bishops of Llanelwy—-See of S. David’s—See of Llanbadarn—See of Llandaff. 5. Dubricius- 5. Teilo—Bishops of Llandaff—Un- diocesan Bishops in Wales—Great Number of Bishops—No Archiepiscopate in Wales—Giraldus Cambrensis—Claims of S. David’s and Llandaff— Monastic Colleges—Clanship of Welsh Monastic Foundations—Mutual Influence of Celtic Churches— Conversion of Ireland—The Columban Order—Monks, De- fenders of the weak and oppressed—Their Sympathy with the Irrational Creation—Monks upheld the heroic side of Christi- anity—Origin and Extension of Monasticism—British Monastic Rule—Marriage of the Clergy—Ritual of the British Church— Peculiar Ecclesiastical Usages ; : : - - . 142 CONTENTS. xi CHAPTER V. PAGE The English Conquest—Heathenism of the Conquerors—English Slaves at Rome—Gregory the Great— Augustine—Journey of the Missionaries across Gaul—First Interview with AZthelberht —Success of the Mission—New Bishoprics—Augustine and the British Bishops—The First Conference—The Second Confer- ence—Schism between British and Roman Churches—Tem- porary Reaction in favour of Paganism— Christianity in Northumbria— 5. Aidan and 5. Finan—Growth of the English Church—Synod of Whitby—Submission of the Columban Communion—The Weish adopt the Roman Easter—Political Relation of Wales to England—Tokens of Spiritual Subjection —Interference of Eadgar as Suzerain—Jurisdiction by the See of Canterbury—Appointment of Antinational Bishops—Polliti- cal Use of the Episcopate—Abuse of Spiritual Powers — Worldliness of the Church in Wales—Welsh Methodism— Church and Dissent in Wales—Alleged Erastianism of the Church—Difficulties of a Welsh -Nonconformist—Prospects of a Reunion—Lessons and Warnings of the Past—The Assur- ance of Christ’s Presence : : - - - - SLE ᾿ | "Ὁ ἫΝ ΠΝ ᾿ es ey § THE ANCIENT BRITISH CHURCH. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. ‘ Divina providentia, que, sicut bona, tta pia et gusta est, agitur mundus et homo.’—OROSIUS, lib. i. cap. 1. ΠΕ FIRST SETTLERS in Britain were probably a branch of the Turanian Family. At that time the ohare TA ε ᾿ Original in- principal group of the Westerly section of Pzginalin” Britain, their this family extended, under different names, physica! fea- tures, in- over the greater part of Europe. The tellectualde- velopment, Northern branch was known as Cimbri, the 2ngv3%® and religion, central as A*quitani, colonising partially at least Spain, Gaul, and the British Islands; while the Southern portion, comprising the Tyrrheni and the Pelasgi, occupied Italy and Greece.! The physical 1 This view and nomenclature were advocated ably, and at length, in the Quarterly Review, No. 256. The whole subject, however, is in so doubtful and shifting a condition, that at present a guess at truth is necessarily almost the highest aim of critical research, B 2 THE ANCIENT BRI DIS ICH ΟΣ, features of the race, judging from those of the Tyrrheni as portrayed in the earlier Etruscan paint- ings, were shortness of stature, a broad strong irame, with large heads and thick arms, high cheek bones, hair black, or very dark, in small crisp curls.' The least progressive of mankind in moral and intellectual development, their language occupied a mid-way position, removed from monosyllabic languages, like the Chinese, but falling short of the inflected lan- guages of the Aryan or Semitic speech. They were replaced in Europe, the Cimbri by the Goths, the Equitani, leaving however a residual Basque element, by the Celts, the Tyrrheni by the Latins, and the Pelasgi by the Hellenes. Whether their disappearance in Britain is to be accounted for by a war of exter- mination or by incorporation, we have no means of judging ; probably the former, as we can find no trace of their having influenced the mental qualities, or 1 Taylors Etruscan Researches, Ὁ. 61. 2 Bunsen classifies all languages under three heads: ‘(1) those of the primitive formation—monosyllabic languages, like the Chinese— these he represents as decidedly inorganic, each word implicitly con- taining the power of a complete phrase in itself, so that thought is, as it were, confined and pulverised in the separate inert molecules which compose the vocabulary ; (2) those of the secondary formation—the agglutinative or Turanian languages—as exhibiting peculiarities analo- gous to the characteristics distinctive of the incomplete organisation of vegetables ; and (3) the inflected languages, whether Semitic or Iranian, as completely and spiritually organised.’.—Summary of Bunsen’s Lin- guistic Researches in Professor Flint’s Phdlosophy of History, vol. i. Ῥ. 564. ORIGINAL INHABITANTS OF BRITAIN. 3 the language, or even the physical character of their successors, unless we attribute to them the sallow complexion, broad shoulders, and dark hair of the Silurians of South Wales.! Proofs of their residence in Europe remain in the cromdlechau, which may be traced from the Mediterranean northward, across Russia, to the Caucasus.” The strength and huge size of the masonry not unnaturally led subsequent ages to attribute to it a supernatural origin. Comparing the Turanians with what is known of other kindred tribes, such as the Mongolians, Finns, and Lapps, and judg- ing from the architectural evidence of their tombs, we may gather that they never rose to a clear conception of a spiritual God external to and independent of the outward world, or to the idea of a future state, except 1 ¢Silurum colorati vultus et torti plerumque crines.’—Tacit. Agric. Vita, c. xi. Compare, ‘In the Walloon Country, which surrounds Liége, the people are distinguishable from their Teutonic neighbours by dark, often black hair, gaunt angular forms, square foreheads, and narrow pointed chins: in fact, they have the characters assigned by W. F. Edwards to the Cimbrian race.’—Dr. Beddoe ‘ On the Physical Character of Ancient and Modern Germans.’—Refport of the British Association for 1857, p. 118. 2 There has been a similar and an equally strange extinction of what must have been at one time a powerful nation,—the mound-builders of North America. The Indians, although in possession from a remote period, have no traditions or even stories to tell respecting these former occupiers, how or when they disappeared, or for what purpose their mound-walls were erected ; they can only give the same reply as would probably have been given by the Celtic Druids of the cvomlechau, ‘Our fathers found them here when they came.’ A full account is given of the monuments of this forgotten race in Prehistoric Races of the United States of America, by Y. W. Foster, LL.D. (1873). B2 4 THE ANCIENT BRITISHMCHURCH. as a long-continued transmigration into different bodies of living beings, ending in annihilation. Their religion is resolvable into a worship of the spirits of Heaven, of ‘spirits: of “nature, Yand of ancestral spirits. The last idea found expression in reverence for the tombs of their ancestors, and a desire to perpetuate their memory by rude but gigantic earthworks or immovable and imperishable masses of stone. How prominent this element was in their religious conceptions appears from the Etruscan names of their four great deities, found, with slight variation, in the dialects of the Ugric or Turkic tribes of Siberia—Kulmu, the spirit of the Grave, Vanth, who holds the key of the Tomb, Hinthial, the spectre of the Dead and the image of the Living, and Nathum, the Aveiuger of innocent blood.! Leaving the almost impenetrable darkness which envelops the Turanian colonisers of Britain, and oe which renders their history mainly conjec- migration. tural we are comparatively on historic ground when we come to the century immediately preceding the Christian era. In the meantime, a portion of the Celtic group of the Aryan or Indo-European race had settled in Britain. At what period this immi- gration took place, or of the circumstances which attended or immediately preceded it, there is no 1 Taylor’s Ztruscan Researches, pp. 412, 413. GAELIC AND CYMRIC IMMIGRATIONS. 5 trustworthy record. Minute though varying accounts are given in the Triads and in the old English Chronicles ; but the legendary matter forms so large a portion of, and is so interwoven with, these accounts that we can with safety only extract from them a few leading conceptions, which will admit of more or less historical positiveness : that the immigration was from the East ; that on its way to Europe it traversed the countries adjoining the Black Sea in a series of waves, which became more uneven and broken the further they advanced westward; and that its impulsive force was only finally spent, when the Gaelic and Cymric tribes reached, successively, and not simulta- neously, Britain and Ireland.! At the time of the landing of Julius Cesar (B.C. 55 and 54) the Cymry and kindred tribes peopled the North and West of what afterwards came to Constituent elements of be called England, Wales, and Cornwall, Brits? » aggregate. while the South-east and South may have been 1 In North Wales, particularly in Anglesey, on the Menai Straits and Holyhead side of the island, there are sites of ancient habitations now traceable, usually in clusters of five or more, although at Tymawyr, on the Holyhead mountain, they must have formed a considerable village of more than fifty huts. The Welsh people call them Cy¢fzaz ’r Gwyddelod. The common etymology of the name, ‘Huts of the Gael,’ has not been unchallenged ; but the remains seem to point to a prior occupation of the country by a Gaelic race, or, according to another theory, to a refluent Gaelic race, subsequently thrown back from Ireland upon the sea-board of Wales.—Vestiges of the Gael in riynedd, Ὁ. 35. Archeologia Cambrensis, No. 1xi. pp. 385-400. Quarterly Review, No. 174, September 1851. 6 THE ANCIENT BRITTSWOCAORCE. inhabited by Celts more nearly akin to the Gauls than to the Cymry. It is not impossible that even then the East coast may have been fitfully occupied by tribes which, if not of direct Teutonic origin, were in some degree mingled with Teutonic elements. But, with the last-mentioned possible insignificant exception, we may conclude that the whole island, as far north as Glasgow, was in the possession of a people throughout akin, if not absolutely identical, bound together by the four ties of (1) fellowship of blood, (2) identity of language, (3) a common religion, and (4) like manners and dispositions. Independently of certain physical features, such, for instance, if we trust all ancient authors, as the xanthous complexion which characterised the Celtic race, though Strabo describes the Britons as less yellow-haired than their Gaulish kindred,! we find deeper and truer proofs of the 1. Blood-re- lationship. blood-relationship of the Britons in the national indignation which a foreign attack always evoked. Upon such occasions the sense of organic unity, as distinguished from the mere agglomeration of indi- viduals or of tribes based upon considerations of policy or goodwill, asserted itself, and proved stronger 1*Hooov ξανθότριχες. Dr. Beddoe, however, is of opinion that ξανθὸς and flavus, as applied to the colour of the hair, probably meant chestnut, or light brown, rather than bright yellow. —Aeport of the British Association for 1857, p. 117. ORGANIC UNITY OF THE BRITONS. 7 than the accidents of mutual estrangement or jarring interests. ‘Cds gwr na charo y wldd ai macco,’ be- came the rallying cry of the whole country, and the native princes or chieftains, laying aside for the time all existing jealousies, united against the common foe, electing, with a view to unity of action, a military dictator, under the title of ‘Pendragon. The Triads significantly record the names of those who, siding with the foreigner or otherwise injuring their country, had ignored the sacred ties of kinship. The full measure of the impression which their conduct had stamped upon the conscience of their countrymen can only be duly realised, when we bear in mind the com- paratively late date of these Welsh documents in their present form,'! and that the names of these men must have been kept alive in the memory for generations before they were committed to writing. ‘Du-Bradwr’ is the epithet invariably affixed ever afterwards to Avarwy, the Mandubracius of Cesar or the Andro- gorius of Orosius; the Triads reckoning him as the first of the three arrant traitors (‘carn vradwyr’) against the Isle of Britain.? The Welsh tongue is a member of the Cymric 1 Stephens, Lzterature of the Cymry (ch. iii. sect. 4), places the col- lection we have as late as the twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. > Myfyrian Archeology, ii. 61. 8 WHE ANCIENT BRITISH CHURCH: group of the two divisions into which the modern 2. Common Celtic languages naturally fall.’ For in these anguage. The two groups— Gaedhelic Ε 3 - and Cymric. Clearly discerned, embedded in their very dialects two distinctive divergences can be D structure, and thus indicating the existence of tribal separations at a very remote period, probably long an- terior to the arrival of the Celts in Western Europe. But while there is this line of demarcation between the two groups, there is, on the other hand, evidence of certain analogies and common principles underlying them all, which establishes their descent from an ideal mother-language, and their consequent relationship to each other. For instance, (1) their vocabulary is to a great extent substantially identical ; (2) a number of their primitive adjectives expressing the simplest conceptions are the same; and (3) it is one of their peculiarities that, while the irregular forms bear a smaller proportion to the regular forms than is usual, 1 «Duce sunt igitur varietates Celticze linguze precipuz. Est una hibernica, ex qua propagate sunt linguze adhuc extantes hujus generis, in Hibernia ipsa Aibernica hodierna, et in Britannia in montibus quos dicunt scoticos, gaelica (i.e. gaedelica, ut Hiberni ipsi suam linguam appellant, media excussa) que quamvis tuta in altis alpibus vetustiora monumenta non servavit, attamen in vetusta hibernica fundamentum habet. Altera est d7zfannica lingua . . . a qua propagate sunt cam- brica, cornica, aremorica, que omnes possident monumenta plus vel minus vetusta, vive et hodie in ore populi, scriptis et carminibus, excepta cornica, que jam prezeterlapso szeculo etiam in vicis regionis Cornubiz audiri desiit.’—Zeuss, Grammatica Celtica, 1871 ; Prefatio Auctoris, p. Vill. MODERN CELTIC LANGUAGES. 9 these irregular forms bear a very remarkable analogy to each other.! To the Cymric group belong, in addition to the Welsh language, the Cornish and the Armorican of Brittany. The connection between the two y..,, last-named is closer than between either of member of them and the Welsh as spoken in modern *™. Wales. The other group, the Gaedhelic, comprises (1) the Irish Gaelic or Erse, (2) the Scotch Gaelic, and (3) the Manx or Gaelic of the Isle of Man. These three members of the Gaedhelic family are much more nearly allied to each other than the three which form the Cymric family; they are also con- sidered older, more westerly than the Cymric, the Gaedhelic standing to the latter in a relation analo- gous to that of Latin towards all the Greek dialects, with the exception, perhaps, of the old A®olic. The two groups together form what has been termed the Insular branch of the Celtic languages. Their common mother has been supposed to be a sister language of old Gaulish; both of them, however, are now extinct, although old Gaulish was spoken as ‘late as> the fifth’ century. The few. remains we have of it clearly show that the Cymric family is the one most nearly identified with it.2 This 1 Skene, Zhe Four Books of Wales, pp. 121, 122. 2 2 *Gallicam autem linguam priscam .. . si non fuit eadem que TO THE ANCIENT BRITISH (CHORGH, circumstance reasonably suggests the inference, that the Cymric dialects have preserved more faithfully than the Gaedhelic the features of their mother- language. So great has been the tenacity with which the Cymry have clung to their language, not only through Vitality of all the varying crises of two conquests, but the Welsh language. through the more trying ordeal of centuries of commercial and social intercourse with England, that so far the so-called prophecy of Taliesin has been verified :— * Fu ner πὶ folant, Eu hiaith a gadwant, Eu gwlad a gollant, Ond Gwyllt Walia.’! Britain is a notable exception to the success which elsewhere uniformly crowned the efforts of the britannica, huic tamen viciniorem fuisse quam hibernicz, hc potissi- mum ostendunt: 1. Congruentia sonorum quorundam. quibus differt hibernica . . . quz imprimis animadvertitur in vocibus gallicis et britannicis . . . 2. Terminationes queedam propriz linguz britannice, et quas ignorat hibernica, apparentes in vocibus gallicis vetustis . . . 3. Sonorum eadem progressio in lingua britannica atque in gallica etiam romanica, operante amplius linguz gallicz ingenio, quam pro- gressionem nescit lingua hibernica . . . 4. Voces quedam in nominibus gallicis vetustis et britannicis, quze desunt in hibernica lingua,’ etc.—- Zeuss, Grammatica Celtica, Pref. Auctoris, pp. Vi, Vil. 1 ¢ Their worship still to God they'll give, With them their native tongue shall live, Their Fatherland and fertile vales They'll lose, except the wilds of Wales.’ PITALITY OF THE WELSH LANGUAGE. 14 Romans to extend into the provinces the general use of the Latin tongue. Gibbon classes Britain with Africa, Gaul, and Pannonia, where the language of Rome was, in the time of Agricola, so universally adopted, that the faint traces of the native idioms were preserved only in the mountains, or among the peasants. Hallam disputes the accuracy of this sweeping generalisation ; and even Dean Milman admits that the words of Tacitus, on which Gibbon based his statements, merely assert the progress of Latin studies among the higher orders.’ From the secresy with which the Druids? veiled 1 Gibbon’s Roman Empire (Milman), vol. i. p. 64, and Editor’s note zz loco. What Tacitus really says, is: ‘Jam vero principum filios liberalibus artibus erudire, et ingenia Britannorum studiis Gallorum anteferre, ut qui modo linguam Romanam abnuebant, eloquentiam con- cupiscerent.’— V2t, Agric. xxi. 2 Druidze, quos Acta nostrorum sanctorum passim vocant magos.’— Colgan. Actt. SS. Ὁ. 149, 2. 15a. The constant use of this Latin word as the equivalent of the vernacular term Draotthe = Druids (see Adamnam, 5 Golambe... Weeves ed. 1874; lib: 15. Ὁ5 xxix. 5. 178.» bb. 1: ἘΠ X&Xxiv. p. 174, and c. xxxv. p. 276), gives a clue to the correct derivation of the word ‘Druid.’ The origin of the term is evidently not the Welsh Derw, much less the Greek δρῦς (Pliny, VV. H. xvi. 44), but the Celtic Draz. Thus, in the Irish MS. of S. Paul’s Epistles at Wurtzburg, the gloss on Iannes and Iambres (2 Tim. iii. 8) is ‘da druith sgeptacdi,’ ‘duo druidz Aigyptiaci’ (Zeuss, Gram. Celt. 1. p. 278). Draoithe also stands for ‘wise men,’ in 5. Matthew ii. 1. In The Song of Trust (Miscell. Irish Archeol. Soc. 1856, vol. i. p. 6), which S. Columba is said to have composed when, a fugitive from the royal palace of Tara, he fled by himself across the mountains, we have : ‘Ts e mo drai Crist mac De,’ Christ the Son of God is my druid. 12 THE ANCIENT BRITISH (CHURCH. their teaching from strangers, we depend in a great 3, Commu. Measure for our knowledge of the religious nity of ae 3 religious opinions and observances of the Britons ideas and observances. Druid, upon the meagre and varying testimonies of suishing unsympathising outsiders. Their religion, istics. however, seems in its leading idea to inherit the typical note of the Indo-European or Aryan creed,—a profound and moral Naturalism.! From this conception of God in nature, underlying and reflected in the visible powers of the universe, arose a certain reverence for all created things, and a gentle- ness towards every living thing in that it contained a particle of the Divine breath. While avoiding the well-meaning error of attempting to discover in this teaching of the Druids truths peculiar to Christianity, still, in what it implied, that God is the ground—the force of nature, we find a common fundamental con- ception on which Christianity could build up its own Divine truths, and by preaching living fellowship with the Incarnate Word, it would guide and satisfy the aspirations which Pantheism both fosters and per- 1 «Le culte primitif de la race indo-européenne était charmant et profond comme l’imagination de ces peuples eux-mémes. C’etait comme un €cho de la nature, une sorte d’hymne naturaliste oti Vidée Wune cause unique n’apparait que par moments et avec beaucoup W@indécision. C’était une religion d’enfants, pleine de naiveté et de poésie, mais qui devait crouler dés que la réflexion deviendrait un peu exigeante.,’—Renan, De la Part des Peuples Sémitiques dans 0? His- toire de la Civilisation, p. 21 (Paris, 1862). DRUIDISM. 13 verts. But as nature is always active in decay or reproduction, the agencies through which it manifests itself assumed to the uneducated but imaginative mind the more intelligible aspect, either of benignant Deities to be honoured with grateful hymns, or of terrible Beings to be propitiated with sacrifices! Hence, with the people, the loving but vague esoteric pantheistic teaching of Druidism developed itself into ordinary polytheism. But it was in the prominence of the belief in the immortality of the soul that the religious teaching of the Druids? would be especially a prepara- Immortality of the soul, tion for Christian ideas, and, when the time 28{353ht,>Y came, a persuasive to their reception. While Julius Czsar could assert in the Roman Senate without scandal or rebuke, for Cato alone ventured to utter parenthetically a faint dissent, that death was the end of all cares and joys,’ and while Pliny afterwards spoke of the belief in a future state as a childish and pernicious opiate,‘ and while even Marcus Aurelius reminds himself and others that the hopes of hu- 1 De Bello Gallico, vi. 13; Pomp. Mela, iii. 2; Diod. Sic. v. 31; Strabo, iv. 275. 2 De Bello Gallico, vi.14 ; Pomp. Mela, iii. 2; Lucan, i. 449-453 ; Strabus tv. 277 ; Valer. Max. ii. 6. 8 Sallust, De Bell. Catelin. cc. 51, 52. 4 ¢Puerilium ista delinimentorum, avidzeque nunquam desinere mor- talitatis commenta sunt.’ -—-/is¢. Naturalis, vii. 56. 14 LHE ANCIZNT BRITISH CAOKCH. manity were bounded by death,! the Druids taught the existence of something in a man which should survive every possible dislocation of the body, and all the changes wrought by time. And this belief in the soul’s continuance was, with them, not a mere spe- culation of the mind, but a hearty conviction, carry- ing with it a corresponding moral consequence. Of the conditions, however, through which the soul was supposed to pass in its undying existence, or of the nature of its final goal, varying testimonies have been handed down. According to Cesar and Lucan, the Druids thought that the soul at death transmigrated from one body to another; but Pomponius Mela understood them to expect its immediate flight into the unseen world. This seeming discrepancy may be reconciled, if we suppose that the ideas of the Druids on this point were not unlike those of the Vedanta sect of Hinduism. The human soul is, as it were,a spark from the all-embracing spirit, to be re-absorbed into the parent flame, whenever, by contemplation and suffering in one or more stages of existence, it has freed itself from whatever disqualifies it for union with the Deity. To some there would be a speedy liberation from the body, and the soul goes straight 1’Odws δ᾽ ἐκείνου μέμνησο, ὅτι ἐντὸς ὀλιγίστου χρόνου καὶ σὺ καὶ οὗτος τεθνήξεσθε: μετὰ βραχὺ δὲ οὐδὲ ὄνομα ὑμῶν ὑπολειφθήσεται.--- Meditat, iv. 6. DRUIDISM. 15 to the supreme, and is lost in the eternal source from which it first proceeded. To others—unhappily the majority—ignorance and _ sin, individualising and isolating the human soul from the pure and divinest being of the unutterable Brahm (Zad), involve the necessity that it should pass through a prolonged, if not an infinite series of existences, finally to be de- graded to the brutes, or to be raised to the blessed- ness of admission into the mansions of the gods, though falling short of the highest and ideal end— the annihilation of the individual consciousness in the Divine thought.' When to these elevating ideas of the Druids, we add that the sum of their morals was said to consist in worshipping the gods, doing good, and piace, an object of suspicion to the Roman that successive Roman Emperors should Government. exercising fortitude,? it may appear strange issue edicts for the repression of the Order, and that the policy of extermination should at last be sternly carried out. Nor will our wonder be lessened when we consider that the cultivation of a certain feeling of tranquillity or quietism was the chief end of Druidical teaching. Besides, Druidism had an ad- ditional claim upon the Roman Power for toleration, 1 Colebrooke, Essays on the Vedénta, vol. i. 2 Kal φασι, τοὺς μὲν Γυμνοσοφιστὰς καὶ Apvidas αἰνιγματωδῶς ἀποφθεγ- γομένους φιλοσοφῆσαι, σέβειν θεοὺς, καὶ μηδὲν κακὸν δρᾶν, καὶ ἀνδρείαν aoKkeiv.—Laert. Procemium, sect. 6. 16 THE ANCIENT AGW ΒΕ ΕΜ ΤΙΣ inasmuch as in common with all Aryan religions it was intensely national, without the capacity or even the desire to proselytise, and thus to extend its boundaries.! The reports that the Druids offered human sacrifices,? even if accepted in the grossest form, and not as exaggerated accounts of their custom of inflicting capital punishment with the solemnity and under the sanction of religion, would fail to explain the exceptionally bitter feeling with which the Roman authorities regarded them. Rome, under the Empire, was no stranger to the cruel Mithraic rites of the East, nor is it likely that any supposed superstition or cruelty in others would arouse a feeling of indignation in a people among whom there was being introduced the horrible practice of consulting futurity in the entrails of human victims.4 Probably the same causes were at work which led to the deadly struggle between the Empire and Christianity. The Roman authorities were tolerant of religious belief so long as it was 1 «Le brahmanisme n’a vécu jJusqu’a nos jours que grace au privilége étonnant de conservation que l’Inde semble posséder. Le bouddhisme échoua dans toutes ses tentatives vers Youest. Le druidisme resta une forme exclusivement nationale et sans portée universelle. Les tenta- tives grecques de réforme, l’orphisme, les mysteres, ne suffirent pas pour donner aux ames un aliment solide.’—Renan, Vze de Fésus, Ὁ. 5. ® ‘Tacit. Ann. xiv. 30: 3 Sueton. 22 Claud. 25. 4 Milman’s “7st. of Christianity, vol. 1. p. 26. SUPPRESSION OF THE DRUIDICAL ORDER. 17 considered harmless to the national life. But Druidism constituted a highly organised secret society, and as such was calculated to awaken the apprehension and jealousy of the Emperors.! The time had come when the Druids were to pass away. Their work had been done, and their continuance might, and probably would, Extermina- ion of the Druids in have been a hindrance to the new teachers, pra. who, accepting and purifying all that was true in the previous system, should reset the broken fragments of truth, and add the revelation which both included and completed them. We see the Druids for the last time (A.D. 61) as they stand on the gently shelv- ing shore of Anglesey at Moelydon, watching the preparations of Paulinus for crossing the straits, and with uplifted hands invoking the vengeance of Heaven upon the invader. The Roman soldiers were not unconscious of the skill and prudence of their general, or distrustful of their own disciplined valour. This appeal, however, to the powers of the unseen world suggested the possible existence of a higher law between nations than the brutal law of the 1 The first charge which Celsus brought against the Christians, in his desire to throw discredit upon Christianity, was, that they entered into secret associations with each other contrary to law,—Ip@roy τῷ Κέλσῳ κεφάλαιόν ἐστι βουλομένῳ διαβαλεῖν Χριστιανισμὸν, ὡς συνθήκας ᾿ς κρύβδην πρὺς ἀλλήλους παρὰ τὰ νενομισμένα ποιουμένων. ---Οτίροῃ, Contr. Cels. i. 1; Migne, Serzes Greca, tom. xi. col. 651. ς 13 THE ANCIENT BRITISH (CHORE. strongest ; and it was not until they were aroused by the encouraging words of Paulinus and by their own mutual taunts that the advance was made. The massacre, the burning and overthrow of altars, and the cutting down of the sacred groves followed, and Druidism as a religious system became extinct in Britain.' In the twelfth century a futile and hardly serious attempt was made by the Welsh Bards to resuscitate certain Druidic ideas. It has been con- clusively shown that this new Druidism was a bardic fiction, brought forward for a class purpose—to distinguish by membership in the fraternity of Prz/- feirdd, and by a consequent air of vague mystery around their persons and phraseology, the bards proper from a less respectable and less gifted class. Notwithstanding the disclaimer of Cynddelw in his address to Rhys ab Gruffudd (‘nid achludd eurgrudd argelwch’—it opposes no precious concealed mystery), the new institution was not regarded as free from objections on the theological ground that in its origin and tendency it was subversive of Christianity.’ While not indifferent to the great truth of the unity of mankind, and that race is really the product 1 Tacit. Ann. xiv. 29, 30. Druidism survived to a much later period in Ireland ; indications of its continued existence in the time of the Second Order of Saints occur in Adamn. V2 S. Columd, lib, ii. , 34, 35: 2 Stephens, Zzter. of Cymry, ch. ii. sect. 1. THE NATIONAL CHARACTER. 19 of circumstances, it is also equally true that the deep pulse of humanity throbs under a 4. Like tem. thousand modifications of accident. Each and pursuits. race, while conforming in features, understandings, affections, and passions to the primitive type, which, constituting our collective nature, perpetuates itself in every man, has its own distinguishing features— the result of forces brought to bear upon it for a series of ages. Confining myself to the mental characteristics of the Cymric tribes, I would specify the following traits as especially forming their in- dividuality of character: (1) a highly religious tem- perament; (2) a certain gentleness of disposition, combined with great impulsiveness; hence, when aroused by a sense of injustice, a state of mind described as ‘the school-boy heat, the blind hysterics of the Celt ;’ (3) a recklessness of danger—a feeling fostered by their belief in immortality, and a con- sequent fearlessness, occasionally amounting to a contempt of life and a longing for death;! (4) a deficiency of organisation, showing itself in tribal dissensions, and in the absence of military success, 1 Lucan, i. 453-457. The Spanish Celts raised temples and sang hymns in praise of death (Philost. “220. of Tyan. v. 4), and Silius Italicus (i. 225-228) speaks of their passion for suicide :— ‘Prodiga gens anime, et properare facillima mortem ; Namque ubi transcendit florentes viribus annos, Impatiens zevi spernit novisse senectam, Et fati modus in dextra est.’ C2 20 THE ANCIENT: BRITISH CHURCH. except when suffering from the immediate pressure of a foreign foe ; and (5) a keen appreciation of the harmony of sound and intense love of music.! Their poetry, however, was mainly lyrical, and consisted of short effusions, having a distinct bearing in the way of praise or blame upon actual life, such as might be sung by the bards at the tables or in the halls of their chieftains. The musical instruments were stringed—the harp and the crwth During the years of confusion which fol!owed the usurpation of the sovereignty of Wales by Aeddan ab Blegywryd, Rhys ab Tewdwr, the true heir to South Wales, fled for safety to Armorica, and Cynan, the rightful heir of North Wales, to Ireland. In the year 1077 Rhys returned, and for a time succeeded in establishing his 1 The minute regulations in the Laws of Howel Dda respecting the privileges and duties of the Bard imply the antiquity and status of the Order. Laws to regulate custom are not enacted until some time after the origin of the custom. The recognition also of a Pencerdd points in the same direction in reference to music. 2 Lucan, 1. 442-444. ‘ Ystafell Cyndylan ys tywyll heno, Heb dan, heb serddau Digystudd deurudd dagrau.’ ‘The hall of Cyndylan so dark to-night, Without fire, wzthout songs, Tears afflict the cheeks.’ Llywarch Hen (550-640), quoted in Zzter. of Cymry, ch. i. sect. 1. 3 The name is descriptive of its shape,—crzw/?h = ‘ any body swelling out or bulging ; a paunch.’ The instrument had six strings, four to be played with a bow, and two, for bass, with the fingers. The tone of the crwth was a mellow tenor. PALRIOTISM OF come down to us; but that the subject was discussed and an agreement 92 THE ANCIENT BRITTSA CHERCH. the solar and lunar years was left to the judgment of the Bishop of Alexandria, in consequence of the superior astronomical knowledge of his people. He was, however, to give notice to the Bishop of Rome, that the Eastern and Western Churches might be able to celebrate their Easter festival at the same time. Rome and Alexandria failed to agree in their calcula- tions: the latter adopting the Metonic cycle of nine- teen years as the basis of their Calendar, while Rome clung to the Jewish cycle of eighty-four years. The Synod of Sardica in A.D. 343 attempted a solution, but unsuccessfully. In the following century (A.D. 457) Leo the Great enjoined Victorius, a Gaul of Aquitaine, to draw up a new Paschal Canon. Adopt- ing the Alexandrian plan of inserting the saltus lune after every nineteenth year, and making a few other concessions, Victorius corrected the epact by a reduction of two days, but he retained so many of the old Latin peculiarities as prevented an entire con- formity between the Eastern and Western Churches. come to is evident from one of Constantine’s Epistles to the absent bishops : Ἔνθα καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ Πάσχα ἃγιωτάτης ἡμέρας γενομένης ζητήσεως, ἔδοξε κοινῇ γνώμῃ καλῶς ἔχειν, ἐπὶ μιᾶς ἡμέρας πάντας τοὺς ἁπανταχοῦ ἐπιτελεῖν... Διὰ τοῦτο γοῦν τῆς προσηκούσης ἐπανορθώσεως τυχεῖν, καὶ πρὸς μίαν διατύπωσιν ἄγεσθαι τοῦτο ἣ θεία πρόνοια βούλεται. ὡς ἔγωγ᾽ ἅπαντας ἡγοῦμαι συνορᾷν ... Ἵνα δὲ τὸ κεφαλαιωδέστερον συντόμως εἴπω, κοινῇ πάντων ἤρεσε κρίσει, τὴν ἁγιωτάτην τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτὴν μιᾷ καὶ τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ ouvt Rhodri,®> Gwgan,® Bledri,’ Jo- abridged, in Capgrave, V. Z. A. f. 286; and in the same short form in the Aci. SS. ii. 308, Feb. 9. Hardy, Descript. Catal. i. 131. 1 His Life (‘Vita B. Oudocei Landay. Archiepiscopi’) is in the Lib. Landav. 123-132; and abridged in Capgrave, V. 2. A. f. 258; and in the Actt, SS. i. 313, July 2. There is also an extract from it in Wharton, 4. S. ii. 669. The circumstance that Oudoceus was on his mother’s side a nephew of Teilo, and hissuccessor in the see of Llandaff, and the references in his Zzfe to Tewdryg and to his grandson Iudris, fix the date of the duration of his episcopate from about the latter portion of the sixth to the beginning of the seventh century. Tewdryg was killed in resisting the invasion of the West Saxon king, Colwulf, in A.D. 610; and ‘CLXXXVIII. Annus. Strages Sabrina et jugulatio Iudris.’—Azn. Camd, (M. H. B. 832). 2 ¢a.p. 872. Ethelredus Dorobernensis Archiepiscopus. Hic Chevelliam Episcopum Landaviz, et post Libau Episcopum Landavize . . . . Cantuarize consecravit.’—R. de Diceto, Addrev. Chron. (Twysd. 451). Florence of Worcester, under A.D. 872, chronicles the capture by the pagans, and the ransom of Bishop Cyfeilliawe, but calls him Cymelgeac (M. H. B. 570). ‘Dcccc™. xx*. vii’. Cimelliauc Epi- scopus migravit ad Dominum. . . ὁ Dcccc™. xx°. 1x®. Libiau Epi- scopus migravit ad Dominum.’—Zz). Landav. 227, 230. Rees (Welsh Saints, 305) supposes that the church of Llangyfelach, Glamorganshire, derives its name from Bishop Cyfeilliawc. 8 Brut y Tywysog. Gwent., Arch. Camb, 3rd series, x. p. 20. He died in 943.—d. 4 Tbid, p. 24. 5 Lib. Landav. 213-215. ‘A.D. 961, Yr un flwyddyn y bu farw Padarn Escob Llan Daf, ac y doded Rhodri ab Morgan Mawr yn εἰ le, a hynny o anfodd y Pab, ac achaws hynny ai'gwenwynwyd ef.’—Srit y Tywysog. Gwent., Arch. Camb. x. p. 28. The name of Bishop Padarn occurs in £2). Land. as twice excommunicating Nowi, King of Gwent, and on his repentance receiving from him grants of the village of Guicon and the territory of Llanbedui (208-211). δ *pcccc™, LXXxX®, II°. incarnationis Domini anno, Gucaunus Epi- scopus Landaviz consecratus a metropolitano Dunstano, Dorobernensis Ecclesize Archiepiscopo.’—Z76. Landav. 235. 7 Eremites; Guties and activities of the world. But in 3. Coeno- bites. the third century the religious life passed into another phase, when its members retired into solitude, far from the haunts of men. Of this eremi- 1 ‘Quis ita mihi pernecessarius ? Cui eque dilectus ego? Frater erat genere, sed religione germanior. Dolete, queso, vicem meam vos, quibus heec nota sunt. Infirmus corpore eram, et ille portabat me; pusillus corde eram, et confortabat me; piger et negligens, et excitabat me; improvidus et obliviosus, et commonebat me. Quo miki avulsus es? Quo mihi raptus e manibus, homo unanimis, homo secundum cor meum? Amavimus nos in vita: quomodo in morte sumus separati? Amarissima separatio! et quam non posset omnino efficere nisi mors. Quando enim me vivus vivuin desereres ὃ Omnino opus mortis, horrendum divortium.’ ‘Et adhuc dico: Bene utrumque fecit dulcis et rectus Dominus. Misericordiam et judicium cantabo tibi, Domine. Cantet tibi misericordia, quam fecisti cum servo tuo Girardo: cantet et judicium, quod nos portamus. In altero bonus, in altero justus laudaberis. An solius laus bonitatis? Est et justitice. Fstus es, Domine, et rectum judicitum tuum. Girardum tu dedisti, Girardum tu abstulisti: et si dolemus ablatum, non tamen obliviscimur quod datus fuit, et gratias agimus quod habere illum meruimus, quo carere in tantum non volumus, in quantum non expedit.’ Sermo xxvi. (Migne, Patrologia, clxxxili. col. 905, 912). 2 Bingham, Avizg. vil. I, 2. ORIGIN AND EXTENSION OF MONASTICISM. 197 tical life S. Paul of Thebes is considered the founder. This again, under the influence of S. Antony, was transformed into the Ccenobitic. Then came Pacho- mius, who gathered his followers into regular com- munities governed by a written fixed rule. Under this new form monasticism spread rapidly over the entire East, S. Basil, its recognised legislator, showing his preference for Coenobites rather than Anchorites. ‘For,’ said he to a hermit, ‘whose feet wilt thou wash ? whom wilt thou serve ? how canst thou be the last if thou art alone?’ Introduced into the West, monasticism under various influences | assumed a more active form. It seems probable that the Egyptian rule, according to the institutes of Pachomius, was that at first pro- fessed by the British monks. Owing, however, to the great sympathy between the Gallican and British Churches, the system of S. Martin, first at Liguge and afterwards at Marmoutier, near Tours, became the model of British monasticism, but with the important addition to its discipline of the vow of labour. The monasteries were generally established at places like 1 The most potent of these influences may be reckoned as three in number: (1) Conditions of race and character ; (2) The legislative qualities of SS. Benedict and Columba; and (3) ‘The barbarian invasions and the dissolution of the Western Empire, which, distort- ing the whole system of government and almost resolving society into its primitive elements, naturally threw upon the monastic corporations social, political, and intellectual functions of the highest order.’— Lecky’s History of European Morals, ii. 189. 198 THE ANCIENT ERITISA CHORCH. S. David’s in South Wales or Clynnog Fawr in Car- narvonshire, whose remote and solitary situations! were supposed to tend to the withdrawal of the mind from the cares and vanities of the world. The inmates do not seem to be bound by any irrevocable vow to live always in the monastery,’ for one note especially characteristic of all the Celtic monks is their distant and frequent journeying. Europe and even Asia? 1 It is probably owing to the Cistercian habit of choosing situations of especial amenity that the moderu notion has arisen, that all the monastic orders were impressed with the beauty of the external world, and considered the site of their foundations a matter of paramount importance. ‘The older Benedictine houses had either been planted in towns, or else a town had grown around the monastic precincts. The Cistercians of set purpose lived in the wilderness, and for the most part they pitched their dwellings in spots of great natural beauty.’ (Freeman, //istory of the Norman Conquest, vol. v. ch. xxiii. p. 233). 2 The permission of the head of the monastery, judging from the Irish rule, seems to have been necessary to a lengthened absence. ‘Quidam vir sanctus, nomine Molua, venit ad S. Moedoc, dicens, volo adire Romam peregrinatione. Ait ei Episcopus, non habebis meam licentiam. S. Molua respondit, certe si non videro Romam, cito moriar. Tunc assumpsit eum secum S. Moedoc in curru, et non apparuerunt suis usque in crastinum ; et visum est 5. Moluze quod essent in illa nocte in Roma et soluerit sua vota ibi ad limina Apostolorum’ (V. S. Mazdoct, Colgan, Act. SS. xlii, p. 213). 5. Columba is represented as prophesying of Cormac Ua Liathain, that he should not succeed in his voyage of discovery, because ‘he went away, against rule, without the consent of a certain religious abbot, his superior.’—Reeves, Adamn. 7. S. Columb. lib. i. 6. Cf. Synod. S. Patricii, can. xxxiv.: ‘Diaconus vobiscum similiter qui inconsulto suo abbate sine literis in aliam parochiam absentat, nec cibum minis- trare debet, et a suo presbytero, quem contempsit per poenitentiam vindicetur, et monachus inconsulto abbate vagulus debet vindicari.’— Wilkins, Conczlia, vol. i. p. 3. 3 Palladius, Hist. Laustac. cxviii. (A.D. 420, but writing of the years before 410), speaks of Melania the elder entertaining British BRITISH MONASTIC RULE. 199 sufficed not to exhaust their love of travel and enter- prise. When in the eleventh century the Norsemen landed in Greenland, they were told by the Esqui- maux that southward of their country, beyond the bay of Chesapeke, ‘white men might be seen, clothed in long white robes, who marched singing and bearing a banner.’! The British monastic rule of life em- braced voluntary poverty, labour, reading, prayer, and works of charity, and at first was in food, dress, and demeanour unsparingly ascetic.? In the matter of pilgrims at Jerusalem. Theodoret, Phz/oth. xxvi. (speaking probably of A.D. 423), tells us that many Britons came to Pelanissus, near Antioch, to visit Simeon Stylites.—Cocz/za (Haddon and Stubbs), 14. The circumstances in both instances indicate that the travellers were mainly if not exclusively monks. 1 Ozanam, La Civilisation au Cinguiéme Siecle, 1. pp. 28, 29. The voyages of S. Brendan in quest of ‘ The Fortunate Islands,’ embodying as they probably do an historical residuum, are among the most popular of the legends of the middle ages, and are briefly touched upon in the γεν. Aberd. pars hyem. fol. lxxxxviii. This love of travel grew to so great a height that ic became necessary to discourage it: ‘ Item alio tempore sancti tres viri, scilicet Cathmzlus, Finnianus, et Bitheus, proposuerunt Romam causa peregrinationis adire. Quibus Angelus Domini in itinere talia fertur dixisse : Redite ad vestras plebes ; Deus enim acceptat intentionem vestram. Et ait 5. Finnianus: Quid mihi ceelicola a Deo meo pro hoc donabitur? Et respondit Angelus: Altare wdificabis, et quicunque illud devote adierit, quodcunque ibi petierit pura mente, inveniet ibi petitionem quam Rome inveniret’ (V. S. finniani, Colgan, Actt. SS. ix. 394). 5. *Talem cenobialis propusiti fervore rigorem sanctus decrevit pater, ut monachorum quisque cotidiano desudans operi manuum suam in commune transigeret vitam. ... Igitur impensorum stu- dio, pede manuque laborant. . . . Possessiones respuunt, divitias detestantur. . . . . Peracto autem rurali opere, ad monasteni claustra revertentes, aut legendo aut scribendo aut orando, totam ad ves- perum peragebant diem. Infirmis tunc vel etate provectis, vel etiam 200 THE, ANCIENT VBRITISA (CH GRCH. food there does not seem to have been for ages any remission of the severity of the original discipline. It is only when we come to the ninth century that we hear of Bishop Morgeneu, who departed so far from the hitherto unbroken self-denial of his predecessors as to eat meat, and who was killed by the Danes, a punish- ment, it is implied, for his sinful indulgence. Giraldus Cambrensis represents the consciousness of his sin as haunting the episcopal offender even in the other world, for after death he is made to appear to an Irish bishop. ‘1. ate meat,’ said the spectre, “and [Nave been turned into meat.! Rhyddmarch mentions among the officials of S. David’s a Provost (Praepositus)? longo itinere fatigatis, aliqua suavioris cibi oblectamenta procurant.’ —V. §. David, Cambro-Brit. SS., 127, 128. ‘Non diversorum fercula saporum, non esculentiores pastus apponunt ; sed pane et oleribus sale conditis pasti ardentem sitim temperato potionis genere restingunt. . . . Vilibus induebantur vestibus, maxime__pellinis.’— /éid, 128. Compare what is said of the self-denying life of 5. Fin- nian who was for some time an inmate at 5. David’s : ‘ Hic omnia vitia corporis et animz respuebat. Quippe qui non manducabat nisi panem et olera et pro potu aquam bibebat. Diebus vero festiuis panem de frumento licet raro, et partem piscis manducabat, et pro potu calicem ceruisize, sive de sero lactis bibebat. Sed de carnibus taceo : quia nec unquam alicujus animalis comedit nisi tantum partem piscis assi. . . . Non super lectum molliter stratum, sed super nudam humum, lapide supposito capiti pro ceruicali, dormiebat.’—V. (δὶ Finniant, Colgan, Actt. SS. 397. 1 Opp. 1. 104. 2 Cambro-Brit. SS. 130, 131, 132. Inthe widely extended Rule of S. Columba the Przpositus was the superior of one of the associate monasteries, but subject to the head abbot or archimandrite. — Reeves, Adamn, V. ὁ. Columb. lib: 1. 6. XX1V., XKV., 132, XxXxiL. 240, ξεν, 143. He was required to be ‘sanctus, sapiens, affabilis, peregrinis MARRIAGE OF THE CLERGY. 201 and a Steward (GEconomus).! The recurrence of the same names, but with the addition of a dean, in con- nection with Llanbadarn Fawr, suggests the proba- bility that under the abbot they constituted the governing body in British monasteries. The marriage of the clergy seems to have run much the same course in Britain as in other branches of the Western Church—a recognised prac- Marriage οἱ clergy in 3 Ξ Fs 5 Ξ the British tice? but with a growing feeling against it. Church. ) oD Ὁ ro) appelebilis,’ also experienced ‘non solum docendo, sed etiam scribendo.’ —JTbid, lib. i. 11, 1153 lib. ili. xxiv. 213. 1 The CEconomus (his Irish name was Fertighis) was the house steward, whose main duty it was to attend to the domestic arrange- ments of the monastery : ‘Quodam die GEconomus S. Mochuee Lothrze venit ad S. Moedoc, dicens parum frumenti habemus, seminabimus illud, an dabimus fratribus?’ (V. S. A/ardoct, ap. Colgan, “εἴ. SS. exliv. 213). That the office was not considered unimportant appears from the following warning of S. Columbanus, ‘ Si quis voluerit aliquid et prohibet ceconomus et jubet abbas, quinque dies.’—Fleming, CoéZect, p- 377. The Lives of the Saints abound in incidents illustrative of the petty tyranny of the GEconomus. One day, we are told, S. Moedoc was reading in his cell at 5. David’s, when the GEconomus, who hated the holy man, upbraided him bitterly for not having gone with the rest to the wood to carry logs for the use of the monastery. The saint immediately obeyed, casting out of doors his open book.. S. David saw all the GEconomus had done, and finding the book which S. Moedoc had thrown away untouched by the rain, and learning from the boy who had accompanied S. Moedoc how he had been miracu- lously helped in his work, he sharply rebuked the CEconomus. (V. 5S. Maidoct seu Moedici, Colgan, Actt. SS. 209). The story is told more briefly by Rhyddmarch (Camdbro-Brit. SS. 130, 131), and without any censure of the Giconomus : this personage is, however, represented as conspiring with the cook and deacon in an attempt to poison 5. David. ΤΩ 131, 132. * The canons attributed to 5. Patrick (but of the seventh century) recognise the relation of the ‘clericus et uxor ejus:’ Caz, vi. ‘ Qui- 202 LHE ANCIENT: BRITISH ‘CHORGLH. In his acknowledgment of the existence and lawful- ness of the usage, as well as in his declamation against it under the cover of inveighing only against its abuse, Gildas would be a fair exponent of the popular feeling of his day.! The usage continued, however, in Wales to a much later period than else- where. Even in the latter half of the tenth century, when the clergy were enjoined not to marry without the consent of the Pope, so great was the excitement in consequence of this restriction in the diocese of Llandaff that it was adjudged expedient to allow matrimony to the priests.2, Marriage could not have been regarded as incompatible with the highest ideal of holiness, for it has been observed that the orly notices we have of several of the most eminent eccle- siastics have been transmitted under the title of ‘The Genealogy of the Saints.’* Nor was it confined to cungue clericus ab hostiario usque ad sacerdotem sine tunica visus fuerit, . . . et uxor ejus si non velato capite ambulaverit, pariter a laicis contempnentur, et ab ecclesia separentur.’ Wilkins’ Conciéa, vol. i. 2. Cf. also 5. Gregory’s instructions to 5. Augustine on the same subject.—Beeda, Hest. Eccl. i. 27. Neither was marriage confined in the Irish Church any more than in the British to the Inferior Orders. ‘When S. Patrick required a OAMDA Nl-ePrculpP (materies eptscopi), a man fitted for the episcopal office, to be placed over the Lagenians, he asked for a person who, among other qualifications, was Feayt evyrecche (a man of one wife).’—Lzb. Armac. fol. 18a, ὁ. 1 ΚΦ έρέ, Gild, 1xvi. 2 Brut y Tywysog., Gwent, A.D. 951, in Arch. Camb, 3rd series, > a os 2 Ab Ithel’s Eccl. Antig. of the Cymry, p. 230. The same remark applies to the Irish Saints ; e. g., ‘A.D. 731. Firnamhail, son of Ger- ΘῈ MARRIAGE OF THE CLERGY. 20 the inferior clergy. In the marginal annotations of the Book of S. Chad, which was originally the pro- perty of Llandaff, mention is made of a ‘Cuhelm filius Episcopi.! One of the most honoured of the bishops of S. David’s was Sulien ‘the Wise.’ He had a family of four sons,? the eldest of whom, Rhydd- march, succeeded him in the bishopric. Rhydd- march, again, ‘one without an equal or second, excepting his father, for learning, wisdom, and piety,’? appears to have been married and to have left a son named Sulien.t Another of the sons of Bishop Sulien—Daniel—was in A.D. I115 elected to the same see ;> but Herry I., in spite of the loud protests of both the clergy and laity, conferring the office upon Bernard, a Norman, the bishop-elect retired into North Wales, where he became the archdeacon of Powys. Under the year 1147, the appointment of Nichol, son of Bishop Gwrgant, to the See of Llandaff, and of David, son of Gerald, Archdeacon of trude, abbot of Clonaird, died. Crunmael, son of Colgan, abbot of Lusca, died.’—Azzal. iv. Magistr. 1 [i6. Landav. Appendix, p. 273. 2 *(Quattuor ac proprio nutriuit sanguine natos, ’—Carmen de vita et familia Sulgeni Episc. Menev., auctore Jeuan filio, printed from a MS. in C. C. C. Library, Cambridge, in Cuzcz/ia (Haddon and Stubbs), 666. 3. Lrut y Tywysog.,Gwent., A.D. 1098. Arch. Camb. 3rd series, x.p. 84. * “MCXLV. Y. viwyddyn rac wyneb y bu uarw Sulyen (vab) Richmarch.’ (1145. The ensuing year died Sulien, son of Rythmarch.) Bruty Tywysog., ed. Williams ab Ithel, p. 166. 5 Jones and Freeman’s Hist. of S. Davia’s, p. 270. ° Brut y Tywysog., ed. Williams ab Ithel, pp. 152, 154. 204 THESANCIEND BRISA CAOURCHA: Ceredigion, is chronicled. But it is in the succession system that the continuance and the recognised law- fulness of a married clergy are most clearly discerned. Benefices and cathedral appointments appear in most instances to have passed lineally from father to son.! This usage would have been of too scandalous a nature to have been acquiesced in, had the connection been otherwise than legitimate. At the same time, it must be acknowedged that the laws of Howel Dda 1 *Ecclesize vero istorum omnes fere tot personas et participes habent, quot capitalium virorum in parochia genera fuerint. Succes- sive quoque, et post patres, filii ecclesias obtinent, non elective ; hereditate possidentes, et polluentes sanctuarium Dei.’—Gir. Cambr., Descr. Cambr. ii. 7 (Opp. vi. 214). One of the evil consequences of this system, both in Ireland and Wales, was the creation of lay abbots (Zoid. Ltiner. Cambr. ii. 4), men who were altogether laical in character, or who, for the sake of appearances, had taken the tonsure and nomi- nally joined one of the inferior orders of clergy. The natural result was the virtual secularisation in such cases of Church endowments, and the transference of spiritual authority into the hands of laymen. S. Bernard (V. S. Malachia, v. and vii.) complains bitterly of the existence of the last-mentioned evil in the church of Armagh: ‘ Verum mos pessimus inoleverat quorumdam diabolica ambitione potentum sedem sanctam obtentum iri hereditaria successione,’ etc. At the same time the system, vicious as it was, was not altogether unproduc- tive of good, so far as Wales was concerned. By confining Welsh ecclesiastical appointments to natives of the principality, it restrained the Norman kings from carrying out fully in the Welsh Church their policy of thrusting their own foreign favourites into all Church benefices. It was not until A.D. 1112, long after the English bishoprics and abbeys had heen filled by foreigners, that Bernard, the first Norman prelate, was forced upon the clergy of S. David’s, ‘reclamantibus clero ecclesiz et populo’ (Gir. Cambr. De Jnvect. ii. 1, Opp. iii. 49), ‘heb na chennad na chyfarch ysgolheigion y Cymry; ac yna colles escob Dewi ei fraint ac ai dug escob caint’ (Brut y Tywysog., Gwent.; Arch. Camb. 3rd series, x. p. 96). ἘΠΕ OF THE. BRITISH. CHURCH. 205 enjoin that the son of a priest born while the father was still a clerk should not share land with a son born after ordination, ‘as the latter was begotten contrary to decree.! In the time of Giraldus this discouragement had become a definite prohibition,’ to evade which, lawful marriage was oftentimes con- cealed under the veil of concubinage,’ the less dis- reputable alternative according to the ecclesiastical public opinion of the age. Although no remains of any British Liturgy prior to the eighth century are known to exist, yet suppos- ing that the Columban Liturgy, if not exactly ἐπε British, was akin to it, a fairly correct idea ™*" can be formed of its nature. At first the British Liturgy would naturally be that of Lyons—the Gal- lican, and thus traceable to an Oriento-Apostolic source, the Ephesine Liturgy of S. John, but gra- dually it gathered variations around it, and in time assumed a stamp of its cwn. Through the conver- sion of Ireland, and afterwards of North Britain, rites and usages essentially British obtained a wide ac- 1 Dimetian and Gwentian Codes in Anctent Laws and Institutes of Wales, vol. i. 444, 760. 2 Gir. Camb. De Gest. i. 4; Opp. 1. 27. 3 «Hine (from a story told by Giraldus in Speculo Ecclesiz MS. Dist. iii. 8) clarissime constat concubinam istam lege conjugali presby- tero conjunctam esse, quali et concubinas presbyteris Walensibus con- junctas esse Giraldus dicit. Invisum quidem concubinarum nomen Giraldus apponit..—Wharton, 4. Z. A. ii. 525. 206 THE MANCIENT BRITISH CHORCH. ceptance. For between S. Patrick and the British missionaries who co-operated with him, there seems to have been from the beginning a divergence on such points of liturgy and discipline as already marked off the British Church from the Western Communion.!. At a subsequent period the relation- ship between the British and Irish Churches became much closer through the second Order of Irish Saints receiving their mass from SS. David, Cadoc, and Gildas.2 Hence, through S. Columba and his fol- lowers, this same ritual would become the use of the North British and Northumbrian Churches. We may therefore conclude that, outside the Roman or Augus- tine circle of ideas, there was substantially through- out Britain in the seventh century perfect uniformity 1 Montalembert thinks (orks of the West, vol. iii. p. 80) that he finds traces of this divergence in a passage in S. Patrick’s confession, where he says that he had brought the Gospel to Ireland in spite of his seniors, that is, says Tillemont, of the British priests ; also in two canons which betray a hostile spirit against British clergy and monks :— Synodus S. Patricii, can. 33, ‘ Clericus qui de Britannia ad nos venit sine epistola, etsi habitet in plebe, non licitum ministrare.’ Synodus alia S. Patricii, can. 20, ‘Cum monachis non est docendum, quorum malum est inauditum qui unitatem vero plebis non incongrue suscepimus.’—Wilkins, Comeczza, vol. i. 3, 5. The first supposition is contrary to the unanimous testimony of tradition, while Montalembert admits that the canons quoted are obscure and the text perhaps altered. Haddon and Stubbs will not allow them an earlier date than the middle of the seventh century.—Concilia, 126 note,a. Dr. Todd, however, is of opinion that some of them must have been enacted while Paganism was still predominant in Ireland.—Zz/e of S. Patrick, ch. iii. p. 485. 2 Catal. SS. Hibern, ap. Ussher, vi. 478. PECULIAR ECCLESIASTICAL USAGES. 207 on all points relating to divine worship and ecclesias- tical discipline. The principal differences between the usages of the British Church and those of Rome may ceo ecclesiastical be classed under the following heads :-— ἀξ". The time for the observance of Easter.! The administration of baptism. Single immer- sion was probably the British custom. That the difference did not consist in the omission of chrism or of confirmation, as the language of Beda seems to imply,” is certain, for both are known to be in use at the time in the closely united Irish Church.® The tonsure. The British Church, differing both from the Greek and the Roman, shaved the head in an imperfect manner, ‘ab aure ad aurem,’ across the front of the head, but leaving the occiput untouched.‘ 1 Vide supra, p. 93. 2. Ut ministerium baptizandi, quo Deo renascimur, juxta morem sanctze Romanz et Apostolicz ecclesiz compleatis.’—Bzda, /7st. Eccl. ii. 2. Dr. Lingard, referring the complementum baptismi to Confirmation, affirms that the Roman ritual required that when baptism was administered on the eves of the greater festivals, the baptized should be led from the font to the bishop to be confirmed by him.—A nglo-Sax. Church, vol. i. p. 69, 71. 8 «Postera die qua chrismate neophyti in veste candida dum (fides) flagrabat in fronte ipsorum, crudeliter trucidati atque mactati (sunt).’— Lpist. S. Patrica ad Christianos Corotyct tyranno subditos.—(Actt. SS. ii. 538, March 17.) 1 Beda, Hist. Eccl. v. 21. To bring the British tonsure into disrepute, its origin was opprobriously ascribed to Simon Magus. Its adoption by the Irish Church gave rise to another calumny, that it was introduced into that country by the swineherd of the Pagan 208 THE ANCIENT BRITISA CHURCH The Greek tonsure was complete, and was called after S. Paul,! while. the Roman, which was styled S. Peter’s, shaved the crown of the head, leaving a circle of hair to represent the crown of thorns.” Peculiar ritual in the mass. It was objected at the Synod of Macon (A.D. 624 or 627) by Agrestius, a monk of Luxovium, that the Liturgy of S. Columba had a multiplicity of collects.‘ The consecration of bishops by a single bishop.’ King Lalghire, the enemy of 5. Patrick.—Zx Zest. Gilde Altera. (Concitia, Haddon and Stubbs, 113.) 1 ¢Qui subdiaconus’ (Theodorus) ‘ordinatus quatuor expectavit menses, donec illi coma cresceret, quo in coronam tonderi posset ; habuerat enim tonsuram more Orientalium sancti apostoli Pauli.’— Beda, Hist. Eccl. iv. 1. PTbids Wi 21: 3 ¢Britones toti mundo contrarii, moribus Romanis inimici, non solum in missa,’ etc.—x Lpzst. Gilde Altera. (Concilia, 112.) 4 ¢ At ille (Agrestius) prorupit dicens, se scire Columbanum a cete- rorum more desciscere, et ipsa missarum solemnia multiplicatione ora- tionum vel collectarum celebrare.’— V..S. ustasiz in Mabill. “εἴ. SS. Bened. sec. ii. p. 120. Dr. O’Conor found among the MSS. at Stowe a manuscript ofa supposed Irish Liturgy. (Catalogue of MSS. in Stowe Library, Appendix, vol. i. p. 43.) It contains several collects before the Epistle, contrary to the practice of most of the Western Churches. Palmer, in his Ordgines Liturgice (vol. i. 182), will not assign to the MS. a date earlier than the tenth or eleventh century, but admits that it may have been copied from a more ancient MS. There can be no doubt, however, of the Irish origin of the Liturgy ; its rubrics are in the Irish language, it mentions a number of Irish Saints, and it makes in the prayers a commemoration ‘omnium quoque Scotorum.’ 5 ¢Accitoque uno episcopo de Hybernia, more Britonum et Scotorum in pontificem Kentigernum consecrari fecerunt.—V. S. Kentigernt, in Pinkerton’s Vite SS. Scot. p. 223. Consecration by single bishops is the invariable usage in the Lives of the Cambro-British PECULIAR ECCLESIASTICAL USAGES. 209 Churches and monasteries were consecrated by the residence upon the spot of the founder with a view to the exercise for a certain time of prayer and fasting ; the building would then be called after the name of the living founder, and not be dedicated to any saint already dead.! A few other peculiar usages are known to have prevailed in the Northumbrian branch of the early Anglo-Saxon Church ; one of these usages certainly, viz., the anointing of the hands at ordination,’ the rest not improbably, bearing in mind the impress naturally stamped upon the Church of Northumbria by the Celtic monks of Hi, were of British origin.’ Saints. S. Columba is represented in legend (Lanigan’s Ecc/. Hist. of Ireland, vol. ii. 128, as seeking episcopal orders at the hands of Bishop Etchen alone; instead of which, through mistake, the priesthood only was conferred upon him. Archbishop Lanfranc, writing in 1074 to ‘Terdelvacum Hibernie Regem’ (Tordealbach), complains of single episcopal consecration as even then the practice in Ireland : ‘Epi-copi ab uno episcopo consecrantur’ (fst. XXVI/I., Migne, Patrol. tom. cl. col. 536). Archbishop Anselm, a few years later (1100), in his Letter to ‘Murtardacum Hibernie Regem’ (Murtach O’Brien), repeats the com- plaint : ‘Item dicitur episcopos in terra vestra passim eligi, et sine certo episcopatus loco constitui, atque ab uno episcopo episcopum sicut quemlibet presbiterum ordinari. Quod nimirum sacris canonibus omnino contrarium est.’ (Off. £Zfizstole, lib. iii. Epist. 147; Migne, Fatrologia, tom. clix. col. 179.) 1 Rees, Welsh Saints, 57-61. ? Gild. ΖΦ 2292. τοῦ. 3 They are mentioned on the authority of Maskell’s Won. Ritual. vol. iii., in Concilia (Haddon and Stubbs), p. 141 ;—(1) ‘ Anointing of hands of deacons at ordination ; (2) Anointing of hands as well as head of Priests and of Bishops at ordination ; and of the head twice, Ρ 210 THE ANCTE NE ΤΙ “CHORC A, The British Churches seem to have had a Latin version of the Holy Scriptures peculiar to themselves. Thirteen verses of the New Testament quoted by Gildas, evidently, as the context shows, out of the British Ordinal, agree neither with the Old Latin Aspedal Wersion.as used by ,other ‘than, British yes Latin ver- sion cithe’ Trish writers, nor with the Vulgate? .( The 1 in we inthe existence of such an independent version Churches. is confirmed by the facts, that Fastidius (A.D. 420) and Gildas agree in their peculiar render- ing of Ezekiel xviii. 20-24, and xxxiil. 11; and by the like agreement of Cummian (A.D. 634), and a col- lection of Irish canons compiled in the earlier half of the eighth century, in the reading of Ezekiel xiii. 19, and of Psalm xxxi. 3. Moreover, Gildas and Columbanus, Abbot of Luxeuil, and afterwards of Bobbio (A.D. 590-615), are identical in their peculiar rendering of three out of the four quotations they make in common from the New Testament,—sS. Matthew vii. 23, Philippians ii. 3, and S. Peter i. 16.! For these undesigned coincidences it would be diffi- cult to account, except on the supposition that there was a common version of which they all made use. in the case of Bishops ; (3) Prayer at the giving of the stole to Deacons at ordination ; (4) Rite of delivering the Gospels to Deacons at ordi- nation ; (5) Rite of investing Priests with the stole at ordination.’ 1 Concilia (Haddon and Stubbs), 170-198. THE ENGLISH CONQUEST. 211 CHARTER. WV. ‘Dans cette position presque désespérée, les sentiments gut, chez les peuples comme chez lesindividus, procedent de Vinstinct de conservation, avaient adi se développer chez les Bretons. Le patriotisme de ceux-ct S était exalté; leur haine pour Pennemi ne connatssait plus de bornes ; leur méfiance pour tout étranger Saccroissait, toute préte ἃ se convertir en haine. Les trots dispositions d’esprit expliquent parfaitement les relations dela Bretagne et de Rome ἃ Vépoque or Pon y surprend quelque signe de mésintelligence..—M. VARIN, Alémoire sur les Causes de la Dissidence entre ? Eglise Bretonne et ? E-glise Romaine. THE TEUTONIC CONQUEST of modern England stands out from among all other foreign conquests in the length of time over which it extended, The com pleteness of 2 : 5 = the English and in the thoroughness with which it was conquest — the result of effected. It has been truly observed, that in theferceness and of the . xe : length of tl these features it bears a striking likeness to struggle. the Hebrew conquest of Canaan. It was not until the great victory of A®thelfrith of Northumbria beneath the walls of Chester in A.D. 613, after more than a hundred and fifty years of almost continuous warfare, that the Britons were forced across the Dee.! This event, however, was so far from putting an end to the struggle between the two races, that we must pass 1 Vide supra, pp. 176, 177. P2 212 THER ANCIENT BRITISH CHURCH. over another period of fifty years before we come to anything approaching to a final settlement. In the meantime the area, over which the rule of the Welsh, as they were now called, extended, was being per- manently circumscribed. The battle of Barwick in Elmet! (A.D. 616) separated Wales from Cumbria, while’ at a ldter date: the. battle .of Hefenfelth of Denis’s-brook? (A.D. 635), and that near the river Winweed 3 (A.D. 656), entirely destroyed its fragile hold upon Northumbria and Mercia. At last, upon the death of Cadwalader in AD. 681, the confession is made that ‘thenceforth ‘the Britons lost the crown of the kingdom, and the Saxons gained it.’4 When, however, the conquest was effected, the life-and-death character of the contest, and the bitterness with which for above two centuries it was waged, only rendered the result more complete. No fusion between the foreign conquerors and the conquered natives could under the circumstances take place. In the conquest 1 Nennius, Ixiii. (27. H. B. 76). Annales Camb. in ann. 616 (7. H. B. 832). 2 Beda, H. £. iii. 1, 2, Nennius (who calls it the battle of Cats- caul), lxiv. 3. «Prope fluvium Vinwed.’—Bzeda, 27. £. iii. 24. In a note in the 17. H. B. p. 198, the river Winwed is identified with the Broad Arc, which runs by the modern town of Leeds, and the scene of the battle is therefore placed on the southern border of Northumbria, near the territory of the Mercian Penda. Nennius (Ixiv.) calls the place ‘Gai Campai.’ 4 Brut y Tywysog., a. 681. (M. H. B. 841.) HEATHENISM OF THE CONQUERORS. 213 of other countries by the Northern tribes these re- pelling tendencies were absent, and the invaders, fascinated by the tokens they witnessed of Roman civilisation, and overawed by the grandeur of the ceremonial element in the Church, as well as attracted by the moral beauty of its teaching, were invariably drawn to adopt not only the language and customs, but even the religion, of the people whom they had subdued. But in Britain the religion of the English was at the end of the sixth century as intensely pagan as when they first landed. To the Church of Rome was accorded the bles- sedness which the force of events had withheld from the British Church of -Christianising these .-3 0 τ τ fierce captors. The love of souls which in Tae Gregory the Great first prompted the Mission, the foresight which marked its organisation, and the wisdom and energy with which it was carried out, were worthy of the triumph which Christianity achieved in the conversion of the English people. Cruel and sensual cha- For, like all the Teutonic tribes, the English scter of nglis heathenism. seem to have fallen far away from the re- verential awe with which their ancestors contemplated the spiritual world. Their gods now were Woden, to be propitiated with human sacrifices,! and Freya, the 1 *D’un autre coté, les instincts cruels se satisfaisaient par les sacrifices humains, connus de toutes les nations germaniques, aussi bien 214 THE: ANCIENG ΘΙ (CORE. goddess of unhallowed love;! while the attributes of Thor were set forth under the symbol of a hammer, with which he was supposed to crush the heads of his enemies.?. Nor was the Valhalla—the immortality of their nobles and distinguished warriors—but an in- tensified continuance of the slaughter and debauchery which had constituted their happiness in this world? But their deadness to the ‘ordinary instincts of hu- imanity appears most vividly in the extent and character of their slave-trade. Among other nations this traffic has been generally confined to those captured in war, or enslaved by law, but by the que chez leurs yoisins du Nord. Les Hermundures vouaient ἃ Wodan et au dieu de la guerre ce quwils prenaient sur ’ennemi, hommes et chevaux. Les Goths, les Hérules, les Saxons, immolaient leurs captifs.’ Ozanam, Les Germains avant le Christianisme, ch. 11. p. 92. 1 ¢ Ensuite vient la Vénus du Nord, Fréa, la déesse de l’abondance, de la fécondité et de l'amour. Fréa était célébrée comme |’épouse de Wodan, elle pouvait tout sur lui avec le collier (dr7sz7ga men) que lui forgérent ses mains, pareil a la ceinture de Venus, dont le charme sub- juguait les dieux.’—J/dzd. p. 74. 2 16 second dieu des Germains, au rapport de Tacite, est Hercule ; et en effet, les traditions parlent d’un personnage divin, armé de la massue ou du marteau, doné d’une force prodigieuse, et qui foule aux pieds les géants vaincus. C’est le méme que les Scandinaves appellent Thor, c’est-a-dire, le tonnerre, la puissance invisible dont la voix se fait entendre dans la tempéte. Le marteau placé dans ses mains était le symbole de la foudre qui consacre tout ce qu’elle touche.’—/drd. p. 70. 3 Car les rois et les nobles, fils des dieux, ne tombent sur les champs de bataille que pour aller revivre dans le palais d’or de la Valhalla. Chaque jour, dans les cours du palais, ils se donnent le plaisir de la guerre ; puis ils rentrent dans les salles ornées de boucliers, s’assoient a la méme table, boivent la biére écumante, et se nourrissent de la chair du sanglier qui ne diminue jamais.’—J/ézd. p. 52. ENGLISH SLAVES AT ROME. 215 English in the sixth century their nearest and dearest relations were sold on the smallest pretext to the continental merchants, to be again disposed of by them in the great market-places of Europe. And yet this outrage on the law of our nature providentially opened the door to a religion, which in all countries, by recognising in every human being a conscience, and thus making him no longer a thing or chattel, but a person endowed with duties and rights, has been the death of slavery in every form.! The old story of the incident which ultimately led to the conversion of England will always bear to be repeated. One day a group of English boys, fair- faced, white-skinned, and with flowing hair, were 1 The Church was unwearied in her efforts to restrain, for it could not at once abolish, slavery among the English people. Acting on the advice of the two archbishops, Hedda and Erconwald, ‘et omnium Aldermannorum meorum et seniorum et sapientum regni mei, multaque congregatione servorum Dei,’ Ine passed a law: ‘Si servus operetur dominica die per preeceptum domini sui, sit liber.’— Chronicon Johan- nis Bromton, ap. Script. Decem (Twysden, 761). From thence Sunday came to be called Freolsday, or day of freedom. Ina Council held at Westminister, A.D. 1102, under Archbishop Anselm, the nefarious cus- tom of selling men like brute animalsis sternly forbidden: ‘ Ne quis illud nefarium negotium, quo hactenus in Anglia solebant homines sicut bruta animalia venumdari, deinceps ullatenus facere preesumat.’— Harduini Con. tom. vi. p. 1865. William of Malmesbury, however, acknowledges that the slave trade was a custom so ingrained in the English nation that even in his time they continued to sell into slavery their nearest relations : ‘ Venales ex Northumbria pueri, familiari et pene ingenita illi nationi consuetudine, adeo ut, sicut nostra quoque szcula viderunt, non dubitarent arctissimas necessitudines sub pretextu minimorum ccommodorum distrahere.’—De Gest. Regum Anglorum, 1, 3. 216 LHE ANCIENT VBRITISH “CHORCH, standing in the market-place, at Rome,’ exposed for sale. The abbot of the monastery of S. Andrew on Mount Celius, who bore the significant name of Gregory, happened to be passing by’; struck by the appearance of these boys, he enquired from what country they had been brought. Finding that they came from England, and that they were pagans, he leaved a deep sigh. ‘Alas! what pity,’ said he, ‘that the author of darkness possesses men of such fair countenances, and that such outward beauty should have a mind so void of inward grace! But of what nation) ‘are ‘they’ if e\ngles’y) “Truly δα ἐν ποτ; have angelic faces, and such as they should be co- heirs with the angels in heaven. From what province come they?’ ‘From Deira’ (one of the two king- doms of Northumbria). ‘ Rightly, to be rescued from the ire of God and called to the mercy of Christ. How is the king of that province named?’ ‘Ella,’ “So be it; Alleluia; the praise of, the reatar giuet be sung in those parts.’ ? 1 Rome was no stranger to the bodily beauty and strength of English slaves. Symmachusjocularly writes that he needed the teaching and example of Socrates to console him in his sorrow that twenty-nine of the Saxon prisoners whom he had bought for the amphitheatre had strangled themselves rather than minister to the pleasures of their masters. —Lib. ii. Epist. 46. 2 Beda, 27. £. ii. 2. Several instances are recorded of Gregory’s fondness for punning : ‘Jamque trium dierum itinere profligato, ad quemdam locum requieturi forte diverterant : quo, singulis quiescenti- bus, Gregorius lectitabat. Quem locusta superveniens coegit paululum GREGORY THE GREAT, 217 From this time the conversion of the English nation became one of Gregory’s most cherished projects. Profoundly impressed with the Gregory the hd a - : Great. divine idea of the Church, conceived as a vast spiritual society destined in its majestic compass to ‘cover the earth as the waters cover the’ sea,’ Gregory was always in spirit a missionary. Filled with a holy ambition to be the foremost in the dangers as well as the glories of bringing over this beautiful but savage people to the Catholic Church, he obtained the reluctant consent of Pope Benedict to put himself at the head of the Mission. Gregory dreaded the interposition of some obstacle if his intention became krown, and he therefore urged his companions to proceed with all speed on their journey, with a view to convey themselves as soon as possible to a distance beyond recall. His fears, however, were soon to be realised. When his absence was noticed ar oante;tthe: Pope, asile went to: 53. Peters, was assailed by the populace with importunate entreaties that he would revoke his consent, and order back the man whose presence they considered essential to the safety of the city. The Pope’s messengers overtook a legendo quiescere, et ex consideratione sui nominis docuit eum in eodem loco se stare debere. Tunc fertur dixisse : Locusta, inquit, dici potest, quasi loco stat! statimque comites adhortatus festinantius ire certabat.’ Joan. Diac. V. S. Gregorit, lib. i.c. 24. ‘Gens Anglorum, in mundi angulo posita suo.’-—ZZzst. vill. 30, ad Eulogium, 218 THE ANCIENT BRIM CHURCH. the Mission at the distance of three days’ journey, and so peremptory was the tone of their order, that Gregory had no alternative but immediately to return.! Providence, we know, had reserved for him the still greater work of preserving Western Christianity from perishing with the sinking wreck of the Empire of the West. When, however, he was elected Pope and forced into the papal chair,? amidst the horrors of the times, men’s hearts failing them for fear, and even Gregory imagining that he perceived the tokens of the approaching end of the world, he forgot not the home of the English slaves. The Lombards were threatening the south of Italy with the remorseless destruction they had wrought in the north; fires, storms, floods, pestilence, famine, in succession were assailing Rome; but the watchful eye of Gregory took in the whole of Christendom, from the Sinaitic Monasteries in Arabia to the western extremities of Europe, providing for the smallest as well as the greatest needs of the Church.? At first he A Joan.) Diae. ΓΤ 5. Gregori, Ὁ: 15 22, 23. 2 Td. thid. 39, 40. 3 ¢Tanta inundatione Tiberis fluvius alveum suum egressus est, tantumque excrevit, ut ejus unda per Urbis muros influeret, atque in ea maximam partem regionis occuparet, ita ut plura antiquarum edium meenia dejiceret. Qua etiam aquarum violentia horrea ecclesice sub- versa sunt in quibus nonnulla modiorum tritici millia_ perierunt. Subsecuta est e vestigio clades quam Inguinariam vocant. . . . Denique cum de tota pene Italia Langobardorum gladios metuentes plurimi undique ad Romanam urbem confluerent, sollertem pro omnibus curam AUGUSTINE. 219 seemed to think that even the slave traffic might be the means of supplying him with fit instruments for the evangelisation of England. Accordingly, he writes to the administrator of the small Papal estate in Gaul, that he should spend themoney he had received in the purchase of English youths of seventeen or eighteen years of age to be trained in the monastery for the service of God.! At length he decided to entrust the work to his own Foundation of S. Andrew’s: the band was to consist of forty monks—a multiple of the Ten Commandments and the four Evangelists,,—with Augustine the prior of that house for their leader. Although the narrowness of mind and the indifference to the feelings and pre- Augustine. judices of others which Augustine subsequently manifested,? contrast very unfavourably with the gerebat et universis cum verbi pabulo corporis subsidia ministrabat. In tantum namque ejus animum misericordiz amor devicerat, ut non solum eorum quos preesentes habebat necessitatibus occurreret, sed insuper longe positis opem suze largitatis impenderet ; adeo ut etiam in monte Sinay Dei famulis constitutis queeque erant opportuna trans- mitteret.’-— Paul. Diac. V. S. Gregorit, 10, τό. γοῦν VA. 7s 2 ¢Tot Dominicz Legationis manipulares ad quadraginta nume- rantur, quaterno scilicet denario legis et Evangelii quatuor animalia imitantes.’—Gotselinus, /Z7s¢t. AZajor, c. 1. 5. 3 We find several unmistakeable hints in Gregory’s Letters to Augustine that he was not unconscious of the latter’s defects of judg- ment: ‘Gaudeas videlicet, quia Anglorum animz per exteriora miracula ad interiorem gratiam pertrahuntur; pertimescas vero ne inter signa quee fiunt infirmus animus in sui prasumptionem se elevet, et unde foris in honore attollitur, inde per inanem gloriam intus 220 THE ANCIENT BRISA CHURCH, lofty views of Gregory, and with his consideration for nations and Churches differently circumstanced, still the discernment of Gregory in his choice of Augustine was fully justified by the results. On all great questions of policy Augustine never omitted to con- sult and to be guided by Gregory ; and where he failed was in matters which demanded a certain tact or adaptation of mind, the absence of which could not always be compensated for by the loving counsels of Gregory, given as they necessarily were without that local knowledge which residence on the spot alone could supply. As the missionaries journeyed through Southern Gaul, frightful accounts reached their ears of the bar- ν᾿ cadat.’— fist. xi, 28. There is evidently a tone of distrust underlying Gregory’s advice respecting the enforcement of the Roman Ritual, and Augustine’s bearing towards the bishops of France. ‘ Novit fraternitas tua Romtane Ecclesiz consuetudinem, in qua se meminit enutritam. Sed mihi placet ut sive in Romana, sive in Galliarum, seu in qualibet ecclesia aliquid invenisti quod plus omnipotenti Deo possit placere, sollicite eligas, et in Anglorum ecclesia, que adhuc in fide nova est, institutione preecipua, que de multis ecclesiis colligere potuisti, infundas. Non enim pro locis res, sed pro bonis rebus loca amanda sunt... . Ipse autem ex auctoritate propria episcopos Galliarum judicare non poteris ; sed suadendo, blandiendo, bona quoque tua opera eorum imitationi monstrando, pravorum mentes ad _ sanctitatis studia reformando. Falcem ergo judicii mittere non potes in eam segetem, que alteri videtur esse commissa.’—Z frst. xi. 64. That Gregory was not insen- sible of Augustine’s love of power and outward display is also to be discerned in his words of limitation when conferring upon him the pal- lium. ‘Quia nova Anglorum Ecclesia ad omnipotentis Dei gratiam eodem Domino largiente et te laborante perducta est, usum tibi Pallii in ea ad sola Missarum solemnia agenda concedimus,’—LZ 7st, xi. 65. FOURNEY OF THE MISSIONARIES. 221 barous and fierce character of the English people, of whose very language they were ignorant.' Joumey of Augustine Hesitating, they sent back Augustine to Rome andhis | Θ᾽ missionaries across Gaul 3 to entreat that they should not be forced ἐπε ραν, to proceed on so dangerous, toilsome, and fe fruitless a journey. But Gregory would not listen for a moment to the proposition that the Mission should be givenup. ‘ Better not to have begun the good work than to think of retiring from the project, now that they had undertaken it. The greater the toil, the greater the eternal reward. Gladly would he have shared their perils, nor was he without hope that he should partake with them in the joy of their recompense.’? But Gregory, with a sagacious appreciation of the means best adapted to ensure success, neglected not to enlist in favour of the Mission the help of human agencies. Strengthening its organisation by appoint- ing Augustine to be the Abbot, with full power over his colleagues, he sent by him Letters to the Abbot of Lerino, to the Bishop of Aix, and to the governor of Provence, thanking them for the kindness they had shown to the missionaries. He wrote also to Desi- derium, Bishop of Vienne, Syagrium, Bishop of Autun, 1 ¢Nunciatur quod gens quam peterent immanior belluis existeret, quod crudelitatem epulis przferret, quod sanguinem innocentum sitiret, quod Christianam fidem abhorreret, quod salutis doctoribus tantum supplicio et czedibus responderet.’—Gotselinus, 7st. Aaj. i. 6. 4 Episi. Wi. 51. 222 THE ANGENT BRITISH CHURCH, and to those of Tours and Marseilles, and to Virgilius, Metropolitan of Arles, commending the Mission to their care and priestly affection, but leaving to Augus- tine to explain in person its character and object. Augustine was also the bearer of Letters to Theodoric and Theodobert,! the youthful kings of Austrasia and Burgundy, and to their mother Brunehaut, who at the time was really the ruler of the whole of Eastern France, praying, in the name of the invariable ortho- doxy of the Franks, that they would vouchsafe to extend their protection to the monks on their journey through France, and furnish them with interpreters to facilitate their work in Britain. At length the Mission Landing of wassafelylandedat Thanet. The same spot— the Mission at Jnanet; a sandy creek between the modern towns of interview with King A ‘ Athelbernt. Sandwich and Ramsgate, and forming a part of a farm called Ebbsfleet—was thus the birthplace of the English Church as well as of the English nation. The king of Kent at this time was Athel- berht. Augustine immediately sent a message to him, that they had come from Rome, bringing with them the best of news—the assurance of everlasting 1 2 21:1. vi. 58. In this Letter Gregory tells them that a report had reached him that the English nation was anxious to be converted to the Faith, but that the priests of the neighbouring country neglected them, giving no encouragement to their good desires. ‘Atque ideo pervenit ad nos Anglorum gentem ad fidem Christianam Deo miserante desideran- ter velle converti, sed sacerdotes e vicino negligere, et desideria eorum cessare sua adhortatione succendere.’ FIRST INTERVIEW WITH #THELBERAT, 223 joys in heaven, and of a kingdom without end with the true and living God. The king was not an entire stranger to the meaning of these words, for his wife was Bertha, the daughter of Charibert, the Christian king of the Franks of Paris. It had been stipulated in her marriage contract that she should be allowed the free exercise of her religion, and with this object Luidhard, Bishop of Senlis, but who had resigned his see, probably from old age, had been sent over with her to England. Athelberht, while forbidding Augus- tine and his companions to cross over from the island to the mainland until he had satisfied himself what to do with them, in a few days went to visit them, insist- ing, however, that their first interview should be in the open air, with a view to protect himself, as he thought, against any magical arts which the strangers might practise to the detriment of his judgment. As soon as the approach of the king was announced, they advanced to meet him. First in the procession was a verger carrying a silver cross for a banner ; then came the tall and noble form of Augustine; after him was borne the picture of our Lord and Saviour painted on a board; the brethren followed, headed by Ho- norius, a pupil of Gregory, and chanting to Gre- gorian tones their Litanies for the eternal salvation of themselves and of those for whose sake they had come. The king, after he had listened to Augustine 224 THE ANCIENT, BRITISH CHORCH. preaching the Word of Life, replied: ‘Your words and promises are fair indeed, but as they are new and uncertain, I cannot assent to them, and thus abandon that which I with the whole English nation have so long held sacred. But because you have come hither from far, and, as I conceive, are desirous to communicate to us what you believe to be true and best, we shall do you no hurt; on the contrary, we shall show you kindly hospitality, and shall take care to supply you with the necessaries of life; nor do we forbid you to attach by your preaching as many as you can to the Faith of your Religion.’ In accordance with this answer, A‘thelberht allowed the missionaries to reside at Canterbury, and gave them for their use the small church of S. Martin’s, just outside the town, to the east. They made their first entry, carrying in pro- cession, according to their usual wont on such occa- sions, the same cross and picture as at their first meeting with the king, and again chanting this Litany: ‘We beseech Thee, O Lord, in all Thy mercy, that Thy anger and wrath be turned away from this city and from Thy holy house, for we have sinned. Alle- luia.’} Living in the dwelling-house assigned to them, the apostolic simplicity of their lives, and the sweet- 1 Bada, #. £&. i. 25; Gotselinus, zt. d7aj7. i. 15-193 ΠΣ Minor de Vita S. Aug. ς. xii. SUCCESS OF THE MISSION. 2 tw ψι ness of their heavenly doctrine, and the miracles they wrought, so won the confidence of Success of the Mission ; Augustine the heathen among whom they dwelt, that an A skerdte : : Archbishop, ever-increasing number flocked together and receives Ἢ 5' a a Metropo- to hear their preaching. On Whitsunday, litanpallium. June 2, 597, the king was himself baptised, and at the Festival of Christmas, within a year of the landing of the Mission, ten thousand English converts were bap- tised in the Thames, at the mouth of the Medway, opposite the Isle of Sheppy.' In the meantime, act- “ing on the instructions of Gregory, Augustine crossed over to France, where, on November Io, he was con- secrated Archbishop of the English by Virgilius, the Metropolitan of Arles. Returning home, he receives from Rome the pall ;? and, influenced by the circum- stances that Canterbury was the capital city of his | Beda, 7. #. 1. 26; S. Gregor. Zfist. vill. 30. ? Claiming in the West by virtue of the Canons of Sardica an ap- pellate jurisdiction, where both sides agreed to refer to their judg- ment, the Bishops of Rome, for the more speedy settlement of unim- portant local disputes, delegated their authority to certain bishops in distant countries. The outward sign of this delegated authority was the pallium. ‘Pontificalis officii plenitudo confertur per pallium. Antequam obtinuerit quis pallium, licet sit consecratus, non sortitur nomen Patriarch, Primatis, aut Archiepiscopi.’ (ontzfical, p. 88.) A bishop, by asking for, or even consenting to accept, the Roman pallium, no doubt implied thereby a general adhesion to the Roman Communion. In the middle ages it was in the shape of a circle, of plain white lamb’s wool, round the person over the arms, with a pendant before and behind, reaching down to the feet ; it had four purple crosses—two on the round part, and one at the end of each of the two pendants. Q 226 THE ANCIENT BRIS CAOKCH. royal convert, and that London, the importance of which had at first recommended it to Gregory as the fittest place to be the centre of the new see, was beyond the boundaries of the kingdom of Kent, he began to build on the site of an old church of the time of the Romans the Metropolitan church of Canterbury. Gregory, on being informed by Augus- tine of the great success of his labours, and how inadequate to the carrying on of the work were the existing agencies, sends a fresh body of missionaries, bringing with them sacred vessels and vestments, relics, books—all things that tended to the solemnity of Divine service! Gregory also appoints Augustine to be Metropolitan of the twelve bishoprics to be established in Southern England. A second Metro- politan see is also to be fixed at York, with other twelve bishoprics under it to constitute the Northern Province, but the supremacy is to be vested in Augus- tine.2 But besides the Bishops whom Augustine or V Beda; WZ. 4.4.20: 2 FEpist. xi. 65. From the year 735, when York became the Metropolitan see of the northern dioceses, its relation to that of Can- terbury was for centuries a source of contention between the Archbishops of the two sees. In the eleventh century Thomas, Archbishop of York, maintained, against the primacy of Canterbury as upheld by Lanfranc, that it was only to Augustine, in his own person, that Metropolitan privileges were granted by Gregory, for that he had not said ‘and to your successors,’ and that upon his death these honours were to pass on to the Bishops of London and York alternately. The dispute, settled for a time by a compromise, broke out afresh in 1093, at the NEW BISHOPRICS. 227 the future Metropolitan Bishop of York might ordain, Gregory unwarrantably presumed to subject on his own authority to the jurisdiction of Augustine all the Bishops in Britain,! to the end, he says, ‘that by your language and life they may learn the rule of be- lieving rightly and living well, and thus fulfil their office and attain the heavenly kingdom.’ A part only of this scheme was realised in the lifetime Tye new Ε - ishoprics, of Augustine. The conversion of Szberht, at London and Roches- king of the East Saxons, opened to him an t entrance to London ; this he immediately made the centre of another see, placing at its head, as Bishop, Mellitus, one of the new missionaries from Rome. A consecration of Anselm. The Northern Metropolitan insisted, success- fully, that the words ‘totius Britanniczee Prima’ should be substituted for ‘Dorobernensis Ecclesia totius Britannize Metropolitana,’ as de- scriptive of the rights of the Southern Metropolitan Church. (Eadmer, Fiist. Nov. lib. i. ; Migne, Patrologza, tom. clix. col. 373.) Half a century later Archbishop Theobald, to put the primacy of Canterbury over York beyond dispute, petitioned the Pope that the Archbishop of Canterbury should, by virtue of his office, be the ‘ Legatus natus’ of the Roman See—a petition that was ultimately granted. S. Bernard took part this time in the dispute. In the first Letter (2 22:2, ccxxxviii.) which he wrote to Pope Eugenius III. he upheld, in what he there terms “heec vetus de legatione querela,’ the rights of Canterbury against the pre- tensions of York and Winchester. The character he gives of the Arch- bishop of York is frightful : ‘ Cavendus et repellendus, utpote fur et latro. . .. Porro archiepiscopus Cantuarensis, cui adversantur, vir religiosus est, et suaveolentis opinionis.’—Migne, tom. clxxxii. col. 430. 1 €Tua vero fraternitas non solum eos episcopos, quos ordinaverit, neque eos tantummodo, qui per Eboracensem episcopum fuerint ordinati, sed etiam omnes Britanniz sacerdotes habeat, Deo Domino nostro Jesu Christo auctore, subjectos,’ 54.--- 27:2, xi. 65. Q2 228 THE ANCIENT BRITISH CHURCH. second Bishopric in Kent was founded at Rochester, the care of which was entrusted to Justus, a com- panion of Mellitus. Of the twelve questions which Augustine had submitted to Gregory touching some of the diffi- Refusal of culties he had already encountered or might the British bishopsto meet in England, the second and seventh have acknow- ledge th : . ° - supemacy @ direct bearing on the manner in which he tne was to conduct himself towards the British Church. (1) ‘Whereas there is but one Faith, why are there different customs in different churches? and why is one custom of masses observed in the holy Roman Church and another in the Gallican Church?’ (2) “How are we to deal with the bishops of France and Britain?’! To the first of these ques- tions Gregory replied with his characteristic modera- tion and largeness of mind, that it was impossible that Augustine should forget the usage of the Roman Church in which he had been brought up, ‘but it pleases me, that if you have found anything either in the Roman, or the Gallican, or any other Church, which may be more pleasing to Almighty God, you select it carefully, and sedulously teach the Anglican Church, which as yet is new in the Faith, whatsoever you can gather from the several Churches, For things are not to be loved for the sake of places, but i Beda was 2a. Si AUGUSTINE AND THE BRITISH BISHOPS. 229 places for the sake of good things. Choose, there- fore, from every Church those things that are pious, religious, and upright, and when these have been collected together, let the mind of the English be accustomed thereto.’! In accord with the spirit of this answer, Augustine, in his subsequent controversy with the British Church, restricts the points in dispute to two of the usages wherein there was a 4. points δ on which the difference between the Churches of Rome formal schism be- and Britain; viz. ‘the time “of observing, tyre: the British and ee English Easter, and the mode of baptising. The Communions was rested other divergences he must have regarded as by Augus-_ ine,—two in number. coming under the ruling of Gregory respect- ing the non-necessity of a rigid uniformity of cere- monial. The pertinacity, however, with which Au- gustine insisted upon compiiance with his opinions upon the two points mentioned, and the obstinacy of the British Bishops in clinging to differences so purely accidental and recent in their origin, are only intel- ligible in the light of the answer given by Gregory to the second of the two questions which have been quoted: ‘We give you no authority over the Bishops of France, because the Bishop of Arles received the pall in ancient times from my predecessor, and we ought by no means to deprive him of the authority he has received. But as to all the Bishops of Britain, 1 Epist, xi. 64. 230 LHE ANCIANT (DRITTSH CHORCE: we commit them to your care, that the unlearned may be taught, the feeble strengthened by persua- sion, and the perverse corrected by authority.’' Gre- gory, with all his insight into the working of men’s hearts, knew not, living at Rome could not know, the hatred of the foreigner which the English invasion had created in the Welsh mind, nor the spirit of insular independence which isolation from Southern Christendom for a century and a half had wrought into the very texture of the British Church. Unhap- pily, in this instance Augustine acted literally, not to say harshly, upon the instructions of Gregory, and the result was a schism between the British and English Churches. Beda makes no mention indeed The question of Augustine putting forward his claim to of jurisdic- hone’ the right of jurisdiction over the British points in dispute. Bishops, but it is evident from the tenor of his narrative that this was really the point of conten- tion, and that the determination with which the British Bishops clung to their own traditionary ideas respecting the date of Easter and the administration of baptism, and their refusal to co-operate with Au- 1 22,4023, 199, 200; clan character of, 183 Monks (British), their missionary zeal, 109, 185, 186; defenders of the oppressed, 191-193; their sympathy with the irrational creation, 193, 194; emphasised Christian heroism, 194, 195 Morcheis, bishop of Bangor, 150 Mordaf, bishop of Bangor, 150 Morganwg (Margam), see of, 145,146 Morgeneu, Bishop, 200 Morgleis, bishop of Bangor, [51 ICAZA, Council of, 94-97 Ninian, S., 104-107 Nonconformist, difficulties of a, 274- 280 Novis, Bishop of S. David’s, called an archbishop, 149; his see plun- dered by Hemeid, king of Dyfed, 254 INDEX. NOV Novis, bishop of Llandaff, 148, note Nowi, king of Gwent, excommu- nicated by Bishop Padarn, 165, note CH CONOMUS, office of the, in a British monastery, 201 Origen, 67 Osric, 241 Oswald, 242, 243 Oswiu, 243, 245 Oudoceus, bishop of Llandaff, 165 PACHOMIUS, 36, 197 Padarn, S., 158, 159 Padarn, bishop of Llandaff, 165 Palladius, 118; discrepancy in the accounts of his mission to the Scoti, 186, 187 Patrick, S., 108; traditionally asso- ciated with S. David’s, 157; avails himself of the help of British missionaries, 185, 7206, 188 Paul, S., 43-48 Paul of Thebes, 197 Paulinus (Pawl-Hen), 181 Paulinus, Bishop, 239-241 Peada, son of Penda, introduces into Mercia Columban clergy, 243 Pelagianism, connected with Nes- torianism, 115; its teaching, 116; 131, 135, in Britain, 117; crushed out by’ S. Germanus, 125 Penda of Mercia, 241, 243 Peter, S., 31, 2ote, 33, 34 201 SIM Plague, visitations of the, 163 Platonic teaching, a preparation for Christianity, 57 Pothinus, bishop of Lyons, 54 Przepositus, office of, in British monasteries, 200 ZEDWALD of East Anglia, 238, 239 Ranulphus de Glanville, the Nor- man justiciary, accompanies Arch- bishop Baldwin in his journey as legate through Wales, 258 Restitutus, British bishop present at Arles, 88 Revedun, bishop of Bangor, 151 Rhodri, bishop of Llandaff, 165 Rhodri Mawr, 157, 172, 252 Rhydderch Hael, 110, 154 Rhyddmarch, 126, 203; his Life of S. David, 129 Rhys ab Gruffudd, 18 Rhys ab Tewdwr, 20 ZEBERHT, king of the East Saxons, 227 Sardica, Council of, 97, 98 ; canon of, on the appeal to Rome, prac- tically revoked in the Council of Constantinople, 98, 99 Second Order of Irish SS., learn- ing of, 109; missionary activity of, 109, 110; origin derived from British SS., 109, 189, 190 Seiriol, S., 180 Serf, S., 107, 108, note Simon Metaphrastes, 33 Simon Zelotes, S., 35 292 INDEX. SOP Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 45 Spain, S. Paul meditated a journey to, 46 Suetonius Paulinus, 17 Sulien, Bishop, 203 Sulpicius Severus, 84 years’ cycle, 93 144, 165 ; his “[ EILO, Dist Thos) Successor. Οἱ S. Dubricius, 162; accompa- nies SS. David and Padarn to Jerusalem, zézd.; retires for a time to Brittany, 163; dies at Llan- daff, 164 ; contention for the pos- session of the body, zézd. Tertullian, 55, 66, 67 Theodore, Archbishop, 107 Theodoric and Theodobert, letter of Gregory the Great to, 222 Thomas, Archbishop of York, his dispute with Lanfranc and Anselm about the primacy, 226, zofe Thomas Charles, Rev., of Bala, 266, 271. 2175 Tonsure, question of, 207, 208 ; the coronal tonsure adopted at Hi, 248 Trahaiarn, bishop of 5. David's, 256 Tranmere, Bishop, 107 Turanians, the Atquitanian branch of, the first settlers in Britain, 1; their physical features and language, 2 ; religious conceptions LONDON = SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., WIN of, 3; names (Etruscan) of their great deities, 4 VALENTIA, Roman _ province of, 103 Venantius Fortunatus, vagueness of his language respecting 5. Paul's travels, 45 Victor and Vincentius, Roman pres- byters at Niczea, 96 Victorius, draws up a new paschal canon, 92, 93 Virgilius of Arles, 222; consecrates Augustine archbishop, 225 Vortigern, King, 122, 123 WELSH genealogies, 127 Welsh language, vitality of, IO, II Welsh Calvinistic Methodism, ori- gin and growth of, 266-273 Werocus, 192 Whitby, Synod of, 244-246 Whithern, cathedral of, 104, 107 Wig, see of, 145 Wilfrid, Bishop, at Whitby, 245, 246 Wilfrid, bishop of S. David’s, 257 William of Malmesbury, 51, 215, mote, 250 William Williams, Rev., of Panty- celyn, 266 Winifred, S., 191 Winweed, battle near, 212 PRINTED BY NEW-STREET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STREET AUGUST 1878. PUBLISHED BY Messrs. LONGMANS, GREEN & CO. PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON. S——--0058.00——. HISTORY, POLITICS, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS &c. Armitage’s Childhood of the English Nation. Fep. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Arnold’s Lectures on Modern History. 8vo. 7s. 6d. Buckle’s History of Civilisation. 3 vols. crown 8vo. 24s. 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