lifljWsjsiffiiiis &P$I$ V f cl«c5it tM i ^(< v$ra ^fS .Ttf^Y^-y ^ x \\\\ ('OiWCiVi’i'vWiV. ./, ', MOO-^tVVV'.vs'. ■Msmm 'Wm*: ; . m. J T . | !i?fch 0 ’ ■ ■«t rj «*« r.: BU *ni h' ;u: LIBRARY Theological Seminary, PRINCETON, N. J. Case , * . x, . E464- Shelf, - .M83 lioolc, No V » 1 — . V — — — *> DIARY OF EVENTS. THE RECORD: «{ %mtkm Events, WITH DOCUMENTS, NARRATIVES, ILLUSTRATIVE INCIDENTS, POETRY, ETC. EDITED BY FRANK 'MOORE, AUTHOR OF “DIARY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.” AVITH AN INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS, * ON THE CAUSES OF THE STRUGGLE, AND THE GREAT ISSUES BEFORE THE COUNTRY By EDWARD EVERETT. FIRST VOLUME. WITH ELEVEN PORTRAITS ON STEEL, A COLORED MAP, AND VARIOUS DIAGRAMS. NEW YORK: G. P. PUTNAM. C. T. EVANS, General Agent. 1861. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by G. P. PUTNAM, in the Clerk’s office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. JOHN F. TROW, PH INTER, STEREOTYPER, AND ELECTROTYPES, 46, 43 & 50 Greene Street, New York. PREFACE. In the initial number of the Rebellion Recokd, it was stated that the work proposed to furnish, “ in a digested and systematic shape, a comprehensive his¬ tory of this struggle ; sifting fact from fiction and rumor ; presenting the poeti¬ cal and picturesque aspects, the notable and characteristic incidents, separated from the graver and more important documents.” It was observed that we did not aim either to “ supersede or to keep pace with the newspapers, but to subject them, both North and South, to the cru¬ cible of time ; following them at such distance as may be required to verify and classify all that is best -worth preserving out of the immense mass of lead¬ ers, speeches, letters, and reports, which crowd the daily press ; ” “ every im¬ portant document and extended narrative being given in consecutive order, and numbered, with references from the Diary.” The editor, aiming at entire impartiality, has collected, from every quarter, whatever appeared to be of general interest, in any way connected with the great topics of the day, or likely to elucidate, in the slightest degree, the questions at issue, or the spirit and temper of the people, whether loyal or otherwise. Thus it will be found that a very considerable portion of the volume is occupied with “secession documents,” or articles from the “seces¬ sion ” press, reprinted verbatim, without alteration, or comment. Every individual who has spoken or written with effect on either side, or “ on the fence,” has been placed “ on record,” and his utterances are here electrotyped for the benefit of future generations. The volume is paged in three divisions, viz., I. Diary of Events ; II. Docu¬ ments and Narratives ; III. Poetry, Rumors, Incidents, etc. A full Index and a Table of Contents are added ; and the whole is preceded by the able and com¬ prehensive address by Mr. Edward Everett, discussing with even more than iv PREFACE. liis accustomed vigor, eloquence, and force, the principles and conclusions in¬ volved in this great contest. The work will he continued during the rebellion, and will embrace its en¬ tire history. The concluding numbers will contain a comprehensive his¬ torical sketch, in which the whole story will be presented in a clear and con¬ nected narrative form. To do this properly at present, in the midst of the tur¬ moil, and the conflicting reports and opinions of the day, is manifestly impos¬ sible. When the smoke of the battle shall be fairly cleared away ; when the results shall be correctly ascertained ; and when the nation is restored, as all faith ful citizens believe it will be speedily, to a peaceful and prosperous Union, it will be time enough to trace accurately and consecutively the outline of the most extraordinary and unjustifiable conspiracy and rebellion which the world has ever witnessed. In closing this volume, the Editor acknowledges his obligations to the numerous individuals from whom he has received valuable assistance ; and especially to the officers of the United States Army and Navy, and of the various State Governments, for the facility with which he has been enabled to make use of their valuable official collections. New York, October , 1861. The following omissions in the “ Diary of work : April 18. — Four hundred Pennsylvania vol¬ unteers, escorted by three hundred regular United States troops from Carlisle Barracks, (Pa.,) arrived at Washington this evening at ten o’clock, and bivouacked at the capitol. — A. Y. Times , April 19. May 8. — An act to prevent the collection of debts owing by citizens of Tennessee, to citizens of non-slaveholding States during hos- Events” occurred during the progress of the tilities, passed the legislature of that State. — A. Y. Herald , June 7. May 8. — Jefferson Davis submitted to the Confederate Congress the correspondence be¬ tween Judge John A. Campbell and Secretary Seward, on the subject of the evacuation of Fort Sumter, and a “peaceful adjustment of the pending difficulties” between the North and South. (Z*oc. 267.) REBELLION RECORD CONTENTS OF THE FIRST YOLUIE. I. — DIARY OF EVENTS,. DIART. .Page 3 II.— DOCUMENTS. DOC. PAGE 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 23. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. Maryland — Reply of Got. Hicks to Mississippi Commissioner, . South Carolina— Secession Ordnance . South Carolina — Declaration of Causes, &c.,. . . Seward's Speech at New York, Dec. 22, 1S60, . . Toombs' Address to the Georgians, . South Carolina Congressmen’s Resignation,.. Evacuation of Fort Moultrie, . 8 Forts Sumter and Moultrie, . 8 Major A nderson's Movement, . 9 Secretary Floyd to the President, . 10 General Wool's Letters on the Crisis, . 10 South Carolina Commissioners to the President, and Reply, . 11 Charleston Mercury's Appeal to Florida, . 16 Euchanan's Proclamation of a Fast Day, . 17 Carrington' s Call to Washington Volunteers,. . 17 Gov. Hides' Address, . 17 Gov. Ellis to Secretary 1. Jolt, and Reply, . 18 Major Anderson to Gov. Pickens, and Reply,. . 19 Alabama Ordinance of Secession, . 19 N. T. State Resolutions, . 21 Capt. McGowan's Report of Star of the West, 21 Georgia Ordinance of Secession, . 21 Jefferson Davis's Speech on leaving the Senate, 22 Sherrard Clemens' Speech . 22 London Times on Disunion Movement, . 25 Toombs to Mayor Wood, and Reply, . 26 Louisiana Secession Ordinance, . 26 The U. S. Cutter McClelland, . 27 The U. S. Mint at New Orleans, . 27 Texas Ordinance of Secession, . 27 Secretary Fix's Report, . 28 Montgomery Convention, Delegates to, . 29 Constitution of Confederate States, . 29 Southern Opinions . 30 Memminger's Speech to the Convention, . 30 Counting the Vote for President of U. S., . 31 . Document Page 37. Jefferson Davis's “Inaugural” Speech, . 31 38. President Lincoln's Journey, &c.,. . . 32 39. Twiggs's Treason — Property stolen, . 35 40. Peace Convention at Washington, . 35 41. Corwin's Amendment to Constitution, . 36 42. President Lincoln's Inaugural Address, . 36 43. The Press on the President’s Inaugural, . 39 44. “ Confederate States" Army Bill, . 40 45. London News on Southern Recognition . 41 46. Eraggs' Order stopping Supplies to Fort Pickens, 42 47. “ Confederate" Commissioners to Seward, and Reply, . 42 48. A. II. Stephens' Speech on the “ Corner Stone,” . 44 49. Vessel fired into at Charleston, . 49 50. U. S. Fleet at Charleston, . 49 51. Confederate Commissioners' Final Letter to Seward, . 49 52. Foi't Sumter Correspondence and Bombardment, 51 53. First Defeat of the Rebels, . 59 54. The President to the Virginia Commissioners,. 61 55. New York City — the feeling in, . 61 56. Eeauregard' s General Orders, . 63 57. President Lincoln's Proclamation for 75,000 V oluntecrs, and Comments of the Press, .... 64 53. Mayor Wood's Proclamation, . 69 59. Gov. Letcher's Proclamation, . 70 60. Virginia Ordinance of Secession, . 70 61. Jeff. Davis' Proclamation — Letters of Marque, . 71 61 Vs. Tennessee, Address to the People of, . 71 62. Lieut. Jones' Report concerning Harper’s Ferry, 72 63. Louisville, Ay.— Guthrie’s and Dixon’s Speeches, 72 64. Major Anderson's Official Report, . . 76 65. Maryland — Gov. Hicks’ Proclamation. Ealti- more — Mayor Brown’s Proclamation, . 76 66. N. Y. Chamber of Commerce. — Resolutions .... 77 67. President Lincoln's Blockade Proclamation,.. . . 78 68. General Scott's General Orders . 78 69. The Baltimore Biot, . 73 vi CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. DOC. PAGE 70. Baltimore — Mayor Brown to Gov. Andrew, and Reply, . 80 71. F. Y. 7th Regiment — Departure for Wash¬ ington, . 80 72. Massachusetts 8th Regiment— Officers, Ac.,. . . 81 73. Fort Moultrie — Report in Charleston Courier , 82 731/2. Few York Union Meeting, April 20, 18G1, . . 82 Full Reports of Speeches by Gen. Dix, D. S. Dickinson, Senator Baker, John Cochrane, Mayor Wood, W. M. Evarts, David Dudley Field, W. Curtis Noj’es, Robt. C. Schenck, R. J. Walker, Henry J. Raymond, Professor Mitchell, Archbishop Hughes, Ex-Gov. Hunt, James T. Brady, S. B. Chittenden, Caleb Lyon, Hiram Ketchum, Richard O’Gorman, Ira P. Davis, Samuel Ilotaling, W. F. Havemeyer, D. S. Coddington, Otto Sackendorf, Gustavus Struve, Solomon L. Hull, Royal Phelps, F. B. Spinola, Thos. C. Fields, W. J. A. Fuller, Gen. Appleton, Frederick Kapp, lingo Wesendonck, Richard Warren, 0. O. Ottendorfer, M. II. Grinncll, Judge Thompson, Edwards Pierrepont, Joseph P. Simpson, C. II. Smith, Edmond Blankman. 74. Massachusetts 4th Regiment . 119 75. Pennsylvania— Gov. Curtin’s Proclamation,. .119 76. “Star of the West,” Seizure of, . 119 77. Gosport Favy Yard, Burning of, . 119 78. Gen. Scott's Letter to Secretary Floyd, . 121 79. Baltimore — Mayor Brown’s Statement . 123 80. Rhode Island Regiment; Gov. Sprague, . 124 81. Wendell Phillips' Speech, April 22, . 125 82. Californians — Meeting in New York, . 131 83. Liverpool Times — Article on the Conflict, . 132 84. Secretary Seward to Gov. Hicks, . 133 85. Baltimore — Attack on Massachusetts Troops,. 133 86. Baltimore, An Embargo at, . 134 87. A. II. Stephens' Speech at Richmond, April 22, 134 88. Few York Bar, Meeting of, . 135 89. John Bell and E. II. Ewing's Speeches, April 23, . . 90. Few Orleans Press, Opinions of, . 138 91. South Carolina, 1st Regiment of, . 139 92. Robert J. Walker's Speech, April 23, . 139 93. F Y. 8th, loth, and Oth Regiments, depar¬ ture of, . . 9M/2. Gov. Hicks and Gen. Butler’s Correspond¬ ence, . 144 Gov. Magoffin s (Kentucky) Proclamation,.. . .144 Gen. Cass’ Speech at Detroit, April 24, . 145 Caleb Cushing's Speech, April 24, . 145 Gov. Letcher's Proclamation, April 24, . 14G Van Dorn's Capture of N. Y. Troops in Texas, 146 Geo. Law’s Letter, . 147 100. St. Louis Arsenal— How the Arms were Taken, 147 101. F. Y. 7th Regiment — Its March, . 143 102. Gov. Letcher's Proclamation, April 25, . 154 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. DOC. PACE 103. Gov. Ellis’ (North Carolina) Proclamation,.. .155 104. Gov. Burton's (Delaware) Proclamation, . 155 105. Few Military Departments, . 155 10G. F. Y. 71 st Regiment, Letters from, . 156 107. Washington — Oath of Allegiance . 158 108. Women of Few York, Address to, . 158 109. Gov. Hicks’ Message to Maryland Legislature, 159 110. Blockade of Virginia and North Carolina, ....161 111. Edward Everett's Speech, Boston, April 27, ...161 112. Fort Pickens, Reinforcement of, . 162 113. F. Y. S. M. 5th Regiment, . ..163 114. Vice-President Hamlin’s Speech, New York, April 24, . 163 115. Few Orleans, Review of Confederate Troops at, 164 116. F. Y. Firemen Zouaves, Departure of, . 165 117. Jefferson Davis’ Message, April 29, . 16G 11S. Th e Weverton Letter, . 173 119. A Sign of the Times, . 175 120. A. H. Stephens' Speech at Atlanta, Ga., Ap. 30, 175 121. The Palmetto Guard, Ac., . 177 122. 28 th Regiment N. Y. S. M . 178 123. Philadelphia Letter to Gen. Scott, . 178 124. Baptist Convention in Georgia, . 179 125. Gen. Harney’s Letter, . 179 126. Albany Burgess Corps, . 181 127. South Carolina College Cadets, . 181 128. Religious Press on the War, . 181 129. Gov. Letcher's Proclamation, May 3, . 184 130. Few York to be Burned, . 185 131. President's Proclamation, . 185 132. Commodore Stewart’s Letter to Childs, . 186 133. Rebel Army at Pensacola, . 187 134. The Attack on Washington , Fat. Intelligencer, 188 135. Maryland Commissioners’ Report, . 190 136. Few Jersey Troops — List of Officers . 191 137. Faulkner, Dayton, and Seward’s Correspond¬ ence,, 192 138. President Lincoln's Letter to Marylanders,. . .193 139. Tilghman and Prentiss’ Interview, . 194 140. “ Confederate ” Declaration of War, . 195 141. Patriotic Fund Contributions, . 197 142. 20^ Regiment N. Y. S. M. (Ulster Co.), . 198 1-13. Reverdy Johnson's Speech at Frederick, Md., 199 144. Tennessee League, . 201 145. Edward Everett's Address at Roxbury, Mass., 205 146. Gen. Butler’s Orders at Relay House, . 208 14G1/;. Motley’s Letter on Causes of the War, . 209 147. Secession Military Act, . 219 14772- A. II. Stephens' Union Speech at Milledge- ville, Ga., Nov. 1-i, 1860, . 219 148. The English Press on the Fall of Sumter, .... 228 149. A Prayer for the Times, {Charleston Fetes,). .230 150. Vermont Volunteers — 1st Regiment . 231 151. President Lincoln's Proclamation Suspending Habeas Corpus in Florida, . 232 152. An English View of Civil War in America, London Fews . 232 153. Maryland Legislature Resolutions, May 10,.. 234 154. St. Louis — The Riot at, May 10, . 234 155. Charleston — Blockade of, . 236 156. Gen. Hartley’s Proclamation in Missouri, . 237 157. Connecticut — 1st Regiment, Col. Terry, . 237 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. vu DOC. TAGE 15S. Apportionment of Troops to the States, . 237 159. Report of the Southern Baptist Convention,. .237 ICO. Major Morris’s Letter to Judge Giles at Bal¬ timore, . 7 . 239 161. Senator Bayard on Secession, . 240 162. Gen. Harney's Proclamation in Missouri, . 242 163. The Confederate Fast, . 243 164. East Baltimore Resolutions, May 14, . 243 165. Gen. Butler's Proclamation at Baltimore, May 14, . 243 166. Gov. Hicks’ Proclamation, May 14, . 245 167. Connecticut 2d Regiment, . 245 163. Queen Victoria's Proclamation of Neutrality, May 13, . 247 169. Bishop W hitting ham' s Circular to the Clergy of Maryland, . 253 1691/a. Taking of Fotosi, Missouri, . 253 170. Senator Mason’s Letter on the Virginia Elec¬ tion . 254 171. Gen. Butler's Speech at Washington, May 16, 254 172. Judge Sprague's Charge on Treason and Piracy, . 255 173. Maine 2d Regiment, Volunteers, . 256 174. Gov. Andrew and Gen. Butler’s Correspond¬ ence, . 250 1747a. Secretary Seward's Letter on Treason, May 16, . 253 175. Submarine Boat at Philadelphia, May 17, _ 253 1757a* Arkansas Secession Ordinance, . 259 176. New York 14tli Regiment, (Brooklyn,) . 260 177. Attack on Sewell’s Point by U. S. Steamer Star, . 261 178. New York Bible Society Meeting, May 19,. . .262 179. North Carolina Ordinance of Secession, . 203 180. New York 2d Regiment, S. Militia, . 204 181. Gov. Magoffin's Proclamation in Kentucky, May 20, . 204 182. Tennessee 2d Regiment, . 265 183. Confederate Act on Debtors to U. S. Cred¬ itors, . 265 184. American Affairs in Germany . 205 185. Sam Houston's Speech at Independence, Texas, . 206 186. Howell Cobb's Speech at Atlanta, Ga., May 22, 268 187. Secretary Cameron's Letter on Volunteers, - 209 188. New York Volunteers, 2d Regiment, . 269 1887a* Dr. McClintock' s Speech at Exeter Hall, London, . 209 189. A. II. Stephens’ Speech at Atlanta, Ga., May 23, . 270 190. New York Volunteers, 5th Regiment, (Dur- yea’s Zouaves,) . 270 1907a. Ohio 1st and 2d Regiments, . 271 191. Connecticut 3d Regiment, . 272 192. Toombs' Instructions to Privateers . 272 193. New York Volunteers, 7th Regiment . 273 194. Jeff. Davis' Fast-Day Proclamation, . 274 195. The March into Virginia and Death of Ells¬ worth, . 274 196. New York Volunteers, 1st Regiment, . 281 197. Maj. Sprague’s Letter from San Antouio, . 282 DOC. PAGE 1977a* Joseph Holt's Letter on the Pending Revo¬ lution, . 283 19S. Exportation oi Cotton — Confederate Act, . 292 1987a* Bishop A. Potter's Letter to a Secessionist,. 292 199. Gen. McClellan' s Proclamation in Western Virginia, . 293 200. New Hampshire 1st Regiment, . 294 201. Judge T hompson's Proclamation at Wheeling, 295 202. Col. Duryea’s Proclamation at Hampton, . 296 203. New York Volunteers, 8tli Regiment, . 296 204. Western Virginia — Advance of Federal Troops, 290 2047a* Senator Douglas' Last Speech, . 298 205. Washington Artillery of New Orleans, . 300 200. New York Militia, 9th Regiment, . SOI 207. Gen. Cadwallader and Judge Taney, . 301 208. Edw. Bates' Letters to J. M. Botts, . 304 209. New York and Georgia — Correspondence on Property, . 306 210. Garibaldi Guard, New York City Regiment, .307 211. Meeting of Baptists at Brooklyn, May 29, _ 307 212. Military Departments, U. S. Army, . 310 213. To Volunteer Nurses — (War Department,). .. .310 214. Col. Mann's Regiment, (Pennsylvania,) . 811 2147a* London Daily News on the War, May 29,.. .313 215. Contraband Negroes — Gen. Butler and Sec. Cameron, . 313 210. Maine 2d Regiment Volunteers, . 314 217. IF. II. Russell's Letters from South Carolina and Georgia, April 80-May 1, . 314 218. New York 7th Regiment (S. M.) Papers, . 818 219. Maine 1st Regiment Volunteers, . 320 220. Fight at Acquia Creek, . 320 221. Lieut. Tompkins’ Skirmish at Fairfax Court House, . 321 222. Jeff. Davis’ Speech at Richmond, June 1, ....822 2227a* Col. Porterfield's Proclamation at Phillippa, 324 223. Confederate Post Office Circular, . 325 224. L. IF. Bliss' Proclamation in Jefferson Terr.,. 325 225. Central Committee’s Address in Northwestern Virginia, . 325 22G. New York Militia, 79th Regiment, . 328 227. Senator Rousseau's Speech in Ky. Senate,. . . .329 2277a* Gen. McDowell' s Proclamation on Damages, 833 22S. Battle at Phillippa — Official Reports, &c., _ 335 229. Lord J. Russell's Letter on Neutrality . 337 230. Gen. Patterson's Proclamation at Chambcrs- burgh, . 337 231. New York — 1st Regiment Scott Life Guard,. .387 232. Rector's Proclamation at Fort Smith, . 338 233. Price's Proclamation at Jefferson City, . 338 234. Beauregard’s “ Beauty and Booty ” Proclama¬ tion, . 339 235. New York 9th Regiment Volunteers, (Haw¬ kins’,) . 339 236. C. M. Clay's Letter to the London Times, and Replies, . 340 237- Gov. Letcher's Orders for Destroying Roads,.. 344 238. Maine 3d Regiment, (Col. Howard,) . 344 239. J. M. Mason's Speech at Richmond, June 8,. .346 240. Gov. Hicks’ Proclamation, June 7, . 347 241. Gen. Morris' Proclamation at Philippi, . 848 viii CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. I l DOC. PAGE 242. Vermont 1st Regiment Volunteers, . 348 243. Border State Convention Addresses, . 350 244. Fight at Great Bethel— Official Reports, . 356 245. Connecticut 4th Regiment, . 362 246. Jeff. Davis' Letter to Maryland Commis¬ sioners, . 362 246 '/2. New York City Home Guard . 362 247. Gov. Jackson's Proclamation in Missouri, June . . 363 24S. New York Volunteers, 20th Regiment, . 364 249. New York Volunteers, 6th Regiment, (Wil¬ son’s,) . -366 249 J/j. John P. Kennedy's Appeal to Maryland,. . . .368 250. J. S. Carlisle’s Speech in Virginia Convention, 374 251. The First Privateer — The Savannah . 375 252. Massachusetts Volunteers, 1st Regiment, . 377 DOC. PAGE 253. Germans of Kentucky, Address to, . 377 254. John Jay’s Address in Westchester Co., N. Y., 378 255. Slaves and Slavery, ( Boston Courier ,) . 401 256. Declaration of the People of Virginia, . 403 257. Gen. Lyon’s Proclamation in Missouri, . 404 258. Affair at Vienna, Va. — Reports, Ac., . 405 258‘/2. Battle of Booneville, Mo., . 408 259. Col. Boernstein’s Proclamation in Missouri,.. .411 260. Gen. Icon's Proclamation at Booneville, . 412 261. Pennsylvania Volunteers, 22d Regiment, . 412 262. Duke of Newcastle’s Order on Privateers, . 413 263. New York Volunteers, 14th Regiment, . 413 264. Harper’s Ferry — Reports, Ac., . 415 265. Gov. Call's Letter from Florida, . 416 266. New York Volunteers, 18th Regiment, . 426 267. Jeff Davis’ Message, May 8th, . 426 III. — Poetry 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. OO . 34. 85. 36. 37. 33. 39. PAGE .. 1 Shop and Freedom, London Punch, . The Fight at Sumter, C. G. Leland, . 1 To Massachusetts Soldiers, . 2 The Flag of Fort Sumter, Bev. S. G. Bulfmch, 2 The Battle of Morris Island, C. G. Leland,.. . . 2 My Country, A. C. Cooper, . 3 The Stripes and Stars, Edna Dean Proctor,... . 3 A Suggestion to Major Anderson, . 4 To the Men of the North and West, R. 1L. Stoddard, . 4 Virginia to the North, . 4 Stars in My Country’s Sky, L. IL. Sigourney,.. 4 North Men, Come Out, C. G. Leland, . 5 Our Star-gemmed Banner, "LI. E. T.,” . 5 December 26, 1910, Mrs. J. M. Dorr, . 5 Laisser Aller, F. Lushington, . 13 A Volunteer Song, Rev. J. P. Thompson, D.D., 13 To the British Rifle Company, G. G. W. Morgan, 13 The Stars and Stripes, F. De Haas Janvier,.. . 14 A Vision of January 4, Catherine Ledyard,... . 14 A Northern Rally, John Clancy, . 14 Out and Fight, C. G. Leland, . 15 Massachusetts Regiment, Almira Seymour,. . . 15 The Secession Flag, Josephine Morss, . 15 Up, Brothers, All! “ Fannie Fales ,” . 16 Yankee Doodle’s Suggestions, G. W. Westbrook, 16 The Stars and Stripes, . 79 God Save our Native Land ! Jas. Walden, . 17 Our Fatherland, . 27 The New Year and the Union, Geo. D. Prentice, 17 The “ Seventh,” Fitz-James O'Brien . 17 The United States Flag, IF. Ross Wallace, . 18 National Guard Marching Song, A. J. H. Duganne, . 79 Soxgs of the Rebels: War Song, . 19 On Fort Sumter, . 19 A New-Song of Sixpence, Vanity Fair, . 23 The Great Bell Roland, Theo. Tilton, . 29 The Sentinel of the 71st, J. B. Bacon, . 29 Work to Do, R. II. Stoddard, . 29 “All We Ask is to be Let Alone,” Hartford Courant, . 30 40 41 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 73. . Page Original Ode, Charleston, S. C., July 4, . 30 The New Birth, IF. IF. Howe, . 31 An Appeal for the Country, Ellen Key Blunt, . 31 “ Liberty and Union, One and Inseparable,” "F. A. II,’’ . 31 The 19th of April, 1861, “ Lucy Larcom," . 32 Through Baltimore, Bayard Taylor, . 32 Under the Washington Elm, Oliver Wendell Holmes, . 33 Sumter, . 33 The Two Eras, L. II. Sigourney, . 34 The Sixth at Baltimore, B. P. Shillaber, . 34 Col. Corcoran’s Brigade, “Enul,” . 34 April 19, 1775-1861, “H. H B.,” . 35 All Hail to the Stars and Stripes ! G. T. Bourne, 35 Songs of the Rebels : The War Storm, . 35 “ “ Illumination of Rich¬ mond, M. Copland,. 36 “ “ Sumter — A Ballad of ’61, “E. O. M,” .... 36 The Other “ Abou-Ben-Adhem,” . 38 On, Brothers, On 1 S. IF. Brooks, . 45 God for our Native Land, G. IF. Bethune, D.D , 45 A Poem, by “C. F.,” [67. Frost,] . 45 Arming for Battle, IF. C. Richards, . 40 A Song for the Union, . 46 The Northern Volunteers, Geo. Boweryem . 47 The March of the “Seventh,” “ R. S. O.,” .... 4S A Tale of 1861, E. S. Rand, Jr., . 48 To Arms 1 M. Perry Lowe, . 50 A Bugle Note, “ Emily," . 50 “Send Them Home Tenderly,” G. W. Bungay, 50 Song of Columbia’s Daughters, E. D. Wright, 51 The Major and His Men, . 51 Our National Flag, E. S. Smith, . 51 Western Virginia — Sherrard Clemens, . 52 The Ballad of Cockey’s Field, . 52 The Call for Volunteers, G. IF. Bungay, . 53 The Departure, IF. G. Richards, . 53 April 15, 1861, IF. II. Burleigh, . 61 To the American People, Bayard Taylor, . 61 Volunteered, Harper’s Weekly, . 61 War Questions, IF, Ross Wallace, . 62 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. ix POETRY, PAGE 79. 0 Let the Starry Banner Wave, Bourne , . 62 80. Our Country, Geo. Lunt, . 63 81. The Gathering, Boston Transcript , . 63 82. The Yankee Volunteers, . 63 83. Songs of the Rebels : Song for the Times, “Z. F,” . 64 84. “ “ The Old Rifleman, F. Ticknor . 64 85. “ “ Our Braves in Virginia, 65 86. u “ Song of Southern Wo¬ men, Julia Mildred ,. 65 87. “ u A Poem for the Times, Thompson, . 65 83. “ “ “Rebels,” . 66 89. u “ Virginia's Message to the Southern States, 66 90. “ “ The Stars and Bars, A. J. Eequier, . 66 91. King Cotton, E. II. Stoddard, . 72 92. The Heavenly Omen, E. T. P. Beach, . 72 93. Song of the Irish Legion, Jas. Be Mille, . 73 94. God and the Right, B. J. Bickson, . 73 95. Dixie, T. M. Coolie, . 73 96. Stand by the Flag, . 74 97. Zouaves’ Battle Song, J. II. TVainwright, . 74 98. Prophecy of the Dead, A. T. Jones, . 74 99. Our Flag, “ IF.,” . 75 100. The Republic, IF. Oland Bourne, . 75 101. “Eiti Feste Burg ist unser Gott,” J. G. Whit¬ tier, . 85 101. Sumter, 11 Ike," . 85 102. God Protect Us ! G. G. IF. Morgan, ....... 85 103. Tbe Yard-Arm Tree, “ Vanity Fair," . 86 104. The Union, Right or Wrong, G. P. Morris,.. 8G 105. War-Song of the Free, . 86 106. Army Hymn, O. Wendell Holmes, . 87 107. Little “ Rhody,” . 87 108. The Will for the Deed, Caroline A. Mason,. . 87 109. Rule Slaveownia, London Punch, . 88 110. To Arms ! II. A. Moore, . 88 111. Babes iu the Wood, “C.C.," . 88 112. To Ellsworth, “J. IF. F.” Washington, . 89 113. “ Sons of Northern Sires,” “ G. S. II,” Boston, 89 114. The Holy War, Mrs. II. B. Stowe, . 89 115. Ink, Blood, and Tears, London Punch, . 90 116. Fort Sumter, C. E. Leverett, Jr., . 91 117. Songs of the Rebels: The Star of the West, Charleston Mercury,. 92 118. “ “ A Southern Song of Freedom, “ J . II. II,” 92 119. “ “ Welcome to the Invad¬ ers, Charleston Cou¬ rier . 93 120. “ “ Maryland, Charleston Mercury, . 93 121. Scott and the Veteran, Bayard Taylor, . 102 122. Elmer E. Ellsworth, “A. A. A.,” H. Y. Tribune, 102 123. Ode to North and South, London Punch,. 124. “Qui Transtulit Sustinct,” L. L. Weld,.. 125. The Volunteer, Harvard Mag., . 126. Camp War-Song, . 127. The Nation’s Call, J. II. Bern/ . POETRY, PAGE 128. God Keep our Army Pure, II. A. Moore, . 104 129. Redemption, “ IF. F. Z.,” . 104 130. It is Great for our Country to Die, Percival,. .105 131. Song for Battle, “ C. B.,” . 105 132. Songs of the Rebels : North Carolina Call to Arms, Mrs. Miller ,. .\0iary of Events ; Doc. for Documents; and P. for Poetry , Rumors, amd Incidents. A PAGE A Ballad of Major Anderson, P. Abbott — , speech at Union Meet¬ ing, N. Y., April 20, Doc. “Abe's Saturday; or, Washington Sixty Days Hence,” a play, P. “ Abou-Ben-Adhem,” another ver¬ sion of, P. A Bugle Note, by Emily, P. A Contraband Refrain, P. Acton, Benjamin, plants cotton in New Jersey, P. Acquia Creek, Va., fight at, D. official report of the action, Doc. Adams, Charles Francis, D. Adams, John, Int. Adams, N. Y., D. Adams, - •, appointed commis¬ sioner from S. Carolina, D. Adams, Samuel, of 1776, D. “ Adjuster,” the bark, seized, D. Adrian, • — — , of New Jersey, his resolution sustaining Major An¬ derson, D. A Fragment — Cabinet Council, P. * Aid," the steam-tug, D. Aiken, William, notice of, P. Alabama, commissioners of, at Ra¬ leigh, N. C , D. convention of, D. delegates advise secession, D. convention of, met, D. Gov. Hicks’ letter to the commis¬ sioner of, D. adopts ordinance of secession, D. Jeff. Davis’s requisition on, D. third regiment of, D. resolutions of the Protestant Epis¬ copal church of, D. troops of, at Pensacola, D. troops at Harper’s Ferry, D. ordinance of secession of. Doc. negro insurrections in, P. versus South Carolina, P. Albany Argus, quotations from, D. Burgesses Corps, D. 52; Doc. Albany, N. Y., war spirit at, D. Albion, N.Y., union meeting at, D. D. Aldrich, T. Bailet, P. 86, A Lesson to Secessionists, an inci¬ dent of Fort Monroe, P. Alexandria, Va., effect of Lincoln's war proclamation in, D. critical position of. May 14, D. secession flog at, captured, D. prisoners captured at, D. 5 117 96 83 50 126 126 87 320 15 19 40 6 70 17 11 83 13 12 8 5 11 12 12 13 21 51 65 63 73 19 12 23 81 181 26 83 42 141 144 25 69 77 95 Southern press on the occupation of, Doc. 276 Alleghany arsenal, Pittsburg, Pa., D. 9 Alleghany co., Md., loyalty of, D. 47 Allen, W. H., col. 1st regiment, N. Y. 8. V., D. 80 ; Doc. 282 at Great Bethel, D. 98 Allen, Ethan, his parallel, P. 95 Allen Greys, of Brandon, Yt., P. 96 “All Hail to the Stars and Stripes,” an anecdote, P. 85, 71 All Forward; written for the 2d Regt., Conn. Volunteers, P. 120 All of Them, by S. R. K., P. 134 “All that wo Ask is to be Let Alone,” P. 80 Altona, Pa., military of, leave for Harrisburg, D. 27 “ A Marylander,” adventures of, P. 100 America, causes of the war in, D. 78 “America to the World,” P. 116 American colonies, were they a people before the Revolution ? Int. 11 American Flag, D. 40 unusual display of, P. 80 buried at Memphis, D. 88 ; P. 84 Americans, meeting of, in Paris, D. 85 “American Standard,” newspaper in Jersey City, threatened, D. 28 A Mother Sending Three Sons to the Army. By L. F. P. 145 An Appeal for the Country, P. 81 Andrew, J. A., gov. of Mass., his despatch to the authorities of Baltimore, D. 34 notices of, D. 52, 53, 72, 106 address to the Mass, legislature, D. 70 correspondence with Mayor . Brown of Baltimore, Doc. 80 letter to Gen. Butler, April 25, Doc. 256 Andrews, Lt.-Col., of Missouri, D. 102 Andkr80N, Robert, Major, takes possession of Fort Sumter, D. 6 to be resisted by the rebels, D. 8 denounced by Southern papers, D. 7 notices of, D. 8, 9, 14, 18, 21, 28, ' 38, 62 thanked by the citizens of Chica¬ go, D. 11 his course sustained by Congress, D. 11 confers with Gov. Pickens, D. 13 at Fort Sumter, D. 23 evacuated Fort Sumter, D. 25 arrived at New York, D. 82 receives a sword from the citizens of Taunton, Mass., D. 85 receives the thanks of the gov¬ ernment, D. 40 correspondence with Gov. Pick¬ ens in reference to the Star of the West, Doc. 19 official report of the bombardment of Fort Sumter, Doc. 76 at the Union meeting in New York, April 20, Doc. 105 notices of, P. 4, 5, 7, 8 New York merchant’s plan for relieving him at Fort Sumter, P. 10 notice of, P. 12 at Fort Sumter, P. 20 the guest of Beauregard, “ A Proposition to, . P. P. 27 129 saluted by the rebels, P. 54 Anderson, R. H., CoL C. A., D. 82 Anecdotes, of the Vt. volunteer, D. 65 of the Kentucky fifer, P. 40 of the Mass, soldier in N. Y., P. 40 of a Mass, soldier at Baltimore, P. 41 of an old volunteer in Indiana, P. 70 of military discipline, P. 180 A new Song of Sixpence, P. 28 Angelis, G. D., Doc. 806 Annapolis, Md., occupation of, D. 42 traitors hung at, P. 57 the Federal troops in, P. 60 railroad celebration in, D. 69 A Northern rally, P. 14 “ Another Roman Mother,” P. 112 A patriotic smith, anecdote, P. 112 A Poem, by C. F , P. 45 A Poem for the Times, P. 65 A Poem which needs no dedication, by Jas. Barron Hope, P. 145 A Poem dedicated to the Knavish Speculators who have robbed Pennsylvania, P. 115 Appleton, — , Gen., of Mass., speech of, at Union Meeting, N. Y., April 20, Doc. 116 Apportionment of troops of the Federal government, Doc. 287 April 19th, 1775-1861, P. 36 April 15, 1S61, W. H. Burleigh, P. 61 “ Argo,” ship, captured, D. 78 Arkansas, secession of. D. 59 admitted to the Southern Confed¬ eracy, D. 72 delegates to the Southern Con¬ gress, D. 72 repudiation of, P. 148 secession ordinance ot, Doc. 259 li REBELLION RECORD: Arlington House, Ya., the head¬ quarters of Gen. McDowell, P. 101 Arlington Mills, near Alexandria, Va., skirmish at, D. 89 “Arming for battle,” P. 46 Armistice, rumored, P. 5o Davis, ^ t £• Arnold, J., Col. 8d Conn. Regt., D. 77 Notice of, Doc. 27 2 Articles of Confederation, Int. 13 Asulet, (M. C.,) 1 is account of Con¬ traband negroes, P • HO Ashmore, J. D., of S. C., Doc. 8 leaves Congress, D. 5 Abtor, Augusta — , doc. 165 John Jacob, Jr., Doc. 165 A Southern Song, by L. M., P. 136 A Suggeston to Major Anderson, P. 4 A Tale of 1861, by E. S. Hand, jr., P. 43 “ Atlantic ” sailed from N. Y., D. 21 Auburn, N. Y„ Union Meeting at, D. 33 Augusta, Ga., arsenal at, surren- dered. D. 16 “AUnion traveller,” anecdote of, P. 23 A Vision of January 4tb, P. 14 A Volunteer Song, P. 13 A War-Song for Virginia, P. 146 “A Welcome to the Invader,” P. 93 A Wonderful Conversion, P. 150 B Babcock, Samuel D., D. 77 Babes in the Wood, by C. C., P. 88 Bacon, J. B., P. 29 Bacue, A, D , D. 96 Bailey, Godard, D. 5 Baker, Senator, at the inaugura- tion of President Lincoln, D. 18 — Speech of, at the Union Meet- ing, N. Y., April 20, Doc. 86 — Col. 2d Regt. N. J. S. M., Doc. 131 W. C., P. 142 — , artist, of N. Y., D. 56 — , Mrs., of Washington, P. 96 Ball, Capt., rebel, D. 103 Balloons, reeonnoitering in, D. 103 ascension of Prof. Lowe, D. 108 Baltimore, Md., effect of secession of South Carolina at. D. 4 citizens of, approve the course of Gov. Ilicks, D. 9 a “ Union city,” D. 12 secession meeting at, D. 20 secession flag in, torn down, D. 32 Northern troops to be obstructed in, D. 32 proclamations issued in, calling on the people to keep the peace, D. 32 riot in, April 19th, D. 33, 39 embargo established at, D. 89 conservative influence in, D. 46 flag-raising at, D. 53 Union ward meetings in, D. 56 the gorillas of. D. 57 Federal troops pass through, D. 61 Southern enlistments leave, D. 62 United States troops in, D. 63 munitions of war seized at, D. 70, 71 rioters of the 19th April, D. 72 munitions of war siezed in, D. 74 powder seized in, D. 93 muskets seized in, D. 94 correspondence in reference to the riot, April 19th, Doc. 78 “ the rattlesnake’s fangs.” Doc. 79 recapitulation of the killed i and wounded in, D. 39 ; Doc. 133 embargo at, Doc. 134 a secession cockade in. P. 27 anecdote of heroism at the riot in, April 19, 1861, P. 88 and Lexington, a remarkable co- incidence. P. 58 incidents of the riot in. P. 60 Baltimore. See East Baltimore. “Baltimore Sun,” The, D. 46 Ballier, Colonel, D. 95 Banks, patriotism of the New Hamp¬ shire, D. 28 patriotism of the New Jersey, D. 30 patriotism of the Connecticut, D. 28 correspondence between the banks of New York and the Governor of Georgia. D. 84 meeting of the commissioners of the Southern, D. 93, 102 Bank of Commerce of Providence, R. I., D. 27 Banks, N.P., appointed maj. -gen. D. 85 takes commaml at Baltimore, D. 100 Baptists, convention of Georgia, D. 52 notices of, D. 57, 83 report of the Southern convention of, D. 63 Missionary Union, meeting of, D. 83 mass meeting of the, at Brooklyn, N. Y., D. 84 resolutions of the Georgia, Doc.179 report of the Southern conven¬ tion of. Doc. 237 report and resolutions of the, at Brooklyn, N. Y., May 29, Doc. 807 Bardwell, James, Rev., celebrated prayer of, D. 65 ; Doc. 230 Barnwell R. W., appointed com¬ missioner from S. Carolina, D. 6 delegate to Southern Congress, D. 10 Barry, A. I., of Mississippi, D. 12 Barry, W. F., Major, D. 21 Bartholomew, I. E., Rev., D. 61 Bate, W. B., Col. 2d Tenn., Doc. 265 Bates, Edward, letters to John Minor Botts, D. 84 ; Doc. 304 Battle Anthem, by John Neal, P. 119 Bayard, Jas. A., censured, D. 28, 103 address to his constituents, D. 69 letter to the people of Delaware, Doc. 240 Bay State Song, P. 117 Beach, Elizabeth T. Porter, P. 72 Lines to Colonel W. If. Allen, 1st Regiment N. Y. S. V., Doc. 2S2 Beattie, Rev. D., Adieu to the Ohio Soldiers, P. 94 Beauregard, P. G. T., ordered to Charleston, 8. C., D. 18 orders intercourse with Fort Sum¬ ter to cease, D. 21 his staff at Charleston, S. C., D. 22 bombards Fort Sumter, D. 23 congratulates his troops on the fall of Fort Sumter, D. 25 Tetires from the command at Charleston. S. C., D. 82 arrived at Manassas, Va., D. 91 notice of, D. 93 orders relating to Captain Ball, D. 103 general orders after the bombard¬ ment of Fort Sumter, Doc. C3 “ Booty and Beauty” proclama¬ tion, Doc. 339 proclamation compared with that of General Butler, Doc. 839 an epigram, P. 96 the ubiquity of, P. 96 Bedford, N. Y., flag-raising at, D. 46 Bedford (Va.) “Yankee Catchers,” P. 71 Beech, A. C. & A. B., of Nashville, Tenn., repudiate their debts, P. 38 Beecher, Henry Ward, D. 38 Bell, John, address to Tenn., D. 80 a traitor. D. 41 in the Washington conspiracy, D. 59 speech at Nashville, Tenn., Doc. 137 Bellows, H.W., D.D., D. 38, 96; Doc.311 Beman, John, hung, P. 148 Bkndix, JonN E.. Colonel 7th Regi¬ ment, N. Y. S. V., D. 98 ; Doc. 273 Benjamin. J. P., secession speech of, in the U. S. Senate, D. 8 his “ failing” at college, P. 20 attorney-general. C. 8. A., corre¬ spondence with Captain C. Lee Moses, P. 132 Bennett, James Gordon, Jr., com¬ missioned in the revenue ser¬ vice, D. 71 Bennett, - , Colonel 28th Regi¬ ment, N. Y. 8. M., D. 51 Benson, Egbert, Doc. 116 Berk's Station, Ya., rebels captured at, D. 97 Berlin, Md., bridge burned at, D. 96 Berry, Jesse H., poem by, P. 104 Berry, Michael, Captain ; how he escaped from the South, P. 139 Betuune, George W., D.D., D. 38, 54, Doc. 119, p. 46 Betts, S. R., Doc. 135 Bigler, — , Senator, D. 28; P. 8 Binghamton, N. Y., Union meeting at, D. 33 Bininger, A. M., D. 39 Binney, Horace, Doc. 178 Birdseye, J. (!., of California, D. 38 “Black Republic,” South Carolina to be a, P. 10 Black, - , Gov. of Nebraska, D. 62 Blair, M., Postmaster - general, stops the mails between 8t. Louis and Memphis, D. 70 notice of, D. 76 suspends all mail service in the seceded States, D. 82 Blair, F. P., Doc. 363; D. 102 Blankman, Edmond, speech at Union meeting. N. Y., Doc. 118 Blenkek, Louis, Colonel, Doc. 296 Bliss, L. W., acting Governor of Jefferson Territory ; his procla¬ mation of May 21, D. 90; Doc. 825 Blockade, the Federal, proclaimed, D. 32, 46, 48, 62, 73, 82 Southern opinion of the, D. 75 debate on the, in the English House of Commons, D. 83 Blunt, Ellen Key, P. 81 Blunt, George W., D. 82 Boernstein, Henry, Col. 2d Rcgt. Missouri Volunteers, proclama¬ tion of, Juno 17, D. 107 ; Doc. 411 Boggs, Rev. Mr., of Bedford, N. Y., D. 46 Bonham, M. L., of South Carolina, leaves Congress, D. 5; Doc. 8 brigadier-general, (rebel,) Doc. 189 Bonney, B W., D. 94 Booneville, Mo., battle of, D. 107 account of the battle at ; rebel ac¬ count of the battle, Doc. 410 Border State convention, at Balti¬ more, Maryland, P. 4, 8 meet at Frankfort, Ky., D. 91 address of the, to the people of the United States, Doc. 850 address to the people of Ken¬ tucky, Doc. 853 Boreman, Arthur J. D. 101 Borland, Solon, Col., D. 43 Boston, Mass., patriotism of the Common Council of, D. 80 banks of, loan 10 per cent, on their capital to government, D. 80 excitement in, on receipt of the news of the Baltimore riot, D. 84 incident at a police court in, P. 44 meeting of the Suffolk bar at, D. 48 the school teachers in, D. 50 to be burned, D. 55 Courier, article in, on the increase of slavery, Int. 45 ; Doc. 401 Rifle Company, D. 68 Transcript, quotation from, D. 70 Botts, John Minor, Bates’ Let¬ ters to, D. 84 ; Doc. 804 Boudinot, Elias C., Doc. 260 Bourne, George S., P. 35 Bourne, Wm. Oland, P. 62, 75 Boweryem, George, P. 47 Boyce, W. W., of S. C., leaves Con¬ gress, D. 5 delegate to Southern Conven¬ tion, D. 10, Doc. 8 Boylston, - . appointed to Beau¬ regard's staff, D. 22 Bragg, Braxton, Gen., at Pensa¬ cola, D. 68 his order entting off supplies from Fort Pickens, Doc. 42 “ Brass Missionaries." P. 112 Brady, James T., letter to the Union meeting, New York, Doc. 92 INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. iii Breckinridge, Rev. Dr., article of, in the Danville (Ky.) Review, opposing secession, D. Breckinridge, J. C., protests against the war, D. Brengle Guard, of Frederick, Md., Bresiiwood, Capt., surrenders the cutter Robert McClellan, D. Brown, George M., of Mobile, Ala., Bridgeport, Conn., Union meeting at, D. Briggs, G. N., Governor of Massa¬ chusetts, D. Bright, Mr., remarks in English House of Commons, May 23, Doc. 303 Bronson, Greene C., Doc. 135 Brooklyn, N. Y., D. 15 Union meeti .g at, D. 42 war spirit in, D. 50 steam frigate, ordered to Charles¬ ton, 8. C., D. 9 ; P. 10 Navy Yard, the threatened attack upon, P. Heights Seminary, D. Brooks, Sarah Warner, P. Brooks, William M , of Ala., D. Broome Co., (N. Y.,) volunteers, D. Brown, - , Governor of Georgia, demands Augusta arsenal, D. prohibits payment to Northern creditors, D. 21 50 45 12 67 16 45 notices of, D. 72 ; P. 9, 22 attaches the Macon and Western Railroad, P. 25 Brown, General, at Ft. Pickens, D. 77 Brown, Major-General, 1812. , D. 59 Brown, George William, Mayor of Baltimore, D. 87 proclamation of April 18, Doc. 77 correspondence with Governor Andrew, Doc. 80 his account of an interview with President Lincoln, Doc. 123 Brown, James M., Capt. D. 83 Brown, J. N., ex-U. S. N., P. 39 Brown, J. B., D. 60 Brown, John C., Doc. 123 Brown, John, D. 90 Brown, John Young, Doc. 76 Brown, Neill S., D. 7 address to Tennessee, D. 80 Brown High School at Newbury- port, Mass., D. 43 Browne, Wm. M., P. 24 Brownell, Francis E., D. 79 Brownell, Katy, D. Brownell, Martha Francis, D. Browxlow, Parson, his definition of the height of impudence, P. his reply to Gen. Pillow, anecdote of the daughter of, Bryan, M. K., Col., Bryant, Mr., of S. C., D. Bryant, Lieut., U. 8. N., D. Bryce, - , Col., D. 45 45 26 P. 60 P. 109 D. 39 Buchanan, James, President of U. 8., D. 7 receives Hayne of 8. C., D. 14 notice of, D. 59 correspondence with Floyd, Doc. 10 correspondence with the South Carolina Commissioners, Doc. 11 recommendation for a fast, Dec. 14, 1860, Doc. 17 agitated at the surrender of Fed¬ eral arms, favors the secessionists, not to reinforce the forts, his administration a reign “ stealing,” his favorites, conspirators, another “ Abou-Ben-Adhem,” P. “ blabs all he knows,” New York women's letter to, his early knowledge of the seces sion conspiracy, Twiggs’ letter to, Buckingham, - , Gov. of Conn., proclaims a fast, D. 5 calls for volunteers, D. 28 P. 8 P. 9 P. 9 of P. 23 P. 24 P. 88 P. 39 P. 42 es- P. 110 P. 131 notice of, D. 42 Budd, Capt., of the steamer Reso¬ lute, destroys rebel shipping on the Potomac, D. 99 captures the schooner “Buena Vista,” D. 108 Buena Vista Volunteers, D. 56 “Buena Vista,” schooner, D. 108 Buffalo, N. Y., patriotic action of the Common Council of, D. 46 Bull, Dyer, Rev., of New Haven, P. 20 Bungay, G. W„ P. 50 “ Bungtown Riflemen,” P. 95 Bunker Hill, battle of, celebrated at Alexandria, Va., D. 105 celebrated at Boston, D. 106 celebrated in Virginia, P. 125 Burgvien, E., Gen., D. 43 Burgess, John I., D. 59 Burlingame, Anson, at Paris, D. 85 Burleigh, W. H., P. 61 Burns, William, D. 29 Burnet, J. B., wife of, D. 46 Burnside, A. E., Colonel, Rhode Isl¬ and Regiment, Doc. 124 Burton, Wm., Gov. of Delaware, D. 46 proclamation, April 26, Doc. 155 Benton's six footers, anecdote of, P. 189 Busbee, George, D. 105 Bush River, Md., bridge at, burned, D. 35 Butler, B F., Brig. -General, D. 35 congratulates his troops on their success at Annapolis, D. 40 takes possession of Annapolis, D. 42 threatens to arrest the Maryland Legislature, D. 45 notices of, D. 49, 58, 61, 66, 69, 70, 71, 74, 76, 80, S3, 91 appointed Major-General, D. 72, 73 at Fort Monroe, D. 75 visits Hampton, Va., D. 78 anecdote of, P. 56 his African descent, D. 86 on fugitive slaves, D. 86 letter to Gov. Hicks, Doc. 144 general orders at Relay House, M Daly, Charles P., Judge, patriot¬ ism of his wife, D. 73 ; Doc. 185 speech to the 7th Regt ,N.Y. S.V., Doc. 273 “ Dana,” U. S. schooner, seized, 1). 14 “Daniel Webster,” steamer, D. 45 Danville (Ky.) Review. Dr. Breck¬ inridge’s' article against seces¬ sion. in, D. 99 Dare, Colonel, D. 95 Davis, Edward W„ D. 83 Davis, Ira P., speech at N. Y., Doc. 102 Davis, Jefferson, retires from the U. S. senate, D. 15 elected president of 8. C., D. 17 inaugurated at Montgomery, D. IT inaugural address of, Doc. 81 appoints his cabinet, D. 17, 1$ his position towards Texas, D. 19 makes a military requisition on Alabama, D. 21 speech of, on leaving the U. S. senate, Doc. 22 his proclamation of April 17th of¬ fering letters of marque, Doc. 71 war message of April 29, Doc. 167 proclamation for a fast, Doc. 274 arrival at Richmond, May 29, D. 84 serenaded at Richmond, D. 90 instructions to privateers, Doc. 272 speech at Richmond, June 1, Doc. 322 reply to the President's proclama¬ tion, D. 26 message to Southern Congress, April 29, D. 50 an epigram on his proclamation for a fast, P. 144 approved repudiation, D. 74 to the Md. commissioners, Doc. 362 command of the Southern armv offered to, I5. 20 “Not a Secessionist,” P. 21 wishes a “ cessation of hostilities,” D. 100 his advertisement for coffins, P. 42 Norwich editors, present to, P. 24 at Charleston, Feb. 25, P. 23 compared with Lincoln, P. 128 a method of disposing of, P. 181 personal appearance of, P. 24 a Boston sculptor's offer for, P. 96 remarks on anti-slavery, Int. 46 supposed correspondence with Gov. Magoffin, I*. 125 see the traitor's plot, P. 89 epigram on, P. 118 Davis, - , Lieut., at Fort Moul¬ trie, D. 6 Davis, Varina, wife of Jefferson Davis, letter from, P. 71 Day, William F., D. 84 “ Daylight,” steamer, D. 48 Dayton, W. L., D. 85; Doc. 191 Dayton, O., Child’s rifle co. of, D. S3 Dean, Gilbert, Doc. 185 Dean, William, Rhode Island, D. 45 Declaration of Independence, re¬ cognizes a People , Int. 11 Delaware refuses to join the S.C., D. 9 added to the military department of Washington, D. 83 volunteers from, D. 46 De Mille, James, P. 78 Davison, Mary A. P. 142 De Rusey. Colonel, rebel, D. 105 Detroit, Mich., meetings at, D. 25, 43 Devens, Charles, Major, D. 37 Dewey, Orville, D. D., D. 103 Dickson, David L, P. 73 “ Dictator,” one wanted in Ya.. D. 61 Dickinson, - , inventor of Wi- nans’ steam-gun, D. 66 Dickinson, Daniel S., D. 67 speech at N. Y., April 20, Doc. 85 Dickinson, II., commissioner of Mississippi, invites Delaware to join the Southern Confeder¬ acy, D, 9 District of Columbia, organization of the militia of, D. 9, 112 Dix, D. L., her circular address to volunteer nurses. Doc. 810 department of nurses, D. 84 Dix, John A., D. 16; Doc. 27 appointed Major-General of State of New York, D. 59 speech of, at N. Y., April 20, Doc. 82 appointed Major-General in the United States Army, D. 103 Doc. 862 Dix, Timothy, D. 59 “Dixie,” D. 108 origin of the song of, , P. 118 by Albert Pike, P. 106 the Michigan Patriots’ Song, P. 78 Dixon, Archie, speech at Louis¬ ville, Ky., April IS, Doc. 74 Dobbin, Geobgk W., D. 58; Doc. 128 INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. T Dodge, William E., D. 32; Doc. 93 “ Dodge,” revenue cutter seized, D. 18 Dodge's, - , battery, D. 92 *• Dolphin,” cutter, seized, D. 10 Donald, Colonel, of Miss., a home- spun party at the house of, P. 25 Donklson, Andrew Jackson, P. 138 Dorchester, Mass., liberality of, D. 58 Dorr, J. C. R., P. & Doubleday, - , his battery, D. 92 Douglas, S. A., his opinion of the right of secession, P. 41 his remarks on the position of General Scott, Doc. 121 speech at Chicago, III., Doc. 298 speech before the Illinois Legisla¬ ture, D. 45 death of, D. 91 dying words of, P. 110 Dover, Delaware, meeting at, D. 103 Dover, N. H., Union meeting at, D. 25 Draper. Simeon, D. 52 “Dr. Watts to Jonathan,” P. 99 Duganne, A. J. H., P. 19 Dummer, C. II., D. 28 Dumont, E., report of the battle of Philippi, Va, Doc. 333 Duncombe T. (Eng.), D. 83 speech in the English House of Commons, May 23, Doc. 302 Dunkirk, N. Y., meeting at, D. 35 Duryea, A., Col., D. 77, 82; Doc. 271 at Hampton, Va., D. 80 proclamation to the people of Hampton, Va., Doc. 296 report of the battle at Great Bethel, Va., Doc. 358 Duryea, Lieut., D. 91 D'Utassy, Frederick Geo., Col., Garibaldi Guard, D. 84; Doc. 30T E Eagle Henry, commander of U. S. steamer Star, Doc. 261 East Baltimore, Md., Union meet¬ ing in, D. 50, 69 patriotic resolutions of, Doc. 243 East Fairhaven, Mass., secession flag at, P. 40 Easton, Md., expedition to, D. 96 Eaton, Rev. Dr., D. 57 Edinburgh Review, quoted, Int. 5 Edwards, J. W., D. 39; Doc. 135 Edwards’ Ferry, skirmish at, D. 105 Eiirman, W. G. H., P. 60 “Ein Feste Burg ist Unser Gott,” Luther's Hymn, P. 85 Einstein Max. Col., Twenty-Sec- o id Penn. Regt., Doc. 412 Electoral Vote, 1861, counting the, at Washington, Doc. 31 Elizabethtown, N. J., flag raising at. D. 84 Ellieott's Mills, Ky., secessionists dispersed at, D. 95 Elliott's debates, Int. 13 Elliott, 8. M., Lieut-Col., of the N. Y. 79th Regt., D. 90; Doc. 329 Ellis, John W., Governor of North Carolina, seizes the forts, D. 9 correspondence with Secretary Holt, D. 12; Doc. IS his reply to Sec. Cameron, D. 29 calls for volunteers, D. 37, 39 deprecates the policy of President Lincoln, D.46 proclamation of. in relation to President Lincoln’s call for troops, Doc. 155 Ellsworth's Zouaves, departure of, from New York, D. 59; Doc. 165 anecdotes of, P. 81 arrival at Washington, D. 53 enter Alexandria, D. 78 Kliswokth, E. E, Col., killed at Alexandria, Va., D. 79 ; Doc. 277 letter to his parents. Doc. 281 funeral of, at Washington, D. 80 notices of, P. 89 ; Doc. 165 “ Colonel Ellsworth,” a poem, by Bain Whiting, P. 118 “Elmer E. Ellsworth,” an extem¬ pore, P. 102 Ely, Lieut., of Penn. Fifth, editor of the “ Expedition,” D. 97 England, Union with Ireland and Scotland, Int. 16 will recognize the S. C., D. 16 Consul of, at Charleston, P. 21 effect of the attack on Fort Sum¬ ter, in D. 62 rebel commissioners in, P. 130 debate in the House of Commons on American affairs, Doc. 301 debate in the House of Commons on the blockade, D. 83 action of, in reference to priva¬ teers, D. 91 discussions in the House of Lords in, on the Queen’s Proclamation of Neutrality, Doc. 247 opinions of the English Press Doc. 251 press on American affairs, Doc. 132 opinion of the civil war, Doc. 232 London News on the war, Doc. 311 English protest against Southern recognition, Doc. 41 EN8WORTH, H. B., D. 103 “ Enul,” poetry by, P. 34 Epigrams, on Gen. Wool’s letter, P. 20 on South Carolina, P. 70 Episcopal church, of New York, D. 46 resolutions of the Alabama, D. 65 action of the Massachusetts, D. 66 of Maryland, D. 71 See Bishop Whittingham. “ E Pluribus Unum,” P. 150 Erie, Pa., war resolutions of, D. 26 “ Ethan Spike” on the secession of Hornby, P. 22 Etheridge, Emerson, speech at Louisville, Ky., D. 82 Eubank, John L„ secretary of the Virginia convention, Doc. 70 Europe, S. C. agents in, D. 76 Bvarts, W illiam M., speech at the Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. 92 Everett, Edward, address of, at New York, July 4,1861, Int. 5 speech at Boston, D. 48, 61 speech at Chester Square, Boston, April 27, Doc. 161 address at Roxbury, Mass., Doc. 2fi5 Everett, - , Lieut.-Col., D. 102, 103 Ewing, Andrew, Doc. 138 Ewing, Edwin IT., a traitor, D. 41 speech at Nashville, Doc. 137 “Expedition.” a newspaper of the Penn. Fifth Regiment, D. 97 Fairfax Court House, Va., Lieut. Tompkins’ charge at, D. 89 prisoners recaptured at, D. 90 official reports of the skirmish at, May 31, Doc. 321 rebel account of, Doc. 822 incident of, P. 139 Fales, Fanny, P. 16 Fallon, John O., D. 52 Fall River, Mass., meeting in, D. 34 Farnham, Noaii L., appointed col¬ onel of Fire Zouaves, D. 92 Fast day in the Southern Confede¬ racy, D. 69 in the United States. D. 10; Doc. 17 Faulkner, C. J., Minister, letter to Seward, D. 59 ; Doc. 191 Fay, Richard S„ Major, D. 76 Fayetteville, N. C., arsenal at, seized by Governor Ellis, D. 9, 39 Fearing. IIawkes, Doc. 119 Federal Hill, Baltimore, U. S. en¬ campment at, D. 68 Fei.t.owks, Cornelius. D. 5 Fiddlestring Notes, by Fidelia, P. 149 Field, David Dudley, speech at Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. 113 Fields, T. C., speech at Union meeting, New York, April 20, Doc. 114 Fillmore, Millard, D. 9, 66 Finch, - , patriotism of the family of, P. 95 “ Fire Zouaves.” See Ellsworth, D. 50 anecdotes of, P. 95, 100 Fisii, Daniel, arrested, D. 42, 51 Fisii, Hamilton, speech at the Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. 95 Fish, Ross, Doc. 132 Fisher, Eliza Gray, what one no¬ ble woman can do, P. 101 First Baptist church, New York, flag-raising on the, D. 57 Fishing bounties, Int. 26 Flemming, Thomas M., Dr., D. 97 Fletcher, A. W., I’. 82 Floating battery at Charleston, D. 22 Florida, convention of, meet, D. 9 convention of, on the right to se¬ cede, D. 10 adopts ordinance of secession, D. 18 authorities of, seize the U. S. schooner Dana, D. 14 act of the Legislature of, defining treason, D. 19 troops of, D. 29 Floyd, John B., resigns, IX 7 cause of his resignation, D. 7 New York Journal of Commerce’s apology for, P. 11 banquet to, at Richmond, D. 13 indicted at Washington, D. 16 correspondence with Buchanan in reference to the evacuation of Fort Moultrie, Doc. 10 “ Flunky,” a Yankee word, P. 128 Folger, - , Judge, D. 40 “For Bunker Ilill” sung at the camp of the Massachusetts 5th, June 17, P. 125 Forney, J. W., poem “To Ells¬ worth,” P. 89 “ For we’re a band of niggers,” P. 115 Foreigners, rapid enlistments of, D. 42 Fort Barrancas, Florida, seized, D. 14 Fort Brown surrendered, D. 19 Fort Caswell seized, D. 12 Fort Corcoran, flag-raising at, P. 149 Fort Johnson seized, D. 12 Fort Kearney, Kansas, seized, D. 17 guns at, spiked, D. 66 Fort Macon, N. C., seized, D. 9 Fort Morgan, Mobile Bay, seized, D. 10 Fort Moultrie evacuated, D. 6; Doc. 8 taken possession of by rebels, D. 7, 9 to attack Fort Sumter, P. 12 is repaired by the rebels, D. 18 damage done at the bombardment of, D. 35; Doc. 82 Fort Pickens, Fla., supplies cut off from, D. 19 ; Doc. 42 incidents at, P. 43 notices of, D. 20, 48, 56, 72, 77, 96 a southern opinion of the condi¬ tion of, April 23, P 60 a novel plan to capture, P. 101 the saver of, in prison, P. 144 reinforcement of, D. 42 ; Doc. 162 Fort Pulaski, at Savannah, Ga., seized by State troops, D. 9 Fort Smith, Ark., incident of a pal¬ metto flag raising at, P. 27 seized by the rebels, D. 48 Fort Sumter, taken possession of by Major Anderson, D. 6 notices of, D. 12, 19, 20, withdrawal of Federal troops from, demanded, D. 14 South Carolina offers to buy, D. 16 Charleston Mercury urges an at¬ tack on, D. 16 plans for capturing, D. 11 bombardment of, D. 23 explosion at, D. 25 evacuated, D. 24 how the relieving of, was pre¬ vented, D. 83 effect of the attack on, in Amer¬ ica, D. 24 effect of the attack on, in Eng¬ land, IX 62 English press on the fall of, Doc. 228 the killed at, P. 78, 79 vi REBELLION RECORD to Northern creditors, D. troops of, for Richmond, Va, D. troops of, at Pensacola, 1), arms of the 6tate of, not to be carried out of jurisdiction, D. correspondence between the gov¬ ernor of, and the banks of N. Y., D. rising of slaves in, P. new phase of the seizures of, P. recruiting for the army of, in New York, P. habeas corpus act in, P. See New York, Doc. Minute Men of, tender services to South Carolina, D. 84 9 22 25 42 806 another account of the killed at, P. 97 opinions of the press in refer¬ ence to the movement of Major Anderson at, Doc. 9 action of the N. Y. Chamber of Commerce, in relation to the soldiers of, D. 95 ridiculous rumors about, P. 27, 44 gallantry of Peter Hart at, P. 41 “ Fort Sumter,” a heroic poem in three cantos, P. 91 Fort Washington, Potomac river, garrisoned, D. 11 Forts and fortresses, P. 189 Fortress Monroe, D. 10 Fosdick, Eichard B., P. 56 Fox, - , Capt., visit to Fort Sum¬ ter, D. 19; P.26! Fourth of July to be abolished, P. 22 I Frankfort, Ala., Union resolutions of, D. 19 Frankfort, Ky., Military Institute, patriotic old filer at, P. 40 Frazer, Thomas, P. 122 Frederick, Md., flag presentation at, D. 60 “Freeborn,” steamer, captures two schooners in the Potomac, D. 73 Freedom of speech at the South, P. 40 “ Free Suffrage,” J. M. Mason's let¬ ter on, D. 71 Fremont, John C., in Paris, D. 85 Frieze, Colonel, of E. I., D. 37 “From the South to the North,” P. 107 Frost, C., a poem by, P. 45 Fry, James B., Asst. Adj. Gen. U. S. A. D. 83 ; Doc. 833 Fugitive Slave Law, D. 3 Fuller, Eiciiard, Dr., his sympa¬ thies with the South, D. 63 censured by the Baptists, D. 63 patriotic words of, in I860, P. 97 Fuller, W. J. A., speech at Union Meeting, N. Y., April 20, Doc. 114 “ Fun among the Soldiers,” P. 100 G Gallatin, James, D. 82 ; Doc. 306 Galveston, Texas, seizure of the steamer “Star of the West,” D. 29 military companies formed in, D. 83 Garibaldi Guard leave N. Y., D. 84, notice of, Doc. 307 Gardner, - , Capt., D. 105 Garland, A. H., D. 72 Garnett, - , of Ya., announced the secession of S. O., D. 4 Gasconade river, Col. Siegel at, D. 101 Gatlin, Major, ~ D. 43 Gayare, Charles, D. 5 Gazzani, E. D., D. 55 “General Harney,” lines by Lex¬ ington, P. 141 “ General Parkhill,” ship, seized, D. 74 Geneva, N. Y., P. 40 Georgia, desires co-operation, D. 3 address of, D. 8 resolutions of the Convention of, in response to the resolutions of the legislature of New York, D. 15 the governor of, seizes New York ships, D. 17 “ bullying ” in the elections of, D. 12 secession of, D. 15; Doc. 21 reasons for secession, Int. 24 Governor of, prohibits payment Germans, patriotism of the, D. Streitf's address to the, Doc. Germany, opinions of the press of, on the war in America, Doc. Gibbes, Dr., Surgeon-general of South Carolina, D. report on the casualties at Sum¬ ter, D. Gibbs, Wolcott, D. Giles, - , Judge, of Baltimore, difference with Maj. Morris, D. Gilpin, - , Dr., Doc. Gittings, John S., D. Gleeson, John, N. Y. 09th, P. Globe Bank of Providence, E. I, D. G. M. Smith, prize schooner, D. God and the Eight, P. God for our Native Land, P. God Keep our Army pure, P. God Protect us, P. God Save our Native Land, P. Golden Lead, the brig, seized, D. “ Good-bye, Boys— Pin going,” P. Gosport Navy Yard, Ya., D. incidents of the burning of, P. how it was saved from total de¬ struction, P. account of the burning of, Doc. Gordon, Lieut , at Fairfax Court House, Va., D. Gould, - , judge of Troy, N. Y., D. Grace Church in N. Y., American flag raised on the spire of, P. the flag on, a “ sign of the times,” Doc. Grafton, Ya., evacuated, D. taken possession of by the Federal troops, D. 66, Gray, - , artist, N. Y., Gray, William, of Boston, Great Bethel, Va., battle of, Lieut. Greble’s gallantry at, official reports of the battle D. D. D. P. at, Doc. Confederate account, Doc. Greatly descended men, P. “ Great pop-gun practice,” P. Greble, - -, Lieut., at the battle of Great Bethel, D. his gallantry at Great Bethel, P. Green, Samuel, captured, D. Gregory, Mr., on Southern recog¬ nition, Doc. remarks in the British House of Commons, D. 84; Doc. Grinnell, Joseph, Doc. Grinnell, Moses H. Doc. 109, Griswold, A. W., speech to the officers and soldiers of the Mass. 8th regt. militia, Doc. Gulf City Guaras leave Mobile, D. Gunpowder Creek, Md., bridge at, burned, D. Guthrie, James, speech at Louis¬ ville, Ky., April 18, Doc. Guthrie, T. V., Col. of Ky., D. Gwin, Wm. M. P. II “ Habana,” steamer, purchased by the, D. 29, 129 Habeas Corpus, writ of, refused by Major Morris, D. 69, 82 Hagen, J. C., poem by, P. 121 Hagerstown, Md., flag raising at, D. 47 29 877 265 21 72 96 69 131 71 131 27 68 73 45 104 85 17 17 142 36 54 127 119 89 27 56 175 82 90 56 35 93 147 856 360 109 99 98 147 97 41 803 5 110 81 44 Federal forces at, D. 107 Haggerty', Peter, Capt., D. Haldeman, - , minister, D. Hall, - , Judge, charge to the grand jury at Eochester, D. IIallett, B. F. D. Hamilton, Alexander, Int. Hamilton, Lieut. - , commander of the rebel steam-tug Aid, D. Hamlin, Hannibal, a “ free ne¬ gro,” P. vice-president of the U. S., D. speech at New York, Doc. Hammond, James II., candidate for vice-president of Southern con¬ federacy D. 76 85 84 49 IS 13 10 17 163 14 Hammond, Thomas S., rebel D. Hampton Bonds, Va., blockaded, D. Hampton, Va., rebels attempt to destroy the bridge at, D. Colonel Duryea's proclamation to tho people of, Doc. Hardy, A. II., Commssioner from Miss, to Maryland, Doc. 82 53 78 296 1 9 D. D. D. 51 5 68 Doc. 179 Doc. 237 Doc. 242 D. 17 SO 73 IIardee, Colonel, his Tactics not literary, I’. Ill Harney, - , Gen., arrested, D. 44 released by the rebels, his loyalty, his proclamation, notices of, D. 67, 69, 71, 78 agreement with Gen. Price, D. 74 letter to Col. J. O Fallon, proclamation of, May 11, proclamation of, May 14, “ Harold,” the brig, seized, Harper's Ferry, Md., arsenal at, de stroyed, D. reinforcement of the rebels at, D. Lieut. Jones’s official report of the destruction of public prop¬ erty at, Doc. 72 evacuated by the rebels, D. 103 American flag raised at, D. 104 reasons for its evacuation. Doc. 415 Harrington, - , chancellor of Delaware, D. 103 Harris, Isham G., Gov. of Tenn., his reply to Cameron, D. 89 seizes Tennessee bonds, D. 49 announces a league of that State with tho Confederates, D. 61 message of May 7, Doc. 201 Harrisburg, Pa., first rendezvous for Pa. troops, D. 27 IIarsen, Jacob, M. D., Doc. 311 Hart, Peter, at Fort Sumter, P. 41 Hart, Eosweli,, D. 108 Hartford, Conn., D. 28 IIartyvell, - , Capt., of Mobile, Ala., D. 44 Harvard Medical School, D. 52 Havana, Southern Commissioners at, P. 42 the Confederate flag in, P. 55 Have meyer, Wm. F. Doc. 104 IIayvkins, Eusii C., Colonel, Ninth Bcgt., N. Y. S. V. D. £3 ; Doc. 839 IIaxsey, Tiiomas B., D. 75 Hayne, Col., received by President Buchanan, D. 14, 16 IIeartt, Jonas C., D. 27 Height of Imprudence, Parson Brownlow’s definition of, P. 26 Henry, Alexander, of Pa., Doc. 178 Henry - , mayor of Philadel¬ phia, his speech to a mob, I). address to Lieut. Slemmer, U. S. A., D. Herrick, Moses, wounded, D. “ II. I. Spearing,” bark, D. IIicks, Gov. of Md., declines to re¬ ceive Miss, commissioner, D. refuses to convene Md. legisla¬ ture, D. 7 supported by the citizens of Bal¬ timore, D. 9 his address to tho people of Maryland, D. 11; Doc. 17 his letter to tho Alabama com¬ missioner, D. 12 urges the withd rawal of troops from Maryland, 1). 83 message to Md. legislature, D. 48 notices of, D. 82, 50, 58, 59, 70, 71 proclamation calling for arms, D. 96 reply to the Miss, comm'r. Doc. 1 proclamation to the people of Ma¬ ryland, April 18, Doc. 76 proposes Lord Lyons as a me¬ diator, Doc. 133 letter to Gen. Butler, April 23, Doc. 144 message of, April 27, Doc. 159 letter to, from the citizens of Weverton, Md . Doc. 175 proclamation of, May 14, Doc. 245 proclamation of, ordering the sur¬ render of arms to tho State, Doc. 347 26 100 46 86 8 INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. vii Hill, - , Capt, refused to surren¬ der Fort Brown, Texas, D. 18 Hill, Colonel, rebel, D. 105 Hillman, the steamer, D. 49 Historical Parallels, P. 95 Hitchcock, Roswell D., D. 73, 94 remarks at the New York Bible Society, Doc. 263 Hoag, Joseph, his Latter-day Pro¬ phecy, P. 124 Hoffman, J. T., Doc. 135 “ Hog and Hominy,” P. 96 Hollidaysburg, Pa., military of, leave for Harrisburg, D. 28 Holmes, Oliver Wendell, P. 33, 87 Holt, Joseph, notice of, D. 10 correspondence with Gov. Ellis, of N. C. D. 12 ; Doe. 18 expels General Twiggs, D. 18 letter to J. F. Speed, D. 86 on the pending revolution, Doc. 283 Holt, H. D., M. D., D. 28 Homer, Lieut., at Mobile, Ala., D. 19 Homespun Party, in Miss., P. 25 Hooper, Johnson F., secretary of the Southern Convention, D. 17 Hope, James Barron, P. 145 “ Hornby,” Me., Ethan Spike on the secession of, P. 22 Hotaling, Samuel, D. 39; Doc. 104 Hotchkiss <& Sons of Sharon, Ct., D. 42 Houston, Sam., proclaims the se¬ cession of Texas, D. 18 defines his position, D. 74 speech at Independence, Texas, May 10, Doc. 266 Howard, O. O., Col. Third Maine Regiment, Doc. 344 Howe, Elias, Jr., notice of, D. 92 Howe, S. G., M. D., D. 96 Howe, W. W., P. 30 “ How the B's stung the Chival¬ ry,” P. 143 Hubbard, C. D., Doe. 328 Hubbard, - , artist, N. Y., D. 56 Hudson, II. N., Rev., D. 43 Hudson, N. Y., meeting at, D. 35 Hughes. John, Archbishop of New York, letter to the Union meet¬ ing. New York, April 20, Doc. S9 Hull, Solomon L., Doc. 108 Hunt, Washington, speech at the Union meeting, Doc. 90 Hunt, Wilson G., D. 94 Hunter, - , Senator of Va., D. 49 Huntington, - , artist, N. Y., D. 56 Hyde, P. W., D. 45 Hymn for a Flag Raising, P. 140 Iatan, Mo., secession flag at, D. 91 “ If any one attempts to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot,” Doc. 27 “ Ike ’’ Sumter, a poem by, P. 85 Illinois, troops of, seize arms in the St. Louis Arsenal, D. 44 war enthusiasm of the people, D. 45 Independence, Mo„ action near, D. 107 Indiana, alacrity of the troops of, D. 58 6th Regt, left Cincinnati, O., D. 86 troops at Philippi, D. 91 Indiana Zouaves, notice o t, D. 95 leave Cumberland, Md., D. 100 Indian Trust Fund, D. 5 Indians, the Catawba tribes tender to Gov. Pickens, D. 16 notice of, D. 43 stationed at Harper's Ferry, D. 77 Cberokees in the Southern army, P. 126, 127 iNGRAnAM, D. P„ Judge, D. 40 Ingraham, Henry, D. 27 Ink, Blood, and Tears, the taking of Fort Sumter, ' P. 90 Ireland, union with England, Int. 16 Irish Regular, anecdote of an, P. 57 Irishmen, among the rebels, D. 103 Ironton, Mo., lead seized at, D. 76 Irvine, Colonel, D. 83 Irving, Jim, notice of, P. 150 Ithaca, N. Y., volunteers from, D. 56 “ It is great for our Country to die,” P. 105 Ives, T. P., commissioned in the revenue service, D. 71 Jacobus, J. J., Mrs., P. 136 Jackson, Claiborne F., Gov. of Mo., his reply to Cameron, D. 30 secession sympathies of, D. 55 calls for 50,000 troops, D. 101 evacuates Jefferson City, Mo., D. 104 notices of, D. 47, 107 proclamation, June 12, Doe. 363 Jackson, Andrew, The Three Swords presented to, P. 138 notices of, Doc. 113, 115 Jackson, J. W., the assassin, D. 79 Jackson, Nathaniel J., CoL First Maine Regiment, Doc. 320 Jay, C. W., D. 15 Jay, John, notice of, D. 46 The Great Conspiracy, an address delivered at MountKisco, N. Y., July 4, Doe. 878 James River, Va., blockaded, D. 53 “ Jamestown,” steamer, seized, D. 32 Jameson, Charles D., Colonel Sec¬ ond Maine Regiment, Doc. 256 Jamieson, D. F., D. 3 Janvier, Francis De Haas, P. 14 “ J. C. Swan,” steamer, seized, D. 76 Jefferson City, Mo., evacuated by the rebels, D. 104 “ Jefferson D.” P. 123 Jefferson Territory. See L. W. Bliss. Jefferson, Thomas, Int. 15, 19 Jenifer, Lieut., U. S. A., D. 39 Jersey City, N. J., Union meeting at, D. 28 Johnson, Andrew, in effigy, D. 4 insulted at Lynchburgh, Va., D. 38 narrow escape of, P. 43 Johnson, Bradley F., D. 65 Johnson, - , Col. 1st Reg't N. J. S. M., D. 55 Johnson, Herschell V., voted against the secession of Ga,, D. 15 Johnson, Reverdy, Int. 44; D. 60 speech at Frederick, Md., Doc. 199 Johnson, R. W., D. 72 Jones, Amanda T., P. 74 Jones, Col. Mass. 6th Reg’t, D. 53 Jones, - , judge U. S. District Court of Alabama, adjourned his Court forever, D. 13 Jones, J. Wesley, speech to the soldiers of the Mass. Fifth, P. 82 Jones, R., Lieut., at Harper’s Ferry, D. 80, 34, 54 official report of the destruction of the arsenal at Harper’s Ferry, Doc. 72 Jones, Thomas, Gen., D. 39 Jones, William, Capt., hung, P. 38 Jouett, James E., Lt,. U. 8. N., P. 21 Journal of Commerce, (N. Y.,) its apology for J. B. Floyd, P. 11 “ Julia Mildred,” P. 65 Junkin, Dr„ President of Washing¬ ton College, Ky., resigns, P. 99 K Kallman, Colonel, D. 105 Kane, Marshal, refuses to deliver arms, D. 71 Kapp, Frederic, speech at the Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. 106 Keese, J. Lawrence, killed, D. 62 Keitt, L M-, delegate to Mont¬ gomery Congress, D. 10 Kelly, Colonel, takes possession of Grafton. Va„ D. 82, 86 wounded at Philippi, D. 9L notice of, D. 101 Kensett, J. F., D. 56 Kent, Chancellor, P. 26 27 80 ss 55 74 78 97 Kentucky, reply of the Governor of, to Secretary Cameron, D. the position of, considered by the “National Union,” D. where will she go ? P. the Border counties of, D. neutrality olj D. resolved not to secede, D. address to the people of, by John J. Crittenden and ( there, D. Leonard Strieff's address to the Germans of, Doc. 377 “ Kentucky,” a poem, by “ Estelle,” P. 108 “ Kentucky,” by Mrs. Sophia II. Oliver, P. 134 Kennedy, John P., notice of, D. 9 an appeal to Maryland, Doc. 378 Kenyon, W. S., D. 82 Kerrigan, J. E., his connection with the attack on the Brook¬ lyn Navy Yard, P. Kershaw, - , Colonel, D. Ketciiam, Hiram, speech at the Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. Iveynton, John, P. Key West, forts at, to be seized, D. Lincoln’s proclamation in refer¬ ence to, D. Kilpatrick, Judson, Capt., D. report of the battle of Great Bethel, Va., Doc. 358 Kilbuen, B. W., of Littleton, N. II., P. Kimball, Auguste Cooper, P. “ King Cotton,” a poem, P. King, John E., D. Kingston, N. Y., Union meeting, D. Kingwood, Va., Union meeting at, D. Kirkland, Charles P., speech to the officers and soldiers of the 14th Regiment, N. Y. S. V., Doc. 413 Kirkland, C. P., Jr., Doc. 156 Knights of the Golden Circle, D. 94 Knoxville, Ivy., riot at, D. 60 Koch, Ignatz, Doc. 103 21 51 98 18 10 65 98 71 8 72 82 82 56 53 29 18 95 20 Ladd, Luther C., killed at Balti¬ more, D. Lafayette, Ind., first troops left, D. Laisser, Aller, P. Lake Borgne, La., D. Lamon, - , Col., his interview with Gov. Pickens and Beau¬ regard, D. Lander, - , Col., at Philippi, Ya., Doc. 835 Land of the South, P. 108 Lane, Joseph H., appointed Brig.- Gen. in the U. S. A., D. 105 Lane, Joseph, his orthography, P. 24 Lang, Louis, D. 56 Latham, - , Senator, D. 66 Latham, G. R., Doc. 823 Law and Order. — in the North and in the South, P. 40 Law, George, letter to the Presi¬ dent of the U. S., D.43; Doc. 147 Lawrence, George W., D. 60 Lawrence, Mass., U nion meeting, D. 25 war contributions of, D. Lawrence, - , Col., D Lawyers — meeting of the Bar of New York, Doc. 135 New Orleans Bar in arms, P. 54 Leavenworth, E. W., wife of, D. 46 Lee, Robert E., D. 46 appointed commander-in-chief of rebels, Virginia, D. 39, 65 Lee, Capt., U. S. N., P. 113 LEion, C. C., D. 43 Leffebts, Marshall, Col., D. 83 Doc. 81, 318,319 Leland, Charles Godfrey, P. 5, 15 Leonard, A. F., song by, P. 108 Letcher, John, Governor of Vir¬ ginia. condemns the action of South Carolina, D. 12 28 38 REBELLION RECORD: viii his reply to Cameron, D. 28 recognizes the independence of the Confederate States, D. 29 attempts on Harper's Ferry, D. 80 his experience with the patentee of the “ bullet-mould,” D. 36 censured by the citizens of West¬ ern Virginia, D. 39 releases the Northern ships, D. 43 announces the transfer of Virginia to the Southern Confederacy, D. 45, 4T, 55, 121 proclamation of April 17th, Doc. 70 proclamation of April 24th, Doc. 146 proclamation of April 25th, Doc. 154 reclamation of May 3d, Doc. 1S4 is orders for the destruction of railroad bridges, Ac., Doc. 344 Letters of Marque, D. 71, 78 Jefferson Davis’ proclamation offering, Doc. 71 “Charleston Mercury” on, Doc. 71 confederate act relative to, Doc. 195 Davis’ instructions for, Doc. 272 “ Let us alone,” the reason why the North will not, P. 124 Leverett, Charles Edward, P. 91 “ Lewis Cass,” revenue cutter, D. 16 the seizure of, Doc. 28 Lewis, Colonel, of Pa., D. 67 Lexington, Ky., Union in, D. 39 Liberty, Mo., arsenal at, seized, D. 36 Lincoln, Abraham, “ will be forced from Washington,” D. 5 his life not “ worth a week’s pur¬ chase,” D. 89 arrival at Washington, D. 17 declared president of the U. S., D. 17 inauguration of, D. IS how his inaugural is received, D. 19 refuses to receive the Southern commissioners, D. 22 receives the Virginia commis¬ sioner, D. 24 Issues a proclamation calling for 75,000 troops, D. 25 Its effect in the country, D. 25 Jeff. Davis’ reply to the procla¬ mation of, D 26 denounced by Breckinridge, D. 35 consultation with Mayor Brown, D. 37 “an usurper,” D. 39 his proclamation laughed at, D. 50 supported by the “Toronto Globe,” D. 51 interview with Maryland legisla¬ tive committee, D. 57 address at the flag-raising at Washington, D. 76 response of Gov. Rector to, D. 101 notices of, D. 54, 56, 58, 59, 65 an account of his journey from Harrisburg, Pa., to Washing ton, Doc. 82 conspiracy to assassinate, Doc. 34 inaugural o£ Doc. 86 how his inaugural is received by the people, Doc. 89 speech to the Virginia commis¬ sioners, April 13, Doc. 61 proclamation of April 15th, call¬ ing for 75,000 troops, Doc. 63 opinions of the press of his pro¬ clamations, Doc. 64 proclamation of, announcing the blockade, D. 82 ; Doc. 78 George Wm. Brown’s statement in regard to, Doc. 123 letter from George Law to, Doc 147 proclamation blockading North Carolina and Virginia, Doc. 161 proclamation of May 3, Doc. 185 letter to the Md. authorities. Doc. 193 proclamation relative to Key West, Tortugas, and Santa Ro¬ sa, Doc. 282 described by “Once a Week,” P. 12 will “not compromise,” P. 20 his position described by the “Charleston Mercury,” p. 21 one of his stories, P. 23 * Ole Abe in a terrible fix,” P. 25 receives a five dollar note of the Union Bank of South Carolina, to help pay expenses, P. 27 he “keeps his own counsels,” P. 89 “The Beast,” P. 42 his answers to the Baltimore and Virginia committees, P. 54 rebel misrepresentations of, P. 54 “First Catch the Rabbit,” P. 55 absurd stories about, P. 57 all ready “ to run,” P. 70 his way to enlist soldiers, P. 81 of Quaker proclivities, P. 83 a rebel fragment concerning his cabinet. P. 83 see “ Abe's Saturday,” P. 96 compared with Jeff. Davis, P. 128 his “ foreign relations ” in the con¬ federate army, P. 42, 131 Lindsay, John, the first citizen of “Independent” Virginia, P, 99 Littell. J. S , letter of Gov. R. Iv. Call, of Florida, to, Doc. 416 Little Bethel. Va., battle of, D. 93 “ Little Rhody,” P. 87 Little Rock, Ark., arsenal at, D. 17 Liverpool, Eng., rebel flag in, P. 114 “Liverpool Times,” article on Uni¬ ted States, D. 88 on affairs in America, Doc. 132 “London News,” protest of, against the recognition of a Southern confederacy, D. 19; Doc. 41 article in the, defining the posi¬ tions of the United States and the Southern Confederacy, D. 66 article from, on the war in Amer¬ ica, D. 85; Doc. 311 “London Times,” article on the dis¬ union movement, D. 16; Doc. 25 Russell, the correspondent of, D. 87 Loomis, A. W., D. 25 Lord, Daniel, Doc. 135 Loeing, A., Major, D. 94 Louisiana, flag and seal of, P. 12 troops of, take possession of the United States marine hospital, below New Orleans, D. 13 secession of, D. 16 vote of the Stato on secession, D. 20 ordinance of secession, Doc. 26 Louisville, Ky., Union meeting, D. 32 “Louisville Journal,” quotations from the, P. 23 Loudon and Hampshire Railroad, Va., train attacked on, D. 105 Lovering, W. C., Captain, D. 35 Lovejoy, Owen, anecdote of, P. 20 Low, John II., D. 28 Lowe, T. S. C., reconnoitring by, I). 108 Lowell, Mass., patriotism of, D. 30 Loyal Delaware, P. 122 “ Lucy Larcoin,” poem by, P. 32 “Lumpkiner,” how ho would fight a Yankee, P. 94 Lunt, George, P. 63 Llshington, Franklin, P. 13 Luther's Hymn, P. 85 Lynch, - , Bishop of South Caro¬ lina, celebrates the fall of Sum¬ ter, D. 25 Lyon, Caleb, speech at the Union meeting, New York, April 20, Doe. 94 Lyon, Nathaniel, Gen., answer to the St. Louis police commis¬ sioners, D. 59 captures Camp Jackson, near St. Louis, Mo., D. 66 takes possession of Potosi, Mo., D. 71 seizes the steamer J. C. Swan, D. 76 his parallel, P. 95 takes possession of Jefferson Citv, D. 104 pursues Gov. Jackson, D. 104 at the battle of Boonevillte, D. 107 proclamation of June 17 to the people of Missouri, Doc. 404 proclamation to the people of Mis¬ souri, June 18, Doc. 412 notices of, D. 106, 107, 363 Lyons, George, Colonel, Eighth Regiment, N. Y. 8. M., Doc. 149 Lyons. Lord, to settle the national dispute, D. 89, 101 instructions in reference to Brit¬ ish subjects, D. 103 offered as a mediator. Doc. 138 Magoffin, Beriah, Gov., of Ky., his reply to Sec. Cameron, D. 27 proclamation of, April 24, D. 42 notice of, D. 74 supposed correspondence with Jeff. Davis, P. 125 proclamation of, April 24, Doc. 144 epigram on, P. 149 proclamation of. May 20, Doc. 264 Magratii, - , Lieutenant, D. 17 Magruder, - , Captain, U. S. A., D. 102 Colonel, rebel, D. 106 Maine, the shipowners of, D. 60 First Regiment of Volunteers, D. 87 list of officers of the, Doc. 820 Second Regiment of, D. 86 Second Regt. of Vols., D. 71 ; Doc. 266 Third Regiment of, D. 96 list of officers of, arrival at New York, &c. Doc. 344 Mallins, S. Vale, Corporal, D. 10 Mallory, - , Colonel, his slaves not returned, D. 80 “Manhattan,” the bark, compelled to lower the secession flag, D. 28 Manley, Ann, the heroine, P. 38 Mann, Dudley, interview with George Peabody in London, D. 76 William B., Col., Penn., Doc. 311 Manieree, B. F., D. 94 - , Judge, of Chicago, D. 35 Manning, - — -, appointed to Beau¬ regard's staff, D. 22 Mansfield, - — , General, D. 78, 102 “ Marion Artillery,” of Charleston, S. C., D. 51 Marmaduke, J. S., Colonel, D. 107 Doc. 410 Marr, John Q., killed at Fairfax Court House, Va., D. 89 ; Doc. 822 Marseillaise, The, D. 72 Marsh, Luther R., Doc. 135 Marshall, Charles H., Doc. 93 Marshall, Thomas M„ D. 25 “Martha J. Ward,” ship, seized, D. 17 Martial law, definition of P. 26 Martinsburg.Va., Union meeting, D. 68 Marriage in the poor-house of Tole¬ do, Ohio, P. 39 “ Mary Clinton,” ship, captured, D. 87 Maryland, disunionism in, D. 7, 8 Governor Hicks’ address to, D. 11 added to the military department of Washington, D. 33 citizens of, visit President Lin¬ coln, D. 88 Legislature of, meet, D. 45 secession in, defeated, D. 50 Legislative committee of, D. 57 the Legislative committee of, to President Lincoln, D. 67, 58 asks a cessation of the war, D. 66 report of the commissioners of the Legislature of, relative to their visit to Montgomery, Ala., D. 100 a “ unit for the South,” P. 69 report of the commissioners of, appointed to confer with Presi¬ dent Lincoln, Doe. 190 President Lincoln’s letter to the convention of, Doc. 193 the Legislature of, sympathizes with the South, Doc. 233 “ Maryland,” a ballad, by “ R.,” P. 93 Maryland Guard at Richmond, I). 96 Mason, Caroline A., P. 87 Mason, J M., extraordinary letter of, on suffrage, D. 71 speech at Richmond, Va., to the soldiers of Md., D. 96 ; Doc. 346 on the election in Virginia, Doc. 254 reply to R. C. Winthrop, P. 21 Massachusetts, Legislature of, ten¬ ders aid to the Federal Govern¬ ment, D. 16 INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. IX military begin to concentrate, D. 28 the Episcopal church in, D. 66 the war spirit in, D. 48 soldiers of, all cobblers, P. 81 tribute to the patriotism of, P. 67, 71 how she is enabled to send troops, P. 70 First Regiment of, D. 60 left Boston, D. 104 officers of the, Doc. 877 arrive at Washington, D. 107 Fourth Regiment of, landed at Fortress Monroe, D. 85; Doc. 119 anecdote of, P. 28 Fifth Regiment of, D. 88, 92 flag presentation to, on the march, at Washington, P. 82 Sixth Regiment of Militia passed through Now York, D. 82 attacked in Baltimore, D. 83 the murdered soldiers of, D. 53 anecdote of, P. 57 Eigh h Regiment of, D. 35 at Annapolis, D. 40 exploits of the members of, P. 80 anecdotes of the, P. 55 list of officers, Doc. 81 letter and resolutions of the 8th Regiment of, in reference to the 7th Regiment N. Y. S. M., Doc. 318 Maury, M. F.. his treachery, P. 40 May, R. L., Lieut , U. S. N., Doc. 236 McClellan, George B., appointed major-general, D. 65, 72 In Western Virginia, D. 81 proclamation to the peoplo of Western Virginia, May 26, Doc. 293 address to the army, Doc. 293 rote of thanks to, D. 101 “McClelland,” cutter, papers re¬ lating to the seizuro of, Doc. 27, 2S McClixtock, John, Dr., at London, D. 76; Doc. 269 speech in Paris, D. 85 McConihe, Isaac, D. 27 McCook, A. D., Colonel First Regi¬ ment, Ohio troops, D. 77 ; Doc. 271 McCook, - , Dr., D. 25 McCook, - , Midshipman, D. 73 McCullough, Ben, notices of, D. 22, 74 a favorite of Buchanan, P. 24 McCurdy, R. H., D. 32 ; Doc. 82 MoDougall, - . Senator, D. 66 McDowell, Irwin, Gen., in com¬ mand in Virginia, D. 82, S3, Doc. 321 proclaipation, in relation to dam¬ ages caused by the war, Doc. 333 his head-quarters, P. 101 McEwin, - , Mrs., heroic action of, P. 180 McGowan, JonN, Capt., eommand- er of Star of the West, D. 11 his report of the attack on the Star of the West, Doc. 21 McGowan, - , appointed to Beau- regard's staff, D. 22 McGuire, J. C\, papers of. Int. 20 MoKnigiit, James, Capt., of Ring- gold Artillery, D. 27 MoLane, Rev. Dr., D. 38 McLane, Major, D. 74 McLaughlin. Augustus, D. 96 McLaughlin, Charles, P. 56 McLenan, Alexander, Rev., , nnec- dote of, P. 54 MoQuade, James, Col., 14th Regi- inent N. Y. S. V., Doc. 415 MoQuoid, C. C., D. 36 McQueen, - . of S. C., D. 5 McQueen, John, Doc. 8 McSpedon, William, captures a secession flag, D. 77 Meagher. Thomas Francis, D. 72 Means, - , appointed to Beaure¬ gard's staff, D. 22 Mbmminger, C. G., delegate to Southern Congress, D. 10 presents a young ladles’ flag to Southern Congress, D. 17 Secretary of the Treasury, South¬ ern Confederacy, D. 17 speech of, in the Southern Con¬ gress, Feb. 9, Doc. 80 Memphis, Tenn., secession at, D. 4 Union meeting at, D. 7 American flag buried at, D. 88, P. 84 postal facilities with,suspended, D. 70 Merryman, John, arrested, D. 82 Taney’s opinion in the case of, D. 92 Mexico, troops of, to attack Texas, P. 26 Michigan, First Regiment, enters Alexandria, Va., D. 79 Third Regiment Volunteers, D. 102 exploit of the soldiers of, near Alexandria, P. 113 Michigan City, Ind., Union meeting at, D. 29 Middletown, N. Y., Union meeting at, D. 29, 36 Milledgeville, Ga., rejoicings at, on account of the secession of the State, D. 15 Military departments of the United States, D. 46, 65, 83 ; Doc. 155, 310 Miller, Col., 4th Regt. N. J. S. M., D. 55 Miller, Willis L., Mrs., P. 106 Minnesota, flagship, sailed from Bos¬ ton, D. 61 Mississippi, commissioner of, at Bal¬ timore, D. 3 commissioners of, at Raleigh, D. 3 delegates of, advise secession, D. 11 convention of, organized, D. 12 secession of, D. 13 troops of, at Harper’s Ferry, D. 73 Mississippi River, the North will not give up the control of, Int. 40 free navigation of, guaranteed by the Southern Confederacy, steamers abandoned on, blockade of the, lississippi, the frigate, injured Missouri, State convention of, secession in, the sovereignty of, troops organize under Gov. J son, First Regiment of, Second Regiment of, Doc.408,411 movements of Gov. Jackson in, D. 102 Mitchell, O. M., speech at. the Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. 103 Mobile, Ala., secession of South Car¬ olina celebrated at, D. 4 secession majority in, D. 5 arsenal at, seized, D. 10 U. States supplies seized at, D. 19 effect of Lincoln's war procla¬ mation in, D. 25 women of, D. 58 harbor of, blockaded, D. 82 secession celebration at, Doc. 20 “ Molly’s Dream,” P. 128 Monocacy Bridge, Md., attempt to destroy, D. 68 Monroe, James, Int. 15 Montague, Lt.-Gov., of Va., D. 14 Montgomery, A., Capt., D. 43 Montgomery, Ala., secession flag raised at, D. 13 Southern convention met at, D. 16 list of delegates to the Southern convention at, Doc. 29 Moody, Granville, Rev., anecdote of, P. 71 Mooney, T. J., chaplain of the C9th Regiment N. Y. S. M., P. 149 Moore, A C., Capt., D. 78 Moore, - , Gov., of Louisiana, calls for additional troops, D. 41.44, 49 Moorf, n. A., P. 88, 104 Moore, - , British Consul at Rich¬ mond, his unlawful action, P. 56 Moran, John, Quartermaster, D. 85 Morgan, Edwin D., Gov., of New York, issued a call for troops D. 32 letter to the bank officers of New York. Doc. 306 notice of, P. 22 Morgan, George G. W., P. 13, 85 Morgan, Tracy R., D. 67 Morgan and Company, of Nashville, Tenn., good example of P. 89 Morris, George P., P. 86 Morris, W. W., Major, letter to Judge Giles of Baltimore, Doc. 239 Morris, Thomas A., Gen., procla¬ mation at Philippi, Va., D. 96 Brig.-Gen., Doc. 833 proclamation to the citizens of Western Virginia, Juno 8, Doc. 848 Morris’ Island, Charleston harbor, batteries at, D. 8, 20 Morrlsania, N. Y., Union meeting at, D. 40 Morrison, - , Capt., of the cut¬ ter Lewis Cass, D. 16 Morrison, James M., Doc. 806 Morrison, J. G., Jr., raises the U.S. flag at Harper's Ferry, Md., D. 104 MORSS, JOSEPHINE, P. 15 Mortinier, Henry, of Md., Doc. 175 Mort in, A., flag-raising in New York, at the store of, P. 44 Morton, - , Gov., of Indiana, D. 47 Moses, C. Lee, Capt., reply to J. P. Benjamin, P. 132 Moss, J. W., chairman of Wheel¬ ing (Va.) convention, D. 69 Motley, John Lothrop, causes of the war, D. 78; Doc. 209 Mount Vernon, Ind., I). 30 Moulton, R. G., See Whitworth guns, D. 77 Munroe, Timothy, Col. Mass. Sth militia, Doc. 81 Murpiiy, W. D., D. 57 Myers, Theodore Bailey, D. 76, 91 “ My Country,” P. 8 D. 17 D. 47 IV D. 82 D. 77 Naar, - , Judge, of N. J., D. 15 D. 11 Nagle, Colonel, D. 95 D. 55 Napoleon I., Int. 41 D. 59 Napoleon, Ark., Government stores sk- at, seized, D. 89 D. 73 Napton, Col., 3d Regt. N. J. S. M., D. 102 D. 55 Nashville, Tenn., first cannon cast at, D. act of heroism at, P. “ National Guard Marching Song,” P. “ National Union," newspaper of Ky. ; opinion of secession, D. 30 Naval Brigade at Fort Monroe, D. 8S Navigation laws, Int. 26 Neal, John, P. 119 Nebraska put in a state of defence, D. Needham, S. n., died, D. 47, Negroes, actions of the Delaware, in the rebel army, D. to be watched, D. See “ The Cockado Black Dia¬ monds,” P. Negro insurrections in Alabama, P. Newark, N. J., German Union meeting at, D. 26—29 Newcastle, Duke of, order in reference to privateers, Doc. 10S, Newcomb, O., patriotism of the family of, P. New England Society, meeting of, at New York, D. New Hampshire, response to the President’s call for troops, D. patriotism of the banks of, D. First Regiment of volunteers. D. departure of the. Doc. New Jersey, banks of, D legislature of. D. 51 troops leave Bordentown, D. militia of. arrive atWashington. D. 51 180 19 52 53 113 49 84 78 12 413 44 28 28 82 294 30 , 60 66 69 list of officors of the 1st, 2d. 3d, and 4th regiments of. Doc. 191 Now Orleans, La, secession of 8. Carolina celebrated at, D. 4 Southern rights mooting at, D. 6 mint at, seized. D. 16 patriotic woman in, P. 26 opinions of the press of, D. 41, 138 U. S. vessels seized at, D. 78 X REBELLION RECORD: ships seized at, D. Confederate resolutions in refer¬ ence to the seizure of the mint 44 at, Doe. 27 the women of, D. 41, 56 steamers seized at, D. 49 privateering at, D. 68 Mrs. Sarah Sanford tarred and feathered at, D. 69 military review at, Doc. 164 condition of society in, D. 86 abolitionists to be driven from, P. 60 the last American flag in, P. 144 Newport News, cannonade at, D. 93 Newport (It. I.) artillery, account of the, P. 94 Newspapers — compelled to display the American flag, D. 26, 27, 28 New Version of an Old Song, re¬ spectfully dedicated to the " London Times,” P. 120 New York, patriotic resolutions of the legislature of, D. 14, Doc. 21 vessels of seized at the South, D. 17 volunteers of the Western coun¬ ties, D. the War Bill of, D. troops of, called out, D. patriotism of the people of, D. response of the Georgia Conven¬ tion to the legislature of, D. address to the women of, Doc. 158 New York Bible Society, meeting of the, May 19, D. 73, Doc. New York (East) Methodist Confer¬ ence, prayer used at the, D. “ New York Ladies’ Belief Union.” D. Now York University, flag-raising at, D. New York Yacht Club, D. New York “ Evening Post,” D. New York Chamber of Commerce, action of, relative to the sol¬ diers of Forts Sumter and Pickens, D. resolutions of the, April 19, Doc. blockade resolutions of, Doc. New York Home Guard organized, D. New York city, enrolment of Union volunteers at, D. seizure, of arms at, D. 16, meeting of the merchants of, D. Union meeting at, D. 35; Doc. 82 action of the Common Council of, D. 89 war sermons preached in, D. 88 the bench and bar of, D. 40, Doc. 135 meeting of British residents at, D. meeting of the citizens of the 17th Ward in, D. meeting of French residents, D. munitions of war at, seized, D. state of feeling in, after the siege of Fort Sumter, P. 27 ; Doc. threatened burning of, D. 55; Doc. correspondence between the gov¬ ernor of, and bank officers, re¬ lative to the proclamation of the governor of Georgia, Doc. the Home Guard at, Doc. 362 Democratic office-holders, P. 8 “fourteen hundred” policemen required in, to keep down bread riots, P. conditions of peace placarded in, P. reign of terror in, P. mercenary motives of, P. mob law triumphant in, P. New York State Militia, 8econd Begiment of, D. 74 ; Doc. Third Begiment of, D. Fifth Begiment of, Doe. 163 left N Y., D. 49 Sixth Begiment, departure of, D. Seventh Begiment of, leaves New York, D. 34; Doe. at Annapolis, D. arrived at W ashi ngton, D. 262 28 48 54 51 14 95 77 78 89 9 17 82 48 45 48 48 61 185 306 24 54 56 55 70 264 92 notices of, D. 46, 47, 83 how it got to Washington, Doc. 148 religious services at Washing¬ ton, P. 57 enters Virginia, D. 78 officers of the, Doc. 81 anecdote of a member of the, P. 27 return to New York, D. 87 Eighth Begiment left N. Y., D. 42 iist of officers of the, Doc. 142 Ninth Begiment enlist for three years, D. 83; Doc. 801 Twelfth Begiment left N. Y., D. 37 notice of, D. 35 Thirteenth Begiment leaves New York, D. 42 notices of, D. 70, 85 list of officers of, Doc. 141 expedition to Easton, Md., D. 96 anecdote of a soldier in the, P. 126 Fourteenth Begiment leave New York, D. 73 ; Doc. 260 anecdote of a blacksmith in, P. 112 Nineteenth Begiment, D. 94, 95 Twentieth Begiment, D 60 departure of the, Doc. 198 Twenty-fifth Begiment, D. 39, 42, 52 Twenty-eighth Begiment, D. 51, 58 attacked by rebels, D. 90; Doc. 173 Sixty-fifth Begiment, D. 46 j Sixty-ninth Begiment leaves New York, D. 42 list of officers of, D. 73 ; Doc. 141 enters Virginia, D. 7S capture cattle, D. 95 Seventy-first Begiment left New Y'ork, D. 37 letters from the. Doc. 156 notice of, D. 46 Seventy-ninth Begiment, D. 90 list of officers of. Doc. 329 N. Y. State Volunteers, 1st Begt., departure of the, D. 80 ; Doc. 281 Second Begiment, D. 76; Doc. 269 Third Begiment, officers. Doc. 337 Fourth Begiment, officers, Doc. 337 Fifth Begiment, D. 67, 77 ; Doc. 271 Sixth Begiment, D. 102 ; Doe. 366 Seventh Begiment, D. 78; Doc. 273 Eighth Begiment, officers of, Doc. 296 Ninth Begiment, D. 93 ; Doc. 839 t Tenth Begiment, D. 92, 95 i Fourteenth Begiment of, at New York, D. 108; Doc. 413 officers of the. Doc. 415 1 Eighteenth Begiment, D. 108 Twentieth Begiment, D. 82, 102 Doc. 866 1 Ellsworth’s Fire Zouaves, D. 50 | departure of, from N. Y., Doc. 165 I Nicholas, Wilson Cary, Int. 19 Nicholson, - , Judge, speech at Louisville, Ky„ D. 82 “Nina,” guard-boat, D. 6 Norfolk, Va., secession meetirg at, D. 4 secessionists at, threaten the frig¬ ate Brooklyn, i >. 9 movements of secessionists at, D. harbor of, obstructed, D. defences in the harbor of, D. North, the Union feeling of the, January 2, P. the predicted sufferings of the, P. the fighting resources of the, P. subscriptions to the war in the, P. 59 the soldiers of the, described by the Southern press, P. 70 war spirit of the, illustrated, P. 81 religions spirit of the, P. 81 peril of Southerners at the, P. 139 North and South, how they will ap¬ pear when rejoined, P. 39 “ North American Be. view,” Int. 20 “North British Eeview.” on the fu¬ ture of the United States, D. 86 North Carolina, instructions of, to the State convention, D. 3 decides to secede, D. 17 ports of, blockaded, D. 48 First Begiment of volunteors, D. 58 secession of, D. 73 public feeling in, P. 9 insurrectionary schemes iD, P. 10 ordinance of secession of, Doc. 263 ports of, blockaded, Doc. 161 North Dutch church in New York, flag-raising at, D. 50 Northern army, Southern opinions of, P. 39 Northern bravery, Southern ideas of, P. 137 Northern Central Bailroad, Pa., at¬ tempt to destroy the, D. 68 Northern war contributions, D. 60 Northern debts not to be paid, D. 74 repudiated by the South, D. 94 “Northmen, Come Out,” P. 5 Northrop, Col., rebel army, D. 84 Nortiirup, II. D., D. 88 Norton, F. B., P. 3 Norwich, Conn., war spirit in, D. 84 “Norwich (Conn.) Bulletin,” editor of, and Jeff Davis, P. 24 Norwalk. O., Union meeting at, D. 27 Noyes, William Curtis, speech at N. Y., April 20, Doc. Ill “Number One,” by II. D. Sedge- wick, P. 119 Nurses, department of, U. S. A., D. 84 O Oath of allegiance administered at Washington, D. 22 O’Brien, Fitz-James, account of the inarch of the 7th Begiment, N. Y. S. M., Doc. 143 notice of, P. 17 “ Ocean Eagle” captured by priva¬ teer, D. 71 “ Ode for 1S61," by II. Hastings Weld, P. 183 “ Ode to the North and South,” P. 102 O'Donnell, William, P. 56 Ogden, Judge, of N. J., definition of treason, D. 60 Ogdensburg, N. Y., Union at, D. SS war spirit of, P. 81 O'Gor.man, Biciiard, Doc. 135 speech at N. Y , April 20, Doc. 102 Ohio, patriotism of the people of, D. 37 1st and 2d Begiments arrive at Washington, D. 77 ; Doc. 271 troops of, at Grafton, Ya., D. 86 troops at Philippi, D. 91 1st Begiment at Vienna, Va., D. 106 Olden, Gov., message of, D. 51 notice of, D. 60 Old Saybrook, CoDn., Union demon¬ stration at, D. 72 Old Soutli Church, Boston, Mass., flag raised on, D. 53 “Old Virginia,” an extempore, P. 82 Oliver, Sophia II., P. 184 “ Oh ! let the Starry Banner Wave,” P. 62 “On! Brothers, On !” P. 45 “Once a Week,” its account of 10 Abraham Lincoln, P. 12 29 “On Fort Sumter.” P.‘ 19 62 Onondaga, N. Y., Begiment, D. 56 Opdyke, George, D. 32 9 : Original Ode, sung at the Union 9 1 convention, Charleston, S. C., 53 July 4, 1831, P. SO Orr. - . appointed commissioner from S Carolina, D. Osborne, B., speech in the English House of Commons, May 23, Doe. Osgood, Samuel, D D., D. Ottendorfek, O. O , speech at the 302 38 Doc. 108 Union meeting, N. Y Ould, - , District Attorney, “Our Braves in Virginia,” “Our Country, a poem,” “ Our Fatherland,” “ Our Flag,” by W , “Our National Flag,” “ Our Orders,” from the “ Atlantic Monthly,” P. 123 “Our Star-Gemmed Banner,” P. 5 “Out and Fight,” P. 15 D. P. P. P. P. P. 5 65 63 17 75 51 INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. xi Packard Abner B., Doc. 119 “ Palmetto Flag,” the newspaper at Philadelphia, threatened, D. 26 Palmetto Guards, hold Charleston arsenal, D. 8 list of officers of, D. 62 notices of, D. 51 ; Doc. 171 Palmer, Rev., D.D., of New Or¬ leans, D. 83 address to the Washington artil¬ lery, Doc. 300 Park, John C., D. 49 Park Barracks, N. Y., an incident at, P. 112 Paekes, - , of San Francisco, Cal., Doc. 131 Paris, meeting of Americans in, D. 85 Passaic Academy, patriotism at, D. 75 Passaic, N. J., dag-raising at, D. 75, 142 Patriotic contributions, Doc. 197 Patriotic Song, P. 140 Patten, George F., • D. 60 Patterson, - , Gen., threatened by a mob, D. 26 notice of, D. 77 at Chatnbersburg, Pa., D. 91, 92 crosses the Potomac, D. 107 proclamation of, June 3d, Doc. 337 Patterson, Colonel, D. 61 Patton, - , commissary of the 7th N. Y. Regiment Militia, adven¬ ture of, P. 77 Pawnee, U. S. gunboat, D. 22 Paxton. James W., Doc. 828 Peabody, Charles A., Doc. 135 Peabody, Ephraim, P. 63 Peabody, George, D. 76 Peace Convention organized at Washington, D. C., D. 17 its plan of adjustment, D. 18 plan of the, submitted to the U. S. Senate, Feb. 27, 1S61, Doc. 85 Pendergrast, - , Commander, D. 94 Pennsylvania, military preparations in, D. 22 aroused ; passes the war bill, D. 24 added to the military department of Washington, D. 33 volunteers “first at Washington,” See preface ; IX Cl troops leave Philadelphia, D. 84 troops move from Chambersburg, Pa., D. 95 regiments at Hagerstown, Md., D. 107 Northern Central Railroad of, D. 36 lines to speculators in, P. 115 First Regiment of Artillery of, D. Cl First Regiment of Infantry, D. 67 at Edward's Ferry, " D. 105 Fourth Regiment of, D. 61 Fifth Regiment, publish a news¬ paper, I). 97 attacked by the rebels, D. 103 Seventh Regiment of, D. 33 Fourteenth and Fifteenth Regi¬ ments of, D. 91 Twenty-second Regiment of. Doc. 412 Twenty-seventh Regiment of, D. 108 Colonel Mann’s Regiment of, D. 85; Doc. 311 Pensacola, Fla., forts at, D. 10 Navy Yard at, seized, D. 14 state of affairs at, May 9, D. 66 rebel troops at, D. 68 the great Dry Dock at, D. 77 state of the rebel army at. Doc. 186 an incident of the surrender of the Navy Yard at, P. 145 “Pensacola” — To my son, P. 145 Peecival, James G., poem by, P. 105 Perit, Peletiah, ’ D. 82 Petersburg, Va., secession pole de¬ stroyed at, D. 5 Petiiorh, - , Commander, at Castle Pinckney, D. 8 Pettigrew, J. S. of S. C.. P. 8 Pettits, - , Gov. of Miss., pro¬ clamation of, organizing the militia of the State, D. 19 Peyton, Bailie, address to Ten¬ nessee, D. 30 Phelps, Royal, Phelps, J. Wolcott, D. 32 ; Doc. 109 Col., D. 65; Doc. 231 D. 78 of, tender at Hampton, Va., Philadelphia, banks money to the Federal Govern¬ ment, Union pledge at, war feeling in, citizens of, address a letter Gen. Scott, to be burned, Buena Vista volunteers of, Confederate prizes arrive at, troops at Baltimore, submarine boat at, D. 72; Doc. 25S Philadelphia, Wilmington & Balti¬ more Railroad, D. 37 Philippi, Va., battle of, D. 91 D. 25 Prentice, George D., P. 17 D. 26 his retort lo Gen. Pillow, P. 28 D. 34 tells where Kentucky will go, P. 38 to his reply to George Lake, P. 99 D. D. D. D. D. the results of the capture at, P. 114 official report of battle at, Doc. 833 an account of the battle at, Doc. 835 Phillips, Wendell, address on the “ Political Lessons of the Hour,” D. 15 his discourse of April 21, Doc. 125 Phoenix Iron Works, New Orleans, D. 57 Pickens, - , Gov., proclaims 8. C. an independent Slate, D. 5 authorizes seizure of forts, D. 7 notices of, D. 8, 20, 22 sanctions the attack on the “ Star of the West,” D. 13 notice of, D. 14 repudiates Northern debts, D. 94 reply of, to Major Anderson, in reference to the Star of the West, Doc. 19 “Pickens Cadets,” of Charleston, S. C., D. 17 Tierce, E. W., Gen., appointed Brigadier-General, D. S3; Doc. 356 at Great Bethel, Va., D. 98 lettor on battle at Great Bethel, Doc. 360 Pierpont, F. H., Gov. of Western Va., D. 57, 67, Doc. Pierpont, John, Rev., Pierrepont, Edwards, Pike, Albert, song by, Pillow, Gideon, Gen., reply to, Brownlow’s answer to, Epigram on, Pinckney, - , Colonel 328 150 114 P. Doc. P. 106 Prentiss’ P. P. 129 P. 149 N. Y. 6th 28 Regiment, anecdote of, P. 71 Piqua, O., patriotism of, D. 29 Pittsburg, Pa., indignation meet¬ ing at, in reference to the re¬ moval of arms, D. 6 Union resolutions of, D. 6 Union meeting at, IX 25 war excitement at, D. 80 contraband notice at, D. 55 Piracy — defined by Judge Sprague, of Mass., D. 71 Plattsburg, N. Y., P. 81 Plymley, Jonathan, on contra¬ band, P. 6S Point of Rocks, Md., D. 96 Poisoning troops, D. 101 “Political Lessons of the Hour,” Wendell Phillips's Address, D. 15 Poore, - ■, Capt., commander of the Brooklyn, D. 84 Porter. George M., D. 57 Porterfield, S. A., Col., proclama¬ tion of, to the people of North- Western Virginia, Doc. 324, 844 Portland, Me., Union at, D. 16 attempt on powder-house at, D. 52 Postal uffnirs, Southern opinions of, D. mails suspended in the seceded States, D. Confederate orders in reference to the post-office, D. See Confederate post-office. Potosl, Mo., taken possession of. D. account of tho taking of, Doc. 253 Potter. Alonzo, Bishop — letter to a secessionist. Doc. 292 Pratt, George W., Col. 26th Regi¬ ment N. Y. S. M., D. 60 ; Doc. 198 Pratt, - , Gov., of Md., D. 87 Prayer, Bard well’s, at the opening of the Tenn. legislature, D. 65 “ Prayer for tho Times,” Doc. 230 Peentiss, - ,Gen.", interview with Col. Tilghman, D. 60; Doc. 194 reply to Col. Wickliffe, D. 95 Trentiss, - , Rev., of S. C., D. 13 Presbyterians, loyalty of the, D. 74 Price, Sterling, Maj.-Gen. (rebel), proclamation of, June 4, Doc. 338 his plan to maintain peace, IX 74 destroys telegraphs in Mo., D. 104 notices of, D. 7S, 93, 107 “ Privateer No. 1 ” captured, D. 104 Privateers, to be employed by the South, P. 95 activity of, in New Orleans, D. 68, P. 131 where they will carry their prizes, P. 126 England's action upon, D. 91 Duke of Newcastle’s order, Doc. 418 account of the capture of the “ first privateer,” Doe. 375 Prizes, D. 73, 76 Proctor, Edna Dean, P. 3 Prophecy, see Joseph Hoag. Prophecy of the Dead, P. 74 “ Pro Patria,” inscribed to the Sec¬ ond New Hampshire Regiment, by T. Bailey Aldrich, P. 141 I’rocdfit, J. W., a rebel, demands accommodation in N. York, P. 97 Providence, R. I., the banks of, D. 27 Pryor, Roger A., takes a draught of poison at Fort Sumter, P. 27 Putnam, George, 1). D., D. 59 Putnam, Lieut., U. S. A., D. 83 Quakers, war spirit of the, Quimby, Col., Qitinn, Michael, U. S. N., “ Qui transtulit sustinet,” P. 2S I). 84 D. 77 P. 103 K Rafina, Father, raises the 6tars and stripes, D. Railroad bridges destroyed, 1). Raleigh, N. C., “alive with seces¬ sionists,” D. Rand, Edward Sprague, Jr., I’. Randolph, James T., D. Rapin’s History of England, Int. Rappahannock River, Va., block¬ aded, D. Raymond, Henry J., speech at tho Union meeting, N. Y. Doc. Reagan, John II., postmaster-gen¬ eral Confederate States, Doc. 325 Rebels leave Washington, D. 47 “ Rebels,” a poem, P. Rebellion, a new way to settle it, P. Reconstruction, P. Rector, II. M., Gov. of Ark., D. 89, reply to Lincoln, D. 101 ; P. Rector, W. F., proclamation of. de¬ nying the authority of the Fed¬ eral Government at Fort Smith, D. 92; Doc. 838 “ Redemption,” by W. F. L., P. 104 “ Regiments in Buckram,” P. 79 Reid, J. D., D. Relav House, Md., Federal troops it, D. Religious press, spirit of tho, D. on the state of the country, Doc Religious spirit of the Northern army, P. Renshaw, F. B., Lt., a traitor, D. 40 58 57 48 69 17 73 100 66 63 24 43 44 35 58 54 181 81 43 xil REBELLION RECORD: 6 10 Tl 26 45 87 54 44 97 61 53 7 25 82 48 74 56 P. 143 56 113 D. D. P. P. P. Repudiation, Lines on, P. 148 See Southern Repudiation. Requier, A. J., P. 66 Ebucii, Dewitt C., killed at Wil¬ liamsport, Md., D. 93 “ Reveries of War,” by C. J. H., P. 107 Rhett, R. B., Jr., proposes a south¬ ern confederacy, D. delegate to Southern Congress, D. Rhode Island, tribute to, P. 67, “ She will secede,” P. uniform of the regiments of, D. First Regiment of, D. Marine Artillery of, D. 84, troops of, pass through New York, D. regiment of, build a floating bridge, D. Rice, Alexander H., speech at Eoxbury, Mass, D. Richards, W. C., P. 46, Richmond, Va., secession at, D. effect of Lincoln's war proclama¬ tion in, D. Custom-house, &c., seized at, D. the rebel army at, Confederate Congress at, the British Consul at, the Southern capital, reign of terror in, anecdote of a young lady in, Ringgold Flying Artillery at Read¬ ing, Pa., D. 27 Rives, W. C., delegate to Southern Congress, D. 49 speech of, at Atlanta, Ga., P. 95 Rives, W. H., Dr., of Ala., P. 94 “ Robert McClellan,” the revenue cutter, surrendered, D. 16 Robins, Harry, the wife of, P. 14S Robinson, - , Judge, of Troy, N. Y., D. 27 Robinson, - , Judge, of Virginia, offers the command of the Southern army to Gen. Scott, P. 41 Robinson, William, D. 6 Rochester, N. Y., abolition meeting at, D. 14 flag-raising at, D. 103 regiment from, D. 84 Rock Island, Ill., D. 51 Eomeyn, W. H., D. 32 Romney Va., rebels surprised at, D. 101 Roosevelt, J. J., Doc. 135 Ross, - , speech in the U. 8. Sen¬ ate, Feb. 14, 1808, Int. 41 Rossiter, T. P., P. 118 Rodsseau, - , speech in the Ky. Senate, May 21, D. 91 ; Doc. 329 Eoxbury, Mass., flag presentation at, D. 50 war meeting in, D. 61 patriotism of the ladies of, P. 97 Ruffin, Edmund, a “blood-thirsty ruffian," P. 27 Rugglks, Samuel B., speech to tho 20th Regiment N. Y. S. V., D. 102 ; Doe. 365 “ Rule Slaveownia,” P. 88 Runyon, Brig.-Gen., D. 55 Russell, Lord John, on the block¬ ade, D. 83 notices of, D. 91, 801, 303 letter of, to the Lords Commis¬ sioners of tho Admiralty, Doc. 387 Russell, S. P., P. 18 Russell, W. II , correspondent of tho “ London Times,” D. 87 letters to the “ London Times” on American affairs, April 80 and May 1, Doc. 314 his important suggestions to Col. nardee, P. 94 Russia, position of, D. 105 Rust, A., D. 72 S Backendorf, Otto, speech at the Union meeting, N. Y., Don. 107 Bag 1 harbor, patriotism of the citi¬ zens of, D. 42 Salem Zouaves, the, D. 61 anecdote of the bravery of the, P. 40 Sanders, George N., advises tho secession of the border States, P. 21 his method to prevent anarchy, P. 28 his despatch concerning the seces¬ sion of Rhode Island, P. 26 Sandkoud, Maj.-Gen., tenders the whole force of New York mili¬ tia for the support of the Gov¬ ernment, D. 14 placed in command of New York troops at Washington, D. 76 relieved by Gen. McDowell, D. 82 Sanford, Edward II., Captain, pa¬ triotic action of the wife of, P. 43 Sanford, Sarah, tarred and feath¬ ered, D. 69 San Francisco, Cal., Union meeting at, D. 66 incident in the marshal's office at, P. 109 Santa Rosa Island, Lincoln's procla¬ mation in reference to, D. 66 Sargent, John, D. 48 Saunders, S. M„ D. 43 Savannah, Ga., Fort Pulaski at, seized by State troops, D. 9 New York ships at, seized, D. 17 port of, blockaded, D. 83 American flag degraded at, P. 70 “ Savannah Republican” criticizes Governor Brown, of Ga., D. 72 Sawyer's rifled cannon, experiment at the Rip Raps, Va., D. 104 Saxe, - , Marshal, his average of the casualties in war, P. 95 Schaffer. Chauncey, D. 46 Schell, Augustus, P. 8 Schenck, Robert C., appointed Brigadier-General, D. 85 notice of, D. 102 speech at Iho Union meeting, New York, April 20, Doc. 93 official report of the ambuscade at Vienna, Va., Doc. 405 Schenectady, N. Y., D. 10 Union meeting at, D. 85 Sciiwarzwaelder, - , Colonel 5th Eegt., N. Y. S. M., Doc. 103 Scotland, union with England, Int. 16 Scott Life Guard, First Regiment of, left New York, D. 92 notice of, Doc. 837 “ Scott and the V eteran,” a poem, P. 102 Scott, Robert S., offered a place in Lincoln’s Cabinet, P. 9 Scott, T. Parkin, D. 29 Scott, Winfield, General, notices of, D. 9, 14, 22 preparing to meet secessionists in Washington, D. 10 rumored resignation of, D. 33 his telegraph " to Senator Critten¬ den, D. 37 notices of, D. 33 ; P. 71 congratulatory letter to, D. 52 the South docs not doubt his loy¬ alty to the United States, D. 63 his residence in New Jersey, D. 84 Southern opinion of, D. 87 general orders for tho protection of railroads in Maryland and Pennsylvania, Doc. 7S “ where he stands,” Doc. 121 his views, Doc. 1-2 letter to, from citizens of Phila¬ delphia, Doc. 178 threatens to resign, P. 9 his advice concerning Snmter, P. 25 his resignation celebrated at Natchez. Miss., P. 28 anecdote of, P. 2S is offered the command of tho Confederates, his reply, P. 41 “The Arch Traitor,” P. 42 a Virginia estimate of, P. 67 scurrilous letter to, P. 97 8eripture, a new version of, P. 96 Scudder, J. W„ D. 28 Seceding States draw their quota of arms in advance, D. 13 “ Seceding Virginia,” a poem, P. 116 Secession, is it revolution? Int. 9 granted right, Int. 9 not authorized by State sovereign¬ ty, Int. 15 as a revolution, Int. 22 why the North should not recog¬ nize, Int. 37 establishes a foreign power on the continent, * Int. 38 cost of Territories claimed by, Int. 39 Mississippi version of, D. 3 S. A. Douglas’s opinion of, P. 41 ordinances, of Alabama, Doc. 19 of Georgia, Doc. 21 of Arkansas, Doc. 259 of Louisiana, Doc. 26 of Texas, Doc. 27 of North Carolina, Doc. 263 of South Carolina, Doc. 2 of Virginia, Doc. 70 Secession song, “ Dixie Land," P. 137 Sedgwick, H. I)., P. 119 “ Send them home tenderly,” P. 60 Seneca's Mills, Md., fight at, D. 103 Sensation press compared with the Southern press, D. 92 Servile insurrection, a part of the Northern programme, I). 81 notice of, D. 92 a significant circular in reference to, P. 144 Seventh Regiment, N. Y. S. M., pa¬ pers relating to the, Doc. 318 Sewell's Point, Va., fight at, D. 73 official account of, Doc 261 rebel account, Doc. 261 Seward, F. W.. notice of, D. 52 Sew'ard, William II., his Union speech in the U. S. Senate, D. 14 6peech at N. Y., Dec. 22, Doc. 4 correspondence with the Confed¬ erate commissioners, D. 19; Doc. refuses to receive the South Caro¬ lina commissioners, D. correspondence with Faulkner, D. 59 ; Doc. 191 notices of, D. 4, 15, 54, 59, 72, 76, 81 Confederate commissioners’ final letter to, Doc. letter to Governor Hicks, in ref¬ erence to the proposed media¬ tion of Lord Lyons, Doc. 138 letter on treason, Doc. 258 anecdote of, P. 98 his head to be placed on a pike, P. 9 notice of, P. Seymour, Almira, P. Shannon, P. C., D. Sharp-shooters, recommendation for the establishment of, P. SnERMAN, - , Gen., of Texas, D. Sherman’s battery passes through Philadelphia, D. at Baltimore, D. SnEPLEY, - , Chief Justice, of Maine, D. 16 Siiillaber, B. P., P. 84 Ship Island, fort at, destroyed, D. 75 Shiuab, Major, U. S. A., D. 96 Shivers, - , Captain, D. 44 “ Shop and Freedom,” P. 1 Sibley, Hiram, D. 35 Sickles, Danif.l E., Colonel, D. 57 Siegel, - , Colonel, at Gasconade River, D Sigourney, Lydia H., P. 4, 32, 84, Sill, - - , Deacon, of Old Sav- brook. Conn., I). Simpson Joseph P., Doc, 116 Sioux Indians, D. 43 Sixtieth Psalm, new version of, P. Skowhegan, Me., the ladies of, P. Si.AiGnT, N. C., I>. Slave representation. Int. Slave-trade, prohibition of, by tho Confederates, P. Slaves, fugitive, Int. returned from Fort Pickens, P. a tax upon the, D. to be murdered by the abolition¬ ists, D. assist in erecting new fortifica¬ tions, D. 92 42 21 49 20 15 25 84 33 42 61 101 91 72 96 28 28 35 23 45 79 75 81 INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. xiR contributions of, to the Confeder¬ ate loan, P. 94 Slavery, interference with, the great greivance of the South, Int. 80 the South opposed to, Int. 82 dissertation on, Int. 83 the increase of, Int. 45 strengthened by the action of the North, Int. 46 the “ Corner-Stone ” of the South¬ ern Confederacy, Doc. 45 the increase of, Doc. 45 the conservatism of; P. 180 Sleeper, J. 8., D. 50 Slkmmer, Lieut., D. 100 Slocum, J. 8., Major, R. I. Regi¬ ment, Doc. 124 Smalley, - , Judge, charge to the Grand Jury of New York, D. 14 Smead, Abner, Lieut., expelled from the U. S. Army, D. 24 Smidt, John C. T., Doc. 135 Smith— a regiment of the name, P. 57 Smith, Abel, Col. 13th Regiment N. Y. S. M., Doc. 143 expedition of, Easton, Md., D. 96 Smith, Albert N., Lieut., Doc. 162 Smith, C. H., speech at Union meeting, New York, Doc. 117 Smith, Caleb M., - D. 76 Smith, Edwin M., D. 52 Smith, Emeline S., P. 51 Smith, Marshall B., D. 75; P. 133 Smith, - , Rev., of Wheeling, D. 62 Smith, Samuel, captures a seces¬ sion flag, D. 77 Smythe, Henry A., D. 77 Snyder, Lieut., U. S. A., narrow escape of, at Fort Monroe, P. 56 " Song for Battle,” by C. B., P. 105 “Song for the Times,” by L. F., P. 64 “Song for the Union,” read at a meeting at Detroit, P. 46 “ Song of Columbia’s Daughters,” P. 51 “Song of the Irish Legion,” P. 73 “Song of the Southern Women, ”P. 65 “ Songs of the Rebels,” P. 19, 85, 64, 91, 106, 136, 145 “Sons of Northern sires arising,” by G. 8. H., P. 89 Soule, Pierre, P. 54 South opposed to slavery, Int. 32 sentiment of the, D. 85 insecurity of life in, P. 10 the programme of, P. 22 celebrations at the, in honor of renowned victories, P. 23 difficulty of travelling in, P. 60 unreliability of the news at, P. 61 the invasion of, ridiculed, P. 79 “Divine Providence with,” P. 82, 132 cannot do without whiskey, P. 84 must prepare for hard times, P. 101 unconquerable “in her own terri¬ tory,” P. Ill for what it fights, P 112 grumbling at the, P. 114 treatment of Northerners in, P. 131 Divine Providence with the, P. 132 South Carolina, members of, retire from Congress, D. 5 cause of the revolution, Int. 24 convention of, met, D. 8 is for civil war, D. 8 secession ordinance passed, Int. 5 D. 4 proclaimed independent, D. 5 commissioners to the Federal Government, D. 6 troops tendered to, D. 7 convention of, orders the fortifi¬ cation of Charleston D. 8 act defining treason in, D. 9 commissioners of, leave Washing¬ ton, D. 9 delegates to the Southern Con¬ gress, D. 10 convention adjourned, D. 11 seizes the funds of the Federal Government, D. 12 the “ hasty action of” condemned by Governor Letcher, D. 12 offers to buy Fort Sumter, D. 16 ratified the Confederate Constitu¬ tion, D. 20 Episcopal Bishop of, D. 25 First Regiment of Doc. 139 left for Virginia, D. 41 fast day in, D. 49 troops of, at Richmond, D. 51 troops at Harper’s Ferry, D. 73 repudiates Northern debts, D. 94 secession ordinance of, Doc. 2 declaration of causes which in¬ duced the secession of, D. 4 ; Doc. 3 letter of the Congressmen of, tak¬ ing leave of the Congress, Doc. 8 correspondence between commis¬ sioners, and Buchanan, Doc. 11 Palmetto Guard, Marine Artillery, and German Artillery of, Doc. 177 College Cadets of, D. 53; Doc. 181 au address of the people of, assem¬ bled in convention, Dec., 1860, to the peoplo of the slavehold¬ ing States, Doc. S96 spirit of the young men of, P. 8 commissioners, threats of the, P. 9 subscribers to State loan, P. 9 to be a “ black Republic,” P. 10 William Aiken and the State loan of P. 12 to abolish Fourth of July, P. 22 versus Alabama, P. 28 epigram on, P. 70 Southern army, greatly descended men in the, P. 109 Southerners and Spartans, P. 22 Southern Confederacy, proposed in South Carolina Convention. D. 6 candidates for President and Vice- President of, D. 14 officers of the cabinet of the, D. 17 organize an army, D. 19 commissioners of, refused an audi¬ ence, D. 21 new flag of the, P. 23 call for troops of the, D. 29 purchase steamerllabana, D. 29 troops of, taking the field. D. 41 Virginia admitted to the, D. 58 league with Tennessee, D. 61 fast-day in the, D. 69, 102 bonds of the, D. 72 Arkansas admitted to, D. 72 agents of, in Europe, D. 76 Commissioners of the, in Eng¬ land, P. 100 constitution of the, Doc. 29 powers of Congress of Doc. 80 correspondence between theCom- missioners of, and Secretary Seward, Doc. 42 final letter of the Commissioners of, to Secretary Seward, Doc. 49 post-office of, ’ Doe. 325 a confederacy of “ Pickens and Stealings,” P. 2S Treasury notes of the, P. 41 Commissioners of the, “ snub¬ bed” in Havana, P. 42 national hymn of the, P. 88 area of the, P. 130 “ Cousin Sally,” a name for, P. 14S the Army Bill of Doc. 40 the army of, D. 48 tho armies of, P. 137 contributions to the loan of P. 94 uniform of the army of, P. 93 Confederate Congress, Act of, de¬ claring a 6tato of war, D. 60 ; Doc. 195 adjourned to Richmond, D. 74 prohibit the exportation of cot¬ ton, D. 81 Act of the, to raise an additional force. &c.. Doc. 219 resolution of for a fast, Doc.243 Act of. prohibiting the payment of debts due the North, Doc. 265 Act relative to the exportation of cotton, Doc. 292 commended for the declaration of war, P. 94 Confederate navy, the first gun for the, D. 57 “ Southern Confederacy,” the edi¬ tor of, gives his opinion of the secession election, D. 13 Southern convention organized, D. 16 agrees to a constitution, D. IT list of delegates to the, Doc. 29 Southern Marseillaise, D. 3 “ Southern Monitor,” newspaper, D. 26 Southern press, opinions of an “ United North,” D. 64 recommends reticence, D. 62, 92 on the issues of the war, P. 67 “ let tho devil take the hind¬ most,” P. 68 ridiculous rumors published in, P. 70 opinions of the, P. 115 See “ Regiments in Buckram." Southern repudiation, D. 35, 45 ; P. 38, 42, 143, See Preface. Southern rights, D. 47 “ Southern Song of Freedom,” P. 92 P. 186 D. 77 “ Southern War-Cry," Spalding, Henry F. Sparks, Jared, LL.D., Int. “ Sparrowgrass,” P. Spartans and Southerners, P. Speed, J. F., Holt’s letter to, D. Spies at Washington, P. Spinola, F. B., Senator, speech at Union meeting, N. Y., April 20, Doc. 112 Sprague, Wm., Judge, of Boston, opinion of piracy, D. charge of. Doc. Sprague, Wm., Governor of R. I., notices of, D. 27, 37, 54 ; P. his “ Rhode Islanders,” Doc. “ A Secessionist,” P. lines inscribed to, P. Sprague, J. T., Major U. S. A., D. letter on affairs in Texas, Doe. 232 Spring, Gardiner, D. D., prayer at the Union meeting in New York, Doc. Springfield, Ill., Union meeting, D. St. Johns, Wm. B., Capt., expelled from the U. S. army. D. St. Louis, Mo., police of demand the removal of U. S. troops, I), orders given to search for arms. &c., d; mistake of Col. Hallman's regi¬ ment in, D how the arms were taken from the arsenal at. Doc. 147 riots in, D. 66 ; Doc. 233 “ St. Nicholas,” steamer, D. 85 Sc. Paul’s Church, N. Y., American flag displayed from, D. “ Stand by the Flag,” P. Stanton, Henry B., P. Stanton, - , Gen., D. “ Star of the West,” steam trans¬ port, left N. Y., D. fired upon in Charleston, D. arrived at N. Y., D. see Major Anderson, Doc. Capt. McGowan’s report concern¬ ing the. Doc. seized at Indianola, Texas. D. 29 ; Doc. 119 putin commission in Confederate navy, D. “ Stars and Bars " advocated, D. “ Stars in my Country's Sky,” P. “Star-Spangled Banner” never to be surrendered by the South.D. sung at the Union meeting, N. Y., April 20, Doc. 117 State sovereignty does not author¬ ize secession, Int. Steam-gun, description of Winans’, Steele, John B. D. Stephens, A. IT., speech at Mil- ledgeville, Ga., Nov. 14, Doc. quotation from. Int. 14 95 22 86 143 71 255 9-1 124 26 46 81 82 35 24 59 72 105 33 74 40 ia li ia 14 19 21 67 20 4 20 15 98 32 219 46 voted against Georgia, elected Vice - President Southern Confederacy, " Corner-Stone," speech the secession of D. the I). of at of 15 IT XIV REBELLION RECORD Savannah, Ga., March 21, D. 19 ; Doc. 44 personal appearance of, P. 24 offered a place in Lincoln's cabi¬ net, P. 9 speech at Richmond, Va., April 22, D. 40; Doc. 134 speech at Atlanta, Ga , April 30, D. 51 ; Doc. 115 speech at Atlanta, Ga., May 23, Doc. 2T0 notice of, D. 76 Stephens, Linton, his action on the secession of Georgia, D. 15 Stetson, C. A., his generosity, P. 28 Stevens, .John A., D. 82; Doc. 806 Steuben Volunteers, of N. Y., D. 78 Stewart, Charles, Com., letter to G. W. Childs, D. 56; Doc. 186 Stewart, A. T., P. 55 his reply to J. P. Sprague, of Memphis, Tenn., P. 100 Stiles, J. W., Colonel, Ninth Regi¬ ment, N. Y. S. M. Doc. 301 Stockbridee, Mass. D. 35 Stoddard, R. II., poems bv, P. 4, 29, 72, 135, 142 Stokes, James II., Capt., Doc. 147 Stone, Charles, Capt., notice of, to organize militia of the District of Columbia, D. 9 notices of, D. S3, 103 Stone, Wm. O., D. 56 Storrs, - , Dr., of Brooklyn, D. 50 Stoughton, E. W., Doc. 135 Stowe, Harriet Beecher, P. 89 Strafford, Dr., of Md., D. 69 Streife, Leonard, address to the Germans of Kentucky, Doc. 877 Strong, Charles E., wife of, D. 102 Strong, George, wife of, presents a stand of colors to the Sixth Regiment, N. Y. S. V., Doc. 367 Struve, Gustavus, speech at the Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. 108 Stryker, Thomas J., of Trenton, N. J., D. 15 Sturgis. Capt., D. 43 Submarine batteries in Virginia, P. 128 Submarine boat at Philadelphia, D. 72 Suffolk Bar, Boston, Mass., D. 49 Sullivan’s Island, earthworks on, D. 8 Sumter. Fort, the investment of, D. 18 intercourse with, cut off, D. 21 the question of reinforcing, P. 25 the condition of. Doc. 26 ; P. 8 rumored relief of, P. 22 Capt. Fox’s visit to, P. 26 to be taken “ without a fight,” P. 24 the fight at, P. 1 the killed at, P. 101 6hot and shell expended during the bombardment of, P. 77 correspondence preceding the at¬ tack on, Doc. 51 the bombardment of, Doc. 52 opinions of the press on the bom¬ bardment of, Doc. 57 feeling in New York after the 6iege of, Doc. 61 Anderson’s official report of the bombardment of, Doc. 76 the sermon preached by the guns of, P. 83 anecdote of the soldiers in, P. 12 an incident of, P. 115 a poem, by an American, P. 33 “Ink, Blood, and Tears,” P. 90 See Fort Sumter. a ballad of 1861, T. 86 a poem by “ Ike,” P. 85 Swift, Warren, Rev., enlisted, D. 33 Syracuse, N. Y., women of, D. 46 Regiment of, D. 84 Talbot, Lieut., U. 8. A., D. 21 Talbot, William, of Md., D. 58 Taliavero, - , Gen., D. 36; Doc. 121 Tallmadue, Grier, Capt., U. S. A. D. 76; Doc. 296 Taney, Chief Justice, at the inaugu¬ ration of Lincoln, D. 18 bis opinion in the case of John Merryman, D. 82, 92 statement in the case of Gen. Cad- wallader, Doc. 801 Tarpan, M. W., Col. First Regt N. H. troops, D. 82 ; Doc. 294 Tappen, Charles B., D. 89 Tariff, the, Int 27 Tap.r, Campbell, Doc. 328 Tarring and feathering at New Or¬ leans, D. C9 at East Fairhaven, P. 40 Taunton, Mass., citizens of, present Major Anderson a sword, D. 85 Taylor, Alfred W., Col. First Scott Life Guard, Doc. 337 Taylor, Bayard, poems by, P. 82, 102 Taylor, Colonel, U. 8. A. See The Traitor’s Plot, P. 30 Taylor, Thomas House, D.D., D. 33 Telegraph, seizures of the, D. 73 destroyed by rebels in Missouri, D. 104 first message from a balloon, D. 108 the absurdities of the, P. 57 Tennessee, address to the citizens of, D. 30 address to the people of, by Nielo S Brown and others, Doc. 71 declaration of independence of, and League with the Southern Confederacy, D. 61 ; Doc. 201, 203 repudiation by the legislature of. See Preface , P. 143 anecdote of a traveller in, P. 23 Second Regt. of Volunteers ar¬ rived at Richmond, D. 74; Doc. 265 Terry, Alfred A., Co!. First Conn. Regiment, D. 66, 68; Doc. 237 Texas, Convention of, passed an act of Secession, D. 16, 18 ordinance of secession of, Doc. 27 Twiggs’ treachery in, D. 17, 18 the military complications in, D. 19 troops from, arrive at N. Y. D. 22 threatened by Mexico, P. 26 U. 8. troops in, captured, D. 43 The Ballad of Cockey’s Field, P. 52 “The Battle Cry,” P.140 “The Battle of Morris Island,” a cheerful tragedy, P. 2 “ The Bones of Washington,” P. 127 “The Call for Volunteers,” P. 53 The Camp War-Song, P. 103 “The Charge on the Twelve Hun¬ dred ;’’ or the Fairfax Stampede, P. 141 “The Cockade Black Diamonds,’ P. 78 “The Crisis,” by J. G. Whittier, P. 123 “The Departure,” P. 63 The First Defeat of the Rebels, Doc. 59 The Flag of Fort Sumter,” P. 2 “ The Gathering,” P. 63 “The Great Bell Roland,” P. 29 “ The Heavenly Omen,” P. 72 “ The Hempen Cravat,” by R. II. Stoddard, P. 142 “The Holy War,” P. 89 “ The Illumination of the City of Richmond,” P. 86 “The Leader,” paper in Canada, extract from, D. 51 “ The Major and his Men,” P. 51 “The March of the Seventh,” by R. 8. O., P. 48 “The Married Volunteer,” P. 121 “ The Massachusetts Line,” by the author of “ The New Priest,” P. 122 “The Massachusetts Regiments,” P. 15 “ The Nation’s Call,” P. 104 “The Nation’s Voice, ’’ P. 133 “The Now Birth,” April 15th, 1861, P. 80 “The New Nation,” from the N.Y. Courier and Enquirer, P. 77 “The New Year and the Union,” by G. W. Prentice, P. 17 “ The Nineteenth of April, 1861,” by Lucy Larcom, P. 31 1 “The Northern Volunteers,” P. 46 “ The Old Rifleman,” P. 64 “ The Ordered Away,” P. 186 “ The Rattlesnake Banner," P. 136 The Rattlesnake’s Fangs, an article on the Baltimore riot of April 19, Doc. 79 “ The Republic,” by W. O. Bourne P. 75 “The Rising of the North,” P. 123 “The Rising of the People,” poem, delivered before the Phi Beta Kappa Society of Harvard Uni¬ versity, by Elbridge Jefferson Cutler, P. 151 “ The Secession Flag,” P. 15 “ The Sentinel of the Seventy -first,” P. 29 “The Seventh,”- P. 17 “The Seventy-ninth,” by Thomas Frazer, P. 122 The Shadow and the Substance, P. 128 “The Sixth at Baltimore,” P. 84 The Soldier's Hymn, P. 140 “ The Southern Malbrook,” a song of the Future, P. 136 “The Southern Yoiurteer’s Fare¬ well to his Wife,” P. 138 The Spotted Hand, a tale, P. 7 The Star of the West, a ballad, P. 92 The Starry Flag, a National song, by John Savage, P. 149 “ The Stars and Bars,” P. 66 “ The Stars and Stripes,” P.14,16 “ The Stripes and Stars,” P. 8 The Traitor’s Plot, P. 39 “The two Eras, April 19, 1775, and April 19, 1861,” P. 34 “The Union, Right or Wrong,” P. 86 “ The United States Flag,” P. 18 “The Uprising of the North,” P. 121 “ The Voices of the Hour,” P. 117 “ The Volunteer,” P. 108 “ The War Storm,” P. 35 “The Will for the Deed,” P. 87 “ The Yankee Y olunteers,” P. 63 “The Yard- Ann Tree,” P. 86 “ The Zouave's Battle Song,” P. 74 Thomas, Gen., D. 108 Thomas, John L., D. 69 Thomas, - , Judge, of Boston, D. 49 Thomasson, H. F., D. 72 Thompson, George W., Judge, D. 82 proclamation, at Wheeling, Va., May 28, Doc. 295 Thompson, - , judge, speech at Union meeting, N.Y., Doc. 113 Thompson, Joseph P., D. D., notices of, P. 18; D. 88 Thompson, John B., P. 65 Thompson, W. P., D. 82 Thompson, - , Secretary, commis¬ sioner from Mississippi, D. 5 resigned, D. 12 Tiiouvenel, M , Doc. 191 “Through Baltimore,” the Voice of Pennsvlvania Volunteers, P. 82 Ticknor, I’rank, M. D., P. 64 Tilghman, Lloyd, Col., interview with Col. Prentiss, D. 60; Doc. 194 Tilton, Theodore, P. 29 “ To Arms ! ” by M. P. Lowe, P. 50 “ To Arms ! ” by II. A. Moore, P. 68 Tobacco, a Confederate gun charged with, P. 79 “To Ellsworth,” by John W. For¬ ney, P. 89 “To Massachusetts Soldiers,” P. 2 Tompkins, Chas. H., Lieut, charge at Fairfax Court House, Va., D. 89 official report of the surprise at Fairfax Court House, Va., Doc. 321 Tompkins, - , Col. Rhode Island Artillery, D. 84 Tompkins, 8. W. B., Col., Doc. 264 “ Too good to be lost,” P. 94 Toombs, Robert, his telegram, D. 5 his arrest spoken of, D. 12 correspondence with Mayor Wood, D. 16 ; Doc. 26 Secretary of State, S. C., D. 17 Address to the people of Georgia, Dec. 23, 1860, Doc. 7 Toronto Globe, extract from, D. 36 INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. IT article on the impatience of the North, D. 51 “To the American People,” by Bayard Taylor, P. 61 “To the British Rifle Company,” P. 13 “To the Flag of the Southern American Secessionists, flying in a British Port,” P. 120 “To the Men of the North and West.” P. 4 “ To the Third Regiment of Maine,” by W. C. Baker, P. 142 “To the Tories of Virginia,” P. 14T “To the Washington Artillery,” P. 137 Townsend, Frederick, Col. 3d Regiment N. Y. S. V., Doc. 337 Townsend, Martin J., D. 27 Tracy, Charles, address to the officers and soldiers of the 14th N. Y. S. V., Doc. 414 Trappman, William, escapes to Europe, D. 101 Treason, what it is in South Caro¬ lina, D. 9 defined by Judge Ogden, D. 60 Trenton, N. J., Union resolutions of; D. 15 Trescott, - , his diplomatic his¬ tory, ' Int. 13 Trimble, - , Gen., of Baltimore, his clearance papers, P. 80 Trimble. J. R., Colonel, Doc. 134 Trinity Church, N. Y., American flag displayed from, D. 33 Tripp, - , Capt, D. 30 Troy, N. Y., Union meeting at, D. 27 Tucker, - , Attorney-Gen , D. 14 Tucker, St. George, of Va., his Dissertation on Slavery, Int. 33 Twtogs, David E , Gen., surren¬ ders U. S. property in Texas, D. 17 expelled from U S service, D. 13 his treachery approved, D. 22 a favorite of Buchanan, P. 24 in command of Louisiana dept. D. 86 appointed Major-General in tho Confederate army, D. 90 notice of, D. 95 amount of property lost by tho treason of, Doc. 35 his letter to Buchanan, P. 131 Tyler, B. O., Captain, U. S. A., D. S3 — — , Captain, U. S. A., D. 63 - , Captain of Boston volun¬ teers, D. 66 Daniel, Colonel 1st Connecticut Regiment, D. 105; Doc. 245 - , Corporal, incident of his ex¬ perience at Baltimore, P. 109 John, notice of, D. 4 president of the Peace Conven¬ tion, D. 17 his residence Hampton, Va., D. 78 secession flag taken from tho house of, D. 91 Robert, D. 26 Ttng, Stephen II., D.D., D. 73, 94 ; Doc. 263 Tyrone, Pa., Union meeting at, D. 27 military of, leave for Harrisburg, D. 23 U Underwood, - , Lieutenant, D. 7 “Under the Washington Elm,” Cambridge, April 27, 1861, P. 83 Union meeting, at N. Y. Doc. — committee of finance Doc. 93 Union Defence Committee of New York, Doc. 319 “ United North,” Southern opinions of, D. 54 United States, prosperous condition of, in 1S60, Int. 5 Constitution of, “a suitable basis for that of the Southern Con¬ federacy,” D. 6 fast-day in the, D. 10 the fleet of, off Charleston, D. 21 is the government of tyrannical ? Int. 22 list of conspiracies against, P. 25 vessels of the navy of provided with engines to throw hot wa¬ ter, Ac., P. 59 declarat on of war against the, by the Southern Congress, D. 60 “ London News” on the position of, D. 66 vessels of, seized at New Orleans, D. 78 the future of D. 86 address to the people of by citi¬ zens of Kentucky, D. 97 men and Confederates, P. 24 sanitary commission of, D. 96 troops encamp in Baltimore, D. 68 apportionment of, D. 68 ; Doc. 237 enter Virginia, D. 78 movements from St. Louis, D. 102 attempt to poison, D. 78 United States Army, the oath of allegiance administered to, D. 65 geographical arrangement of D. 84 “Charleston Mercury’s” opinion of the, D. 87 United States Congress, an extra session of, called, D. 25 United Turner Rifles leave New York, D. 102 “ Up, Brothers, All,” P. 16 Utica, N. Y., Union meeting at, D. 35 Van Buren, W. H., M. D., D. 96 Vance, J. C., Captain, D. 78 Van Dorn, - , Colonel, D. 43 seizes the Star of the West, Doc. 119 captures U. S. troops at Saluria, Texas, Doc. 146 “ Vanity Fair,” Joseph Lane's letter to, P. 24 Van Riper, Benjamin. D. 28 V an W yck, Charles II., D. 36 Vermilyea, - , Rev. Dr., Doc. 110 Vermont, 1st Regt. of, D. 65 ; Doc. 231 at Hampton, Va., D. 78 experiences of the, at Fortress Monroe, D. 97 a private account of the opera¬ tions of the, at Newport News, Va., Doc. 348 Victoria, Queen, proclamation of neutrality of, Doc. 245 Vicksburg, Miss., artillery ordered 75 77 81 82 86 90 92 r I to, by tho rebels, D. 14 Viele, Egbert L., Captain, D. 48 Vienna, Va., ambuscade at, D. 106 reports of the surprise at. Doc. 405 rebel account of the affair, Doc. 407 Vinton, Francis L.,D.D., prayer at the Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. 95 Virginia attempts to establish re¬ served rights, in 1787, Int. 17 resolutions of 1798, Int. 18 See W estern Virginia, disunionists in, D. 8 regrets an attempt at secession, D. 20 commissioners from, are received by tho President, D. 24 State Convention of, pass the se¬ cession ordinance, D. 29 military and naval commander of, D. 89 transferred to the 8. C. D. 45 Unionists flee from, D. 47 ports of, blockaded, D. 48 delegates to the Southern Con¬ gress, D. 49 the stay law of, D. 50 ladies of, in Washington, I). 50 “ to prepare for tho conflict,” D. 55 admitted to the 8. C. D. 58 wants a dictator, D. 61 to be divided, D. 67 Eastern part of not unanimous for secession, D. 68 Union convention of, met, D. 69 military department of I). 73 troops of at Harper’s Ferry, D. 73 military maps of seized, D. 74 ; P. 125 rebels of, captured, D. rebeis of, capture live stock near Georgetown, D. C., D. Southern opinion of the invasion of, D. First Regiment, volunteers, D. troops of, at Grafton, Va„ D. address of the central committee of North-western, D. affairs in North-eastern, D. persons prohibited from leaving the State, D. 93 mode of levying troops in, D. 93 the convention of Western, D. 101 ports of, blockaded, Doc. 161 to the North, P. 4 message to the Southern States, P. 66 description of the flag of, P. 81 the battle-ground of the South, P. 84 “ the first citizen of.” P. 99 Bunker Hill day celebrated in, P. 125 President Lincoln’s speech to the commissioners of Doc. 61 ordinance of secession of Doc. 70 opinion of the secession of, Doc. 71 ordinance for the adoption of the Provisional Government of the Southern Confederacy, Doc. 154 account of the march of the Fed¬ eral army into, D. 78; Doc. 274 “New York Times” on the ad¬ vance into, Doc. 275 Southern Press on the occupation of. Doc. 276 “ Virginia Sentinel,” The, advocates reticence, D. 46 Voluntary subscriptions in the North for the War, P. 59 Volunteer nurses — instructions to the, Doc. 310 Volunteered, a poem, P. 61 VosBURGH, Abram S., Col., N. Y. 71st S. M., death of, D. 74, 77 W Wade, Benj., Senator, speech at Cleveland, O, D. 27 Wainwrigiit, J. Howard, P. 74 Wakeman, Burr, D. 39 Walden, James, P. 17 Walker, L. Pope, Secretary of War, S. C. D 17, 65 Walker, Robert J., speech at the Union meeting, N. Y. Doc. 88 speech of, at Brooklyn, N. Y., April 22, D. 42 ; Doc. 189 Walker, T. R., D. 36 Wallace, - , Col. of the Indiana Zouaves, D. 95 at Romney, Va., D. 100 Wallace, William Ross, P. 18, 62 Wallis, S. T., Doc. 123 Wallis, S. Teakle, P. 59 W ALRATn, Col., D. 84 Wandel, Jesse, generosity of, P. 41 War, casualties in, average of, P. 95 “ War in America,” tho “ London News ” on the, D. “ War Questions to C. M. Clay,” P. War-Song, P. War-Song, by T. P. Rossiter, P. War-Song of the Free, P. Ward, J II., Capt., U. S. N., at tho bombardment of Acquia Creek, Va, D. report of the action, Doc. 320 Wardp.op, D. W, Col, of Mass, D. 105 Warner, Andrew, Col, Doc. 862 Warren, Richard, speech at the Union meeting, N. Y, Doc Warsaw, Mo, Southern Rights meeting held at, D. 47 Wasiiburne, - , Lieut-Col, at Great Bethel, D. 98 Washington. D. C, secessionists to 85 62 19 118 86 88 108 seize, D. 8 I trouble anticipated at, D. 9 notice of, D. 10 military preparations at, I). 22 threatened raid on, D. 29 the capture of, advocated, P. 42 KVl REBELLION RECORD. flag-raising at, D. 54, 76 council of, resolutions of, D. 51 scheme to attack, D. 59 u Richmond Whig ” on the prob¬ ability of capturing, D. 74 movement of troops at, D. 100 movement of troops from, D. 102 attack on, “never intended by the rebels,” D. 58; Doc. 188 the “ terrible condition ’’ of, de¬ scribed by Southern women, P. 55 “Raleigh Banner” urges the at¬ tack on, P. 59, 60 incident of camp life at, P. 129 Washington Artillery of Charles¬ ton, S. C., Doc. 181 ; D. 53 of New Orleans, Dr. Palmer’s ad¬ dress to the, Doc.300; D. 83 “Washington Elm,” at Cambridge, meeting at the, D. 48 Washington. George, rumored re¬ moval of the remains of, P. 127, 128 poem on the removal of the re¬ mains of, P. 127 “Washington Home Guard,” of Alexandria, Ya., D. 77 Washington, John B., taken at Fairfax Court House, Ya., D. 90 incident of his capture, P. Ill Washington Navy Yard, traitors arrested at, 47 Washington Oath, the, Doc. 158 Washita, Fort, D. 43 Watkins, W. W., D. 72 Waul, General, of Texas, D. 18 Waverly, N. Y., Union at, D. 35 “ Wayne Guards,” the, of Erie, Pa., D. 26 Webber, - , Rev., D. 57 Wedek, Max, Col., 20th Regiment, N. Y. S. V., D. 102 ; Doc. 366 Webster, Fletcher, D. 37 Weed, Thurlow, Doc. 5 Welch, - , Rev., D. D., D. 83 Weld, II. Hastings, Rev., P. 183 Weld, L. L., poem by, P. 103 Weller, M. L., Rev., a soldier in the rebel army, P. 131 Wells, T. D., D. D., D. 88 Wesendonck, Hugo, speech at the Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. 107 Wesleyan Mission Society of Lon¬ don, Dr. McClintock’s speech at, D. 7G Westbrook, G. W., P. 1C Westbrook, Theodore R., D. 32 Westchester, Pa., meeting for the enrolment of volunteers at, I>. 10 Union meeting at, D. 23 Western Pennsylvania Regt. passed through Philadelphia, D. 41 Western Virginia, the first belli¬ gerent issue in, D. 7S declaration of independence, I). 105 advance of the Federal army into, Doc. 296 address of the Central Committee to the people of, Doe. 325 General Morris’ proclamation to the people of. Doc. 848 declaration of the people of, re¬ presented in convention in Wheeling, June 17, Doc.403 on the seizure of Sherrard Cle¬ mens, P. 52 Weston and Williams, of Rich¬ mond. repudiate their debts, P. 48 Weston, S. H., Rev. Dr., preaches at Washington, P. 57 address to the officers and men of the Sixth Regiment N. Y. 8. V-, Doc. 366 D. 77 D. 95 D. 6 D. 12 D. 22 D. 24 D. 84 P. 96 P. ;ts- 137 D. 25 W etmore, Prosper M., D. 82 Weverton, Md., D. 50 letter from the citizens of, to Gov. Hicks, Doc. 175 WnEAT, James 8., Doc. 828 “ Wheatland,” Buchanan’s resi¬ dence, P. 9 Wheeling, Va., Union meetings at, D. 89, 67 meeting of merchants at, D 44 fast-day at, D. 62 meeting at, D. 67 Union Convention met at, D. 69 Convention of Western Virginia met at, D. 101 Whiskey, a necessity of life at the South, P. 8t White Cloud, the Indian Chief, D. 43 Whitehall, N. Y., D. 42 Whiting, Sam., Capt., P. 118 Whitnet, Addison O., killed at Baltimore, D. 53 Wiiitney, Eli, Int. 30 Whittier, John G., P. 85, 123 Wuittingham, Wm. R., Bishop of Md., circular letter of, D. 71; Doc. 252 Whitworth guns, Wickliffe, Col., of Ky., Wigfall, - ■, notice of, his arrest spoken of, on Beauregard’s staff, at Fort Sumter, at Richmond, a Boston sculptor's offer for, on the capturo of Washington, P. 137 Wilkins, - , Judge, at Pitts¬ burg, Pa , Wilkinson, Mrs., of Pittsburg, D. 25 Willard, C. M., D. 45 Willey, W. J., D. 94 “ William Aiken,” the revenue cut¬ ter, surrendered, D. 7 Williams, John E., Doc. 806 Williams, Samuel L., of Stirling, Ky., P. 99 Williams, Thomas, Doc. 116 Williams, Wm. E., D. D., Doc. 307 Williamsport, Md., D. 73 rebels at, D. 89 WTilmington, Del., patriotism, D. 7 Union meeting at, D. 28 action of the council of, D. 80 North Carolina, forts at, seized by Gov. Ellis, D. 9 effect of Lincoln's war proclama¬ tion in, D. 25 Ohio, war spirit of, D. 82 Wilmot, John G., D. 69 Wilson, Andrew, Doc. 828 Wilson, Colonel, Second Regiment, Ohio troops, D. 77 ; Doc. 272 Wilson, William, Colonel, Sixth Regt. N.Y.S.V., D. 102; Doc. 866 speech at the departure of his regiment, Doc. 367 Wilson's Zouaves leave N. Y., D. 102 Winans’ steam-gun, described, P. 98 Winans, Ross, his steam-gun cap¬ tured, D. 66 arrested, D. 59, 70 W inan8, Thomas, notice of, P. 59 IV inser, Lieut., D. 79 Winslow, Lanier & Co., of New York, D. 47 Winthrop, Theodore, Major, anec¬ dote of, D. 105 at Bethel, Doc. 861 Winthrop, B. R., D. 46 Winthrop, R. C., anecdote of; P. 21 Wiscassett, Me., Union at, D. 62 Wise, Henry A., speech at Rich¬ mond, Va., June 1, D. 90; Doc. 82* in the Virginia convention, P. 40 Withers, T. J., delegate to Mont¬ gomery Congress, D. 10 Women, patr.otism of, D. 56; P. 26, 48 of Mobile, Ala., D. 58 address to the, of N. Y., Doc. 158 an incident of, at the South, P. 44 the “terrible condition” of Washington, described by Southern, I’. 55 act as spies in Washington, P. 143 Wood, A. M., Col., fourteenth Regiment, N. Y. S. M., Doc. 260 Wood, - , Dr., U. S. A., D. 96 Wood, Fernando, correspondence with Toombs, D. 16 ; Doc. 26 his proclamation of April 15, D. 27 Doc. 69 speech at the Union meeting. New York, April 20, Doc. 89 the Irish boy's remark to, at the New York Union meeting, P. 59 Wood. Wilmot, D. 52 Woodbury, Charles L., D. 87 Woodiiouse, Lf.yi, Col., Fourth Conn. Regiment, Doc. 862 Woodstock, Vt., D. 42 Woodward, S. II., Doc. 328 Wool, John E., Gen., his declara¬ tion in favor of Union, D. 8 Union speech at Troy, N. Y., D. 27 letters to a friend, Doc. 10 epigram on the letter of, P. 20 Worcester, Dr., of Salem, Mass., anecdote of, P. 96 Worcester, Mass., Third Battalion of Rifles of, D. 87 the young soldier from, P. 80 Worden, - •, the saver of Fort Pickens, P. 144 “Work to do,” P. 29 Wright, D. S., D. 53 Wright, Elizabeth D, P. 51 Wright, J. C.. of Ohio, D. 17; P. 28 “ W. R. Kibby,” the brig, D. 17 Wyman, Jeffries W., D. 96 Wyoming (N. Y.) conference, its substitute for the slavery reso¬ lution, P. 95 Xenia, O., patriotism of; D. 80 Yancey, William L., candidate for President of the Southern Con¬ federacy. D. 14 “Yankee,” steam-tug, joined the blockade, D. 46 “ Yankee Doodle's Suggestions,” P. 16 “ Yankees will be Yankees,” P. 79 proposed method of fighting, P. !M “Tin Peddlers,” P. 109 Yates, - , Gov. of Ill., his proc¬ lamation, D. 25 reasons for the occupation of Cai¬ ro, D. 43 Yonkers, N. Y., Home Guard of, P. 95 York, Pa., review at, D. 68 Yorktown, Ya., Federal expedition near, D. 106 Young Men’s Christian Associa¬ tions of Baltimore, D. 88 of New York, labors in behalf of the religious wants of volun¬ teers, D. H INTEODU 0 T I O ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. address: BY EDWARD EYERETT. When the Congress of the United States, on the 4th of July, 1776, issued the ever memorable Declaration which we commemorate to-day, they deemed that a decent respect for the opinions of mankind required a formal statement of the causes which impelled them to the all-important measure. The eighty-fifth anni¬ versary of the great Declaration finds the loyal people of the Union engaged in a tremendous conflict, to maintain and defend the grand nationality, which was asserted by our Fathers, and to prevent their fair Creation from crumbling into dishonorable Chaos. A great People, gallantly struggling to keep a noble frame¬ work of government from falling into wretched fragments, needs no justification at the tribunal of the public opinion of mankind. But while our patriotic fellow- citizens, who have rallied to the defence of the Union, marshalled by the ablest of living chieftains, are risking their lives in the field ; while the blood of your youthful heroes and ours is poured out together in defence of this precious legacy of constitutional freedom, you will not think it a misappropriation of the hour, if I employ it in showing the justice of the cause in which we are engaged, and the fallacy of the arguments employed by the South, in vindication of the war, alike murderous and suicidal, which she is waging against the Constitution and the Union. PROSPEROUS STATE OF THE COUNTRY LAST YEAR. A twelvemonth ago, nay, six or seven months ago, our country was regarded and spoken of by the rest of the civilized wrorld, as among the most prosperous in the family of nations. It was classed with England, France, and Russia, as one of the four leading powers of the age.f Remote as we were from the complica¬ tions of foreign politics, the extent of our commerce and the efficiency of our navy won for us the respectful consideration of Europe. The United States were par¬ ticularly referred to, on all occasions and in all countries, as an illustration of the mighty influence of free governments in promoting the prosperity of States. In England, notwithstanding some diplomatic collisions on boundary questions and occasional hostile reminiscences of the past, there has hardly been a debate for thirty years in parliament on any topic, in reference to which this country in the * Delivered, by request, at the Academy of Music, New York, July 4, 1SG1. Large portions of this address were, on account of its length, necessarily omitted in the delivery. t The Edinburgh Review for April, 1801, p. 555. 6 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. nature of things afforded matter of comparison, in which it was not referred to as furnishing instructive examples of prosperous enterprise and hopeful progress. At home, the country grew as by enchantment. Its vast geographical extent, aug¬ mented by magnificent accessions of conterminous territory peacefully made ; its population far more rapidly increasing than that of any other country, and swelled by an emigration from Europe such as the world has never before seen ; the mu¬ tually beneficial intercourse between its different sections and climates, each sup¬ plying what the other wants ; the rapidity with which the arts of civilization have been extended over a before unsettled wilderness, and, together with this material prosperity, the advance of the country in education, literature, science, and refine¬ ment, formed a spectacle, of which the history of mankind furnished no other ex¬ ample. That such was the state of the country six months ago was matter of general recognition and acknowledgment at home and abroad. THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION AND ITS RESULT3 There was, however, one sad deduction to be made, not from the truth of this description, not from the fidelity of this picture for that is incontestable, but from the content, happiness, and mutual good will which ought to have existed on the part of a Peojxle, favored by such an accumulation of Providential blessings. I allude, of course, to the great sectional controversies which have so long agitated the country, and arrayed the people in bitter geographical antagonism of political organization and action. Fierce party contentions had always existed in the United States, as they ever have and unquestionably ever will exist under all free elective governments ; and these contentions had, from the first, tended somewhat to a sectional character. They had not, however, till quite lately, assumed that char¬ acter so exclusively, that the minority in any one part of the country had not had a respectable electoral representation in every other. Till last November, there has never been a Southern Presidential Candidate, wrho did not receive electoral votes at the North, nor a Northern Candidate who did not receive electoral votes at the South. At the late election and for the first time, this was not the case ; and conse¬ quences the most extraordinary and deplorable have resulted. The country, as we have seen, being in profound peace at home and abroad, and in a state of unexam¬ pled prosperity — Agriculture, Commerce, Navigation, Manufactures, East, West, North, and South recovered or rapidly recovering from the crisis of 1857 — power¬ ful and respected abroad, and thriving beyond example at home, entered in the usual manner upon the electioneering campaign, for the choice of the nineteenth President of the United States. I say in the usual manner, though it is true that parties were more than usually broken up and subdivided. The normal division was into two great parties, but there had on several former occasions been three ; in 1824 there were four, and there were four last November. The South equally with the West and the North entered into the canvass; conventions were held, nominations made, mass meetings assembled ; the platform, the press enlisted with unwonted vigor ; the election in all its stages, conducted in legal and constitutional form, without violence and without surprise, and the result obtained by a decided majority. No sooner, however, was this result ascertained, than it appeared on the part SOUTH CAROLINA SECEDES FROM THE UNION. 7 of one of the Southern States, and her example was rapidly followed by others, that it had by no means been the intention of those States to abide by the result of the election, except on the one condition, of the choice of their candidate. The. reference of the great sectional controversy to the peaceful arbitrament of the ballot box, the great safety valve of republican institutions, though made with every appearance of good faith, on the part of our brethren at the South, meant but this : if we succeed in this election, as we have in fifteen that have preceded it, well and good ; we will consent to govern the country for four years more, as we have already governed it for sixty years ; but we have no intention of acquies¬ cing in any other result. We do not mean to abide by the election, although we participate in it, unless our candidate is chosen. If he fails we intend to prostrate the Government and break up the Union ; peaceably, if the States composing the majority are willing that it should be broken up peaceably ; otherwise, at the point of the sword. SOUTH CAROLINA SECEDES FROM THE UNION. The election took place on the 6th of November, and in pursuance of the ex¬ traordinary programme just described, the State of South Carolina, acting by a Convention chosen for the purpose, assembled on the 17th of December, and on the 20th, passed unanimously what was styled “ an ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina and other States united with her, under the compact entitled the Constitution, of the United States of America.” It is not my purpose on this occasion to make a documentary speech, but as this so-called “ Ordinance ” is very short, and affords matter for deep reflection, I beg leave to recite it in full : — “ W e, the People of the State of South Carolina, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordinance adopted by us in Convention on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States was ratified, and also all acts and parts of acts of the general assembly of this State, ratifying the amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, and that the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is dissolved.” This remarkable document is called an “ Ordinance,” and no doubt some special virtue is supposed to reside in the name. But names are nothing except as they truly represent things. An ordinance, if it is any thing clothed with binding force, is a Law, and nothing but a Law, and as such this ordinance, being in direct violation of the Constitution of the United States, is a mere nullity. The Constitu¬ tion contains the following express provision : “ This Constitution and the Laws of the United States made in pursuance thereof, and the treaties made or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.” Such being the express provision of the Constitution of the United States, which the people of South Carolina adopted in 1788, just as much as they ever adopted either of their State Constitutions, is it not trifling with serious things to claim that, by the simple expedient of passing a law under the name of an ordinance, this provision and 8 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. every other provision of it may be nullified, and every magistrate and officer in Carolina, whether of the State or Union, absolved from the oath which they have taken to support it ? But this is not all. This secession ordinance purports to “ repeal ” the ordi¬ nance of 23d May, 1788, by which the Constitution of the United States was .ratified by the people of South Carolina. It was intended, of course, by calling the act of ratification an ordinance to infer a right of repealing it by another ordinance. It is important, therefore, to observe that the act of ratification is not, and was not at the time called, an ordinance, and contains nothing which by possibility can be repealed. It is in the following terms : — “ The Convention [of the people of South Carolina], having maturely considered the Constitution, or form of government, reported to Congress by the convention of delegates from the United States of America, and submitted to them, by a reso¬ lution of the Legislature of this State passed the 17th and 18th days of February last, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people of the said United States and their posterity, do, in the name and in behalf of the people of this State, hereby assent to and ratify the same.” Here it is evident that there is nothing in the instrument which, in the nature of things, can be repealed ; it is an authorized solemn assertion of the People of South Carolina, that they assent to, and ratify a form of government, which is de¬ clared in terms to be paramount to all State laws and constitutions. This is a great historical fact, the most important that can ever occur in the history of a people. The fact that the People of South Carolina, on the 23d of May, 1788, assented to and ratified the Constitution of the United States, in order, among other objects, to secure the blessings of liberty for themselves and “ their posterity,” can no more be repealed in 1861, than any other historical fact that occurred in Charles¬ ton in that year and on that day. It would be just as rational, at the present day, to attempt by ordinance to repeal any other event, as that the sun rose or that the tide ebbed and flowed on that day, as to repeal by ordinance the assent of Carolina to the Constitution. Again : it is well known that various amendments to the Constitution were de¬ sired and proposed in different States. The first of the amendments proposed by South Carolina was as follows : — “ Whereas it is essential to the preservation of the rights reserved to the sev¬ eral States and the freedom of the People under the operation of the General Government, that the right of prescribing the manner, times, and places of holding the elections of the Federal Legislature should be forever inseparably annexed to the sovereignty of the States ; this Convention doth declare that the same ought to remain to all posterity, a perpetual and fundamental right in the local, exclusive of the interference of the general Government, except in cases where the Legislature of the States shall refuse or neglect to perform or fulfil the same, according to the tenor of the said Constitution.” Here you perceive that South Carolina herself in 1788 desired a provision to be made and annexed inseparably to her sovereignty, that she should forever have the power of prescribing the time, place, and manner of holding the elections of IS SECESSION A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT, OR IS IT REVOLUTION? (| members of Congress ; — but even in making this express reservation, to operate for all posterity, she was willing to provide that, if the State Legislatures refuse or neglect to perform the duty, (which is precisely the case of the Seceding States at the present day,) then the General Government was, by this South Carolina amendment, expressly authorized to do it. South Carolina in 1788, by a sort of prophetic foresight, looked forward to the possibility that the States might “ refuso or neglect ” to cooperate in carrying on the Government, and admitted, in that case, that the General Government must go on, in spite of their delinquency. I have dwelt on these points at some length, to show how futile is the attempt, by giving the name of “ ordinance ” to the act, by which South Carolina adopted the Constitution, and entered the Union, to gain a power to leave it by a subse¬ quent ordinance of repeal.* IS SECESSION A CONSTITUTIONAL EIGHT, OE IS IT EEVOLUTION ? Whether the present unnatural civil war is waged by the South, in virtue of a supposed constitutional right to leave the Union at pleasure ; or whether it is an exercise of the great and ultimate right of revolution, the existence of which no one denies, seems to be left in uncertainty by the leaders of the movement. Mr. Jef¬ ferson Davis, the President of the new confederacy, in his inaugural speech delivered on the 18th of February, declares that it is “an abuse of language” to call it “a revolution.” Mr. Vice-President Stephens, on the contrary, in a speech at Sa¬ vannah, on the 21st of March, pronounces it “ one of the greatest revolutions in the annals of the world.” The question is of great magnitude as one of constitutional and public law ; as one of morality it is of very little consequence whether tho country is drenched in blood, in the exercise of a right claimed under the Consti¬ tution, or the right inherent in every community to revolt against an oppressive government. Unless the oppression is so extreme as to justify revolution, it would not justify the evil of breaking up a government, under an abstract constitutional right to do so. NEITHEP. A GRANTED NOE A EESEEVED EIGHT. This assumed right of Secession rests upon the doctrine that the Union is a compact between Independent States, from which any one of them may withdraw at pleasure in virtue of its sovereignty. This imaginary right has been the subject of discussion for more than thirty years, having been originally suggested, though not at first much dwelt upon, in connection with the kindred claim of a right, on the part of an individual State, to “ nullify ” an Act of Congress. It would, of course, be impossible within the limits of the hour to review these elaborate dis¬ cussions. I will only remark, on this occasion, that none of the premises from which this remarkable conclusion is drawn, are recognized in the Constitution, and that the right of Secession, though claimed to be a “ reserved ” right, is not expressly reserved in it. That instrument does not purport to be a “ compact,” but a Con¬ stitution of Government. It appears, in its first sentence, not to have been entered into by the States, but to have been ordained and established by the People of the United States, for “ themselves and their posterity.” The States are not named in it ; nearly all the characteristic powers of sovereignty are expressly granted to the * Sco Appendix A. 10 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. General Government and expressly prohibited to the States, and so far from re¬ serving a right of secession to the latter, on any ground or under any pretence, it ordains and establishes in terms the Constitution of the United States as the Su¬ preme Law of the land, any thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. It would seem that this is as clear and positive as language can make it. But it is argued, that, though the right of secession is not reserved in terms, it must be considered as implied in the general reservation to the States and to the People of all the powers not granted to Congress nor prohibited to the States. This extraor¬ dinary assumption, more distinctly stated, is that, in direct defiance of the express grant to Congress and the express prohibition to the States of nearly all the powers of an independent government, there is, by implication, a right reserved to the States to assume and exercise all these powers thus vested in the Union and pro¬ hibited to themselves, simply in virtue of going through the ceremony of passing a law called an Ordinance of Secession. A general reservation to the States of powers not prohibited to them, nor granted to Congress is an implied reservation to the States of a right to exercise these very powers thus expressly delegated to Congress and thus expressly prohibited to the States ! The Constitution directs that the Congress of the United States shall have power to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, to raise and support armies, to provide and maintain a navy, and that the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall make treaties with foreign powers. These express grants of power to the Government of the United States are fol¬ lowed by prohibitions as express to the several States : — “No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation, grant letters of marque or reprisal : no State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.” These and numerous other express grants of power to the General Government, and express prohibitions to the States, are further enforced by the comprehensive provision, already recited, that the Constitution and Laws of the United States are paramount to the laws and Constitution of the separate States. And this Constitution, with these express grants and express prohibitions, and with this express subordination of the States to the General Government, has been adopted by the People of all the States; and all their judges and other officers, and all their citizens holding office under the government of the United States or the individual States, are solemnly sworn to support it. In the face of all this, in defiance of all this, in violation of all this, in contempt of all this, the seceding States claim the right to exercise every power expressly delegated to Congress and expressly prohibited to the States by that Constitution, which every one of their prominent men, civil and military, is under oath to sup¬ port. They have entered into a confederation, raised an army, attempted to pro¬ vide a navy, issued letters of marque and reprisal, waged war, and that war, — Merciful Heaven forgive them, — not with a foreign enemy, not with the wild tribes which still desolate the unprotected frontier ; (they, it is said, are swelling, armed with tomahawk and scalping-knife, the Confederate forces ;) but with their own BEFORE THE REVOLUTION THE COLONIES WERE A PEOPLE. 11 countrymen, and the mildest and most beneficent government on the face of the earth ! BEFORE TIIE REVOLUTION THE COLONIES WERE A PEOPLE. But we arc told all this is done in virtue of the Sovereignty of the States ; as if, (because a State is Sovereign, its people were incompetent to establish a government for themselves and their posterity. Certainly the States are clothed with Sover¬ eignty for local purposes ; but it is doubtful whether they ever possessed it in any other sense; and if they had, it is certain that they ceded it to the General Govern¬ ment, in adopting the Constitution. Before their independence of England was asserted, they constituted a provincial people, (Burke calls it “a glorious Em¬ pire,”) subject to the British crown, organized for certain purposes under separate colonial charters, but, on some great occasions of political interest and public safety, acting as one. Thus they acted when, on the approach of the great Seven Years’ War, which exerted such an important influence on the fate of British America, they sent their delegates to Albany to concert a plan of union. In the discussions of that plan which was reported by Franklin, the citizens of the colonies were evi¬ dently considered as a People. When the passage of the Stamp Act in 1765 roused the spirit of resistance throughout America, the Unity of her People assumed a still more practical form. “ Union,” says one of our great American historians,* “ was the hope of Otis. Union that ‘ should knit and work into the very blood and bones of the original system every region as fast as settled.’ ” In this hope he argued against writs of assistance, and in this hope he brought about the call of the Convention at New York in 17G5. At that Convention, the noble South Carolinian Christopher Gadsden, with prophetic foreboding of the disintegrating heresies of the present day, cautioned his associates against too great dependence on their colonial charters. “ I wish,” said he, “ that the charters may not ensnare us at last, by drawing different Colonies to act differently in this great cause. Whenever that is the case all is over with the whole. There ought to he no New England man , no New Yorker, known on the Continent , hut all of us Americans .”f While the patriots in America counselled, and wrote, and spoke as a people, they were recognized as such in England. “ Believe me,” cried Colonel Barre in the House of Commons, “ I this day told you so, the same spirit of Freedom which actuated that People at first will accompany them still. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has, but a People jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, should they be violated.” When ten years later the great struggle long foreboded came on, it was felt, on both sides of the Atlantic, to be an attempt to reduce a free People beyond the sea to unconditional dependence on a parliament in which they were not represented. “ What foundation have we,” was the language of Chatham on the 27th Jan. 1775, “ for our claims over America ? What is our right to persist in such cruel and vindictive measures against that loyal , respectable People ? How have this respect¬ able people behaved under all their grievances ? Repeal, therefore, I say. But bare repeal will not satisfy this enlightened and spirited People."1 Lord Camden, in the same debate, exclaimed, “ You have no right to tax America ; the natural rights of man, and the immutable laws of Nature, are with that Peopled Burke, * Bancroft’s History of the United States, vol. v., p. 292. t Ibid., p. 835. 12 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. two months later, made his great speech for conciliation with America. “ I do not know,” he exclaimed, “ the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole People.” In a letter written two years after the commencement of the war, he traces the growth of the colonies from their feeble beginnings to the magnitude which they had attained when the revolution broke out, and in which his glowing imagination saw future grandeur and power beyond the reality. “ At the first designation of these colonial assemblies,” says he, “they were probably not in¬ tended for any thing more (nor perhaps did they think themselves much higher) than the municipal corporations within this island, to which some at present love to compare them. But nothing in progression can rest on its original plan ; we may as well think of rocking a grown man in the cradle of an infant. Therefore, as the Colonies prospered and increased to a numerous and mighty people, spreading over a very great tract of the globe, it was natural that they should attribute to assemblies so respectable in the formed Constitution, some part of the dignity of the great nations which they represented.” The meeting of the first Continental Congress of 1774 was the spontaneous impulse of the People. All their resolves and addresses proceed on the assumption that they represented a People. Their first appeal to the Royal authority wras their letter to General Gage, remonstrating against the fortifications of Boston. “ W e entreat your Excellency to consider,” they say, “ what a tendency this con¬ duct must have to irritate and force a free People, hitherto well disposed to peace¬ able measures, into hostilities.” Their final act, at the close of the Session, their address to the King, one of the most eloquent and pathetic of State papers, appeals to him “ in the name of all your Majesty’s faithful People in America.” - TIIE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE RECOGNIZES A PEOPLE. But this all-important principle in our political system is placed beyond doubt, by an authority which makes all further argument or illustration superfluous. That the citizens of the British Colonies, however divided for local purposes into different governments, when they ceased to be subject to the English crown, became ipso facto one People for all the high concerns of national existence, is a fact em¬ bodied in the Declaration of Independence itself. That august Manifesto, the Magna Charta, which introduced us into the family of nations, was issued to the world, so its first sentence sets forth — because “ a decent respect for the opinions of mankind requires ” such solemn announcement of motives and causes to be made, “ when in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one People to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another.” Mr. Jefferson Davis, in his message of the 29th of April, deems it important to remark, that, by the treaty of peace with Great Britain, “ the several States were each by name recognized to be independent.” It would be more accurate to say that the United States each by name were so recognized. Such enumeration was necessary, in order to fix beyond doubt, which of the Anglo-American colonies, twenty-five or six in number, were included in the recognition.* But it is surely a far more significant circumstance, that the separate States are not named in the Declaration * Burke's account of “the English settlements in America,” begins with Jamaica, and proceeds through the West India Islands. There were also English settlements on the Continent, Canada — and Nova Scotia, — which it was necessary to exclude from the Treaty, by an enumeration of the included Colonies. THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 1 ‘i io of Independence, that they are called only by the collective designation of the United States of America ; that the manifesto is issued “ in the name and by the authority of the good people ” of the Colonies, and that they are characterized in the first sentence as “ One People.” Let it not be thought that these are the latitudinarian doctrines of modern times, or of a section of the country predisposed to a loose construction of laws and Constitutions. Listen, I pray you, to the noble words of a Southern revolu¬ tionary patriot and statesman : — “ The separate independence and individual sovereignty of the several States were never thought of by the enlightened band of patriots who framed the Decla¬ ration of Independence. The several States are not even mentioned by name in any part of it, as if it was intended to impress this maxim on America, that our Freedom and Independence arose from our Union, and that without it we could neither be free nor independent. Let us then consider all attempts to weaken this Union, by maintaining that each State is separately and individually independent, as a species of political heresy, which can never benefit us, and may bring on us the most serious distresses.” * These are the solemn and prophetic words of Charles Cotes- worth Pinckney ; the patriot, the soldier, the statesman ; the trusted friend of Washington, repeatedly called by him to the highest offices of the Government ; the one name that stands highest and brightest, on the list of the great men of South Carolina, f THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. Not only was the Declaration of Independence made in the name of the one People of the United States, but the war by which it was sustained was carried on by their authority. A very grave historical error, in this respect, is often com¬ mitted by the politicians of the Secession School. Mr. Davis, in his message of the 29th of April, having called the old Confederation “ a close alliance,” says : “ under this contract of alliance the war of the revolution was successfully waged, and resulted in the treaty of peace with Great Britain of 1783, by the terms of which the several States were each by name recognized to be independent.” I have already given the reason for this enumeration, but the main fact alleged in the passage is entirely without foundation. The Articles of Confederation were first signed by the delegates from eight of the States, on the 9th of July, 1778, more than three years after the commencement of the war, long after the capitulation of Burgoyne, the alliance with France, and the reception of a French Minister. The ratification of the other States was given at intervals the following years, the last not till 1781, seven months only before the virtual close of the war, by the surrender of Cornwallis. Then, and not till then, was “ the Contract of Alliance ” consummated. Most true it is, as Mr. Davis bids us remark, that, by these Arti¬ cles of Confederation the States retained “ each its sovereignty, freedom, and inde¬ pendence.” It is not less true, that their selfish struggle to exercise and enforce their assumed rights as separate sovereignties was the source of the greatest diffi¬ culties and dangers of the Revolution, and risked its success ; not less true, that most of the great powers of a sovereign State were nominally conferred even by these * Elliott’s Debates, vol. iv., p. 801. t See an admirable sketch of his character in Trcscot’s Diplomatic History of the Administrations of Wash¬ ington and Adams, pp. 169 — 171. 14 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. articles on the Congress, and that that body was regarded and spoken of by Wash¬ ington himself as the “Sovereign of the Union.” * But feeble as the old Confederation was, and distinctly as it recognized the sovereignty of the States, it recognized in them no right to withdraw at their pleasure from the Union. On the contrary, it was specially provided that “ the Articles of Confederation should be inviolably preserved by every State,” and that “ the Union should be perpetual.” It is true that in a few years, from the inherent weakness of the central power, and from the want of means to enforce its authority on the individual citizen, it fell to pieces. It sickened and died from the poison of what General Pinckney aptly called “ the heresy of State Sovereignty,” and in its place a Constitution was ordained and established “ in order to form a more perfect Union ; ” a Union more binding on its members than this “ contract of alliance,” which yet was to be “ inviolably observed by every State ; ” more durable than the old Union, which yet was declared to be “ perpetual.” This great and benefi¬ cent change was a Revolution — happily a peaceful revolution, the most important change probably ever brought about in a government, without bloodshed. The new government was unanimously adopted by all the members of the old Confed¬ eration, by some more promptly than by others, but by all within the space of four years. THE STATES MIGHT BE COERCED UNDER THE CONFEDERATION. Much has been said against coercion , that is, the employment of force to compel obedience to the laws of the United States, when they are resisted under the as¬ sumed authority of a State ; but even the old Confederation, with all its weakness, in the opinion of the most eminent contemporary statesmen possessed this power. Great stress is laid by politicians of the Secession School on the fact, that in a project for amending the articles of Confederation brought forward by Judge Pat¬ erson in the Federal Convention, it was proposed to clothe the Government with this power and the proposal was not adopted. This is a very inaccurate statement of the facts of the case. The proposal formed part of a project which was rejected in toto. The reason why this power of State coercion was not granted co nomine, in the new Constitution, is that it was wholly superfluous and inconsistent with the fundamental principle of the Government. Within the sphere of its delegated powers, the General Government deals with the individual citizen. If its power is resisted, the person or persons resisting it do so at their peril and are amenable to the law. They can derive no immunity from State Legislatures or State Conven¬ tions, because the Constitution and laws of the United States are the Supreme Law of the Land. If the resistance assumes an organized form, on the part of numbers too great to be restrained by the ordinary powers of the law, it is then an insurrection, which the General Government is expressly authorized to suppress. Did any one imagine in 1703, when General Washington called out 15,000 men to suppress the insurrection in the Western counties of Pennsylvania, that if the insurgents had happened to have the control of a majority of the Legislature, and had thus been able to clothe their rebellion with a pretended form of law, that ho would have been obliged to disband his troops, and return himself baffled and discomfited to Mount Vernon? If John Brown’s raid at Harper’s Ferry, instead of being the * Sparks’ Washington, vol. is., pp. 12, 23, 29. STATE SOVEREIGNTY DOES NOT AUTHORIZE SECESSION. 15 project of one misguided individual and a dozen and a half deluded followers, had been the organized movement of the States of Ohio and Pennsylvania, do the Secedcrs hold that the United States would have had no right to protect Virginia, or punish the individuals concerned in her invasion 1 Do the seceding States really mean, after all, to deny, that if a State law is passed to prevent the rendition of a fugitive slave, the General Government has any right to employ force to effect his surrender 1 But, as I have said, even the old Confederation, with all its weakness, was held by the ablest contemporary statesmen, and that of the State rights school, to pos¬ sess the power of enforcing its requisitions against a delinquent State. Mr. Jeffer¬ son, in a letter to Mr. Adams of the 11th of July, 178G, on the subject of providing a naval force of 150 guns to chastise the Barbary Powers, urges, as an additional reason for such a step, that it would arm “ the Federal head with the safest of all the instruments of coercion, over its delinquent members, and prevent it from using what would be less safe,” viz. : a land force. Writing on the same subject to Mr. Monroe a month later, (11 Aug. 17SG.) he answers the objection of expense thus: “ It will be said, ‘ There is no money in the Treasury.’ There never will be money in the Treasury till the Confederacy shows its teeth. The States must see the rod , perhaps it must be fell by some of them. Every rational citizen must wish to see an effective instrument of coercion, and should fear to see it on any other element than the water. A naval force can never endanger our liberties nor occasion blood¬ shed ; a land force would do both.” In the following year, and when the Confedera¬ tion was at its last gasp, Mr. Jefferson was still of the opinion that it possessed the power of coercing the States, and that it was expedient to exercise it. In a letter to Col. Carrington of the 4th of April, 1787, he says: “ It has been so often said as to be generally believed, that Congress have no power by the Confederation to enforce any thing, for instance, contributions of money. It was not necessary to give them, that power expressly, they have it by the law of nature. When two parties make a compact , there results to each the power of compelling the other to execute it. Com¬ pulsion was never so easy as in our case, when a single frigate would soon levy on the commerce of a single State the deficiency of its contributions.” Such was Mr. Jefferson’s opinion of the powers of Congress, under the “old contract of alliance.” Will any reasonable man maintain that under a constitution of government there can be less power to enforce the laws ? STATE SOVEREIGNTY DOES NOT AUTHORIZE SECESSION. But the cause of secession gains nothing by magnifying the doctrine of the Sov¬ ereignty of the States or calling the Constitution a compact between them. Calling it a compact does not change a word of its text, and no theory of what is implied in the word “ Sovereignty ” is of any weight, in opposition to the actual provisions of the instrument itself. Sovereignly is a word of very various signification. It is one thing in China, another in Turkey, another in Russia, another in France, an¬ other in England, another in Switzerland, another in San Marino, another in the individual American States, and it is something different from all in the United Staten. To maintain that, because the State of Virginia, for instance, was in some sense or other a sovereign State, when her people adopted the Federal Constitu¬ tion, (which in terms was ordained and established not only for the people of that 16 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. day, but for their posterity,) she may therefore at pleasure secede from the Union existing under that Constitution, is simply to beg the question. That question is not what was the theory or form of government existing in Virginia, before the Constitution, but what are the provisions of the Constitution which her people adopted and made their own ? Does the Constitution of the United States permit or forbid the States to enter into a confederation ? Is it a mere loose partnership, which any of the parties can break up at pleasure, or is it a Constitution of govern¬ ment, delegating to Congress and prohibiting to the States most of the primal func¬ tions of a sovereign power ; — Peace, War, Commerce, Finance, Navy, Army, Mail, Mint ' Executive, Legislative, and Judicial functions ? The States arc not named in it ; the word Sovereignty does not occur in it ; the right of secession is as much ignored in it as the precession of the Equinoxes, and all the great prerogatives which characterize an independent member of the family of nations are by distinct grant conferred on Congress by the People of the United States and prohibited to the individual States of the Union. Is it not the height of absurdity to maintain that all these express grants and distinct prohibitions, and constitutional arrange¬ ments, may be set at nought by an individual State under the pretence that she was a sovereign 'State before she assented to or ratified them ; in other words, that an act is of no binding force because it was performed by an authorized and competent agent? In fact, to deduce from the sovereignty of the States the right of seceding from the Union is the most stupendous non sequitur that was ever advanced in grave affairs. The only legitimate inference to bo drawn from that sovereignty is pre¬ cisely the reverse. If any one right can be predicated of a sovereign State, it is that of forming or adopting a frame of government. She may do it alone, or she may do it as a member of a Union. She may enter into a loose pact for ten years or till a partisan majority of a convention, goaded on by ambitious aspirants to power, shall vote in secret session to dissolve it ; or she may, after grave delibera¬ tion and mature counsel, led by the wisest and most virtuous of the land, ratify and adopt a constitution of government, ordained and established not only for that gen¬ eration, but their posterity, subject only to the inalienable right of revolution pos¬ sessed by every political community. What would be thought in private affairs of a man who should seriously claim the right to revoke a grant, in consequence of having an unqualified right to make it ? A right to break a contract, because he had a right to enter into it ? To what extent is it more rational on the part of a State to found the right to dissolve the Union on the competence of the parties to form it ; the right to prostrate a govern¬ ment on the fact that it was constitutionally framed ? PARALLEL CASES : IRELAND, SCOTLAND. But let us look at parallel cases, and they arc by no means wanting. In the year 1S00, a union was formed between England and Ireland. Ireland, before she entered into the union, was subject, indeed, to the English crown, but she had her own parliament, consisting of her own Lords and Commons, and enacting her own laws. In 1S00 she entered into a constitutional union with England on the basis of articles of agreement, jointly accepted by the two parliaments.* The union was Annual Resistor, xlii., p. 193 VIRGINIA VAINLY ATTEMPTS TO ESTABLISH A RESERVED RIGHT. 17 opposed at the time by a powerful minority in Ireland, and Mr. O’Connell suc¬ ceeded, thirty years later, by ardent appeals to the sensibilities of the people, in producing an almost unanimous desire for its dissolution. He professed, however, although he had wrought his countrymen to the verge of rebellion, to aim at noth¬ ing but a constitutional repeal of the articles of union by the parliament of Great Britain. It never occurred even to his fervid imagination, that, because Ireland was an independent government when she entered into the union, it was competent for her at her discretion to secede from it. What would our English friends, who have learned from our Secessionists the “ inherent right ” of a disaffected State to secede from our Union, have thought, had Mr. O’Connell, in the paroxysms of his agitation, claimed the right on the part of Ireland, by her own act, to sever her union with England ? Again, in 1700, Scotland and England formed a Constitutional Union. They also, though subject to the same monarch, were in other respects Sovereign and independent Kingdoms. They had each its separate parliament, courts of justice, laws, and established national church. Articles of union were established between them ; but all the laws and statutes of either kingdom not contrary to these articles, remained in force.* A powerful minority in Scotland disapproved of the Union at the time. Nine years afterward an insurrection broke out in Scotland under a prince, who claimed to be the lawful, as he certainly was the lineal, heir to the throne. The rebellion was crushed, but the disaffection in which it had its origin •was not wholly appeased. In thirty years more a second Scottish insurrection took place, and, as before, under the lead of the lineal heir to the crown. On neither occasion that I ever heard of, did it enter into the imagination of rebel or loyalist, that Scotland was acting under a reserved right as a sovereign kingdom, to secede from the Union, or that the movement was any thing less than an insurrection ; revolution if it succeeded ; treason and rebellion if it failed. Neither do I recollect that, in less than a month after either insurrection broke out, any one of the friendly and neutral powers made haste, in anticipation even of the arrival of the ministers of the reigning sovereign, to announce that the rebels “ would be recognized as bel¬ ligerents.” VIRGINIA VAINLY ATTEMPTS TO ESTABLISH A RESERVED RIGHT. In fact, it is so plain, in the nature of things, that there can be no constitutional right to break up a government unless it is expressly provided for, that the politi¬ cians of the secession school are driven back, at every turn, to a reserved right. I have already shown that there is no such express reservation, and I have dwelt on the absurdity of getting by implication a reserved right to violate every express provision of a constitution. In this strait, Virginia, proverbially skilled in logical subtiltics, has attempted to find an express reservation, not, of course, in the Con¬ stitution itself, where it does not exist, but in her original act of adhesion, or rather in the declaration of the “ impressions ” under which that act was adopted. The ratification itself of Virginia, was positive and unconditional. “ We, the said dele¬ gates, in the name and behalf of the People of Virginia , do, by these presents, assent and ratify the Constitution recommended on the 17th day of September, 17S7, by the Federal Convention, for the government of the United Stales, hereby announcing n * Rap in's History of Englamlj yol. iv., p. 711-6. 18 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. to all thoso whom it may concern, that the said Constitution is binding upon the said People , according to an authentic copy hereunto annexed. Done in Convention this 26th day of June, 1788.” This, as you perceive, is an absolute and unconditional ratification of the Con¬ stitution by the People of Virginia. An attempt, however, is made, by the late Convention in Virginia, in their ordinance of secession, to extract a reservation of a right to secede, out of the declaration contained in the preamble to the act of ratifi¬ cation. That preamble declares it to bean “ impression ” of the people of Vir¬ ginia, that the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the United States, may be resumed nv them, whenever the same shall be per¬ verted to their injury or oppression. The ordinance of secession passed by the recent convention, purporting to cite this declaration, omits the words by them, that is, by the People of the United States, not by the people of any single State, thus arrogating to the people of Virginia alone what the Convention of 1788 claimed only, and that by way of “ impression,” for the People of the United States. By this most grave omission of the vital words of the sentence, the Convention, I fear, intended to lead the incautious or the ignorant to the conclusion, that the Convention of 1788 asserted the right of an individual State to resume the powers granted in the Constitution to the General Government ; a claim for which there is not the slightest foundation in Constitutional history. On the contrary, when the ill-omened doctrine of State nullification was sought to be sustained by the same argument in 1830, and the famous Virginia resolutions of 1798 were appealed to by Mr. Calhoun and his fiiends, as affording countenance to that doctrine, it was repeatedly and emphatically declared by Mr. Madison, the author of the resolutions, that they were intended to claim, not for an individual State, but for the United States, by whom the Constitution was ordained and established, the right of reme¬ dying its abuses by constitutional ways, such as united protest, repeal, or an amendment of the Constitution.* Incidentally to the discussion of nullification, he denied over and over again the right of peaceable secession ; and this fact was well known to some of the members of the late Convention at Richmond. When the secrets of their assembly arc laid open, no doubt it will appear that there were some faithful Abdiels to proclaim the fact. Oh, that the venerable sage, second to none of his patriot compeers in framing the Constitution, the equal associate of II amilton in recommending it to the People; its great champion in the Virginia Convention of 1788, and its faithful vindicator in 1830, against the deleterious heresy of nullification, could have been spared to protect it, at the present day, from the still deadlier venom of Secession ! But ho is gone; the principles, the traditions, and the illustrious memories which gave to Virginia her name and her praise in the land, are no longer cherished ; the work of Washington, and Madison, and Randolph, and Pendleton, and Marshall is repudiated, and nullifiers, precipita¬ tors, and seceders gather in secret conclave to destroy the Constitution, in the very building that holds the monumental statue of the Father of his Country ! TIIE VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS OF 1703. Having had occasion to allude to the Virginia resolutions of 179S, I may ob¬ serve that of these famous resolves, the subject of so much political romance, it is * Maguire's Collection, p. 213. THE VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS OF 1193. 19 time that a little plain truth should be promulgated. The country, in 1T98, was vehemently agitated by the struggles of the domestic parties, which about equally divided it, and these struggles were urged to unwonted and extreme bitterness, by the preparations made and making for a war with France. By an act of Congress, passed in the summer of that year, the President of the United States was clothed with power to send from the country any alien whom he might judge dangerous to the public peace and safety, or who should be concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the Government of the United States. This act was passed as a war measure ; it was to be in force two years, and it expired by its own limit¬ ation on the 25th of June, 1800. War, it is true, had not been formally declared ; but hostilities on the ocean had taken place on both sides, and the army of the United States had been placed upon a war footing. The measure was certainly within the war power, and one which no prudent commander, even without the authority of a statute, would hesitate to execute in an urgent case within his own district. Congress thought fit to provide for and regulate its exercise by law. Two or three weeks later (14th July, 1798) another law was enacted, making it penal to combine or conspire with intent to oppose any lawful measure of the Government of the United States, or to write, print, or publish any false and scandalous writing against the Government, either House of Congress, or the President of the United States. In prosecutions under this law, it wras provided that the Truth might be pleaded in justification, and that the Jury should be judges of the law as well as of the fact. This law was by its own limitation to expire at the close of the then current Presidential term. Such are the famous alien and sedition laws, passed under the Administration of that noble and true-hearted revolutionary patriot, John Adams, though not re¬ commended by him officially or privately ; adjudged to be constitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States ; distinctly approved by Washington, Patrick Henry, and Marshall ; and, whatever else may bo said of them, certainly preferable to the laws which, throughout the Seceding States, Judge Lynch would not fail to enforce at the lamp-post and tar-bucket against any person guilty of the offences against which these statutes were aimed. It suited, however, the purposes of party at that time, to raise a formidable clamor against these laws. It was in vain that their Constitutionality was affirmed by the Judiciary of the United States. “ Nothing,” said Washington, alluding to these laws, “ will produce the least change in the conduct of the leaders of the opposition to the measures of the General Government. They have points to carry from which no reasoning, no inconsistency of conduct, no absurdity can divert them.” Such, in the opinion of Washington, was the object for which the Legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky passed their famous resolutions of 1798, the former drafted by Mr. Madison, and the latter by Mr. Jefferson, and sent to a triend in Kentucky to be brought forward. These resolutions were transmitted to the other States for their concurrence. The replies from the States which made any response were referred the following year to committees in Virginia and Ken¬ tucky. In the Legislature of Virginia, an elaborate report was made by Mr. Madison, explaining and defending the resolutions ; in Kentucky another resolve reaffirming those of the preceding year was drafted by Mr. Wilson Cary Nicholas, not by Mr. Jefferson, as stated by General McDuffie. Our respect for the dis- 20 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. tinguished men who took the lead on this occasion, then ardently engaged in the warfare of politics, must not make us fear to tell the truth, that the simple object of the entire movement was to make “ political capital ” for the approaching elec¬ tion, by holding up to the excited imaginations of the masses the Alien and Sedi¬ tion laws, as an infraction of the Constitution, which threatened the overthrow of the liberties of the People. The resolutions maintained that, the States being parties to the Constitutional compact, in a case of deliberate, palpable, and danger¬ ous exercise of powers not granted by the compact, the States have a right and are in duty bound to interpose for preventing the progress of the evil. Such, in brief, was the main purport of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions. The sort of interposition intended was left in studied obscurity. Not a word was dropped of secession from the Union. Mr. Nicholas’s resolution in 1799 hinted at “ nullification ” as the appropriate remedy for an unconstitutional law, but what was meant by the ill-sounding word was not explained. The words null, void, and of no effect,” contained in the original draft of the Virginia resolutions, were, on motion of John Taylor of Caroline, stricken from them, on their passage through the assembly ; and Mr. Madison, in his report of 1799, carefully explains that no extra constitutional measures were intended. One of the Kentucky resolutions ends with an invitation to the States to unite in a petition to Congress to repeal the laws. These resolutions were communicated, as I have said, to the other States for concurrence. From most of them no response was received ; some adopted dis¬ senting reports and resolutions ; not one concurred. But the resolutions did their work — all that they were intended or expected to do — by shaking the Ad¬ ministration. At the ensuing election, Mr. Jefferson, at whoso instance the entire movement was made, was chosen President by a very small majority ; Mr. Madison was placed at the head of his administration as Secretary of State ; the obnoxious laws expired by their own limitation ; not repealed by the dominant party, as Mr. Calhoun with strange inadvertence asserts ; * and Mr. Jefferson proceeded to ad¬ minister the Government upon constitutional principles quite as lax, to say the least, as those of his predecessors. If there was any marked departure in his general policy from the course hitherto pursued, it was that, having some theoret¬ ical prejudices against a navy, ho allowed that branch of the service to languish. By no Administration have the powers of the General Government been more liberally construed — not to say further strained — sometimes beneficially, as in the acquisition of Louisiana, sometimes perniciously as in the embargo. The resolu¬ tions of 1798, and the metaphysics they inculcated, were surrendered to the cob¬ webs which habitually await the plausible exaggerations of the canvass after an election is decided. These resolutions of 1798 have been sometimes in Virginia waked from their slumbers at closely contested elections as a party cry ; the re¬ port of the Hartford Convention, without citing them by name, borrows their language ; but as representing in their modern interpretation any system on which the Government ever was or could be administered, they were buried in the same grave as the Laws which called them forth. Unhappily during their transient vitality, like the butterfly which deposits its egg in the apple blossoms that have so lately filled our orchards with beauty and * Mr. Calhoun's Discourse on the Constitution, p. 35D. THE VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS OF 1798. 21 perfume — a gilded harmless moth, whose food is a dew drop, whose life is a mid¬ summer’s day — these resolutions, misconceived and perverted, proved, in the minds of ambitious and reckless politicians, the germ of a fatal heresy. The butterfly’s egg is a microscopic speck, but as the fruit grows, the little speck gives life to a greedy and nauseous worm, that gnaws and bores to the heart of the apple, and renders it, though smooth and fair without, foul and bitter and rotten within. In like manner, the theoretical generalities of these resolutions, intending nothing in the minds of their authors but constitutional efforts to procure the repeal of ob¬ noxious laws, matured in the minds of a later generation into the deadly para¬ doxes of 1830 and 1860 — kindred products of the same soil, venenorum ferax; — the one asserting the monstrous absurdity that a State, though remaining in the Union, could by her single act nullify a law of Congress ; the other teaching the still more preposterous doctrine, that a single State may nullify the Constitution. The first of these heresies failed to spread far beyond the latitude where it was engendered. In the Senate of the United States, the great acuteness of its inventor, (Mr. Calhoun,) then the Vice-President, and the accomplished rhetoric of its champion, (Mr. llayne,) failed to raise it above the level of a plausible sophism. It sunk forever discredited beneath the sturdy common sense and indomitable will of Jackson, the mature -wisdom of Livingston, the keen analysis of Clay, and the crushing logic of Webster. Nor was this all : the venerable author of the Resolutions of 1798 and of the report of 1799 was still living in a green old age. His connection with those State papers and still more his large participation in the formation and adoption of the Constitution, entitled him, beyond all men living, to be consulted on the subject. No effort was spared by the Leaders of the Nullification school to draw from him even a cpialified assent to their theories. But in vain. lie not only refused to admit their soundness, but he devoted his time and energies for three laborious years to the preparation of essays and letters, of which the object was to demonstrate that his resolutions and report did not, and could not bear the Carolina interpretation. He earnestly maintained that the separate action of an individual State was not contem¬ plated by them, and that they had in view nothing but the concerted action of the States to procure the repeal of unconstitutional laws or an amendment of the Con¬ stitution.* With one such letter written with this intent, I was myself honored. It filled ten pages of the journal in which with his permission it was published. It unfolded the true theory of the Constitution and the meaning and design of the resolutions, and exposed the false gloss attempted to be placed upon them by the Nullifiers, with a clearness and force of reasoning which defied refutation. None, to my knowledge, was ever attempted. The politicians of the Nullification and Secession school, as far as I am aware, have from that day to this made no attempt to grapple with Mr. Madison’s letter of August, 1830.f Mr. Calhoun certainly made no such attempt in the elaborate treatise composed by him, mainly for the purpose of ex¬ pounding the doctrine of nullification. lie claims the support of these resolutions, without adverting to the fact that his interpretation of them had been repudiated • A very considerable portion of the important volnme containing a selection from tho Madison papers, and printed “exclusively for private distribution” by J. C. McGuire, Esq., in 1S53, is taken up with theso letters and essays. t North American Review, vol. xxxi., p. 5S7. 22 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. by their illustrious author. lie repeats his exploded parodoxes as confidently, as if Mr. Madison himself had expired with the Alien and Sedition laws, and left no testimony to the meaning of his resolutions ; while, at the present day, with equal confidence, the same resolutions are appealed to by the disciples of Mr. Calhoun as sustaining the doctrine of secession, in the face of the positive declaration of their author, when that doctrine first began to be broached, that they will bear no such interpretation. ME. CALIIOUN DID NOT CLAIM A CONSTITUTIONAL EIGHT OF SECESSION. In this respect the disciples have gone beyond the master. There is a single sentence in Mr. Calhoun’s elaborate volume in which he maintains the right of a State to secede from the Union. (Page SOI.) There is reason to suppose, how¬ ever, that he intended to claim only the inalienable right of revolution. In 1828, a declaration of political principles was drawn up by him for the State of South Carolina, in which it was expressly taught, that the people of that State by adopt¬ ing the Federal Constitution had “ modified its original right of sovereignty , whereby its individual consent was necessary to any change in its political con¬ dition, and by becoming a member of the Union, had placed that power in the hands of three-fourths of the States, [the number necessary for a Constitutional amendment,] in whom the highest power known to the Constitution actually re¬ sides.” In a recent patriotic speech of Mr. Rcvcrdy Johnson, at Frederick, Md., on the 7th of May, the distinct authority of Mr. Calhoun is quoted as late as 1S44 against the right of separate action on the part of an individual State, and I am assured by the same respected gentleman, that it is within his personal knowledge, that Mr. Calhoun did not maintain the peaceful right of secession.* SECESSION AS A DEVOLUTION. But it may be thought a waste of time to argue against a Constitutional right of peaceful Secession, since no one denies the right of Revolution ; and no pains utc spared by the disaffected leaders, while they claim indeed the Constitutional right, to represent their movement as the uprising of an indignant People against an oppressive and tyrannical Government. 13 THE GOVEENMENT OF THE UNITED STATES OPEEESSIVE AND TYEANNICAL ? An oppressive and tyrannical government ! Let us examine this pretence for a few moments, first in the general, and then in the detail of its alleged tyrannies and abuses. This oppressive and tyrannical Government is the successful solution of a prob¬ lem, which had tasked the sagacity of mankind from the dawn of civilization ; viz. : to find a form of polity, by which institutions purely popular could be extended over a vast empire, free alike from despotic centralization and undue preponder¬ ance of the local powers. It was necessarily a complex system ; a Union at once federal and national. It leaves to the separate States the control of all matters of purely local administration, and confides to the central power the management of Foreign affairs and of all other concerns in which the United family have a joint interest. All the organized and delegated powers depend directly or very nearly * Sco Appendix B. IS THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES TYRANNICAL? so on popular choice. This Government was not imposed upon the People by a foreign conqueror ; it is not an inheritance descending from barbarous ages, laden with traditionary abuses, which create a painful ever-recurring necessity of reform ; it is not the conceit of heated enthusiasts in the spasms of a revolution. It is the recent and voluntary frame-work of an enlightened age, compacted by wise and good men, with deliberation and care, working upon materials prepared by long Colonial discipline. In framing it, they sought to eombine the merits and to avoid the defects of former systems of government. The greatest possible liberty of tho citizen is the basis ; just representation the ruling principle, reconciling with rare ingenuity the federal equality of the States, with the proportionate influence of numbers. Its legislative and executive magistrates are freely chosen at short periods ; its judiciary alone holding office by a more permanent, but still sufficiently responsible, tenure. No money flows into or out of tho Treasury but under the direct sanction of the representatives of the People, on whom also ail tho great functions of Government for peace and war, within the limits already indicated, are devolved. No hereditary titles or privileges, no distinction of ranks, no established church, no courts of high commission, no censorship of tho press, are known to the system ; not a drop of blood has ever flowed under its authority for a political offence ; but this tyrannical and oppressive Government has certainly exhibited a more perfect development of equal republican principles, than has ever before existed on any considerable scale. Under its benign influence, the country, every part of the country, has prospered beyond all former example. Its popula¬ tion has increased ; its commerce, agriculture, and manufactures have flourished ; manners, arts, education, letters, all that dignifies and ennobles man, have in a shorter period attained a higher point of cultivation than has ever before been witnessed in a newly settled l'egion. The consequence has been consideration and influence abroad and marvellous well-being at home. The world has looked with admiration upon the Country’s progress ; we have ourselves contemplated it, per¬ haps, with undue self complacency. Armies without conscription ; navies without impressment, and neither army nor navy swelled to an oppressive size ; an over¬ flowing treasury without direct taxation or oppressive taxation of any kind ; churches without number and with no denominational preferences on the part of tho State ; schools and colleges accessible to all the people ; a free and a cheap press ; — all the great institutions of social life extending their benefits to the mass of the community. Such, no one can deny, is tho general character of this oppressive and tyrannical government. But perhaps this Government, however wisely planned, however beneficial even in its operation, may have been rendered distasteful, or may have become oppres¬ sive in one part of the country and to one portion of the people, in consequence of the control of affairs having been monopolized or unequally shared by another portion. In a Confederacy, the people of one section are not well pleased to be even mildly governed by an exclusive domination of the other. In point of fact this is the allegation, the persistent allegation of the South, that from the founda¬ tion of the Government it has been wielded by the people of tho North for their special, often exclusive, benefit, and to the injury and oppression of the South. Let us see. Out of seventy-two years since the organization of the Government, the Executive chair has, for sixty-four years, been filled nearly all the time by Southern 24 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. Presidents ; and when that was not the case, by Presidents possessing the confidence of the South. For a still longer period, the controlling influences of the Legislative, and Judicial departments of the Government have centred in the same quarter.. Of all the offices in the gift of the central power in every department, far more than her proportionate share has always been enjoyed by the South. She is at this moment revolting against a Government, not only admitted to be the mildest and most beneficent ever organized this side Utopia, but one of which she has herself from the first, almost monopolized the administration. CAUSE OF THE REVOLUTION ALLEGED BY SOUTH CAROLINA. Put are there no wrongs, abuses, and oppressions, alleged to have been suffered by the South, which have rendered her longer submission to the Federal Govern¬ ment intolerable, and which are pleaded as the motive and justification of the revolt ? Of course there are, but with such variation and uncertainty of statement as to render their examination difficult. The manifesto of South Carolina of the 20th of Dee. last, which led the way in this inauspicious movement, sets forth noth¬ ing but the passage of State laws to obstruct the surrender of fugitive slaves. The document does not state that South Carolina herself ever lost a slave in consequence of these law's, it is not probable she ever did, and yet she makes the existence of these law's, which are wholly inoperative as far as she is concerned, and which probably never caused to the entire South the loss of a dozen fugitives, the ground for breaking up the Union and plunging the country into a civil war. But I shall presently revert to this topic. Other statements in other quarters enlarge the list of grievances. In the month of November last, after the result of the presidential election was ascertained, a very interesting discussion of the subject of secession took place at Milleclgeville, before the members of the Legislature of Georgia and the citizens generally, be¬ tween two gentlemen of great ability and eminence, since elected, the one Secretary of State, the other Vice-President of the new Confederacy ; the former urging the necessity and duty of immediate secession ; — the latter opposing it. I take the grievances and abuses of the Federal Government, which the South has suffered at the hands of the North, and which w'erc urged by the former speaker as the grounds of secession, as I find them stated and to some extent answered by his friend and fellow-citizen (then opposed to secession) according to the report in the Millcdgc- villc papers. CAUSES ALLEGED BY GEORGIA: TIIE FISHING BOUNTIES. And what, think you, was the grievance in the front rank of those oppressions on the part of the North, which have driven the long-suffering and patient South to open rebellion against “ the best Government that the history of the world gives any account ot ” ? It was not that upon which the Convention of South Carolina relied. You will hardly believe it ; posterity will surely not believe it. “ We listened,” said Mr. Vice-President Stephens, in his reply, “ to my honorable friend last night, (Mr. Toombs,) as he recounted the evils of this Government. The Jirst was the fishing bounties paid mostly to the sailors of JYcio England .” The bounty paid by the Federal Government to cncourago the deep-sea fisheries of the United States ! CAUSES ALLEGED BY GEORGIA: TIIE FISHING BOUNTIES. 25 You are aware that this laborious branch of industry has, by all maritime States, been ever regarded with special favor as the nursery of naval power. The fisheries of the American colonies before the American Revolution drew from Burke one of the most gorgeous bursts of eloquence in our language, — in any language. They were all but annihilated by the Revolution, but they furnished the men who followed Manly, and Tucker, and Biddle, and Paul Jones to the jaws of death. Re¬ viving after the war, they attracted the notice of the First Congress, and were recommended to their favor by Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State. This favor was at first extended to them in the shape of a draw-back of the duty on the various imported articles employed in the building and outfit of the vessels and on the foreign salt used in preserving the fish. The complexity of this arrangement led to the substitution at first of a certain bounty on the quantity of the fish exported; afterwards on the tonnage of the vessels employed in the fisheries. All administra¬ tions have concurred in the measure ; Presidents of all parties, — though there has not been much variety of party in that office, — have approved the appropriations. If the North had a local interest in these bounties, the South got the principal food of her laboring population so much the cheaper ; and she had her common share in the protection which the navy afforded her coasts, and in the glory which it shed on the flag of the country. But since, unfortunately, the deep-sea fisheries do not exist in the Gulf of Mexico, nor, as in the “ age of Pyrrha,” on the top of the Blue Ridge, it has been discovered of late years that these bounties are a violation of the Con¬ stitution ; a largess bestowed by the common treasury on one section of the coun¬ try, and not shared by the other ; one of the hundred ways, in a word, in which the rapacious North is fattening upon the oppressed and pillaged South. You will naturally wish to know the amount of this tyrannical and oppressive bounty. It is stated by a senator from Alabama (Mr. Clay) who has warred against it with per¬ severance and zeal, and succeeded in the last Congress in carrying a bill through the Senate for its repeal, to have amounted, on the average, to an annual sum of 200,005 dollars ! Such is the portentous grievance which in Georgia stands at the head of the acts of oppression, for which, although repealed in one branch of Congress, the Union is to be broken up, and the country desolated by war. Switzerland revolted because an Austrian tyrant invaded the sanctity of her firesides, crushed out the eyes of aged patriots, and compelled her fathers to shoot apples from the heads of her sons; the Low Countries revolted against the fires of the Inquisition, and the infernal cruelties of Alva ; our fathers revolted because they were taxed by a parliament in which they were not represented ; the Cotton States revolt because a paltry subvention is paid to the hardy fishermen who form the nerve and muscle of the American Navy. But it is not, we shall bo told, the amount of the bounty, but the principle, as our fathers revolted against a three-penny tax on tea. But that was because it was laid by a parliament in which the Colonies were not represented, and which yet claimed the right to bind them in all cases. The Fishing Bounty is bestowed by a Government which has been from the first controlled by the South. Then how unreasonable to expect or to wish, that, in a country so vast as ours, no public ex¬ penditure should be made for the immediate benefit of one part or one interest that cannot be identically repeated in every other. A liberal policy, or rather the necessity of the case, demands, that what the public good, upon the whole, requires, 26 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. should under constitutional limitations be dene where it is required, offsetting the local benefit which may accrue from the expenditure made in one place and for one object, with the local benefit from the same source, in some other place for some other object. More money was expended by the United States in removing the Indians from Georgia, eight or ten times as much was expended for the same object in Florida, as has been paid for Fishing Bounties in seventy years. For the last year, to pay for the expense of the post-office in the seceding States, and enable our fellow-citi¬ zens there to enjoy the comforts of a newspaper ard letter mail to the same extent as they are enjoyed in the other States, three millions of dollars were paid from the common Treasury. The post-office bounty paid to the seceding States exceeded seventeen fold the annual average amount of the Fishing Bounty paid to the North. In four years that excess would equal the sum total of the amount paid since 1792 in bounties to the deep-sea fishery ! This circumstance probably explains the fact, that the pride of the Southern Confederacy was not alarmed at having the mails still conveyed by the United States, three or four months after the forts had been seized, the arsenals emptied, and the mints plun¬ dered. NAVIGATION LAWS. The second of the grievances under which the South is laboring, and which, ac¬ cording to Mr. Stephens, was on the occasion alluded to pleaded by the Secretary of State of the new Confederacy as a ground for dissolving the Union, is the Naviga¬ tion Laws, which give to American vessels the. exclusive enjoyment of our own coasting trade. This also is a policy coeval with the Government of the United States, and universally adopted by maritime powers, though relaxed by England within the last few years. Like the fishing bounty, it is a policy adopted for the purpose of fostering the commercial and with that the naval marine of the United States. All administrations of all parties have favored it; under its influence our commercial tonnage has grown up to be second to no other in the world, and our navy lias proved itself adequate to all the exigencies of peace and war. And are these no objects in a national point of view? Are the seceding politicians really insensible to interests of such paramount national importance ? Can they, for the sake of an imaginary infinitesimal reduction of coastwise freights, be willing to run even the risk of impairing our naval prosperity ? Arc they insensible to the fact that nothing but the growth of the American commercial marine protects the entire freighting interest of the country, in which the South is more deeply interested than the North, from European monopoly ? The South did not always take so narrow a view of the subject. When the Constitution was framed, and the American Mer¬ chant Marine was inconsiderable, the discrimination in favor of United States ves¬ sels, which then extended to the foreign trade, was an object of some apprehension on the part of the planting States. But there were statesmen in the South at that day, who did not regard the shipping interest as a local concern. “ So far,” said Mr. Edward Rutledge, in the South Carolina Convention of 178S, “ from not pre¬ ferring the Northern States by a navigation act, it would be politic to increase their strength by every means in our power ; for we had no other resource in our day of danger than in the naval force of our Northern friends, nor could we ever expect to become a great nation till we were powerful on the waters.”* But “ powerful Elliott's Debates, vol. iv., p. 209. TIIE TARIFF. 27 on the waters ” the South can never be. She has live oak, naval stores, and "allant officers ; but her climate and its diseases, the bars at the mouth of nearly ail her harbors, the Teredo , the want of a merchant marine and of fisheries, and the char¬ acter of her laboring population, will forever prevent her becoming a great naval power. Without the protection of the Navy of the United States, of which the strength centres at the North, she would hold the ingress and egress of every port on her coast at the mercy, I will not say of the great maritime States of Europe, but of Holland, and Denmark, and Austria, and Spain — of any second or third-rate power, which can keep a few steam frigates at sea. It must be confessed, however, that there is a sad congruity between the conduct of our seceding fellow-citizens and the motives which they assign for it. They attempt a suicidal separation of themselves from a great naval power, of which they are now an integral part, and they put forward, as the reason for this self-destruc¬ tive course, the legislative measures which have contributed to the growth of the navy. A judicious policy designed to promote that end has built up the commer¬ cial and military marine of the Union to its present commanding stature and power ; the South, though unable to contribute any thing to its prosperity but the service of her naval officers, enjoys her full share of the honor which it reflects on the country, and the protection which it extends to our flag, our coasts, and our commerce, but under the influence of a narrow-minded sectional jealousy, she is willing to abdicate the noble position which she now fills among the nations of the earth ; to depend for her very existence on the exigencies of the cotton market, to live upon the tolerance of the navies of Europe, and she assigns as leading causes for this amazing fatuity, that the Northern fisheries have been encouraged by a trifling bounty, and that the Northern commercial marine has the monopoly of the coastwise trade. And the politicians, who, for reasons like these, almost too frivo¬ lous to merit the time we have devoted to their examination, arc sapping a noble framework of government, and drenching a fair and but for them prosperous coun¬ try in blood, appeal to the public opinion of mankind for the justice of their cause, and the purity of their motives, and lift their eyes to Heaven for a blessing on their arms ! THE TARIFF. But the tariff is, with one exception, the alleged monster wrong — for which South Carolina in 1S32 drove the Union to the verge of a civil war, and which, next to the slavery question, the South has been taught to regard as the most grievous of the oppressions which she suffers at the hands of the North, and that by which she seeks to win the sympathy of the manufacturing States of Europe. It was so treated in the debate referred to. I am certainly not going so far to abuse your patience, as to enter into a discussion of the constitutionality or expediency of the protective policy, on which I am aware that opinions at the North differ, nor do I deem it necessary to expose the utter fallacy of the monstrous paradox, that duties, enhancing the price of imported articles, arc paid, not by the consumer of the mer¬ chandise imported, but by the producer of the last article of export given in ex¬ change. It is sufficient to say that for this maxim, (the forty-bale theory so called,) which has grown into an article of faith at the South, not the slightest authority ever has been, to my knowledge, adduced from any political economist of any school. Indeed, it can be shown to be a shallow sophism, inasmuch as the consumer 28 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. must bo, directly or indirectly, th e producer of the equivalents given in exchange for the article he consumes. But without entering into this discussion, I shall make a few remarks to show the great injustice of representing the protective system as being in its origin an oppression, of which the South has to complain on the part of the North. Every such suggestion is a complete inversion of the truth of history. Some attempts at manufactures by machinery were made at the North before the Revo¬ lution, but to an inconsiderable extent. The manufacturing system as a great Northern interest is the child of the restrictive policy of 1807 — 1S12, and of the war. That policy was pursued against the earnest opposition of the North, and to the temporary prostration of their commerce, navigation, and fisheries. Their capital was driven in this way into manufactures, and on the return of peace, the foundations of the protective system were laid in the square yard duty on cotton fabrics, in the support of which Mr. Calhoun, advised that the growth of the manu¬ facture would open a new market for the staple of the South, took the lead. As late as 1821 the Legislature of South Carolina unanimously affirmed the constitu¬ tionality of protective duties, though denying their expediency, — and of all the States of the Union Louisiana has derived the greatest benefit from this policy ; in fact, she owes the sugar culture to it, and has for that reason given it her steady support. In all the tariffi battles while I was a member of Congress, few votes were surer for the policy than that of Louisiana. If the duty on an article imported is considered as added to its price in our market, (which, however, is far from being invariably the case,) the sugar duty, of late, has amounted to a tax of five millions of dollars annually paid by the consumer, for the benefit of the Louisiana planter. As to its being an unconstitutional policy, it is perfectly well known that the protection of manufactures was a leading and avowed object for the formation of the Constitution. The second law, passed by Congress after its formation, was a rev¬ enue law. Its preamble is as follows : “ Whereas it is necessary for the support of Government, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encour¬ agement and protection of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares, and merchandise imported.” That act was reported to the House of Representatives by Mr. Madison, who is entitled as much as any one to be called the father of the Constitution. While it was pending before the House, and in the first week of the first session of the first Congress, two memorials were presented praying for pro¬ tective duties; and it is a matter of some curiosity to inquire, from what part of the country this first call came for that policy, now put forward as one of the acts of Northern oppression, which justify the South in flying to arms. The first of these petitions was from Baltimore. It implored the new Government to lay a protecting duty on all articles imported from abroad, which can be manufactured at home. The second was from the shipwrights, not of New York, not of Boston, not of Portland, but of Charleston, South Carolina, praying for “such a general regula¬ tion of trade and the establishment of such a Navigation Act, as will relieve the particular distresses of the petitioners, in common with those of their fellow-ship¬ wrights throughout the Union ” ! and if South Carolina had always been willing to make common cause with their fellow-citizens throughout the Union, it would not now be rent by civil war. THE COTTON CULTURE INTRODUCED UNDER PROTECTION. 29 THE COTTON CULTURE INTRODUCED UNDER PROTECTION. But the history of the great Southern staple is most curious and instructive, llis Majesty “ King Cotton,” on his throne, does not seem to be aware of the in¬ fluences which surrounded his cradle. The culture of cotton, on any considerable scale, is well known to be of recent date in America. The household manufacture of cotton was coeval with the settlement of the country. A century before the piano-forte or the harp was seen on this continent, the music of the spinning- wheel was heard at every fire-side in town and country. The raw materials were wool, flax, and cotton, the last imported from the West Indies. The colonial sys¬ tem of Great Britain before the Revolution forbade the establishment of any other than household manufactures. Soon after the Revolution, cotton mills were erected in Rhode Island and Massachusetts, and the infant manufacture was encouraged by State duties on the imported fabric. The raw material was still derived exclusively from the West Indies. Its culture in this country was so extremely limited and so little known, that a small parcel sent from the United States to Liverpool in 1784 was seized at the custom-house there, as an illicit importation of British colonial produce. Even as late as 1794, and by persons so intelligent as the negotiators of Jay’s treaty, it was not known that cotton was an article of growth and export from the United States. In the twelfth article of that treaty, as laid before the Senate, Cotton was included with Molasses, Sugar, Coffee, and Cocoa, as articles which American vessels should not be permitted to carry from the islands or from the United Stales to any foreign country. In the Revenue law of 1789, as it passed through the House of Representatives, cotton, with other raw materials, was placed on the free list. When the bill reached the Senate a duty of 3 cents per pound was laid upon cotton, not to encourage, not to protect, but to create the domestic culture. On the discussion of this amendment in the House, a member from South Carolina declared that “ Cotton was in con¬ templation ” in South Carolina and Georgia, “ and if good seed could be procured he hoped it might succccdP On this hope the amendment of the Senate was concurred in, and the duty of three cents per pound was laid on cotton. In 1791, Hamilton, in his report on the manufactures, recommended the repeal of this duty, on the ground that it was “ a very serious impediment to the manufacture of cotton,” but his recommendation was disregarded. Thus, in the infancy of the cotton manufacture of the North, at the moment when they were deprived of the protection extended to them before the Constitution by State laws, and while they were struggling against English competition under the rapidly improving machinery of Arkwright, which it was highly penal to export to foreign countries, a heavy burden was laid upon them by this protecting duty, to enable the planters of South Carolina and Georgia to explore the tropics for a variety of cotton seed adapted to their climate. For seven years at least, and probably more, this duty was in every sense of the word a protecting duty. There was not a pound of cotton spun, no not for candle-wicks to light the humble industry of the cottages of the North, which did not pay this tribute to the South¬ ern planter. The growth of the native article, as wo have seen, had not in 1794 reached a point to bo known to Chief Justice Jay as one of actual or probable export. As late as 1796, the manufacturers of Brandywine in Delaware petitioned 30 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. Congress for the repeal of this duty on imported cotton, and the petition was re^ jected on the Report of a Committee, consisting of a majority from the Southern States, on the ground, that “ to repeal the duty on raw cotton imported would be to damp the growth of cotton in our own country.” Radicle and plumule, root and stalk, blossom and boll, the culture of the cotton plant in the United States was in its infancy the foster-child of the Protective System. When therefore the pedigree of King Cotton is traced, ho is found to be the lineal child of the tariff; called into being by a specific duty ; reared by a tax laid upon the manufacturing industry of the North, to create the culture of the raw material in the South. The Northern manufacturers of America were slightly pro¬ tected in 1789 because they were too feeble to stand alone. Reared into magni¬ tude under the restrictive system and the war of 1812, they were upheld in 1S1G because they were too important to be sacrificed, and because the great staple of the South had a joint interest in their prosperity. King Cotton alone, not in his manhood, not in his adolescence, not in his infancy, but in his very embryo state, was pensioned upon the Treasury, — before the seed from which lie sprung was cast “ in the lowest parts of the earth.” In the book of the tariff “ his members were written, which in continuance were fashioned, when as yet there were none of them.” But it was not enough to create the culture of cotton at the South, by taxing the manufactures of the North with a duty on the raw material ; the extension of that culture and the prosperity which it has conferred upon the South arc due to the mechanical genius of the North. What says Mr. Justice Johnson of the Supreme Court of the United States, and a citizen of South Carolina? “ With regard to the utility of this discovery ” (the cotton gin of Whitney) “ the court would deem it a waste of time to dwell long upon this topic. Is there a man who hears us that has not experienced its utility ? The whole interior of the Southern States was lan¬ guishing, and its inhabitants emigrating, for want of some object to engage their attention and employ their industry, when the invention of this machine at once opened views to them which set the whole country in active motion. From child hood to age it has presented us a lucrative employment. Individuals who were depressed in poverty and sunk in idleness, have suddenly risen to wealth and respectability. Our debts have been paid off, our capitals increased, and our lands trebled in value. We cannot express the weight of obligation which the country owes to this invention ; the extent of it cannot now' be seen.” — Yes, and when hap¬ pier days shall return, and the South, awakening from her suicidal delusion, shall remember who it was that sowed her sunny fields with the seeds of those golden crops with which she thinks to rule the world, she will cast a veil of oblivion over the memory of the ambitious men who have goaded her to her present madness, and will rear a monument of her gratitude in the beautiful City of Elms, over the ashes of her greatest benefactor — Eli Wiiitxey. interference witii slavery tee great alleged grievance. But the great complaint of the South, and that which is admitted to be the im¬ mediate occasion of the present revolt, is the alleged interference of the North in the Southern institution of slavery ; a subject on which the sensibilities of the two sections have been so deeply and fearfully stirred, that it is nearly impossible to INTERFERENCE WITH SLAVERY TIIE GREAT ALLEGED GRIEVANCE. 31 speak words of impartial truth. As I have already stated, the declaration of South Carolina, of the causes which prompted her to secede from the Union, alleged no other reason for this movement than the enactment of laws to obstruct the surren¬ der of fugitive slaves. The declaration does not state that South Carolina ever lost a slave by the operation of these laws, and it is doubtful whether a dozen from all the States have been lost from this cause. A gross error on this subject pervades the popular mind at the South. Some hundred of slaves in the aggregate escape annually ; some to the recesses of the Dismal Swamp ; some to the everglades of Florida ; some to the trackless mountain region, which traverses the South ; some to the Mexican States and the Indian tribes ; some across the free States to Canada. The popular feeling of the South ascribes the entire loss to the laws of the free States, while it is doubtful whether these laws cause any portion of it. The public sentiment of the North is not such, of course, as to dispose the community to obstruct the escape or aid in the surrender of slaves. Neither is it at the South. No one, I am told, at the South, not called upon by official duty, joins in the hue and cry after a fugitive ; and whenever he escapes from any States south of the border tier, it is evident that his flight must have been aided in a community of slave-holders. If the North Carolina fugitive escapes through Virginia, or the Ten¬ nessee fugitive escapes through Kentucky, why are Pennsylvania and Ohio alone blamed 1 On this whole subject the grossest injustice is done to the North. She is expected to be more tolerant of slavery than the South herself ; for while the South demands of the North entire acquiescence in the extremest doctrines of slave property, it is a well-known fact, and as such alluded to by Mr. Clay in his speech on the compromises of 1850, that any man who habitually traffics in this property is held in the same infamy at Richmond and New Orleans that he wrould be at Philadelphia or Cincinnati.* While South Carolina, assigning the cause of secession, confines herself to the State laws for obstructing the surrender of fugitives, in other quarters, by the press, in the manifestoes and debates on the subject of secession, and in the official papers of the new Confederacy, the general conduct of the North, with respect to Slavery, is put forward as the justifying, nay, the compelling cause of the revolu-. tion. This subject, still more than that of the tariff, is too trite for discussion, with the hope of saying any thing new on the general question. I will but submit a fewr considerations to show' the great injustice which is done to the North, by repre¬ senting her as the aggressor in this sectional warfare. The Southern theory assumes that, at the time of the adoption of the Constitu¬ tion, the same antagonism prevailed as nowr between the North and South, on the general subject of Slavery; that, although it existed to some extent in all the States but one of the Union, it was a feeble and declining interest at the North, and mainly seated at the South ; that the soil and climate of the North w'ere soon found to be unpropitious to slave labor, while the reverse wras the case at the South ; that the Northern States, in consequence, having, from interested motives, abolished Slavery, sold their slaves to the South, and that then, although the exist¬ ence of Slavery was recognized, and its protection guaranteed by the Constitution, as soon as the Northern States had acquired a controlling voice in Congress, a per¬ sistent and organized system of hostile measures, against the rights of the owners * See Appendix, C. ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. 82 of slaves in the Southern States, was inaugurated and gradually extended, in viola¬ tion of the compromises of the Constitution, as well as of the honor and good faith tacitly pledged to the South, by the manner in which the North disposed of her slaves. Such, in substance, is the statement of Mr. Davis in his late message ; and he then proceeds, seemingly as if rehearsing the acts of this Northern majority in Congress, to refer to the anti-slavery measures of the State Legislatures, to the resolutions of abolition societies, to the passionate appeals of the party press, and to the acts of lawless individuals, during the progress of this unhappy agitation. THE SOUTH FORMERLY OPPOSED TO SLAVERY. Now, this entire view of the subject, with whatever boldness it is affirmed, and with whatever persistency it is repeated, is destitute of foundation. It is demon¬ strably at war with the truth of history, and is contradicted by facts known to those now on the stage, or which arc matters of recent record. At the time of the adoption of the Constitution, and long afterwards, there was, generally speaking, no sectional difference of opinion between North and South, on the subject of Sla¬ very. It was in both parts of the country regarded, in the established formula of the day, as “ a social, political, and moral evil.” The general feeling in favor of universal liberty and the rights of man, wrought into fervor in the progress of the Revolution, naturally strengthened the anti-slavery sentiment throughout the Union. It is the South which has since changed , not the North. The theory of a change in the Northern mind, growing out of a discovery made soon after 17S9, that our soil and climate were unpropitious to Slavery, (as if the soil and climate then were different from what they had always been,) and a consequent sale to the South of the slaves of the North, is purely mythical — as groundless in fact as it is absurd in statement. I have often asked for the evidence of this last allegation, and I have never found an individual who attempted even to prove it. But however this may be, the South at that time regarded Slavery as an evil, though a necessary one, and habitually spoke of it in that light. Its continued existence was supposed to depend on keeping up the African slave trade ; and South as well as North, Vir¬ ginia as well as Massachusetts, passed laws to prohibit that traffic ; they were, however, before the revolution, vetoed by the Royal Governors. One of the first acts of the Continental Congress, unanimously subscribed by its members, was an agreement neither to import, nor purchase any slave imported, after the first of December, 1774. In the Declaration of Independence, as originally drafted by Mr. Jefferson, both Slavery and the slave trade were denounced in the most un¬ compromising language. In 1777 the traffic was forbidden in Virginia, by State law, no longer subject to the veto of Royal Governors. In 1784, an ordinance was reported by Mr. Jefferson to the old Congress, providing that after 1800 there should be no Slavery in any Territory, ceded or to be ceded to the United States. The ordinance failed at that time to be enacted, but the same prohibition formed a part by general consent of the ordinance of 1787, for the organization of the north¬ western Territory. In his Notes on Virginia, published in that year, Mr. Jefferson depicted the evils of Slavery in terms of fearful import. In the same year the Constitution was framed. It recognized the existence of Slavery, but the word was carefully excluded from the instrument, and Congress was authorized to abol- *j 7 O TIIE SOUTH FORMERLY OPPOSED TO SLAVERY. 33 ish the traffic in twenty years. In 179G, Mr. St. George Tucker, law professor in William and Mary College in Virginia, published a treatise entitled, “a Disser¬ tation on Slavery, with a proposal for the gradual abolition of it in the State of Virginia.” In the preface to the essay, he speaks of the “ abolition of Slavery in this State as an object of the first importance, not only to our moral character and domestic peace, but even to our political salvation.” In 1797 Mr. Pinkney, in the Legislature of Maryland, maintained that “ by the eternal principles of justice, no man in the State has the right to hold his slave a single hour.” In 1803, Mr. John Randolph, from a committee on the subject, reported that the prohibition of Slavery by the ordinance of 1787, was “ a measure wisely calculated to promote the happiness and prosperity of the North-western States, and to give strength and security to that extensive frontier.” Under Mr. Jefferson, the importation of slaves into the Territories of Mississippi and Louisiana was prohibited in advance of the time limited by the Constitution for the interdiction of the slave trade. When the Missouri restriction was enacted, all the members of Mr. Monroe’s Cab¬ inet — Mr. Crawford of Georgia, Mr. Calhoun of South Carolina, and Mr. Wirt of Virginia — concurred with Mr. Monroe in affirming its constitutionality. In .1832, after the Southampton massacre, the evils of Slavery were exposed in the Legislature of Virginia, and the expediency of its gradual abolition maintained, in terms as decided as were ever employed by the most uncompromising agitator. A bill for that object wras introduced into the Assembly by the grandson of Mr. Jefferson, and warmly supported by distinguished politicians now on the stage. Nay, we have the recent admission of the Vice-President of the seceding Confed¬ eracy, that what he calls “ the errors of the past generation.,” meaning the anti¬ slavery sentiments entertained by Southern statesmen, “ still clung to many as late as twenty years ago.” To this hasty review of Southern opinions and measures, showing their ac¬ cordance till a late date with Northern sentiment on the subject of Slavery, I might add the testimony of Washington, of Patrick Henry, of George Mason, of Wythe, of Pendleton, of Marshall, of Lowndes, of Poinsett, of Clay, and of nearly every first-class name in the Southern States. Nay, as late as 1849, and after the Union had been shaken by the agitations incident to the acquisition of Mexican territory, the Convention of California, although nearly one-half of its members were from the slaveholding States, unanimously adopted a Constitution, by which slavery was prohibited in that State. In fact, it is now triumphantly proclaimed by the chiefs of the revolt, that the ideas prevailing on this subject when the Constitution was adopted were fundamentally wrong; that the new Government of the Confederate States rests upon exactly the opposite ideas ; that its foundations are laid and its corner-stone reposes upon the great truth, that the negro is not equal to the white man ; that Slavery — subordination to the superior race — is his natural and normal condition. This our new Government is the first in the history of the world based upon this physical, philosophical, and moral truth.” So little foundation is there for the statement, that the North, from the first, has been engaged in a strug¬ gle with the South on the subject of Slavery, or has departed in any degree from the spirit with which the Union was entered into, by both parties. The fact is precisely the reverse. 34 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. NO ANTI-SLAVERY MEASURES ENACTED BY CONGRESS. Mr. Davis, in his message to the Confederate States, goes over a long list of measures, which he declares to have been inaugurated, and gradually extended, as soon as the Northern States had reached a sufficient number to give their repre- sentatives a controlling voice in Congress. But of all these measures, not one is a matter of Congressional legislation, nor has Congress, with this alleged controlling voice on the part of the North, ever either passed a law hostile to the interests of the South, on the subject of Slavery, nor failed to pass one which the South has claimed as belonging to her rights or needed for her safety. In truth, the North, meaning thereby the anti-slavery North, never has had the control of both Houses of Congress, never of the judiciary, rarely of the Executive, and never exerted there to the prejudice of Southern rights. Every judicial or legislative issue on this question, with the single exception of the final admission of Kansas, that has ever been raised before Congress, has been decided in favor of the South ; and yet she allows herself to allege “ a persistent and organized system of hostile measures against the rights of the owners of slaves,” as the justification of her rebellion. The hostile measures alluded to are, as I have said, none of them matters of Congressional legislation. Some of them are purely imaginary as to any injurious effect, others much exaggerated, others unavoidably incident to freedom of speech and the press. You are aware, my friends, that I have always disapproved the agitation of the subject of Slavery for party purposes, or with a view to infringe upon the Constitutional rights of the South. But if the North has given cause of complaint, in this respect, the fault has been equally committed by the South. The subject has been fully as much abused there as here for party purposes ; and if the North has ever made it the means of gaining a sectional triumph, she has but done what the South, for the last twenty-five years, has never missed an occasion of doing. With respect to every thing substantial in the complaints of the South against the North, Congress and the States have afforded or tendered all reason¬ able, all possible satisfaction. She asked for a more stringent fugitive slave law in 1850, and it was enacted. She complained of the Missouri Compromise, although adopted in conformity with all the traditions of the Government, and approved by the most judicious Southern statesmen ; and after thirty-four years’ acquiescence on the part of the people, Congress repealed it. She wished for a judicial decision of the territorial question in her favor, and the Supreme Court of the United States, in contravention of the whole current of our legislation, so decided it. She insisted on carrying this decision into effect, and three new Territories, at the very last session of Congress, were organized in conformity to it, as Utah and New Mexico had been before it was rendered. She demanded a guarantee against amendments of the Constitution adverse to her interests, and it was given by the requisite ma¬ jority of the two Houses. She required the repeal of the State laws obstructing the surrender of fugitive slaves, and although she had taken the extreme remedy of revolt into her hands, they were repealed or modified. Nothing satisfied her, because there was an active party in the cotton-growing States, led by ambitious men determined on disunion, who were resolved not to be satisfied. In one in¬ stance alone the South has suffered defeat. The North, for the first time since the foundation of the Government, has chosen a President by her unaided electoral REPRESENTATION OF THREE-FIFTHS OF THE SLAVES. 35 vote ; and that is the occasion of the present unnatural war. I cannot appropriate to myself any portion of those cheers, for, as you know, I did not contribute, by my vote, to that result ; but I did enlist under the Banner of “ the Union, the Con¬ stitution, and the enforcement of the laws.” Under that Banner I mean to stand, and with it, if it is struck down, I am willing to fall. Even for this result the South has no one to blame but herself. Her disunionists would give their votes for no candidate but the one selected by leaders who avowed the purpose of effect¬ ing a revolution of the cotton States, and who brought about a schism in the Dem¬ ocratic party directly caclulated, probably designed, to produce the event which actually took place, with all its dread consequences. REPRESENTATION OF THREE-FIFTHS OF THE SLAVES. I trust I have shown the flagrant injustice of this whole attempt to fasten upon the North the charge of wielding the powers of the Federal Government to the prejudice of the South. But there is one great fact connected with this subject, seldom prominently brought forward, which ought forever to close the lips of the South, in this warfare of sectional reproach. Under the old Confederation, the Congress consisted of but one House, and each State, large and small, had but a single vote, and consequently an equal share in the Government, if Government it could bo called, of the Union. This manifest injustice was barely tolerable in a state of war, when the imminence of the public danger tended to produce unanimity of feeling and action. When the country was relieved from the pressure of the war, and discordant interests more and more disclosed themselves, the equality of the States became a positive element of discontent, and contributed its full share to the downfall of that short-lived and ill-compacted frame of Government. Accordingly, when the Constitution of the United States was formed, the great object and the main difficulty was to reconcile the equality of the States, (which gave to Rhode Island and Delaware equal weight with Virginia and Massachusetts,) with a proportionate representation of the people. Each of these principles was of vital importance ; the first being demanded by the small States, as due to their equal independence, and the last being demanded by the large States, in virtue of the fact that the Constitution was the work and the Government of the people, and in conformity with the great law in which the Revolution had its origin, that repre¬ sentation and taxation should go hand in hand. The problem was solved, in the Federal Convention, by a system of extremely refined arrangements, of which the chief was that there should be two Houses of Congress, that each State should have an equal representation in the Senate, (vot¬ ing, however, not by States, but per capita ,) and a number of representatives in the House in proportion to its population. But here a formidable difficulty pre¬ sented itself, growing out of the anomalous character of the population of the slave¬ holding States, consisting as it did of a dominant and a subject class, the latter ex¬ cluded by local law from the enjoyment of all political rights, and regarded simply as property. In this state of things, was it just or equitable that the slaveholding States, in addition to the number of representatives to which their free population entitled them, should have a further share in the government of the country, on account of the slaves held as property by a small portion of the ruling class ? While property of every kind in the non-slaveholding States was unrepresented, S6 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. was it just that this species of property, forming a large proportion of the entire property of the South, should he allowed to swell the representation of the slave¬ holding States ? This serious difficulty was finally disposed of, in a manner mutually satisfactory, hy providing that Representatives and direct Taxes should he apportioned among the States on the same basis of population, ascertained by adding to the whole number of free persons three-fifths of the slaves. It was expected at this time that the Federal Treasury would be mainly supplied by direct taxation. While, there¬ fore, the rule adopted gave to the South a number of representatives out of propor¬ tion to the number of her citizens, she would bo restrained from exercising this power to the prejudice of the North, by the fact that any increase of the public burdens would fill in the same increased proportion on herself. For the additional weight which the South gained in the presidential election, by this adjustment, the North received no compensation. But now mark the practical operation of the compromise. Direct taxation, instead of being the chief resource of the Treasury, has been resorted to but four times since the foundation of the Government, and then for small amounts ; in 179S two millions of dollars, in 1S13 three millions, in 1815 six millions, in 181G three millions again, in all fourteen millions, the sum total raised by direct taxation in seventy-two years, less than an average of 200,000 dollars a year. What num¬ ber of representatives, beyond the proportion of their free population, the South has elected in former Congresses I have not computed. In the last Congress she was represented by twenty members, in behalf of her slaves, being nearly one- eleventh part of the entire House. As the increasing ratio of the two classes of population has not greatly varied, it is probable that the South, in virtue of her slaves, has always enjoyed about the same proportionate representation in the House, in excess of that accruing from her free population. As it has rarely hap¬ pened in our political divisions that important measures have been carried by large majorities, this excess has been quite sufficient to assure the South a majority on all sectional questions. It enabled her to elect her candidate for the Presidency in 1800, and thus effect the great political revolution of that year, and is sufficient of itself to account for that approach to a monopoly of the Government which she has ever enjoyed. Now, though the consideration for which the North agreed to this arrangement, may be said to have wholly failed, it has nevertheless been quietly acquiesced in. I do not mean that in times of high party excitement it has never been alluded to as a hardship. The Hartford Convention spoke of it as a grievance which ought to be remedied ; but even since our political controversies have turned almost wholly on the subject of slavery, I am not aware that this entire failure of the equivalent, for which the North gave up to the South what lias secured to her, in fact, the almost exclusive control of the Government of the country, has been a frequent or a prominent subject of complaint. So much for the pursuit by the North of measures hostile to the interests of the South ; — so much for the grievances urged by the South as her justification for bringing upon the country the crimes and sufferings of civil war, and aiming at the prostration of a Government admitted by herself to be the most perfect the world has seen, and under which all her own interests have been eminently protected and WHY SHOULD WE NOT RECOGNIZE THE SECEDING STATES? 37 favored ; for to complete the demonstration of the unreasonableness of her com¬ plaints, it is necessary only to add, that, by the admission of her leading public men, there never was a time when her “ peculiar institution ” was so stable and prosperous as at the present moment.* WHY SHOULD WE NOT RECOGNIZE THE SECEDING STATES? And now let us rise from these disregarded appeals to the truth of history and the wretched subtiltics of the Secession School of Argument, and contemplate the great issue before us, in its solemn practical reality. “ Why should we not,” it is asked, “ admit the claims of the seceding States, acknowledge their independence, and put an end at once to the war ? ” “ Why should we not ? ” I answer the question by asking another : “ Why should we? ” What have we to gain, what to hope from the pursuit of that course? Peace? But we were at peace before- Why are we not at peace now? The North has not waged the war, it has been forced upon us in self-defence ; and if, while they had the Constitution and the Laws, the Executive', Congress, and the Courts, all controlled by themselves, the South, dissatisfied with legal protections and Constitutional remedies, has grasped the sword, can North and South hope to live in peace, when the bonds of Union are broken, and amicable means of adjustment are repudiated ? Peace is the very last thing which Secession, if recognized, will give us ; it will give us nothing but a hollow truce, — time to prepare the means of new outrages. It is in its very nature a perpetual cause of hostility ; an eternal never-cancelled letter of marque and reprisal, an everlasting proclamation of border-war. How can peace exist, when all the causes of dissension shall be indefinitely multiplied ; when unequal revenue laws shall have led to a gigantic system of smuggling; when a general stampede of slaves shall take place along the border, with no thought of rendition, and all the thousand causes of mutual irritation shall be called into action, on a frontier of 1,500 miles not marked by natural boundaries and not subject to a common jurisdiction or a mediating power? We did believe in peace, fondly, credulously, believed that, cemented by the mild umpirage of the Federal Union, it might dwell forever beneath the folds of the Star-Spangled Banner, and the sacred shield of a common Nationality. That was the great arcanum of policy ; that was the State mystery into which men and angels desired to look ; hidden from ages, but revealed to us : — Which Kings and Prophets waited for, And sought, but never found : a family of States independent of each other for local concerns, united under one Government for the management of common interests and the prevention of internal feuds. There was no limit to the possible extension of such a system. It had already comprehended half of North America, and it might, in the course of time, have folded the continent in its peaceful, beneficent embrace. We fondly dreamed that, in the lapse of ages, it would have been extended till half the Western hemi¬ sphere had realized the vision of universal, perpetual peace. From that dream we have been rudely startled by the array of ten thousand armed men in Charleston Harbor, and the glare of eleven batteries bursting on the torn sky of the Union, like the comet which, at this very moment, burns “ In the Arctic sky, and from his * See Appendix, D. 38 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. horrid hair shakes pestilence and war.” These batteries rained their storm of iron hail on one poor siege-worn company, because, in obedience to lawful authority, in the performance of sworn duty, the gallant Anderson resolved to keep his oath. That brave and faithful band, by remaining at their post, did not hurt a hair of the head of a Carolinian, bond or free. The United States proposed not to reenforce, but to feed them. But the Confederate leaders would not allow them even the poor boon of being starved into surrender; and because some laws had been passed somewhere, by which it was alleged that the return of some slaves (not one from Carolina) had been or might be obstructed, South Carolina, disclaiming the protec¬ tion of courts and of Congress, which had never been withheld from her, has in¬ augurated a ruthless civil war. If, for the frivolous reasons assigned, the seceding States have chosen to plunge into this gulf, while all the peaceful temperaments and constitutional remedies of the Union were within their reach, and offers of further compromise and additional guarantees were daily tendered them, what hope, what possibility of peace can there be, when the Union is broken up, when, in addition to all other sources of deadly quarrel, a general exodus of the slave population begins, (as, beyond all question, it will,) and nothing but war remains for the set¬ tlement of controversies 1 The Vice-President of the new Confederacy states that it rests on slavery ; but from its very nature it must rest equally on war ; eternal war, first between North and South, and then between the smaller fragments into which some of the disintegrated parts may crumble. The work of demons has already begun. Besides the hosts mustered for the capture or destruction of Washington, Eastern Virginia has let loose the dogs of war on the loyal citizens of Western Virginia ; they are straining at the leash in Maryland and Kentucky ; Tennessee threatens to set a price on the head of her noble Johnson and his friends ; a civil war rages in Missouri. Why, in the name of Ilcaven, has not Western Virginia, separated from Eastern Virginia by mountain ridges, by climate, by the course of her rivers, by the character of her population, and the nature of her in¬ dustry, why has she not as good a right to stay in the Union which she inherited from her Washington, as Eastern Virginia has to abandon it for the mushroom Confederacy forced upon her from Montgomery ? Arc no rights sacred but those of rebellion ; no oaths binding but those taken by men already foresworn ; are liberty of thought, and speech, and action nowhere to be tolerated except on the part of those by whom laws are trampled under foot, arsenals and mints plundered, gov¬ ernments warred against, and where their patriotic defenders arc assailed by fero¬ cious and murderous mobs 1 SECESSION ESTABLISHES A FOREIGN POWER ON TnE CONTINENT. Then consider the monstrous nature and reach of the pretensions in which we are expected to acquiesce ; which are nothing less than that the United States should allow a Foreign Power, by surprise, treachery, and violence, to possess itself of one-half of their territory and all the public property and public establishments contained in it ; for if the Southern Confederacy is recognized, it becomes a Foreign Power, established along a curiously dove-tailed frontier of 1,500 miles, command¬ ing some of the most important commercial and military positions and lines of communication for travel and trade ; half the sea-coast of the Union ; the naviga¬ tion of our Mediterranean Sea, (the Gulf of Mexico, one-third as large as the Medi- IMMENSE COST OF THE TERRITORIES CLAIMED BY SECESSION. 39 terranean of Europe,) and, above all, the great arterial inlet into the heart of the Continent, through which its very life-blood pours its imperial tides. I say we are coolly summoned to surrender all this to a Foreign Power. Would we surrender it to England, to France, to Spain ? Not an inch of it ; why, then, to the Southern Confederacy? Would any other Government on earth, unless compelled by the direst necessity, make such a surrender? Does not France keep an army of 100,000 men in Algeria to prevent a few wandering tribes of Arabs, a recent con¬ quest, from asserting their independence ? Did not England strain her resources to the utmost tension, to prevent the native Kingdoms of Central India (civilized States two thousand years ago, and while painted chieftains ruled the savage clans of ancient Britain) from reestablishing their sovereignty ; and shall we be expected, without a struggle, to abandon a great integral part of the United States to a For¬ eign Power ? Let it be remembered, too, that in granting to the seceding States, jointly and severally, the right to leave the Union, we concede to them the right of resuming, if they please, their former allegiance to England, France, and Spain. It rests with them, with any one of them, if the right of secession is admitted, again to plant a European Government side by side with that of the United States on the soil of America ; and it is by no means the most improbable upshot of this ill-starred rebellion, if allowed to prosper. Is this the Monroe doctrine for which the United States have been contending ? The disunion press in Virginia last year openly encouraged the idea of a French Protectorate, and her Legislature has, I believe, sold out the James River canal, the darling enterprise of Washington, to a com¬ pany in France supposed to enjoy the countenance of the emperor. The seceding patriots of South Carolina were understood by the correspondent of the London “ Times,” to admit that they would rather be subject to a British prince, than to the Government of the United States. Whether they desire it or not, the moment the seceders lose the protection of the United States, they hold their independence at the mercy of the powerful governments of Europe. If the navy of the North should withdraw its protection, there is not a Southern State on the Atlantic or the Gulf, which might not be recolonized by Europe, in six months after the outbreak of a foreign war. IMMENSE COST OF THE TERRITORIES CLAIMED BY SECESSION. Then look at the case for a moment, in reference to the cost of the acquisitions of territory made on this side of the continent within the present century, — Florida, Louisiana, Texas, and the entire coast of Alabama and Mississippi ; vast regions acquired from France, Spain, and Mexico, within sixty years. Louisiana cost 15,000,000 dollars, when our population was 5,000,000, representing, of course, a burden of 90,000,000 of dollars at the present day. Florida cost 5,000,000 dollars in 1820, when our population was less than 10,000,000, equal to 15,000,000 dollars at the present day, besides the expenses of General Jackson’s war in 1818, and the Florida war of 1840, in which some 80,000,000 of dollars were thrown away, for the purpose of driving out a handful of starving Seminoles from the Everglades. Texas cost $200,000,000 expended in the Mexican war, in addition to the lives of thousands of brave men ; besides $10,000,000 paid to her in 1850, for ceding a tract of land which was not hers to New Mexico. A great part of the expense of 40 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. the military establishment of the United States has been incurred in defending the South-Western frontier. The troops, meanly surprised and betrayed in Texas, were sent there to protect her defenceless border settlements from the tomahawk and scalping-knife. If to all this expenditure we add that of the forts, the navy yards, the court-houses, the custom-houses, and the other public buildings in these regions, 500,000,000 dollars of the public funds, of which at least five-sixths have been levied by indirect taxation from the North and North-West, have been ex¬ pended in and for the Gulf States in this century. Would England, would France, would any government on the face of the earth surrender, without a death-struggle, such a dear-bought territory ? THE UNITED STATES CANNOT GIVE UP THE CONTROL OP THE OUTLET OF THE MISSISSIPPI. But of this I make no account ; the dollars are spent ; let them go. But loolc at the subject for a moment in its relations to the safety, to the prosperity, and the growth of the country. The Missouri and the Mississippi Rivers, with their hundred tributaries, give to the great central basin of our continent its character and destiny. The outlet of this mighty system lies between the States of Tennessee and Missouri, of Mississippi and Arkansas, and through the State of Louisiana. The ancient province so-called, the proudest monument of the mighty monarch whose name it bears, passed from the jurisdiction of France to that of Spain in 17G3. Spain coveted it, not that she might fill it with prosperous colonics and rising States, but £hat it might stretch as a broad waste barrier, infested with warlike tribes, between the Anglo-American power and the silver mines of Mexico. With the independence of the United States, the fear of a still more dangerous neighbor grew upon Spain, and in the insane expectation of checking the progress of the Union westward, she threatened, and at times attempted, to close the mouth of the Mississippi, on the rapidly increasing trade of the West. The bare suggestion of such a policy roused the population upon the banks of the Ohio, then inconsiderable, as one man. Their confidence in Washington scarcely restrained them from rushing to the seizure of New Orleans, when the treaty of San Lorenzo El Real in 1795 stipulated for them a precarious right of navigating the noble river to the sea, with a right of deposit at New Orleans. This subject was for years the turning point of the politics of the West, and it was perfectly well understood, that, sooner or later, she would be content with nothing less than the sovereign control of the mighty stream from its head spring to its outlet in the Gulf; and that is as true now as it teas then. So stood affairs at the close of the last century, when the colossal power of the first Napoleon burst upon the world. In the vast recesses of his Titanic ambition, he cherished as a leading object of his policy, to acquire for France a colonial em¬ pire which should balance that of England. In pursuit of this policy, he fixed his eye on the ancient regal colony which Louis XIV. had founded in the heart of North America, and ho tempted Spain by the paltry bribe of creating a kingdom of Etruria for a Bourbon prince, to give back to France the then boundless waste of the territory of Louisiana. The cession was made by the secret treaty of San Ildefonso of the 1st of October, 1S00, (of which one sentence only has ever been published, but that sentence gave away half a continent,) and the youthful conqueror concentrated all the resources of his mighty genius on the accomplishment of the CONTROL OF THE OUTLET OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 41 vast project. If successful, it would have established the French power on the mouth and on the right bank of the Mississippi, and would have opposed the most formidable barrier to the expansion of the United States. The peace of Amiens, at this juncture, relieved Napoleon from the pressure of the war with England, and every thing seemed propitious to the success of the great enterprise. The fate of America trembled for a moment in a doubtful balance, and five hundred thousand citizens in that region felt the danger, and sounded the alarm.* But in another moment the aspect of affairs was changed, by a stroke of policy, grand, unexpected, and fruitful of consequences, perhaps without a parallel in history. The short-lived truce of Amiens was about to end, the renewal of war was inevi¬ table. Napoleon saw that before he could take possession of Louisiana it would be wrested from him by England, who commanded the seas, and he determined at once, not merely to deprive her of this magnificent conquest, but to contribute as far as in him lay, to build up a great rival maritime power in the West. The Government of the United States, not less sagacious, seized the golden moment — a moment such as does not happen twice in a thousand years. Mr. Jefferson per¬ ceived that, unless acquired by the United States, Louisiana would in a short time belong to France or to England, and with equal wisdom and courage he determined that it should belong to neither. True ho held the acquisition to be unconstitu¬ tional, but he threw to the winds the resolutions of 1798, which had just brought him into power ; he broke the Constitution and he gained an Empire. Mr. Mon¬ roe was sent to France to conduct the negotiation, in conjunction with Chancellor Livingston, the resident Minister, contemplating, however, at that time only the acquisition of New Orleans and the adjacent territory. But they were dealing with a man that did nothing by halves. Napoleon knew, and we know — that to give up the mouth of the river was to give up its course. On Easter-Sunday of 1S03, he amazed his Council with the announcement, that ho had determined to cede the whole of Louisiana to the United States. Not less to the astonishment of the American envoys, they were told by the French negotia¬ tors, at the first interview, that their master was prepared to treat with them not merely for the Isle of New Orleans, but for the whole vast province which bore the name of Louisiana ; whose boundaries, then unsettled, have since been carried on the North to the British line, on the West to the Pacific Ocean ; a territory half as big as Europe, transferred by a stroke of the pen. Fifty-eight years have elapsed since the acquisition was made. The States of Louisiana, Arkansas, Mis¬ souri, Iowa, Minnesota, and Kansas, the territories of Nebraska, Dacotah, Jefferson, and part of Colorado, have been established within its limits, on this side of the Rocky Mountains ; the State of Oregon and the territory of Washington on their western slope ; while a tide of population is steadily pouring into the region, des¬ tined in addition to the natural increase, before the close of the century, to double the number of the States and Territories. For the entire region west of the Al- leghanies and east of the Rocky Mountains, the Missouri and the Mississippi form the natural outlet to the sea. Without counting the population of the seceding States, there are ten millions of the free citizens of the country, between Pittsburg and Fort Union, who claim the course and the mouth of the Mississippi, as belong¬ ing to the United States. It is theirs by a transfer of truly imperial origin and * Speech of Mr. Eoss, in the SeDate of tho United States, 14th February, 1803. 42 ADDRESS BY EDWARD EVERETT. magnitude ; theirs by a sixty years’ undisputed title ; theirs by occupation and settlement ; theirs by the Law of Nature and of God. Louisiana, a fragment of this Colonial empire, detached from its main portion and first organized as a State, undertakes to secede from the Union, and thinks by so doing that she will be allowed by the Government and People of the United States to revoke this im¬ perial transfer, to disregard this possession and occupation of sixty years, to repeal this law of nature and of God ; and she fondly believes that ten millions of the Free People of the Union will allow her and her seceding brethren to open and shut the portals of this mighty region at their pleasure. They may do so, and the swarming millions which throng the course of these noble streams and their tribu¬ taries may consent to exchange the charter which they hold from the God of Heaven, for a bit of parchment signed at Montgomery or Richmond ; but if I may repeat the wrords which I have lately used on another occasion, it will be when the Alleghanies and the Rocky Mountains, which form the eastern and western walls of the imperial valley, shall sink to the level of the sea, and the Mississippi and the Missouri shall flow back to their fountains. Such, Fellow-citizens, as I contemplate them, are the great issues before the country, nothing less, in a word, than whether the work of our noble Fathers of the Revolutionary and Constitutional age shall perish or endure ; whether this great experiment in National polity, which binds a family of free Republics in one United Government — the most hopeful plan for combining the homebred blessings of a small State with the stability and power of great empire — shall be treacher¬ ously and shamefully stricken down, in the moment of its most successful opera¬ tion, or whether it shall bo bravely, patriotically, triumphantly maintained. We wage no war of conquest and subjugation ; we aim at nothing but to protect our loyal fellow-citizens, who, against fearful odds, are fighting the battles of the Union in the disaffected States, and to reestablish, not for ourselves alone, but for our deluded fellow-citizens, the mild sway of the Constitution and the Laws. The re¬ sult cannot be doubted. Twenty millions of freemen, forgetting their divisions, arc rallying as one man in support of the righteous cause — their willing hearts and their strong hands, their fortunes and their lives, are laid upon the altar of the country. We contend for the great inheritance of constitutional freedom trans¬ mitted from our revolutionary fathers. We engage in the struggle forced upon us, with sorrow, as against our misguided brethren, but with high heart and faith, as we war for that Union which our sainted Washington commended to our dearest affections. The sympathy of the civilized world is on our side, and will join us in prayers to Heaven for the success of our arms. APPENDIX APPENDIX A, p. 9. After the remark3 in the foregoing address, p. 9, were written, touching the impos¬ sibility, at the present day, of repealing the instrument by which in 1788 South Carolina gave her consent and ratification to the Constitution of the United States, I sought the opinion on that point of Mr. George Ticknor Curtis, the learned and accurate historian of the Con¬ stitution. It afforded me great pleasure to find, from the following letter, that my view of the subject is sustained by his high authority: Jamaica Plains, j Saturday Evening, June 8, 1861. ) My Dear Sir : Since I came home, I have looked carefully at the ratification of the Constitution by South Carolina. The formal instrument, sent to Congress, seems to be much more in the nature of a Deed or Grant, than of an Ordinance. An ordinance would seem to be an instrument adopted by a public body, for the regulation of a subject that in its nature remains under the regulation of that body ; — to operate until otherwise ordered. A Deed, or Grant, on the other hand, operates to pass some things ; and unless there be a reservation of some control over the subject-matter by the Grantor, his cession is neces¬ sarily irrevocable. I can perceive no reason why these distinctions are not applicable to the cession of political powers by a People, or their duly authorized representatives. The question submitted to the People of South Carolina, by the Congress, was, "Whether they would cede the powers of government embraced in an instrument sent to them, and called the Constitution of the United States. In other words, they were asked to make a Grant of those Powers. When, therefore, the duly authorized Delegates of the People of South Carolina executed an instrument under seal, declaring that they, “ in the name and be¬ half” of that people, “ assent to and ratify the said Constitution,” I can perceive no pro¬ priety in calling this Deed an Ordinance. If they had adopted an instrument entitled, “ An Act [or Ordinance] for the government of the People of South Carolina,” and had gone on, in the body of the instrument, to declare that the Powers embraced in the Con¬ stitution of the United States should be exercised by the agents therein provided, until otherwise ordered, thero would have been something left for a repeal to operate upon. But nothing like this was done, and everybody knows that such a ratification could not have been accepted. There are those, as you are well aware, who pretend that the most absolute and un¬ restricted terms of cession, which would carry any other subject entirely out of the grantor, do not so operate when the subject of the grant is political sovereignty. But a political school which maintains that a deed is to bo construed in one way when it pur¬ ports to convey one description of right, such as political sovereignty, and in another 1 44 APPENDIX. way when it purports to convey a right of another kind, such as property, would hold a very weak brief in any tribunal of jurisprudence, if the question could be brought to that arbitrament. The American people have been very much accustomed to treat politi¬ cal grants, made by the sovereign power without reservation, as irrevocable conveyances and executed contracts ; and although they hold to the right of revolution, they have not yet found out how a deed, absolute on its face, is to be treated in point of law, as a re- pealable instrument, because it deals with political rights and duties. If any court in South Carolina were now to have the question come before it, whether the laws of the United States are still binding upon their citizens, I think they would have to put their denial upon the naked doctrine of revolution ; and that they could not hold that, as mat¬ ter of law and regular political action, their ratification deed of May 23d, 1788, is “re¬ pealed” by their late ordinance. Most truly and respectfully yours, Geo. T. Curtis. Mr. Everett. APPENDIX B, p. 22. Hon. Beverdy Johnson to Mr. Everett. Baltimore, 24th June, ISC 1. Hy Dear Mr. Everett . I have your note of the 18th, and cheerfully authorize you to use my name, as you suggest. ’ The letter I read in the speech which I made in Frederick, should be conclusive evi¬ dence that, at its date, Mr. Calhoun denied the right of secession, as a constitutional right, either express or implied. But, in addition to this, I had frequent opportunities of knowing that this was his opinion. It was my good fortune to be a member of the Senate of the United States, whilst he was one of its greatest ornaments, for four years, from 1845, until I became a member of Gen. Taylor’s administration, and during two sessions (I think 1846 and 1847) I lived in the same house with him. lie did me th Sonor to give me much of his confi¬ dence, and frequently his nullification doctrine was the subject of conversation. Time and time again have I heard him, and with ever increased surprise at his wonderful acuteness, defend it on Constitutional grounds, and distinguish it, in that respect , from the doctrine of Secession. This last he never, with me, placed on any other ground than that of revolution. This, he said, was to destroy the Government; and no Constitution, the work of sane men, ever provided for its own destruction. The other was to preserve it, was, practically, but to amend it, and in a constitutional mode. As you know, and ho was ever told, I never took that view. I could see no more constitutional warrant for this than for the other, which, I repeat, he ever in all our interviews repudiated, as wholly indefensible as a constitutional remedy. His mind, with all its wonderful power, was so ingenious that it often led him into error, and at times to such an extent as to be guilty of the most palpable inconsistencies. His views of the tariff and internal improve¬ ment powers of the Government, are instances. ITis first opinions upon both were decided, and almost ultra. His earliest reputation was won as their advocate, and yet four years before his death lie denounced both, with constant zeal and with rare power, and, whilst doing so, boldly asserted his uniform consistency. It is no marvel, therefore, with those who have observed his career and studied his character, to hear it stated now that he was the advocate of constitutional secession. It may be so, and perhaps is so; but this in no way supports the doctrine, as far as it is rested on his authority. Ilis first views were well considered and formed, without the influence of extraneous circumstances, of which he seemed to me to bo often the victim. APPENDIX. 45 Pare in private life and in motives, ever, as I believe and have always believed, patriotic, he was induced, seemingly without knowing it, in his later life, to surrender to section what was intended for the whole, his great powers of analysis and his extraordinary talent for public service. If such a heresy, therefore, as constitutional secession could rest on any individual name, if any mere human authority could support such an absurd and destructive folly, it cannot be said to rest on that of Mr. Calhoun. With sincere regard, your friend, Eevekdy Johnson. Hon. Edwaed Eyekett, Boston. APPENDIX C, p. 31. The number of fugitive slaves, from all the States, as I learn from Mr. J. C. G. Ken¬ nedy, the intelligent superintendent of the census bureau, was, in the year 1S50, 1,011, being about one to every 3,165, the entire number of slaves at that time being 3,200,364, a ratio of rather more than 5ls of one per cent. This very small ratio was diminished in 1860. By the last census, the whole number of slaves in the United States was 3,949,- 557, and the number of escaping fugitives was 803, being a trifle over of one per cent. Of these it is probable that much the greater part escaped to the places of refuge in the South, alluded to in the text. At all events, it is well known that escaping slaves, re¬ claimed in the free States, have in almost every instance been restored. There is usually some difficulty in reclaiming fugitives of any description, who have escaped to another jurisdiction. In most of the cases of fugitives from justice, which came under my cognizance as United States Minister in London, every conceivable diffi¬ culty was thrown in my way, and sometimes with success, by the counsel for the parties whose extradition was demanded under the Webster- Ashburton treaty. The French Am¬ bassador told mo, that he had made thirteen unsuccessful attempts to procure the surren¬ der of fugitives from justice, under the extradition treaty between the two governments. The difficulty generally grew out of the difference of the jurisprudence of the two coun¬ tries, in the definition of crimes, rules of evidence, and mode of procedure. The number of blacks living in Upper Canada and assumed to be all from’ the United States, is sometimes stated as high as forty thousand, and is constantly referred to, at the South, as showing the great number of fugitives. But it must be remembered that tho manumissions far exceed in number the escaping fugitives. I learn from Mr. Kennedy that while in 1860 the number of fugitives wras but 803, that of manumissions was 3,010. As the manumitted slaves are compelled to leave the States where they are set free, and a small portion only emigrate to Liberia, at least nine-tenths of this number arc scattered through the northern States and Canada. In the decade from 1850 to 1860, it is estimat¬ ed that 20,000 slaves were manumitted, of whom three-fourths probably joined their brethren in Canada. This supply alone, with the natural increase on the old stock and the new comers, will account for the entire population of tho province. A very able and instructive discussion of the statistics of this subject will be found in the Boston Courier of the 9th of July. It is there demonstrated that the assertion that the Northern States got rid of their slaves by selling them to tho South, is utterly un¬ supported by tho official returns of the census. 46 APPENDIX. APPENDIX D, p. 37. In his message to the Confederate Congress of the 29th April last, Mr. Jefferson Davis presents a most glowing account of the prosperity of the peculiar institution of the South. IIo states, indeed, that it was “ imperilled” by Northern agitation, hut he does not affirm (and the contrary, as far as I have observed, is strenuously maintained at the South) that its progress has been checked or its stability in the slightest degree shaken. I think I have seen statements by Mr. Senator Hunter of Virginia, that the institution of slavery has been benefited and its interests promoted, since the systematic agitation of the subject began ; but I am unable to lay my hand on the speech, in which, if I recollect rightly, this view was taken by the distinguished senator. I find the following extracts from the speeches of two distinguished southern senators, in “ The Union,” a spirited paper published at St. Cloud, Minnesota : It was often said at the North, and admitted by candid statesmen at the South, that anti-slavery agitation strengthened rather than weakened slavery. Here are the admissions of Senator Hammond on this point, in a speech which he delivered in South Carolina, October 24, 1858 : — “And what then (1833) wTas the state of opinion in the South? Washington had emancipated hi3 slaves. Jefferson had bitterly denounced the system, and had done all that he could to destroy it. Our Clays, Marshalls, Crawfords, and many other prominent Southern men, led off in the coloni¬ zation scheme. The inevitable effect in the South was that she believed slavery to be an evil — weakness — disgraceful — nay, a sin. She shrunk from the discussion of it. She cowered under every threat. She attempted to apologize, to excuse herself under the plea — wdiich was true — that Eng¬ land had forced it upon her ; and in fear and trembling she awaited a doom that she deemed inevi¬ table. But a few bold spirits took the question up — they compelled the South to investigate it anew and thoroughly, and what is the result ? Why, it would be difficult to find now a Southern man who feels the system to be the lightest burden on his conscience ; who does not, in fact, regard it as an equal advantage to the master and the slave, elevating both, as wealth, strength, and power, and as one of the main pillars and controlling influences of modern civilization, and who is not now pre¬ pared to maintain it at every hazard. Such hare been the happy results of this abolition discussion. “ So far our gain has been immense from this contest, savage and malignant as it has been.” And again he says : — “ The rock of Gibraltar does not stand so firm on its basis as our slave system. For a quarter of a century it has borne the brunt of a hurricane as fierce and pitiless as ever raged. At the North, and in Europe, they cried ‘ havoc,’ and let loose upon us all the dogs of war. And how stands it now ? Why, in this very quarter of a century our slaves have doubled in numbers, and each slave has more than doubled in value. The very negro who, as a prime laborer, would have brought §400 in 1828, would now, with thirty more years upon him, sell for $800.” Equally strong admissions were made by A. H. Stephens, now Vice-President of the “ Confed¬ eracy,” in that carefully prepared speech which he delivered in Georgia in July, 1859, on the occasion of retiring from public life. He then said : — “ Nor am I of the number of those who believe that we have sustained any injury by these agitations. It is true, we were not responsible for them. We were not the aggressors. We acted on the defensive. We repelled assault, calumny, and aspersion, by argument, by reason, and truth. But so far from the institution of African slavery in our section being weakened or rendered less secure by the discussion, my deliberate judgment is that it has been greatly strengthened and forti¬ fied — strengthened and fortified not only in the opinions, convictions, and consciences of men, but by the action of the Government.” THE REBELLION RECORD: A DIARY OF THE SOUTHERN CONSPIRACY AND WAR AGAINST THE UNITED STATES, 1860-1. [Introductory Note.] — In a digested and systematic shape, it is designed to give a compre¬ hensive history of this struggle ; sifting fact from fiction and rumor ; presenting the poetical and picturesque aspects, the notable and characteristic incidents, separated from the graver and more important documents. Thus the matter is classified : I. — A Diary of Verified Facts. II. — Poetry and Notable Incidents. III. — Documents, Speeches, and Extended Narratives. Observe : each division is separately paged, in each number, so that the volume, when bound, will be similarly divided. It is, of course, not intended to supersede or to keep up with the newspapers, but to subject the newspapers, north and south, to the crucible of time ; following them at such distance as may be required to verify and classify all that is best worth preserving out of the immense mas3 of leaders, speeches, letters, and reports, which crowd the daily press. This number begins with a Diary of Occurrences, from the meeting of the South Carolina Con¬ vention, December 17, 1860. Every important document and extended narrativo will be given in consecutive order, numbered, with references from the Diary. The Preliminary Historical Sketch of Causes which led to the struggle, and of occur¬ rences following the election of Lincoln, will be carefully prepared by an experienced and com¬ petent hand. It will aim at entire truthfulness and impartiality. This history will form a double or quadruple number of the work, and can bo bound as an Introduction to the Diary. It wrill be issued in a few w*eeks. A Title-page, Contents, and Index, will be given with the concluding number. THE PUBLISHER. TABLE OF OCCURRENCES FROM NOVEMBER 6, 1860, TO MARCH 4, 1861. ( For Details , see Historical Sketch and Documents .) 1S60. Nov. 6. — Election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Ilam- lin as President and Vice-President of the United States— they receiving the vote of IT States, and 180 out of 303 of the electors. Eleven States voted for Breckenridge, viz. : Alabama, Arkansas, Dela¬ ware, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, Missis¬ sippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas. Three States voted for Bell, viz. : Kentucky, Ten¬ nessee and Virginia. Douglas received the electoral vote of Missouri and three-sevenths of the vote of New Jersey. “ 9-11. — Eesignation of South Carolina Senators of the United States. Dec. 10. — U. S. House of Eepresentatives appoints a Com¬ mittee of 83 on the state of the Union. “ 10. — Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treas¬ ury of the United States, resigns. “ 14. — Lewis Cass, Secretary of State of the United States, resigns. “ 20. — South Carolina “ Ordinance of Secession passed. “ 26. — Maj. Anderson transfers the United States garri¬ son of Fort Moultrio to Fort Sumter. “ 28. — South Carolina authorities seize Fort Moultrio and other United States property. “ 29. — J. B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War of the United States, resigns. — Largo frauds reported in his Department. 1861. Jan. 3. — Georgia: Forts Pulaski and Jackson, Savannah, seized by order of Gov. Brown, for the State. “ 3.— South Carolina Commissioners’ demands refused by the President of the United States. “ 4. — National Fast observed. “ 4. — Alabama: Fort Morgan, Mobile, seized by tho State. “ 9. — South Carolina: Steamer Star of tho “West, with United States troops for Fort Sumter, fired into by rebel batteries. 1861. Jan. 9. — Mississippi: Secession passed, and United States forts and property there seized next day. “ 11. — Alabama : Secession passed. “ 12. — Florida : Secession passed, and United States forts and property at Pensacola seized by the rebels ; excepting only Fort Pickens, which is defended by Lieut. Slemmer. “ 19. — Georgia : Secession passed. “ 21. — Mississippi, Alabama, and Florida Senators of tho United States, resigned. ** 28. — Louisiana : Secession passed ; United States revenue cutters, and other property, and moneys, seized. Feb. 1. — Texas: Secession passed. “ 4. — Peace Conference at Washington assembles. “ 5.— Louisiana delegation, except Mr. Bouligny, with¬ draws from Congress of the United States. ’■ 6.—“ Congress ” of seceding States meets at Mont¬ gomery, Ala., and “ 9.— Elects Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, President, and Alex. n. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President, of tho “ Confederate States of America.” ! “ 9.— Tennessee votes against “ Secession.” “ 11.— Resolution guaranteeing non-interference with slavery in any State of the Union, passed unani¬ mously in tho House of Eepresentatives of tho United States. “ 18.— “Inaugural Address” of Jefferson Davis deliv¬ ered at Montgomery. March 1.— “ Peace Conference ” at Washington agrees on proposals for “ Compromise,” and adjourns. “ 1.— Gen. Twiggs, of Georgia, having surrendered and abandoned the United States forces and property in Texas, is dismissed from the army as a traitor. “ 1.— Missouri votes against “ Secession.” “ 4.— Inauguration of Lincoln and Hamlin as President and Vice-President of the United States. LONG1TUJJE 97 WEST FROM 95 GREENWICH 93 itake JSl/ifiiloli ft ^1^6% rn "y '■ Kswh ildtor'hf.- ^ A m0',vsr *-Bt ft /stiff// 1- wfirunl Pn union iu> I'.alu* wfthv tibfron 1’i ani /lit. Work /ii -■TVnitrmsi LoPhr *$Or>,rt's f\y&\ 'Huin'da ,lcs( buries Qtirr&e '<**!' wnii.j or r*eviJs l.. t/itu'i ii-O/hishtm H w//ft//osh\'sh /. ^ & liiviX1*' ?€larVe Jiounri’f P, 9k& fl&irt A v %m,hL Mlll/i/M'll&fttt A Telux/u'/iinm, SlM'l S,irwiV i/.ro/iy [/.ttft/ufjl/r/r “ ;,v j J i'lfia'nda] NIC ^ fie/iti/c Pii i{-a ramie if')\f&(&uknrvrRfvAf [//tore ^ y;,. m-oz/ Sul^ Writs SA:"V( Afoi/tPzU/lUf' ^ 1 " \/f V/.v/ 1 lOO WTK7yf„„xtdiL #2r&r?fi ijCi^houn Grattd' omahaYciy Trnisl C^ufrF'Al ild F*Kear nej t> iut .1! N/ ;///// < &yowvry AiLjfiml U^W'jy /,■ r^Kearnev^ '‘"'Oft, ’oSft} idiso^' %gp‘s Jywi/ ” 1 TO of _ Pros. "/<»» Ewr vir i. LX/Z’/rtM^ i\Tty: | l&umdPoM- >,,// li/Uf/xTon •^v/i.v J//»2 tXjntriii*1"'*'! is4 'Mr v/T /iv'-'Tlte * Dbnhti f* lt.eav®r’vv ryw* lecomPTOI. iir „f W..-™ ^“gS j,f ^0\nth"l iV. f 1 Rile> 7 /irf'*" h»^ <'V!r aj/'Sfftrn'l !j„i j/TIV. i\|7 iTiVW aq • ■Bh Tiijsfiyin ■ 'Vi. ’o y r v.v/v/ 1 rfTrtjHty f'if/TTStPT^^ / winj ~ E* (',y,'/l pK/O •szJrvtro en d t: /^rnol! lo/rtii TU/tO/lfO S [ I 7 h/Vh/o/irU/y \lliWlr SM't I’/VHI'"' niiir 'll! i'll 41 'first1*' ■/uO/ott is^bffsiA (mill ^’ullMSCfl-/ •iZn-A'' /V"",v4y.' Soul) UITTU ROC|rTvT' !h *£Sn?Xitib' V-' 7 "X ^frAvz/Wj IfMi.se w-^-v_ y^furir FFArbuc^tl© .fm W|1’! LWi» sh rl^3 %l)j/(irii'i 1 ,Ty ■H0&* y/ffiixh'l' f/i '^'bjlkyy^Cl dork. Ikn/loofr^^ ,uO ^oyinHf*^ AfTTj. hv,,v ,*// I'oh oi Z/Violi o FVjie^k OOUnMETB /jUflxi'l) g-ti.iii' T myrmux . FOR THE 'rebellion record!’ NEW YORK G . P. PUTNAM. 18 61, • ■ qnin'lli •fX/ifli V hirh'flfi P/thfln 'Solrmjlorh, tinhi/i, tknsoiWb^ ftClioch, SttfaK' TAT CM if \tininU1 Al/.ritoo ^M^Kave^te^ J/z/,z77r T/z/z># ockton //y|vVz/r////|jv>(t > LttuJoijkos JjWnlWii li\tini/x/oii aao n BUI' Camp Lai ro^hjuv Ff^Teri ‘Mirv/lb Mllrfr-t)* M ;i sill U) T Maptj irrirk. n Scotf :'/"".y; USTlN.e«Y~ >fi\0ino}0 Sr : Bas( N (,.\ , ,, Golf i mho , | , ' /W/ t -v/io*. ‘Jr/li'Titooe/J/:/'///' 1 ’i/f/i Vprd' lbr’rty amp Hudson /nws • roj/ift pekesttsM1 J'ajnpa J’. Frrn/wJn ica n IrTwomol; 'r? v^'H.0 t&ro/fftVxx Fori /'tifrrrihQ^^ Coipu.sChyi.slin mule ^N?o(7 L FrtvAll i “p . ^BLfJMc Intosl M err! 1 1 Sla.K, mi l 'i1 ///// lO^rts %oyu Altitn/i //linos Ahmio S 0S it to the last. Two military companies from Tyrone, two from Altoona, and two from IIol- lidaysburgh, will leave to-morrow for Harris- burgh. — Times , April 17. — The Mechanics’, Elm City, Fairfield Coun¬ ty, Thames, and other hanks of Connecticut, voted large sums of money to assist in equip¬ ping the troops, and the support of their fami¬ lies. — Idem. — Governor Buckingham, of Connecticut, issued a proclamation calling for volunteers, to rendezvous at Hartford.— Idem. — The session of the New York East Meth¬ odist Conference was opened by the following prayer : “ Grant, 0 God, that all the efforts now being made to overthrow rebellion in our distracted country, may be met with every success. Let the forces that have risen against our Govern¬ ment, and Thy law, be scattered to the winds, and may no enemies be allowed to prevail against us. Grant, O God, that those who have aimed at the very heart of the republic may be overthrown. We ask Thee to bring these men to destruction, and wipe them from the face of the country ! ” — Tribune , April 17. — New Hampshire responds to the Presi¬ dent’s proclamation, and will furnish the troops required. The Concord Union Bank tendered a loan of $20,000 to the Governor, and all the Directors, with the Cashier, agree to contribute $100 each to the support of such families of the volunteers of Concord, as may fall in defending the flag of the country. — N. H. Statesman. — A Union meeting was held at the Hudson House, Jersey City, N. J., for the purpose of taking action to raise volunteers, whose ser¬ vices are to be tendered to the Federal Govern¬ ment. J. W. Scudder, Esq., was chosen Presi¬ dent; two Vice-Presidents from each ward were also chosen, and C. II. Dumraer acted as Secretary. Stirring speeches were made by Dr. H. D. Holt, Hon. N. C. Slaight, Benjamin Van Riper, and John H. Low. During the speaking, cheers were given for the Stars and Stripes, the Federal Government, Major Anderson, &c. Benjamin Van Riper advocated the striking down of every northern man who advocated secession, and all traitorous newspapers. Mr. John Low proposed that at some future period they call upon the proprietors of the American Standard , in Jersey City, “ the editor of which had so much maligned the Govern¬ ment, and make them hoist the American flag, or make them leave the town.” This proposi¬ tion was received with tremendous cheering, and (jries of “Let’s do it to-night.” — Times , April 17. — Four regiments, ordered to report for ser¬ vice in Boston, Mass., commenced arriving there before 9 A. M. this morning, the companies first arriving not having received their orders until last night. Already about thirty companies have arrived, numbering over 1,700 men in uniform, and with these are several hundred who are importunate to be allowed to join the ranks. The hark Manhattan, which arrived at Bos¬ ton this forenoon from Savannah, had a se¬ cession flag hoisted. A crowd proceeded to the wharf, and compelled Captain Davis to take it down and hoist the stars and stripes. The City Government of Lawrence, Mass., appropriated $5,000 for the benefit of the fami¬ lies of those who have volunteered to defend the country’s flag. — Boston Transcript. — One of the largest meetings ever held in Delaware was held this evening at "Wilmington, the Mayor presiding. The following resolution was adopted unanimously : Resolved , That we censure and condemn the course of Senator Bayard, in the United States Senate, for not advocating a compromise be¬ tween the North and South, and that we feel confident that his course has placed us in a false position before the world ; that we repudiate his teachings, as having an Anti-Union tenden¬ cy, and are unworthy of a patriot and Dela- warian. — Times , April 17. — Governor Letcher, of Virginia, in reply to the call of the President of the United States, refuses to furnish troops for the support of the Federal Government. In his letter to Secre¬ tary Cameron, he remarks : “ I have only to say that the militia of Vir¬ ginia will not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such use or purpose as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate tbe southern States, and a requisition made upon me for such an object — an object, in my judg¬ ment, not within the purview of the Constitu¬ tion or the Act of 1795 — will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate civil war , DIARY OF EVENTS. 29 and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the Administration has exhib¬ ited towards the South.” — World, April 20. — Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, tele¬ graphed the President that he could not re¬ spond to the call for troops, as he had doubts of his authority and right to do so. A war bill, with an appropriation of $3,000,000, was passed in the New York Leg¬ islature, and signed by the Governor. The Government of the Southern Confed¬ eracy called for 32,000 men ; 2,000 from Flori¬ da, and 5,000 from each of the other States. — Times, April 17. — A large meeting of German workingmen was held at Newark, N. J., this evening. An attempt was made to disorganize the body, which was soon suppressed by earnest and loud repeated cries for the Constitution and the Union. Several speeches were made, and it was declared that the only hope for the work¬ ingmen was to be found in the preservation of the Government. The meeting broke up with cheers for the Union. This is a sample of the spirit which pervades the German population. “ The German Turners’ Society,” numbering about a hundred men, also met, and unani¬ mously resolved to form a military corps of riflemen, and offer their services to the Govern¬ ment. They also resolved to send delegates to the various Turner associations in the State, and to recommend a plan of organization. — Evening Post. April 17. — The steamship Star of the West was taken near Indianola, Texas, by the Gal¬ veston Volunteers, without resistance. She has on board eight to nine hundred barrels of provisions. The steamer Ilabana has been purchased by the Southern Confederacy, and will be trans¬ formed into a war steamer. She will carry eight guns and one pivot gun. — Times, April 22. — General Cass made a speech at Detroit, Michigan, on the occasion of the Board of Trade unfurling the national flag over their rooms. He is strongly in favor of support¬ ing the Union, the Constitution, and the coun¬ try’s flag, under all circumstances. He said that, in a crisis like the present, it was the duty of every citizen to stand by the Government. — Louisville Democrat. Diary — 5 — Piqua, Ohio, to-day raised a company, and tendered its services to the Government. A large and enthusiastic meeting was held last night at Michigan City, Ind. Democrats and Republicans are a unit for the Consti¬ tution and Union. Strong anti-secession reso¬ lutions were adopted, denouncing all as traitors whose views are not to sustain the Govern¬ ment. Salutes were fired to the Stars and Stripes, which were displayed in all parts of the city. A volunteer company was immedi¬ ately organized. The first man who signed the roll is a prominent clergyman. The first company of volunteers left Lafay¬ ette, Ind., for Indianapolis, at 2 o’clock P. M. to-day. They were escorted to the depot by the Lafayette Artillery ; and two companies are nearly full, -who will follow in a few days. — Buffalo Courier. — An excited secession meeting was held at Baltimore, Md. T. Parkin Scott occupied the chair, and speeches denunciatory of the Admin¬ istration and the North were made by Wilson C. N. Carr, Wiliam Burns, president of the Na¬ tional Volunteer Association, and others. — Bal¬ timore Clipper, April 19. — Tiie main entrance to the harbor of Norfolk, Va., was obstructed by the sinking of small boats by order of Governor Letcher. — Idem. — Governor Letcher, of Virginia, issued a proclamation, in which the independence of the Confederate States is recognized, and all armed volunteers, regiments, or companies, are com¬ manded to hold themselves in readiness for im¬ mediate orders, and to prepare for efficient ser¬ vice. — {Doc. 59.) — A meeting, composed of all parties, was held at Middletown, Orange county, N. Y. Speeches were made, and great enthusiasm prevailed. — Tribune , April 20. — TnE Virginia State Convention passed the “ ordinance to repeal the ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America by the State of Virginia, and to resume all the rights and powers granted under said authori¬ ties.” — {Doc. 60.) — Further precautions wrere taken at Wash¬ ington to guard against a sudden raid of the rebels upon the city. The Long Bridge across the Potomac was patrolled by a party of dra¬ goons, and at night a detachment of artillery, with guns posted to sweep the bridge, kept 30 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. guard on the Washington side. Intense ex¬ citement prevailed. — Tribune. — Jeffeeson Davis issued a proclamation, offering to grant letters of marque and reprisal, to aid the Southern Confederacy “ in resisting the wanton and wicked aggressions” of the Federal Government. — {Doc. 61.) April 18. — Governor Harris, of Tennessee, replies to President Lincoln’s call for two regi¬ ments of troops, hy saying that “ Tennessee will not furnish a single man for coercion, hut fifty thousand, if necessary, for the defence of our rights or those of our Southern brothers.” — Louisville Democrat , April 21. — Goveenoe Jackson, of Missouri, answers Secretary Cameron by telling him that his “ requisition is illegal, unconstitutional, revolu¬ tionary, inhuman, diabolical, and cannot be complied with.” Missouri won’t furnish a sin¬ gle man for such an unholy crusade. — Charles¬ ton Mercury , April 19. — Jonx Bell, Niell S. Brown, Bailie Payton, and eight other citizens of Tennessee, issued an address calling upon the people of that State to maintain a position of independence in the present struggle, taking sides with the union and peace of the country against all assailants, whether from the North or the South. — {Doc. 61*.) — The Common Council of Boston appro¬ priated $100,000 to provide for soldiers enlist¬ ing from Boston. The Lowell city government appropriated $8,000 for soldiers’ families. — Boston Journal. — At Xenia, Ohio, $14,000 were subscribed to aid the volunteers. At noon Captain Tripp’s company of one hundred men left Mount Ver¬ non, Ind., for Indianapolis. — Louisville Demo¬ crat, April 21. — The National Union , published at Win¬ chester, Ivy., says : “ Mark, now, what we say : any attempt on the part of the Government of this State, or of any one else, to put Kentucky out of the Union by force, or using force to compel Union men in any manner to submit to an ordinance of secession, or any pretended resolution or de¬ cree, arising from such secession, is an act of treason against the State of Kentucky. “ It is, therefore, lawful to resist any such ordinance. We hope that we are now fully understood thus far.” A meeting at Chicago, Illinois, called for the purpose of sustaining the Government, was the largest and most enthusiastic ever held in the city. Speeches were made by prominent gentlemen of both parties. Stirring resolutions were adopted. $6,000 were subscribed for the support of the volunteers until taken charge of by the State. — Free Press. — The banks in Trenton, N. J., Chicago, Ill., Portland, Me., subscribed in support of the Fed¬ eral Government. A meeting of the officers, representing all the Boston (Mass.) banks, was held this morning, when resolutions were adopt¬ ed to loan the State of Massachusetts 10 per cent, on their entire capital for the defence of the Government. The capital of the Boston banks amounts to $38,800,000. — Boston Transcript. — At Pittsburgh, Pa., an intense war feeling prevails. Business is almost suspended. Im¬ mense crowds throng all the prominent streets, flags are floating everywhere, and the volunteer companies are all filled and departing eastward. Liberal subscriptions are being made for the comfort of volunteers and the support of their families. Recruiting is still going on, although there are more than enough for the require¬ ments of the State to fill the Federal requisition. A Committee of Public Safety held a meeting to-day, and organized. A large quantity of powder which had been sent down the river, was intercepted at Steubenville, it being feared it would fall into the hands of the Secessionists. Ropes were suspended by lamp-posts last night, by unknown persons, labelled “ Death to trai¬ tors.” Some assaults have been made on per¬ sons who have expressed sympathy with the Secessionists. — Philadelphia Press. — Lieutenant Jones, United States army, in command at Harper’s Ferry with forty-three men, destroyed the arsenal at that place and retreated. He was advised that a force of 2,500 men had been ordered to take his post by Governor Letcher ; and he put piles of pow¬ der in straw in all the buildings, and quietly waited the approach of the enemy. When his picket guard gave the alarm that 600 Virginians were approaching by the Winchester road, the men were run out of the arsenal and the combus¬ tibles fired. The people fired upon the soldiers, killing two, and rushed into the arsenal. All the works, munitions of war, and 15,000 stand of arms were destroyed. — {Doc. 62.) — Times , April 21. DIARY OF EVENTS. 31 The portion of the original District of Columbia lying west of the Potomac River was retroceded to the State of Virginia in 1846, and now forms the County of Alexandria. We are indebted to the proprietors of the N. Y. Tribune for this map. REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. — Tiieke was an immense Union meeting at Louisville this evening. Speeches were made by Mr. Guthrie, formerly Secretary of the Treasury, the venerable Judge Nicholson, and others. Resolutions were unanimously passed, declaring that the Confederate States had com¬ menced war with the Federal Government; that Kentucky is loyal to the Union ; that Secession is not a remedy for an evil ; that Kentucky will not take part against the Federal Government , but will maintain a neutral position. — {Doc. 63.) —The Custom House and Post Office at Richmond were seized by order of the Gov¬ ernor. The New York packet steamer James¬ town was seized at City Point, sixty miles below Richmond, and a packet schooner be¬ longing to Maine was taken at Richmond. — Herald , April 20. — A Secession flag was raised on Federal Hill, in Baltimore, and saluted with a cannon, when the workmen from foundries in the neigh¬ borhood rushed out and tore down the flag, and threw the cannon into the Patapsco. — Times. April 19. April 18. — A letter from Baltimore to New York, under this date, says: “ A serious disposition is manifested in cer¬ tain quarters to obstruct the passage of North¬ ern troops through the State. — Times , April 20. — Governor Morgan, of New York, issued a proclamation calling for men to answer the President’s requisition. — Major Anderson and his command arrived in New York from Charleston by the Baltic, and met with an enthusiastic reception from the people. — {Doc. 64.) — Herald , April 19. — The Sixth Massachusetts regiment arrived in New York en route for Washington, and made a triumphal march through the city. — Hid. — TnE Governor of Maryland and Mayor of Baltimore issued proclamations, urging the people to keep the peace and avoid civil war. The Governor declared that no troops should be sent from the State, except for the defence of Washington. — {Doc. 65.) — Tribune , Aprils. —A mass meeting was held at Kingston, N. Y., to sustain the Government and defend the Union. John B. Steele presided. In his speech, on taking the chair, lie said : “It must never be supposed that the flag could be desecrated without touching the soul of every genuine American. No matter what it must cost, the Stars and Stripes must wave. But one heart beats here, and that is the true and loyal American heart.” W. S. Kenyon and Theodore R. Westbrook also spoke. Mr. Westbrook said he laid aside all party lines, all party prejudices, all political opinions, and stood for his country alone. He loved his party ; but, thank God, he loved his country better. He wasn’t going to stop to consider who was right or wrong ; but, right or wrong, his country. He grasped the folds of the Stars and Stripes, and said, “ Let it be known that in the nineteenth century traitor hands and traitor hearts are found among us to disgrace that flag, which had been their shield and protection, as well as our own.” He asked God might record his vow to stand by, protect, and, if need be, die for that flag. Speeches were also made by Erastus Cooke, G. II. Sharp, W. H. Romeyn, and Mr. W. Chipp. — Tribune , April 20. April 19. — A meeting of the merchants of New York city was held at the Chamber of Commerce. The proceedings were character¬ ized by the utmost harmony and unanimity. Mr. Peletiah Perit occupied the chair, and patriotic speeches were made by Mr. Perit, George Opdyke, James Gallatin, Royal Phelps, S. B. Chittenden, Prosper M. Wetmore, George W. Blunt, John E. King, William E. Dodge, John A. Stevens, R. II. McCurdy, and others. Resolutionsupholding the Federal Government, and urging a strict blockade of all ports in the secession States were unanimously adopted. It being announced that several of the regiments needed assistance to enable them to leave — on motion, a committee was appointed to receive donations, and in ten minutes the subscription had reached over $21,000. What was still more important was the appointment of a large committee of the most influential capitalists, to use their exertions to secure an immediate tak¬ ing of the $9,000,000 remaining of the Govern¬ ment loan. — {Doc. 66.) — The President of the United States issued a proclamation, announcing the blockade of the Southern ports. — {Doc. 67.) — Siierrard Clemens, a strong Union man, and late member of Congress for Richmond, Va., is held as a prisoner at Richmond. He is still firm in his loyalty to the Government and his opposition to rebellion. — Tribune , AprillS. DIARY OF EVENTS. 33 — At Wilmington, Ohio, the first volunteer company, consisting of 125 men, organized to¬ day. Three thousand dollars were subscribed in one hour for the benefit of volunteers. Great enthusiasm prevails, and the work goes bravely on in raising both men and money. Another company is forming. A suspected Se¬ cessionist was seized this evening, and experi¬ enced some rough treatment. — Louisville Dem¬ ocrat, April 21. — A rifle company was organized at Dayton, Ohio, under command of Captain Childs, con¬ sisting of 75 picked men. The company left Columbus at noon to-day, amid the cheers of a large crowd of citizens. Home guards are being formed. One company is to be formed of men over forty-five years old, under the command of Edward W. Davis. — Idem. — Rev. Warren Swift, of Utica, 1ST. Y., a Presbyterian minister of excellent abilities and wide-spread reputation, enlisted, and started for head-quarters this morning. — Idem. — General Sherman, the State commandant at Galveston, Texas, issued an order enrolling “ all citizens capable of bearing arms, not over sixty years of age, who do not enroll them¬ selves into some one of the volunteer companies of the city by the 23d inst., in the militia. In case of being called into service they will be required to bring such arms as they may have, until they can be furnished by the State. “ The war has begun ! It may reach our shores ! Who in Texas will shrink from his duty in such a crisis? We invoke the spirit not only of 1776, but of 1836, to arouse from its slumber, and again assert the independence of Texas. The misrule of Black Republicanism would scarcely be less fatal to our interests than that of Mexican intolerance. We have shaken oft' the one ; let us manfully repel the other.” The order is accompanied by other similar ones, necessary to carry it into effect. The alarm signal for the assembling of the city troops will be first a fire alarm, and secondly after an interval of one minute, six taps of the bell, to be repeated four times with intervals. — W. 0. Picayune , April 23. — It is now learned by the return of the ex¬ pedition to relieve Sumter, that a plan was per¬ fected to throw in 300 men and supplies by boats at daylight on the 13th. This was frus¬ trated, however, by the Baltic running upon Rattlesnako shoal on the night of the 12th. — World , April 19. — Maryland, Delaware, and Pennsylvania, were added to the Military Department of Washington. — {Doc. 68.) — Times , April 25. — A positive announcement “ that General Scott had resigned his position in the army of the United States and tendered his sword to his native State — 'Virginia,” was made at Mont¬ gomery. At Mobile, one hundred guns were fired in honor of his resignation. — Charleston Mercury , April 22. — Immense Union meetings were held last night at Auburn, Hudson, Ogdensburgli, Albion, Binghamton, and other towns and villages in western "New York. Past political differences are forgotten, and the people are enthusiastic in support of the Administration. — Troy Times. April 19. — At New York a large American flag, forty feet long by twenty wide, was flung out upon a flagstaff from a window in Trinity steeple, at a height of 240 feet. The chimes meanwhile played several airs appropriate to the occasion, among which were “Yankee Doodle,” “ the Red, White, and Blue,” winding up with “All’s well.” The enthusiasm of the largo concourse that had spontaneously gathered was most intense. A flagstaff, with flag attached, was also run out of a window over the portico in front of St. Paul’s Church. — Tribune , April 20. — A portion of the Sixth Massachusetts, and the Seventh Pennsylvania, were attacked in tho streets of Baltimore by a mob upon their pas¬ sage through that city. The Massachusetts Regiment occupied eleven cars. Upon their arrival at the President-street depot, the cars were permitted to leave with the troops still on board, and proceeded quietly through the streets of Baltimore, on their way to the depot at the other side of the town. But they had not gone more than a couple of blocks before the crowd became so dense that the horses attached to each car were scarcely able to push their way through. At this point the mob began to hoot and yell frightfully, and loud threats were uttered against the military. The troops, however, maintained a strict reserve, and the crowd then commenced to throw stones, brickbats, and other missiles, in a perfect shower, against tho cars. Many of the troops were severely wound- 34 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. ed in this manner. However, the first nine cars reached the depot, and departed for Wash¬ ington. The remaining two cars of the train, with about 100 men, were thus cut off from the main body, and the men found themselves en¬ compassed by an infuriated mob of over 8,000. These isolated cars were immediately attacked, and several of the soldiers had their muskets snatched from them. At this moment news came that the Philadelphia Volunteers had arrived, and the report excited the mob to a fearful degree. The road was now obstructed, and the soldiers alighted, formed a solid square, and advanced with fixed bayonets in double quick time, the Mayor of Baltimore at their head, all the while surrounded by the mob — now swelled to at least 10,000. The military behaved admirably, and still abstained from firing upon their assailants. The mob now commenced a perfect shower of missiles, oc¬ casionally varied by a random shot from a revolver or one of the muskets taken from the soldiers. The soldiers suffered severely from the immense quantity of stones, brick¬ bats, paving-stones, &c. ; the shots fired also wounded several. When two of the soldiers had been killed, and the wounded had been conveyed to the centre of the column, the troops at last, exasperated by the treatment they had received, commenced to return the fire singly, but at no one time did a platoon fire in a volley. The volunteers, after a protracted and severe struggle, at last reached the depot, bearing with them in triumph their killed and wound¬ ed, and immediately embarked. Two of the Massachusetts men were killed and eight wounded. Seven rioters were killed, and many wounded, but the number is not known. When information was received at the depot of this attack, the Pennsylvania regi¬ ment, which was unarmed, was sent back. Some were slightly wounded. — Times , April 20, 21, The mob completely reigned in Baltimore after the attack. — All the gunshops were plun¬ dered. Other shops throughout the city were closed.— A public meeting was held in the afternoon, at which the Mayor and Gov. Hicks were present.— Secession sentiments prevailed. The Mayor and Governor both notified the President that no more troops could pass through Baltimore unless they fought their wa j.—{Doc. 69.) — Times, April 21. — Boston was terribly excited at the attack on the Massachusetts troops in Baltimore. The Government recognizes the similarity in the day and event suggested by the 19th of April, 1775, and those immortal memories which clus¬ ter around the men of Lexington and Concord. The Governor sent the following despatch to the Mayor of Baltimore : I pray you cause the bodies of our Massachu¬ setts soldiers, dead in battle, to be immediately laid out, preserved in ice, and tenderly sent for¬ ward by express to me. All expenses will be paid by this Commonwealth. John A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts. — {Doc. 70.) At Pall River, Mass., a meeting was call¬ ed on the reception of the news. Patriotic speeches were made, and the city government was instructed to appropriate $10,000 to fit out volunteers, and to pay each volunteer $20 per month in addition to the Government pay. — Providence Journal. April 19. — The City Council of Philadelphia, this morning, at a special meeting, appropriated $1,000,000 to equip the volunteers and support their families during their absence from home. Fourteen thousand dollars were subscribed for the same purpose at Norwich, Conn. — N. Y. Times. — TnE Seventh Regt., N. Y. S. M., left for Washington amid the greatest enthusiasm. In every street an immense innumerable throng cheered them on their way. News of the fight in Baltimore was received before they left, and 48 rounds of ball-cartridge were served out. — {Doc. 71.) Lieut. Jones, late in command of Harper’s Ferry, arrived at Carlisle Barracks, Pa., having made a forced march the previous night of 30 miles from Harper’s Ferry to Hagerstown. — Times , April 20. — The Rhode Island Marine Artillery passed through New York, on their way to the seat of war. These troops are officered by — Com¬ manding Officer, Colonel Tomkins ; Lieutenant Colonel, George C. Ilarkness ; Captain, Ben¬ jamin F. Remington ; Lieutenant, A. M. Tower; Lieutenant, Henry B. Brastow ; Surgeon, Na¬ thaniel Millar. They number 130 men, and carry with them 110 horses, eight guns of very heavy calibre, and the other requisite arms and am- DIARY OF EVENTS. 35 munition. The horses are fine, spirited-looking animals, and appeared to be in that condition which will enable them to sustain a good deal of field hardship. — Herald , April 20. — Tns Eighth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers, under command of Colouel Timothy Munroe, passed through New York on their march to the south. It is composed of six companies : Newburyport Artillery, Newbury - port Light Infantry, Gloucester Artillery, Lynn City Guards, Capt. Ilundson, Lynn Light Infan¬ try, Capt. Frazer, Lafayette Guards, Marble¬ head, Capt. Orne, all of Essex County, number¬ ing twelve hundred. They are all picked men, those of Gloucester and Marblehead being stout and sturdy fishermen ; those from Lynn and Newburyport chiefly shoemakers. Many of the members of the two Lynn companies served thoughout the Mexican campaign. All of the men were in the best of spirits. Brig.-Gen. Benj. F. Butler and Quartermaster John Moran, of Boston, accompany the Regiment. — {Doc. 72.) — AT. Y. Tribune , April 20. April 20. — Last night a mob from Baltimore, lying in wait for the train from Philadelphia, at Canton, fired a pistol at the engineer, who stopped the train. The crowd, compelling the passengers to leave the cars, occupied the train, and forced the engineer to take them back to Gunpowrder Bridge. There the train was stop¬ ped, and the crowd set fire to the draw of the bridge and waited till that portion was burned ; returning to Bush River Bridge, the draw was likewise burned. The mob then returned to Canton Bridge and burned that. The train then conveyed the mob to the President-street station. — Phila. Press. — The Charleston Courier of to-day contains an account of the damage done by Fort Sumter to Fort Moultrie and the surrounding property. It says the fire was “ terribly destructive, and, when viewed in connection with the fact that no life was lost, is the most extraordinary case ever recorded in history.” — {Doc. 73.) — A mass meeting of citizens in support of the Union, the Constitution and the Govern¬ ment, was held in Union Square, New York City. It was called by leading citizens without distinction of party. — {Doc. 73£.) — John C. Breckenridge, Ex-Yice-Presi- dent, addressed a large audience at Louisville, Ky., this afternoon, denouncing President Lin¬ coln’s proclamation as illegal, and saying that he could not make his 75,000 men efficient un¬ til after the meeting of Congress. He proposed that Kentucky present herself to Congress on the Fourth of July through her Senators and Representatives, and protest against the settle¬ ment of the present difficulties of the country by the sword — meanwhile that Kentucky call a State Convention to aid her Congressmen in presenting such a protest. Should that fail, however, it Avas the duty and the interest of Kentucky to unite her fortunes with the South. — AT. Y. Times , April 22. — Tiie Fourth Regiment of Massachusetts militia landed at Fortress Monroe, Va., from the steamer State of Maine. — {Doc. 74.) — J. B. B. in the N. Y. Times , April 22. — Tiie citizens of Taunton, Mass., presented Major Robert Anderson a sivord, “ as an ex¬ pression of their admiration of his courage, loy¬ alty, and devotion to the country.” The pres¬ entation was made by Capt. W. C. Lovering at the Brevoort House in New York. — Tribune , April 22. — Uniox meetings were held at Schenectady, Hudson, Utica, Waverley, and Dunkirk, N. Y ; Stockbridgc, Mass. ; Bridgeport, Conn. ; Spring- field and Chicago, Ill. During the proceedings at Chicago, at the suggestion of Judge Man- nierre, the whole audience raised their right hands and took the oath of allegiance to the Union, repeating the oath after the Judge. — De¬ troit Free Press. ■ — A souTnERU merchant writes to a corre¬ spondent in New York : “ - , Tenn., April 20, 1S61. “ Gentlemen : Our note to you for $187 12- 100, due to-day, has not been paid. “ We deeply regret the necessity that im¬ pels us to say, that during the existence of this war we are determined to pay no notes due our northern friends.” — Evening Post. — Tiie St. Nicholas, a steamer plying be¬ tween Washington and Baltimore, Avas seized at the former place this morning for pruden¬ tial purposes. — National Intelligencer. — niRAM Sibley, President of the Western Union, and T. R. Walker, President, and J. D. Reid, Superintendent of the New York, Albany and Buffalo Telegraph Companies, issued orders that no messages, ordering arms or munitions of Avar, will be recei\red by their companies un- 36 REBELLION RECORD, 18G0-61. less for the defence of the Government of the United States, and endorsed by the Mayor of the City from which it proceeds. Messages in cypher, excepting despatches from the Press of the U. S. officers of the Government, will be refused. The Toronto Globe of this morning has a long article on the relations between England and the United States, advocating a sincere and firm alliance, forgetting all past differences, and says that the North has a just cause ; that the permanent good will of the American people is worth striving for, and hopes to see the rebel¬ lion put down and the traitors dealt with as they deserve. — Louisville Democrat , April 21. April 20. — The Missourians seized the United States Arsenal at Liberty, Mo., and garrisoned it with 100 men. In the arsenal were 1,300 stand of arms, ten or twelve pieces of cannon, and quite an amount of powder. Two thousand stand of arms were furnished the citizens of Leavenworth from the arsenal at Fort Leavenworth, and the commander at that post accepted the services of 300 volun¬ teers to guard the arsenal pending the arrival of troops from Fort Kearney. — Times , April 22. — Tiie Council of Wilmington, Delaware, ap¬ propriated $8,000 to defend the city, and passed resolutions approving of the President’s proc¬ lamation. Also, asking the Governor to issue a proclamation for the same purpose. The Brandywine bridges and all on the road be¬ tween Susquehanna and Philadelphia are guard¬ ed, and workmen have been sent to repair the bridges destroyed on the Northern Central road. — Phila. Enquirer. — Govebnoe Cuetin of Pennsylvania issued a proclamation calling a meeting of the State Legislature for the 30th of April, “ to take into consideration and adopt such measures as the present emergencies may demand.” — {Doc. 75.) — Phila. Press. — A lettee was received at Philadelphia from Governor Letcher, of Virginia, offering $30,000 to the patentee of the bullet mould. The reply was “no money can purchaso it against the country.”— Evening Post. — Ax enthusiastic Union meeting was held at Middletown, Orange County, N. Y., this even¬ ing. The assemblage was presided over by Moses II. Corwin, a veteran of the war of 1812, and speeches were made by C. C. McQuoid, A. H. Byington, Charles II. Van Wyck and others. Mr. Van Wyck announced the fact of his hav¬ ing “ enlisted for the war,” and with his com¬ pany, just organized at Newburgh, he should proceed to Washington as a regular, if he had to walh all the way. — Tribune , A.pril 23. — TnE steamship, Star of the West, was taken into New Orleans as a prize to the Confederate States Government. — {Doc. 7G.) — Gospoet Navy Yard, opposite Norfolk, Va., with stores, timber, munitions of war, etc., was burned by the U. S. officers in charge, to prevent its falling into the hands of the Seces¬ sionists, who occupied Norfolk and Portsmouth in force under Gen. Taliefero. The U. S. liners Pennsylvania, 74 guns ; Dela-ware, 74 ; Co- April 21.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 37 lumbus, 74; steam frigate Merrimac, 44; frig¬ ate Earitan, 45 ; frigate Columbia, 44 ; sloop Germantown, 22 ; sloop Plymouth, 22 ; brig Dolphin, 8 ; a powder-boat, and the frigate United States, (in ordinary.) It being impossi¬ ble to get them out of the harbor, they were scuttled, and were also fired. The frigate Cumberland was towed out by the steam-tug Yankee. The value of the prop¬ erty destroyed is estimated at $50,000,000. — {Doc,. 77.) — Times, April 24. April 21. — The railroad between Philadelphia and Baltimore was taken possession of by the U. S. Government. Orders were given from the Navy Department at Washington to the offi¬ cers of the various United States vessels, that all persons found sailing under Jefferson Davis’ letters of marque and reprisal be treated as pi¬ rates. That the contumacious be immediately hung from the yard-arms , and the crew and the moro penitent officers be placed in irons to await their trial as ocean brigands. — Times , April 21. — Tnn people of Oswego and Rochester, N. Y., Toledo, Dayton, and Zanesville, Ohio, subscribed large sums of money for the support of the volunteers and their families ; at the lat¬ ter place, large property holders agreed to give rent free to volunteers during their absence. — Albany Journal. — General Scott telegraphed to Senator Crittenden of Kentucky, as follows : “I HAVE NOT CHANGED ; nAVE NO THOUGHT OF CHANGING ; ALWAYS A UNION MAN.” — {Doc. 78.) • — George William Brown, mayor of Balti¬ more, Md., had a consultation with the Presi¬ dent of the United States, in reference to the passage of northern troops through Baltimore. On his return from Washington, the Mayor submitted to the people a statement as to his interview with the President. — {Doc. 79.) April 21. — The Worcester third battalion of Rifles, arrived at New York. They are com¬ manded by Major Charles Devens, and number 26G men, officered as follows : Company A, Worcester City Guard, Capt. A. B. R. Sprague; First Lieut., J. Pickett ; Second Lieut., O. Moul¬ ton ; Third Lieut., G. Egra. Company C, Emmett Guard, Capt McCon- ville ; First Lieut., F. McCafferty ; Second Lieut., M. O. Driscoll ; Third Lieut., T. O’Niel ; Fourth Lieut., — Melvin. — Times , April 22. Diary — 6 — A mass meeting of citizens, numbering many thousands, was held in Boston, Mass., this forenoon, and was addressed by Fletcher Webster, Charles L. Woodbury, and many dis¬ tinguished citizens. The meeting was to raiso a regiment for Fletcher Webster, and was com¬ pletely successful. The most intense enthusi¬ asm prevailed among the crowd. The meeting continued till nearly night. It was a remark¬ able expression of the entire voice of our peo¬ ple. — Ar. Y. Tribune , April 22. — TnE First Regiment of Rhodo Island Vol¬ unteers passed through New York, on their way to the South. Governor Sprague accom¬ panies these troops, as commander in chief of the Rhode Island forces. His staff consists of Colonels Frieze, Goddard, Arnold, Capt. A. W. Chapin, Assistant Adjutant-General.— (Dec. 80.) — TnE Sixth, Twelfth, and Seventy-first Regiments, New York State Militia, left New York for Washington this day, (Sunday.) The people were early astir, and by 10 o’clock every available spot where a human being could stand, was occupied, throughout the entire length of Broadway ; and from near Canal-street to Grace Church, not only the sidewalks, but the whole of the street, was densely thronged. Every window, door, stoop, balcony, and house-top, were alive with human beings, of every age, sex, and condition, awaiting the marching of the Regiments, which it was known would depart during the day for tho seat of Government, or other destination where their services might be required. It was somo time after the bells had summoned the worshippers to their respective churches before tho troops made their appearance. As they marched along, no language can do justice to tho enthusiasm with which the assembled multitude greeted them. Cheers from ten thousand voices swelling in prolonged chorus, the waving of handkerchiefs by fair hands, the display of flags and streamers throughout the route of march, made the scene one of the most animated and exciting ever witnessed in tho city. — Times, April 22. April 21. — The United States branch mint at Charlotte, North Carolina, was seized by tho State authorities. No resistance was offered. Colonel Bryce now holds it with a military force, under orders from Governor Ellis. — JF. Y. Evening Post , April 29. 38 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [April 22. — "Wendell Phillips delivered a discourse in Boston on the present rebellion. Some time ago he made a speech deprecating, in the most emphatic manner, any appeal to arms, as cer¬ tain to result in the renewed and permanent tri¬ umph of slavery. The people of the North, he said, would not fight, and the first result of a military demonstration would be the complete surrender of the North, and the concession of everything that might be demanded at their hands. — {Doc. 81.) April 21. — Andrew Johnson, U. S. Senator from Tennessee, passed through Lynchburg, Va., on his way from Washington to Tennessee. A large crowd assembled and groaned at him. They offered every indignity, and efforts were made to take him off the cars. Mr. Johnson was protected by the conductor and others. He denied sending a message asserting that Tennessee should furnish her quota of men. — Commercial Advertiser , April 2G. — TnE citizens of Baltimore were fearfully excited on account of a rumored descent upon them by Federal troops from Cockeysville, seventeen miles distant from the citv ; but at night the excitement subsided on receiving in¬ telligence that the troops had been turned back to Harrisburg, Pa., by order of Gen. Scott. — N. Y. Tribune , April 26. — In nearly all the churches in New York — and probably in a majority of churches through¬ out the country — the sermons of to-day were mainly in reference to the war. Many congre¬ gations have made the day an occasion for patriotic contributions for the outfit of volun¬ teers, or for the support of their families. In the Church of the Puritans in Brooklyn, (although Mr. Beecher, the pastor, was absent, and the ser¬ vices were conducted by Rev. II. D. Northrop of Brooklyn,) a letter was read from the Thir¬ teenth Regiment N. Y. S. M., asking for uni¬ forms for recruits — and the response was a collection of about $1,100 for that patriotic purpose. In the Broadway Tabernacle, the pastor, Rev. J. P. Thompson, D. D., preached a sermon in the evening on “ God’s Time of Threshing.” Tho choir performed “ The Mar¬ seillaise ” to a hymn composed for tho occasion by the pastor. A collection was taken for the Volunteers’ Home Fund amounting to $450 — to which a member of the congregation after¬ wards added $100. Dr. Bethune’s sermon was from the text : “ In the name of our God we will set up our banners.” In Dr. Bellows’ church the choir sang “ The Star-Spangled Banner,” which was vigorously applauded by the whole house. At Grace church (Episcopal) Dr. Taylor began by saying, “ The Star-Spangled Banner has been insulted.” The gallant Major Anderson and his wife attended service at Trinity. At Dr. McLane’s Presbyterian church, Williamsburg, “ The Star-Spangled Banner ” was sung. Dr. T. D. Wells (Old-School Pres¬ byterian) preached from the words: “ He that hath no sword, let him buy one.” Dr. Osgood’s text was : “ Lift up a standard to the people.” Many of tho churches — of all denominations — are sending some of their most active members to the field as volunteers. — Independent , April 9,5 — The Fifth Regiment of Massachusetts Militia, Col. Lawrence, with the Boston Flying Artillery, Major Cook, left Boston for New York at 7 o’clock this morning. The Third Battalion of Rifles, Major Stevens, left Worces¬ ter last night for New York. Massachusetts has within six days responded to the President’s proclamation, with five full regiments of in¬ fantry, a battalion of rifles, and a splendid corps of flying artillery. The artillery take six brass 6-pounders, with horses fully equipped. — A7". Y. Times , April 22. — A meeting of Californians was held in New York to take measures for the formation of a California Regiment. Tho meeting was organized by the nomination of J. C. Birdseye as chairman, and speeches were made, and resolutions sustaining the Union and the Gov¬ ernment were adopted. — {Doc. 82.) — Tiie Liverpool (Eng.) Times publishes a remarkable article on the political troubles in the United States. — {Doc. 83.) — The burial of the American flag was public¬ ly celebrated at Memphis, Tennessee. — JV. Y. Depress, April 29. April 22. — Several delegations of citizens of Maryland waited upon President Lincoln, to endeavor to procure some countermand of the order for troops to march to Washington. One delegation of thirty, from five “ Young Men's Christian Associations ” of Baltimore, had a prolonged interview, but made no impression upon him. — N. Y. Times , April 25. — Gov. Hicks presented to the President a Apkil 22.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 39 communication again urging the withdrawal of troops from Maryland, a cessation of hostilities, and a reference of the national dispute to the arbitrament of Lord Lyons. To this the Secre¬ tary of State replied, that the troops were only called out to suppress insurrection, and must come through Maryland, as that was the route chosen for them by the Commander-in-Chief, and that our troubles could not be “ referred to any foreign arbitrament.” — {Doc. 84.) April 22. — Robt. E. Lee, late of the United States Army, was nominated by the Governor and unanimously confirmed by the Convention as “ Commander of the military and naval forces of Virginia.” — National Intelligencer , April 27. — Tiie Charleston Mercury of this day says that “the officers of the army and navy of the Confederate States, and captains sailing under letters of marque, will greatly oblige the pro¬ prietors of that paper by furnishing sketches and incidents of the expected conflict between our gallant soldiers and their enemies. “ When supplied exclusively, a liberal com¬ pensation will he allowed.” — TnE United States Arsenal at Fayetteville, North Carolina, surrendered to the State au¬ thorities. It contains a large number of arms. — Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, called for 30,000 volunteers additional to the regular militia, and all the organized corps are under orders to be in readiness at a moment’s notice. — Boston Transcript , April 29. — Information was received by Gov. Curtin that Lieut. Jennifer, late of the United States Army, stationed at Carlisle Barracks, Pa., had fled from that place. Gov. Curtin, by aid of the telegraph facilities in his possession, succeeded in having him arrested at Hanover, in York County, Pa. It is said that Jennifer has been communicating information to the rebels as to the exact condition of things at Carlisle, and of the movements of Gov. Curtin’s troops. — N. Y. Times, April 23. — The N. Y. City Common Council passed an ordinance appropriating $1,000,000 for outfit and equipment and for the families of volun¬ teers. — Several hundred uniforms made for the Southern army were seized at 4 Dey street, N. Y. City. — Idem. — Gen. TnoMAS Jones, under instructions received from Governor Rector, seized at Na¬ poleon, Arkansas, a large quantity of Govern¬ ment military supplies, consisting of one bun¬ dled and forty thousand ball cartridges, one hundred Maynard rifles, two hundred cavalry saddles, and five hundred sabres. — Memphis Argus, April 25. April 22. — A meeting was held in Clarks¬ burg, Hai-rison county, Virginia. Resolutions were adopted censuring severely the course pursued by Governor Letcher and the Eastern Virginians. Eleven delegates wei’e appointed to meet delegates from other northwestern coun¬ ties, to meet at Wheeling, May 13th, to detei’- mine what course should be pursued in the present emergency. Reports thus far received speak encouragingly of the Union sentiment in Western Virginia. — National Intelligencer , April 29. — TnE Twenty-fifth Regiment of New York Militia arrived at New York from Albany. The regiment numbers over five hundred men, and is commanded by Colonel M. Iv. Bryan. — N. Y. Tribune , April 23. — A meeting was held at Palace Garden, in New Yoi'k, for the pui*pose of organizing a “ Home Guard ” of men over 45 yeai’s. The following Committee was appointed to carry out the objects of the meeting : Major A. M. Biningei’, Col. Charles B. Tappen, Col. Burr Wakeman, Samuel Hotaling, Esq., and Judge Edmonds. Upwards of 300 names were en¬ rolled. — N. Y. Tribune , April 25. — TnE Baltimore American of this day con¬ tains a recapitulation of the killed and wounded during the riot that occurred at Baltimore on the 19th April. — {Doc. 85.) — An embargo upon “ provisions of any kind,” and upon steamboats, was declared by the Mayor and Police Board of Baltimore. — {Doc. 80.) — Tue Charleston Mercury of to-day, in an article headed “ President Lincoln a Usurper,” concludes that he will “deplore the ‘higher- law ’ depravity which has governed his coun¬ sels. Seeking the sword, in spite of all moral or constitutional restraints and obligations, he may perish by the sword. He sleeps ali'eady with soldiers at his gate, and the grand recep¬ tion-room of the White House is converted into quarters for troops from Kansas — border ruf¬ fians of Abolitiondom.” — At Lexington, Ivy., between two and three hundred Union men assembled, raised the Stars 40 REBELLION RECORD, 18G0-G1. [xinuL 22. and Stripes, and expressed their determination to adhere to them to the last. Speeches were made by Messrs. Field, Crittenden, Codey, and others. The most unbounded enthusiasm pre¬ vailed, and the speakers were greeted with great applause. — Phila. Inquirer. — A large and enthusiastic meeting of the residents of Chestnut Hill, Pa., and its vicinity, was held to “ counsel together in the present alarming condition of the country, and take some steps to protect it from the assaults of traitors.” — Idem. April 22. — A. II. Stephens, Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy, arrived at Rich¬ mond, Va. In the evening he was serenaded, and made a speech, in which he said, that if the Federal Administration made war upon Mary¬ land, the whole South would rally to her aid. — (Doc. 87.) — A meeting of the Bench and Bar of the city of New York, in view of the present crisis in the history of the country, was held at the Superior Court room, in that city. The judges and ex-judges of the different benches were present, and nearly every law firm in the city had its representative. Judge Daniel P. Ingra¬ ham presided ; speeches were made, and patri¬ otic resolutions were adopted. — (Doc. 88.) — In the evening a large meeting of the citi¬ zens of Westchester, N. Y., was held in Mor- risania. — V. Y. Tribune , April 23. — Father Raeina, priest of tho Montrose Avenue Catholic church, Williamsburg, N. A"., with his own hands raised the American flag upon the top of his church. The ceremony was witnessed by at least two thousand people, who greeted the glorious emblem with cheer after cheer as it waved majestically over tho sacred edifice. The reverend father addressed the assemblage in a few appropriate remarks, which were received with marked enthusiasm, — Idem. — Union meetings were held at Geneva and Adams, N. Y. At Geneva, speeches were mado by Judge Folger and others, and a large sum of money was subscribed and guaranteed for the families of the volunteers. At Adams the utmost enthusiasm prevailed. — Albany Jo urnal , April 24. — TnE New York Seventh Regiment arrived at Annapolis, Md., and were joined there by the Eighth Massachusetts Regiment, with Gen. Butler in command. An attack upon the School-ship Constitution was anticipated in Annapolis, and she was drawn out of the harbor. — Ar. Y. Times , April 25. — Secretary Cameron, in an official letter, conveyed the thanks of tho Federal Govern¬ ment to Major Anderson for his conduct at Fort Sumter, as follows : — • Wap. Department, ) Washington, April 22, 1861. $ Major Robert Andep.son, lata Commanding Officer at Fort Sumter : My dear Sir : I am directed by the Presi¬ dent of tho United States to communicate to you, and through you to the officers and men under your command at Forts Moultrie and Sumter, the approbation of the Government of your and their judicious and gallant conduct there ; and to tender to you and them the thanks of the Government for the same. I am, very respectfully, Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. — National Intelligencer , April 24. April 22. — Gen. B. F. Butler, on board the steamer Maryland, off Annapolis, in special or¬ ders congratulates the troops upon the safety of the frigate Constitution, in the following lan¬ guage : “ The purpose which could only be hint¬ ed at in the orders of yesterday, has been accom¬ plished. The frigate Constitution has lain for a long time at this port substantially at the mercy of the armed mob which sometimes paralyzes the otherwise loyal State of Mary¬ land. Deeds of daring, successful contests, and glorious victories, had rendered Old Ironsides so conspicuous in the naval history of the coun¬ try, that she was fitly chosen as the school in which to train the future officers of the navy to like heroic acts. It was given to Massachusetts and Essex County first to man her ; it was re¬ served to Massachusetts to have the honor to retain her for the service of the Union and the laws. This is a sufficient triumph of right — a sufficient triumph for us. By this the blood of our friends shed by the Baltimore mob is in so far avenged. The Eighth Regiment may hereafter cheer lustily upon all proper occasions, but never without orders. The old ‘ Constitution,’ by their efforts, aided untiringly by the United States officers having her in charge, is now safely ‘ possessed, occupied, and enjoyed ’ by the Government of the United States, and is safe from all her enemies.” — AT. F. Trilntne, April 29. ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. April 23.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 41 April 23. — The Montgomery (Ala.) Adver¬ tiser of this day says : — Up to yesterday morn¬ ing the following military companies of this State had responded to tlio proclamation of the Governor, calling for 3,000 and 5,000 volun¬ teers, respectively, for the service of the Con¬ federate States. The list comprises fifty-one companies, which completes the requisition for 3,000, and furnishes eleven companies, or nearly a thousand men, in response to the last requi¬ sition for 5,000. There is no doubt but that in a few days the balance of the last 5,000 will be offered and accepted. Alabama has now actu¬ ally in the field and ready to march about 5,400 troops. Notwithstanding this fact, the war fever has just begun to rage ; and, if necessary, wo verily believe that the number could be in¬ creased to forty or fifty thousand in thirty days. There are perhaps twenty counties in the State that have not as yet furnished a man, but will certainly do so. Of these troops, two regiments have already been ordered to Vir¬ ginia. — John Bell and Edwin II. Ewing, at a public meeting held at Nashville, Tenn., de¬ clared themselves in the strongest and most emphatic terms for “ resistance to the attempt¬ ed subjugation of the South.” — {Doc. 89.) — Governor Moore, of Louisiana, issued an address, calling for 5,000 additional State troops. He says : — “ The Government at Wash¬ ington, maddened by defeat and the successful maintenance by our patriotic people of their rights and liberties against its mercenaries in the harbor of Charleston, and the determina¬ tion of the Southern people forever to sever themselves from the Northern Government, has now thrown off the mask, and, sustained by the people of the non-slaveholding States, is actively engaged in levying war, by land and sea, to subvert your liberties, destroy your rights, and to shed your blood on your own ! soil. If you have the manhood to resist, rise, then, pride of Louisiana, in your might, in de¬ fence of your dearest rights, and drive back this insolent, barbaric force. Like your brave ancestry, resolve to conquer or perish in the effort ; and the flag of usurpation will never fly over Southern soil. Rally, then, to the proclamation which I now make on the requi¬ sition of the Confederate Government.” A number of parishes in Louisiana appropri¬ ated ten thousand dollars each for the support Diary — 7 of the volunteers, and pledged themselves to pay fifty thousand dollars a year each as long as the war shall last. A meeting of five hundred of the ladies of New Orleans, was held at the St. Charles Hotel, for the purpose of making arrangements for the holding of a fair to raise money for cloth¬ ing the Louisiana volunteers. — N. T. Herald , April 20. — TnE Western Pennsylvania Regiment pass¬ ed through Philadelphia for the seat of war. It consists of the following companies : — State Zouaves, Captain Seagrist ; Turner Rifles, Cap¬ tain Emlen ; Seaborn Guards, Captain Winch ; Ringgold Rifles, Captain Lawrence ; Scott Ar¬ tillery, Captain Medler ; Union Light Infantry, Captain Corley; Columbia Infantry, Captain Brannan ; State Guards, Captain McDowell. The whole are under the command of Lieut. Col. P. C. Cress and Major R. B. Petriken. — Phila. Inquirer , April 24. — The New Orleans papers are convinced from the language of the Northern press, and from every possible manifestation of public opinion, that “ a very considerable proportion of the people at the North are actuated by an impulse of blind, irrational and insensate hatred towards the South.” — {Doc. 90.) — The Eirst South Carolina Regiment of Volunteers left Charleston for the seat of war on the Potomac. As the troops left for the depot in groups, there was the warm, hearty shaking of hands, the friendly “ God bless you,” and the silent prayer of brothers, sisters, and mothers, offered up for the safety of South Carolina’s gallant sons, who, after months of hard service in the camp, have nobly volun¬ teered, at the shortest notice, and without even an opportunity to visit their homes, to march to the assistance of the Old Dominion, “ the Mother of States and Statesmen,” in the day of her trial. The call made upon South Carolina has been promptly responded to. Gov. Pickens has been perfectly overwhelmed with offers of brigades, battalions, regiments, and companies, all de¬ sirous of being accepted as volunteers for Vir¬ ginia. The reverence felt for her soil by South Carolinians is only equalled by the spirit and enthusiasm of the people to be the first to de¬ fend her, and, if necessary, with the best blood of the State. — Charleston Courier , April 24. — {Doc. 91.) 42 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [April 24. — An immense Union meeting was held at Brooklyn, N. Y. Robert J. Walker delivered an eloquent and forcible speech in defence of the Constitution and laws. Meetings were also held at Albion and Whitehall, N. Y., and Woodstock, Yt. At the latter, Senator Col- lamer spoke. — {Doc. 92.) — The Eighth, Thirteenth, and Sixty-ninth Regiments of New York State Militia left New York for Washington. — {Doc. 93.) — General B. F. Butler has taken military possession of the Annapolis and Elk Ridge Railroad in Maryland. Governor Hicks pro¬ tests against the act, “ as it will interfere with the meeting of the Legislature.” — {Doc. 93-J-.) — Sherman’s celebrated battery, consisting of ninety men and eight howitzers, passed through Philadelphia, Pa., on the route to 'Washington. The train containing the troops stopped in Market street, between Fifteenth and Sixteenth, which was immediately observed by the ladies of Benton street, who rushed out and vied with each other in their attention to the weary soldiers. Bread, meat, pies, and cakes, were brought forward in goodly supplies, hun¬ dreds of girls running with hot dinners just from the ranges ; bakers with baskets of bread and cakes ; fruiterers with baskets of apples, oranges, &c., were quickly upon the ground. The men said that they were thirsty, and in a trice there were a dozen pretty girls handing up cups of water. After the battery had been thus refreshed, a collection was taken up, and the soldiers were supplied with enough segars and tobacco to last for some days. The mili¬ tary cheered continually for the ladies of Phila¬ delphia, and as the train moved off, they gave nine hearty cheers for Philadelphia, the Union, the Constitution, and the success of the Federal arms in the South. — Pliila. Inquirer , April 24. April 24. — A remarkable feature in the pres¬ ent war excitement is the alacrity with which citizens of foreign birth or origin, and even those who are not naturalized at all, are has¬ tening to the defence of the Government and the national flag. There is hardly a foreign country represented in the North, the children whereof are not organizing regiments and ten¬ dering their services to the Government. — N. Y. Herald , April 27. — Rumors of an attack on Fort Pickens con¬ tinue to receive credence in some quarters. The Portsmouth (Va.) Transcript of the 23d April says: — “Despatches received last night give important and glorious news. Fort Pick¬ ens was taken by the South. The loss on our side is said to be heavy. One despatch states the loss on the side of the South at 2,500 men ; but the victory is ours.” Immediately after the above, the Baltimore Sun says that it is enabled to state “ on the au¬ thority of a private despatch, received in this city last night, that the report of the battle is incorrect.” —The Twenty-fifth Regiment of N. Y. State Militia, from Albany, with a party of regulars and one hundred and seventy-five men of the Seventh New York Regiment left New York for the seat of war . — AT. Y. Tribune , April 25. — A volunteer company was organized at Sag Harbor, and $3,000 subscribed by the citi¬ zens for the benefit of the families of the volun¬ teers. — Idem, April 26. — Daniel Fisn, gunmaker, of the city of New York, was arrested and handed over to the custody of the United States Marshal on a charge of treason, and misprision of trea¬ son, in having sent off large quantities of arms for the use of the Southern traitors. The correspondence and bills of lading found in his possession abundantly sustain the charge. A man calling himself Dr. Sabo, was also arrested, and is now in the hands of the United States authorities for recruiting men for the Southern navy. The papers which he used for the pur¬ pose were headed “ United States of America,” and purported to be authorized by the United States Collector and Naval Officer of Charles¬ ton. As there are no such officers at that port acting in behalf of the United States of Amer¬ ica, it is evident that the intention was to enlist men under a false pretence, and, after getting them to Charleston, impress them into the ser¬ vice of the C. S. A. — N. Y. Tribune , April 25. — Messrs. Hotciikiss & Sons, of Sharon, Connecticut, offered the Governor of their State a bronze rifled cannon, (16-pounder,) and all of their patent projectiles which can be fired from it during the war. Gov. Buckingham has accepted the gift. They also offered to pro¬ duce additional rifled cannon and projectiles at cost. — Idem. — BERiAn Magoffin, Governor of Kentucky, issued a proclamation calling upon the State to place herself in a state of defence ; and conven- !NEW ‘YDRK.G.P. PU'l’NAM April 25.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 43 ing tlie Legislature on the Gth day of May, to take such action as may he necessary for the general welfare. — {Doc. 94.) — The Navy Department at Washington sig¬ nified its approbation of the loyalty, spirit, and good conduct of William Conway, an aged sea¬ man, doing duty as Quartermaster in the War¬ rington Navy Yard, Florida, at the time of its surrender, in promptly and indignantly refusing to obey, when ordered by Lieutenant F. B. Eenshaw to haul down the national flag. — National Intelligencer , May 3. — TnERE was an immense Union meting at De¬ troit, Michigan. General Cass presided and delivered a short hut effective speech. — {Doc. 95.) — Two thousand federal troops are stationed at Cairo, Illinois. Of these, says the Charleston Courier of the 30th April, “ fully three hundred are supposed to be negroes, and the remainder have been picked up from the gutters of Chica¬ go, and among the Dutch. A force of one thousand firm-hearted Southern men would drive them from the place, if the attack was properly made.” — TriE members of the Brown High School at Newburyport, Mass., raised the American flag near their school building in the presence of a large concourse of citizens. Patriotic speeches were made by Caleb Cushing and others. — {Doc. 96.) — John Letcher, governor of Virginia, issued a proclamation authorizing the release of all private vessels and property seized by the State except the steamships Jamestown and York- town ; advising the people to return to their usual avocations, promising them protection, and appealing to them “ not to interfere with peaceable, unoffending citizens who preserve the peace and conform to our laws.” — {Doc. 97.) April 25. — Colonel Van Dorn of the State troops of Texas captured four hundred and fifty United States troops at Saluria. — {Doc. 98.) — Fort Smith, Arkansas, taken possession of by the State troops. About 12 o’clock at night a volunteer force of nearly three hundred men, under the command of Col. Solon Borland, landed at the wharf, when the post was for¬ mally surrendered by Capt. A. Montgomery to Gen. E. Burgvein, Adjutant-General of the State, who placed Col. Borland in charge. About an hour before their arrival Capt. Sturgis left with his command, consisting of two caval¬ ry companies. He took away the horses be¬ longing to his command, and such supplies as he could transport. He is falling back on Fort Washita. Capt. Montgomery and Major Gatlin wero taken prisoners, and afterward released on pa¬ role. The Confederate flag was raised on the fort at 12 o’clock, amid the firing of cannon and the cheers of the people. After the review three cheers were given for the Arkansas citi¬ zen soldiery, three cheers for Jeff. Davis, and three cheers for Gov. H. M. Bector. The stock and property taken possession of is estimated to be of the value of $300,000. — AT. Y. Tribune , April 26. — The Steam Transport Empire City, from Texas, arrived at New York, having on board the Third Regiment of Infantry and the Second Regiment of Cavalry, U. S. A., numbering six hundred men. — N. Y. Herald , April 26. — An enthusiastic meeting of the British residents of the city was held at New York. Speeches were made by S. M. Saunders, (the President,) Colonel Shepherd, Rev. H. N. Hud¬ son, C. C. Leigh, and others. — Idem. — A deputation of twenty Indians, headed by White Cloud, in behalf of the Sioux and Chippeways, arrived in New York. They ten¬ der to the United States, in behalf of them¬ selves and 300 other warriors, their services against rebellion. Having heard that the Chero- kees had sided with the rebels, they could not remain neutral, and, with a promptness worthy of imitation in high quarters, have come to offer their services in defense of the Govern¬ ment. They ask to be armed and led. White Cloud is the interpreter of the Sioux, and is a man of intelligence and true patriotic ardor. He visited the Quartermaster’s Depart¬ ment to-day, and addressed the soldiers being inspected there. He says, the men on the way are all good warriors, ranging from 18 to 40 years of age. — N. Y. Tribune , April 26. — George Law addressed a letter to the Presi¬ dent of the United States, demanding of Gov¬ ernment the opening of lines of communication between Washington and the North. — {Doc. 99.) — Governor Yates of Illinois, in a special message to the Legislature of that State, gives the reasons that induced the armed occupation 44 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [April 25. of Cairo city. Ee says, “ That the transfer of part of the volunteer forces of this State to the city of Cairo was made in compliance with an order of the War Department, directing a force to be stationed at Cairo. Simultaneously with the receipt of the order, reliable information reached me of the existence of a conspiracy by disaffected persons in other states to seize upon Cairo and the southern portion of the Illinois Central Railroad, and cut off communication with the interior of the State. It was my desire that the honor of this service should have been given to the patriotic citizens of the counties in the immediate vicinity. But as these were not at that time organized and armed for patriotic duty, and the necessity for speedy action was imperative, the requisition was filled from companies previously tendered from other portions of the State.” — Ar. Y. Even¬ ing Post, April 29. — The Gulf City Guards, of Mobile, Ala., Capt. Hartwell, left that place for Virginia. The Register says : — This is a fine and gallant company, of the flower of Mobile. Verily has Mobile contributed 400 of her best and most chivalrous youth in the four companies that have gone North, and yet the demand for marching orders has not abated in the least. Companies are offering their services and others are forming. Mobile has 4,500 fighting men. We have about 1,000 in the field, and the bal¬ ance are ready to march. About 5 o’clock, the Guards moved from the armory, and marched up Royal to Dauphin, and down Dauphin to the steamer Selma, on board of which boat they took passage to Montgomery. — Ar. 0. Picayune , April 28. — General Harney, on his way to Washing¬ ton, was arrested by the Virginia authorities, at Harper’s Ferry, ne left Wheeling, Va., for the purpose of reporting himself at headquar¬ ters at Washington. Before the train reached Harper’s Ferry it was stopped, and a number of troops mounted the platforms; whilst the train was moving slowly on, the troops passed through the cars, and the General being pointed out, ho was immediately taken into custody. — N. Y. Times , April, 28. — The Hlinois troops struck a great blow at the secessionists of Missouri. Acting under orders from the President of the United States, an expedition of Illinois volunteers visited St. Louis, advanced upon the Federal Arsenal at that place, and brought away immense stores of ar¬ tillery, ammunition, and small arms, which had been stored at that post by the Government. The amount of Federal property thus secured from the hands of the Secessionists of Missouri is of great value. Among the articles recovered were 21,000 stand of small arms and a park of artillery. There was no fighting. The Illinois boys declare, in true Western style, that the “Secessionists are euchred.” — {Doc. 100.) — At New Orleans, the steamship Cahawba was seized by Capt. Shivers, of the Caddo Rifles. Arranging his plans, selecting four of his men, and taking them armed in cabs, he pro¬ ceeded to the foot of St. Joseph street, where the Cahawba was lying. Arriving there, the men jumped out of the cabs, formed in line, and Capt. Shivers, accompanied by Judge Price, boarded the steamer. The deck watch asked what was wanted. Captain Shivers replied he wanted to see the officer in command of the Cahawba. The watchman proceeded to the first mate’s room and announced the presence of a gentleman on board, who wanted to see him. The mate came on deck, and Capt. Shivers politely told him to surrender the ship. The mate stated that the captain of the Cahawba was not on board, and therefore he had nothing to say. Capt. Shivers then ordered his men on board, put a guard fore and aft, and elsewhere, thus taking possession. — JY. O. Delta, April 25. The Cahawba was released soon after her seizure, by order of Gov. Moore, who had re¬ ceived orders from the Confederate Govern¬ ment prohibiting any obstruction to commerce in Southern ports. — JY. Y. Herald, April 27. — The second detachment of Rhode Island troops passed through New York on their way to Annapolis, Md. The officers of the detach¬ ment are : — Lieutenant-Colonel commanding, J. T. Pitman ; Major, Joe. W. Bolsch ; Lieutenants, Carl C. Harris, Eddy, Luther ; Lieutenant Colonel, Charles C. II. Day ; Surgeon, M. Mclvnight. The troops are subdivided as follows: — First Light Infantry, Mechanics’ Rifles, Westerly Rifles, Newport Artillery ; Wesley Rifles; Prov¬ idence Artillery, Cadets of Providence, East Greenwich detachment, and Pawtucket detach¬ ment. The troops are well armed, each company having eight of Burnside’s self-breech-loading rifles. Their countenances are expressive of April 25.] WARY OF EVENTS. 45 strong determination, and a glance at the tex¬ ture of their hands will show plainly that they have come from the mechanical and hard work¬ ing classes of Rhode Island. The women of Rhode Island are not behindhand in offering their services for their country. The volun¬ teers bring along with them two very prepos¬ sessing young women, named Martha Francis and Ivatey Brownell, both of Providence, who propose to act as “ daughters of the regiment,” after the French plan. As a proof of the patriotic spirit which ani¬ mates the citizens of Rhode Island, it may be mentioned that a man named William Dean, who lost one arm in the Mexican war, is now a volunteer in this corps, being willing to lose another limb in defence of the honor of his country. The noble fellow carries his musket slung behind his back, but it is said when the hour comes for bloodier action he can use it with as good effect and expertness as if in pos¬ session of his natural appendages. The regi¬ ment also carries a flag which was borne through all the terrors of the Revolution. The uniform of the Regiment is light and comfortable; it consists of a blue flannel blouse, gray pants, and the army regulation hat. — H. Y. Herald. — At Annapolis, Md., the grounds of the Na¬ val Academy are now a military camp. Gen. Butler in command. The railroad between Annapolis and Washington is guarded with his troops. The track, which was destroyed by the rebels, has been relaid, and communication between the two cities is open. Gen. Butler has taken possession of the heights opposite Annapolis, and commanding that city. The Maryland Legislature met to-day at Fre¬ derick. Gen. Butler says that if it passes an ordinance of secession, he will arrest the entire body ! — N~. Y. Times , April 21. — The New York Seventh Regiment arrived at Washington, marched up Pennsylvania ave¬ nue to the President’s house, and thence to the W ar Department. They were warmly applaud¬ ed and hailed with great joy. — {Doc. 101). — Governor Letcher of Virginia issued a proclamation, with accompanying documents, announcing the transfer of that State to the government of the Southern Confederacy, in advance of any expression of opinion by the people on the ordinance of secession passed on the 17th of April. — {Doc. 102.) — A great Union meeting was held at Castle- ton, Vt. Over ten thousand persons were pres¬ ent. Speeches were made by P. W. Hyde, C. M. Willard, Willard Child, and others. Great enthusiasm prevailed. Forty-one men enrolled themselves as members of a volunteer com¬ pany. The officers of the company are as follows: Captain, James Hope; First Lieuten¬ ant, John Ilowe; Second Lieutenant, Henry D. Noble. — N. Y. Times, April 27. — Senator Douglas was publicly received by the Illinois Legislature, and made a patriotic speech, urging immediate action in support of the Government. — Chicago Tribune , April 2G. April 2G. — Governor Brown of Georgia issued a proclamation prohibiting the payment of all debts to Northern creditors till the end of hostilities, and directing the payment of money into the State Treasury, to be refunded to depositors with interest at the end of the war. — Montgomery Weelcly Post , May 1. — The enthusiasm of the people at the West in rallying for the defence of the Union, far ex¬ ceeds the expectations of the most sanguine Republicans. Throughout the entire North¬ west there is a perfect unanimity of sentiment. Ten days ago, men who now cry, down with the rebels, were apologizing for the South — justify¬ ing its action, and wishing it success. Every town in Illinois is mustering soldiers, and many of the towns of five or six thousand inhabitants have two and three companies ready for action. Companies are also formed for drill, so that, in case of need, they will he prepared to march at any moment. Money is poured out freely as water, and ladies unite in making shirts, blan¬ kets, and even coats and pants for the soldiers. Arrangements have been made to take care of the families of the soldiers during their absence. All say, none shall fight the battles of their country at their own expense. — Cor. Boston Transcript , May 1. — TnE steamer Daniel Webster from New York, arrived at the bar at the mouth of the Mississsipi, and received orders to return imme¬ diately for fear of seizure. The tug boat Tus- carora came alongside, and took four passengers off. The Webster left before the others could get ashore. — H. Y. Commercial , May 1. — A meeting of the citizens of the Seventeenth Ward, N. Y., was held, to take action in behalf of the families of volunteers from that district. 46 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [April 2 7. B. R. Wintlirop occupied the chair. Resolutions were adopted, and speeches were made by F. A. Oonkling, Chauncey Schaeffer, John Coch¬ rane and others. — Ar. 17 Tribune , April 27. — A Union meeting at Bedford, Westchester county, N. Y., this afternoon, on the occasion of raising the -flag, was addressed by Senator Hall, John Jay, Rev. M. Bogg, of the Episcopal Church, Rev. Mr. Ferris, Dr. Woodcock, Dr. Shores, Mr. Hart, Captain of the Bedford com¬ pany, Mr. Brown, of the Croton Falls Company, and others. — JST. Y. Times , April 27. — JonN W. Ellis, governor of North Carolina, issued a proclamation calling an extra session of the General Assembly of the State, and de¬ precating the proclamation of President Lincoln asking for troops.— (Doc. 103.) — The bridges over Gunpowder River on the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Rail¬ road were burned by the rebels of Baltimore. The bridge over Bush River, on the same route, was destroyed last evening about sundown. — N. Y. Herald , April 28. — The Baltimore Sun of to-day, has a leader which seems to indicate that the conservative influence is gaining ground in that city. It emphatically declares that it is not a secession paper. It says that the passage of an ordinance of secession by the Legislature would be an ar- rogation of power not vested in it. It favors calling a State Convention, the delegates to be elected directly from the people. It denies the stories of violence to Union men at Baltimore. There is a great feeling among business men of the city for the re-establishment of trade, and silent conservatism is changing gradually to open Unionism. — Ar. Y. Times, April 27. — A large meeting of the ladies of Syracuse, N. Y., was held, to organize for providing sup¬ plies for the volunteers. Mrs. E. W. Leaven¬ worth was made president, Mrs. II. W. Chitten¬ den, vice-president, and Mrs. J. B. Burnet, treasurer. The Common Council of Buffalo, FT. Y., yesterday appropriated $35,000 to equip the Sixty-fifth and Seventy-fourth Regiments. — Ar. Y. Times, April 27. — The Seventh Regiment of New York took the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, at the War Department, in Wash¬ ington; not a man flinched; the scene was most impressive. — Moses Herrick of the Beverly Company, Eighth Massachusetts Regiment, met with an accident by the discharge of a gun. — A7 17 Tribune , April 29. — TnE Federal Government is taking most energetic measures to carry out the blockade of the ports of the seceded States. All the available war vessels are put into service. Mer¬ cantile steamers are also taken up, and such as are not used for purposes of transportation are being fitted out as gunboats, to cruise off the coast and run up shallow waters. — A7 Y. Herald, April 27. — William Burton, governor of Delaware, issued a proclamation calling out volunteers to defend the Union. — {Doc. 104.) — A meeting of the ladies of the congregation of Trinity church, and of St. Paul’s, St. John’s, and Trinity chapels, in New York, to the num¬ ber of about one hundred and fifty, took place in the Sunday-school room, of St. John’s chapel, for the purpose of providing articles for the hospitals and the use of the United States Army. — A7 17 Courier & Enquirer, April 27. — TnE steam-tug Yankee, armed with two heavy guns, left New York to join the blockade of the Southern ports. — A7 17 Commercial Ad¬ vertiser, April 27. April 27. — Several new military departments were created by the subdivision of the military department of Washington. — {Doc. 105.) — The Virginia Sentinel of to-day, says, “ Our people must rest quiet upon the fact that the military preparations for our defence are under the direction of shrewd, skilful, indefatigable, experienced and patriotic officers. Our com¬ manding general, Robert E. Lee, has long been the pride of the service, and lie is supported by subordinates of acknowledged capacity and large experience. “ The plans of our Government are, of course, not suitable matter of public proclamation. Our military boards keep their own counsels, as it is obviously proper they should do. The people should patriotically abstain from even the at¬ tempt to unriddle them, for the wisest plans are often baffled by disclosure, however made. Let us trust with a generous confidence those to whoso hands we have committed tho conduct of affairs, and prepare ourselves to sustain them with all the power of a united and courageous people.” April 27.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 47 — Five men were arrested at tlie Navy-yard, at Washington, where they were employed, having been discovered filling bomb-shells with sand and sawdust, instead of the proper deto¬ nating material. They were confined in the Capitol, under guard of the Seventh Regiment. — W. Y. Times, May 1. — Tiie Fifth and Eighth Massachusetts Regi¬ ments arrived at Washington yesterday morn¬ ing, followed immediately by the Rhode Island forces. This morning, about sis o’clock, the Seventy- first New- York marched in from Annapolis Junction. It made a magnificent appearance as it swept down the Avenue, with its full bands playing. The men looked less fatigued than those of either of the other regiments, and were warmly commended by the citizens as they passed, and by the officers and men of the other regiments who were out to witness their en¬ trance into the city. Nest to the Massachusetts men they showed the greatest capacity to endure fatigue. — (Doc. 106.) — The World, May 1. — Southerners employed in the departments at Washington resigned and left for the South, refusing to take the prescribed oath of fealty to the Constitution of the United States. — {Doc. 107.) — Messes. Winslow, Lanier & Co., of New York, offered Governor Morton of Indiana the sum of twenty-five thousand dollars for the purpose of arming and equipping the quota of volunteers from Indiana. — A". Y. Com. Adver¬ tiser, April 27. — A number of residents of Virginia passed through Chambersburg, Pa., en route for the North. Many of them have left every thing behind, and are obliged to depend upon the charities of the people to continue their journey. All who come from as far south as Richmond, could get out of the State only by a special per¬ mit from Governor Letcher. Their statements show that a reign of terror exists in the interior of Virginia. The mob everywhere appropriate to their own use whatever they may fancy; farmers are stopped on the road, their horses taken from them under the plea that they are for the defence of the South ; granaries are searched, and every thing convertible for food for either man or beast carried off. This has been practiced to such an extent that along the northern border of Virginia a reaction is taking place, and instructions are being sent from Western Maryland, to the Delegates at Annap¬ olis, that if they vote for secession the people will hang them on their return home. The news of the unanimous sentiment of the North, the prompt and decisive action on the part of the State Governments in enlisting men, has strengthened the Union men of Western Mary¬ land and the border counties of Virginia. — jV. Y. Tribune, April 28. — A sudden and wonderful change takes place in the sentiment of Maryland. The American flag was raised at Hagerstown, and extensive preparations are being made for further Union demonstrations. Alleghany county has instructed its repre¬ sentatives that if they vote for secession, they will be hung on their return home. The Stars and Stripes are waving over Frederick City. The Home Guard refuse to parade unless its folds are displayed, and the tune of Yankee Doodle played. At the Clear Spring House the Stars and Stripes are waving, and the miners have sworn to resist secession to the death. — N. Y. Courier & Enquirer, April 28. — The steamer C. E. Hillman, from St. Louis? bound for Nashville, was abandoned by her officers previous to reaching Cairo, Illinois. The deserted steamer was found to contain one thou¬ sand kegs of powder, and other contraband articles. At the same place, the steamer J. D. Perry, from St. Louis to Memphis, was brought to. Nothing of a contraband character being found on board, she was allowed to proceed on her trip. — N. 0. Picayune, April SO. — A Southern Rights meeting was held in Warsaw, Mo. Resolutions were unanimously adopted favoring immediate secession ; request¬ ing the Governor to repel any attempt of the Administration to march troops through Mis¬ souri for the purpose of making war on the Southern States, or to reinforce the forts and .arsenals in Missouri; and complimenting the Governor for refusing to send Lincoln the quota of troops called for. — N. 0. Picayune, April 30. — S. H. Needham, a private in the Sixth Massachusetts regiment died this morning at Baltimore. He was struck on the back of the head with paving stones at the riot, having his skull fractured. He had spoken but a single word since then, which was in answer to a 43 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [April 28. question whether he had a family, when he said “ No.” — Boston Transcript, April 29. — A meeting was held around the Washing¬ ton Elm, at Cambridge, Mass., to give expres¬ sion of the sentiments of the citizens of that vicinity upon the present troubles. John Sar¬ gent occupied the chair, and opened the meet¬ ing with a brief speech, in which he declared it to be the duty of every American to support the Government. — Boston Sat. Express, April 27. — The “ New York Ladies’ Eelief Union ” is¬ sued a circular suggesting “ the importance of systematizing the earnest efforts now making by the women of New York for the supply of extra medical aid to the federal army, through the present campaign.” — {Doc. 108.) — There is one strong, deep-rooted determi¬ nation in Massachusetts, which seems to pervade all classes, old and young; and that is — if the country needs their services, they will stand ready to answer to the order — “ Forward — march ! ” The young men are all desirous of going to the war, any how ; and the old men are equally desirous to march, if necessary. — Boston Saturday Express, April 27. — Governor Hicks delivered a message to the Maryland Legislature. It briefly details the startling events which induced him to assemble that body. — {Doc. 109.) — The rebel army stationed at Kichmond, numbers three thousand and seventv-two men, of which about six hundred are South Carolina troops under the command of Brig.-Gen. M. L. Bonham. — Richmond Enquirer, April 27, and H. Y. Herald , April 30. — A number of French residents of New York held a meeting this afternoon for the purpose of taking measures with reference to the pres¬ ent state of the country. Messrs. Fremont, Quesne, and Faidu were appointed a Committee to conduct the proceedings. M. Victor Faidu stated tho object of the meeting, and proposed that it he made preliminary to a general meet¬ ing of French citizens for their proper organi¬ zation to participate in the present conflict — it was their duty to support the Government of the United States in this strife between human liberty and freedom against slavery and feudal oppression. M. Fremont offered resolutions tendering the support of French citizens to the United States, hut he hoped that tfie govern¬ ment, if the contest was carried to the extreme, would guarantee the total abolition of slavery. — H. Y. Daily Hews, April 29. — President Lincoln decided that the ports of Virginia and North Carolina should be in¬ cluded in the blockade of the Southern harbors and issued a proclamation to that effect. — {Doc. 110.) — Edward Everett delivered an eloquent Union speech, at a flag raising in Chester Square, Boston, Mass. — {Doc. 111.) — The Harbor Police of New York seized six sloops in the harbor, laden with powder, which, it was supposed, was intended for the use of Secessionists. On the same day, Capt. Squires, of the Fifteenth Ward Police, seized several pairs of military pantaloons at the shop of a tailor in Bidge-strect, who was recently in the employ of Newbeck & Co., No. 4 Dey-street, where 1,000 uniforms intended for the South, were recently seized. — H. Y. Times, April 29. — TnE reinforcement of Fort Pickens, is au¬ thoritatively announced to-day. It was ac¬ complished on the night of Friday, April 12th, “ without the firing of a gun or the spilling of one drop of blood.” — {Doc. 112.) April 28. — The Daylight, the first steamer direct from New York, via Potomac, reached Washington at 10 a. m. She found many lights out on the Virginia coast ; and up the Chesa¬ peake and Potomac, two light ships and many buoys destroyed by tho rebels. The Daylight came without convoy ; had no guns, except one howitzer, which Capt. Veile obtained from the Pocahontas, at the mouth of the Potomac. Capt. Veile and the 172 recruits for tho New York Seventh Eegiment, have the honor of the first passage up the Potomac. — The United States frigate Constitution ar¬ rived at New York from Annapolis, Md., having had a narrow escape from seizure by the rebels. After the secession of Virginia, the demon¬ strations of the rebels became so apparent that it was deemed of the greatest importance to get her out over the bar. Her crew of twenty-five men and officers had been at their quarters with shotted guns night and day for four days. Troops were drilling on the shore ; signals be¬ tween them were constantly made out ; large parties were around the ship to find her assail¬ able point. She had four anchors and seven chains out, when the order came to get her over the bar. April 29.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 49 The steamer Maryland, in General Butler’s charge, came alongside ; one anchor was hove up, for use, all the other chains were slipped, and the ship started at 9 a. m. drawing 20J feet. There was then but 19 feet on the bar, and for some time it was doubtful if she would go, but by great exertion, by lighting and careening her, she was forced over. The captain, pilot, and engineers of the Maryland, which had been seized by General Butler, were very averse to do their duty, and it was only by putting them under a guard with revolvers, that they would proceed with the vessel. After dragging her over the bar, the vessel grounded on the outer spit. About 10 p. m., information having been brought off that the channel outside the ship would bo ob¬ structed, hedges were laid out, and it was en¬ deavored to warp the ship over the spit, part of the men being at the guns. The Maryland having been run aground by her officers during the warping, a squall came up and drove the ship ashore again. At daylight a steam tug from Havre de Grace came in sight, and was taken to tow the ship out. She was then taken in tow by the B. R. Cuyler, and brought to New York. — A". Y. Commercial , April 29. — The Fifth Regiment of New York State militia left New York on board the British steam transport Kedar, for Annapolis. This regiment is composed almost entirely of Ger¬ mans, and is commanded by Colonel Schwartz- waelder. For some days past they have occu¬ pied 162 neat tents, precisely of the pattern furnished to the Hudson’s Bay Indians, on the bare grounds of the Battery, where thousands of people visited them, and admired the excel¬ lent order and homelike appearance of their quarters. — {Doc. 113.) — A. Y. Tribune , April 29. April 29. — A meeting of the Bar of Suffolk county was held at Boston, Mass., to consider the present situation of the country, and the meas¬ ures necessary, when a blow is aimed at the ex¬ istence of the Government, and the supremacy of law in the country. The meeting was numer¬ ously attended. Resolutions sustaining the Fed¬ eral Government were adopted, and speeches were made by Judge Thomas, B. F. Hallet, J. C. Park, and others. — Boston Transcript , April 30. — William C. Rives, Senator nunter, Judge Brockenbrough, and Messrs. Preston and Cam¬ den, have been appointed by the Richmond Diary — 8 Convention as delegates to the Montgomery Congress from Virginia. — Montgomery (Ala.) Post , May 1. — By order of Governor Harris of Tennes¬ see, seventy-five thousand dollars’ worth of Tennessee bonds and five thousand dollars in cash, belonging to the United States, which were in possession of the Collector at Nash¬ ville, were seized by the State authorities. The seizure was conditional, the property to be held in trust until the Government restores the property of the State and its citizens, in¬ volved in the seizure of the steamer Hillman by troops of the Federal Government. The steamer Hillman was seized at Cairo, by the Illinois troops, on the 26th of April, be¬ cause she was laden with munitions and other articles contraband of war. — National Intelli¬ gencer. , May 7. — Tiie Charleston Mercury of to-day con¬ tains the following : — “ To His Excellency Gov¬ ernor Pickens. — Will you oblige the mothers, wives, and sisters of the Carolina troops, and appoint next Thursday as a day of Thanksgiv¬ ing to Almighty God for the late bloodless victory. — One of Many.” — Several companies of the Third and Fourth Regiments of Georgia passed through Augusta for the expected scene of warfare — Virginia. Sixteen well-drilled companies of volunteers and one negro company, from Nashville, Ten¬ nessee, offered their services to the Confederate States. — Charleston Mercury , April 30. — At New Orleans, La., the steamships Texas, Tennessee, and the G. W. Ilewes, the property of Charles Morgan, Esq., were taken possession of by order of Gov. Moore. Captain Warren of the steam-tug Tuscarora, who was arrested on the charge of having furnished in¬ formation to the captain of the Daniel Webster, which caused him to leave this port, was re¬ leased on giving bonds of two thousand dol¬ lars for his future loyal conduct. It is ascer¬ tained that the blame rests less upon him than upon the owners of the above-named steamers. — A 0. Delta , April 30. — A military review took place at New Or¬ leans, La. The city was one long military camp. Where the main body of troops appeared was not the only place to find the soldiers. They were in every section of the city, on the river and in the suburbs; in fact, New Orleans 50 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [April 30. waa completely under the control of military arms, within and around. It was one of those days that brought to memory the period of 1814. The streets, the house-tops, the windows, and balconies of every building were thronged with ladies, and at least thirty thousand per¬ sons witnessed a military pagent not equalled in this section of the South. The enthusiasm was immense, and beyond description. — {Doc. 115.) — At Eoxbury, Mass., a beautiful silk flag was presented, by the ladies of that city, to the volunteer company of Capt. Chamberlain, lion. J. S. Sleeper presided, and the presenta¬ tion address was made by Rev. Dr. Georgo Putnam. The flag was placed in the hands of Capt. Chamberlain by a sweet little girl taste¬ fully dressed in white, relieved by red and blue. Capt. Chamberlain knelt as he received the flag, and responded briefly in a voice choked with emotion. Capt. C.’s company stood before the platform in a hollow square, and responded with loud cheers to the patriotic sentiments which the occasion called forth. — Boston Tran¬ script , April 80. — Secession in Maryland was defeated by a direct vote in the House of Delegates of the State, of fifty -three against secession and thir¬ teen for it. The State Senate published an ad¬ dress, signed by all its members, denying the intention of passing an ordinance of secession. — J V. Y. Times , April 80. — Ellsworth's Fire Zouaves left Hew York for Annapolis, Md. They were escorted to the boat by an immense body of brother firemen and citizens. — (Doc. 116.) -—Jefferson Davis sent a message to the Congress at Montgomery to-day. While read¬ ing in Congress, the allusion to Virginia was loudly cheered. A quotation from President Lincoln’s proclamation advising the people of the South to retire to their homes within twenty days, was met with derisive laughter from the crowd in the galleries. Nearly all the members of Congress were present. — Charleston Mercury , April 30. — (Doc. 117.) — Citizens of VTeverton, Frederick Co., Mary¬ land, in a letter to Governor Hicks, protest against the entrance of Virginia troops from Harper’s Ferry into their State. — (Doc. 118.) — There was an interesting display of patri¬ otism by the young ladies of Brooklyn (N. Y.) Heights Seminary. They unfurled a beautiful flag at their chapel, in Montague street, where speeches were made by Dr. West, the prin¬ cipal; Professor Washbuene of Harvard Law School, and Rev. Dr. Stores. A preliminary meeting, to make arrange¬ ments for providing for the families of volun¬ teers, was held at the Brooklyn Institute, Mayor Hall presiding. $2,500 was subscribed on the spot. Committees, composed of the most wealthy and active citizens were appoint¬ ed to further the objects of the meeting. — New York Times , May 1. — Virginia Ladies, resident in Washington, are constantly warned by their friends at home to leave that city before its inevitable destruc¬ tion by the Southern army. — N. Y. Herald , May 1. — A spontaneous Union meeting was held in East Baltimore, Md. 1,500 to 2,000 persons were present, and great enthusiasm was mani¬ fested. Strong Union resolutions were adopted, and the national banner was unfurled. Regular daily communication between Bal¬ timore and Philadelphia was fully reestablished. — jV. Y. Herald , April 80. — Ur to this day seventy-one thousand vol¬ unteers offered their services to Governor Dennison, of Ohio, to fill the thirteen regi¬ ments required by the Proclamation of Presi¬ dent Lincoln. — N. Y. Courier and Enquirer , April 30. —The American flag was raised upon tho steeple of North Dutch church at New York. Nearly every church edifice and public build¬ ing in tho city is decorated in the same manner. — {Doc. 119.) — Commercial Advertiser , April 30. April 30. — The Virginia Convention passed an ordinance to provide against the sacrifice of property, and to suspend proceedings in cer¬ tain cases. It is to apply only to debts due non-residents, and not to those due the State. The ordinance is to remain in force until re¬ pealed or changed by the Convention or the General Assembly ; and if not so repealed or changed, is to expire at the end of thirty days after the first day of the General Assembly. — National Intelligencer, May 7. — The school-teachers of Boston, Mass., re¬ linquished tho following proportion of their salaries during the continuance of the national troubles : April 30.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 51 Superintendent of Schools and Masters of Latin, English High and Girls’ High and Nor¬ mal Schools — 25 per cent. Masters of Grammar Schools and Sub-mas¬ ters of Latin and English High Schools — 15 per cent. Sub-masters of Grammar Schools and Ushers of Latin and English High Schools — 12^ per cent. Ushers of the Grammar Schools — 10 per cent. The aggregate of the percentage on the sal¬ aries will amount to between $12,000 and $13,- 000. — N. Y. World, May 3. — Tiie first cannon was cast in Nashville, Tenn., last Saturday, April 27. — Charleston Mercury , May 3. — The members of the New York Yacht Club met, and resolved to offer, through the Commodore, the services of all their yachts to the Government of the United States for any duty compatible with the qualities and dimen¬ sions of the vessels. — Ar. Y. Tribune , May 2. — A. H. Stephens, Vice-President of the seceding States, arrived at Atlanta, Georgia, on his return from Virginia. He was received by a crowd of citizens, to whom ho made a speech. — {Doc. 120.) — TnE New Jersey Legislature met, and Gov. Olden delivered his Message, recommending a loan of $2,000,000 for war purposes, and a State tax of $100,000 per annum ; the thor¬ ough arming of the State, and the raising of four regiments additional to those called for, to be held subject to the call of the Govern¬ ment. He also recommended that provision be made for the defence of the Southern part of the State, either by fortified posts or by an in¬ trenched camp. — V. Y. Tribune , May 1. — Daniel Fish, charged with selling guns to the South, was examined before the U. S. Commissioner and discharged. — N. Y Herald , May 1. — The First Battalion of the Third Alabama Regiment left Montgomery this morning for Virginia. — Col. Kershaw and staff, with Cap¬ tains RionARDSON, IIasles, and McMannus’ companies of South Carolina troops arrived at Richmond, Va., this evening at 5 o’clock. — Charleston Mercury , May 1. — General Harney is released by Governor Letcher of Virginia. The "Washington City Councils passed a series of resolutions, expressing the strongest devo¬ tion to the Union, and thanking the citizen soldiery of the North now there, for coming forward so promptly at the call of the Govern¬ ment. — N. Y. Times , May 1. — TnE Toronto (Canada) Olobe of to-day, in a long article on American affairs, says that the North, by their impatience with reference to President Lincoln’s policy, ignore the stu¬ pendous and delicate task he has before him, and will drive the country to anarchy and chaos. It advocates strengthening Mr. Lincoln’s hands, and to abstain from perplexing his coun¬ cils. The Leader , the Government organ, fears that Canada may become involved, and advo¬ cates an armed neutrality, and suggests that the Canadian Government represent to the im¬ perial authorities the expediency of sending six or eight regiments of the line for the protection of the frontier. — The Palmetto Guard, Marion Artillery, and German Artillery returned from Morris’ Island to Charleston, S. C. “ Their brave and noble actions during the bombardment of Fort Sum¬ ter are not forgotten, we can assure them, but will ever live in grateful remembrance.” — {Doc. 121.) — Charleston Hews, May 1. — A United States Armory i3 to be establish¬ ed at Rock Island, Ill., in the place of the one destroyed at Harper’s Ferry. — Ar. Y. Tribune , April 30. The Twenty-eighth Regiment N. Y. S. M., composed of the best class of Germans, and commanded by Colonel Bennett, left Brooklyn, N. Y., for the seat of war. At 11 o’clock the last farewell was said ; the Regiment formed, about 800 men, and headed by Meyers’ Band and a corps of drummers and fifers, they marched through Myrtle avenue and Fulton street to Fulton Ferry, where they embarked on board the ferry-boat Nassau , and were taken direct to the steamer Star of the South , then lying at Pier No. 36 North River. The streets through which they marched were lined with enthusiastic citizens to bid the troops God speed, and from nearly every house waved the Stars and Stripes and those other inspiring signals — white handkerchiefs. The troops were every¬ where cordially received. At the foot of Ful¬ ton street a few brief farewells were said, and amid the booming of cannon and the cheers of the populace, the troops took their departure. 52 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [May 1. Fifty-seven recruits for Company G, Capt. Tdoene, and a number for Capt. Sprague’s Company of the Thirteenth Regiment, went with the Twenty-eighth to join their Regiment at Annapolis. — (Doc. 122.) — A meeting of the Harvard Medical School was held in Cambridge, Mass., at which the fol¬ lowing resolution was adopted : Resolved, That we, the members of the Har¬ vard Medical School, do here and now resolve ourselves into a volunteer medical corps, and as such do hereby tender our services to the Governor of this Commonwealth, to act in be¬ half of this State or country, in whatever capa¬ city we may bo needed. — Boston Transcript , May 1. — Citizens of Philadelphia, representing all parties, addressed a congratulatory letter to Lieut.-General Scott. — (Doc. 123.) — Yesterday the Louisiana Guards, and to¬ day the Montgomery Guards, left Hew Orleans for the seat of war in Virginia. The former company, previous to their departure, were pre¬ sented with a beautiful flag by Mrs. A. H. Sea¬ man at her residence. — AT. 0. Delta , April 30. May 1. — The story of an armistice having been requested by Secretary Cameron was de¬ nied as follows: ■Washington, Wednesday, May 1. Simeon Draper , Esq., Chairman Union De¬ fence Committee: There is not a word of truth in any of the newspaper reports of the armistice made or proposed. That sort of business ended on the 4th of March. F. W. Seward. — Ar. Y. Times , May 2. — A large and enthusiastic meeting of the citizens of Wiscasset, Maine, was held, Wil- mot Wood, Esq., presiding. Some spirited resolutions were unanimously passed; and it was recommended to the town to raise $5,000 for the support of families of volunteers who, under the command of Edwin M. Smith, Esq., were enrolled in a company for the defence of the Union. — Boston Transcript, May 7. — TnE Baptist State Convention of Georgia, submitted a communication to the Congress of the seceded States at Montgomery, endorsing, approving, and avowing support to, the Confed¬ erate Government, and requesting the said Gov¬ ernment to proclaim a day of fasting and prayer, “ that God will deliver us from the power of our enemies, and restore peace to the country.” — (Doc. 124.) — TnE governor of Connecticut sent a mes¬ sage to the legislature of that State, containing the following: — “Col. Samuel Colt, of Hart¬ ford, on the 25tli of April last, offered to the executive his services in promoting the enlist¬ ment of a regiment of able-bodied men from the State for the war, and to furnish a sufficient number of his revolving breech rifles for their equipment. To this noble proposition I have replied, expressing my high appreciation of the patriotic offer, and assuring him that the tender of ten companies would at once be accepted, the troops organized into a regiment, the field officers appointed in harmony with the wishes of the regiment and the dignity of the State, and their services placed at the disposal of the General Government. These arms, which are the very latest improvements, with the saber bayonets, would sell in market to-day for over $50,000 in cash. Col. Colt is now actively en¬ gaged in enlisting a full regiment for the war, and also furnishing officers to drill and perfect the men in the use of the weapons at his own expense.” — The World, May 3. — General Harney, in a letter to Col. Fal¬ lon of St. Louis, gives an account of his arrest and subsequent release by the authorities of Virginia ; declares that he will serve under no other banner than the one he has followed for forty years ; denies the right of secession, and implores his fellow-citizens of Missouri not to be seduced by designing men to become the instruments of their mad ambition, and plunge the State into revolution. — (Doc. 125.) — Tde Albany (N. Y.) Burgesses Corps ar¬ rived at New' York, and proceed to Washington to-morrow' to join the Twenty-fifth regiment, N. Y. S. M. — (Doc. 12G.) — An attempt was made to blow up the State Powder nouse, on Bramhall Hill, at Portland, Me., containing 1,000 kegs of powder, by build¬ ing a fire at an air-hole outside. It was dis¬ covered, and extinguished. — Ar. Y. Tribune, May 2. — Gov. Black of Nebraska, issued a procla¬ mation, recommending a thorough volunteer organization throughout the Territory. He has supplied companies with arms and equip¬ ments, and seems determined to place Ne¬ braska in the best possible condition of defence. — Idem. GEN.. SIMON CAMERON. SECJiETMkf OF WAR Uru/rave/i for UebettLon* Jt&xnil KW VO R.K . G P. PU ' ! rN AM We are indebted to the proprietors of the W. Y. Times for this map. ■ May 2.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 53 — Tiie remains of the tlireo Massachusetts soldiers who were killed in Baltimore, arrived at Boston in charge of private D. S. Wright, of the Sixth regiment, who was detailed by Col. Jones for the duty. The bodies were taken from the receiving tomb in Baltimore, under the supervision of Mayor Brown, and left Tues¬ day morning last. The fact was not generally known, but a largo crowd gathered at the depot. Gov. Andrew and staff, the executive coun¬ cil, with the divisionary corps of cadets as an escort, were present to receive the bodies. The coffins were covered with national flags, as were the hearses which boro them to Stone Chapel, under which they were deposited to await final and more public obsequies. On the route to the chapel the band played dirges, and the rapidly-gathered crowds uncovered as the procession moved past. — Boston Transcript , May 2. — TnE Montgomery (Ala.) Weekly Post of this day, says : — “ There is no longer any doubt as to the position of General Scott. His gene¬ ral order of April 19 will satisfy the most skep¬ tical. He will prove false to the mother which gave him birth.” — ( See Doc. 08, p. 78.) — Lieut. Collier, of the United States ma¬ rines, attached to the Minnesota, raised the American flag to-day on the steeple of the Old South Church at Boston, Mass. At noon the star-spangled banner was raised with great demonstration of enthusiasm from the post-office and custom-house at Balti¬ more, Md., by order of the newly-appointed officials. A large crowd assembled in front of the custom-house to witness the flag-raising. A new flag-staff was erected over the portico, and at precisely quarter to twelve, Captain Frazier, a veteran sea-captain of Fells Point, who was assigned the honor, drew up the flag, which, as it spread to the breeze, was greeted with tremendous applause, waving of hats, cheers for the Union and the old flag. The crowd then joined in singing the “Star-span¬ gled Banner.” — N. Y. Commercial Advertiser , May 1. — William Gray, of Boston, Mass., gave ten thousand dollars for the benefit of the volun¬ teers’ families. — N. Y. Times , May 2. — The South Carolina College Cadets and the Washington Artillery returned to Charleston, Diary — 9 S. C., from duty at the forts in the harbor of that place. — {Doc. 127.) May 2. — The Sixty-ninth Hew York Regi¬ ment, (altogether composed of Irishmen,) under the command of Col. Corcoran, arrived at Washington, from the Annapolis Junction, Md., where, with the exception of one company which preceded them on Tuesday, they have been on duty for several days past. — National Intelligencer , May 3. — Governor Andrew, the Mayors of Lowell and Lawrence, and others, met at the State House, in Boston, Mass., for the purpose of identifying the bodies of the Massachusetts soldiers killed in Baltimore. Several articles which were the property of the deceased wero exhibited, but failing to identify the bodies by these, the company proceeded to the vault be¬ neath King’s Chapel, where the coffins wero opened. The first corpse was at once recog¬ nized as Sumner II. Needham of Lawrence, by two of his brothers. The second was recog¬ nized as that of Addison 0. Whitney of the Lowell City Guards, by three of his intimate friends. He was reported as among the miss¬ ing when the regiment reached Washington. He died from a shot in the left breast. He was a spinner in the Middlesex Mills, and has a sis¬ ter at Lowell. The third body proved to be that of Luther C. Ladd of Lowell, also of tho Lowell City Guards. Ho had not been heard from since the fight, but a letter was received from his brother in the regiment at W ashington stating that ho was missing. The body was identified by a brother-in-law of Ladd, ne was about eighteen years of age, a machinist, and was born at Alexandria, N. H. He was shot in the thigh, and probably bled to death at once. His face was somewhat swollen, and gave evidence of rough usage. — Boston Travel¬ ler, May 3. — TnE mouth of James River, and Hampton roads are under strict blockade. The blockad¬ ing vessels are the frigate Cumberland, steam¬ ships Monticello and Yankee, and three or four steam tugs. — The World , May 4. — Ellsworth’s Regiment of Fire Zouaves ar¬ rived at Washington. Their march through the city was a complete ovation. They wero greeted with great cheering and other demon¬ strations of enthusiasm. The splendid appear¬ ance of the regiment, both as to numbers and 54 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [May 3. equipments, caused great surprise, and elicited universal praise. — N. Y. Tribune , May 3. — The adjourned meeting of merchants to take into consideration the action necessary in regard to the state license, was held at Wheel¬ ing, Ya. The Committee made a report setting forth the law in reference to the matter, sub¬ mitted a resolve to the effect that we are good citizens of the State of Virginia, and at the same time hold ourselves loyal citizens of the United States, and will maintain allegiance to the same as heretofore ; that we are willing to pay a license tax so long as Virginia is in the United States, hut we are not willing to pay revenue to the present usurped government at Rich¬ mond, which, without the consent of the people of Virginia, has assumed to absolve us from al¬ legiance to the United States, recommending the merchants of Wheeling and Ohio county to withhold the payment of taxes for the present. The resolutions were unanimously adopted. A German announced that the commissioner of the revenue resigned to forward the patriotic undertaking. — The World , May 8. — Judge Campbell of the United States Su¬ preme Court, who resides in Alabama, sent in his resignation. lie is a Unionist, hut feels bound to adhere to the fortunes of his State. — Ar. Y. Tribune , May 3. TnE Marine Artillery of Rhode Island (flying artillery) arrived in Washington having a bat¬ tery of six pieces, apparently perfect, like all we have thus far seen from that gallant little State, in every appointment of military art that can give efficiency to this most effective arm of modern warfare. The battery is served by about one hundred and sixty men, who are experienced cannoneers, and who, we learn, have left behind them an equal number, ready at a moment’s notice to tender their services to the Government. The Rhode Island regiment of infantry, twelve hundred strong, appeared also in the streets on parade, attracting univer¬ sal admiration for the military precision of their movements and the fine soldiery bearing of both officers and men. The Artillery made a visit to the President of the United States about five o’clock in the afternoon. He received them in front of the mansion, and was complimented in return by three hearty cheers as they passed in review. — National Intelligencer , May 3. — The New Orleans Picayune , of to-day, says : “We heard but recently of a united North to defend and preserve the Union — now we hear of a united North to subjugate the South. The change is rapid. It shows the increasing strength of those whose permanent success would be destructive of liberty. These are the enemies the South has to combat. A South¬ ern victory at Washington would not only strike terror into their ranks, but go far towards re¬ leasing the good and estimable people of the North from a thralldom which has become as terrible as it is degrading. We hope to have the pleasure, ere many days, of chronicling the glorious achievement.” — TnE national flag was hoisted over the Inte¬ rior Department at Washington. It was enthu¬ siastically greeted by the dense mass of specta¬ tors and by the Rhode Island regiment, whose appearance and drill, together with their music, elicited general praise. They were accompanied by Governor Sprague and suite in full uniform. The President and Secretaries Seward and Smith were near the staff when tho flag was raised, and having saluted it, they were in turn cheered. The regiment, having re-entered the building where they are quartered, sung “ Our Flag still Waves.” — N. Y. Evening Post, May 3. — The religious press presents a singular and varied view of tho political affairs of the United States. — (Doc. 128.) May 3. — Tho American flag was elevated above the roof of the University at New York, by Captain Jones, late of Harper’s Ferry, amid the enthusiastic cheers of a large collection of people. Dr. Bethune made some remarks, taking occasion to make a fitting allusion to Major Anderson and Fort Sumter, which were re¬ ceived with repeated and enthusiastic cheering. Ho had looked over ancient history for a par¬ allel to this deed of valor, but found none. The bravery shown by the three hundred Spartans at the Pass of Thermopylae was well known; but there still was one coward among them. There was no coward among the men at Sum¬ ter. He had been present at a conversation with tho gallant defender of the fort, when a gentleman remarked he regretted that the ma¬ jor had not blown up the fort, to which Major Anderson replied that it was better as it was. Tho ruined battlements and battle-scarred walls May 3.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 55 of Fort Sumter would be an everlasting shame and disgrace to the South Carolinians. At the conclusion of Dr. Bethune’s remarks the “Star- spangled Banner” was sung, all the audience rising to their feet and joining in the chorus. Col. Baker and Capt. Jones also made short addresses. — The World , May 4. — Governor Letcher published a proclama¬ tion, saying that the sovereignty of the Com¬ monwealth of Virginia having been denied, her territorial rights assailed, her soil threatened with invasion by the authorities of Washington, and every artifice employed which could in¬ flame the people of the Northern States against her, it therefore becomes the solemn duty of every citizen of Virginia to prepare for the impending conflict. To this end, and for these purposes, and with a determination to repel invasion, Governor Letcher authorizes the Commanding General of the military forces to call out, and cause to be mustered into service from time to time, as the public exigencies may require, such addi¬ tional number of volunteers as he may deem necessary. — {Doc. 129.) — The First Regiment, Colonel Johnson ; the Second, Col. Baker ; the Third, Col. Napton ; the Fourth, Col. Miller, of New Jersey Troops, with Brigadier-General Runyon and staff, left Bordentown for the seat of war, proceeding down the Delaware, via the Delaware and Chesapeake canal. The troops and stores are in a fleet of fourteen steam propellers, the W. Woodward, Henry Cadwalader, Octorora, Del¬ aware, Raritan, Trenton, Patroon, F. W. Brune, Elizabeth, Franklin, Farmer, J. B. Molleson, Eureka, and Fanny Gardner. — World, May 4. — Union Ward meetings were held to-night throughout Baltimore, Md., and resolutions were adopted to the following purport : — That we cherish the Constitution and laws of the United States, and will devote our fortunes and lives to defend their integrity against all revolutionary or violent assaults ; that we re¬ gret the violent attacks on the troops of the United States while peacefully marching through the city to protect the seat of Government, and indignantly repudiate making it a pretext to organize an armed mob, under the guise of a special police, to place the city in a hostile atti¬ tude to the General Government; declaring abhorrence at the attempt of the Legislature to inaugurate a military despotism by the bill for ! the creation of a Board of Public Safety ; that the persons named for said Board have not the confidence of the people, and we protest against the whole measure as an invasion on the pre¬ rogatives of the Governor and a usurpation of the Executive power by the Legislature. — V. Y. Tribune, May 4. — TnE 'following notice was issued at Pitts¬ burg, Pa., to-day: Shippers of goods in New York are hereby notified that all packages found to contain guns, pistols, powder, and other articles contraband of war, destined for the Southern States, will not be permitted to pass the city of Pittsburg. By order of the Committee, E. D. Gazzani, Chairman. — AT. Y. Tribune, May 4. — A letter was received at New York giv¬ ing information of a design to burn that city, the supply of water to be cut off at the time the city was fired. Philadelphia and Boston were also to be burned. — {Doc. 130.) — Fourteen companies of Kentuckians from the border counties tendered their services to the Secretary of War through Colonel T. V. Guthrie. Ten wrere accepted with orders to encamp on the Ohio side of the river. — Boston Transcript, May 4. — The Connecticut legislature unanimously passed a bill appropriating $2,000,000 for the organization and equipment of a volunteer mi¬ litia, and to provide for the public defence. — A7". Y Tribune, May 4. — Governor Jackson of Missouri, in a mes¬ sage to the legislature of that State, says the President of the United States in calling out the troops to subdue the seceded States, has threatened civil war, and his act is unconstitu¬ tional and illegal, and tending towards consoli¬ dated despotism. While he evidently justifies the action of the Confederate States in seceding, he does not recommend immediate secession, but holds the following language : “ Our interest and sympathies are identical with those of the slaveholding States, and necessarily unite our destiny with theirs. The similarity of our social and political institutions, our industrial interests, our sympathies, habits, and tastes, our common origin, territorial con¬ tiguity, all concur in pointing out our duty in regard to the separation now taking place be¬ tween the States of the old federal Union.” lie 56 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [Mat 4. further adds that “Missouri has at this time no war to prosecute. It is not her policy to make an aggression ; but, in the present state of the country, she would be faithless to her honor, recreant to her duty, were she to hesitate a moment in making the most ample preparation for the protection of her people against the ag¬ gression of all assailants. I therefore recom¬ mend an appropriation of a sufficient sum of money to place the State at the earliest prac¬ ticable moment in a complete state of de¬ fence.” In conclusion he says : “ Permit me to ap¬ peal to you and through you to the whole peo¬ ple of the State, to whom we are all responsible, to do nothing imprudent or precipitate. "We have a most solemn duty to perform. Let us then calmly reason one with another, avoid all passion and tendency to tumult and disorder, obey implicitly the constituted authorities, and endeavor ultimately to unite all our citizens in a cordial cooperation for the preservation of our honor, the security of our property, and the performance of all those high duties im¬ posed upon us by our obligations to our fami¬ lies, our country, and our God.” — Louisville Journal , May 4. — President Lincoln issued a proclamation calling into the service of the United States 42,000 volunteers for three years’ service, and directing the increase of the regular army and navy of the United States. — {Doc. 131.) — Four companies of volunteers left Buffalo, H. Y., for the rendezvous at Elmira. They were escorted to the depot by the Home Guard. Major Millard Fillmore, Ex-President, com¬ manding in person. The Home Guard is com¬ posed of retired commissioned officers of the State Militia, and is being thoroughly drilled by Major Fillmore. About 150 members are already enrolled. — Ar. Y. Tribune, May 4. — Two associations of ladies of Hew Orleans were formed for aiding and equipping volun¬ teers, and for making lint and bandages, and nursing the sick and wounded. The meetings were very largo and enthusiastic. — Baltimore Sun , May 7th. May 4. — A large Union meeting was held at Kingwood, Preston county, Va., when resolu¬ tions were adopted expressing unalterable oppo¬ sition to the ordinance of secession, favoring a division of the State, and resolving to vote for a delegate to the next session of Congress. — National Intelligencer, May 11. — Commodore Charles Stewart, of the Unit¬ ed States Navy, addressed a letter to George W. Childs of Philadelphia, furnishing him with the reminiscences of a conversation which pass¬ ed between Com. Stewart and John C. Calhoun, in the year 1812, after the declaration of war against Great Britain by the Congress of the United States. — {Doc. 132.) — Tiie artists of Hew York met at the rooms of Messrs. Kensett and Lang in that city. Mr. D. Huntingdon was called to the chair. Messrs. Kensett, Gray, and Lang embodied resolutions which were adopted by those present, express¬ ing their desire to contribute to the relief of families of volunteers of the city of Hew York who are now serving in defence of government and law, and resolving that a committee be ap¬ pointed to solicit contributions of pictures or other works of art, to be disposed of at public auction; said committee to have power, also, to receive moneys presented in aid of the fund. Messrs. Gray, Lang, Hubbard, Huntington, Stone, and Baker were named the committee, with full power to forward the plan proposed. — N. Y. Evening Post , May 7. — Tiie Ithaca (H. Y.) volunteers arrived in Hew York on their way to the seat of war. They number one hundred and fifteen men, and are commanded by the following officers : — Captain, Jerome Howe ; First Lieutenant, James Tischner; Ensign, "William O. Wyckoff; Or¬ derly Sergeant, William Godley; Second Ser¬ geant, Edwin C. Fulkenson; Third do., Ed¬ ward Atwater; Fourth do., Dr. Tolbo ; First Corporal, Leonard Atwater ; Second do., Clin¬ ton McGill; Third do., James A. Dickinson; Fourth do., George Shepherd. — N. Y. Herald , May 5. — The Onondaga Regiment left Syracuse, H. Y., for Elmira. This is the first regiment organized under the new Volunteer bill of the State of Hew York. Ten full companies pre¬ sented their muster-rolls to the Adjutant-Gen¬ eral, not merely full, but with an excess of nearly one hundred men.— M. Y. Tribune, May 5. — Tiie New Orleans Delta of to-day contains a full account of the numbers and condition of the rebel troops and defences in the vicinity of Fort Pickens ; from which it appears that Gen. Bragg has under his command an army of over Hay 5.] 57 DIARY OF EVENTS. 6ix thousand fighting men, besides a large force I of laborers, sailors, and marines. — {Doc. 133.) — The Buena Yista Volunteers, from Phila¬ delphia, Captain Powers, arrived at New York. They are to join Col. D. E. Sickles’s regiment. These are men who went unarmed to Balti¬ more, and fought the Gorillas with their fists. — N. Y. Tribune , May 5. — Tiie Phoenix Ironworks at Gretna, opposite Lafayette, New Orleans, cast the first gun for the Confederate Navy. It is an eight-inch Dahlgren shell, and has eight feet six inches bore. The steamship Star of the West was put in commission as the receiving ship of the Con¬ federate States Navy at New Orleans. She is stationed at the navy yard at Algiers, under the temporary command of Midshipman Comstock, for receiving sailors and marines now being en¬ listed for the navy. — V. 0. Picayune , May 5. — A committee of the Maryland Legislature held an interview with President Lincoln. They admitted both the right and the power of the government to bring troops through Baltimore or the State, and to take any measures for the public safety which, in the discretion of the President, might be demanded either by actual or reasonably apprehended exigencies. They expressed their belief that no immediate effort at secession or resistance of the federal author¬ ity would be attempted by the Legislature or State authorities, and asked that, in this view, the State should, as long as possible, be spared the evils of a military occupation or a mere re¬ vengeful chastisement for former transgressions. The President replied that their suggestions and representations should be considered, but that he should now say no more than that the public interests, and not any spirit of revenge, would actuate his measures. — •Ar. Y. Herald , May 5. — A Union meeting was held at "Wheeling, Va., Hon. Frank Pierpont, of Mason county, and George M. Porter, late member of the conven¬ tion, addressed the people in able speeches, urging resistance to the secession ordinance, and favoring the division of the State. Reso¬ lutions were adopted approving the action of the merchants in refusing to pay taxes to the authorities at Richmond, denunciatory of the secession ordinance, and declaring adhesion to the stars and stripes. — Boston Transcript, May 6. Diary — 10 — The American flag was displayed from the tower of the First Baptist Church in Broome street, New York, with appropriate ceremonies. A large concourse of people listened to stirring speeches by President Eaton, of Madison Uni¬ versity, Rev. Dr. Armitage, Rev. Mr. "Webber, of Rochester, and Hon. "W. D. Murphy, of the Oliver street church. Dr. Armitage referred to the fact that tho pastors of this First Baptist Church (a church which has existed more than a century) had all been noted for their zealous patriotism. One of tho most eminent of them — Spencer Ft. Cone — had, in the war of 1812, himself gal¬ lantly defended that emblem of civil and reli¬ gious liberty, the stars and stripes, at Fort Mc¬ Henry ; and at this moment members of this church are in the camp, equally ready to do- fend it against all aggression. No free govern¬ ment or constitutional liberty have ever been secured or perpetuated by any nation without the seal of its own blood. If the liberties thus purchased for us by our fathers, and tho gov¬ ernment which they founded— the best the world has ever seen — are to be insulted and trampled upon, shall we not strike down tho traitor, even though he bo one of the family — even though he be our own brother ? “I too,” said Dr. Eaton, “am emphatically a man of peace, for I am a minister of the gos¬ pel of the Prince of Peace ; but in this crisis, my friends, it is my firm conviction that the best and surest way to perpetuate the blessing is promptly to send down, if need be, half a million of men to those seditious brethren of ours, and compel them to keep the peace. "We cherish no malice against them — God forbid. But their traitorous hands are now clutching the very life of our body politic, and wo must use prompt and vigorous action in defence of our very national existence.” — JT. Y. Evening Post, May 7. May 5. — Raleigh, North Carolina, is alive with soldiers, who have been pouring in at the call of the Governor. Sixteen companies, com¬ prising twelve hundred men, rank and file, are encamped at the Fair Grounds, and there are several more quartered in other parts of tho city. They are all fine looking, and in their eagerness to acquire military knowledge fre¬ quently have voluntary drills, not being satis¬ fied with tho threo regularly appointed ones for each day. 58 REBELLION RECORD, 1SG0-G1. [May 6. Ten companies have been selected bv the Governor to constitute the “ First Regiment of North Carolina Volunteers,” and an election of field officers has taken place, resulting in the selection of D. II. Hill, C. 0. Lee, and J. H. Lane, respectively, to the offices of Colonel, Lieutenant-Colonel, and Major. — Charleston Mercury , May 11. — The Twenty-eighth New York Regiment (from Brooklyn) arrived at Washington by the 6teamer Star of the South. In the absence of Col. Bennett, detained at homo by sick¬ ness, Lieut.-Col. E. Burns is in command. The other officers are Acting Lieut.-Col. W. R. Brewster; Adjutant, D. A. Bokee; Surgeon, P. B. Rice; Surgeon’s Mates, Drs. Rappold and Prentice ; Captain of Engineer Corps, Von Kumeke ; Quartermaster, F. Steigier ; Assist¬ ant Quartermaster, C. Menseh ; Acting Pay¬ master, W. Mavelle; Chaplain, Mr. Zapt. They number about six hundred men, divided into ten companies, commanded by Captains Brewer, Baker, Campbell, Brandenberry, Bea¬ dle, Seeper, Ruegor, Wills, Kuhl, and Weaver. — National Intelligencer , May 7. — Brigadier-General Philip St. George Cocke commanding the “ Potomac Depart¬ ment” of the State of Virginia, in orders issued to-day, says: “ The capital of the United States has never been threatened, and it is not now threatened. It is beyond and outside the limits of the free and sovereign State of Virginia.” If Gen. Cocke means to say that the “ capi¬ tal of the United States ” has never been threat¬ ened hy him , all credence will be given to his declarations under this head; but if it is in¬ tended to suggest that there have been no threats of attack from other quarters, sufficient to justify the precautionary measures taken by the Federal Government, his assurances cannot be received without casting discredit on men high in the confidence of the Confederate States, and on able and influential journals, heretofore understood to be the authentic exponents of Southern wishes and purposes. — {Doc. 134.) — A body of Federal troops, under command of Gen. B. F. Butler, arrived at the Relay House, nine miles from Baltimore, took posses¬ sion of the telegraph wires, planted eight how¬ itzers on the viaduct, and invested the entire neighborhood. They encamped on the grounds of William Talbot, adjoining those of George W. Dobbin, on the west side of the Patapsco. This point is the junction of the Baltimore and Ohio road, and the Washington branch, and gives full command of the road to and from the West. — The World , May G. — Tiie women of Mobile organized them¬ selves into a society to make sand bags for defence, lint and bandages for the wounded, clothes for the soldiers of the Confederate Army, to nurse the sick and wounded, and to seek out the families of those volunteers upon whose exertions their families are dependent for daily support. — N. 0. Picayune , May 5. May G. — Governor Hicks, in response to an order of the Maryland Senate, inquiring if he consented to or authorized the burning of the bridges on the Northern Central, and the Bal¬ timore, Wilmington, and Philadelphia railroad, said : “ I have to say that I neither authorized nor consented to the destruction of said bridges, but left the whole matter in the hands of the Mayor of the city of Baltimore, with the dec¬ laration that I had no authority in the prem¬ ises ; that I was a lover of law and order, and could not participate in such proceedings.” — National Intelligencer , May 10. — The six regiments demanded by the Fed¬ eral Government of Indiana were raised and mustered into service and ready to march in a week after the call was made. They are now in camp, drilling daily, and living the regular soldier life. They would have been on the way to the post assigned them long ago if they had been armed. But up to this time, though the guns have come, the accoutrements are still behind. — Indiana State Journal , May 7. — Virginia was admitted into the Southern Confederacy in Secret Session of the Confed¬ erate Congress. — N. Y. Times, May 14. — The Committee appointed by the General Assembly of Maryland to visit President Lin¬ coln and present him with a copy of the joint resolutions adopted by that body on the 2d of May, presented their report. — (Doc. 135.) — The town of Dorchester, Mass., voted $20,000 for the war, besides appropriating $20 per month to every married volunteer, and $15 to every single volunteer. This applies not only to citizens of Dorchester who enlist in the town or out, but to citizens of other towns who may enlist in Dorchester, provided their May 6.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 59 own towns do not make any provision for them. — AT. Y. Express , May 9. — General John A. Dix, late Secretary of the Treasury, was appointed one of the four major- generals from the State of New York. General Dix is a native of New Hampshire, and is a son of the late Lieut. -Colonel Timothy Dix. He entered the United States Military Academy at West Point in 1812 ; was promoted ensign in 1814, and was subsequently promoted to a third lieutenancy in the twenty-first regiment of in¬ fantry. Ilis subsequent rank of promotion is as follows : Second lieutenant, March, 1814; transferred August 14, 1814, to artillery arm ; returned same year in the re-organization of the army ; adjutant, 1816; first lieutenant, March 18; aide-de-camp to Major-General Brown, 1816; transferred to First artillery, May, 1821 ; Third artillery, August, 1821 ; captain, August 25 ; resigned his commission in the army, December 31, 1828. He afterward filled the post of Ad¬ jutant-General of the State of New York, Sec¬ retary of State, and United States Senator from January, 1845 to 1849 ; Postmaster of New York in 1860-61 ; and was called to the post of Secretary of the Treasury, under James Buchanan, January 11, 1861. — Commercial Ad¬ vertiser, May 7. — The First, Second, and Third regiments of New Jersey State Militia arrived at Washington. They constitute, with the Fourth, previously arrived, a brigade of 3,200 men, under the command of Gen. Theodore Runyon. His stall consists of Capt. J. B. Mulligan, Aid ; Brigade- Major, A. Y. Bonnell; Private Secretary and Special aid, C. W. Tollis. — {Doc. 136.) — The Arkansas Convention, by a vote of sixty-nine to one, passed an ordinance of seces¬ sion from the Federal Union. The ordinance was unanimously ratified by the State. — Ar. 0. Picayune , May 7. — The correspondence between Mr. Faulk¬ ner, late American Minister at Paris, and Secre¬ tary Seward, in relation to the recognition of the Southern Confederacy by the government of France, is published. — {Doc. 137.) — The Washington Star of this morning, speaking of the intended attack on Washington by the secessionists, says, “The scheme of th6 oligarchy was to have attacked this city some¬ time between daybreak of the 18th and day¬ break of the 21st of April ultimo. They had been led to believe that the Virginia ordinance of secession would have been pushed through the Convention a few days before that was ac¬ complished, (on the 17th,) and that the troops of that State would have been able to take Washington by surprise between the dates we have named above. The secret outside Con¬ vention that was assembled by the disunion Convention in Richmond on the 17th ultimo, was called to aid the scheme, and the raid on Harper's Ferry was to the end of aiding it also. That Avas contrived and carried out Avholly by disunion revolutionary means; the Governor (Letcher) having declined to order it, or the raid on the Government property (the Navy Yard, &c.) in and near Norfolk. John Bell Avas doubtless in the conspiracy, we apprehend, as his change of front took place just in time to admit of his getting on Avhat ho foolishly supposed would be the Avinning side. The res¬ ignation of the large number of army and navy officers between the 18th and 21st of April, in a body, was doubtless also planned to embarrass the Government just previous to the contem¬ plated attack upon the Federal Metropolis. The conspirators had no idea that the Government Avould prove more prompt and efficient in their measures of defence, than they in theirs of attack.” — President Lincoln’s letter to Governor Hicks of Maryland and Mayor BroAvn of Balti¬ more, dated on the day after the attack upon the Massachusetts troops, (April 19,) is published in full in the newspapers of to-day. — {Doc. 138.) — Tiie Police Commissioners of St. Louis, Mo., formally demanded of Capt. Lyon, the officer in command at the Arsenal, the re¬ moval of United States troops from all places and buildings occupied by them outside the Ar¬ senal grounds. The Captain, as was doubtless expected, declined compliance with the demand, and the Commissioners have referred the mat¬ ter to the Governor and Legislature. The Com¬ missioners allege that such occupancy is in der¬ ogation of the Constitution and laws of the United States, and in rejoinder Capt. Lyon re¬ plies, inquiring what provisions of the Consti¬ tution and laws were thus violated. The Com¬ missioners, in support of their position, say that originally “ Missouri had sovereign and exclusive jurisdiction over her whole territory,” and had delegated a portion of her sovereignty to th* CO REBELLION RECORD, 18GO-G1. [May 1. United States over certain tracts of land lor military purposes, such as arsenals, parks, &c., and the conclusion implied, but not stated, is, that this is the extreme limit of the right of the United States Government to occupy or touch the soil of the sovereign State of Missouri. — St. Louis Democrat , May 7. — An important interview took place at Camp Defiance, Cairo, Ill., between Colonel Tilghman, commander of the Kentucky forces, and Colonel Prentiss in command at Cairo. — {Doc. 139.) — Tnn act recognizing the existence of war between the United States and the seceding States, and concerning letters of marque prizes and prize goods, which had passed the Southern congress at Montgomery, was made public, the injunction of secrecy having been removed therefrom. — {Doc. 140.) — A meeting of the principal shipowners and commercial men of Maine was held at Augusta. It was summoned by Governor Washburn to take into consideration the state of the country, and the expediency of procuring a guard for the coast. Resolutions were adopted tendering the services of the shipowners to the Government, and pledging their ability to furnish thirty steam vessels within from GO to 90 days, if required. George F. Patten, of Bath, John B. Brown, of Portland, and George W. Lawrence, of Warren, were appointed a committee to proceed to W ash- ington and communicate to the Government the views of the merchants and shopkeepers of the State, and to urge the roost vigorous action in the premises. The meeting embraced the lead¬ ing shipowners of all parties, and the sentiment in favor of executing the laws was not only unanimous, but enthusiastic. — Boston Tran- script , May 8. May 7. — A serious riot occurred at Knox¬ ville, Tenn., caused by hoisting a Union flag and the delivery of inflammatory speeches. About twenty shots were fired in all. A man named Douglas, a ringleader in the fight, was wounded, having received several shots. An outsider, named Bull, was mortally wounded. — National Intelligencer , May 11. — Judge Ogden of the County Court of Oyer and Terminer of Hudson County, N. J., de¬ livered a charge to the Grand Jury, in which ho defined the crime of treason as giving aid, comfort, and information to the enemy. The Massachusetts First Regiment, which has been for several days at Boston waiting marching orders, on learning that the War De¬ partment would hereafter accept no troops for a less period than three years, unanimously offered their services to the Governor for the full term. The New Jersey House of Assembly ordered to a third reading the bill to raise a war loan of $1,000,000. Resolutions of thanks to Governor Olden for his activity in raising troops, to President Lincoln for his energetic defence of the Union, and pledging New Jersey to stand by the Union with all her power, were introduced into the Senate by a democrat, and passed by a unanimous vote. — N. Y. Tribune , May 8. — Tnn contributions of the people of the North for the war, during the last three weeks amount to the sum of $23,277,000. Pennsyl¬ vania leads the column with a free gift of $3, 500,000. New York and Ohio have each given $3,000,000 ; Connecticut and Illinois each $2,- 000,000; Maine, $1,300,000; Vermont and New Jersey, each $1,000,000 ; Wisconsin and Rhode Island, $500,000 ; Iowa, $100,000. The contributions of the principal cities are: New York, $2,173,000; Philadelphia, $330,000; Bos¬ ton, $186,000 ; Brooklyn, $75,000 ; Buffalo, $110,000; Cincinnati, $280,000; Detroit, $50,- 000; Hartford, $64,000.— (Hoc. 141.) — The Twentieth Regiment of N. Y. S. M. from Ulster County, under the command of Col¬ onel George W. Pratt, left New York for the seat of war. — {Doc. 142.) — Reverdy Johnson addressed the Home Guard of Frederick, Md., upon the occasion of the presentation to them of a National flag from the ladies of that place. The popu¬ lation of the city was swelled by the addition of upwards of two thousand persons, who poured in from the surrounding towns and vil¬ lages, sometimes in lengthy cavalcades of horses and vehicles, and again in companies of tens and fifties. Union cockades and badges were displayed in profusion upon the coats of the jubilant Union men, numbers of whom were decidedly ambitious in their ideas of patriotic personal adornment, wearing cockades as large as sun-flowers. The Stars and Stripes fluttered gaily from about forty different points, and, altogether, Frederick may be said to have don¬ ned her holiday suit for the occasion. The scene of the presentation formalities was Mat 8.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 61 the Court-house yard, where a stand, draped with the national colors, had been erected, and at the hour designated for the commencement of the ceremonies, was surrounded by two or three thousand persons, including the Brengle Guard, a body of about three hundred respect¬ able citizens, principally aged and middle-aged men, organized for the purpose of home protec¬ tion and defence. — {Doc. 143.) — Fotjb hundred Pennsylvania volunteers, escorted by three hundred regular United States troops from Carlisle barracks, arrived at "Wash¬ ington at 10 o’clock, on the evening of Thurs¬ day, April 18th, and bivouacked at the capi- tol. — N. Y. Times , April 19. — Isham G. Harris, Governor, sent a mes¬ sage to the General Assembly of Tennessee, announcing the formation of a military league between that State and the Confederate States ; submitting the plan of the league, the joint resolution ratifying it, and a “ declaration of independence and ordinance dissolving the Federal relations between the State of Tennes¬ see and the United States of America.” — {Doc. 144.) May 8. — The Salem, Mass., Zouaves arrived at Washington. They number 66 men, and are officered as follows : Captain, A. F. Devereux ; 1st Lieutenant, G. F. Austin ; 2d Lieutenant, E. A. P. Brewster ; 3d Lieutenant, G. D, Putnam. They are armed with the Minie musket, and uniformed in dark blue jackets and pants, trimmed with scarlet braid, and red fatigue caps. — National Intelligencer , May 11. — A privateer was captured at the mouth of the Chesapeake, by the steamer Harriet Lane. The officers and crew, with the excep¬ tion of two seamen, escaped. — Philadelphia Press, May 9. — The Richmond Examiner of to-day de¬ mands a Dictator; it says: “Ho power in ex¬ ecutive hands can be too great, no discretion too absolute, at such moments as these. We need a Dictator. Let lawyers talk when the world has time to hear them. How let the sword do its work. Usurpations of power ly the chief, for the preservation of the people from robbers and murderers, will he reckoned as genius and patriotism hy all sensible men in the world now, and by every historian that will judge the deed hereafter.” — The Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment from the county of Montgomery, arrived at Wash¬ ington from Annapolis. It is commanded by the following officers : Colonel, John F. Hartranft; Lieut. Col., Ed¬ ward Schall ; Major, Edwin Schall ; Adjutant, Chas. Hunsicker; Quartermaster, Yerkes; Sur¬ geon, Dunlop ; Assistant-Surgeons, Christ and Rogers; Captains, Bolton, Schall, Chamberlain, Dunn, Snyder, Allabaugh, Amey, Brooke, Cooke, and Taylor. The regiment numbers about 900, and com¬ prises a fine body of hardy yeomanry and arti¬ sans, who left their fields and shops to rally in defence of the Hational Capital. — National In¬ telligencer, May 9. — The steam frigate Minnesota, the flag-ship of the blockading squadron, sailed from Boston, Mass. — Boston Transcript , May 8. — A meeting in aid of the volunteers from Roxbury, Mass., was held in that city. Speeches were made by Rev. J. E. Bartholomew, Edward Everett, and Alexander H. Rice. — (Doc. 145.) — General Butler, at the Relay House, Md., promulgated special brigade orders concerning the several events that have occurred at the camp at that place since its formation. — {Doc. 146.) May 9. — At 3 o’clock this afternoon the steamer Maryland, with other transports, ar¬ rived at Baltimore with 1,300 troops from Per- ryville. They consist of five companies of tho 3d Infantry, regulars, Major Shepherd, 420 men ; one company of Sherman’s Battery of Light Artillery, with 6 pieces of cannon and 70 horses, under Major Sherman; and the 1st Regiment, ten companies, of Pennsylvania Ar¬ tillery, Col. Patterson, armed with muskets, and numbering 800 men. They were landed at Locust Point, one of the termini of the Bal¬ timore and Ohio Railroad, within half a mile of Fort McHenry, and there transferred on board of two trains of cars, which departed immediately. Two hundred men were left to take charge of the horses, provisions and baggage, and these were to be forwarded at a later hour. The Mayor and Police Commissioners, with two hundred police, crossed in a ferry-boat to Locust Point, and were present at the debarka¬ tion. The Harriet Lane stood off the point with her ports open. The transfer to the cars was 62 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [May 9. accomplished without much difficulty, and there was no excitement other than that which pro¬ ceeded from the curiosity of the people to wit¬ ness the proceedings. The track from Locust Point skirts the lower part of the city, and joins the main stem near Camden Station. — M. Y. Tribune , May 10. — TnE Richmond Whig says: “We beg to suggest to all Southern papers the propriety of omitting all mention of the movement of troops within our borders. A word to the wise.” “ The caution is a good one, and might well be extended to correspondents, both private and public, by telegraph and by mail. The caution is the more necessary, because of our large daily correspondence with the people of the North, with whom we are unfortunately at war.” — JV. 0. Picayune , May 10. — The Confederate Congress passed an act authorizing the President of the Southern Con¬ federacy to raise such a force for the war as he may deem expedient. — {Doc. 147.) — TnE Palmetto Guard left Charleston, S. C., for Virginia. The company numbers eighty- live privates, and is commanded as follows : Geo. B. Cuthbert, Captain; C. R. Holmes, First Lieutenant ; T. S. Brownfield, Second Lieutenant ; L. S. Webb, Third Lieutenant; Samuel Robinson, First Sergeant; J. E. Wright, Second Sergeant; G. M. LaLane, Third Ser¬ geant ; II. D. Hanahan, Fourth Sergeant ; M. J. Darly, Fifth Sergeant ; J. B. Boyd, First Corporal ; J. E. Gaillard, Second Corporal ; A. M. Brailsford, Third Corporal ; DeSaus- sure Edwards, Fourth Corporal; J. E. Dutart, Fifth Corporal ; E. W. Bellinger, Sixth Corpo¬ ral ; O. D. Mathews, Quartermaster ; R. S. Miller, jr., Commissary. — Charleston Mercury , May 10. — TnE Cumberland, Pawnee, Monticello, and Yankee are enforcing the blockade off Fortress Monroe. The Yankee pursued an armed schoon¬ er up \ ork River, but after proceeding a short distance was fired upon from a concealed bat¬ tery, and compelled to return. The steamers Philadelphia, Baltimore, Pow- hattan, and Mount Vernon, of the Acquia Creek line, recently taken possession of by the Federal Government, are cruising on the Potomac, all heavily armed. Southern troops are concen trating in the vicinity of Norfolk. An Alabama regiment of 1,100 men, and eighty cadets of the same State, have arrived, and encamped in the vicinity of Fort Norfolk. The Virginians have five batteries erected in Norfolk harbor ; one on Craney Island ; one at Sandy Point ; one at the Hospital ; one near Fort Norfolk, and one on the Bluffs three miles from the Hospital. — V. Y. Evening Post , May 11. — J. Lawrence Keese, a private in the 8th Company of the 7th Regiment of New York, was accidentally shot at Washington. He was standing in front of his tent washing his hands, when a musket fell from a stack of arms within a few feet of him, and went off, the ball enter¬ ing his side, passing through his lungs, and killing him almost instantly. He was a young man of fine talents, and greatly esteemed by his comrades. — JV. Y. Commercial , May 10. — To-day was strictly observed as a fast-day at Wheeling, Va. Patriotic sermons were de¬ livered in nine out of the twelve churches. The Methodist Church pulpit was decorated with the Stars and Stripes. Rev. Mr. Smith deliv¬ ered an eloquent address. He said he would hold no fellowship with traitors. If there was a secessionist in his congregation he wanted him to leave. Other ministers prayed that the rebels might be subdued or wiped from the face of the earth. — Ar. Y. Herald , May 10. — The steamship Africa arrived at New York from England, bringing the first news of the impression produced in Europe by the reduction of Fort Sumter. The earliest feeling was one of the profoundest gloom and discouragement, but subsequent reflection suggested a proba¬ bility, eagerly accepted, that hostilities would terminate with the opening act ; and that, startled by the shock of arms, the Government and the separated States would have fresh dis¬ positions for an amicable arrangement. The notion, founded on the fact that no lives had been lost, also became current ; that the affair was merely a sham fight, arranged entirely to cover the evacuation from discredit, and save the reputation of Major Anderson. These ideas were indorsed generally by the journals, who, however, regarded the business as extremely enigmatic, and as needing further enlighten¬ ment before final judgment could be passed. — {Doc. 148.) — Two companies of Southern volunteers from Baltimore, numbering sixty-five men, DIARY OF EVENTS. For the use of this map we are indebted to the proprietors of the N. Y. Tribune. O. WOOLWORTH COLTON N.Y. May 10.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 65 passed through Frederick, Md., on their way to Virginia. They were under the command of Capts. Wetmoro and Price, and unarmed. They marched through the city protected by Gen. Shriver and the sheriff, and their appear¬ ance created deep excitement, hut no out¬ break. A company of about thirty-four vol¬ unteers left Frederick early this morning for Harper’s Ferry, under the command of Captain Bradley T. Johnson. — National Intelligencer, May 11. — The First Regiment of Connecticut Vol¬ unteers left Hew Haven this morning for the seat of war. — N. Y. Tribune, May 10. May 10. — The Confederate Secretary of War invested R. E. Leo with the control of the rebel forces of Va., by the following order : Montgomery, May 10, 1861. To Major- Gen. E. E. Lee : To prevent confusion, you will assume the control of the forces of tho Confederate States in Virginia, and assign them to such duties as you may indicate, until further orders; for which this will be your authority. I. P. Walker, Secretary of War. — National Intelligencer, May 15. — The Charleston News of this day contains the prayer of the Rev. James Bardwell, at the opening of the Tennessee Legislature on the 25th of April. — {Doc. 149.) — In addition to tho new Military Depart¬ ments of Washington, Annapolis, and Penn¬ sylvania, the States of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois will constitute a fourth, subdivided into several others, to be called tho Department of the Ohio. Major-General McClellan, Ohio V olunteers, is assigned to its command ; head¬ quarters, Cincinnati. The President, by general orders, directs that all officers of the army, except those who have entered service since 1st April, take and subscribe anew tho oath of allegiance to the United States, as set forth in tho 10th article of war. — N. Y. Evening Post , May 11. — The First Regiment of Vermont Volun¬ teers, commanded by Colonel J. Wolcott Phelps, arrived at Hew York, and took up their quar¬ ters in the Park Barracks. This regiment con¬ sists of ten companies — 77 men each — of hardy Green Mountain hoys, whoso stalwart frames and broad shoulders are the envy of all behold¬ ers. These ten companies were selected from Diary — 1 1 four different regiments. The uniform of the regiment is of gray cloth, each man being sup¬ plied with a heavy overcoat of the same material. One or two companies have a blue uniform in¬ stead of the gray. Each man wears a hemlock sprig in his hat. They are all supplied with new Minie muskets, but have no ammunition. The men are nearly all Vermonters, there being scarcely a dozen foreigners in the regi¬ ment. They are all esteemed citizens at home, and nearly every one abandoned a profitable business to give his strong arm to his country. They have been encamped at Rutland, Vt., for the past eight days, completing their outfit, and when they came to strike their tents and take up the line of march, not a man was on the sick list. Their destination is Fort Monroe. The character of the Green Mountain boys may be illustrated by the following incident: As the cars were leaving their camp-ground in Rutland, on the morning of the 9th instant, a private, in response to the cheers of the people, said: “The Vermont Regiment, citizens in peace, soldiers in war, give you the sentiment embodied in the charge of the Grecian matron to her son — We will bring bade our shields or be brought bach upon them.'1'1— {Doc. 150.) — The Protestant Episcopal Diocese of Ala¬ bama adopted the following ordinance : “Whereas, the Constitution of tho Dioceso of Alabama was adopted when the said Diocese actually was, on the presumption of its con¬ tinuing to be, a part of tho ‘Protestant Epis¬ copal Church in the United States;’ “And whereas, the State of Alabama is no longer a part of the United States : “ Therefore, it is hereby declared by this con¬ vention that the first article of tho constitution of the Diocese, with all those canons, or portion of canons, dependent upon it, are null and void. “ It is furthermore declared that all canons, or portions of canons, both diocesan and general, not necessarily dependent upon the recognition of the authority of the Church in the United States, arc hereby retained in force. “This declaration is not to bo construed as affecting faith, doctrine or communion.” — N. O. Picayune , May 12. — President Lincoln issued a proclamation directing the commander of tho forces of tho United States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise any office or authority upon tho islands of Key West, the Tortugas, and 6G REBELLION RECORD, 1860-G1. [May 11. Santa Rosa, which may be inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United States, authorizing him at the same time, if he shall find it necessary, to suspend there the writ of habeas corpus, and to remove from the vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or suspected persons. — {Doc. 151.) — Captain Tyler, of the Second Dragoons, commanding at Fort Kearney, fearing that a mob might take and turn against the garrison the ten twelve-pounder howitzers in his pos¬ session, spiked them. lie had received orders to remove the pieces to Fort Leavenworth, but thought it unsafe to do so in the distracted state of the country. Threats had been made to take them from him. — N. Y Sun , May 14. — The Second Regiment of Connecticut Vol¬ unteers, Colonel Terry, embarked from New Haven for Washington on the steamer Ca- hawba. They marched down Chapel street, escorted by a large body of citizens, cavalry, a body of old New Haven Grays, and by the Emmet Guard — making a very fine appearance. The whole city was alive with people, and the route of the procession was a grand array of flags. — N. Y. Evening Post , May 11. — The London News publishes an interesting article on the difficulties in the United States, and endeavors to indicate the position which the States under Jefferson Davis now occupy with relation to those under President Lincoln, and the status which both portions of the coun¬ try now hold with relation to Great Britain and the rest of the world. — {Doc. 152.) — The steamer Pembroke sailed from Boston, Mass., for Fort Monroe, with reinforcements, including Capt. Tyler’s Boston Volunteers, and a company from Lynn, under Capt. Chamber- lain.— W. F. World , May 11. The Winans steam-gun was captured this morning. A wagon, containing a suspicious- looking box and three men, was observed going out on the Frederick road from Baltimore, and the fact being communicated to General Butler, at the Relay House, he despatched a scouting party in pursuit, who overtook the wagon six miles beyond the Relay House, at Uchester. On examination it was found that the box con¬ tained the steam-gun. It was being taken to Harper’s Ferry. The soldiers brought the gun and the three men back to the Relay House. Tho prisoners, one of whom was Dickenson, the inventor of the gun, were sent to Annapolis. — Baltimore American , May 11. — The Diocesan Convention of Massachusetts passed resolutions in regard to tho present state of affairs. One of them is as follows : — Resolved , That the convention of clerical and lay delegates of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the diocese of Massachusetts do hereby ex¬ press their heartfelt sympathy with the Nation¬ al Government in all right efforts to vindicate the authority of the Federal Union against “ all sedition, privy conspiracy, and rebellion.”- — Boston Advertiser , May 11. — The Maryland Legislature passed a resolu¬ tion, imploring the President of the United States to cease the present war. — {Doc. 153.) — At about 2 p. m., a sudden movement was made by tho U. S. forces in St. Louis under Capt. Lyon, upon Camp Jackson, near that city, by which the camp was entirely sur¬ rounded in less than half an hour, and com¬ pelled to an unconditional surrender. A great mob followed the U. S. troops to the camp, and began a noisy demonstration against them, and to throw stones. One company received the order to fire, and did so. Twenty-two persons were killed, and many were wound¬ ed. The mob then dispersed. A large quantity of arms and munitions were taken in the camp, together with G39 prisoners. — {Doc. 154.) May 11. — A great Union demonstration took place in San Francisco, Cal. Nothing like it was ever seen there before. Business was totally suspended; all the men, women and children of the city were in the streets, and flags Avaved everywhere. Three stands for speakers were erected, and Senator Latham and McDougall, General Sumner, General Shields, and others addressed vast audiences. The spirit of all the addresses, as well as of the resolutions adopted, was : the Administration must bo sustained in all its efforts to put doAvn secession and preserve the Union complete. A procession marched through tho principal streets, composed of thousands of men on horse¬ back, in carriages and on foot, and embracing all tho military and civic organizations of the city. All political parties joined in the demon¬ stration. — Alta Californian , May 12. • — Tiie Savannah Republican of to-day says : “ wo have conversed Avith a gentleman who has just returned from the camp at Pensacola and brings the latest intelligence. Mat 11.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 67 As details are not to be expected, wo may- state generally that the condition of the troops and fortifications is all that could be desired. Gen. Bragg has proved the very man for the work, and the volunteers lend a ready hand to carry out every order. Pickens is covered by our batteries on three sides. There are eight between the Navy-Yard and Fort Barrancas, four between the latter and the light-house, and a formidable mortar battery in the rear of Fort McRae. There is also a heavy mortar battery in the rear of Barrancas. All these works have been erected by the hands of the volunteers, and are armed with the very heavi¬ est and best of artillery. The channel on a line between McRae and Pickens has been obstruct¬ ed by sinking a number of small vessels. It was supposed that every thing would be com¬ plete by the middle of the coming week, after which we shall have a bombardment that will be worthy of record. Pickens must fall, and the more men they put in it the greater will be the destruction. Besides Pickens, the enemy have thrown up a battery on the island some five miles from the fort, which they are now engaged in arming for the struggle. Some hun¬ dred or more horses can be seen on the island, and seven ships of war and transports are lying off, something less than a mile frem the shore.” — The Fifth Regiment of N. Y. Y. M. arrived at Washington from Annapolis, Md. — National Intelligencer , May 13. — A large meeting took place at Wheeling, Ya. lion. John S. Carlile and Frank Pierpont spoke. Mr. Carlile took ground in favor of separation from Eastern Virginia, and was rap¬ turously applauded. He proclaimed that while there should be no coercion to go out, there should be none to prevent remaining in the Union. Virginia, he said, owed forty-nine mil¬ lions of dollars ; a debt incurred without benefit to Western Virginia; and he demanded to know by what right the citizens of this section should not bo allowed to have an opinion of their own expressed and recognized in the State councils, when the question of allegiance was discussed. Allegiance was first due to the Federal Government if there was no interference with State rights. — N. Y. Times , May 12. — Tiie First Regiment of Pennsylvania In¬ fantry, under command of Colonel Lewis, ar¬ rived at Washington. — N. Y. Tribune , May 12. — Tnis afternoon, a large body of the nome Guards entered St. Louis, Mo., through Fifth street, from the Arsenal, where they had been enlisted during the day, and furnished with arms. On reaching Walnut street, the troops turned westward, a large crowd lining the pavement to witness their progress. At the corner of Fifth street the spectators began hooting, hissing, and otherwise abusing the companies as they passed, and a boy about fourteen years old discharged a pistol into their ranks. Part of the rear company immediately turned and fired upon the crowd, and the whole column was instantly in confusion, breaking their ranks, and discharging their muskets down their own line and among the people on the sidewalks. The shower of balls for a few min¬ utes was terrible. Seven persons were killed, and a large number wounded. To allay the ex¬ citement and restore confidence to the people, Gen. Harney issued a proclamation to the peo¬ ple of St. Louis and the State, which was posted throughout the city, expressing deep regret at the state of things existing, pledging himself to do all in his power to preserve peace, and calling on the people and public authorities to aid him in the discharge of his duties. He says the military force under his command will only bo used at the last extremity, and hopes he will not be compelled to resort to martial law, but simply states that the public peace must be pre¬ served, and the lives of the people protected. He says he has no authority to change the loca¬ tion of the Home Guard quarters in the city, but to avoid all cause of circulation of the ex¬ citement, if called upon to aid the local author¬ ities, will use the regular army in preference. In accordance with this proclamation, a bat¬ talion of regulars -was sent to the city and placed under the direction of the Police Com¬ missioners to act as a military police corps. — N. Y. Times , May 13. — TnE United States Steam Frigate Niagara arrived off the bar of Charleston, S. 0., and be¬ gan the blockade of that port. — {Doc. 155.) — Six companies of volunteers left Buffalo, N. Y., for the rendezvous at Elmira. Buffalo has so far sent to camp ten companies of volunteers. The Third Company of the Broome Co. N. Y. Volunteers, under command of Captain Peter Jay, took their departure from Binghamton, N. Y., for Elmira. They were addressed by the Hon. Daniel S. Dickinson, Tracy R. Morgan, and 68 REBELLION RECORD, 1800-61. [May 13. others. They vowed to stand by the Constitu¬ tion and the Union as long as one star re¬ mained. — N. Y. Times, May 12. —Schooner G. M. Smith, .prize to the frigate Cumberland, arrived at New York in charge of prize-master Thos. Chisholm. — Idem. May 12. — The Boston Rifle Company, num¬ bering seventy-two men, now at Washington, is armed with the Whitney rifle and sabre bayonet, and is a reliable body of soldiers. The ofHcers are: Capt., A. Dodd; First Lieut., C. Dodd; Second Lieut., C. G. Atwood; Third Lieut., G. A. Hicks; Fourth Lieut., J. Nason. The uniform is light blue pants, red shirt, dark gray overcoat, and fatigue cap. — National Intel¬ ligencer , May 13. — General Wm. S. Harney, commanding the military department of the West, at St. Louis, Ho., issued a proclamation declaring that the public peace must l>e preserved, and asking the people to return to their avocations, abstain from the excitement of heated discus¬ sions, and observe the laws of the local author¬ ities. — {Doc. 156.) — An attempt was made at night to destroy the Honocacy Bridge, three miles from Fred¬ erick, Hd., by a party from Point of Rocks. They cut the wires in the telegraph office, and threatened to kill the operator if he resisted. They then went to the bridge, but could not set fire to it, as it is all iron and stone. — N. Y. Times, May 15. — There was a grand review at York, Penn., to-day. The Governor and many members of the Legislature were present. There were five regiments on the ground. An attempt was made to tear up the track of the Northern Central Railroad, fourteen miles North of Baltimore. It was detected before much injury was done. — N. Y. Times, May 13. — Tns Connecticut Regiment, under the com¬ mand of Colonel Alfred II. Terry, arrived at Washington. — {Doc. 157.) — The Dew Orleans Picayune of to-day says: “Books were opened yesterday at the Mer¬ chants’ Exchange for subscriptions to stock in a propeller steamer to be fitted out as a priva¬ teer. Fifty thousand dollars have already been subscribed, and fifty thousand more are required. A fine chance is now presented to our enter¬ prising citizens to embark in a venture which cannot fail of yielding a handsome profit. The books will continue open in the back room of the Exchange, up stairs, until all the stock is taken.” — TnE apportionment of the President’s call for seventy-five regiments for three years was published. — {Doc. 158.) May 13. — The Southern Baptist Convention, in session at Savannah, Ga., adopted a report of their committee on the state of the country, in which they hold “that the States once com¬ bined on this continent can no longer live to¬ gether as one confederacy ;” that the move¬ ment of Northern soldiers to sustain the Gov¬ ernment is “an invasion designed to destroy whatever is dear in the heroic traditions of the South.” They tender to the government at Montgomery their sympathy and confidence, and recommend the churches of the South to observe the first and second days of June as days of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. This report borrows additional interest from the fact that it comes from the pen of Dr. Richard Fuller of Baltimore, who made himself con¬ spicuous, three or four weeks ago, as a member of that committee of young Christians who waited upon Mr. Lincoln to request that the Government of the United States would recon¬ sider its order for the troops needed at Wash¬ ington to come through Maryland. — {Doc. 159.) — A Union meeting was held in Martins- burgh, Berkeley county, Va. The gathering •was large, and the greatest enthusiasm prevailed. Strong resolutions w'ero adopted, and a protest entered against the warlike attitude which Vir¬ ginia had assumed in opposition to the General Government. Eastern Virginia is not, as has been represented, unanimous for secession. — NewarTc {N. J.) Advertiser, May 22. — Six hundred troops from Georgia and Ala¬ bama arrived at Pensacola, the advance guard of 2,000 ordered there by General Bragg. — Mo¬ bile Advertiser, May 15. — A portion of the Federal troops lately stationed at the Relay nouse on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, entered Baltimore. They arrived at the Camden station at seven and a half o’clock in the evening, disembarked in good order, and marched from the d6pot, pi¬ loted by Col. Hare and Capt. McConnell, down Lee street to Hanover, and thence to Montgom¬ ery, to Light, to Hamburgh, to Federal Hill, May 14.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 69 and, moving to the high ground surrounding the Observatory, stacked arms, and made prep¬ arations for rest. The force was under command of Gen. But¬ ler, and composed of a portion of the Boston Light Artillery, Major Cook; a strong detach¬ ment of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, Col. Jones; and about five hundred of the Eighth Mew York Regiment, Lieut.-Col. Wal- tenburgh. On the route to the Hill, the streets were thronged with people, who greeted the military with cheers at every step, the ladies at the windows and the dooi’s joining in the applause by waving their handkerchiefs. Arrived at their destination — which was unknown to the troops until they reached the place — they began to bestow themselves as comfortably as possible in the absence of tents. Their operations were seriously interrupted by a soaking shower that completely deluged the place, but, having become accustomed to camp life, they seemed to pay little attention to it. At a late hour large fires were built, somewhat dispelling the gloom of the place, and rendering the atmos¬ phere more comfortable. The forces will be largely reinforced, and additional force is ex¬ pected, who will immediately take possession of the commanding heights around Baltimore. Public Schoolhouse Mo. 10, corner of Warren and William streets, was taken possession of by the troops for the purpose of storing away their baggage and other articles likely to be in¬ jured by being exposed to the weather. — Bal¬ timore Clipper , May 14. — Judge Giles, of Baltimore, having issued a writ of habeas corpus , directing the delivery of a soldier at Fort McHenry, Major Morris, the commander at that post, refused to obey the writ, and gave his reasons in a published letter. — ET. Y. Evening Post , May 14. — {Doc. 1G0.) — Early this morning the steamer Pawnee was moored off the city of Alexandria, Va., so that her guns and mortars command the town. She has several of James’s rifled cannon on board, which will throw grape, shell, hot shot or solid into any part of the town, and far beyond into the camp of an army that may be so imprudent as to pitch their tents in the suburbs of the city. — N. Y. Herald, May 14. — The Virginia Union Convention assembled at Wheeling, and organized, with Dr. J. W. Moss in the chair. — Idem. — Senator Bayard, of Delaware, issued an address to his constituents, called forth by the denunciations against him on his return from the South. He narrates the history of his journey, gives the motives which induced him to undertake it, and denies having been in con¬ sultation with the rebels in Montgomery. Ho proposes to rest on his past course, his general character, and his future life, and declares that he shall resign as soon as he is convinced that there is to be a war.— (Doc. 161.) — Mrs. Saraii Sanford, a native of Mew Haven, Conn., and a graduate of the South Hadley Female Seminary, but for some time past an assistant teacher in a Mew Orleans Grammar School, was stripped naked and tarred and feathered in Lafayette Square, New Or¬ leans, in the presence and amid the applause of an immense crowd of people. The assigned reason was abolition sentiments, expressed to her pupils, and by them repeated to their par¬ ents. Dr. Charles McQueen, recently from Mew Orleans, was an eye witness to the trans¬ action. — Buffalo Express. May 14. — Gen. Harney published an address to the people of Missouri, saying that the mili¬ tary bill recently passed by the Legislature is an indirect secession ordinance, manifestly un¬ constitutional, and ought not to be upheld by good citizens. He says, that whatever may be the termination of the present condition of things in respect to the Cotton States, Missouri must share the destiny of the Union, and all the power of the Government will be exerted to maintain her position. — {Doc. 162.) — The Confederate Congress requested Presi¬ dent Davis, by resolution, to appoint a day of fasting and prayer. — {Doc. 103.) — A large and enthusiastic Union meeting was held in East Baltimore, Md., James T. Randolph presiding, assisted by a number of vice-presidents ; patriotic resolutions were adopt¬ ed, and addresses were delivered by John L. Thomas and John G. Wilmot, of Baltimore, and Dr. Stratford, of Caroline county, and received with every demonstration of approval. — {Doc. 164.) — Tiiere was a great demonstration at An¬ napolis, Md., in honor of opening the branch railroad connecting Annapolis station and the pier of the Maval Academy, then just completed by the skilful engineer corps of the Thirteenth 70 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [May 14. New York Regiment. A long train of cars car¬ ried the Thirteenth Regiment on an excursion over the new road to a short distance beyond the city. They were accompanied with a full band of music, and as the train moved off a salute was fired from the Naval School. The regiment marched back to the city, and much enthusiasm was manifested by the citizens. — National Intelligencer , May 1C. — Ross Winans was arrested at the Relay Ilouse, on the Baltimore and Ohio road, by the federal officers. Governor Hicks, with others, endeavored to have him released on security, but this was refused, and he was placed under guard. — Phila. Press , May 15. — Governor Andrew, in an address to the two branches of the Legislature of Massachu¬ setts, delivered to-day, says : — “This is no war of sections, — no war of North on South. It is waged to avenge no former wrongs, nor to perpetuate ancient griefs or memories of conflict. It is the struggle of the people to vindicate their own rights, to retain and invigorate the institutions of their fathers, — the majestic effort of a National Gov¬ ernment to vindicate its power and execute its functions for the welfare and happiness of the whole, — and therefore while I do not forget, I will not name to-day that “ subtle poison'1'1 which has lurked always in our national system — and I remember also at this moment, that even in the midst of rank and towering rebel¬ lion, under the very shadow of its torch and axe, there are silent but loyal multitudes of the citizens of the South who wait for the national power to be revealed and its protecting flag un¬ furled for their own deliverance. “ How shall I record the grand and sublime uprising of the people, devoting themselves — their lives — their all ! No creative art has ever woven into song a story more tender in its pa¬ thos or more stirring to the martial blood than the scenes just enacted — passing before our eyes in the villages and towns of our dear old Com¬ monwealth. Henceforth be silent, ye shallow cavillers at New England thrift, economy, and peaceful toil ! Henceforth let no one dare ac¬ cuse our northern sky, our icy winters, or our granite hills ? Oh what a glorious morning !' was the exulting cry of Samuel Adams, as he, excluded from royal grace, heard the sharp musketry Avhich on the dawn of the 19th of April, 1775, announced the beginning of the War of Inde¬ pendence. The yeomanry, who in 1775, on Lexington Common and on the banks of Con¬ cord River, first made that day immortal in our annals, have found their lineal representatives in the historic regiment which on the 19th of April, 1861, in the streets of Baltimore, bap¬ tized our flag anew in heroic blood, when Massachusetts marched once more ‘ in the sacred cause of liberty and the rights of manlcind.' “ Grave responsibilities have fallen, in the Providence of God, upon the Government and the people ; — and they are welcome. They could not havo been safely postponed. They have not arrived too soon. They will sift and try this people, all who lead and all who follow. But this trial, giving us a heroic present to re¬ vive our past, will breathe the inspiration of a new life into our national character and reas¬ sure the destiny of the Republic. ” * — A sciiooner was seized at tho wharf in Baltimore, by a United States officer. She had a number of pikes, manufactured by Winans, and Minie rifles on board. She was taken over to the south side of the harbor, under Federal Hill, and a guard placed onboard. — Ar. T. Times , May 15. — Gen. Butler issued a proclamation from his head-quarters on Federal Hill — in which ho explains why Baltimore is occupied by the troops, and guarantees safety and protection to all citizens engaged in lawful pursuits. — {Doc. 165.) — Thomas H. Hicks, governor of Maryland, issued a proclamation calling for four regiments of troops “ to serve within tho limits of tho State of Maryland, or for the defence of tho capital of tho United States.” — {Doc. 166.) — The Connecticut second regiment, num¬ bering eight hundred men, arrived at Washing¬ ton. They are handsomely uniformed, and have a complete camp equipage and about forty fine horses. They are armed (all save two companies, which havo Minie muskets) with Sharpe’s rifles and sabre bayonets. — {Doc. 167.) — Postmaster-General Blair annulled tho contract for carrying tho mails between St. Louis and Memphis, owing to tho forcible stop¬ page of tho steamers by which they wero con¬ veyed. This is tho first case under the law of * Governor Andrew’s address is printed in full in the Boston Transcript , Map 14. May 16.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 71 the last Congress which authorized a discon¬ tinuance of the mail in case of illegal obstruc¬ tion. — Boston Transcript, May 15. — Gen. Butler made a formal demand on the city authorities of Baltimore for the deliv¬ ery of a quantity of arms stored in the warehouse of John S. Gittings, corner of Gay and Second streets. Marshal Kane refused to deliver up the arms without the officers pro¬ duced an order from the Mayor. Finally, after some altercation, an order was produced, and the arms were brought out, mak¬ ing fifteen dray-loads. About two-thirds of the fke-arms were carbines ; the rest were flint¬ lock muskets. There was also a large quantity of pikes. A guard of Federal troops Avas placed over the arms, and, escorted by a large num¬ ber of police, they were taken to the fort. A crowd of turbulent men and boys followed, yell¬ ing and hooting, for a portion of the distance. Some were armed with pistols, and there was an evident desire to commit violence, but all such demonstrations Avere restrained by the police. — A". Y. Times , May 15. May 15. — A proclamation of neutrality with respect to the Secession rebellion is issued by Queen Victoria, in Avhich all subjects of Great Britain are forbidden to enter the service of the contending parties, or to endeavor “to break a blockade lawfully and effectually established.” — {Doc. 168.) — The bark Ocean. Eagle, Capt. Luce, from Rockland, Me., with 3,144 casks of lime, con¬ signed to CreeAry & Farwell, Avas captured by the privateer steamer Calhoun, of Ncav Orleans. — N. 0. Picayune , May 17. — Two yachts, belonging to private individ¬ uals, were formally accepted by the Govern¬ ment, and detailed for service by the Treasury Department. Their owners, James Gordon Bennett, jr., of New York, and T. P. Ives, of Providence, R. I., Avere commissioned as Lieu¬ tenants in the Revenue service, and ordered to their respective vessels as Lieutenants com¬ manding. — M Y. Tribune , May 1G. —Bishop Whitting ham, the head of the Episcopal Church in Maryland, addressed a circular to the several Episcopal clergymen of his diocese, forbidding hereafter the omission of the prayer for the President of the United States from the regular church service ; which had been done by a few disunion persons under his jurisdiction. — {Doc. 169.) — The town of Potosi, in Washington county, Mo., was taken possession of, under orders cf Gen. Lyon, by Captain Coles, of company A, Fifth Regiment, of United States volunteers. — {Doc. 169£.) May 16. — A letter upon the Virginia election was written by Senator Mason of that State, in which he says, that “the ordinance of seces¬ sion” (not yet voted upon by the people of Virginia) “annulled the Constitution and laws of the United States Avitliin that State, and ab¬ solved the citizens of Virginia from all obliga¬ tion and obedience to them ; ” and that if it be now rejected by the people, Virginia must “change sides,” and “turn her arms against her Southern sisters.” Moreover, that ordinance brought into Virginia several thousand soldiers of the Confederate army, and thus the faith of Virginia is pledged to it, for if it be rejected, their soldiers will merely have been entrapped. —{Doc. 170.) — The Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser , of to¬ day, says that the various accounts about hun¬ dreds of letters of marque having been granted by the War Department of the Southern Con¬ federacy, and that thousands of applications are already on file, is a gross error. Applications for that business are made to the collectors of the different ports, and not to the department at Montgomery, Avhere none have been re¬ ceived. A number of applications have been made to the collectors of New Orleans, Mobile, and other Southern ports. — General Butler was serenaded at the National Hotel in Washington, and in response made a happy speech upon the Avar, and the position of Massachusetts in it. — {Doc. 171.) — Upon the opening of the U. S. Circuit Court at Boston, Judge Sprague charged the Grand Jury upon the crime of piracy. — {Doc. 172.) — The Second Regiment of Maine volunteer militia passed through NeAV York, on their Avay to the seat of war. Previous to their departure the natives of Maine, resident in the city, pre¬ sented the regiment with an American flag ; the presentation being made at the City Hall, in the presence of thousands of enthusiastic spec¬ tators. — {Doc. 173.) 72 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [Mat 17. — A correspondence between Gov. Andrews of Mass., and Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, relativeto the proposed suppression by the latter of a slave insurrection, is published. — {Doc. 174.) — Brigadier-Generals Butler and McClel¬ lan were appointed Major-Generals. — N. Y. News , May 17. — Secretary Seward declares it treason to accept from the government of a Southern State the proffered price of vessels previously seized. —{Doc. I74i.) May 17. — In behalf of the Government of the United States, and the better to secure the peace of St. Louis, and promote the tranquillity of Missouri, United States warrants were issued for the search of places suspected to contain articles contraband of war. The warrants were placed in the hands of United States Marshal Rawlings, who proceeded, accompanied by a corps of United States soldiers, under Captain Sweeney, to the State Tobacco “Warehouse on Washington Avenue, and to the Central Metro¬ politan Police Station on Chesnut street. At the former were found several hundred rifles, muskets, cavalry pistols, holsters, small boxes of ammunition ; and at the latter place, Arnot’s Building, two pieces of cannon, and several hundred rifles. — St. Louis Democrat , May 18. — A submarine boat, or infernal machine supposed to be owned by the secessionists, was captured in Philadelphia. — {Doc. 175.) — Surgeon-General Gibbes of the C. S. A., reports that no serious casualty occurred in the bombardment of Sumter to the Confederate forces. “Four trifling contusions at Fort Moul¬ trie only ; none at other posts.” The Virginia papers recommend Southerners to sing the Marseillaise. — N. Y. Express , May 20. — Tnn Confederate Congress authorizes the issue of $50,000,000 in bonds, payable in twen¬ ty years, at an interest not exceeding eight per centum, and in lieu of bonds to issue $20,000,- 000 in treasury notes, in small sums, without interest. — N. Y. Herald , May 19. May 18. — Governor Brown, of Georgia, is¬ sued a proclamation, inhibiting the carrying of arms or accoutrements of any kind purchased by the State, beyond its limits, without his consent. This proclamation appears to relate to the informal departure of soldiers. “ Governor Brown,” says the Savannah Re¬ publican , “ may be technically right in this or¬ der, but he has at least selected an unfortunate time for issuing it. From the beginning a mis¬ understanding seems to. have existed between him and the Confederate authorities, to be found with no other State, and it is high time it had been brought to a close.” — N. Y. Commer¬ cial, May 22. — A patriotic demonstration took place in the town of Old Saybrook, Ct., made particu¬ larly interesting by the antiquity of the places and its various revolutionary relics and remi¬ niscences. A fine flagstaff was raised upon the spot which had given birth to the old Saybrook platform, and but a short distance from the old fort built by the first settlers of the place. The services were prefaced by the raising of the flag by Deacon Sill. (91 years of age) a colo¬ nel of the Avar of 1812, and the patriarch of the place. A prayer and addresses were then made by the Rev. Messrs. McCall, Loper and Gallup ; the intervals being appropriately filled by na¬ tional songs admirably given by a club from a neighboring village. In conclusion, the old men of the village were called upon, and short and telling speeches were made. — Boston Ad¬ vertiser, May 21. — Tile Montgomery (Ala.) Mail of to-day has the following paragraph in reference to Fort Pickens : “ Having returned this morning from Pensacola, where we have been for several days, we can assure our readers that the reports go¬ ing to show that a battle will soon occur at Fort Pickens are mere conjectures. Of the plans of any of those in command nothing is known outside of head-quarters. Our own im¬ pression, formed while in Pensacola, is that there will be no battle at all at Pickens, or at least that it is not now the intention of the Confederate authorities to attack it.” — Arkansas was by unanimous vote admitted a State of the Southern Confederacy, and its delegates to the Southern Congress. They are R. 77r. Johnson, of Pine Bluff ; A. Rust, of Lit¬ tle Rock ; A. H. Garland, of Little Rock ; 77. 77. 77atkins, of Carrollton; II. F. Thomasson, of Van Buren, — AT. Y. Times , May 26. — TnREE merchants of Baltimore, Jerome A. Pendergrast, James 77hiteford, and George Mc¬ Gowan, were arrested charged with riotous conduct in obstructing the track of the Balti¬ more and Ohio Railroad on the 19th of April, while the Massachusetts troops were en route May 20.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 7i> to Washington. They were under indictment by the Grand Jury, and were admitted to bail. — A. Y. Times , May 20. — The military department of Virginia, to embrace eastern Virginia to the summit of the Blue Ridge, and the States of North Carolina and South Carolina, was created ; Major-General Benjamin F. Butler was placed in command. — Rappahannock River was blockaded, which rendered perfect the blockade of Virginia. — V. Y. Herald , May 19. — Fourteenth Regiment N. Y. S. M. from Brooklyn departed for Washington, amid great enthusiasm. — Doc. 176. — TnE Tug Yankee arrived in Philadelphia, having in tow three schooners loaded with tobacco, viz. : the Emily Ann, the Mary Wil¬ lis, and the Delaware Farmer, belonging to and bound to Baltimore from Richmond. They surrendered to the Harriet Lane, and were ordered to Philadelphia by the flag officer of tho Minnesota. Outside of Cape Henry tho Mary Willis broke loose, and as tho Yankee turned round to recover her, tho Emily Ann got a lurch and sprung her mainmast. Her foremast had to bo cut away to save her. Tho Emily Ann arrived at the wharf, leaking badly, and is being unloaded. Lieut. Bryant, of the Navy, who had the prizes in charge, stated that the ship North Carolina, in ballast, from Havre, and another ship, tho Argo, had been seized and taken to New York. Twenty vessels had been detained by tho fleet, including five tobacco schooners. — Phila. Ledger , May 19. — An expedition of New York troops sent to recapture tho lightship, taken by the secession¬ ists, brought it up to tho Washington Navy Yard to-day. — They were fired into, but nobody was hurt. — A. Y. Herald , May 19. May 19. — Shots were exchanged between tho U. S. Steamers Freeborn and Monticello, and a rebel battery at Sewell’s Point north of Eliza¬ beth River, Virginia. — {Doc. 177.) — Two schooners with secession troops on board were taken by U. S. steamer Freeborn, in the Potomac, 10 miles below Fort Washing¬ ton. — A. Y World, May 21. — Tns rebels at Harper’s Ferry, Md., were reinforced from the south. Two thousand troops arrived from Mississippi and two regi¬ ments from Alabama. — A. Y Herald , May 21. Diary — 13 • — A. meeting of the New York Bible Society was held, in reference to supplying the Bible to all soldiers, who go to fight for the Federal Government. Win. Allen Butler presided, and speeches were made by the president, Dr. Tyng, Dr. Hitchcock, and others. — {Doc. 178.) — A body of 1,000 Virginians and South Carolinians from Harper’s Ferry took a posi¬ tion on the Virginia side of tho Potomac, opposite Williamsport, a town about seven miles from Hagerstown, Md. They there were in a situation to command the ferry at that spot. — Phila. Press, May 21. . May 20. — Mrs. Judge Daly, of New York, and a number of ladies associated with her, sent to the Sixty-ninth regiment 1,2G0 linen liavelocks — a complement sufficient to supply tho whole regiment. — A Y. Herald , May 21. — TnE ship Argo, which was captured in Hampton Roads on Sunday afternoon, (May 19,) bv the United States steam frigate Minnesota, 0 7 arrived at New York in charge of a prizo crew under command of Midshipman McCook and Clerk Elias W. Hall. Tho Argo was bound from Richmond, Virginia, for Bremen, and at the time of her seizure had on board $150,000 worth of tobacco. — A Y. Journal of Com¬ merce, May 21. — At precisely G o’clock p. m., by order of the Government, a descent was made by the United States Marshals upon every considerable tele¬ graph office throughout the Free States, and tho accumulated despatches of the twelvemonth past were seized. Tho object was to obtain evidence of tho operations of tho Southern rebels with their Northern accomplices, which tho confidential telegrams passing between them could most certainly furnish. The seizures in all tho principal cities were made at tho same time so as to prevent the destruction of evi¬ dence which might have followed tho receipt of a warning from any particular point. The whole matter was managed with tho greatest secrecy, and so well planned that the project was a complete success. By this bold manoeu¬ vre tho Government has obtained possession of a mass of evidence of tho greatest importance.. A. Y. Tribune, May 21. — TnE ordinance of secession was passed by tho North Carolina State Convention, together with an ordinance ratifying and assenting to the Constitution of the Confederate States. — {Doc. 179.) 74 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [May 21. — Abram S. Vosburgh, Colonel of the New York Seventy-first Regiment, died in Washing¬ ton, I). C., of a pulmonary complaint. — AT. Y. Express , May 20. — Gen. Butler left Washington for Annap¬ olis. The New York Second Regiment left New York for the seat of war. — {Doc. 180.) — -N. Y. Tribune , May 21. — Gov. Magoffin, of Kentucky, issued a proclamation pretentiously in obedience to pub¬ lic sentiment, by which Kentucky virtually takes a position of neutrality, and in which its citizens are bidden to “ so conduct themselves that the deplorable calamity of invasion may be averted.” — {Doe. 181.) — Military maps of Virginia made for Gov. Letcher, from special surveys, were seized in Washington by the War Department. — N. Y. Tribune , May 21. May 21. — Gen. Price, of the Missouri Militia, and Gen. Harney U. S. A., agreed upon apian to maintain the public peace. Gen. Price pledged the whole power of the State officers to maintain order among the people of the State, and Gen. Harney declares that this object being assured, he can have no occasion as he has no wish, to make military movements, which might other¬ wise create excitement and jealousies which he most earnestly desires to avoid. — Ohio States¬ man, May 22. — This afternoon two companies, numbering 120 muskets, from the Philadelphia camp, com¬ posed of companies E and G under the com¬ mand of Major McLane, went to Baltimore; proceeded to an unoccupied house near Green Mount Cemetery, and seized a large quantity of arms stored there, comprising 1,G00 muskets, the boxes marked, “ Virginia muskets,” and 34 boxes containing 4,000 pikes, the boxes marked, “From Denmcads.” The whole made twenty- six dray loads and were all taken to camp, and thence to Fort McHenry. The arms had been in the custody of the city authorities. — Idem. — Tnn Second Regiment of Tennessee Vol¬ unteers, numbering 952 men, arrived at Rich¬ mond, Va., and went into camp at tho head of Main street. — {Doc. 182.) — TnE ship General Parkhill of Liverpool, for Charleston, arrived at Philadelphia in charge of a prize crew of the Niagara. She was spo¬ ken off Cape Romain on the 12tli, and ordered off. The next day she was captured in attempt¬ ing to run the blockade. She is GOO tons with a general cargo, a large portion being salt. It is suspected that arms and munitions of war are concealed under the salt. She was commanded by Capt. Forbes, and had two secession flags flying. — Philadelphia Press, May 21. — Jefferson Davis approved tho act, passed at the session of the Southern Congress, pro¬ hibiting Southerners owing moneys to Northern merchants from paying the same, and compell¬ ing payment instead into the treasury of the seceded States. — {Doc. 183.) — A comprehensive and able article upon the present condition of affairs in the United States, is published in the Cologne Gazette. — {Doc. 184.) — The Confederate Congress in session at Montgomery, Ala., adjourned to meet at Rich¬ mond, Va., July 20th. — AT. Y. Herald, May 28. — A letter from Roxabelle, N. C., says : — The Chowan Association, by a unanimous vote, cut off all intercourse with the Bible Union, and recommended those owing subscriptions to withhold the same, deprecating any further agency of the Bible Union among the churches — another fruit of the reckless fanaticism of the Northern agitators. Unwilling to bow down to the Jehovah revealed by Moses and preached by Paul, they seek anti-slavery God. Nor are they unmindful in their ardent devoirs to the almighty dollar. Thousands have gone into the Bible Union treasury, annually for years past; but the steam is now stopped. — AT. Y. Express, May 24. — Tiie New School Presbyterian Assembly in session at Syracuse, N. Y., passed a series of resolutions upholding tho Federal Govern¬ ment, tho Constitution and laws. — Albany Jour¬ nal, May 24. — Gen. Sam. Houston addressed the people of Independence, Texas, on the 10th of May last, on tho occasion of a May festival. In the course of his remarks he took occasion to de¬ fine his position in the present political crisis. — {Doc. 185.) May 22. — The Richmond (Va.) Whig of to¬ day says: “We are not enough in tho secrets of our authorities to specify the day on which Jeff. Davis will dine at tho White House, and Ben. McCullough take his siesta in Gen. Sickles1 gilded tent. We should dislike to produce any disappointment by naming too soon or too early May 22.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 75 a day ; but it will save trouble if the gentlemen will keep themselves in readiness to dislodge at a moment’s notice ! If they are not smitten, however, with more than judicial blindness, they do not need this warning at our hands They must know that the measure of their in¬ iquities is full, and the patience of outraged freedom is exhausted. Among all the bravo men from the Rio Grande to the Potomac, and stretching over into insulted, indignant and in¬ furiated Maryland, there is but one word on every lip : ‘ Washington and one sentiment on every heart : vengeance on the tyrants who pollute the Capital of the Republic 1” — There was an exciting time in Passaic, hT. J., on the occasion of raising tlio Stars and Stripes by the citizens of that locality. A hand¬ some flag, donated by the scholars of the Pas¬ saic Academy, was raised upon that edifice, and one of much larger proportions was raised upon Passaic Heights. Eloquent and patriotic ad¬ dresses were made by Rev. Marshall B. Smith and Thos. D. Ilaxsey, Esq., of Paterson. The Passaic Light Guard turned out in good num • bers and saluted the flag with several rounds. — Ar. Y. Commercial , May 24. — A correspondent of the Savannah (Ga.) Republican, writing from Montgomery, Ala¬ bama, says: “It is feared that the blockade of Lincoln will seriously diminish the revenue, unless speedily raised, and if not, the govern¬ ment will have to resort to direct taxation, in order to provide for its support. The plan will prove acceptable to the people, and will be more effective than a mere dependence upon an un¬ certain income. Some one has suggested, though not officially, the project of levying a tax of four per cent, upon slaves ; but, consider¬ ing the average value of the slaves at present to be four hundred dollars, the income will not exceed thirty-six millions. The Secretary of War alone estimates for thirty-five millions, and it is probable that at least one hundred will be needed for disbursement this year. Wo may, therefore, confidently expect a system of direct taxation in case any inconvenience is experienced in collections of the customs rev¬ enue. The tariff will be reduced to an exceed¬ ingly low figure, and will expose, by its action, the monstrosities of its colleague, the Morrill tariff.” — Major-General Butler and Staff arrived at Fortress Monroe, and wero received with the customary military honors. There was a grand review of the troops in the evening, the parade¬ line, four thousand men, stretching across the parade-ground of the fortress. Tho spectacle was magnificent, and there wa3 great enthusi¬ asm among the men. — A party of Virginians attempted at night to capture a ferry-boat on tho Potomac near Clear Spring, Md. Notice was given the Union men of Clear Spring, threo miles distant, who turned out to guard the boat. During the night the Virginians seized the boat, and were fired upon by the guard, and when midway across 76 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-01. [May 23. had to abandon the prize and escape in a skiff. Two Virginians were shot. The ferry-boat re¬ turned to the Maryland shore. — Y. JY. Times , May 24. — Tnn fortress at Ship Island, Gulf of Mexico, 05 miles from the northern mouth of the Mis¬ sissippi, was destroyed to prevent it from fall¬ ing into the hands of the rebels. — Handsboro (Miss.) Democrat , (Extra,) May 22. — In a speech at Atlanta, Ga., Howell Cobb proposed that the planters should sell half their cotton crop to the Southern Confederacy, and accept its bonds in payment. — (Doc. 186.) — A cieculae letter from the Secretary of War was addressed to the governors of all the States, in which he recommends that no person be appointed a lieutenant who is not over 22 years of age; a captaincy, over 30; a major, over 35 ; a lieutenant-colonel, over 40 ; or colonel, over 45. — (Doc. 187.) — The Second Regiment, N. Y. S. V., Col. Carr, left New York for Fortress Monroe. — (Doc. 188.) — A contingent of 350 men left New York to join the G9th Regiment at Washington. It included Capt. T. F. Meagher’s Company of Zouaves, numbering 110, elegantly equipped, and armed with the Minie musket and bayonet. — M. Y. Tribune , May 23. — Despatches by the Persia state that the agents of the Rebel Government have explored Europe in vain for arms, munitions, or money, to be had in exchange for their bonds. Mr. Dudley Mann had sought an interview with Mr. George Peabody in the hope of negotiating an interview, and had been politely, but firmly re¬ pulsed. In no case had they found their secu¬ rities marketable at the largest discount they could offer as a temptation. — AT. Y. Times , May 23. — The President and Cabinet attended the flag raising at the Post-office Department in Washington. Thousands of spectators were present. As the colors ascended, a lull in the breeze caused them for a moment to hug the staff. In a few seconds, however, the breeze freshened and caused the beautiful Stars and Stripes to float out for full fifty feet. The effect was electric. The host of spectators, the Presi¬ dent, the Cabinet — all united in cheers. Mr. Lincoln, amidst the wildest enthusiasm of the mass, made a brief address. He said that a few months ago the Stars and Stripes hung as listless and still all over tlio Union as the flag just raised, but in a short time they were caught up by the coming breeze and made to float over the whole loyal nation, and among millions who were now determined to keep the flag flying till the bitter end or until the restoration of peace and unity. Speeches were also made by Mr. Blair, Mr. Seward, and Mr. Caleb B. Smith. The remarks of Mr. Seward were received with tho most in¬ tense enthusiasm. — V. Y. Commercial Adver¬ tiser , May 22. — The steamer J. C. Swan wa3 seized at Bar- low’s Landing, thirty miles below St. Louis, and brought to the St. Louis arsenal, by order of Gen. Lyon. This is the steamer that brought the arms from Baton Rouge, which were cap¬ tured by Gen. Lyon, at Camp Jackson. Meas¬ ures will be taken to effect the legal confiscation of the boat. About 5,000 pounds of lead, en route for the South, were also seized at Ironton, on the Iron Mountain Railroad, by order of Gen. Lyon. Some resistance was offered by a party of citizens, and several shots were fired on both sides, but nobody was hurt. — (Idem.) — Majoe-Geneeal Sandfoed was placed in command of the New York troops on duty at Washington. — Ar. Y. Times , May 24. — Among the speakers at the annual meeting of the Wesleyan Mission Society in London, was Rev. Dr. McClintock, of New York. He im¬ proved the occasion to make a stirring appeal to the audience against the misrepresentations of the London Times about American affairs, and to set them right on the subject. His address was received with very great applause. At one passage, the whole audience rose to their feet, and cheered for the speaker, and for the cause of the Union which he was advocating. — (Doc. 188£.) May 23. — A. n. Stephens arrived at Atlanta, Ga., on his return from Montgomery, and in response to a call of the citizens delivered a strong secession speech. — (Doc. 189.) — Gen. Butlee at Fortress Monroe, in a general order, announced the following staff: Capt. Grier Tallmadge, Assistant Quarter¬ master and Acting Assistant Adjutant-General, Capt.T. Bailey Myers; Acting Assistant Quarter¬ master, Capt. Peter Hagerty ; and Second Lieut., George H. Butler ; Major Richard S. Fay, Mili¬ tary Secretary. — AT. Y. Commercial , May 31. May 23.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 77 — Tiie Philadelphia Evening Journal of to¬ day says: “We have it from good authority that there are, at this time, about five hundred Indians stationed at Harper’s Ferry, with the rebel, or traitor army. If this be the mode of warfare these blood-thirsty, scalping devils are to be brought into the fight, our friends in the South must not consider it all unkind if we ac¬ cept the proffered services of the ten regiments of free negroes in Canada and the North, and send them down South. Our Governor re¬ fused to let one regiment of negroes pass through our State to go South to do battle, but if Indians are to be brought into the field by Jeff1. Davis, the South may rely on it they will be met with a corresponding force of negroes, and they will increase their numbers as they pass through the country, by having the slaves join them.” — The Advance Guard, Fifth Regiment, N. Y. Volunteers, Col. Duryea, embarked on board the steam transport Alabama, from New York, for Fortress Monroe. — {Doc. 190.) — TnE Mississippi, which sailed from Boston, Mass., this forenoon, returned to that place and anchored olf the Navy Yard. She had pro¬ ceeded but a few miles down the harbor, when it was discovered that in repairing the engines, about two inches of the delivery pipe, through which tho water from the condensers was forced out of the side of the ship, had been cut out, and in its place a joint of gum and canvas substituted, when it should have been a slip joint of iron or other metal. The defective part gave way, pouring a flood of water into the ship, when the engines were immediately stopped and the anchor thrown out. Tempo¬ rary repairs were made so that she was enabled to return, but she lost a 0,000 lb. anchor by the parting of a cable. Michael Quinn of Virginia, late Chief Engineer in tho Navy, superintended the repairs of the Mississippi, lie recently resigned, returned to Virginia, and his name was stricken from tho Navy roll. — M. Y. Tri¬ bune, May 24. — TnE First and Second Regiments of the Ohio volunteers, numbering together eighteen hundred men, and under the command respect¬ ively of Colonels McCook and Wilson, reached Washington. It has been several weeks since they left home, having been in the mean time encamped in Pennsylvania — first at Lancaster, and afterwards near Philadelphia. They left tho latter city early yesterday morning, on the rail¬ road, coming by way of Baltimore. — (Doc. 190JQ — Ax immense dry-dock was anchored at night in the Pensacola channel east of Fort Pickens by tho rebels, who had intended, how¬ ever, to anchor it elsewhere. Gen. Brown, in command at tho fort, forbade its further re¬ moval. Its anchorage between Forts Pickens and McRae was for some time contemplated.— JST. O. Della , May 24f — A battery of Whitworth guns, twelve- pounders, with ammunition and carriages com¬ plete, arrived in New York city, as a present to the Government from patriotic Americans abroad. The battery is consigned to Henry F. Spaulding, Samuel D. Babcock, and Henry A. Smytke, who have informed Secretary Came¬ ron of its arrival, and that it is at the disposi¬ tion of the Government. Each one of the guns bears the following inscription : “From loyal Americans in Europe, to the United States Government, 1861.” Mr. R. G. Moulton, an American at pres¬ ent residing in Manchester, deserves great credit for his energetic efforts in raising funds for the purchase of this battery. — II. Y. Times , May 24. — One of the secession flags displayed from the head-quarters of the “ Grays,” at Alexan¬ dria, Va., and within sight from Washington, was captured by two adventurous Union men — Wil¬ liam McSpedon, of New York city, and Samuel Smith, of Queens County, N. Y. — Gen. Patterson and staff arrived at Fort McHenry, Baltimore. Col. Vosburgh, late of tho 71st N. Y. regiment, was buried in Green¬ wood Cemetery, L. I. — M.Y. Times , May 24. — TnE Third Connecticut Regiment arrived at Washington. It numbers over eight hun¬ dred men, all well drilled, and is commanded by Colonel J. Arnold. — {Doc. 191.) —The Alexandria (Va.) Sentinel of to-day, says: “The Washington Home Guard, Capt. Powell, took to-day 169 head of fine mutton, three miles above the chain bridge. They were appraised at $2.50 a head, and are impounded near this place. They had been purchased of some Virginia drover by the Georgetown butch¬ ers, and were to have been delivered by some party, who had undertaken to swim them across tho river at so much a head. It has not been found out who it is in Virginia that is 78 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [May 24. thus furnishing aid and comfort to her enemies. This company deserves great credit for the vig¬ ilance they have exercised in protecting the adjoining country from marauding bands of Lincoln’s soldiery, as also to prevent disloyal Virginians from furnishing supplies to the enemy.” — Jeffeesox Davis issued instructions to privateers sailing under his letters of marque. —(Doc. 192.) — Gex. Butler, desiring to know the precise lay of the land about Fortress Monroe, Va., concluded to pay a visit to the neighboring village of Hampton. Col. Phelps’s regiment of Vermonters were detailed for the reconnois- sance, and took up the march across the dyke and bridge leading from the Fortress to the Hampton side of the bay. Observing the movement, the rebels rushed down to the bridge, and, with combustibles ready, prepared to set fire to it. At this the advance guard of the Vermonters took the double quick step, and before the fire had made much headway were down on the burning bridge and rebels. The latter fled precipitately, and the former was soon rescued from destruction. A field-piece, which the rebels had planted in the neighbor¬ hood, was unceremoniously pitched into the bay. Gen. Butler pushed on and completed the roconnoissance, to the infinite disgust of the rebels, and, probably, of John Tyler in partic¬ ular, whoso villa is not far distant. The ground for the permanent encampment was selected on the farm of Mr. Segor at the end of the bridge, and to-morrow will be the first permanent oc¬ cupation of the soil of Virginia, made by Capt. Carr’s and Col. Phelps’s Regiments, who will go into encampment there. — N. Y. Tribune , May 27. — Tns Wheeling (Va.) Intelligencer of to¬ day, says : — That the first belligerent issue be¬ tween the “Union men” of Western Virginia and the “ State troops ” recognizing the au¬ thority of the Southern Confederacy, has been joined at the town of Clarksburg, in the county of Harrison. Two companies of the Confeder¬ ate military having marched into that place on the 20th instant, the court-house bell was run" as a signal for the assemblage of the two “ Union military companies ” of Clarksburg, under the command of Captains A. C. Moore and J. C. Vance, who demanded that the “Confederate forces ” should surrender their arms and dis¬ band. After a brief parley the demand was complied with. May 24. — Sergeant Butterworth, of the FT. Y. Fire Zouaves, was shot by a sentry at Alexan¬ dria, Va., through his failure to give the word when challenged. — N. Y. News , May 27. — Ax attempt to poison the Union forces in Missouri, by means of arsenic in the bread, was betrayed by a negress. The Missouri troops, organized under the requisition of Governor Jackson, refused to dis¬ band, according to the terms of agreement be¬ tween General Harney and General Price. — St. Louis Democrat , May 24. — Tiie Steuben Voluxteers, 7th Regiment FT. Y. S. V., departed from New York for the seat of war. — (Doc. 193.) — All vessels belonging to the United States, which arrived at New Orleans, La., after the 6th inst., were formally seized by the Confed¬ erate States Marshal, in conformity with the act of the Confederate Congress in relation to privateering, which gave thirty days for all ves¬ sels in Southern ports to leave, but made no pro¬ vision for vessels arriving after its passage. — N. 0. Picayune , May 25. — TnE Senate of Kentucky passed resolu¬ tions that that State will not sever her connec¬ tion with the National Government, nor tako up arms for either belligerent party, but arm herself for the protection of peace within her borders, and tender her services as a mediator to effect a just and honorable peace. — Ohio Statesman , May 25. Jonx LoraROP Motley published an article on the “ Causes of the Civil War in America,” in the London Times of this day. — (Doc. 146V) — Jeffersox Davis issued at Montgomery, Ala., a proclamation appointing Thursday the 13th day of June, 18G1, to be observed as a day of fasting and prayer by the people of the seceded States. — (Doc 194.) — A general movement into Virginia was executed under the command of Gen. Mansfield. The N. Y. Seventh Regiment left their camp in Washington at 1:20 a. m., each man having sixty rounds of ball cartridge. They touched the “ sacred soil of Virginia ” at 4 a. m., landing at the Alexandria Bridge, near which they encamped. The New York Sixty-ninth and Twenty-eighth Regiments, with Lieut. Drum¬ mond’s cavalry and a battery, passed the Chain May 24.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 70 Bridge, below Georgetown, at about 1 a. m. They first took possession of the Loudon and Hampshire Railroad, seized the train, arrested the passengers, took the cars and engine, and captured one secession soldier, who was oil board the train. The G9th then took position on the Orange and Manassas Gap Railroad, which runs out of Alexandria. They took up some of the rails, and awaited in ambush the arrival of the train, which they supposed Avould leave Alexandria with the fu¬ gitives. When it came it was surrounded, and the train captured. About seven hundred per¬ sons were on board, including 300 men. The entire party were held as prisoners of war, and were kept as hostages for the fair treatment of any loyal citizens that may fall into the hands of the rebels. Two companies of the N. Y. Second, the N. Y. Fifth, Twelfth, Twenty- fifth, three companies of the New York Seventy- first and the N. Y. Fire Zouaves; the Rhode Island First, and the Rhode Island batteries; the Michigan Third ; the New Jersey Fourth ; three companies of an Ohio Regiment; one company Massachusetts Fifth ; three companies of cavalry regular army ; and twenty-five hun¬ dred District of Columbia troops, also par¬ ticipated in the movement on Virginia — making in all 13,000 men. — JST. Y. Times , May 25. A little before 5 o’clock a. m., the com¬ mander of U. S. steamer Pawnee, lying in the Potomac, off Alexandria, Va., sent a flag of truce to the rebel forces, giving them one hour in which to withdraw from the town. At five, the steamers Baltimore and Mount Vernon, with the N. Y. Fire Zouaves, made fast to the wharf. As the steamers approached, the rebel sentinels fired their guns in the air and retreated. The Zouaves landed in good order in double quick time, each company forming on the street facing the river. Company E, Capt. Leveridge. was the first to disembark. It was at once de¬ tailed to destroy the railroad track leading to Richmond, which service was promptly per¬ formed. After detailing company E, Col. Ells¬ worth directed the adjutant to form the reg¬ iment, and then with his aid, Lieut. Winser, and a file of men, started for the telegraph of¬ fice for the purpose of cutting the wires. They marched in double quick timo up the street, and had proceeded three blocks, when the attention of Colonel Ellsworth was attracted by a large secession flag flying from the Marsha1! House kept by J. W. Jackson. Col. Ellsworth entered the hotel, and meeting a man in the hall asked, “ Who put that flag up ?” The man answered, “ I don’t know ; I am a boarder here.” Col. Ellsworth, Lieut. Winser, the chaplain of the regiment, Mr. House, a volunteer aid, and the four privates, then went up to the roof, and Col. Ellsworth cut down the flag. The party returned down the stairs, preceded by private Francis E. Brownell of Company A. As they left the attic, the man who had said he was a boarder, but who proved to be the landlord, Jackson, was met in the hall having a double- barrel gun, which lie levelled at Brownell. Brownell struck up the gun with his musket, when Jackson pulled both triggers, and the contents lodged in the body of Col. Ells¬ worth, entering between the third and fifth ribs. Col. Ellsworth was at the time rolling up the flag. He fell forward on the floor of the hall and expired instantly, only exclaiming “ My God.” Private Brownell immediately levelled his musket at Jackson, and fired. Tho ball struck Jackson on the bridge of the nose, and crashed through his skull, killing him instantly. As he fell Brownell followed his shot by a thrust of his bayonet, which went through Jackson’s body. The companions of Col. Ellsworth, seven in number, immediately posted themselves so as to command the halls of the hotel, and threatened to shoot the first man who showed his head outside of a door. In this way they stood for ten minutes. Their protracted ab¬ sence alarmed Adjutant Leoser, who ordered Company A, Capt. Coyle, to search for the Colonel. The Company found their commander dead, and their comrades in possession of the hotel. They made a litter of muskets, and placing the body of the Colonel on it, returned to the boat, whence it was soon after taken to Washington. Simultaneously with the landing of the Zouaves the first Michigan Regiment entered Alexandria by tho road leading from Long Bridge, and proceeded direct to the rail¬ road depot, of which they took possession, cap¬ turing a troop of rebel cavalry numbering one hundred, with their horses and equipments. All the heights which command Washington were occupied in this movement, and the con¬ struction of earthworks for batteries was im¬ mediately begun. Batteries were placed at each 80 end of the two bridges which cross the Potomac. A portion of the New York troops were or¬ dered towards the Manassas Gap Junction, and the New Jersey regiment was posted at the forks a mile from the Long Bridge. Numerous wagons, with camp equipage, went over about noon to the Federal troops in Virginia, and a great many men commenced work at the in- trenchments. Col. Ellsworth’s body was taken to “Wash¬ ington and placed in the engine-house at the Navy Yard. The house was heavily draped with American flags, crape, and bouquets of flow¬ ers. It was guarded by the Zouaves, a com¬ pany of the Seventy-first N. Y. regiment, and some regulars. Thousands of people assembled there to seo the remains during the day, the President’s family among the number. At seven o’clock Alexandria was comparatively quiet. But the Zouaves were anchored at night on a steamer in the river, to prevent them from avenging the death of Ellsworth. They were disposed to burn the town. — {Doc. 195.) May 25. — Colonel Duryea’s Zouaves arrived at Fortress Monroe, Va., this morning by the Alabama, and encamped near the Hampton Bridge, with the Vermont and Troy regiments. The Pembroke also arrived with two com¬ panies of Massachusetts troops. There are now about G,000 men within or under the walls of the fortress. The Quaker City came up to the fortress with a rich prize this morning — the bark Winnifred, of Richmond, from Rio Janeiro, laden with coffee. Gen. Butler, accompanied by acting Adjutant-Gen. Tallmadge, and his aids, made a dashing reconnoissance several miles between the James and York Rivers. A picket guard of rebels fled on their approach. Three fugitives, the property of Col. Mallory, commander of the rebel forces near Hampton, were brought in to Fortress Monroe by the pick¬ et guard yesterday. They represent that they were about to be sent South, and hence sought protection. Major Cary came in with a flag of truce, and claimed their rendition under the Fugitive Slave law, but was informed by Gen. Butler that, under the peculiar circumstances, he considered the fugitives contraband of war, and had set them to work inside the fortress. Col. Mallory, however, was politely informed that so soon as lie should visit the fortress and take a solemn oath to obey the laws of the Uni- [May 25- ted States, his property would promptly be re¬ stored. — -N. Y. Tribune , May 27. — Tnn New Orleans Picayune of to-day says: “■One week henco there will not be any avail¬ able mode of letter or newspaper express or telegraphic communication between the Con¬ federate and the United States. Our Post¬ master-General has announced his determination to assume the discharge of the duties of his of¬ fice on the 1st day of June. From that date all existing U. S. mail contracts, so far as we are concerned, will have been annulled. Meantime, the Washington Administration adopt the same policy, and to make non-intercourse thoroughly impossible, prohibit express companies from carrying express matter, inclusive of letters, across the Potomac River. By order of the commanding general U. S. A., at Washington, Adams’ Express was opened on the lGtli inst., and all such matter was stopped. Without mail or express communication with the North, and the carrying of mail matter by individuals being considered in the light of treasonable ‘ commu¬ nication with the enemy,’ in a few days we shall have but scant opportunity of enriching our columns with interesting intelligence from the other side of the border. We might get an occasional budget by the way of Havana, but we suppose it is intended by the despotic clique at Washington that the blockade shall prevent that. Won’t it be queer to read, hereafter, the latest news from ‘ way down east,’ via Paris and London? “ Well, we suppose we can stand it as well as they can on the other side of the line. Let us sec who will first get tired of the embargo.” • — Tiie First Regiment N. Y. Volunteers, Col. Allen, left New York for the seat of war. — {Doc. 19G.) — Funeral ceremonies over the body of Col. Ellsworth took place in Washington. The re¬ mains lay in state in the cast room of the President’s house for several hours. Owing to the immense throng of anxious gnzer3 on the remains of the deceased, the funeral cor¬ tege delayed moving from the Executive Man¬ sion till near 1 o’clock. All along the line of Pennsylvania avenue flags were displayed at half-mast and draped in mourning. Every available point, including the windows, balco¬ nies, and house-tops, was thronged with anxious and sorrowful gazers. Various testimonials of REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. Col. ELMER E. ELLSWORTH, First Firemen Zouaves, N. V. S. V. ZOUAVES, 55tii Keqiment, N. Y. S. M. May 20.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 81 respect were paid. All the bells of the city were tolled, and the heads of the soldiers and troops uncovered. Several companies of the City Corps, followed by the Now York Seventy- first Itegiment, Marines, and the local Cavalry Corps, formed the military escort, with their arms reversed and colors shrouded. The hearse was followed by a detachment of Zouaves, one of whom, the avenger of Col. Ells¬ worth, carried the identical secession flag torn down by the deceased. Then followed the President, accompanied by Secretaries Seward and Smith, and the rest of the procession was composed of carriages, containing the captains of the Zouave Regiment. — N. Y. Times , May 20. May 2G. — A letter from Major Sprague, U. S. A., giving an account of affairs in Texas, since the arrest of the federal troops in that locality, was published in the Albany (N. Y.) Argus. — {Doc. 197.) — The privateer Calhoun, Capt. Wilson, ar¬ rived at New Orleans, La., having in tow the following prizes: schooners John Adams and Mermaid, of Provincetown, Mass., and the brig Panama, of Boston, Mass. ; all these are whal¬ ers, and have on board about 215 bbls. of sperm and black whale oil. They were taken about 20 miles from the passes; their crews number 63 men ; and all of them told that these vessels had been whaling for some time and cruising in the Gulf — Natchez Courier , May 30. — The Mobile Register of yesterday, after announcing the invasion of Virginia by the Federal troops, observes: ‘‘Servile insurrec¬ tion is a part of their programme, but they expect no great amount of practical good to re¬ sult therefrom — consequently, it is contended that it would be a far better course of 'policy for the Abolitionists to murder the slaves and thus exterminate slavery. A more monstrous propo¬ sition could not emanate from the most incar¬ nate fiend among the damned. But infamous as it is it finds an advocate in the abolition press. The slaves are to be indiscriminately slaughtered, and when the last one is butchered, then it it is thought the institution will cease to exist. The soul recoils in horror at the idea of an unscrupulous war upon the innocent and de¬ fenceless slave. The Syrian massacre of the Christians and all the crimes of its bloody par¬ ticipants pale before the proposed atrocities of the Black Republicans. Their masters, how- Diary — 14 ever, in this, as all other instances, will be their protectors and saviors. With this much of their published programme, we must not be surprised at any act or threat as the campaign advances. ” — A corkespoxdext writes from Montgomery to the New Orleans Delta : — “ The startling in¬ telligence of the invasion of the soil of Virginia, and the actual occupation of Alexandria by United States forces, was received here last evening. The Cabinet, I am informed, imme¬ diately went into a procrastinated session. No event since the initiation of this revolution has ever created a sensation so profound, and so sorrowful. The mere taking of a deserted and exposed village, is in itself nothing ; but when regarded as indicative of the future policy of the old Government, it -at once becomes a ques¬ tion pregnant with great importance. Mr. Lin¬ coln has declared in his proclamation, and at various other times reiterated the expression, that the only object his Government had in view, was the retaking and the reoccupation of what he asserted to be Government property ; but now, in the face of this promise, which has gone before the world, he converts his Abolition horde into an army of invasion, and now occu¬ pies a city within the boundaries of our Repub¬ lic. This Government has no longer an election. Its duty is now manifest to all. The nation must rise as a man and drive the hireling mis¬ creants from a soil polluted by the foulness of their tramp. Virginia alone could speedily per¬ form the work of expurgation, but her cause is now our cause, her battles our battles, and let the Government at large pour a continuous stream of men into Virginia, and preserve from dishonor that patriotic mother of States.” — The rebel Congress passed an act to pro¬ hibit the exportation of cotton, except through Southern seaports. — {Doc. 198.) — Tms afternoon at about 4 o’clock, Gen. McClellan, commanding the military depart¬ ment of Ohio, received information that two bridges had been burned near Farmington, on the B. & 0. R. R., and that arrangements had been made to burn the others between that point and Wheeling. The general had been making arrangements to move on Grafton in force, but this intelligence caused him to hasten his movements. He returned at once to Cin¬ cinnati and issued telegraphic orders for an ad¬ vance. One column was directed to move from 82 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [Hay 27. "Wheeling and Bellaire, under command of Col. B. F. Kelly, 1st Virginia Volunteers; another from Marietta, on Parkersburg, under Col. Steedman, 14th Ohio Volunteers. These offi¬ cers were directed to move with caution, and to occupy all the bridges, etc., as they advanced. A proclamation to Virginians, and address to the troops, were issued by Gen. McClellan sim¬ ultaneously with the advance. — {Doc. 199.) — The First Regiment of New Hampshire Volunteers, Colonel Tappan, passed through New York on their way to the seat of war. The regiment left Camp Union, at Concord, yesterday morning. Its progress through Massa¬ chusetts and Connecticut was an ovation, crowds assembling at all the stations to give them a greeting. — {Doc. 200.) — Postmaster- General Blair issued the fol¬ lowing order: — “All postal service in the States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Car¬ olina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas, will be sus¬ pended from and after the 31st inst. Letters for offices temporarily closed by this order, will be forwarded to the dead letter office, except those for Western Virginia, which will be sent to Wheeling.” — Boston Transcript , May 27. May 27. — Emerson Etheridge, of Tennessee, addressed the citizens of Louisville, Ky., on the great questions which are dividing the South at the present time. lie commenced his address with an allusion to the distracted condition of the country, congratulating himself and his audience that he stood upon Kentucky soil, a State that was yet loyal to the Union. IIo clearly proclaimed himself for his country, first, last, and forever. Having but recently come from a State in which anarchy reigned supreme, he could the better appreciate the blessings of political liberty which were yet vouchsafed to Kentuckians, and which ho felt Kentuckians had the patriotism, the gallantry, and the pow¬ er to perpetuate. He drew a picture of Ken¬ tucky in her proud position as a sister in the Union of the States, of her wealth, of her use¬ fulness as an asylum for the oppressed of both sections of our unhappy and divided country, and of her grandeur in after days when she has safely outridden the storm which wrecked the frailer sisterhood around her. While he dealt deadly blows to the apologists of dissolution, he spoke cheering words of comfort and assur¬ ance to the friends of the Union. He was withering in his denunciation of rebellion, pow¬ erful in argument, ready and illustrative in anecdote, and fervid and glowing in eloquence. — Louisville Journal , May 28. — Gen. Beauregard issued orders in Charles¬ ton, relinquishing command of the forces around Charleston to Col. R. II. Anderson. — Augusta Chronicle , May 28. — In the case of John Merryman, a seces¬ sionist arrested in Baltimore and detained a prisoner in Fort McHenry, a writ of habeas cor¬ pus was issued by Judge Taney, made return¬ able this day in the United States District Court. Gen. Cadwallader declined surrendering the prisoner till he heard from Washington, and an attachment was issued for Gen. Cadwallader. — V. Y. Times, May 28. — The United States steamer Brooklyn ar¬ rived off the Pass L’Outre bar at the mouth of the Mississippi, and commenced the blockade of that river. — V". 0. Picayune , May 28. — Brigadier-General McDowell, U. S. army, took command of the Union forces in Virginia, and relieved Major-General Sandford, N. Y. State Militia. — N. Y. Herald , May 28. — George W. Thompson, one of the judges of the Circuit Court of the State of Virginia, issued a proclamation ordering the rebels in the western part of that State to disperse. Peculiar interest attaches to the document from the fact that one of Judge Thompson’s sons, W. P. Thompson, a young lawyer, resident at Fair¬ mont, is aide-de-camp to Gen. Thomas S. Ilay- mond, commander of the confederate forces in W estern Virginia, and the leader of the first company which marched on Grafton. Another of his sons is also a secessionist, and a private in the same company. — {Doc. 201.) — The blockade of Mobile (Ala.) harbor was commenced. The 2Jatcliez Courier of to-day says: — “Fort Morgan welcomed the blockading fleet by displaying the U. S. flag, with the Union down, from the same staff, and below the confederate flag.” — Col. A. Duryea was placed in command of the camp near Fortress Monroe, by Major- General Butler. — {Doc. 202.) — TnE Twentieth N. Y. Volunteer Regiment left New York city for the seat of war. — {Doc. 203.) — The First Regiment of Virginia V olunteers, Col. Kelly, stationed at Wheeling, Va., left that May 28.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 83 place at 7 a. m., and moved towards Grafton. After their departure, the Sixteenth Ohio Reg¬ iment, 1,000 strong, stationed at Bellaire, Ohio, under command of Col. Irvine, crossed the Ohio and followed Ool. Kelly’s command. The Fourteenth Ohio Regiment, Col. Steadman, crossed the Ohio, at Marietta, about the same time, and occupied Parkersburg. At midnight ‘the rebels evacuated Grafton in great haste. — {Doc. 204.) — Tiie Washington Artillery of Mew Orleans, La., left that city for Virginia. Previous to their departure, they were addressed by the Rev. Dr. Palmer. — {Doc. 205.) May 28. — The forty-seventh annual meeting of the American Baptist Missionary Union, was held in the Pierrepont Street Baptist Church, Brooklyn, Ex-Gov. Briggs, of Massachusetts, in the chair. The exercises were opened with pray¬ er by the Rev. Dr. Welch. The Chairman then addressed the meeting at some length, setting forth the object for which they had assembled. In reference to the present state of the country, he said that soldiers were now to be seen in every direction, flags were floating from every window in every street, old and young were rallying round the standard of the Government to sustain order and law, but amid all this out¬ burst of enthusiasm the Prince of Peace must not be deserted. He was sure that the cause of all our difference with the South was owing to their misapprehension of the sentiments of the North, and he believed that if the heart of the North could be unvailed to their brethren of the South, all our national troubles would cease at once. Speaking of the charge made against the North by the Rev. Dr. Fuller of Baltimore — that the bad men of the North, the pastors, the churches, and the politicians, all united in crying for blood — for the blood of the Southern people, he inquired if this was the case ? The congregation at once responded a vigorous “ No.” “No,” said he, a more cruel, more unfounded charge never issued from the mouth of man. lie denied that any such sen¬ timents as Dr. Fuller had imputed to the North were entertained by Northern Christians. He hoped that the Union would place their senti¬ ments on this subject on record, that the world might judge between truth and error. — H. Y. Tribune , May 29. — Tiie Ninth New York Regiment, which was the first to offer their services to the Gov¬ ernment, arrived at Washington. Having en¬ listed for three years, they lose their identity as State militia, and at once enter service as United States troops. Eight hundred of them are fully uniformed, and will prove a valuable acquisition to the regular army. — {Doc. 206.) — National Intelligencer , May 29. — A new military department is formed by Gen. Scott, out of that portion of Virginia lying east of the Alleghanies and north of James River, exclusive of Fortress Monroe and vicinity, and Brigadier -General McDowell is appointed to its command. His staff consists of Colonel P. Stone, Fourteenth Infantry, who has recently rendered inestimable services in organizing the District of Columbia Militia; Captain B. O. Tyler, Brevet Captain James B. Fry, and Lieu¬ tenant Putnam, of the Topographical Engineers. — N. Y. Herald l, May 29. — TnE blockade of the port of Savannah was initiated by the U. S. gunboat Union. — Savan¬ nah Republican, May 31. — Brigadier-General Pierce, Massachusetts Militia, was appointed to succeed Gen. Butler, promoted. He left for Washington immediately. Col. Waite, Major Sprague, and the other offi¬ cers who were captured in Texas, and liberated on parole not to serve against the Confederate States, reached Washington, and reported to the War Department. Col. Lefferts, at Battalion Drill, took the sentiment of the Seventh N. Y. S. M., about remaining until ordered home by Government, their time having expired. Fur¬ loughs were offered to all who wished, but only five out of 1,225 asked for them. — 21. Y. Times, May 29. — In the case of Gen. Cadwallader, whose arrest for contempt of Court was ordered, the Marshal reported that, on going to Fort Mc¬ Henry, he was refused admittance. — {Doc. 207.) — TnE Chautauqua Volunteers, under the command of Capt. James M. Brown, left James¬ town, New York, for active service. — Chautau¬ qua Democrat , May 29. — In the English House of Commons, a de¬ bate on British relations with America took place, being opened by a communication from Lord John Russell concerning the blockade. Lord John stated that Lord Lyons had properly said to Admiral Milne that the blockade, if suf¬ ficient, must be respected. Mr. T. Duncombe spoke with some -warmth on the treatment 84 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [Mat 29. which British subjects received in the Southern States, and commented with great severity on the piratical offer of $20 per head offered by the rebels for every person killed on board an American vessel. The debate was further con¬ tinued by Mr. B. Osborne, Mr. Bright, Mr. Gregory, and Mr. Bouverie. Mr. Gregory treated the reported offer spoken of as a news¬ paper rumor, and declared that he should, on the 7th, press his motion for the acknowledgment of the “ Confederate States.” — {Doc. 207-J.) — Judge Hall’s charge to the grand jury at Rochester, IST. Y., on the law of treason, was published. — AT. Y. World, May 28. — Two letters from Edward Bates, Attorney- General of the United States, to John Minor Botts of Virginia, were made public. — {Doc. 208.) — TnE assertion of the Governor of Georgia, that property of citizens of that State found in the State of New York is forcibly taken from its owners, is denied in a letter published this day, signed by the officers of seven New York hanks. — {Doc. 209.) — TnE Rochester Regiment, Colonel Quimby, and the Syracuse Regiment, Colonel Walrath, left Elmira, N. Y., for the seat of war. — Buffa¬ lo Courier , May 31. — The Garibaldi Guard, under the command of Colonel D’Utassy, left New York for the seat of war. — {Doc. 210.) May 29. — A mass meeting of leading mem¬ bers of the Baptist Church was held at Brook¬ lyn, N. Y., for the purpose of giving formal expression to their feelings, as a religious com¬ munity in the present crisis, and to record their attachment to the Union, and their deter¬ mination to uphold the efforts of the Federal Government, in behalf of the Constitution. — {Doc. 211.) — Tnn Brooklyn, Capt. Poore, entered the Mississippi River, below New Orleans, and sent out a number of boats, strongly manned with armed men, to hoard the ships lying on the bar, to acquaint them of the terms of the blockade. After some discussion, it was agreed that the ships on the bar should have fourteen days to go out. Capt. Poore also made a full survey and soundings of the river. — AT. O. Delta, May 31. — A statement of the Geographical arrange¬ ments of the army of the United States, cor¬ rected to date, is published. — {Doc. 212.) — President Davis reached Richmond this morning, accompanied by his nephew, Mr. Jo¬ seph Davis, Col. Northrop, of the Confederate Army, and Col. Wigfall. Gov. Letcher and the Executive Council met and received the Presi¬ dent at Petersburg. An immense assemblage welcomed his arrival at Richmond, with the most enthusiastic demonstrations of delight. The President, in a brief address, thanked the multitude for the hearty reception given him. — AT. 0. Delta , May 30. — To-day the American flag was raised over the late residence of Lieutenant-General Scott, at Elizabethtown, N. J., in the presence of about five thousand people. When the flag was given to the breeze, the “ Star-Spangled Banner” was sung, the vast concourse of peo¬ ple joining the chorus, producing a fine effect. Mayor Burnett presided, and speeches were made by William F. Day and Rev. Hobart Chetwood, which were received with great applause. — -AT. Y. Commercial, May 30. — TnE correspondence in relation to the establishment of a department of nurses, and the acceptance of the services of Miss Dix, by the Secretary of War, is published. — {Doc. 213.) — The Nero Orleans True Delta of this day contains the following: — “We have again and again received information of the motions and sentiments of vagabond free persons of color, upon whom it would he well that the police should keep an eye. These men are without ostensible means of earning a livelihood, and are, by many degrees , too familiar with our slate •population, instilling into their minds san¬ guine notions of the ‘ good time ’ to he experienced in the event of Lincoln’s hoped-for success over the Southern people. The lake end of the Pontchartrain Railroad is infested with persons of this character, who exhibit a remarlcable shrewdness in broaching their pestiferous hints and suggestions. The city also affords rendez¬ vous, at which there are gathered knots of these vagabonds at unseasonable hours. Of course the localities are selected with a view to privacy and remoteness from the inquisitive eyes of the watchman. Careful espionage may bring to light the object of these nocturnal con¬ sultations.” — The Twentieth, Twenty-first, and Twenty- fourth Regiments of Pennsylvania militia left Philadelphia for Chambersburg. — AT. Y. Com¬ mercial, May 30. May 30.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 85 — Colonel Mann’s Regiment of Pennsylva¬ nia militia, arrived at Easton, Pa., and went into camp. — {Doc. 214.) — TnE American citizens in Paris favorable to the Union breakfasted together in the Hotel du Louvre. About one hundred and fifty at¬ tended, of whoni one-tliird were ladies, includ¬ ing the wife of General Scott. Mr. Cowdin presided. Resolutions were adopted, pledging the meeting to maintain the Union under any circumstances. Mr. Dayton, the U. S. Minister, said that, since his arrival in France, he could detect no unfriendly feeling on the part of France to the United States, and certainly no French citizen would be found among the pri¬ vateersmen. He expressed the conviction that the rebellion would be put down. Cassius M. Clay spoke at length, and was emphatic in his comments on the conduct of England in recog¬ nizing Southern belligerent rights. He de¬ clared that if ever the flag of England was as¬ sociated with the black flag of the South, the Star-Spangled Banner of the United States and the tri-color of France would be seen together against her, for France had not forgotten St. Helena. Hon. Anson Burlingame spoke on the same topic. Col. Fremont was next called upon, and was received svith enthusiasm. He made a quiet and moderate speech. He re¬ gretted the fanatical war, and felt confident it would end in the triumph of truth and justice. He had been called back to America, and would lose no time in responding. He was ready to give his best services to his country. Rev. Dr. McClintock followed. He said he did not at¬ tach any importance to the mutterings of the English press. The people of England had not yet spoken, and when they did speak, their voices would not be found on the side of piracy and slavery. Capt. Simons, of the U. S. Army, said he was on his way home, in obedience to the summons of Gen. Scott. Mr. Haldeman, Minister to Vienna, and Rev. Mr. Thayer, also spoke. All the speakers evinced not the slight¬ est doubt of the final triumph of the North. — Gal ig Rani's Messenger , May 30. — The London Mews, of this date, contains a remarkable article on the “War in America.” —{Doc. 214£.) May 30. — N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, was appointed a Major-General, and Robert C. Schenck, of Ohio, a Brigadier-General in the Army. The eminent intelligence, energy, and Diary — 15 activity of these distinguished citizens render their appointment signally judicious and fortu¬ nate. — National Intelligencer , June 1. — Tns Twelfth, Onondaga, and the Thir¬ teenth, Rochester, N. Y., Regiments, com¬ manded by Colonels Mulrath and Trumby, left Elmira for Washington. The Buffalo and Cay¬ uga Regiments escorted them to the depot. An immense crowd was present to witness their departure. — N. Y. Commercial , May 30. — Tnn New Orleans Delta of to-day says: “ Henceforth all the cotton and other produce of the South destined for foreign markets must go from our seaports. So it has been deter¬ mined by our Congress at Montgomery. The only exemption under the law is in favor of the trade between Mexico and Northwestern Texas. This is a wise measure. The threat of the Northern journals to force our shipments of produce to the North by a blockade of our seaports is thus promptly met, and their scheme defeated. Now, let us see who can stand the embargo longest. Our cotton and tobacco planters can go on and gather the im¬ mense crops which this season promises, and store them in their barns and warehouses, only sending to the ports what may be necessary to pay expenses, and which our friends from abroad insist upon having, and will take all the risk of buying and sending abroad. Mean¬ time, what with two crops of corn, and any quantity of other produce, we can maintain a very comfortable existence. The negroes not being hurried to take off1 the crops, will have a very easy time of it. Their truck patches will supply them with an abundance of good vegetables. Their only trouble is that they can’t go to the war and help their young mas¬ ters to wallop the Abolitionists. This is rather hard upon them, especially as every plantation and household will have one or more of their race to represent them in battle. ‘ Old Wir- ginny’ is the dance ground of our negroes, and to fight for it is their highest ambition. One of our negro acquaintances asked us a few days ago to intercede with his master to allow him to go on with one of our volunteer companies to the scene of war, stating that he wanted to fight for the graves of his ancestors, and he could not understand why his master should object to his going, when the Massachusetts people had placed a negro in command of one of their divisions. The story of General But- 86 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [May 81. ler’s African descent had been communicated to him.” — TnE Sixth Indiana Regiment, Colonel Crit¬ tenden, fully armed and equipped, passed through Cincinnati, O., on their way to the scene of ac¬ tion. The Dunkirk Battalion left Dunkirk for the city of Hew York. At Bethlehem, Pa., a very interesting ceremony took place at the Young Ladies’ Seminary. Three national flags were raised on the principal buildings. Mr. Van Kirk, one of the Professors, made a patriotic speech, and the pupils, who were gathered upon the roof of the Seminary, amid loud cheers, raised the Star-Spangled Banner. Nearly two hundred young ladies joined in singing national airs. After the ceremonies, the pupils, with flags and banners, paraded the town. — V. Y. Tribune, May 31. — The U. S. ship Brooklyn captured the bark II. J. Spearing, from Rio Janeiro for New Orleans, with $120,000 worth of coffee. — Ar. O. Picayune , May 31. — A portion of the Confederate troops were ordered away from Pensacola. Little appre¬ hension of a fight existed there. General Twiggs was put in command of the Military Department of Louisiana. — Montgomery Post , May 31. — Gen. Butler, having asked information from head-quarters in reference to the matter of fugitive slaves, was ordered to retain such as came within his lines, employ them, and keep an account of their services and expenses. —{Doc. 215.) — TnE Mew Orleans Delta of to-day publishes the following concerning the condition of society in New Orleans: — “Personal security is fast becoming a matter of doubtful assurance. Men of high and low estate are met upon the street, assaulted, and in many cases murderously used, with an insolent disregard of law which argues a conviction of escape from punishment.” — A party of rowdies left Baltimore at night to go to Federal Hill and kill some of the U. S. picket-guard there, but the guard shot three, and the rest fled. The Fire Zouaves seized sixty kegs of powder and five tons of lead in a house about four and a half miles from the further outpost from Alexandria, Va., southwest from camp. The scouting party who seized it were at a loss to know what to do with the prize. It would not do to leave it, and yet the party was so small and far from camp that they could not separate to go back to give notice; so they took all the lead, and about half the powder, in the only conveyance they could find, and blew up the powder which they could not carry with them by a train which they fired at a safe distance. The ex¬ plosion was distinctly heard in Washington, and for many miles around. — N. Y. Times , June 1. — TnE Ohio and Virginia troops, under com¬ mand of Col. Kelly, occupied Grafton, Va., at 2^ o’clock p. m. The secessionists fled without firing a gun. The secession troops fell back two miles from Williamsport, on the Potomac, in the direction of Martinsburg. They have about 500 men and two small swivel guns. About 100 desertions have occurred since the Williamsport camp was established. — The Sec¬ ond Maine Regiment, Col. Jamison, left Willets Point, N. Y., for the seat of war. — {Doc. 216.) May 31. — Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, late Post-Master General, under President Bu¬ chanan, wrote a letter to J. F. Speed upon the policy of the General Government, the pending revolution, its objects, its probable results if successful, and the duty of Kentucky in the cri¬ sis. It strikes directly at the heart of treason, and gives it no show of quarter. It vindicates the right of the Federal Executive to send troops into or through any State to suppress rebellion, and rebukes unsparingly the neutral position assumed by the half-hearted Unionists of Kentucky. It shows that the crimes and outrages of the rebels are such as no Govern¬ ment could afford to overlook, and that their pretence that they “ want to he let alone ” is absurd. — {Doc. 197|.) — TnE North British Eevieic for this month, discussing the future of the United States, says: “There surely cannot be a permanent retro¬ gression and decay in a nation planted in the noblest principles of right and liberty, and com¬ bining, in marvellously adjusted proportions, the vigorous and energetic elements of the world’s master races, in the midst of which the tone is given and the march is led by that one of them which has never faltered in its onward course, and which is possessed of such tenacity and versatility, that it is everywhere successful. The present calamity and confusion probably form the crucible fire in which the Union is to be ‘purified, made white, and tried,’ in order that she may take her destined place in the van May 31.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 87 of the world’s progress in Christianity and civil¬ ization, fulfdling, in the resistless march of her dominant Anglo-Saxon race across the American continent, one grand part of the Divine scheme for the spread of that Gospel which shall sur¬ vive all changes, overthrow all evils, and achieve its mightiest triumphs in the later days of our world’s history.” — The Charleston Mercury of to-day contains the following: — “Night and day, for the last two months, has the Northern Government been making herculean efforts in its department of war. Preparation on the most gigantic scale has gone on steadily and unflagging, under the intelligent and able superintendence and direc¬ tion of General Scott. An immense body of volunteers have been thrown into camp, and are drilling eight hours a day under competent officers of West Point training. The arms at hand have been distributed, and all who are to engage soon in battle, have been thoroughly equipped with the best weapons. Factories for the manufacture of cannon, rifles, sabres, bayonets, and ammunition of every description, are in full operation at the North during the whole twenty-four hours of each day. Agents have long since been sent abroad to Europe to procure and forward as fast as possible cargoes of improved arms, and already they have begun to arrive. Great efforts have also been made for the health, comfort, and supplies of North¬ ern troops. Energy and promptitude have characterized their movements both in Mary¬ land and St. Louis, and their success along the border has so far been complete. They have in the West obtained and secured the great repos¬ itory of arms for that section, equipped our enemies of St. Louis, Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio, leaving the resistance men of Missouri poorly proivded, Kentucky unarmed and overawed, and Tennessee also, with a meagre provision for fighting, dependent on the Cotton States for weapons of defence. Maryland has been cowed and overpowered, Washington rendered as se¬ cure as may be, while Virginia is invaded and Richmond threatened with capture. In all this the military proceedings of the North, since the fall of Sumter, have been eminently wise. For the purpose of overpowering, disheartening, and gaining the first advantages, which, both at home and abroad, are of immense importance, the concentration of all the forces available as promptly as possible, has been clearly the course of generalship and true economy. The first blow is said to be often half the battle. The war policy of Scott and the Northern Govern¬ ment has all the effect of the first blow. The final result we cannot, in the slightest degree, doubt. The immediate signal will depend, in a great measure, upon the number of troops now got ready, and the efficiency of the preparation made for them by the Confederate Government during the same period Scott has been at work. Let us not commit the mistake of underrating our enemy, or of supposing that, in modern warfare, it is only the courage of a people and the relative military talent of their field-officers that decide the issues of war. Ability in com¬ binations and bravery in executing them may fail of success where the material is wanting or deficient. An hour’s delay of a corps of reserve lost the battle of Waterloo; and Napoleon fought the battle with the best troops in the world. They were cut to pieces.” — TnE United States ship Powhatan captured the Mary Clinton, from Charleston for New Orleans, off the Pass L’Outre, with a full cargo of rice, peas, &c.' — New Orleans Picayune , June 1. — Me. W. II. Russell’s letters from the South to the London Times , create much com¬ ment. According to one dated April 30, the South Carolinians long for “ one of the royal race of England to rule” over them. — (Doc. 217.) — TnE Seventh Regiment, N. Y. S. M., left Washington for New York. It made a fine appearance and received on their departure the same warm eulogium that greeted their arrival. — (Doc. 218.) — The National Intelligencer of to-day con¬ tains the correspondence between the bank presidents of the city of NewYork and the Gov¬ ernor of the State, relative to the proclamation of Governor Brown of Georgia, of the 26tli of April last. — TnE First Regiment of Maine Volunteers left Portland at 8 30 this morning, in a train of eleven cars. They were escorted through the city by the Fifth Regiment, arid nearly the whole population. The train left amid the wildest cheering, and a salute from the artil¬ lery. — (Doc. 219 ..) — Ex-Governor Pratt, of Maryland, was arrested this evening at Annapolis, by order of 88 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [June 1. the Government, and taken to the Washington Navy-Yard. — Boston Transcript, May 31. — ATAcquia Creek, 55 miles below Washing¬ ton on the Potomac, the U. S. gun-boat Freeborn, Capt. Ward, opened fire about 10 a. m., on the shells fell into the batteries. The fire from the earthwork batteries ceased in a short time, but a terrific fire was kept up from the main battery on the hill. The boats hauled off at 10 minutes of 12. — ( Doc . 220.) ferry-boat Page, lying at the depot of the Rich¬ mond, Fredericksburg, and Potomac Railroad. A second round was fired at the depot building, and a third across the bow of the Page. Three batteries on shore, two in the earthwork, near the depot, and a third from the hill above, im¬ mediately opened on the Freeborn, when the gun-boat Anacosta came to her assistance. As soon as the vessels had fixed their range they fired with marked effect. The Anacosta took up a position and played upon the depot with rapidity, firing thirteen shells, three of them taking effect and causing much consternation among the rebels. Several of the Freeborn’s June 1. — The bombardment of the rebel bat¬ teries at Acquia Creek was re-begun, at 11 30 a. M., by the U. S. gun-boats Freeborn and Paw¬ nee. The firing on shore was scarcely as spir¬ ited at any time as on the day before. The heights were abandoned, the guns apparently having been transferred to the earthworks at the railroad termination, to replace the battery silenced there on the 31st ult. This railroad battery was otherwise repaired. The Free¬ born approached to within about two miles from the shore, and fired four or five shots, when the Pawnee entered into the conflict, taking a position nearer to the land. For the first two June 1.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 89 hours, the fire from the shore batteries was sharp, but was returned with more expedition by the Pawnee. During the engagement, she fired 1G0 shells, one of which was seen to ex¬ plode immediately over the heads of the Con¬ federates who were working the battery. The observer, through a telescope, saw numbers of bodies of them carried away on wagons. Dur¬ ing that time the shore movements were faster than at any other. The Freeborn lodged three shells in succession in the beach battery, per¬ ceptibly damaging the works, which had the effect of greatly diminishing the fire. Tho Freeborn received two shot, one of which passed through the cabin, damaging some of the crockery, but not the vessel, except making a passage through the bulwarks of slight con¬ sequence. The Pawnee received eight or nino shot, but all too high to inflict much damage. One struck her main-topsail yard, which was thereby unslung ; another grazed the mizzen- masthead and passed through the hammock nettings. It is the opinion of the officers on board, that had the rebels been provided with good gunners, the vessels might probably have been sunk. Some of the Confederates’ shots passed over the masthead to the Maryland shore. After five hours of incessant fire the gun-boats hauled off owing to the fatigue of the men, the day being very warm. During the last hour of the engagement only two or three shots were thrown from the shore, and the gunners were seen stealthily now and then to emerge from the concealment, and hastily load and fire a single gun. The railroad depot and buildings on the shore at Aquia Creek are all destroyed. The damage to the beach battery is not considered permanent, as the Confederates can soon repair it. — V. Y. Times, June 3. — About daylight, Company B, of the second IT. S. Cavalry, 47 privates, under Lieutenant Tompkins and Second Lieutenant Gordon, and three members of the New York Fifth Regi¬ ment, Quartermaster Fearing, Assistant Quar¬ termaster Carey, and Adjutant Frank, recon¬ noitring within 300 yards of Fairfax Court¬ house, by the Winchester road, were fired on by two of a picket of the Virginia troops. They captured the picket and then entered the village from the North side, and were fired on from the Union Ilotel and from many houses, and from platoons behind fences. They charged down the principal street upon the mounted Diary — 16 riflemen whom they dispersed, and then wheel* ed about and instantly charged back, and were then met by two considerable detatchments, with a field-piece. Turning, they cut through a third detachment in the rear, and left the village bringing with them five prisoners, and killing throughout the engagement, as the offi¬ cer in command thought, twenty-seven men. Two of the United States cavalry are missing, two are killed, and Assistant Quartermaster Carey, of the New York Fifth Regiment, is wounded in the foot. Lieutenant Tompkins had two horses shot under him, the last one falling on his leg, injuring it slightly.* — {Doc. 221.) — Washington Star , June 1. — TnE secession forces on the upper Poto¬ mac, attempted to take possession of the ferry¬ boat lying opposite Williamsport, for the pur¬ pose, as is conjectured, of removing into “Fall¬ ing Waters,” a point four miles below, where there is a considerable number of secession troops stationed, who doubtless intended by means of the boat to cross to the Maryland side on a marauding expedition. The Union company at Williamsport, as soon as they ob¬ served the opposite party possessing themselves of the boat, ordered them to desist, which they refused to do; whereupon the Union guns opened fire upon them, which was returned, and a brisk fire was kept up on both sides for about an hour. Three or four secessionists were wounded, one seriously. None were killed or wounded on the Federal side. — A”. Y. Evening Post , June 3. — Shortly before 12 o’clock last night a skirmish took place at Arlington Mills, near Alexandria, between Capt. Brown’s company of Zouaves and Capt. Roth’s, Company E, of the Michigan Regiment, and a scouting party of nine Virginians. Tho Zouaves had just ar¬ rived to relieve the Michigan troops, and had posted sentinels when the Virginians attacked them. The Federal troops drove them away. One Zouave was killed and another wounded. * Upon other authority it is said that the only one killed in tho rebel camp was Capt. John Q. Marr, of the War- renton Rifles. He heard tho troops coming up and order¬ ed them to halt. They replied that they were Capt. Pow¬ ell’s Cavalry Company. Capt. Marr then ordered his men to arms, when the United States Dragoons fired a volley, killing the captain. Instantly the rebels rushed out in undress, and in a disordered condition, and fired on tho cavalry at random. Capt. Marr was a member of the Vir¬ ginia State Convention, and a member elect of the Legis¬ lature from Fauquier County.— N. Y. Times , June 2. 90 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [June 2. It is supposed one rebel was killed or wounded, as in the retreat he was carried off. The rebels retired in the woods during the night, and this morning took a hand-car and left for parts unknown. — N. Y. Commercial , June 2. — At night word came into the camp of the Twenty-eighth New York Eegiment, that the two dragoons missing from Company B, which made the sally on Fairfax Court-house this morning, were captured by the rebels, and were to bo hung. Company B was imme¬ diately summoned from their quarters, and mounting, rode up to the Court-house, and having by some means ascertained the precise location of their comrades, made a dash through the village, and recovered the two men, whom they brought back in triumph to the camp. Of the five Confederate prisoners taken at the Court-house one is a 6on of the late Major Washington of the Army. lie said he did not want to fight against the United States, and made amends by taking the oath of allegiance. — N. Y. Times, June 3. — Tiie big guns were planted at Cairo, HI., and the first thirty-two pound ball was sent booming down the Mississippi, a warning to all traitors to keep at a respectable distance. Great satisfaction was expressed throughout the camp that these heavy guns were at length in place. The firing over, a whole regiment of nearly a thousand men, detailed for the day, sprang to their shovels and wheelbarrows, and the work of completing the breastworks went gaily on. The levee itself forms an excellent breastwork, behind which, now that Bird’s Point is fortified, the soldiers would be per¬ fectly protected, and with Sharp’s rifles they could mow down whole regiments, if the steamers that bore them escaped the artillery and effected a landing. — National Intelligencer , June 13. — Jefferson Davis was serenaded at Eich- mond, and addressed the assembled crowd. To a person who wanted to hear something about Buena Vista, he said that they “ would make the battle-field of Virginia another Buena Vista, and drench it with blood more precious than that which flowed there.” Gov. Wise also addressed the crowd, and told them to arm with any thing they could get, and to take a lesson from John Brown. — {Doc. 222.) — There is published an order of the Post¬ master General of the Southern Confederacy, by which the postmasters throughout the rebel States are ordered to “ retain ” the stamps, locks, etc., of the various offices — the property of the United States. — {Doc. 223.) — L. W. Bliss, Acting Governor of Jefferson Territory, proclaimed the neutrality of that Territory, and forbid the payment of any debts or future dues to the United States or any body else outside the Territory ; but he gener¬ ously offered to receive payment for all debts due to outsiders into the Territorial Treasury, and give his notes for it on interest at ten per cent. — {Doc. 224.) — The address of the Central Committee of Northwestern Virginia to the people of that lo¬ cality, is published in full. — {Doc. 225.) June 2. — Three thousand men, of Indiana, Ohio, and Virginia volunteers, the whole under command of Col. Crittenden, of Indiana, were assembled on the parade ground at Grafton, Va., in the afternoon, and informed in gen¬ eral terms that they were to start on a forced march that night. They were then supplied with ammunition and one day’s rations, and dis¬ missed. The men were full of ardor, expecting that they were going direct to Harper’s Ferry. At eight o’clock they were again assembled, and took up the line of march on the road leading southward. A heavy rain soon commenced to fall, and continued all night. — N. Y. Times , June 6. — About midnight a squad of secession cav¬ alry made a dash at the outposts of the Twenty- eighth New York Eegiment, and fired upon them. The alarm was instantly sounded and the regiment turned out, and a scouting party despatched in pursuit of the enemy, who re¬ treated. The fire was returned by the outposts of the Twenty-eighth, with what effect is not known, as the night was exceedingly dark. No damage whatever was done by the enemy. — N. Y. Times , June 3. - — The Seventy-ninth Eegiment, N. Y. S. M., Lieut.-Col. S. M. Elliott, commanding, left New York for Washington, accompanied by a body of recruits of the Seventy -first and Ninth N. Y. Eegiments. — {Doc. 226.) — Gen. Twiggs was appointed Major-General in the Confederate army, and accepted the rank. He will command the military district of Louisiana. — Natchez Courier, June 4. JUNE 3.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 91 — Senator Rousseau, a member of the upper house of the legislature of Kentucky, delivered a strong Union speech before that body on the 21st of May last. The senator exposes the folly of attempting to preserve a neutral attitude in the present crisis, and boldly tells many very plain truths to the secessionists of Kentucky. — {Doc. 227.) June 3. — Quartermaster T. Bailey Myers ar¬ rived at New York from Fortress Monroe, bringing from that quarter a secession flag as a present to the Union Defence Committee. The flag was captured at Hampton village, near the fort, and when taken was flying from its staff on the roof of John Tyler's country residence. Lieutenant Duryea, the colonel’s son, let down the traitorous emblem, and ran up the Stars and Stripes, which are now flying. The scouting detachment brought in the secession colors to head-quarters, and they were forwarded by Major-General Butler. The flag is a dirty looking affair of red, white, and blue flannel, with eight stars. It is roughly made, the sew¬ ing having been done by half-taught fingers. — N. Y. Commercial Advertiser, June 4. — Gen. Beauregard arrived at Manassas Junction, and assumed command of the rebel forces there. — N. Y. Times , June 6. — At night twelve volunteers from Camp Lincoln, near Leavenworth, Kansas, headed by Sergeant Decurin, of the Elwood Guards, armed with Minie rifles and revolvers, marched to Iatan, Mo., fourteen miles above Leavenworth city, and crossed in skiffs to capture a secession flag. When asked their purpose, Decurin de¬ manded the flag by the authority of the United States. The flag was hauled down, and the party started on their return, when they were fired at by the secessionists, and the fire was returned. Three of the volunteers were wounded, one severely. — N. Y. World , June 6. — At 1 a. m., the Union force from Grafton, approached Philippi, a little town on the Monon- gahela, 20 miles south of Grafton, occupied by 1,500 rebels. Scouts went forward to recon¬ noitre, a favorable report was received, and the troops advanced about 5 a. m., and were fired at by the sentinels on duty, who appeared to be the only men on the alert. The camp, however, was immediately aroused, and before it was reached by our troops three companies of rifle¬ men advanced to meet them, and delivered a volley as Col. Kelly’s regiment turned the cor¬ ner of a street. They then turned and retreated towards the main body. At this fire several of our men were slightly wounded, and Col. Kelly received a ball in the side. The regiment pressed on, and was quickly followed by the Indiana and Ohio regiments. When the column got within range of the main body of the enemy, the latter delivered a straggling fire, and then at once broke and fled. It was a complete rout. The Union troops delivered a volley with good effect at the enemy, and then charged upon them at full run. The enemy took the direction of Leedsville, ten miles fur¬ ther south. Col. Crittenden ordered the Ohio regiment to stay and guard the town, and the other two regiments continued the pursuit. They returned after daylight, with several pris¬ oners. The secessionists had no idea of being attacked. They had no intrenchments, and had only set the ordinary guard. One or two of the Federal troops were killed. The loss of the secessionists, so far as known, is sixteen killed, a large number wounded, and ten prisoners. Some twenty-five of Col. Kelly’s men were wounded, but none dangerously. The amount of ammunition captured was not large, but there was a lot of camp kettles and pro¬ visions, and miscellaneous camp equipage, that fell into the hands of the federal troops ; also seventeen horses. Col. Kelly’s wound was not mortal. — {Doc. 228.) — Stephen A. Douglass, Senator of the United States from Illinois, died at Chicago at ten minutes past nine o’clock in the morning. — Buffalo Courier , June 4. — Tue Fourteenth Regiment, Colonel John¬ son, and the Fifteenth, Colonel Oakford, of Pennsylvania Volunteers, arrived at General Patterson’s camp at Chambersburg from Lan¬ caster. — National Intelligencer , June G. — Tns British Government decided not to allow the entry of privateers into any of their ports. This was announced by Lord John Russell in Parliament, saying that Government had determined to prohibit privateers from bringing prizes into any British port. It was also stated that France intended adhering to the law which prohibits privateers remaining in port over twenty-four hours. — {Doc. 229.) — The border State Convention met at Frankfort, Kentucky. — N. Y. Tribune , May 27. 92 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [.June 4. -Major-General Patterson, from head¬ quarters at Chambersburg, Pa., issued a proc¬ lamation announcing to the soldiers that “ they would soon meet the insurgents.” — ( [Doc . 230.) — TriE First Regiment Scott Life Guard and the Third Regiment N. Y. S. V., left New York city for Fortress Monroe. — {Doc. 231.) June 4. — The Memphis Bulletin of to-day contains the following : “ Persons having slaves at home, whose services can he dispensed with for the nest ten or fifteen days, would do a great kindness to the volunteers at Randolph, by sending negro men to that point. The vol¬ unteers should be drilled, and the fortifications, on which they have labored so long and faith¬ fully, should he finished by negroes.” — A man named Fletcher, living in Columbia township, Randolph County, Ark., divulged last week a plot to the citizens which he had discovered among the negroes in that vicinity. The plot contemplated the murder of several citizens who they supposed had money, and then making their way to the free States. An investigation led to the development of the fact that certain negroes had proposed to give Fletcher $20 each to take them to a free State, announcing that their plan contemplated the murder of citizens, the possession of their means, and their final escape to the North. The negroes implicated by Fletcher, twenty in number, were arrested. A white man named Percifield, found guilty of being an instigator in the affair, was hung, as was also Fletcher, who was connected with Percifield. — Memphis ( Tenn .) Avalanche , June 5. — Elias Howe, Jr., of New York, the sew¬ ing machine millionaire, presented each field and staff officer of the Massachusetts Fifth Regiment, at the seat of war, with a stallion fully equipped for service. — N. Y. Express. — Tiie Tenth Regiment N. Y. Volunteers, National Zouaves, Colonel McChesney, left their encampment at Sandy Hook for Fortress Mon¬ roe. Previous to their departure they paraded through the city of New York, where they re¬ ceived a flag. — N. Y. Sun , June 5. — TnE Savannah Republican of to-day has the following: “ Notice to the Press. — AYe are requested by the military authorities of the Confederate States to urge upon our brethren of the press throughout the South the impor¬ tance of abstaining from all specific allusions to the movement of troops. The very wisest plans of the Government may be thwarted by an untimely or otherwise injudicious exposure.” A directly opposite policy appears to prevail at the North. Rot only is every movement of the Federal troops heralded abroad with light¬ ning speed for the “sensation press,” but it would seem as if the news-gatherers have access to the records of the Departments, so as to en¬ able them to proclaim in advance every plan and purpose of the Government, whether great or small. — National Intelligencer , June 13. — NoAn L. Farnham, late Lieutenant-Colo¬ nel of the Regiment of Fire Zouaves of New York, was appointed Colonel of that Regiment, in place of the late Colonel Ellsworth. — Ar. Y. World , June 5. — Judge Taney’s written opinion in the habeas corpus case of Merriman, was published in the Washington National Intelligencer of this date. It is simply a protest against the suspension of the writ by the President of the United States. The Judge argues that Congress alone has the legal authority to suspend this privilege, and that the . President cannot “in any emergency, or in any state of things,” au¬ thorize its suspension. — Ten Regiments of foot, with Doubleday’s, Dodge’s, and Seymour’s batteries of flying artil¬ lery and five hundred dragoons, were in camp around Chambersburg, Pa. — Thirty-two men arrived at Williamsport, Md., from Berkley Co., Va., whence they had fled to avoid impress¬ ment into the rebel army. — A new Collector was appointed for Louisville, Kentucky, with orders to prohibit the shipment South of pro¬ visions, via that port. — N. Y. Herald , June 5. — A proclamation dated Fort Smith, Arkan¬ sas, and signed “AY. F. Rector, Asst. Adjutant- General,” says, “the authority of the United States has ceased upon this frontier.” — (Doc. 232.) — The Natchez (Miss.) Courier of this day has the following: “A wise and salutary law was passed by the Confederate Congress, before its adjournment, prohibiting, during the exist¬ ence of the blockade of any of the Southern ports by the United States Government, the exportation of any raw cotton or cotton yarn except through the seaports of the Confederate States. The penalty for a violation of the law is the forfeiture of the cotton or yarn so at- J0NE 5.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 93 tempted to be exported, as also fine or impris¬ onment for the person violating it. Every steamboat or railroad car, used with the con¬ sent of the person owning or in charge of it for the purpose of violating the act, is also for¬ feited. This law completely blocks the Lincoln scheme. The Administration’s idea was, that if Southern ports were blockaded, the cotton would go by inland routes to Northern seaports for exportation. Great Britain and France will now have to go without cotton, or else raise the Lincoln blockade.” — ( See Doc. p. 292.) — Major-Gexeral Price (rebel) of Mis¬ souri, issued a proclamation “to prevent all misunderstanding of his opinions and inten¬ tions,” and expressed the desire “that the peo¬ ple of Missouri should exercise the right to choose their own position” in the contest. — {Doc. 233.) June 5. — A demand was served upon Messrs. Daniel J. Foley & Bros., Baltimore, by Mr. Bonifant, the United States Marshal, under instructions from Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War, calling for the immediate delivery into the possession of the Marshal of all the pow¬ der of the Hazard Powder Company, Connec¬ ticut, stored in the powder-house of the com¬ pany at Lower Canton. The amount of the powder on hand was about 3,500 kegs, or 60,- 000 pounds, valued at $16,030. The agents turned the powder over to the Marshal, who took an inventory of the same. A similar de¬ mand, from the same source, was made upon Messrs. A. L. Webb & Bro., Baltimore, agents for the Messrs. Dupont’s powder works, Dela¬ ware. The demand was complied with, and the powder on hand, a small amount, turned over into the possession of the United States, — Baltimore Sun , June 6. — Gexeral Beauregard issued a proclama¬ tion from Mannassas Junction, giving an ex¬ travagant picture of the deplorable consequen¬ ces to bo expected from an invasion of the Federal forces. — {Doc. 234.) — At Williamsport a Baltimorean, named Dewitt C. Reuch, swore he could whip the whole Union force, and that he had killed at least one man in the attack upon the Massachu¬ setts Regiment in Baltimore. His friends tried to get him away and put him on a horse, when he drew a revolver and fired two shots at indi¬ viduals and three into the crowd. Three shots were returned, all taking effect, killing him instantly. — Philadelphia Ledger , June 7. — Throughout all the counties of Virginia, within forty or fifty miles of Harper’s Ferry, a levy of militia is being now made by draft. All the men between eighteen and fifty years of age, not physically incapable of doing mili¬ tary duty, are enlisted, and three-tenths of the whole are to be mustered into the field. The names are placed in one box, and as many numbers — from one to ten (repeated) — are placed in another box. When a name is drawn forth a number is also drawn ; and if it bo either No. 1, 2, or 3, the person is “elected” a soldier into the disunion army. Otherwise he escapes immediate service. — Washington Star, June 6. — TnE Ninth Regiment N. Y. V., Colonel Hawkins, left New York for Fortress Monroe. —{Doc. 235.) — The Richmond (F«.) Whig of to-day an¬ nounces that after to-day no passports will be issued to persons leaving the State, and no one will be admitted to the State except for reasons of peculiar force ; also, that the Tennessee vol¬ unteers in Virginia are authorized to vote on the ordinance of the secession of Tennessee, although stationed in Virginia. — A Bank Con¬ vention, held at Atlanta, Ga., recommended that all the Southern banks, railroads, and tax collectors, receive the Treasury notes of the Confederacy as currency, and both States, cit¬ ies, and corporations having coupons payable at New York, to appoint the place of payment South. — JP. Y. Herald , June 10. — About eight o’clock this morning the steamer Harriet Lane, under the command of Capt. Faunce, United States Navy, proceeded up the James River, from Fortress Monroe, as far as the mouth of the Nasemond, for the purpose of reconnoitring and looking out for batteries. It was not long before she observed a large and heavy battery planted upon the point, which is nearly opposite Newport News Point, and about five miles distant. The steamer opened fire, which was briskly returned by the bat¬ teries, and for nearly a half hour the action continued. It was found that but one gun of the steamer could reach the battery, the guns of which being heavier easily reached the former, and several shot struck her. During the affair the most intense excitement prevailed, and 94 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [June 6. hundreds of soldiers ascended the ramparts and roof of the Eygeia Hotel, for the purpose of looting at the scene. The Lane returned in an hour after the action, and made an official re¬ port to Com. Pendergrast of the squadron. Lieut. Duncan, of the Harriet Lane, states that the fight was pretty hot. The steamer threw several shells into the battery with much accu¬ racy. The battery was well served, the dam¬ age to the cutter having been inflicted with a 34-pounder rifled cannon. It was at first thought that no battery existed at the place where the fight occurred, and the Harriet Lane was sent to ascertain if the report was true. She found out that one did exist, and that seven guns were mounted upon it, and hence the attempt made to dislodge them. — National Intelligencer , June 8. — A letter from Cassius M. Clay to the London Times , in relation to the civil war in America, is published in the United States. Mr. Clay says that the rebellion can be subdued, but that it is not the intention of the U. S. Government to subjugate the Southern States; that only rebels will be punished ; that it is the interest of England to support the Govern¬ ment ; and that it is unwise for England to venture to sow seeds of discord, for she is far from secure from home revolution or foreign attack in the future. In conclusion Mr. Clay claims that England is the natural ally of the United States. — {Doc. 23G.) — The people of Wheeling, Ya., were greatly astounded upon learning that Major A. Loring had been arrested by United States officers, ne was taken to the Baltimore and Ohio Rail¬ road depot, where he remained until 7 o’clock, when the train left for Grafton. Major Loring’s arrest was occasioned by certain papers found upon the person of W. J. Willey, who was cap¬ tured after the skirmish at Phillippa, and who is charged with leading the party who destroy¬ ed the bridges on the Baltimore and Ohio Rail¬ road, between Wheeling and Grafton. — {Doc. 237.) — The U. S. Marshal took possession of the gun factory of Messrs. Merrill & Thomas, in Baltimore, and seized all the breech-loading muskets in the establishment. Intimation was given that ample employment would soon bo given to the establishment in the manufacture of arms for the Government. — N. Y. Express , June 5. June 6. — Gov. Pickens of South Carolina is¬ sued a proclamation saying : — “ I have under¬ stood that many good people have been remit¬ ting funds to creditors in Northern States. In the existing relations of the country such con¬ duct is in conflict with public law, and all citi¬ zens are hereby warned against the conse¬ quences.” — N. Y. Tribune , June 14. — This evening the Town Guard of narrods- burg, Ivy., were attracted to the Spring Grounds by a noise in that direction. When they came near the old shooting gallery they heard voices responding to one who seemed to be officiating as an officer. Surrounding the building, they pushed open the door, and lo! an assembly of Knights of the Golden Circle in maslcs ! One of the Guard, on entering, knocked off the mask of one of the Knights; and a lawyer and se¬ cessionist stood forth. No examination of the arcana was made, a majority of the Guards being secessionists. Several Virginia gentlemen were in Harrodsburg that night. — Louisville Journal , June 14. — The Nineteenth N. Y. Regiment, Colonel Clark commander, left Elmira for W ashington, via Harrisburg. An immense concourse of peo¬ ple witnessed the departure. Great enthusi¬ asm prevailed. — N. Y. Herald , June 7. — A meeting was held at the Cooper Insti¬ tute, in New York, for the purpose of securing the co-operation of citizens in the endeavor to provide for the religious wants of volunteers. Wm. E. Dodge, Esq., presided, and addresses were made by Rev. Drs. Tyng and Hitchcock, after which the following resolutions were adopted : Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting the project of the Young Men’s Christian Asso¬ ciation, to provide for the religions wants of the Volunteers, is wror thy of public confidence and co-operation, and that wo commend the same to the support of the churches and the com¬ munity. Resolved , That Messrs. William E. Dodge, Wilson G. Hunt, Benj. F. Mauiere, Benj. W. Bonney, and Alexander W. Bradford, be ap¬ pointed a committee to receive donations in furtherance of the proposed object, to bo ex¬ pended under the supervision of the army com¬ mittee of the Young Men’s Christian Asso¬ ciation. — N. Y. Commercial , June 7. — A Secession camp at Ellicott’s Mills, in June 7.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 95 Kentucky, ten miles distant from Cairo, Ill., was dispersed by two companies sent thither by General Prentiss. Colonel Wickliffe protested against the act as an invasion of the soil of Kentucky ; to which Gen. Prentiss said, in re¬ ply, that the act had been prompted by a letter claiming protection for the Union men there. He declared his intention also to send troops any place needed for the protection of loyal citizens. — National Intelligencer , Jane 8. — Ix the Hew York Chamber of Commerce it was Resolved , That the Executive Committee of this Chamber, after consultation with and sub¬ ject to the approval of Col. Anderson, or his second in command, cause to be prepared a suitable medal for each of the soldiers and non-commissioned officers of the late garrison of Fort Sumter, and to have them presented at as early a day as possible, at the expense of this Chamber. By amendment the resolution was made to include the garrison of Fort Pickens under Lieutenant Slemmer, and the officers of both garrisons. — N. Y. Tribune , June 7. — TniRTY-FiVE of the prisoners captured at Alexandria, took the oath of allegiance with cheerful alacrity, and were discharged. — Wash¬ ington Star , June 7. June 7. — The Engineer Corps of the Sixty- ninth Regiment of Hew York, with Company B, of the Second Cavalry, took five prisoners and a drove of cattle, fifty in number, which were on their way to the secession forces. — N. Y. World , June 10. — Ax express messenger arrived at Hew Or¬ leans from Mr. Adolphe Ducros’s plantation, at the mouth of Bayou Bienvenu, which empties into Lake Borgne, with information to Maj.- Gen. Twiggs, that two fishermen had reported the arrival of two small war steamers in Lake Borgne, one carrying three guns, and the other a long pivot gun forward. The fishermen stated that the steamers lay off in the lake, and that night before last they sent two boats tow¬ ards the mouth of the bayou, as was supposed, for taking soundings. Gen. Twiggs ordered Major Taylor, in command of the barracks, to proceed immediately to Martello Tower, at the mouth of Bayou Bienvenu, with a company of infantry, to garrison the tower, which contains several heavy mounted guns, for the protection of this avenue to the city. This point is but ten miles from Hew Orleans in a direct line, and a little over fifteen by the Mexican Gulf Railroad. It is celebrated for being the point at which the British landed their troops in the war of 1813-14. — New Orleans Picayune , June 8. — The Tenth Regiment, of Hew York, ar¬ rived at Fortress Monroe. — N. Y. Times, JuneS. — The tents at Camp McClure, Cliambers- burg, Pa., were struck at six o’clock a. m., and the line of march taken up soon afterwards for Brown’s Mill, near Green Castle, and eight miles distant from Camp McClure. The force in motion was Brig.-Gen. Thomas’ command, was headed by him, and included the U. S. Cavalry, (recently from Texas,) 4 companies, the Philadelphia City Troop, and the 2 com¬ panies of artillerists, commanded by Captains Doubleday and Seymour, McMullin’s Independ¬ ent Rangers, the Twenty-third Regiment, Col. Dare, the Twenty-first Regiment, Col. Ballier, and the Sixth Regiment, Col. Hagle. The lino was nearly 2 miles in length. The men all had their knapsacks closely slung to prevent jolting, and had evidently prepared themselves, so far as their knowledge taught them, for a long march. — Idem. — TnE Indiana Regiment of Zouaves, Col. Wallace, fully armed and equipped, passed through Cincinnati, Ohio, en route for Cum¬ berland, Md. They made a splendid appearance, and were enthusiastically received. — Ohio State Journal , June 8. — Colonel Corcoran, of the Sixty-ninth H. Y. Regiment, with a detachment of one hun¬ dred men, proceeded to Ball’s Corner, 5 miles beyond the lines in Virginia, where he arrested a party of five secessionists, one wearing the uniform of a secession sergeant; one, named Richard Meitch, an employe at the capital as watchman, and one named Ball, a rich farmer, on whom was found a muster roll of a rebel company, and in whose houso were found arms, bedding, and cooking utensils for a company of at least fifty men. Hine hundred dollars in gold were also found, but returned by the mis¬ taken generosity of the sergeant, to Ball’s wife, without the Colonel’s knowledge until after their return to the camp — N Y. Times , June 8. — TnE Hew York nineteenth Regiment, from Elmira, commanded by Col. Clark, and the 96 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [June 8. Third Maine Regiment Volunteers, Ool. How¬ ard, arrived at Washington. — {Doc. 238.) — A chew of 402 seamen, ordinary seamen, and landsmen, left the receiving-ship North Carolina at Brooklyn, for Portsmouth, N. H., where they will constitute a ship’s company for the United States frigate Santee, which, after lying in various positions at the Navy Yard for half a century, has been put in commission for block¬ ade service. The Advance Brigade of Federal troops, under Col. Thomas, reached Greencastle, thirteen miles south of Chambersburg, Pa. — V. Y. World , and N. Y. Times , June 8. June 8. — The bridges at Point of Rocks and Berlin, on the Potomac River, were burned by order of Johnston, the rebel general. Neither of them were railroad bridges. — A”. Y. Herald , June 10. — TnE sanitary commission was authorized by the Secretary of War, and approved by the President. Its aim is to help, by cautious sug¬ gestion, in the laborious and extraordinary ex¬ igencies of military affairs, when the health of the soldiers is a matter of the most critical importance. The commission consists of the Rev. Dr. Bellows, Prof. A. D. Bache, LL. D., Prof. Wolcott Gibbs, M. D., Prof. Jeffries Wy¬ man, M. D., W. II. Van Buren, M. D., Dr. S. G. Howe, Dr. Wood, U. S. A., Col. Cullum, U. S. A., and Major Shiras, U. S. A. — JY. Y. Com¬ mercial, , June 10. — Some disunion troops from Leesburg, Va., burnt four bridges on the Alexandria, Loudon, and Hampshire Railroad, at Tuscarora, Lyco- line, Goose Creek, and Beaver Dams, being the balance of the bridges from Leesburg to Broad Run. — JY. Y. World , June 15. — The ceremony of the presentation of a Confederate flag, from the ladies of Baltimore to the members of the Maryland Guard, now in Virginia, took place in the Capitol grounds, at Richmond, Va. Mrs. Augustus McLaughlin, the wife of one of the officers of the late United States Navy, who brought the flag from Balti¬ more, concealed as only a lady knows how, was present, and received the compliments of a large number of ladies and gentlemen who sur¬ rounded her upon the steps of the monument, from which the address was made. The pre¬ sentation speech was made by the Hon. J. M. Mason. Accompanying the flag is the inscrip¬ tion : “ The ladies of Baltimore present this flag of the Confederate States of America to the soldiers composing the Maryland Regiment, now serving in Virginia, as a slight testimonial of the esteem in which their valor, their love of right, and determination to uphold true con¬ stitutional liberty, are approved, applauded, and appreciated by the wives and daughters of the monumental city.” — {Doc. 239.) — Richmond Dispatch , June 10. — Gov. niCKS, of Maryland, issued a procla¬ mation calling upon all persons having arms belonging to that State, to surrender them. — {Doc. 240.) — Tms morning a detachment of Federal troops from Annapolis, on one of the steamers of the Ericsson line, made their appearance in Miles River, and landed at the ferry, the nearest point to Easton, Md. On landing they pro¬ ceeded to arrest Messrs. Thomas and William Holliday, whom they compelled to inform them where the armory for the safe-keeping of the guns was located. They also arrested Charles G. Kerr, Esq., late of the Exchange newspaper, and a Mr. Roberts, and several others. The military then proceeded on their search for arms, and succeeded in finding a number of muskets, and several iron field-pieces, all of which they put on the steamer and removed to Annapolis. Two of the old iron field-pieces were some time since removed from Cambridge, where they were planted for the defence of that place in the war of 1814. Before going to Miles River Ferry they stopped at the farm of Capt. Ogle Tilghman, a few miles below, but did not find the proprietor at home. They re¬ ported to Mrs. T. that they were from Rich¬ mond, and had come for the purpose of offering arms to the inhabitants, at the same time asking if there were any in the house. There were none but the private arms of Capt. T., which they did not disturb. While the detachment was drawn up on the boat, one of the soldiers placed the muzzle of his musket under his chin for a rest for his head, when the weapon acci¬ dentally discharged. The ball passed out through the top of his head, killing him in¬ stantly, and then passed through the hurricane deck in close proximity to two soldiers who were there. The detachment consisted of 250 men of tho N. Y. 13th Regiment, under Col. Abel Smith. — Baltimore Sun , June 11. — General T. A. Morris, commanding tho United States troops at Phillippi, issued a proc- June 9.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 97 lamation announcing that Western Virginia is now free from the enemies to her peace, the United States forces having routed the seces¬ sionists at Philippi, causing them to flee for refuge to the passes of the mountains ; and he therefore calls upon all loyal Virginians to come to the support of the United States Gov¬ ernment, and serve in defence of their own soil. —{Doc. 241.) — The New Orleans Catholic Standard says : <:Let no Southern child be educated outside the limits of the Confederate States. We have excellent schools and colleges at Eichmond and Norfolk in Virginia; at Charleston and Colum¬ bia in South Carolina ; at Savannah and Au¬ gusta in Georgia ; at St. Augustine in Florida ; at Mobile in Alabama ; at Bay St. Louis, Pass Christian, Sulphur Springs, Vicksburg, and Natchez in Mississippi ; at Fort Smith, Helena, and Little Eock in Ai-kansas; at Marksville, and Memphis in Tennessee ; at Galveston, New Braunfels, San Antonio, Brownsville, and Lib¬ erty in Texas ; and at St. Michael’s Grand Co- teau, Vermillion ville, Thibodeaux, Donaldson- ville, Natchitoches, Avoyelles, Alexandria, Shreveport, Iberville, Algiers, and New Orleans in Louisiana. The social bonds between us and the Catholics at the North have been severed by them. We acknowledge them no longer as our countrymen. They and their institutions have no claims upon us.” — The Burlington (Vt.) Times , of this date, contains an extended narrative of the move¬ ments of the First Vermont Eegiment at For¬ tress Monroe and its vicinity. — {Doc. 242.) — Addresses to the People of the United States and to the people of Kentucky, signed by J. J. Crittenden, Jas. Guthrie and others, members of the Border State Convention, lately in session at Frankfort, Ivy., were pub¬ lished. Only the States of Kentucky and Mis¬ souri were represented ; one gentleman was ir¬ regularly present from Tennessee. To the people of the United States the Convention says that, “ in its opinion, the obligation exists to maintain the Constitution of the United States and to preserve the Union unimpaired;” and suggests that something “ought to be done” to quiet “ apprehension within the slave States that already adhere to the Union.” To the people of Kentucky they say that the proper course for that State “ to pursue, is to take no part in the controversy between the Diary — 17 Government and the seceded States but that of mediator and intercessor,” and ask if this “is not an attitude worthy of a great people.” —{Doc. 243.) Jane 9. — A detachment of the Ehode Island Eegiment finished building a floating bridge on the Potomac, near Georgetown, by which thousands of men could be transported across in a few hours. Capt. Medlar, Provost-marshal of Alexandria, seized army supplies consisting of uniforms and cavalry swords, to the value of fifteen hundred dollars. — V. Y. World , June 10. — Two prisoners were captured yesterday by four privates of Company B, Michigan Eegi¬ ment, one mile this side of Berks Station, and thirteen miles from Alexandria, Va., on the Orange and Alexandria Eailroad. One of the prisoners is a corporal in a cavalry company, and the other a private in the Governor’s Guards of Eichmond, which is also a cavalry company. The Michigan men while scouting approached near Berks Station, when they saw a number of stacks of muskets. They put back and were pursued by the two cavalry, but sought refuge in ambush, and succeeded in cap¬ turing their prisoners and brought them to Alexandria, where they are treated with exceed¬ ing kindness. They appear to be quite contented, and one of them, who is a physician, is writing a statement of his experience. The names of the prisoners are Dr. Thomas M. Flemming and Samuel Green. Seven thousand yards of cassinet and other military goods were seized at the Adams Ex¬ press office to-day, consigned to Point of Eocks, via Alexandria and Loudon Eailroad, valued at about $10,000. Expedition , the first number of the soldiers’ newspaper, printed by the Pennsylvania Fifth Eegiment, appeared this evening. It is printed in fine style . on the old Alexandria Sentinel press, and is full of interesting information re¬ garding the condition of the soldiers, &c. It is edited by Lieutenant Ely, of Lebanon county. Several columns are devoted to German litera¬ ture. — V. Y. Courier & Enquirer , June 10. — In the last number of the Danville (Ky.) Review , Eev. Dr. Breckinridge discusses the southern rebellion in temperate but forcible language. He traces the origin and progress of the insurrection, and demonstrates not only that the rebel leaders are bent upon the accom- 98 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [June 10. plishment of selfish ends, but that the latent loyalty of the masses of the southern people needs but the protection of the Federal Gov¬ ernment to be able to assert itself, to the utter discomfiture of Jeff. Davis and his fellows. Dr. Breckinridge is the uncle of the late Vice- President of the United States. — V. Y. Evening Post , June 22. — All day the Naval Brigade, under the di¬ rection of a company of United States marines, were engaged off Fortress Monroe, Va., practis¬ ing the management of eight or ten scows, each carrying twenty-four oars, and capable of trans¬ porting 130 men each, besides the rowers. When this marine drill was concluded every oar was carefully muffled, and the scows, man¬ ned each by a coxswain and twenty-six rowers from the Naval Brigade, glided out from the fort, and rowed in the harbor to the mouth of Hampton River, and up the stream. At about midnight they were moored on the hither shore in Hampton, and just below the remains of the bridge destroyed in the rebel retreat two weeks previously. The stream at that point is from sixty to one hundred yards in width. In the afternoon orders were given for a concerted movement of forces from Newport News, and from the camps at Fortress Monroe, against a position that the rebels had taken up at or near Great Bethel, in York county, a place about 12 miles northwest of Fortress Monroe. In accord¬ ance with the terms of the order three com¬ panies of Duryea’s regiment, under Capt. Kil¬ patrick, went forward from Hampton on the Bethel road at 10 p. m., and soon after the remainder of Duryea’s regiment, and the New York Third, Col. Townsend, followed, and were ferried over Hampton Creek by the boats of the Naval Brigade previously taken round from Fortress Monroe. Meantime, 5 companies, each from the Vermont First Regiment, and the Massachusetts Fourth, under Lieut.-Col. Wash- burne; six companies of the N. Y. Seventh, Col. Bendix, and a squad of regulars with 2 howitzers, under Lieut. Greble, moved forward from the position at Newport News, to form a junction on the road with the men from For¬ tress Monroe. June 10. — At 1 a. m. the 3 companies of the New York Fifth, under Capt. Kilpatrick, reached New Market Bridge, and there waited for the main body of the Fifth, which came up at 3 a. m., when the whole regiment started forwTard for Little Bethel, where they arrived about daylight, and encountered a picket guard of the enemy, which was taken. Shortly after Duryea’s regiment passed onward toward Little Bethel, the force from Newport News came up the road from that place, and took the road from Hampton to Bethel, not far behind the Fifth ; but they left at the junction of the roads, under Col. Bendix, a rear guard of one hun¬ dred and seventy men and one field-piece, with the order to hold this position at all hazards. This order anticipated the possibility that a rebel force might get in the rear of the Federal troops and cut off the retreat. Almost imme¬ diately after, the Third N. Y. Regiment came up the Hampton road. It was still dark, and their colors could not be seen. Their approach also Tvas over a ridge, and as General Pierce and staff, and Colonel Townsend and staff, in a body, rode in advance of their troops, and without any advance guard thrown out, as customary, to reconnoitre, they appeared from Col. Bendix’s position to be a troop of cavalry. It was known that the Federal force had no cav¬ alry, and the fire of this rear guard was poured in¬ to the advancing body, at the distance of a quar¬ ter of a mile. But the road in which the Third was marching was a little below the level of the land along the edge, and was bordered on either side by fences which served as a partial cover, and hence the fire was comparatively harmless. Ten men were wounded by it, and one killed. The Third fell back and formed upon a hill near the road, and Gen. Pierce sent a hur¬ ried message to Fortress Monroe for support, in accordance with which the N. Y. First and Second, Cols. Allen and Carr, were sent for¬ ward. Col. Duryea, admonished by the fire in his rear that something was wrong, also brought his regiment back. Daylight soon divulged the true state of the case, and the force was organ¬ ized, and Brig.-Gen. Pierce of Mass, assumed the command. Gen. Pierce determined to push on in ad¬ vance, and the force moved in the following order: — Col. Duryea with the N. Y. Fifth; Lieut.-Col. Washburne, with the companies from Newport News, and Greble’s battery; Col. Townsend, with the N. Y. Third; Col. Allen, with the N. Y. First; and Col. Carr, with the N. Y. Second. When the fire of Col. Bendix’s command was delivered, that force was stationed very near to the outlying camp of the enemy, who at once took the June 10.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 99 alarm, and got away. Thus the rebels at Great Bethel were informed of the advance of a su¬ perior force, and sent back to their head-quar¬ ters at Yorktown for re-inforcements. "When the column reached Little Bethel it was fired upon from a house which was consequently burned, and communicated its flames to several others. The Federal forces had finally reached a place in the outskirts of Great Bethel, where the road along which they moved is crossed by a marshy stream called Back River. Until re¬ cently this stream was spanned by a bridge known as the County Bridge; this had been destroyed by the x’ebels, and almost before its destruction was noticed, a heavy fire was opened upon the Federal troops from two masked batteries mounting rifled cannon upon the further bank of the stream. Fortunately this first fire was not very accurate, and the missiles carried nearly a mile beyond the posi¬ tion the troops occupied. Then came a dis¬ charge of musketry. Thus surpi’ised, the Fed¬ eral troops were thrown into some disorder; but were soon rallied, and formed with the artillery in the centre, (upon the road,) and the infantry upon the right, and left partially cov¬ ered in woods. In this position the enemy’s fire was returned at a distance of one hundred yards. Under cover of this fire an attempt was made to carry the enemy’s works by a charge, and Capts. Winslow, Bartlett, and Killpatrick of the Fifth, charged with their commands in front; Captain Denike, and Lieut. Durvea, (son of Col. Duryea,) and about two hundred of the Troy Rifles upon the right, Col. Townsend with his men to the left. The enemy were forced out of the first battery, all the forces were rap¬ idly advancing, and every thing promised a speedy victory, when 250 of the Vermont men, with Lieut. -Col. Washburne, on the extreme left were mistaken for the enemy by Col. Townsend, who thereupon ordered his men to fall back. The Zouaves in front thus left unsupported also fell back, and the advantage so bravely gained was thus forfeited; upon consultation it was deemed impossible to flank the rebel position, and as after half an hour’s experiment the fire of the light howitzers and musketry was found utterly ineffective against the enemy, who was well supplied with rifled cannon, the order to retreat was given, and the force was brought off in good order. Casualties in the Federal army were (as far as known) — killed, 13 ; wounded, 30. Several were missing. Of the wounded, 10, and of the dead, 1, were the loss by the error on the road when Col. Bendix fired into the N. Y. Third. Among the killed were Lieut. Greble, of the regular service, in command of the artillery, and Major Theodore Wintlirop, aid to Gen. Butler. Of the Confederate loss, little is known. It is stated by the Charleston Mer¬ cury at IT killed. The enemy is thought to have had at least 10 guns in battery, and is known to have had 2,200 men. The retreat of the Federal forces was necessarily very slow and tedious, many almost falling back and with diffi¬ culty made to keep their places. All expected that the rebels had flanked around into Hampton, and would fight them at the ferry. The rear of the entire force was covered by the howitzers, which charged upon the pursuing cavalry until they fell back toward the batteries. The news of the retreat arrived at Hampton long before the troops, and the ferry transports were all moored along the shore by the order of Gen. Butler, who was on the Monroe-ward side of the stream. "When at last the poor soldiers came in and saw their way safe, a shout of joy sprang from the ranks and many of them sang most heartily. The wounded and dead, with a few exceptions, had been gathered up, and were carried by the weary retreating force and in the baggage wagons. — (Doc. 244.) — Tins evening the propeller Resolute, Capt. Budd, arrived at the Navy Yard, at Washing¬ ton, together with the propeller Young Amer¬ ica seized by the Cumberland at Old Point, and now in the service of the Government. Last Saturday night Capt. Budd, with a boat’s crew of five men, went into Briton’s Bay, and seizing the schooner Somerset at Leonardtown, towed her out into the Potomac, where they fired her, the schooner burning to the water’s edge. On Monday morning master’s-mate Fuller, with a boat’s crew of four, went on board the schooner William Sampson, lying at the shore, about five miles above Acquia Creek, and burnt her also, completely destroying her. The own¬ er and his plantation hands stood on shore at the time, but thought it prudent to say nothing. Neither of the vessels were loaded, and were in a very bad condition through want of repairs, and as it was well-known that they had been carrying provisions, &c., over to the Virginians, their fate was very soon decided. — National Intelligencer , June 13. 100 REBELLION" RECORD, 1860-61. [Junk 11. — Major-General Banks was detailed to the command of the Department of Annapolis, and established his head-quarters at Baltimore, Md. — A". Y. Ilerald , June 10. — Three battalions of the District of Co¬ lumbia Volunteers passed through Georgetown, D. C., and at about the same time the Second Connecticut, First New Hampshire, and New York Ninth Regiments broke camp and pro¬ ceeded by the Rock Creek Road. The two forces were to unite at Tenlytown, three miles above Georgetown. Their destination is supposed to be Edward’s Ferry, on the Poto¬ mac. The latter point is about thirty miles from Georgetown, and an equal distance from Harper’s Ferry and 'Washington. In the morn¬ ing Capt. Owens proceeded with the District troops, and about forty of the Second Texas cavalry went in the same direction. In addi¬ tion to camp equipage and intrenching tools, they were provisioned for twelve days. Large trains of wagons crossed into Virginia at the Government Ferry at Georgetown throughout the day, indicating, it is supposed, that one or more regiments on that side have received or¬ ders to march. One of the Ohio regiments, it is expected, will soon take up its line of march to follow Col. Stone’s column. — Hon. John Cochran of New York was authorized by the Secretary of War to have mustered for imme¬ diate service, under a United States Commis¬ sion, for three years, a regiment of infantry, to be commanded by himself as Colonel. — Wash¬ ington Star , June 10. — TnE Fourth Connecticut Regiment over 1,000 strong, completely armed and equipped, left Hartford, Conn., for Jersey City on board steamers City of Hartford and Granite State. Four military companies turned out to escort them, and at least 10,000 persons witnessed their departure, which took place amid the greatest enthusiasm and firing of cannon. — {Doc. 245.) June 11. — Lieut. Slemmer, late in command of Fort Pickens, had a handsome reception at Independence Hall, Philadelphia. A military procession, consisting of Col. Small’s Regiment of ten companies, preceded by a drum corps and a brass band, playing Hail Columbia, es¬ corted the Lieutenant and his aged father-in-law from the Continental Hotel to the Hall, where Mayor Henry addressed him in behalf of the Councils and people of the city in happy terms, saying, among other things : “ It is for that firm maintenance of the Constitution and its laws that your fellow-citizens have assembled this day to greet you with their applause and admiration. It is in support of that Constitu¬ tion that Philadelphia has sent her sons by thousands to the tented field, and will, if the necessity arises, pour forth hosts of brave and willing men to battle in this great cause. Per¬ mit me to express the sincere wishes of your fellow-citizens for the restoration of that health which has been materially impaired by your arduous services, and with it to convey the as¬ surance that they will regard with interest each new laurel that will adorn your future ca¬ reer.” To this Lieut. Slemmer replied: “Mr. Mayor and Councils of Philadelphia, I thank you very heartily for your expression of esteem and approval. When I stood almost alone, with a handful of men on Santa Rosa Island, it was the thought of just such sympathy as you have here expressed which made the perform¬ ance of that duty a more welcome task. Ene¬ mies were around us, but we felt that we were not alone; for we knew that the whole North in heart, soul, and prayers was with us. Gen¬ tlemen, I would like to have seen the end of that little piece of work before coming among you ; but having waited patiently for four long months, my men, who so nobly stood around me in darkness and peril, having become dis¬ eased through confinement and want of proper food, I concluded that the best thing for them and the country would be to bring them North where they might recruit their strength so as to enter again those stirring scenes where soon every soldier will be needed.” — National In¬ telligencer , June 15. — In the Maryland Legislature in session at Frederick, Mr. McKaig presented a report from the Commissioners appointed by the Legis¬ lature to visit Montgomery. Accompanying this was a paper from Jefferson Davis express¬ ing his gratification to hear that the State of Maryland was enlisted on the side of peace and reconciliation, and avoicing his perfect 'willing¬ ness for a cessation of hostilities , and a readi¬ ness to receive any proposition for peace from the United States Government. — {Doc. 24G.) — Colonel Wallace, with his Indiana regi¬ ment, proceeded from Cumberland, Md., about forty miles into Virginia, to a place called Mtwwi,., MAJ. GEK GEO B. Mc CLEL1AN. TJ. S. A. JCNE 12.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 101 Romney, •where he surprised a body of about five hundred armed rebels. They showed fight, and a brisk little battle followed, result¬ ing in the rout of the rebels. Colonel Wallace pursued them, killing two, and wounding one of them sure, as that number was left on the field. Some of the killed and wounded among the rebels were conveyed away in the flight. Only one of Colonel Wallace’s men was wounded, none killed. The Indiana hoys seized a considerable amount of arms, ammunition, some horses, and provisions. Colonel Wallace then returned with his force to Cumberland, instead of holding Romney, which is on the route towards Harper’s Ferry, and about fifty miles from the latter place. — Baltimore Ameri¬ can, June 14. June 12. — The Second Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Col. Siegel, went up the Pacific Railroad from St. Louis, and occupied the line as far as the Gasconade River in order to pre¬ vent further damage by the rebels. They met with no opposition from the traitors in that section. — N. Y. Herald , June 20. — The steamer City of Alton, with two companies of Col. Oglesby’s Regiment and a squad of artillery-men, with two field-pieces, made an excursion from Cairo, Ill., down the Mississippi, five miles below Columbus, Ken¬ tucky, to-day. On returning, when near Co¬ lumbus, some machinery of the boat broke, and the boat drifted ashore. While the ma¬ chinery was repairing, the captain of the boat, with three of his crew, went ashore and cut down a secession flag which was flying on the shore, and brought it to Cairo. No attempt was made to prevent their taking the flag. Passengers, who have arrived from Columbus since the City of Alton left, say, that great ex¬ citement prevailed among the citizens, and that locomotives and cars were immediately de¬ spatched to Union city to convey rebel troops to Columbus. No rebel troops were seen by the excursionists between Cairo and Columbus. — Louisville Courier , June 15. — Governor Jackson of Missouri issued a proclamation rehearsing the so-called griev¬ ances inflicted by the Federal Government, which, he said, were designed to reduce Missouri to the same condition as Maryland. He accused the Federal authorities of fostering the inaugura¬ tion of revolution and civil war for the over¬ throw of the State Government, and called 50,000 State militia into active service for the protection of the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens. — (Doc. 247) — A man was discovered in an attempt to poison some of the soldiers of the Second Michigan Regiment at Washington by offering them water to drink, in which strvchnine was deposited. He was immediately arrested. — Ar. Y. World , June 13. — TnE state-room of William Trappman, a passenger on hoard the steamer America, which left Boston for Liverpool to-day, was visited and searched on the suspicion that he was a bearer of despatches from the Confederate Gov¬ ernment. He produced papers showing that he was Prussian Consul at Charleston, and also a bearer of despatches from Lord Lyons to the British Government. Nothing of an objec¬ tionable character was found in his possession, and he was released. Subsequently a despatch was received from the War Department au¬ thorizing his arrest on the charge of treason, but the steamer had in the meantime sailed. — Boston Post , June 13. — The Western Virginia Convention met yes¬ terday at Wheeling, and after effecting a tem¬ porary organization adjourned till ten o’clock this morning. About forty counties were represented on the basis of their represen¬ tation in the Legislature. Arthur J. Bore- man, of Wood county, was chosen permanent chairman, and delivered a patriotic address on taking his seat. He reviewed the ordinance of secession passed by the Richmond convention, and exhorted the delegates to firm, decided, and thorough action. The delegates were then sworn in. The programme of the convention seems to he the formation of a provisional gov¬ ernment for the whole State ; the deposition of the present State authorities, and the entire reorganization of the municipal Government. Mr. Carlile offered a resolution, which was unanimously adopted, thanking Gen. McClelland for sending troops to Western Virginia ; com¬ mending the gallant troops at Philippa, and complimenting the bravery of Col. Kelly of the First Virginia Regiment. — N. Y. Commercial Advertiser , June 12. — The Louisville Journal of to-day contains the following : “ A facetious account has been given of Gov. Rector’s response to President Lincoln’s demand for troops, (‘ Nary one — see you d — d first.’) We find the genuine despatch 102 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61, [June 13. embodied in his message to the Legislature, as follows: “ Execttitk Office, ? Little Rock, Ap.k., April 22, 1861. $ '•''lion. Simon Cameron , Secretary of War, Washington City , I). C. : “In answer to your requisition for troops from Arkansas, to subjugate the Southern States, I have to say that none will be furnished. The demand is only adding insult to injury. “ The people of this Commonwealth are free¬ men, not slaves, and will defend to the last ex¬ tremity their honor, lives, and property against northern mendacity and usurpation. “Henry M. Rector, Governor of Arkansas.” June 13. — By proclamation of Jefferson Davis, this day was observed as a fast-day throughout the States in rebellion against the U. S. Government. — AT. Y. Times , June 2. — TnE United Turner Rifles, Twentieth Regi¬ ment N. Y. S. V., Colonel Max Weber, left New York for Fortress Monroe and the army of Southeastern Virginia. In their march through the city they were drawn up in front of the City Hall, where a flag was presented to them by Samuel B. Ruggles, in behalf of Mrs. Charles E. Strong and other ladies of New York. — {Doc. 248.) — Brigadier-General Schenck has been as¬ signed to the Second Michigan Regiment now in Washington. He is thus attached to the Military Department of Washington, the chief of which is General Mansfield. — Conflicting statements having been made, it is proper to say — while Major-General Banks superseded General Cadwalader in command of the De¬ partment at Annapolis, the latter has been as¬ signed to command a new division to cooperate with General Patterson in the progressing ac¬ tions against Harper’s Ferry. — Rochester Union , June 14. — Tiie steamer Iatan, with the Second Bat¬ talion of the First Regiment of Missouri vol¬ unteers, under command of Lieutenant Colonel Andrews, one section of Totten’s light artillery and two companies of regulars, under Captain Lathrop, and the steamer J. C. Swon, with the First Battalion of the First Regiment, under Colonel Blair, and another section of Totten’s battery, and a detachment of pioneers, and General Lyon and staff, numbering 1,500 men all told, left St Louis for some point up the Missouri River, supposed to be Jefferson city. They had horses, wagons, and all necessary camp equipage, ammunition, and provisions for a long march. — Louisville Journal , June 14. — The troops which started from Washing¬ ton on Monday, left the vicinity of Tenlytown the next day, and are now beyond Rockville ; the National Rifles, under Major Smead, the Slemmer Guards, Capt. Knight, and the Cam¬ eron Guards, accompanied by Capt. Magruder’s battery of U. S. Artillery, with three field- pieces, being in advance. The troops have taken the river route, and will be followed im¬ mediately by the First Penns}-lvania and New York Ninth Regiments, which were at Rock¬ ville on Tuesday. What is called the river route is the road which diverges from the Frederick Road outside of Rockville, and passes through Poolesville direct to Edwards’ Ferry and on to Leesburg, Va. For several weeks past the Edwards’ Ferry route has been a gen¬ eral thoroughfare for secessionists from Mary¬ land, and also for •military stores, provisions, etc. The Fifth Battalion D. C. Volunteers took boats at the Chain Bridge yesterday morning at eight o’clock, and proceeded to¬ wards Edwards’ Ferry. This battalion is com¬ manded by Lieut.-Col. Everett. — Washington Star, June 12. — The Third Michigan Regiment, numbering 1,040 men, left Grand Rapids this morning for the seat of war. They are a fine body of men fully armed, equipped, and ready for service. — AT. Y. Commercial Advertiser, June 13. — Tiie Sixth Regiment N. Y. S. V., Colonel William Wilson’s Zouaves, left New York for Fort Pickens. Previous to its departure the regiment was presented with a set of colors by the ladies of the Relief Committee. — {Doc. 249.) — A portion of Montgomery’s men, under Capt. Jamison, armed with Sharp’s rifles and revolvers, reached Wyandotte, Kansas, from Lawrence under orders from Col. Mitchell. Montgomery, with several hundred mounted men, will at once take possession of the Kan¬ sas side of the Missouri line, so as to be ready to meet Gov. Jackson’s forces whenever they make a movement from Independence towards Kansas City. The militia and volunteer com¬ panies are ready to march to the order, as soon as the orders are sent. — St. Louis Democrat , June 18. JCNE 14.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 103 — The largest meeting ever known in Dover, Delaware, was held there to-day. Chancellor Harrington presided. The following, among other resolutions, was adopted unanimously : Resolved , That, considering the sentiments embodied in the foregoing resolution, incom¬ patible with the views of James A. Bayard, now Senator, as expressed in his last speech in the Senate, and his recent addresses to the peo¬ ple of Delaware, we most respectfully request him to resign. Not less than three thousand persons were at the meeting, and great enthusiasm prevailed. A resolution was also passed requesting the Governor to call the Legislature together. — Rochester Union , June 14. — An attack was made by the rebels on the outpost of the Pennsylvania Fifth regiment at Alexandria, in which a private of company G was wounded in the arm. His arm was am¬ putated. — W. Y. Gommer. Advertiser , Jane 14. — Gen. Beauregard ordered the Fairfax Court-House Company, Capt. Ball, recently prisoners in Washington, to leave the State of Virginia, because they took the oath of alle¬ giance to the United States. Those of them who may be induced to violate it, will, of course, bo excepted from the operation of this order. — N. Y. World , June 15. June 14. — A signal balloon was seen at a con¬ siderable elevation over beyond the chain bridge, on the Leesburgh Road, at night, sup¬ posed to have been sent up by the rebels, for the purpose of communicating intelligence to secessionists in or near Washington. — Wash¬ ington Star , June 15. — A little fight occurred near Seneca’s Mill, on the Maryland side of the Potomac, 28 miles above Washington. Lieut.-Ool. Everett, in command of three companies of District Vol¬ unteers, 200 men, (a detachment of Col. Stone’s column,) started in canal boats from George¬ town, D. C., and were obliged to leave after a few miles up, the rebels having cut the dam. At Seneca the detachment was fired upon by 100 cavalry, on the Virginia side of the river. Col. Everett marched his men into the dry bed of the canal, and, sheltered by tho opposite bank, returned the cavalry fire. Shots were exchang¬ ed for some time across the Potomac, a distance of seven-eighths of a mile. None of Col. E.’s men were injured. Two Virginia troopers I were shot, one thought to be killed, as well as the commander, supposed to be Capt. Shreves. Upon the fall of their leader, the cavalry re¬ treated. During tho fight bullets were flattened on stones near our men, who lay down in per¬ fect shelter. — AT. Y. Express , June 17. — Jonx A. Dix, Major-General of the New York State forces, was appointed Major-General in the army of the United States. — N. Y. Tri¬ bune, June 14. — At Rochester, N. Y., a flag was raised upon tho court-house. Tho ceremonies were com¬ menced with a prayer by the Rev. Dr. Dewey, followed by the hoisting of the flag, during the playing of the “ Star-Spangled Banner.” Speeches were then made by Judge John C. Chumasero, Roswell Hart, and II. B. Ensworth. — Rochester Express , June 14. — On tho representation of certain Irish¬ women of Alexandria, that their husbands, who had never been naturalized, and were therefore British subjects, had been impressed into tho rebel service, Lord Lyons instructed the British consul at that point to make an investigation, and, if satisfied of the truth of the statements, to demand their release of the commanding general. — JY. Y. World , June 15. — Harper’s Ferry, Md., was finally evacu¬ ated by the Confederate forces. This step had so often been predicted, and denied with such confident assertions of the impregnable fortifi¬ cations erected there and of the determination of the Confederate leaders to make it the chosen point for a desperate stand, that the first reports were received with doubts and incredulity. Confirmatory statements, however, of the with¬ drawal of pickets from all points above and be¬ low the Ferry, of the burning of tho railroad bridge, and the destruction of provisions they were unable to carry off, finally not only con¬ firmed the evacuation, but gave to it somewhat of the aspect of a hurried retreat. The troops left in two columns — one column going toward Winchester with the intention of joining the force at Manassas Junction ; the other retreat¬ ing through Loudon county toward Leesburg. Before leaving Harper’s Ferry the Confederates destroyed all the public property in the vicinity. The fine bridge, including the Winchester span, over ono thousand feet in length, was burnt. An attempt was made to blow up the piers. The Government Armory buildings were burnt. 104 REBELLION RECORD, 1800-61. [Juke 15. The machinery had previously been removed to Richmond. The railroad bridge at Martins- burg and the turnpike bridge over the Potomac at Shepherdstown were also destroyed. — Balti¬ more American , June 15 — {Doc. 264.) — Gov. Jacksox, of Missouri, having learned that Gen. Lyon was on the way to attack him at Jefferson city, evacuated that place. Soon after sunrise but few of the rebels were to be found in the town. Orders were given by Governor Jackson for the destruction of the Moreau Bridge, four miles down the Mis¬ souri, and Gen. Sterling Price attended to the demolition of the telegraph. All the cars and locomotives that could be used were taken by the rebels in their flight, and as fast as they crossed streams they secured themselves from pursuit by burning the bridges. They were quite cautious in concealing their place of des¬ tination from the loyal men of Jefferson, but certain remarks made it pretty certain that they were bound for Booneville, forty miles above, and one of the strongest secession towns in the State. — N. Y. Herald , June 20. June 15. — Privateer No. 1 — of the Confed¬ erate States — (the Savannah) captured May 3d, by U. S. brig Perry, arrived in the port of New York. — {Doc. 251.) — The obstructions of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad at Point of Rocks, Md., were re¬ moved, and the road was re-opened to Harper’s Ferry for the first time this morning sinco the occupation and obstruction of the road by the secessionists. The immense boulder, weighing about one hundred tons, thrown from the Point of Rocks upon the road by the Confederate troops, was removed last night by blasting, and the track now passes over its crushed frag¬ ments, which served to fill up the depression in the bed of the road, caused by its fall. An im¬ mense mass of the rock projects into the canal, leaving sufficient space, however, for the pas¬ sage of the canal boats. The culverts which were attempted to have been blown up are now fully repaired, tho solid character of the work rendering tho attempted destruction but partial in extent. — Baltimore American , June 15. — i iie First Massachusetts Regiment, under the command of Colonel Cowdin, left Boston for tho seat of war. — {Doc. 252.) — Jeffeesox City, Mo., was occupied by Gen. Lyon, in command of tho Union force, who was warmly welcomed by the mass of the citizens. Gen. Lyon there learned that Gov. Jackson and the whole military and civil gov¬ ernment of the State had fled to Booneville, forty miles above, and that they have not far from fifteen hundred men there, the most of them armed with their own rifles and shot-guns, six or eight iron cannon, and are throwing up earthworks to protect the town from attack, both by river and by land. — Ar. Y. Herald , June 20. — Ax' experiment with Sawyer’s American rifled cannon Avas made at the Rip Raps, in Hampton Roads. Seven of eleven 48-pound shells exploded a short distance from the rebel camp, on Sew all’s Point, and one of them over their intrenchments. It created a sensation among tho secessionists. A house near the secession banner displayed a white flag. — N. Y. Times , June 18. June 1G. — This afternoon J. G. Morrison, Jr., and several of his friends, unfurled the Star- Spangled Banner on the Maryland abutment of tho bridge lately destroyed at Harper’s Ferry. The cherished symbol of the Union was hailed with delight by the people of Harper’s Ferry, and particularly by the women, who flocked to the opposite bank and saluted it by •: cl CAP'1' NATHL LYON, U.S.A. {NOW BRIG GEN USA./ .’Ertaraved for RdbclRon .Record *NTVW YORK . G P. PUTNAM June 16.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 105 the waving of handkerchiefs and other mani¬ festations of j oy. — Baltimore American , J une 20. — General Josepii H. Lane, of Kansas, was appointed a Brigadier-General in the army of the United States. — JY. Y. Tribune , June 20. — A reconnoissance of the Loudon and Hampshire Railroad, in Va., was made under Col. Powers, accompanied by the Pirst Regi¬ ment of Connecticut troops. All the bridges were found safe, and the train returned. When two miles east of Vienna, a man in ambush fired on the train, wounding George Busbee, of the Connecticut Life Guards. Gen. Tyler was standing beside the wounded man, on an open car. The shot was evidently intended for him. The train was stopped as soon as possible, and the companies were divided to scour the woods, and search the neighboring farm-houses, etc., to make a circuit of a mile. Two men were arrested, named Walker and McMills, in the house of the latter. All the evidence that could be obtained, tended towards criminating Walk¬ er, who, with the other prisoner and a negro witness, was brought to Alexandria. The train was within three miles of 900 rebel troops, and six miles of Fairfax Court House, where, it is understood, there are 2,500 troops, besides recent arrivals. — N. Y. Times , June 17. June 17. — A letter from Cronstadt, Russia, written by the mate of a ship, says: “There is a Charleston ship lying alongside of us that hoisted the flag of the Confederate States, and for so doing I understand that the captain was arrested and placed in the guard-house of the Russian officers. They would not acknowledge or in any way recognize the flag of the rebels.” — Boston Journal , July 12. — Lieut. George H. Butler with others pro¬ ceeded from Fortress Monroe to Big Bethel to bring away the remains of Major Winthrop. At Little Bethel a picket took their message to Colonel Magruder, who sent Captain Kilsen, of Louisiana, to receive them. Two hours after Colonel Magruder came, and they were hand¬ somely received. With Colonel Magruder were Colonel De Rusey, brother of the Chief of the Engineers at Fortress Monroe, Colonel Hill, of North Carolina, and other late officers of the army. None of Lieutenant Butler’s party were permitted to go near the batteries. The body of Major Winthrop was taken up by Colonel Magruder’s men and escorted to the wagon by Diary — 19 a force of three hundred, who fired a volley. Most of them had shot guns. An escort was offered to Hampton, but Lieutenant Butler de¬ clined it. Colonel Magruder and others spoke in the highest terms of Major Winthrop’s bravery. He was distinctly seen for some time leading a body of men to the charge, and had mounted a log and was waving his sword and shouting to his men to “ Come, on!” when a North Carolina drummer-boy borrowed a gun, leaped on the battery, and shot him deliberately in the breast. He fell nearer to the enemy’s works than any other man went during the fight. He wore the sword of Colonel Wai’drop of the Massachusetts Third, and it was supposed that it was Colonel Wardrop who fell. The sword was sent to North Carolina as a trophy. — N. Y. Evening Post , June 19. — In the Wheeling (Va.) Convention Mr. Dorsey, of Monongalia, moved that the Decla¬ ration of Independence be put upon its passage, calling for the yeas and nays. It was unani¬ mously adopted: Yeas, 56 — not a vote in the negative. Thirty members were absent on leave, and the Declaration was signed by fifty- six, the same number as signed the National Declaration of Independence. — {Doc. 256.) — TnREE hundred Federal troops, under Capt. Gardner, of the Pennsylvania First Regi¬ ment, had a skirmish at Edwards’ Ferry, with a considerable force of secessionists. The fight lasted nearly three hours, when the rebels fled, having had fifteen to twenty of their number killed and wounded, one private in Capt. Gard¬ ner’s command was killed, and three or four were wounded slightly. The fight occurred from across the river. The attack was made by the enemy with a view to taking possession of the Ferry. The news was brought to Wash¬ ington by Capt. Gardner’s First Lieutenant, who was engaged in the action. — N. Y. Times , June 20. — This morning, at St. Louis, Mo., a part of Col. Kallman’s Regiment of reserve corps were returning from the North Missouri Railroad, when opposite the Recorder’s Court-room on Seventh street, between Olive and Locust, a company near the rear of the column suddenly wheeled and discharged their rifles, aiming chiefly at the windows of the Recorder’s Court and the second story of an adjoining house, kill¬ ing four citizens, mortally wounding two, and 106 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [JlTNK 17. slightly injuring one. The statements regard¬ ing the cause of the firing were very conflicting — one being that a pistol shot was fired from the window of a house on the corner of Seventh and Locust, which took effect in the shoulder of one of the captains, when he gave word to fire; another, that a soldier accidentally dis¬ charged his rifle in the ranks, at which the whole company became frightened and dis¬ charged a full volley into the crowd on the sidewalk and windows of houses. The Re¬ corder’s Court was in session, crowded with prisoners and spectators. Police officer Pratt was shot in the side, and died in ten minutes. Deputy Marshal Frauzo received three balls in the legs and arms. The window just behind Recorder Peers’ desk was riddled with bullets, and broken glass scattered over his desk. — San¬ dusky Register , June 18. —In lion&r of the day — the anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill — the Charlestown City Guard, comprising two companies of the Massachusetts Fifth, gave a grand entertain¬ ment at their camp near Alexandria, Ya. Un¬ der the pleasant shade of a luxuriant grove long tables were spread with dainties quite un¬ usual in that part of the land. Many of the dishes were furnished by the generous ladies of Massachusetts, and vividly recalled the good living of that dear old State — ever true to lib¬ erty and constitutional law. The edibles dis¬ posed of, sentiments were the order of the hour. The memory of Warren was appropri¬ ately toasted, and there were a dozen patriotic speeches from the officers and friends of the Guard, which, coming from the shadow of the solid column commemorating the glory of Warren and his heroic comrades, always hon¬ or the day with peculiar enthusiasm. At this time, and in sight of the spot where Ellsworth — who has been well denominated the Warren of the great struggle in which we are now in¬ volved — gave his life a willing sacrifice to his country, the proceedings of this afternoon were exceedingly fitting — and honorable to the Guard. At Boston, Mass., the anniversary was ob¬ served with more than usual manifestations of patriotism. At the monument in Charlestown there was a civic and military gathering. The Stars and Stripes were raised on a flag-staff about 40 feet above the shaft, making the height 260 feet from the ground. Gov. Andrew and others made eloquent speeches appropriate to the oc¬ casion. — Washington Star , June 20. — Gen. Lyon issued a strong proclamation, pointing out the determined efforts of the Gov¬ ernor and Legislature to force the State out of the Union, and the unconstitutionality of the military bill. He rehearsed the result of the conference with Governor Jackson, and stated that attempts to execute the provisions of the military bill had imposed most exasperating hardships on peaceful and loyal citizens, with persecutions and proscriptions of those opposed to its provisions. Complaints of these acts, he said, had been received by him as commander of the Federal forces, and also sent to Wash¬ ington with appeals for relief from Union men who, in many instances, had been driven from the State. He gave his orders received from the President, stating that it devolved upon him to stop them summarily by the forces under his command, with such aid as might be required from Kansas, Iowa, and Illinois. — {Doc. 257.) — An expedition of 300 Zouaves, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Warren, and accompa¬ nied by Capt. Smith, of the United States Top¬ ographical Corps, left Fortress Monroe to make a reconnoissance in the vicinity of Big Bethel and up the route to Yorktown. — N. Y. Times , June 19. — At 4 p. m., as a train with telegraph con¬ structors and 660 of the First Ohio Regiment went up the Loudon and Hampshire Railroad, Ya., they were fired upon by a rebel battery stationed on a hill at a curve in the road, near Yienna, a small station about 15 miles from Alexandria. The battery consisted of three 6-pounders, and was worked by a company from Alexandria. Its first fire was very destructive. The men were immediately brought out of the car and formed and returned the fire, when, by some mismanagement the train returned to Alexandria and left them. They were however brought oft' in good order. Six were killed and nine wounded. Two of the wounded sub¬ sequently died. The rebels also had six killed. The rebel battery was supported by 800 infantry and 200 cavalry. Directly after the retreat of the Ohio troops, a regiment of South Caroli¬ nians, with a battery of six pieces, arrived upon the scene of action. Shortly after their appear¬ ance, an alarm was raised by the supposed ap¬ proach of a large body of Union troops, when June 18.] DIARY OF EVENTS. 107 the whole rebel force beat a sudden retreat through Vienna, in the direction of Fairfax Court House. A resident of Vienna, who saw them pass two hours after the action, estimated them at two thousand. — {Doc. 258.) — Near Independence, Missouri, a detach¬ ment of Union troops, under Captain Stanley, with a flag of truce, visited the camp of the State troops to ascertain the purposes of Cap¬ tain Holloway, the rebel officer. During the conference Captain Stanley suspected move¬ ments were being made with the design of at¬ tacking him, and ordered his detachment to re¬ treat. While retreating they were fired on by the State troops, at an order given by a private ; but their fire was so irregular they killed their own commander, Captain Holloway, and J. B. Clanahan, and severely wounded several more of their own men. Captain Stanley’s men did not fire, they having received orders not to do so under any circumstances. Captain Stanley retreated to Kansas City and reported the af¬ fair, when Captain Prince, with a strong body of troops, attacked and routed the State forces, capturing thirty horses and a large quantity of baggage. — N. Y. Herald , June 20. — Gex. Lyox left Jefferson City, Mo., for Boone ville. He landed four miles below the town and opened a heavy cannonade against the rebels, who retreated and dispersed into an adjacent wood, whence, hidden by brushes and trees, they opened a brisk fire on our troops. General Lyon then ordered a hasty retreat to the boats; and the rebels, encouraged by this movement, rallied and followed the troops into a wheatfiekl, and were thus drawn from cover. General Lyon halted, faced his troops about, and, bringing the whole force of his artillery to bear, opened a murderous fire on the rebels, many of whom were killed, and the balance fled in all directions, leaving their arms on the field. General Lyon then moved for¬ ward and took possession of Booneville. Gov¬ ernor Jackson viewed the battle from a distant hill, and fled for parts unknown after the defeat of his forces. General Price was not -in the bat¬ tle, and his absence is thus accounted for : Sun¬ day morning the pickets brought a report that seven steamboats were coming up the river with Union troops. A consultation was immediately had between Gov. Jackson and Gen. Price, and the Governor ordered the State troops to dis¬ band, they not being able to sustain themselves against such force. General Price then went home ; the troops, however, were determined to have a fight. Col. Marmaduke then became disaffected, and resigned. A few hours later the report about the steamboats proved untrue, and the Governor ordered the troops to prepare for resistance, appointing Mr. Little to com¬ mand. — There is no reliable account as to the number of killed, wounded, or taken prisoners, though the killed are stated at 300. It is stated that General Lyon’s force had the State troops in a position where they could have killed them in large numbers. Ho ordered the firing to cease, and halted to make them prisoners. — St. Louis Republican , June 18. — {Doc. 258£.) — Col. Boeknstein, commanding the Federal force at Jefferson City, Mo., issued a proclama¬ tion establishing a Provisional Government in consequence of the absence of the proper au¬ thorities. He promised protection to life and property, and urged the Union men, four com¬ panies, to assist him. — {Doc. 259.) - — The First Regiment of Massachusetts Vol¬ unteers, pioneers of the three years’ enlistments from that State, arrived at Washington and took quarters in Woodward’s buildings, Pennsylva¬ nia avenue. The regiment numbers 1,050 men, and is fully provided with camp equipage — Sibley and Wall tents, army wagons, &c. The uniform is the standard gray, furnished by the State — the muskets the Springfield rifle. General Patterson crossed the Potomac at Williamsport, and inarched down the Virginia banks of the Potomac towards Harper’s Ferry. — National Intelligencer , June 18. June 18. — Gen. Lyon issued another procla¬ mation to the people of Missouri from his camp at Booneville. He released the prisoners taken in the late engagement, in consideration of their youth and of the deceit that had been practised upon them, simply requiring their pledge not again to bear arms against the United States. His proclamation warned all persons against presuming upon a like clemency in future, as the continuance of treason would certainly render harsh measures necessary. — {Doc. 200.) — Tns Federal force at Hagerstown and Wil¬ liamsport, Md., comprise the Pennsylvania 1st, 2d, 3d, 7th, 11th, 13th, and 24th Regiments, together with the First Rhode Island Regiment, two Regiments of United States Regulars, and 108 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. [June 18. seven hundred United States Cavalry. Included in this formidable body are Capt. Doubleday’s corps and McMullen’s Company of Philadelphia Rovers. The portion of the force which forded the river at Williamsport were under command of Gen. Thomas, and comprised the two regi¬ ments of regulars and about six hundred of the Rhode Islanders. The men waded through the stream generally up to their hips in water, and occasionally up to their arms. Their passage on the occasion is said to have been a very im¬ posing and spirited spectacle. The men dashed into the stream singing “ Dixie” and other pop¬ ular camp airs with great vim and enthusiasm. — National Intelligencer , June 20. — Near Conrad’s Ferry, Maryland, the rebels practised upon the Federal troops from the op¬ posite side of the Potomac with three or four 6- pounders. Their fire was returned from the rifle pieces of some twenty picked marksmen, who in the course of their firing brought down one of the enemy’s gunners. The distance across is so great, however, that even rifled muskets are of little avail except by chance shots. — N. Y. Evening Post , June 18. — The Twenty-seventh Pennsylvania Reg¬ iment, (mostly Germans,) Colonel Einstein, about one thousand strong, passed through Baltimore, Md., on the route to the seat of war. They are well armed and equipped, and have entered the service with the spirit of true sol¬ diers. Whilst at Camden, opposite Philadelphia, where they encamped for some time, they were treated with great kindness by the people of that city. — {Doc. 261.) — A balloon ascension for military purposes took place at Washington. The elevation at¬ tained was not very great, though it was per¬ fectly satisfactory as an experiment. The aeronauts were Prof. Lowe, Gen. Burns, of the Telegraph Company, and H. C. Robinson, op¬ erator. The balloon was connected with the War Department by telegraph. The first mes¬ sage ever telegraphed from a balloon was then sent to the President of the United States by Prof. Lowe. It was as follows : Balloon Enterpise, "Washington, June 17. To tiie President of toe United States : Sir : — This point of observation commands an area nearly fifty miles in diameter. The city, with its girdle of encampments, presents a superb scene. I take great pleasure in send¬ ing you this first despatch ever telegraphed from an aerial station, and in acknowledging my indebtedness to your encouragement for the opportunity of demonstrating the avail¬ ability of the science of aeronautics in the mil¬ itary service of the country. Yours respectfully, T. S. C. Lowe. — An official order from the Duke of New¬ castle, forbidding privateers to enter the ports of Canada, was published in the Montreal (Canada) papers. — {Doc. 262.) — The Fourteenth Regiment N. Y. S. Y. passed through New York City en route for the Sea. of War. — The Eighteenth Regiment N. Y. Volunteers left Albany. — {Doc. 263.) — Capt. Budd, commanding the United States steamer Resolute, arrived at Washington, bring¬ ing as a prize the schooner Buena Yista, seized in the St. Mary’s River. He captured two other vessels — namely, the schooner Bachelor and the sloop H. Day. The former had disregarded a warning given several days ago, and had de¬ ceived Captain Rowan by false statements, and was found on the Maryland side, opposite Mat¬ thias Point, at a place where it was convenient for crossing. They belonged to the same owner. — N. Y. Commercial Advertiser, June 19. DOCUMENTS AND NARRATIVES. Doc. I.— REPLY OF THE GOVERNOR OF MA¬ RYLAND TO THE COMMISSIONER FROM MISSISSIPPI. State of Maryland, Executive Chamber, Annapolis, Dec. 19, 1860. Sir : Your letter of the 18th instant informs me that you have been appointed by the Governor of Mississippi, in pursuance of a resolution of her Legislature, a Commissioner to the State of Mary¬ land, and that the occasion of your mission is “the present crisis in the national affairs of this country, and the danger which impends the safety and rights of the Southern States, by reason of the election of a sectional candidate to the office of President of the United States, and upon a platform of principles destructive of our constitutional rights and which, in the opinion of the State of Mississippi, calls for prompt and decisive action, for the purpose of our protection and future security.” 1 You also inform me that Mississippi desires the co-operation of her sister States of the South in measures necessary to defend our rights ; and to this end, you desire to know whether I will convene the Legislature of Maryland for the purpose of counsel¬ ling with the constituted authorities of the State of Mississippi, and at what time it may be expected our General Assembly will be called for that pur¬ pose. In the conversation I had with you this morning, you were good enough to explain more fully the views and intentions of Mississippi in this matter — her desire that our Legislature should also appoint Commissioners to meet those of other Southern States ; and that action at once be had by all the Southern States for the formation of a new Govern¬ ment among themselves. The position of Maryland, as a small Southern Border State, renders the exercise of any power I may possess, for the purpose indicated by you, a matter of very grave importance. Our State is unquestionably identified with the Southern States, in feeling and by the institutions and habits which prevail among us. But she is also conservative, and, above all things devoted to the Union of these States under the Constitution. Her people will use all honorable means to preserve and perpetuate these. I think I know the senti¬ ments of her citizens in this matter, and that I am not mistaken when I say that, almost unanimously, they intend to uphold that Union, and to maintain their rights under it — that they believe these last will yet be admitted and secured ; and that not un¬ til it is certain they will be respected no longer — not until every honorable, Constitutional, and law- Documents — 1 ful effort to secure them is exhausted — will they consent to any effort for its dissolution. The people of Maryland are anxious that time be given, and an opportunity afforded, for a fair and honorable adjustment of the difficulties and griev¬ ances of which they, more than the people of any other Southern State have a right to complain. And, in my opinion, if the people of this Union really desire its continuance and perpetuity, such adjustment may be effected. I hope and believe it will be effected — and promptly. And until the effort is found to be in vain, I cannot consent, by any precipitate or revolutionary action, to aid iu the dismemberment of this Union. When I shall see clearly that there is no hope of such adjustment, and am convinced that the power of the Federal Government is to be perverted to the destruction instead of being used for the pro¬ tection of our rights — then, and not till then, can I consent so to exercise any power with which I am invested, as to afford even the opportunity for such a proceeding. Whatever powers I may have I shall use only after full consultation, and in fraternal concert, with the other Border States; since we and they, in the event of any dismemberment of the Union, will suffer more than all others combined. I am now in correspondence with the Governors of those States, and 1 await with solicitude for the indications of the course to be pursued by them. When this is made known to me, I shall be ready to take such steps as our duty and interest shall de¬ mand, and I do not doubt the people of Maryland are ready to go with the people of those States for weal or woe. I fully agree with all that you have said as to the necessity for protection to the rights of the South ; and my sympathies are entirely with the gallant people of Mississippi, who stand ready to resent any infringement of those rights. But I earnestly hope they will act with prudence as well as with courage. Let us show moderation as well as firmness, and be unwilling to resort to extreme measures until necessity shall leave us no choice. I am unable to inform you when the Legislature of this State will be called together, for until I can perceive the necessity for such a step I am not wil¬ ling to awake the apprehension and excite the alarm which such a call at the present time could not fail to create. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, THOS. II. HICKS. Hon A. H. Handy, Commissioner of Mississippi. 2 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-1. Doc. 2.— SECESSION ORDINANCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. An Ordinance to Dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina and other States united with her under the compact entitled the Constitu¬ tion of the United States of America : We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordi¬ nance adopted by us in Convention, on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying the amend¬ ments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, and that the union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States under the name of the United States of America is hereby dissolved. The ordinance was taken up and passed by a unanimous vote of 169 members, at 1J o’clock. The following is a summary of the debate on the passage of the ordinance: Mr. Magrath — I think the special matter of the ordinance should be immediately considered. To my understanding there is no Collector of the Port nor Postmaster now within the limits of South Carolina. What you have done to-day has extin¬ guished the authority of every man in South Caro¬ lina deriving authority from the General Govern¬ ment. I am in favor of this body making such provisional arrangements as may be necessary in the interval which may exist between this moment and the time when the Legislature may act. I am not, however, to be implicated as sanctioning the idea that there is no lawful authority within the limits of the State except the General Government. Mr. Gregg — After South Carolina abrogated the Constitution of the United States, are its laws still in force ? I think not. All the laws of Congress fall instantly to the ground on the act of Seces¬ sion. Mr. Ciieves — As an immense chasm will be made in the law, and as it is necessary to avoid in¬ convenience to the people, we must make some temporary arrangements to carry on the Govern¬ ment. Mr. Gregg — There is no law on the subject of the collection of the duties in South Carolina now. We have now accomplished the work after forty years. Mr. IIayne — The Congress of the United States is no longer our Government. It will be for our Legislature to say what laws of the United States shall be continued and what not. The simple act of secession does not abrogate all the laws. We have a great many laws on our statute books which were passed by the Governor and the Privy Council. Mr. Gregg — The Congressional laws for the col¬ lection of revenue are for the support of the Fed¬ eral Government at Washington, and all our Post- office laws fall on our dissolution with that Govern¬ ment. Mr. Miles — We have to deal with facts and stern realities. We must prevent confusion, anarchy, and the derangement of our Government affairs. Things must for the present remain in statu quo, or confusion will arise. Mr. Hayne — Sudden action is injurious. Mr. Chesnut — Two questions are involved _ power and duty. We must preserve our people, not only from inconveniences, but chaotic condition. We must revivify such laws as will best preserve us from calamities. As to duty, will you turn the ship of State adrift ? what will become of the officers ? Mr. Maseyck — There is no duty for the Collector of the Port to do. The Post-office has been swept off. My opinion is that the present system of pos¬ tal arrangements is a nuisance. The public can be better served by private parties between cities like Philadelphia and New York, one cent instead of three, and between less important ten or more cents. Mr. Calhoun — We have pulled a temple down that has been built three-quarters of a century. We must clear the rubbish away to reconstruct an¬ other. We are now houseless and homeless, and we must secure ourselves against storms. Mr. Dunkin — If that ordinance be passed things will go on in the Custom-house and Post-office ex¬ actly as now, until other arrangements can be made by this Convention. There is nothing in the Ordi¬ nance to affect the dignity, honor, and welfare of the State of South Carolina. We must keep the wheels of the Government going. The Constitution of the United States is not entirely abrogated by the Or¬ dinance. What is legal tender in the payment of debts? Is it not gold and silver of the United States? In the case of clearing and entry of ves¬ sels, we are very liable to have the same confiscat¬ ed. Mr. Carroll — The present revenue would be continued till an act of the Legislature authorized otherwise. Mr. Brown — There is no longer communication with the Government from which we are just separ¬ ated. Mr. Dunkin — The spirit of the ordinance must be temporarily sustained till we treat with the Gen¬ eral Government. Mr. Gregg — The President of the United States has thrown down the gauntlet in his Message. Ho has said that it wras his duty to collect the revenue, and that he would do it. On one side the Federal Government claims the right and declares its inten¬ tion to execute the power of collecting revenue in our ports; on the other side, we have declared that we are free. I desire no compromise. Is it neces¬ sary to maintain the fifteen to thirty per cent, du¬ ties imposed by the Congress of the United States? Should these duties continue to be levied our peo¬ ple will suffer a terrible calamity. For carrying the mails let the present contracts be assumed by South Carolina instead of the United States. Mr. Riiett — This great revolution must go on with as little danger as possible to the country. By making the Federal agents ours, the machinery will move on. The Federal laws of taxation must not exist over us. I trust that the present system of taxation has fallen forever. Mr. Barnwell — We have seceded from the United States, and established our independence. We can’t allow the United States to exercise au¬ thority over us any more. Let postal convenience be sacrificed if necessary. There never was any thing purchased worth having, unless it cost a sac¬ rifice. Mr. Maseyck said, in regard to the mail, all re¬ strictions must be removed. Let us appoint our officers. Let the Collector of the Port battle with the difficulties as they come. — New York Times, Dec. 21, 1860. DOCUMENTS. 3 Doc. 3.— DECLARATION OF CAUSES WIUCH INDUCED THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA. The people of the State of South Carolina in Con¬ vention assembled, on the 2d day of April, A. D. 1852, declared that the frequent violations of the Constitution of the United States by the Federal Government, and its encroachments upon the re¬ served rights of the States, fully justified this State in their withdrawal from the Federal Union; but in deference to the opinions and wishes of the other Slaveholding States, she forbore at that time to ex¬ ercise this right. Since that time these encroach¬ ments have continued to increase, and further for¬ bearance ceases to be a virtue. And now the State of South Carolina having resumed her separate and equal place among na¬ tions, deems it due to herself, to the remaining United States of America, and to the nations of the world, that she should declare the immediate causes which have led to this act. In the year 1765, that portion of the British Em¬ pire embracing Great Britain undertook to make laws for the Government of that portion composed of the thirteen American Colonies. A struggle for the right of self-government ensued, which resulted, on the 4th of July, 1776, in a Declaration, by the Colonies, “ that they are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.” They further solemnly declared that whenever any “form of government becomes destructive of the ends for which it was established, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government.” Deeming the Government of Great Britain to have become destructive of these ends, they declared that the Colonies “ arc absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.” In pursuance of this Declaration of Independence, each of the thirteen States proceeded to exercise its separate sovereignty ; adopted for itself a Constitu¬ tion, and appointed officers for the administration of government in all its departments — Legislative, Executive and Judicial. For purposes of defence they united their arms and their counsels ; and, in 1778, they entered into a League known as the Articles of Confederation, whereby they agreed to intrust the administration of their external relations to a common agent, known as the Congress of the United States, expressly declaring, in the first arti¬ cle, “that each State retains its sovereignty, free¬ dom and independence, and every power, jurisdic¬ tion and right which is not, by this Confederation, expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.” Under this Confederation the "War of the Revolu¬ tion was carried on ; and on the 3d of September, 1783, the contest ended, and a definite Treaty was signed by Great Britain, in which she acknowledged the Independence of the Colonies in the following terms : “Article 1, His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz. : New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent States; that he treats with them as such ; and, for himself, his heirs and successors, relinquishes all claims to the govern¬ ment, propriety, and territorial rights of the same and every part thereof.” Thus were established the two great principles as¬ serted by the Colonies, namely, the right of a State to govern itself ; and the right of a people to abolish a Government when it becomes destructive of the ends for which it was instituted. And concurrent with the establishment of these principles, was the fact, that each Colony became and was recognized by the mother country as a free, sovereign and independent state. In 1787, Deputies were appointed by the States to revise the articles of Confederation; and on 17th September, 1787, these Deputies recommended, for the adoption of the States, the Articles of Union, known as the Constitution of the United States. The parties to whom this constitution was sub¬ mitted were the several sovereign States ; they were to agree or disagree, and when nine of them agreed, the compact was to take effect among those concurring; and the General Government, as the common agent, was then to be invested with their authority. If only nine of the thirteen States had concurred, the other four would have remained as they then were — separate, sovereign States, independent of auy of the provisions of the Constitution. In fact, two of the States did not accede to the Constitu¬ tion until long after it had gone into operation among the other eleven ; and during that interval, they each exercised the functions of an independent nation. By this Constitution, certain duties were imposed upon the several States, and the exercise of certain of their powers was restrained, which necessarily impelled their continued existence as sovereign states. But, to remove all doubt, an amendment was added, which declared that the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. On the 23d May, 1788, South Carolina, by a Convention of her people, passed an ordinance assenting to this Constitution, and afterwards altered her own Con¬ stitution to conform herself to the obligations she had undertaken. Thus was established, by compact between the States, a Government with defined objects and powers, limited to the express words of the grant. This limitation left the whole remaining mass of power subject to the clause reserving it to the States or the people, and rendered unnecessary any specification of reserved rights. We hold that the Government thus established is subject to the two great principles asserted in the Declaration of In¬ dependence ; and we hold further, that the mode of its formation subjects it to a third fundamental principle, namely, the law of compact. We main¬ tain that in every compact between two or more parties, the obligation is mutual ; that the failure of one of the contracting parties to perform a ma¬ terial part of the agreement, entirely releases the obligation of the other ; and that, where no arbiter is provided, each party is remitted to His own judg¬ ment to determine the fact of failure, with all its consequences. 4 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-1. In the present case, that fact is established with certainty. We assert that fourteen of the States have deliberately refused for years past to fulfil their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own statutes for the proof. The Constitution of the United States, in its fourth Article, provides as follows : “No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.” Tliis stipulation was so material to the compact that without it that compact would not have been made. The greater number of the contract¬ ing parties held slaves, and they had previously evinced their estimate of the value of such a stipu¬ lation by making it a condition in the Ordinance for the government of the territory ceded by Vir¬ ginia, which obligations, and the law's of the General Government, have ceased to effect the ob¬ jects of the Constitution. The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Con¬ necticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congress, or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these States the fugitive is dis¬ charged from the service of labor claimed, and in none of them has the State Government complied with the stipulation made in the Constitution. The State of New Jersey, at an early day, passed a law in conformity with her constitutional obligation ; but the current of Anti-Slavery feeling has led her more recently to enact laws which render inopera¬ tive the remedies provided by her own laws and by the laws of Congress. In the State of New York even the right of transit for a slave has been denied by her tribunals ; and the States of Ohio and Iowa have refused to surrender to justice fugi¬ tives charged wuth murder, and with inciting servile insurrection in the State of Virginia. Thus the con¬ stitutional compact has been deliberately broken and disregarded by the non-slaveholding States ; and the consequence follows that South Carolina is released from her obligation. The ends for w'hich this Constitution was framed are declared by itself to be “to form a more perfect union, to establish justice, insure domestic tranquil¬ lity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.” These ends it endeavored to accomplish by a Fed¬ eral Government, in which each State was recog¬ nized as unequal, and had separate control over its own institutions. The right of property in slaves was recognized by giving to free persons distinct political rights; by giving them the right to repre¬ sent, and burdening them with direct taxes for, three- fifths of their slaves; by authorizing the importa¬ tion of slaves for twenty years ; and by stipulating for the rendition of fugitives from labor. We affirm that these ends for which this Govern¬ ment was instituted have been defeated, and the Gov¬ ernment itself has been destructive of them by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those States have assumed the right of deciding upon the pro¬ priety of our domestic institutions; and have de¬ nied the rights of property established in fifteen of the States and recognized by the Constitution ; they have denounced as sinful the institution of Slavery ; they have permitted the open establishment among them of societies, whose avowed object is to dis¬ turb the peace of and eloin the property of the citizens of other States. They have encouraged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes; and those who remain, have been incited by emissaries, books, and pictures, to servile insur¬ rection. For twenty-five years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until it has now secured to its aid the power of the common Government. Ob¬ serving the forms of the Constitution, a sectional party has found within that article establishing the Executive Department, the means of subverting the Constitution itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the States north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States whose opinions and purposes are hostile to Slavery. He is to be intrusted with the administration of the com¬ mon Government, because he has declared that that “ Government cannot endure permanently half slave, half free,” and that the public mind must rest in the belief that Slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction. This sectional combination for the subversion of the Constitution has been aided, in some of the States, by elevating to citizenship persons who, by the supreme law of the land, are incapable of be¬ coming citizens; and their votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy, hostile to the South, and destructive of its peace and safety. On the 4th of March next this party will take possession of the Government. It has announced that the South shall be excluded from the common territory, that the Judicial tribunal shall be made sectional, and that a war must be waged against Slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States. The guarantees of the Constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the States will be lost. The Slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government, or self-protection, and the Federal Government will have become their enemy. Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation ; and all hope of remedy is rendered vain, by the fact that the public opinion at the North has invested a great political error with the sanctions of a more erroneous religious belief. We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, by our delegates in Convention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared that the Union heretofore existing between this State and the other States of North America is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world, as sep¬ arate and independent state, with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, estab¬ lish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do. Doc. 4— SPEECH OF SENATOR SEWARD, New York, Dec. 22. Fellow-citizens : My friend, Mr. Evarts, I be¬ lieve, is acting as Chairman of Committee here, or President, or something of that sort — I do not DOCUMENTS. exactly understand what. Coming a stranger as I do to the Astor House [laughter] I am put under duresse as soon as I get here, and am brought down from my own private room to this place. That is all I know about myself or you either [laughter] ; but I find you here, and Mr. Evarts with his mallet in his hand. I suppose it means that he is some¬ thing like a presiding officer or speaker, or some¬ thing of that kind. Mr. Draper has intimated to me that you’re all Yankees, [A voice — “ Yes, we are,”] and I thought it as likely as not that you were. Therefore, I suppose that I might as well set all doubt about myself at rest at once, and anticipate all your inquiries. I left Auburn this morning at 9 o’clock, after breakfast ; I got here at rather a late hour, for ra«ther a late dinner. [A voice — “ Did you come by the express train ? ”] I came by the express train. Nothing particular happened me on the way [roars of laughter] except that I might as well anticipate the Express on Monday morning, as I did not anticipate the Ex¬ press last Monday morning, by saying that I met Thurlow Weed in the cars. [Laughter.] A voice — “ What did he say ? ” Mr. Seward — There the Yankee comes out at once. A gentleman asks me what he said. Now I am not a Yankee. There is no New England blood in me, and I do not answer impertinent questions. [Laughter.] I will not tell what he said to me. I will only tell what I said to him, and that was that I repudiated — all compromises whatsoever, which New York, Pennsylvania, and New England could not stand upon. I learned from him that he had been in Springfield, in the State of Illinois. I sup¬ pose you would all like to know what he told me he learned there. [Laughter, and shouts of “Yes.”] I will give you the best satisfaction I can. He prints a newspaper called the Evening Journal. He is a man of truth, I believe ; and if he is, and wants to tell what he learned, you can get it in his newspaper. [Laughter.] But I have somehow got off from the direct course of my argument. I began to tell you about myself, and, somehow or other, I have got to telling about Mr. Weed and his journey to Springfield. I may as well go on in this indirect way till I get back to my direct road. I met the Governor going up to Albany. He did not tell me exactly, but I had a strong suspicion, from his appearance generally, and from some hints which he dropped, that Charles Stetson, of the Astor House, would prob¬ ably be Inspector General of the State of New York. [Laughter.] I judge so because the Gov¬ ernor asked me my opinion about Mr. Stetson. I told him that, as a tavern keeper, I did not know a great deal in his favor, but that as a military officer, I thought he hud no superior [roars of laughter], and that if it should turn out that the State of Florida should invade the State of New York in these troubles of ours, I did not know any better man to send out to meet them than Charles Stetson [uproarious laughter], who would disarm them of all hostility by bringing them in to a supper like this at the Astor House. Fellow-citizens — he continued, in a more serious tone — these are extraordinary things that are hap¬ pening in our day. I remember that it was the men of New England, who lived only two or three times as long ago as I have lived, and as my friend Mr. Joseph Grinnell has lived, whom I am glad to see here. I hope he is sounder in his politics than he was the last time I heard of him. [Laughter.] I hope he is as sound as his brother Moses. It is only twice as long ago as we have lived, I say, since these men of New England invented the greatest political discovery in the world — the con¬ federation of republican states. The first confed¬ eration of republican states in America was the invention of New England. I have always admired and respected the people of New England for that great discovery, which, after having been put into successful operation in the colonies of Massachu¬ setts Bay and Plymouth, and Connecticut and New Haven, came ultimately, after having been sanc¬ tioned by the wisdom and experience of Dr. Franklin, to be adopted by the people of the thirteen British colonies on this continent, south of the St. Lawrence. It has been reserved for our day, and for this very hour, to see an innovation of another kind, of an opposite nature, by a portion of our countrymen residing south of the Potomac. The Yankees invented confederation. The people of South Carolina have invented secession. The wisdom of the latter is now to be tried in com¬ parison with the experience of the former. At the first glance it exhibits this singular anomaly — that of a state which has in the Senate of the United States two seats, and in the House of Representa¬ tives six members, each of them paid $3,000 a year out of a treasury to which they contribute only a small part — a state consisting of 700,000 people of all conditions, and of whom 274,000 are white, going out of the Union, to stand by itself, and sending to the Congress of the United States three commissioners to stand outside of the bar to nego¬ tiate for their interests, and to be paid by herself, instead of having two senators and six representa¬ tives in Congress, on an equality with all the other states. This is the experiment that is to be tried by states on this continent — whether they will find it wiser to occupy seats within the Congress of the United States, and to have their representatives paid by the United States for coming there ; or, in lieu of that, to send Commissioners to present their claims and their rights at the bar of the United States, without the privilege of voting on their own claims, and to be paid for by the states themselves. This is the last political invention of the times. I need not say to you that I do not think it is likely to be followed by many other states on this con¬ tinent, or to be persevered in long, because it is manifestly very much inferior to the system that already exists. The State of South Carolina desires to go out. Just at this moment 1 am going back to Washington for the purpose of admitting the State of Kansas in ; and I venture to say that for every state on this continent that will go out of the Union, there stand already waiting at least two states that will be glad to come in and take their place. [Loud cheers.] They will do so for this simple reason — that every state on the continent of North America will be a democratic or republican state. You, gentlemen of New England, do not like always to hear the word democratic. I will, therefore, use the word republican. No repub- ! lican state on this continent or any other can stand alone. That is an impossibility. And the reason is a simple one. So much liberty, so much personal independence, such scope to emulation and ambition, as a free republic gives, where universal suffrage exists, are too much for any one state, standing alone, to maintain. There- 6 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. fore it is, as you have seen, that the moment it was thought that secession had commenced in this great national confederacy of ours, you begin to hear at once of secession, not only in South Carolina, but of secession in California, seces¬ sion in New England, and lastly, you begin to hear of secession of New York city and Long Island from the State of New York. [Laughter.] They are right in all this. Dissolve this American Union, and there is not one state that can stand without renewing perpetually the process of secession until we are brought to the condition of the States of Central America — pitiful states, unable to stand alone. No, gentlemen, republican states are like the sheaves in the harvest field. Put them up sin* gly, and every gust blows them down ; stack them together, and they defy all the winds of heaven. [Tumultuous applause.] And so you have seen that these thirteen republican states all came to the conviction, each of them that it could not stand alone ; and the thirteen came together, and you have seen other states added to them. The state of Mi¬ chigan, the state of Indiana, of Illinois, the state of Wisconsin, the state of Iowa and the state of Louisiana — what under heaven kept each of these states from setting up for itself and becoming inde¬ pendent? Nothing, but that it could not stand alone. And they are ready to be united to other republican states on this continent. So it was with Texas. She was independent. Why did she not remain so? You know how much it tried us to ad¬ mit her into the Union ; but it tried her much harder to stay out as long as she did. Why is not Kansas content to remain out? Simply because of the sympathy and the interest which makes it needful that all republican states on this continent shall be united in one. Let South Carolina, let Alabama, let Louisiana — let any other state go out, and while they are rushing out you will see Canada and all the Mexican States rushing in to fill up the vacuum. [Loud applause.] It is the wisdom discovered by our fathers which is all concentrated in these three words of such pregnant meaning — E Pluribus Unum. [Loud applause.] There is no such thing as one, separate from the many, in republican states. [Continued applause.] And now, fellow- citizens, I will speak one word concerning the anom¬ alous condition of our affairs produced by this disposition of some of the American states to se¬ cede from the Union. It has taken, as it ought to have taken, the American people and the world by surprise. Why has it taken them by surprise ? Be¬ cause it is unwise and unnatural. It is wise that all the republican states of this continent should be confederated. It is unwise that any of them should attempt to separate. And yet it ought not to have taken us by surprise. Whoever could have imagin¬ ed that a machine so complicated, so vast, 60 new, so untried, as this confederated system of republi¬ can states, should be exempt from the common lot of states which have figured in the history of the world ? A more complex system of government was never devised — never conceived of among men. IIow strange it is, how unreasonable it is, that we should be surprised that a pin may drop out of this machinery and that the wheel should drag, or that the gudgeon should be worn until the wheel should cease to play with the regular action ! How could we expect to subsist for a period of seventy years exempt from the necessity of repairing our political system of government? Every state in this Union is just like the federal Union — a republic. It has its constitution, and its regular system of action. No state is more than seventy years old, and there is not in any one state of this Union a constitution which is more than twenty-five years old ; and so certain has it become that no state can adopt a con¬ stitution which will last for more than twenty-five years without being repaired and renewed, that in our own state the constitution which we adopted twenty years ago contains a provision that next year, without any appeal to the people whatever, a convention shall come together in the state of New York and make a new constitution. Is it strange, then, that this complex system of our government should be found, after a lapse of seventy years, to work a little rough, a little unequal, and that it should require that the engineer should look at the machinery to see where the gudgeon is worn out, and to see that the main wheel is kept in mo¬ tion ? A child can withdraw a pin from the mightiest machine and arrest all its motion, and the engineer cannot see it when it is being done ; but if the engine be rightly devised and strongly constructed, the engineer has only to see where the pin has fallen out and replace it, and the machine will then go on stronger and more vigorous than ever. [Applause.] We are a family of thirty-three states, and next Monday I hope that we shall be a family of thirty- four. [Cheers.] Would it not be strange, in a family of thirty-four members, if there should not, once in the course of a few years, be one or two, or three or four, or five of the members who would get discontented, and want to withdraw awhile, and see how much better they could manage their fortunes alone? I think there is nothing strange in this. I only wonder that nobody has ever withdrawn be¬ fore, to see how much better they could get along on their own hook, than they get along in this plain, old-fashioned way under the direction of Uncle Sam. They say that, while I was a boy, Massachusetts and some of the New England States got the same idea of contumacy for the common parent and want of affection for the whole family, and got up a Hart¬ ford Convention. [Laughter.] I hope you do not think this personal. [No, no.] Somebody in Mas¬ sachusetts — I do not know who — tried it. All I know about it is, that for the first twenty years of my political life, although I was a democrat — a Jef¬ fersonian — born and dyed in the faith of the Re¬ publican fathers, somehow or other, because I hap¬ pened to become a whig, I was held responsible for the Hartford Convention. [Laughter.] And I have made this singular discovery in contrasting those times with the present ; that, whereas, when Massachusetts or any New England State, gets in a pet and proposes to go out of the Union, the de¬ mocratic party all insist that it is high treason, and ought to be punished by coercion ; w hen one of the slave states gets into the same fret, and proposes to go out of the Union, the democratic party think it exceedingly excusable, and have doubts whether — she ought not be helped out of the Union, and wdiether we ought not to give her a good dowry be¬ sides. [Laughter.] Now, gentlemen, my belief about all this is, that whether it is Massachusetts or South Carolina, or whether it is New York or Flori¬ da, it would turn out the same way in each case. There is no such thing in the book, no such thing in reason, no such thing in philosophy, and no such thing iu nature, us any state existing on the conti¬ nent of North America outside of the United States DOCUMENTS. 7 of America. I do not believe a word of it ; and I do not believe it, for a good many reasons. Some I have already hinted at ; and one is, because I do not see any good reason given for it. The best reason I see given for it is, that the people of some of the southern states hate us of the free states very bad¬ ly, and they say that we hate them, and that all love is lost between us. Well, I do not believe a word of that. On the other hand, I do know for myself and lor you, that, bating some little differences of opinion about advantages, and about proscription, and about office, and about freedom, and about slavery and all those which are family difficulties, for which we do not take any outsiders in any part of the world into our councils on either side, there is not a state on the earth, outside of the American Union, which I like half so well as I do the state of South Carolina — [cheers] — neither England, nor Ireland, nor Scotland, nor France, nor Turkey ; although from Turkey they sent me Arab horses, and from South Carolina they send me nothing but curses. Still, I like South Carolina better than I like any of them ; and I have the presumption and vanity to be¬ lieve that if there were nobody to overhear the state of South Carolina when she is talking, she would confess that she liked us tolerably well. I am very sure that if anybody were to make a descent on New York to-morrow — whether Louis Napoleon, or the Prince of Wales, or his mother [laughter], or the Emperor of Russia, or the Emperor of Austria, all the hills of South Carolina would pour forth their population for the rescue of New York. [Cries of “ Good,” and applause.] God knows how this may be. I do not pretend to know, I only conjecture. But this I do know, that if any of those powers were to make a descent on South Carolina, I know who would go to her rescue. [A voice — “We’d all go.”] We would all go — everybody. [“ That’s so,” and great applause.] Therefore they do not humbug me with their secession. [Laugh¬ ter.] And I do not think they will humbug you ; and I do not believe that, if they do not humbug you and me, they will much longer succeed in hum¬ bugging themselves. [Laughter.] Now, fellow- citizens, this is the ultimate result of all this busi¬ ness. These states are always to be together — always shall. Talk of striking down a star from that constellation. It is a thing which cannot be done. [Applause.] I do not see any less stars to¬ day than I did a week ago, and I expect to see more all the while. [Laughter.] The question then is, what in these times — when people are labor¬ ing under the delusion that they are going out of the Union and going to set up for themselves — ought we to do in order to hold them in. I do not know any better rule than the rule which every good father of a family observes. It is this. If a man wishes not to keep his family together, it is the easiest thing in the world to place them apart. He will do so at once if he only gets discontented with his son, quarrels with him, complains of him, torments him, threatens him, coerces him. This is the way to get rid of the family, and to get them all out of doors. On the other hand, if you wish to keep them, you have got only one way to do it. That is, be patient, kind, paternal, forbearing, and wait until they come to reflect for themselves. The South is to us what the wife is to her husband. I do not know any man in the world who cannot get rid of his wife if he tries. I can put him in the way to do it at once. [He has only got two things to do. One is to be unfaithful to her. The other is to be out of temper with her. I do not know a man on earth who — even though his wife was as troublesome as the wife of Socrates— cannot keep his wife if he wants to do so ; all that he needs is, to keep his own virtue and his own temper. [Ap¬ plause.] Now, in all this business I propose that we shall keep our own virtue, which, in politics, is loyalty, and our own temper, which, in politics, consists in remembering that men may differ, that brethren may differ. If we keep entirely cool and entirely calm, and entirely kind, a debate will ensue which will be kindly in itself, and it will prove very soon either that we are wrong — and we shall con¬ cede to our offended brethren — or else that we are right, and they will acquiesce and come back into fraternal relations with us. I do not wish to anti¬ cipate any question. We have a great many states¬ men who demand at once to know what the North propose to do — what the Government proposes to do — whether we propose to coerce our southern brethren back into their allegiance. They ask us, as of course they may rightfully ask, what will be the value of fraternity which is compelled ? All I have to say on that subject is, that so long ago as the time of Sir Thomas More, he discovered, and set down the discovery in his writing, that there were a great many schoolmasters, and that while there were a very few who knew how to instruct children, there were a great many who knew how to whip them. [Laughter.] I propose to have no question on that subject, but to hear complaints, to redress them if they ought to be redressed, and if we have the power to redress them ; and I expect them to be withdrawn if they are unreasonable, be¬ cause I know that the necessities which made this Union exist, for these states, are stronger to-day than they were when the Union was made, and that those necessities are enduring, while the passions of men are short lived and ephemeral. I believe that secession was stronger on the night of the 6th of November last, when a President and Vice- president who were unacceptable to the Slave States were elected, than it is now. That is now some fifty days since, and I believe that every day’s sun which set since that time, has set on mollified pas¬ sions and prejudices, and that if you will only give it time, sixty days’ more suns will give you a much brighter and more cheerful atmosphere. [Loud and long continued applause.] Doc. 5.— TOOMBS’S ADDRESS. I came here to secure your constitutional rights, and to demonstrate to you that you can get no guarantee for those rights from your Northern con¬ federates. The whole subject was referred to a Committee of Thirteen in the Senate. I was ap¬ pointed on the Committee, and accepted the trust. I submitted propositions, which, so far from re¬ ceiving decided support from a single member of the Republican party of the Committee, were all treated with derision or contempt. A vote was then taken in the Committee on amendments to the Constitution proposed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden, and each and all of them were voted against unani¬ mously by the Black Republican members of the Committee. In addition to these facts, a majority of the Black Republican members of the Committee declared distinctly that they had no guarantees to 8 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. offer, which was silently acquiesced in by the other members. The Black Republican members of this Committee of Thirteen are representative men of the party and section, and, to the extent ot my information, truly represent them. The Committee of Thirty-three on Friday ad¬ journed for a week, without coming to any vote, after solemnly pledging themselves to vote on all the propositions then before them on that day. It is controlled by the Black Republicans, your ene¬ mies, who only seek to amuse you with delusive hope until your election, that you may defeat the friends of secession. If you are deceived by them, it shall not be my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. It is decisive against you now. I tell you, upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the North for security for your constitutional rights in the Union ought to be instantly abandoned. It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity. Seces¬ sion by the 4th day of March next should be thun¬ dered from the ballot-box by the unanimous vote of Georgia on the 2d day of January next. Such a voice will be your best guarantee for liberty, secu¬ rity, tranquillity, and glory. R. Toomds. Doc. 6.— LETTER OF SOUTH CAROLINA CON¬ GRESSMEN TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Sir: We avail ourselves of the earliest oppor¬ tunity since the official communication of the intelligence, of making known to your honorable body that the people of the State of South Caro¬ lina, in their sovereign capacity, have resumed the powers heretofore delegated by them to the Federal Government of the United States, and have thereby dissolved our connection with the House of Re¬ presentatives. In taking leave of those with whom we have been associated in a common agency, we, as well as the people of our Commonwealth, desire to do so with a feeling of mutual regard and respect for each other— cherishing the hope that in our future relations we may better enjoy that peace and harmony essential to the happiness of a free and enlightened people. John McQueen, Dec. 24. M. L. Bonham, W. W. Boyce, J. D. Ashmore, To the Speaker of the House of Representatives. Doc. 7.— EVACUATION OF FORT MOULTRIE. It was given out yesterday at Fort Moultrie, on Sullivan’s Island, that an attack was expected to be made upon it by the people of this city, and that therefore it would be necessary to remove the wives and children of the men to a more secure place. Accordingly three schooners were engaged, which hauled up to the Fort wharf and loaded with what was supposed by the few persons resident on the island, to be the bedding and furniture of the men’s families. It was given out that these vessels were to land their passengers and their goods at Fort Johnson , on James Island ; and they hoisted sail and apparently 6teered for that point. On last night, at about half-past nine o’clock, the entire force, with the exception of about six or eight men, embarked on board of their own row boats, and proceeded to Fort Sumter, which they garrisoned at once, and where they met the persons who had left in the schooners, with many munitions of war which they had surreptitiously taken from Fort Moultrie. The few men left at the fortification last night, under the command of Captain Foster, as soon as the evacuation had taken place, at once commenced the spiking of the guns, the cutting down of the fag-staff, and the burning of the gun- carriages, the smoke of which could be seen this morning from our wharves. Fort Moultrie in a mutilated state, with use¬ less guns, and flames rising in different portions of it, will stand to show the cowardly conduct of the officers who had charge of it, and who in times of peace basely deserted their post and attempted to destroy a fortification which is surrounded with so many historical reminiscences that the arm of the base scoundrel who would have ruined it should have dropped from its socket. The schooners, we are informed, although pre¬ tending to sail for Fort Johnson, stood off and on until nightfall when they put into the wharf at Fort Sumter. We feel an anxiety to know the names of these vessels and their captains, and shall endeavor to find them out. About half-past seven o’clock last evening two heavy discharges from Fort Moultrie, w'ere heard in the city, and was the object of considerable talk, and the news of this morning satisfied us that it must have been the signal of the debarkation of the troops. — Charleston News, Dec. 27. Doc. 8.— FORTS SUMTER AND MOULTRIE. “ In order to ascertain truthful statements of the actual damage done to the forts, of the causes of the movement, and of the state of affairs generally, reporters w’ere despatched to the scene during the forenoon. On the way across the harbor, the hoist¬ ing of the American flag from the staff of Fort Sumter, at precisely 12 o’clock, gave certain indica¬ tion that the stronghold was occupied by the troops of the United States. On a nearer approach the fortress was discovered to be occupied, the guns appeared to be mounted, and sentinels were discov¬ ered on duty, and the place to give every sign of occupancy and military discipline. The grim fort¬ ress frowned defiance on every side; the busy notes of preparation resounded through its unfor¬ bidding recesses, and everything seemed to indi¬ cate the utmost alacrity in the work on hand. “ Turning towards Fort Moultrie, a dense cloud of smoke was seen to pour from the end facing the sea. The flagstaff was down, and the whole place had an air of desolation and abandonment quite the reverse of its busy look one week ago, when scores of laborers were engaged in adding to its strength all the works skill and experience could suggest. “ In the immediate vicinity of the rear or land- side entrance, however, greater activity was notice¬ able. At the time of our visit, a large force of hands had been summoned to deliver up their im¬ plements for transportation to Fort Sumter. Around on every side were the evidences of labor in the fortification of the work. In many places, a por¬ tion of the defences were strengthened by every appliance that art could suggest or ingenuity de- DOCUMENTS. 9 vise; while, in others, the uncompleted works gave evidences of the utmost confusion. On all hands the process of removing goods, furniture, and mu¬ nitions was yet going on. The heavy guns upon the ramparts of the fort were thrown down from their carriages and spiked. Every ounce of powder and every cartridge had been removed from the magazines ; and, in fact, every thing like small arms, clothing, provisions, accoutrements, and other munitions of war had been removed off and deposited — nothing but heavy balls and useless cannon remained. “ The entire place was, to all appearances, littered up with the odds, ends, and fragments of war’s desolation. Confusion could not have been more complete had the late occupants retired in the face of a besieging foe. Fragments of gun carriages, &c., broken to pieces, bestrewed the ramparts. Sand bags, and barrels filled with earth, crowned the walls, and were firmly imbedded in their bomb¬ proof surface, as an additional safeguard — and not¬ withstanding the heterogeneous scattering of mate¬ rials and implements, the walls of the fort evinced a vague degree of energy in preparing for an attack. A ditch some fifteen feet wide and about the same in depth surrounds the entire wall on three sides. On the south side, or front, a glacis has been com¬ menced and prosecuted nearly to completion, with a rampart of sand bags, barrels, &c. “ On one side of the fort a palisade of Palmetto logs is extended around the ramparts as a complete defence against an escalading party. New embra¬ sures have been cut in the walls so as to command the faces of the bastion and ditch. These new de¬ fences are all incomplete, and are evidence of the haste with which they were erected. Considering the inferior force, in point of numbers, under his command, Major Anderson had paid particular at¬ tention to strengthening only a small part of the fort. “ A greater portion of the labor expended was spent upon the citadel or centre of the west point of the position. This he had caused to be strength¬ ened in every way ; loop-holes were cut and every thing was so arranged that in case a well-concerted attack was made, he would have retired from the outer bastions to the citadel, and afterwards blow up the other portions of the fort. For this purpose mines had already been sprung, and trains had been laid ready for the application of the match. The barrack rooms and every other part of the fort that was indefensible would have gone at a touch. “ On the ramparts of the fort fronting Fort Sum¬ ter, were nine eight-inch columbiads, mounted on wooden carriages. As soon as the evacuation of the fort was complete, the carriages of these guns were fired, and at the time of visiting the fort yes¬ terday, were nearly consumed, and the guns thereby dismounted. These guns, as well as those consti¬ tuting the entire armament of the fortress, were spiked before it was abandoned. This is the only damage done the fortification, further than cutting down the flagstaff, and the breaking up of ammu¬ nition wagons to form ramparts on the walls of the fort.’’ — Charleston Courier, Dec. 28. Doc. 9.— MAJOR ANDERSON’S MOVEMENT. We must own that the news of the transaction in Charleston harbor was learned by us yesterday with a prouder beating of the heart. We could not but feel once more that we had a country — a fact which has been to a certain degree in suspense for some weeks past. What is given up for the moment is of no consequence, provided the one point stands out clear, that the United States means to maintain its position, where its rights exist , and that its offi¬ cers, civil and military, intend to discharge their duty. The concentration of the disposable force in Charles¬ ton harbor in a defensible post, is thus a bond of union. It is a decisive act, calculated to rally the national heart. * * We are not disposed to allow the Union to be broken up for grievances of South Carolina, which might be settled within the Union ; and if there is to be any fighting, we prefer it within, rather than without. The abandonment of Fort Moultrie was obviously a necessary act, in order to carry into effect the purpose contemplated with such an inferior force as that under the com¬ mand of Major Anderson. — Boston Courier. If anybody ever doubted Major Anderson’s emi¬ nent military capacity, that doubt must be dispelled by the news that we publish in another column. Of his own accord, without orders from Washing¬ ton, but acting on the discretion which an officer in an independent command always' possesses. Major Anderson, commander of the defences of Charleston harbor, transports his troops to the key of his posi¬ tion, Fort Sumter, against which no gun can be laid which is not itself commanded by a 10-inch columbiad in the embrasures of that octagon cita¬ del. This rapid, unexpected manoeuvre has dis¬ concerted treason, and received the highest military commendation in the country. Brave Major of Artillery, true servant of your country, soldier of penetrating and far-seeing genius, when the right is endangered by fraud or force, at the proper time the needed man is always provided. The spirit of the age provides him, and lie always regards the emergency. Washing¬ ton, Garibaldi, Anderson. — Boston Atlas and Bee. The announcement of the evacuation of Fort Moultrie and the occupation of Fort Sumter, was received with various expressions of opinion ; but the predominant one was a feeling of admiration for the determined conduct and military skill of Col. Anderson in abandoning an indefensible position, and, by a strategetic coup de main which has re¬ versed the whole position of affairs, transferring his force to Fort Sumter, the strongest of the Charles¬ ton fortifications, and the key of its defences. Col. Anderson is believed to have acted in this matter without special orders, but as he has charge of all the forts, the disposition of the force under his command is a matter in regard to which he may be supposed to have full authority. — Baltimore American. Concerning the object of the movement of Major Anderson, we can, as at present informed, say lit¬ tle. But whether he acted in pursuance of orders from head-quarters, or consulted merely his own judgment, the step he has taken must be conceded to have been a wise and prudent one. He could not, with the force under his command, have de¬ fended both Fort Moultrie and Fort Sumter; and by retiring to the one which is not only the strongest in itself, but is the key of the position, he has rendered an attack upon his post less probable than 10 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. it was before, and has placed himself in a better situation to resist it. — Baltimore Exchange. Doc. 10.— SECRETARY FLOYD TO THE PRE¬ SIDENT. War Department, Dec. 29, 1860. Sir : On the morning of the 27th inst. I read the following paper to you in the presence of the Cabinet : Counsel Chamber, Executive Mansion. Sir: It is evident now from the action of the Commander of Fort Moultrie, that the solemn pledges of the Government have been violated by Major Anderson. In my judgment but one remedy is now left us by which to vindicate our honor and prevent civil war. It is in vain now to hope for confidence on the part of the people of South Caro¬ lina in any further pledges as to the action of the military. One remedy is left, and that is to with¬ draw the garrison from the harbor of Charleston. I hope the President will allow me to make that order at once. This order, in my judgment, can alone prevent bloodshed and civil war. (Signed.) John B. Floyd, Secretary of War. I then considered the honor of the Administration pledged to maintain the troops in the position they occupied, for such had been the assurances given to the gentlemen of South Carolina who had a right to speak for her. South Carolina, on the other hand, gave reciprocal pledges that no force should be brought by them against the troops or against the property of the United States. The sole object of both parties in these reciprocal pledges was to pre¬ vent a collision and the effusion of blood, in the hope that some means might be found for a peace¬ ful accommodation of the existing troubles, the two Houses of Congress having both raised Com¬ mittees looking to that object. Thus affairs stood until the action of Major Anderson, taken unfor¬ tunately while the Commissioners were on their way to this capital on a peaceful mission looking to the avoidance of bloodshed, has complicated mat¬ ters in the existing manner. Our refusal or even delay to place affairs back as they stood under our agreement, invites a collision and must inevitably inaugurate civil war. I cannot consent to be the agent of such calamity. I deeply regret that I feel myself under the necessity of tendering to you my resignation as Secretary of War, because I can no longer hold it under my convictions of patriotism, nor with honor, subjected as I am to a violation of solemn pledges and plighted faith. With the highest personal regard, I am most truly yours, John B. Floyd. To His Excellency the President of the United States. the president’s reply. Washington, Dec. 31, 1860. My Dear Sir : I have received and accepted your resignation of the office of Secretary of War; and not wishing to impose upon you the task of per¬ forming its mere routine duties, which you have so kindly offered to do, I have authorized Postmaster- general Holt to administer the affairs of the De¬ partment until your successor shall be appointed. Yours, very respectfully, James Buchanan. Hon. John B. Floyd. Doc. 11.— GENERAL WOOL’S LETTERS TO A FRIEND IN WASHINGTON. Troy, December 31, 1S60. My Dear Sir : — South Carolina, after twenty- seven years — Mr. Rhett says thirty years — of con¬ stant and increasing efforts by her leaders to induce her to secede, has declared herself out of the Union ; and this, too, without the slightest wrong or injus¬ tice done her people on the part of the government of the United States. Although she may have seized the revenue cutter, raised her treasonable Palmetto flag over the United States Arsenal, the Custom-house, Post-office, Castle Pinckney, and Fort Moultrie, she is not out of the Union, nor beyond the pale of the United States. Before she can get out of their jurisdiction or control, a re-construc¬ tion of the constitution must be had or civil war ensue. In the latter case it would require no proph¬ et to foretell the result. It is reported that Mr. Buchanan has received informally the Commissioners appointed by the rebels of South Carolina to negotiate for the public prop¬ erty in the harbor of Charleston, and for other pur¬ poses. It is also reported that the President dis¬ approved of the conduct of Major Anderson, who, being satisfied that he would not be able to defend Fort Moultrie with the few men under his com¬ mand, wisely took possession of Fort Sumter, where he could protect himself and the country from the disgrace which might have occurred, if ho had remained in Fort Moultrie. Being the com¬ mander in the harbor, he had the right to occupy Fort Sumter, an act which the safety of the Union as well as his own honor demanded. It is likewise stated that apprehensions are entertained that Major Anderson will be required to abandon Fort Sumter and re-occupy Fort Moultrie. There can be no foundation for such apprehensions ; for surely the President would not surrender the citadel of the harbor of Charleston to rebels. Fort Sumter com¬ mands the entrance, and in a few hours could de¬ molish Fort Moultrie. So long as the United States keeps possession of this fort, the inde¬ pendence of South Carolina will only be in name and not in fact. If, however, it should be surren¬ dered to South Carolina, which I do not apprehend, the smothered indignation of the free states would be roused beyond control. It would not be in the power of any one to restrain it. In twenty days two hun¬ dred thousand men would be in readiness to take ven¬ geance on all who would betray the Union into the hands of its enemies. Be assured that I do not ex¬ aggerate the feelings of the people. They are already sufficiently excited at the attempt to dis¬ solve the Union, for no other reason than that they constitutionally exercised the most precious right conferred on them, of voting for the person whom they considered the most worthy and best qualified to fill the office of President. Fort Sumter there¬ fore ought not, and I presume will not, be delivered over to South Carolina. I am not, however, pleading for the free States, for they are not in danger, but for the Union and DOCUMENTS. 11 the preservation of the cotton States. Those who 60 w the wind may expect to reap the whirlwind. The leaders of South Carolina could not have no¬ ticed that we live in an age of progress, and that all Christendom is making rapid strides in the march of civilization and freedom. If they had, they would have discovered that the announcement of every victory obtained by the hero of the nineteenth cen¬ tury, Garibaldi, in favor of the oppressed of Italy, did not fail to electrify every American heart with joy and gladness. “ Where liberty dwells there is my country,” was the declaration of the illustrious Franklin. This principle is too strongly implanted in the heart and mind of every man in the free States, to be surrendered because South Carolina desires it in order to extend the area of slavery. With all christianized Europe and nearly all the civilized world opposed to slavery, are the Southern States prepared to set aside the barriers which shield and protect their institutions under the United States government? Would the separation of the South from the North, give greater security to slavery than it has now under the Constitution of the Union? What security would they have for the return of runaway slaves ? I apprehend none ; whilst the number of runaways would be greatly augmented, and the difficulties of which slavehold¬ ers complain would be increased ten-fold. How¬ ever much individuals might condemn slavery, the Free States are prepared to sustain and defend it as guarantied by the Constitution. In conclusion, I would avoid the bloody and desolating example of the Mexican States. I am now, and forever, in favor of the Union, its pres¬ ervation, and the rigid maintenance of the rights and interests of the States, individually as well as collectively. Yours, &c., John E. Wool. GENERAL WOOL TO GENERAL CASS, BEFORE THE RESIGNATION OF THE LATTER. [Private.] Tr.ov, Dec. 6, 1S60. My Dear General : Old associations and former friendship induce me to venture to address to you a few words on the state of the country. My letter is headed “ private,” because I am not author¬ ized to address you officially. I have read with pleasure the President’s Mes¬ sage. South Carolina says she intends to leave the Union. Her representatives in Congress say she has already left the Union. It would seem that she is neither to be conciliated nor comforted. I com¬ mand the Eastern Department , which includes South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, and Missis¬ sippi. You know me well. I have ever been a firm, decided, faithful, and devoted friend of my country. If I can aid the President to preserve the Union I hope he will command my services. It will never do for him or you to leave Washington without every star in this Union is in its place. Therefore, no time should be lost in adopting measures to defeat those who are conspiring against the Union. Hesitancy or delay may be no less fatal to the Union than to the President or your own high standing as a statesman. It seems to me that troops should be sent to Charleston to man the forts in that harbor. You have eight companies at Fort Monroe, Ya. Three or four of these companies should be sent , without a moment's delay , to Port Moultrie. It will save the U len and the President much trouble. It is said that to send at this time troops to that harbor would produce great excitement among the people. That is nonsense, when the people are as much ex¬ cited as they can be, and the leaders are determined to execute their long meditated purpose of sepa¬ rating the state from the Union. So long as you command the entrance to the city of Charleston, South Carolina cannot separate herself from the Union. Do not leave the forts in the harbor in a condition to induce an attempt to take possession of them. It might easily be done at this time. If South Carolina should take them it might, as she anticipates, induce other states to join her. Permit me to entreat you to urge the President to send at once three or four companies of artillery to Fort Moultrie. The Union can be preserved, but it requires firm, decided, prompt and energetic measures on the part of the President. He ha3 only to exert the power conferred on him by the Constitution and laws of Congress, and all will be safe, and he will prevent a civil war, which never fails to call forth all the baser passions of the human heart. If a separation should take place, you may rest assured blood would flow in torrents, followed by pestilence, famine, and desolation, and Senator Sewards irrepressible conflict will be brought to a conclusion much sooner than he could possibly have anticipated. Let me conjure you to save the Union, and thereby avoid the bloody and desolating example of the states of Mexico. A separation of the States will bring with it the desolation of the cotton States, which are unprepared for war. Their weakness will be found in the number of their slaves, with but few of the essentials to carry on war, whilst the free States will have all the elements and materials for war, and to a greater extent than any other people on the face of the globe. Think of these things, my dear General, and save the country, and save the prosperous South from pestilence, famine, and desolation. Peaceable secession is not to be thought of. Even if it should take place, in three months we would have a bloody war on our hands. Very truly your friend, John E. Wool. Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. — Troy Times , Dec. 81. Doc. 12.— THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE SOUTH CAROLINA COMMISSIONERS AND TnE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Washington, Dec. 29, 1860. Sir: We have the honor to transmit to you a copy of the full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina, under which we are “ authorized and empowered to treat with the Gov¬ ernment of the United States for the delivery of the forts, magazines, light-houses, and other real estate, with their appurtenances, iti the limits of South Carolina; and also for an apportionment of the public debt, and for a division of all other prop¬ erty held by the Government of the United States, as agent of the Confederated States, of which South Carolina was recently a member, and generally to negotiate as to all other measures and arrangements proper to be made and adopted in the existing rela¬ tion of the parties, and for the continuance of peace and amity between this Commonwealth and the Government at Washington.” 12 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. In the execution of this trust it is our duty to | furnish vou, as we now do, with an official copy of the Ordinance of Secession, by which the State of South Caroliua has resumed the powers she dele¬ gated to the Government of the United States, and has declared her perfect sovereignty and inde¬ pendence. It would also have been our duty to have inform¬ ed you that we were ready to negotiate with you upon all such questions as are necessarily raised by the adoption of this Ordinance, and that we were prepared to enter upon this negotiation, with the earnest desire to avoid all unnecessary and hostile collision, and so to inaugurate our new relations as to secure mutual respect, general advantage, and a future of good will and harmony, beneficial to all the parties concerned. But the events of the last twenty-four hours ren¬ der such an assurance impossible. We came here the representatives of an authority which could, at any time within the past sixty days, have taken pos¬ session of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we cannot doubt, determined to trust to your honor rather than to its own power. Since our arrival here an officer of the United States, acting as we are assured, not only without, but against your orders, has dis¬ mantled one fort and occupied another — thus alter¬ ing to a most important extent, the condition of af¬ fairs under which we came. Until these circumstances are explained in a man ncr which relieves us of all doubt as to the spirit in which these negotiations shall be conducted, we are forced to suspend all discussion as to any arrange¬ ment by which our mutual interests may be amica¬ bly adjusted. And, in conclusion, we w'ould urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances, they are a standing menace which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience show's, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody issue ques¬ tions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment. We have the honor to be, Very respectfully, your obedient servants, R. W. Barnwell, 1 J. II. Adams, > Commissioners. Jas. L. Orr, ) To the President of the United States. THE president’s REPLY. ■Washington City, Dec. 30, 1860. Gentlemen : I have had the honor to receive your communication of 28th inst., together with a copy of “ your full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina,” authorizing you to treat with the Government of the United States, on various important subjects therein mentioned, and also a copy of the Ordinance, bearing date on the 20th inst., declaring that “ the Union now subsist¬ ing between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is here¬ by dissolved.” In answer to this communication, I have to say that my position as President of the United States was clearly defined in the message to Congress, on the 3d inst. In that I stated that, “ apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be prac¬ ticable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been in¬ vested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations hitherto existing be¬ tween them, much less to aeknowdedge the inde¬ pendence of that State. This w’ould be to invest a mere executive officer with the power of recogniz¬ ing the dissolution of the Confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resem¬ blance to the recognition of a foreign de facto govern¬ ment — involving no such responsibility. Any at¬ tempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings. Such is my opinion still. I could, therefore, meet you only as private gentlemen of the highest charac¬ ter, and was entirely willing to communicate to Con¬ gress any proposition you might have to make to that body upon the subject. Of this you were well aware. It w as my earnest desire that such a dispo¬ sition might be made of the whole subject by Con¬ gress, who alone possess the power, as to prevent the inauguration of a civil war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston ; and I, therefore, deeply regret that, in your opinion, “the events of the last tw'enty-four hours render this impossible.” In con elusion, you urge upon me “ the immediate w ith¬ drawal of the troops from the harbor of Charles¬ ton,” stating that “under present circumstances they are a standing menace, which renders negotia¬ tion impossible, and, as our recent experience shows, threaten speedily to bring to a bloody issue ques¬ tions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment.” The reason for this change in your position is, that since your arrival in Washington, “ an officer of the United States acting, as we (you) are assured, not only without, but against your (my) orders, has dismantled one fort and occupied another — thus altering to a most important, extent the condition of affairs under which we (you) came.” You also allege that you came here “the representatives of an authority which could, at any time within the past sixty days, have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we (you) cannot doubt, determin¬ ed to trust to your (my) honor rather than to its power.” This brings me to a consideration of the nature of those alleged pledges, and in w hat manner they have been observed. In my Message of the 3d of Decem¬ ber last, I stated, in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina, that it “has been purchased for a fair equivalent, by the consent of the Legislature of the State, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, &c., and over these the author¬ ity ‘to exercise exclusive legislation,’ has been ex¬ pressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to ex¬ pel the United States from this property by force; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the of¬ ficer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a con¬ tingency, the responsibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants.” This being the condition of the parties, on Saturday, 8th December, four of the Representatives from South Carolina, called upon me, and requested an interview. We had an earnest conversation on the subject of these forts, and the best means of pre- DOCUMENTS. 13 venting a collision between the parties, for the pur¬ pose of sparing the effusion of blood. I suggested, for prudential reasons, that it would be best to put in writing what they said to me verbally. They did so, accordingly, and on Monday morning, the 10th inst., three of them presented to me a paper signed by all the Representatives from South Carolina, with a single exception, of which the following is a copy: To His Excellency James Buchanan , President of the United States. In compliance with our statement to you yester¬ day, we now express to you our strong convictions that neither the constituted authorities, nor any body of the people of the State of South Carolina, will either attack or molest the United States forts in the harbor of Charleston, previously to the act of the Convention, and we hope and be¬ lieve not until an offer has been made through an accredited representative, to negotiate for an ami¬ cable arrangement of all matters between the State and the Federal Covernment, provided that no re¬ inforcements shall be sent into those forts, and their relative military status shall remain as at present. John McQueen, M. L. Boniiam, W. W. Boyce, Lawrence M. Keitt. Washington, Dec. 9, 1S60. And here I must, in justice to myself, remark that at the time the paper was presented to me, I objected to the word “ provided,” as it might be construed into an agreement on my part, which I never would make. They said that nothing was further from their intention — they did not so un¬ derstand it, and I should not so consider it. It is evident they could enter into no reciprocal agree¬ ment with me on the subject. They did not profess to have authority to do this, and were acting in their individual character. I considered it as noth¬ ing more, in effect, than the promise of highly honorable gentlemen to exert their influence for the purpose expressed. The event has proven that they have faithfully kept this promise, although I have never since received a line from any one of them, or from any member of the convention on the subject. It is well known that it was my de¬ termination, and this I freely expressed, not to re¬ inforce the forts in the harbor, and thus produce a collision, until they had been actually attacked, or until I had certain evidence that they were about to be attacked. This paper I received most cor¬ dially, and considered it as a happy omen that peace might be still preserved, and that time might be thus given for reflection. This is the whole foundation for the alleged pledge. But I acted in the same manner as I would have done had I entered into a positive and formal agree¬ ment with parties capable of contracting, although such an agreement would have been on my part, from the nature of my official duties, impossible. The world knows that I have never sent any reinforce¬ ments to the forts in Charleston harbor, and I have certainly never authorized any change to be made “ in their relative military status.” Bearing upon this subject. I refer you to an order issued by the Secretary of War, on the 11th inst. to Maj. Ander¬ son, but not brought to my notice until the 21st inst. It is as follows : Memorandum of Verbal Instructions to Major Anderson, First Artillery, commanding Fort Moultrie, S. C. You are aware of the great anxiety of the Sec¬ retary of War that a collision of the troops with the people of this State shall be avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course with ref¬ erence to the military force and forts in this harbor, which shall guard against such a collision. He has, therefore, carefully abstained from increasing the force at this point, or taking any measures which might add to the present excited state of the public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the con¬ fidence he feels that South Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain possession of the public works, or interfere with their occupancy. But as the counsel and acts of rash and impul¬ sive persons may possibly disappoint these expecta¬ tions of the Government, he deems it proper that you should be prepared with instructions to meet so unhappy a contingency, ne has therefore directed me, verbally, to give you such instructions. You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend to provoke aggression, and for that reason you are not, without necessity, to take up any position which could be construed into the as¬ sumption of a hostile attitude ; but you are to hold possession of the forts in the harbor , and if attacked , you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack on, or attempt to take possession of either of them, will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then - put your command into either of them which you may deem most proper to increase its power of resistance. You are also authorized to take similar steps whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act. D. P. Butler, Assistant Adjutant-General. Fort Moultrie, S.C., Dec. 11, 1S60. This is in conformity to my instructions to Major Buell. John B. Floyd, Secretary of War. These were the last instructions transmitted to Major Anderson before his removal to Fort Sumter, with a single exception, in regard to a particular which does not in any degree affect the present question. Under these circumstances it is clear that Major Anderson acted upon his own respon¬ sibility, and without authority, unless, indeed, ho had “ tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act” on the part of South Carolina, which has not yet been alleged. Still he is a bravo and honorable officer, and justice requires that he should not be condemned without a fair hearing. Be this as it may, when I learned that Major An¬ derson had left Fort Moultrie and proceeded to Fort Sumter, my first promptings were to command him to return to his former position, and there to await the contingencies presented in his instruc¬ tions. This would only have been done with any degree of safety to the command by the concurrence of the South Carolina authorities. But before any step could possibly have been taken in this direc¬ tion, we received information that the “Palmetto flag floated out to the breeze at Castle Pinckney, and a large military force went over last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie.” Thus the authorities of South Carolina, without waiting or asking for any explanations, and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had acted not only 14 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. without but against my orders, on the very next day after the night when the removal was made, seized by a military force two of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston, and have covered them under their own flag instead of that of the United States. At this gloomy period of our history, startling events succeed each other rapidly. On the very day, the 27th instant, that possession of these two forts was taken, the Palmetto flag was raised over the Federal Custom-house and Post-office in Char¬ leston ; and on the same day every officer of the Customs — Collector, Naval Officer, Surveyor, and Appraiser — resigned their offices. — And this, al¬ though it was well known from the language of my message that, as an executive officer, I felt myself bound to collect the revenue at the port of Charles¬ ton, under the existing laws. In the harbor of Charleston we now find three forts confronting each other, over all of which the Federal flag floated only four days ago ; but now, over two of them, this flag has been supplanted, and the Palmetto flag has been substituted in its stead. It is under all these circumstances that I am urged immediately to withdraw the troops from the harbor of Charles¬ ton, and am informed that without this negotiation is impossible. This I cannot do — this I will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in any possible contingency. No such allusion had been made in any communication between myself and any human being. But the inference is that I am bound to withdraw the troops from the only fort remaining in the possession of the United States in the harbor of Charleston, because the officer there in command of all of the forts thought proper, without instructions, to change his position from one of them to another. At this point of writing, I have received infor¬ mation by telegraph from Capt. Humphreys, in com¬ mand of the arsenal at Charleston, that “it has to-day (Sunday, the 30th) been taken by force of arms.” It is estimated that the munitions of war belonging to this arsenal are worth half a million of dollars. Comment is needless. After this information, I have only to add, that whilst it is my duty to defend Fort Sumter, as a portion of the public property of the United States, against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by such means as I possess for this purpose, I do not perceive how such a defence can bo construed into a menace against the city of Charleston. With great personal regard I remain, yours very respectfully, James Buchanan. To Hon. Robert W. Barnwei.i., James H. Adams, James L. Orr. SECOND LETTER OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE PRESIDENT. Washington, D. C., Jan. 1, 1861. Sir: Wc have the honor to acknowledge the re¬ ceipt of your letter of the 30th December, in reply to a note addressed by us to you, on the 28th of the same month, as Commissioners from South Carolina. In reference to the declaration with which vour reply commences, that your “ position as President of the United States was already defined in the message to Congress of the 3d instant ; ” that you possess “ no power to change the relations here¬ tofore existing between South Carolina and the United States,” “much less to acknowledge the in¬ dependence of that State,” and that consequently you could meet us only as private gentlemen of the highest character, with an entire willingness to communicate to Congress any proposition we might have to make — we deem it only necessary to say that the State of South Carolina having, in the ex¬ ercise of that great right of self-government which underlies all our political organizations, declared herself sovereign and independent, we, as her rep¬ resentatives, felt no special solicitude as to the character in which you might recognize us. Satis¬ fied that the State had simply exercised her unques¬ tionable right, we were prepared, in order to reach substantial good, to waive the formal considerations which your constitutional scruples might have pre¬ vented you from extending. We came here there¬ fore expecting to be received as you did receive us, and perfectly content with that entire willingness, of which you assured us, to submit any proposition to Congress which we might have to make upon the subject of the independence of the State. The willingness was ample recognition of the condition of public affairs, which rendered our presence ne¬ cessary. In this position, however, it is our duty both to the State which we represent and to our¬ selves, to correct several important misconceptions of our letter, into which you have fallen. You say : “ It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possess the power, to prevent the inauguration of a civil war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston; and I therefore deeply regret that in your opinion the events of the last twenty-four hours render this impossible.” We expressed no such opinion ; and the language which you quote as ours, is altered in its sense by the omission of a most important part of the sentence. What we did say was, “ But the events of the last twenty-four hours render such an assurance impos¬ sible.” Place that “ assurance,” as contained in our letter, in the sentence, and we are prepared to repeat it. Again, professing to quote our language, you say : “ Thus the authorities of South Carolina, without waiting or asking for any explanation, and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had acted not only without but against my orders,” &c. We expressed no such opinion in reference to the belief of the people of South Caro¬ lina. The language which you have quoted was applied solely and entirely to our assurances ob¬ tained here, and based, as you well know, upon your own declaration — a declaration which, at that time, it was impossible for the authorities of South Carolina to have known. But, without following this letter into all its details, we propose only to meet the chief points of the argument. Some weeks ago the State of South Carolina de¬ clared her intention, in the existing condition of public affairs, to secede from the United States. She called a Convention of her people to put her declaration in force. The Convention met and passed the Ordinance of Secession. All this you anticipated, and your course of action was thor¬ oughly considered in your Annual Message. You declared you had no right, and would not attempt, to coerce a seceding State, but that you were bound by your constitutional oath, and would de¬ fend the property of the United States within the DOCUMENTS. 15 borders of South Carolina if an attempt was made to take it by force. Seeing very early that this question of property was a difficult and delicate one, you manifested a desire to settle it without colli¬ sion. You did not reinforce the garrison in the harbor of Charleston. You removed a distinguish¬ ed and veteran officer from the command of Fort Moultrie because he attempted to increase his supply of ammunition. You refused to send addi¬ tional troops to the same garrison when applied for by the officer appointed to succeed him. You ac¬ cepted the resignation of the oldest and most emi¬ nent member of your Cabinet, rather than allow the garrison to be strengthened. You compelled an officer stationed at Fort Sumter to return imme¬ diately to the arsenal forty muskets which he had taken to arm his men. You expressed not to one, but to many, of the most distinguished of our public characters, whose testimony will be placed upon the record whenever it is necessary, your anxiety for a peaceful termination of this controversy, and your willingness not to disturb the military status of the forts, if Commissioners should be sent to the Gov¬ ernment, whose communications you promised to submit to Congress. You received and acted on assurances from the highest official authorities of South Carolina, that no attempt would be made to disturb your possession of the forts and property of the United States, if you would not disturb their existing condition until the Commissioners had been sent, and the attempt to negotiate had failed. You took from the members of the House of Rep¬ resentatives a written memorandum that no such attempt should be made, “provided that no re¬ inforcements should be sent into those forts, and their relative military status shall remain as at pres¬ ent.” And although you attach no force to the acceptance of such a paper — although you “ con¬ sidered it as nothing more in effect than the prom¬ ise of highly honorable gentlemen ” — as an obliga¬ tion on one side, without corresponding obligation on the other — it must be remembered (if we were rightly informed) that you were pledged, if you ever did send reinforcements, to return it to those from whom you had received it, before you executed your resolution. You sent orders to your officers, commanding them strictly to follow a line of con¬ duct in conformity with such an understanding. Besides all this, you had received formal and official notice from the Governor of South Carolina that we had been appointed Commissioners, and were on our way to Washington. You knew the implied condition under which we came ; our .arrival was notified to you, and an hour appointed for an inter¬ view. We arrived in Washington on Wednesday, at 3 o’clock, and you appointed an interview with us at 1 the next day. Early on that day, (Thurs¬ day.) the news was received here of the movement of Major Anderson. That news was communicated to you immediately, and you postponed our meet¬ ing until 2-J o’clock on Friday, in order that you might consult your Cabinet. On Friday we saw you, and we called upon you then to redeem your pledge. You could not deny it. With the facts we have stated, and in the face of the crowning and conclusive fact that your Secretary of War had resigned his seat in the Cabinet, upon the publicly avowed ground that the action of Major Anderson had violated the pledged faith of the Government, and that unless the pledge was instantly redeemed, he was dishonored, denial was impossible ; you did not deny it. You do not deny it now, but you seek to escape from its obligation on the grounds, first, that we terminated all negotiation by demand¬ ing, as a preliminary, the withdrawal of the United States troops from the harbor of Charleston ; and, second, that the authorities of South Carolina, in¬ stead of asking explanation, and giving you the op¬ portunity to vindicate yourself, took possession of other property of tlie United States. We will ex¬ amine both. In the first place, we deny positively that we have ever in any way made any such demand. Our letter is in your possession ; it will stand by this on record. In it we informed you of the objects of our mission. We say that it would have been our duty to have assured you of our readiness to com¬ mence negotiations, with the most earnest and anxious desire to settle all questions between us amicably and to our mutual advantage, but that events had rendered that assurance impossible. We stated the events, and we said that until some satis¬ factory explanation of these events was given us, we could not proceed ; and then, having made this request for explanation, we added: “And in con¬ clusion, we would urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charles¬ ton. Under present circumstances they are a stand¬ ing menace, which renders negotiation impossible,” &c. “ Under present circumstances ! ” What cir¬ cumstances? Why, clearly the occupation of Fort Sumter and the dismantling of Fort Moultrie by Major Anderson, in the face of your pledges, and without explanation or practical disavowal. And there is nothing in the letter which would, or could, have prevented you from declining to withdraw the troops, and offering the restoration of the status to which you were pledged, if such has been your de¬ sire. It would have been wiser and better, in our opinion, to have withdrawn the troops ; and this opinion we urged upon you ; but we demanded nothing but such nn explanation of the events of the last twenty-four hours as would restore our con¬ fidence in the spirit with which the negotiations should be conducted. In relation to this with¬ drawal of the troops from the harbor, we are com¬ pelled, however, to notice one passage of your let¬ ter. Referring to it, you say : “ This I cannot do. This I will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in any possible contingency. No allusion to it had ever been made in any communication between myself and any human being.” In reply to this statement, we are compelled to say, that your conversation with us left upon our minds the distinct impression, that you did seriously contemplate the withdrawal of the troops from Charleston harbor. And in support of this impres¬ sion, we would add, that we have the positive as¬ surance of gentlemen of the highest possible public reputation and the most unsullied integrity — men whose name and fame, secured by long service and patriotic achievements, place their testimony be¬ yond cavil— that such suggestions had been made to and urged upon you by them, and had formed the subject of more than one earnest discussion with you. And it was this knowledge that induced us to urge upon you a policy, which had to recom¬ mend it its own wisdom and the might of such authority. As to the second point, that the author¬ ities of South Carolina, instead of asking explana¬ tions, and giving you the opportunity to vindicate yourself, took possession of other property of the 16 REBELLION" RECORD, 1860-61. United States, we would observe: 1. That even if this were so, it does not avail you for defence, for the opportunity for decision was afforded you be¬ fore these facts occurred. We arrived in Washing¬ ton on Wednesday ; the news from Major Anderson reached here early on Thursday, and was immedi¬ ately communicated to you. All that day men of the highest consideration — men who had striven successfully to lift you to your great office — who had been your tried and true friends through the troubles of your administration, sought you and en¬ treated you to act — to act at once. They told you that every hour complicated your position. They only asked you to give the assurance that if the facts were so — that if the commander had acted without and against your orders, and in violation of your pledges — that you would restore the status you had pledged your honor to maintain. You re¬ fused to decide. Your Secretary at War, your im¬ mediate and proper adviser in this whole matter, waited anxiously for your decision, until he felt that delay was becoming dishonor. More than twelve hours passed, and two Cabinet meetings had ad¬ journed, before you knew what the authorities of South Carolina had done ; and your prompt decision at any moment of that time would have avoided the subsequent complications. But, if you had known the acts of the authorities of South Carolina, should that have prevented your keeping your faith? What was the condition of things? For the last sixty days you have had in Charleston harbor, not force enough to hold the forts against an equal enemy. Two of them were empty — one of those two the most important in the harbor. It could have been taken at any time. You ought to know better than any man that it would have been taken, but for the efforts of those who put their trust in your honor. Believing that they were threatened by Fort Sumter especially, the people were with dif¬ ficulty restrained from securing, without blood, the possession of this important fortress. After many and reiterated assurances, given on your behalf, which we cannot believe unauthorized, they deter¬ mined to forbear, and in good faith sent on their Commissioners to negotiate with you. They meant you no harm — wished you no ill. They thought of you kindly, believed you true, and were willing, as far as was consistent with duty, to spare you un¬ necessary and hostile collision. Scarcely had these Commissioners left than Major Anderson waged war. No other words will describe his action. It was not a peaceful change from one fort to another ; it was a hostile act in the highest sense, and only justified in the presence of a superior enemy, and in imminent peril. lie abandoned his position, 6piked his guns, burned his gun-carriages, made preparations for the destruction of his post, and withdrew, under cover of the night, to a safer posi¬ tion. This was war. No man could have believed (without your assurance) that any officer could have taken such a step, “not only without orders, but against orders.” What the State did was in simple Self-defence ; for this act, with all its attend¬ ing circumstances, was as much war as firing a volley ; and war being thus begun, until those commencing it explained their action and disavowed their intention, there was no room for delay ; and even at this moment while we are writing, it is more than probable, from the tenor of your letter, that reinforcements are hurrying on to the conflict, so that when the first gun shall bo fired, there will have been on your part one continuous, consistent series of actions, commencing in a demonstration essentially warlike, supported by regular reinforce¬ ments and terminating in defeat or victory. And all this without the slightest provocation; for, among the many things which you have said, there is one thing you cannot say — you have waited anxiously for news from the seat of war, in hopes that delay would furnish some excuse for this pre¬ cipitation. But this “tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act, on the part of the au¬ thorities of South Carolina,” which is the only justi¬ fication of Major Anderson you are forced to admit, “ has not yet been alleged.” But you have decided, you have resolved to hold, by force, what you have obtained through our misplaced confidence ; and by refusing to disavow the action of Major Anderson, have converted his violation of orders into a legiti¬ mate act of your executive authority. Be the issue what it may, of this we are assured, that, if Fort Moultrie has been recorded in history as a memorial of Carolina gallantry, Fort Sumter will live upon the succeeding page as an imperishable testimony of Carolina faith. By your course, you have probably rendered civil war inevitable. Be it so. If you choose to force this issue upon us, the State of South Carolina will accept it, and, relying upon Ilim who is the God of Justice as well as the God of Hosts, will endeavor to perform the great duty which lies before her hopefully, bravely, and thoroughly. Our mission being one for negotiation and peace, and your note leaving us without hope of a with¬ drawal of the troops from Fort Sumter, or of the restoration of the status quo existing at the time of our arrival, and intimating, as we think, your de¬ termination to reinforce the garrison in the harbor of Charleston, we respectfully inform you that we purpose returning to Charleston to-morrow after¬ noon. We have the honor to be, Sir, very respectfully your obedient servants. R. W. Barnwell, ) J. H. Adams, V Commissioners. James L. Orr, ) To His Excellency the President of the United States. The following is the indorsement upon the document : Executive Mansion, 34 o’clock, Wednesday. This paper, just presented to the President, is of such a character that he declines to receive it. Doc. 13.— THE MERCURY’S APPEAL. To our friends in Florida we would respectfully pass a word. There are two powerful strongholds and most important points of military offence and defence in Florida — Pensacola and Key West. The States both of Georgia and Alabama have wisely taken time by the forelock, and put themselves in possession of such fortresses as lie within their borders, simply because they do not choose that their territories should be occupied, their commerce cut off, and the lives of their people put in jeopardy, by General Scott’s, or Mr. Buchanan’s despotic theory of the powers and duties of the executive officer of a consolidated, vulgar mobocracy. They have chosen to ward off violence and outrage by a timely precaution. If any thing could tend to de- DOCUMENTS. 17 monstrate to the Executive at Washington the folly of attempting the blockading of southern ports, it would be the late action of Georgia and Alabama in regard to their forts. Yet it is impossible to tell to what extremities folly and desperation may drive men. In this view, it is important for the people of Florida to reflect that there are, perhaps, no for¬ tresses along our whole southern coast more im¬ portant than those of Florida. These forts can command the whole Gulf trade. And should Mr. Buchanan carry out what appears to be his present plan, he certainly must desire to hold possession of these forts. He may thus, with the assistance of war-steamers, block up the whole Gulf. But let Florida hold these forts, and the entire aspect of affairs is changed. Such vessels, in time of war, will have no port of entry, and must be supplied in every way from a very long distance, and that at sea ; while the commerce of the North in the Gulf will fall an easy prey lo our bold privateers ; and California gold will pay all such little expenses on our part. We leave the matter for the reflection and de¬ cision of the people of Florida. — Charleston Mercury. Doc. 14.— A RECOMMENDATION TO THE PEO¬ PLE OF THE UNITED STATES. Numerous appeals have been made to me by pious and patriotic associations and citizens, in view of the present distracted and dangerous condition of our country, to recommend that a day be set apart for humiliation, fasting and prayer through¬ out the Union. In compliance with their request, and my own sense of duty, I designate Friday, the 4th Day or January', 1861, for this purpose, and recommend that the people as¬ semble on that day, according to their several forms of worship, to keep it as a solemn fast. The Union of the States is at tlie'present moment threatened with alarming and immediate danger — panic and distress of a fearful character prevail throughout the land — our laboring population are without employment, and consequently deprived of the means of earning their bread — indeed, hope seems to have deserted the minds of men. All classes are in a state of confusion and dismay ; and the wisest counsels of our best and purest men are wholly disregarded. In this, the hour of our calamity and peril, to whom shall we resort for relief but to the God of our Fathers? His omnipotent arm only can save us from the awful effects of our own crimes and follies — our own ingratitude and guilt towards our Heavenly Father. Let us, then, with deep contrition and penitent sorrow, unite in humbling ourselves before the Most High, in confessing our individual and national sins, and in acknowledging the justice of our punishment. Let us implore Him to remove from our hearts that false pride of opinion which would impel us to per¬ severe in wrong for the sake of consistency, rather than yield a just submission to the unforeseen exi¬ gencies by which we are now surrounded. Let us, with deep reverence, beseech Him to restore the friendship and good will which prevailed in former days among the people of the several States, and, above all, to save us from the horrors of civil war and “ blood guiltiness.” Let our fervent prayers ascend to His throne, that He would not desert us Documents — 2 ' in this hour of extreme peril, but remember us as He did our fathers in the darkest days of the Revo¬ lution, and preserve our constitution and our Union — the work of their hands — for ages yet to come. An Omnipotent Providence may overrule existing evils for permanent good. He can make the wrath of man to praise Him, and the remainder of wrath He can restrain. Let me invoke every individual, in whatever sphere of life he may be placed, to feel a personal responsibility to God and his country for keeping this day holy, and for contributing all in his power to remove our actual and impending diffi¬ culties. James Buchanan. ■Washington, Dec. 14, 1SG0. Doc. 15.— CARRINGTON’S CALL. “ To the Public : Whereas, the militia of the dis¬ trict is not organized, and threats have been made that the President-elect shall not be inaugurated in Washington, and there is reason therefore to appre¬ hend that on the 4th of March next our city may be made the scene of riot, violence, and bloodshed; and, whereas, the undersigned believes that the honor of the nation and our city demands that the President-elect shall be inaugurated in the national metropolis, and that the young men of Washington City are determined not to desert their homes in the hour of danger, but to maintain their ground and defend their families and friends, in the Union and on the side of the constitution and the laws, therefore, the undersigned earnestly invites all who concur with him in opinion, and who are not now connected with some military company, to join with him in forming a temporary military organiza¬ tion, with a view of preserving peace and order in our midst on the 4th of March next, or whenever the emergency requires it — and for that purpose to unite with the volunteer companies of our city, which have, in a spirit of gallantry and patriotism worthy of our imitation, pledged themselves to the cause of the Union, the constitution, and the laws. It is proper to state that I take this step after consultation with friends in whom I have the greatest confidence. It is not my object to inter¬ fere with my brother officers of the militia — the organization proposed is to be purely volunteer, for the purpose above stated, in which I am willing to serve in any capacity. I make the proposition not as one of the generals of the militia, but as a citizen of Washington, who is prepared to defend his homo and his honor, at the peril of his life. “ Edward C. Carrington.” Doc. 16.— EXTRACT FROM GOV. HICKS’ ADDRESS. I firmly believe that a division of this Govern¬ ment would inevitably produce civil war. The secession leaders in South Carolina, and the fanat¬ ical demagogues of the North, have alike proclaimed that such would be the result, and no man of sense, in my opinion, can question it. What could the Legislature do in this crisis, if convened, to remove the present troubles which beset the Union ? We are told by the leading spirits of the South Caro¬ lina Convention that neither the election of Mr. Lincoln nor the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave law, nor both combined, constitute their grievances. They declare that the real cause of 18 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. their discontent dates as fur back as 1833. Mary¬ land and every other State in the Union, with a united voice, then declared the cause insufficient to justify the course of South Carolina. Can it be that this people, who then unanimously supported the cause of Gen. Jackson, will now yield their opinions at the bidding of modern secessionists? I have been told that the position of Maryland should be defined so that both sections can under¬ stand it. Do any really understand her position ? Who that wishes to understand it can fail to do so? If the action of the Legislature would be simply to declare that Maryland is with the South in sympathy and feeling; that she demands from the North the repeal of offensive, unconstitutional statutes, and appeals to it for new guarantees ; that she will wait a reasonable time for the North to purge her statute-books, as to do justice to her Southern brethren, and, if her appeals are vain, will make her common cause with her sister border States in resistance to tyranny if need be, it would only be saying what the whole country well knows, and what may be said much more effectually by her people themselves, in their meetings, than by the Legislature, chosen eighteen months since, when none of these questions were raised before them. That Maryland is a conservative Southern State all know who know any thing of her people or her history. The business and agricultural classes, planters, merchants, mechanics, and laboring men ; those who have a real stake in the community, who would be forced to pay the taxes and do the fight¬ ing, are the persons who should be heard in pref¬ erence to excited politicians, many of whom, having nothing to lose from the destruction of the Government, may hope to derive some gain from the ruin of the State. Such men will naturally urge you to pull down the pillars of this “accursed Union,” which their allies at the North have de¬ nominated a “covenant with hell.” The people of Maryland, if left to themselves, would decide, with scarcely an exception, that there is nothing in the present causes of complaint to justify immediate secession ; and yet, against our judgments and solemn convictions of duty, we are to be pre¬ cipitated into this revolution, because South Caro¬ lina thinks differently. Are we not equals ? Or shall her opinions control our actions? After we have solemnly declared for ourselves, as every man must do, arc we to be forced to yield our opinions to those of another State, and thus in effect obey her mandates ? She refuses to wait for our coun¬ sels. Are we bound to obey her commands? The men who have embarked in this scheme to convene the Legislature, will spare no pains to carry their point. The whole plan of operations, in the event of the assembling of the Legislature, is, as I have been informed, already marked out, the list of am¬ bassadors who are to visit the other States is agreed on, and the resolutions which they hope will be passed by the Legislature, fully committing this State to secession, are said to be already pre¬ pared. In the course of nature, I cannot have long to live, and I fervently trust to be allowed to end my days a citizen of this glorious Union. But should I be compelled to witness the downfall of that Government inherited from our fathers, estab¬ lished, as it were, by the special favor of God, I will at least have the consolation, at my dying hour, that I neither by word nor deed assisted in hasten¬ ing its disruption. (Signed) Thomas II. Hicks. Doc. 17.— CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GOV. ELLIS AND SECRETARY HOLT. January 12, 1861. Sir: — Reliable information has reached this De¬ partment, that, on the 8th inst., Forts Johnson and Caswell were taken possession of by State troops and persons resident in that vicinity, in an irregular manner. Upon receipt of this information I immediately issued a military order requesting the forts to be restored to the authorities of the United States, which orders will be executed this day. My information satisfies me that this popular out¬ break was caused by a report, very generally cred¬ ited, but which, for the sake of humanity, I hope is not true, that it was the purpose of the adminis¬ tration to coerce the Southern States, and that troops were on their way to garrison the Southern ports and to begin the work of subjugation. This impression is not yet erased from the public mind, which is deeply agitated at the bare contemplation of so great an indignity and wrong ; and I would most earnestly appeal to your Excellency to strengthen my hands in my efforts to preserve the public order here, by placing it in my power to give public assurance that no measures of force are contemplated towards us. Your Excellency will pardon me, therefore, for asking whether the United States forts will bo gar¬ risoned with United States troops during your ad¬ ministration. This question I ask in perfect respect, and with an earnest desire to prevent consequences which I know would be regretted by your Excellency as much as myself. Should I receive assurance that no troops will be sent to this State prior to the 4th of March next, then all will be peace and quiet here, and the prop¬ erty of the United States will be fully protected as heretofore. If, however, I am unable to get such assurances, I will not undertake to answer for the consequences. The forts in this State have long been unoccupied, and their being garrisoned at this time will unques¬ tionably be looked upon as a hostile demonstra¬ tion, and will, in my opinion, certainly be resisted. Secretary Holt responded, under date of Jan. 15 : “ Your letter of the 12th inst., addressed to the President of the United States, has by him been re¬ ferred to this Department, and he instructs me to express his gratification at the promptitude with which you have ordered the expulsion of the lawless men who recently occupied Forts Johnson and Cas¬ well. He regards this action on the part of your Excellency as in complete harmony with the honor and patriotic character of the people of North Car¬ olina, whom you so worthily represent. “ In reply to your inquiry, whether it is the pur¬ pose of the President to garrison the forts of North Carolina during his administration, I am directed to say that they, in common with the other forts, arsenals, and other property of the United States, are in the charge of the President, and that if as¬ sailed, no matter from what quarter or under what pretext, it is his duty to protect them by all the means which the law has placed at his disposal. It is not his purpose to garrison the forts to which you refer at present, because he considers them en¬ tirely safe, as heretofore, under the shelter of that DOCUMENTS. 19 law-abiding sentiment for which the people of North Carolina have ever been distinguished. Should they, however, be attacked or menaced with danger of being seized or taken from the possession of the United States, he could not escape from his constitutional obligation to defend and preserve them. The very satisfactory and patriotic assur¬ ance given by your Excellency justifies him, how¬ ever, in entertaining the confident expectation that no such contingency will arise.” Doc. 18.— CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MAJ. ANDERSON AND GOV. PICKENS. To ITis Excellency the Governor of South Carolina: Sir : Two of your batteries fired this morning on an unarmed vessel bearing the flag of my Govern¬ ment. As I have not been notified that war has been declared by South Carolina against the United States. I cannot but think this a hostile act, com¬ mitted without your sanction or authority. Under that hope I refrain from opening a fire on your bat¬ teries. I have the honor, therefore, respectfully to ask whether the above-mentioned act — one which I believe without parallel in the history of our coun¬ try or any other civilized Government — was com¬ mitted in obedience to your instructions, and notify you, if it is not disclaimed, that I regard it as an act of war, and I shall not, after reasonable time for the return of my messenger, permit any vessel to pass within the range of the guns of my fort. In order to save, as far as it is in my power, the shedding of blood, I beg you will take due notification of my decision for the good of all concerned, — hoping, however, your answer may justify a further contin¬ uance of forbearance on my part. I remain, respectfully, Robert Anderson. gov. pickens’ reply. Gov. Pickens, after stating the position of South Carolina towards the United States, says that any attempt to send United States troops into Charleston harbor, to reinforce the forts, would be regarded as an act of hostility; and in conclusion adds, that any attempt to reinforce the troops at Fort Sumter, or to retake and resume possession of the forts within the waters of South Carolina, which Major Ander¬ son abandoned, after spiking the cannon and doing other damage, cannot but be regarded by the authorities of the State as indicative of any other purpose than the coercion of the State by the armed force of the Government ; special agents, therefore, have been off the bar to warn approaching vessels, armed and unarmed, having troops to reinforce Fort Sumter aboard, not to enter the harbor. Special orders have been given the commanders at the forts not to fire on such vessels until a shot across their bows should warn them of the prohibi¬ tion of the State. Under these circumstances the Star of the West, it is understood, this morning at¬ tempted to enter the harbor with troops, after hav¬ ing been notified she could not enter, and conse¬ quently she was fired into. This act is perfectly justified by me. In regard to your threat about vessels in the har¬ bor, it is only necessary for me to say, you must be the judge of your responsibility. Your position in the harbor has been tolerated by the authorities of the State, and while the act of which you complain is in perfect consistency with the rights and duties of the State, it is not perceived how far the conduct you propose to adopt can find a parallel in the his¬ tory of any country, or be reconciled with any other purpose than that of your Government imposing on the State the condition of a conquered province. F. W. Pickens. second communication from major andrrson. To n is Excellency Governor Pickens: Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication, and say, that under the circumstances I have deemed it proper to refer the whole matter to my Government, and intend defer¬ ring the course I indicated in my note this morning until the arrival from Washington of such instruc¬ tions as I may receive. I have the honor also to express the hope that no obstructions will be placed in the way, and that you will do me the favor of giving every facility for the departure and return of the bearer, Lieut. T. Talbot, who is directed to make the journey. Robert Anderson. attack on the star of the west. “About half-past six o’clock yesterday (Wedncs- day) morning, the steamer General Clinch discover¬ ed the steamship Star of the West and signalled the fact of her approach to the occupants of the bat¬ tery on Morris Island. As soon as the signals were seen by those on guard there, Morris Island was astir with men at their posts before the orders could be given them to prepare for action. They remain¬ ed in anxious suspense, but ready for what they be¬ lieved was sure to come, a volley from Fort Sumter. The Star of the West rounded the point, took the ship channel inside the bar, and proceeded straight forward until opposite Morris Island, about three- quarters of a mile from the battery. A ball was then fired athwart the bows of the steamer. The Star of the West displayed the stars and stripes. As soon as the flag was unfurled the fortification fired a succession of shots. The vessel coutinued on her course with increased speed; but two shots taking effect upon her, she concluded to retire. Fort Moultrie fired a few shots at her, but she was out of their range. The damage done to the Star of the West is trifling, as only two out of seven- j teen shots took effect upon her. Fort Sumter made no demonstration, except at the port-holes, where the guns were run out bearing on Morris Island.” — Charleston Courier , Jan. 10. Doc. 19.— THE ALABAMA ORDINANCE OF SECESSION. An ordinance to dissolve the union between the State of Alabama and other States, united UNDER TOE COMPACT AND STYLE OF THE UNITED States of America. Whereas, The election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States of America, by a sectional party, avowedly hostile to the domestic institutions, and peace and security of the people of the State of Alabama, following upon the heels of many and dangerous infractions of the Constitution of the United States, by many of the States and people of the Northern section, is a political wrong of so insulting and menacing a character, as to 20 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. justify the people of the State of Alabama in the adoption of prompt and decided measures for their future peace and security. Therefore, be it declared and ordained, by the people of the State of Alabama, in convention as¬ sembled, that the State of Alabama now withdraws from the Union, known as the United States of America, and henceforth ceases to be one of the said United States, and is and of right ought to be a sovereign independent State. Sec. 2. And be it further declared and ordained by the people of the State of Alabama in conven¬ tion assembled, that all powers over the territories of said State, and over the people thereof, hereto¬ fore delegated to the Government of the United States of America, be, and they are hereby, with¬ drawn from the said Government, and are hereby resumed and vested in the people of the State of Ala¬ bama. And as it is the desire and purpose of the people of Alabama, to meet the slaveholding States of the South who approve of such a purpose, in order to frame arevisional as a permanent Government, upon the principles of the Government of the United States, be it also resolved by the people of Alabama, in convention assembled, that the people of the States of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Missis¬ sippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Tennessee, Ken¬ tucky and Missouri, be and they are hereby invited to meet the people of the State of Alabama, by their delegates in convention, on the 4th day of February next in Montgomery, in the State of Ala¬ bama, for the purpose of consultation with each other, as to the most effectual mode of securing concerted, harmonious action in whatever measures may be deemed most desirable for the common peace and security. And be it further resolved, That the President of this convention be and he is hereby instructed to transmit forthwith a copy of the foregoing pre¬ amble, ordinance and resolutions to the Governors of the several States named in the said resolutions. Done by the people of Alabama, in convention assembled, at Montgomery, this lltli day of Janu¬ ary, 1S61. The preamble, ordinance and resolutions were adopted by Ayes 61, Nays 39. CELEBRATION IN MOBILE. Yesterday was the wildest day of excitement in the annals of Mobile. The whole people seemed to be at the top point of enthusiasm from the time that the telegraphic announcement of the passage of the secession ordinance in the convention was received, until the hour when honest men should be abed. To add, if possible, to the excitement, the news of the secession of our sister State of Florida was received simultaneously with that of the withdrawal of Ala¬ bama. Immediately on the receipt of the news, an im¬ mense crowd assembled at the “ secession pole,” at the foot of Government-street, to witness the spread¬ ing of the Southern flag, and it was run up amid the shouts of the multitude and the thunders of cannon. One hundred and one guns for Alabama and fifteen for Florida were fired, and after remarks from Dr. Woodcock, Mr. Lude, and other gentlemen, the crowd repaired to the Custom House, walking in pro¬ cession with a band of music at the head, braying the warlike notes of the “ Southern Marseillaise.” Arrived at the Custom House, a lone star flag was waved from its walls amid enthusiastic shouts. The balcony of the Battle House, opposite, was thronged with ladies and gentlemen, and the street was crowd¬ ed with excited citizens. Standing upon the steps of the Custom House, brief and stirring addresses were delivered by Dr. Woodcock, Gen. Niel Robin¬ son, Gen. Lawler, Gen. Butler, Dr. Lyle, Robert H. Smith, Mayor Withers, and Hon. George N. Stewart. It was announced that a despatch had been re¬ ceived from the Governor, to the effect that he ex¬ pected that Mobile would raise a hundred thousand dollars for the defence of the city. Gen. Robinson and Gen. Lawler immediately put down their names for a thousand dollars each, Dr. Lyle, of Mississippi, for two hundred and fifty, and other gentlemen for other sums. A committee was appointed to canvass the city and obtain subscriptions. The military paraded the streets. The Cadets were out in force, bearing the splendid flag which was presented them the day previous, and is a most gorgeous banner, and, with the Independent Rifles, marched to Bienville Square, where they fired con¬ tinuous salvos of musketry. The demonstration at night was worthy the magni¬ tude of the event celebrated. The display was of the most brilliant description. During the whole day the “ busy sound of hammers ” on all sides gave note of preparation for illumination ; and when night fell, the city emerged from darkness into a blaze of such glory as could only be achieved by the most reck¬ lessly extravagant consumption of tar and tallow. The broad boulevard of Government-street was an avenue of light, bonfires of tar-barrels being kindled at intervals of a square’s distance along its length, and many residences upon it were illuminated. The Court House and other buildings at the intersection of Royal-street shone with a plenitude of candles. Royal street was a gorgeous gush of light, the great front of the Battle House and other buildings being a perfect conflagration of illumination. All the newspaper offices were, of course, numbered among the Illuminati of the occasion. Dauphin- street, for many squares, was a continuous blaze of light, and the buildings around Bienville Square rivalled each other in taste and magnificence of dis¬ play. With a choice epicureanism of triumph and rejoicing, the Custom House was illuminated by a fair show of patriotic candles — Ossas of insult being thus piled on Pelions of injury to Uncle Sam. In the remote, unfrequented streets of the city, as well as in the more prominent avenues of business or residence, frequent illuminated buildings could be seen dispersing the gloom of night from about them. Rockets blazed and crackers popped, and the people hurrahed and shouted as they never did before. The streets, as light as day, were overflowed with crowds of ladies who had turned out to see the display. Many of the designs of illuminatory work were ex¬ ceedingly tasteful and beautiful. The “ Southern Cross ” was a favored emblematic pattern, and gleam¬ ing in lines of fire, competed with the oft-repeated “Lone Star” for admiration and applause from the multitude. In short, the occasion seemed several Fourth of Julys, a number of New Year’s eves, va¬ rious Christmases, and a sprinkling of other holidays all rolled into one big event. While we write, at a late hour, some enthusiastic orator is haranguing a shouting multitude from the steps of the Custom House, and all the juvenile fireworks of China and the other Indies seem to be on a grand burst of com- DOCUMENTS. 21 bined explosion, startling the ear of night with their mimic artillery of gratulation. — Mobile Advertiser , Jan. 12. Doc. 20.— N. Y. STATE RESOLUTIONS. Whereas , The insurgent State of South Carolina, after seizing the Post Offices, Custom House, moneys and fortifications of the Federal Government, has, by firing into a vessel ordered by the Government to convey troops and provisions to Fort Sumter, virtu¬ ally declared war ; and, Whereas , The forts and property of the United States Government in Georgia, Alabama and Louisi¬ ana have been unlawfully seized, with hostile inten¬ tions; and. Whereas, Their Senators in Congress avow and maintain their treasonable acts ; therefore, Resolved , That the Legislature of New York is profoundly impressed with the value of the Union, and determined to preserve it unimpaired ; that it greets with joy the recent firm, dignified and patri¬ otic Special Message of the President of the United States, and that we tender to him, through the Chief Magistrate of our own State, whatever aid in men and money may be required to enable him to enforce the laws and uphold the authority of the Federal Government ; and that, in the defence of the Union, which has conferred prosperity and happiness upon the American people, renewing the pledge given and redeemed by our fathers, we are ready to devote our fortunes, our lives, and our sacred honor. Resolved , That the Union-loving citizens and rep¬ resentatives of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Missouri and Tennessee, who labor with devoted courage and patriotism to with¬ hold their States from the vortex of secession, are entitled to the gratitude and admiration of the whole people. Resolved , That the Governor be respectfully re¬ quested to forward, forthwith, copies of the foregoing resolutions to the President of the Nation, and the Governors of all the States of the Union. — N. Y. Times , Jan. 12, Doc. 21.— CAPT. MCGOWAN’S REPORT. Steamship Star of ttie West, ) New York, Saturday, Jan. 12, 1861. ( M. 0. Roberts, Esq. — Sir : After leaving the wharf on the 5th inst., at 5 o’clock P. M., we pro¬ ceeded down the Bay, where we hove to, and took on board four officers and two hundred soldiers, with their arms, ammunition, &c., and then proceeded to sea, crossing the bar at Sandy Hook at 9 P. M. Nothing unusual took place during the passage, which was a pleasant one for this season of the year. We arrived at Charleston Bar at 1,80 A, M. on the 9th inst., but could find no guiding marks for the Bar, as the lights were all out. W e proceeded with caution, running very slow and sounding, until about 4 A. M., being then in fathoms water, when we discovered a light through the haze which at that time covered the horizon. Concluding that the lights were on Fort Sumter, after getting the bearings of it, we steered to the S. W. for the main ship-chan¬ nel, where we hove to, to await daylight, our lights having all been put out since 12 o’clock, to avoid being seen. M the day began to break, we discovered a steamer just in shore of us, who, as soon as she saw us, burned one blue light and two red lights as signals, and shortly after steamed over the bar and into the ship-channel. The soldiers were now all put below, and no one allowed on deck except our own crew. As soon as there was light enough to see, we crossed the bar and proceeded on up the channel, (the outer bar buoy having been taken away,) the steamer ahead of us sending off rockets, and burning lights until after broad daylight, continuing on her course up nearly two miles ahead of us. When we arrived about two miles from Fort Moultrie, Fort Sumter being about the same distance, a masked battery on Morris Island, where there was a red Palmetto flag flying, opened lire upon us — distance, about five- eighths of a mile. 1 1 rc had the American flag flying at our flagstaff at the time, and soon after the first shot, hoisted a large American Ensign at the fore. We continued on under the fire of the battery for over ten minutes, several of the shots going clear over us. One shot just passed clear of the pilot¬ house, another passed between the smoke-stack and walking-beams of the engine, another struck the ship just abaft the fore-rigging and stove in the planking, while another came within an ace of carrying away the rudder. At the same time there was a movement of two steamers from near Fort Moultrie, one of them towing a schooner, (I presume an armed schooner,) with the intention of cutting us off. Our position now became rather critical, as we had to approach Fort Moultrie to within three-quarters of a mile be¬ fore we could keep away for Fort Sumter. A steam¬ er approaching us with an armed schooner in tow, and the battery on the island firing at us all the time, and having no cannon to defend ourselves from the attack of the vessels, we concluded that, to avoid certain capture, or destruction, we would endeavor to get to sea. Consequently we wore round and steered down the channel, the battery firing upon us until the shot fell short. As it was now strong ebb tide, and the water having fallen some three feet, we pro¬ ceeded with caution, and crossed the bar safely at 8.50 A. M., and continued on our course for this port, where we arrived this morning after a boister¬ ous passage. A steamer from Charleston followed us for about three hours, watching our movements. In justice to the officers and crews of each depart¬ ment of the ship, I must add that their behavior while under the fire of the battery reflected great credit on them. Mr. Brewer, the Now York pilot, was of very great assistance to me in helping to pilot the ship over Charleston Bar, and up and down the channel. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, John McGowan, Captain. — Times, Jan. 14. Doc. 22. — GEORGIA SECESSION ORDINANCE. An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of Georgia and other States united WITH HER UNDER THE COMPACT OF GOVERNMENT ENTITLED THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED States. We, the people of the State of Georgia, in Con¬ vention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordinances adopted by the people of the State of Georgia in convention in 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States was assented to, ratified and * REBELLION RECORD, 1SG0-61. O i) +mmJ adopted, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly ratifying and adopting amend¬ ments to the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, rescinded and abrogated. And we do further declare and ordain that the Union now subsisting between the State of Georgia and other States, under the name of the United States, is hereby dissolved, and that the State of Georgia is in full possession and exercise of all those rights of sovereignty which belong and ap¬ pertain to a free and independent State. Doc. 23.— SPEECH OF JEFFERSON DAVIS ON LEAVING THE SENATE. I rise for the purpose of announcing to the Senate that I have satisfactory evidence that the State of Mississippi, by solemn ordinance in convention assem¬ bled, has declared her separation from the United States. Under these circumstances, of course, my functions terminate here. It has seemed to be proper that I should appear in the Senate and announce that fact, and to say something, though very little, upon it. The occasion does not invite me to go into the argument, and my physical condition will not permit it, yet something would seem to be necessary on the part of the State I here represent, on an occasion like this. It is known to Senators who have served here, that I have for many years advocated, as an essential attribute of State sovereignty, the right of a State to secede from the Union. If, therefore, I had not be¬ lieved there was justifiable cause — if I had thought the State was acting without sufficient provocation — still, under my theory of government, I should have felt bound by her action. I, however, may say I think she had justifiable cause, and I approve of her acts. I conferred with the people before that act was taken, and counselled them that if they could not remain, that they should take the act. I hope none will confound this expression of opinion with the advocacy of the right of a State to remain in the Union, and disregard its constitutional obligations by nullification. Nullification and secession are indeed antagonistic principles. Nullification is the remedy which is to be sought and applied, within the Union, against an agent of the United States, when the agent has violated constitutional obligations, and the State assumes for itself, and appeals to other States to sup¬ port it. But when the States themselves, and the people of the States, have so acted as to convince us that they will not regard our constitutional rights, then, and then for the first time, arises the question of secession in its practical application. That great man who now reposes with his fathers, who has been so often arraigned for want of fealty to the Union, advocated the doctrine of nullification, because it preserved the Union. It was because of his deep- seated attachment to the Union that Mr. Calhoun advocated the doctrine of nullification, which he claimed would give peace within the limits of the Union, and not disturb it, and only be the means of bringing the agent before the proper tribunal of the States for judgment. Secession belongs to a different class of rights, and is to be justified upon the basis that the States are sovereign. The time has been, and I hope the time will come again, when a better appreciation of our Union will prevent any one de¬ nying that each State is a sovereign in its own right. Therefore, I say I concur in the act of my State, and feel bound by it. It is by this confounding of nulli¬ fication and secession that the name of another great man has been invoked to justify the coercion of a seceding State. The phrase “ to execute the law,” as used by General Jackson, was applied to a State re¬ fusing to obey the laws and still remaining in the Union. I remember well when Massachusetts was arraigned before the Senate. The record of that occasion will show that I said, if Massachusetts, in pursuing the line of steps, takes the last step which separates her from the Union, the right is hers, and I will neither vote one dollar nor one man to coerce her, but I will say to her, “ God speed ! ” Mr. Davis then proceeded to argue that the equality spoken of in the Declaration of Independence was the equality of a class in political rights, referring to the charge against George III. for inciting insurrec¬ tion, as proof that it had no reference to the slaves. But we have proclaimed our independence. This is done with no hostility or any desire to injure any section of the country, nor even for our pecuniary benefit, but from the high and solid foundation of defending and protecting the rights we inherited, and transmitting them unshorn to our posterity. I know I feel no hostility to you Senators here, and am sure there is not one of you, whatever may have been the- sharp discussion between us, to whom I cannot now say, in the presence of my God, I wish you well. And such is the feeling, I am sure, the people I rep¬ resent feel towards those whom you represent. I, therefore, feel I but express their desire, when I say I hope and they hope for those peaceful relations with you, though we must part, that may be mutually beneficial to us in the future. There will be peace if you so will it, and you may bring disaster on every part of the country, if you thus will have it. And if you will have it thus, we will invoke the God of our fathers, who delivered them from the paw of the lion, to protect us from the ravages of the bear ; and thus putting our trust in God, and our own firm hearts and strong arms, we will vindicate and defend the rights we claim. In the course of my long career, I have met with a great variety of men here, and there have been points of collision between us. Whatever of offence there has been to me, I leave here. I carry no hostile feelings away. Whatever of offence I have given, which has not been redressed, I am will¬ ing to say to Senators in this hour of parting, I offer you my apology for any thing I may have done in the Senate ; and I go thus released from obligation, re¬ membering no injury I have received, and having discharged what I deem the duty of man, to offer the only reparation at this hour for every injury I have ever inflicted. [As the Senators from Florida, Alabama and Mis¬ sissippi were about to retire from the Senate, all the Democratic Senators crowded around them and shook hands w-ith them. Messrs. Hale and Cameron were the only Republican Senators that did so.] — Herald, , Jan. 22. Doe. 24.— SIIERRARD CLEMENS’ SPEECH. He thanked God that he was permitted, after a long sickness, to take his stand upon that floor in renovated health, at a time when his services might prove most valuable to his constituents. ITe would not now speak in passion. It would not befit the solemn and portentous issues of the hour. They were in the midst of great events. It might be that they were in the dying days of the Republic, DOCUMENTS. 23 and he would not therefore utter, even in a whisper, one word which might tend to bring down the im¬ pending avalanche upon the quiet homes of the peo¬ ple. He would at the same time speak as a South¬ ern man, identified with all the interests of the South. He would speak as a Western Virginian, and as the custodian of those who were not old enough to know the perils to which they were ex¬ posed, by those who were now riding on the crest of the popular wave, but who were, nevertheless, destined to sink into the very trough of the sea to a depth so unfathomable that not a bubble would ever rise, to mark the spot where they went so ig- nominiously down. Well might those who had inaugurated the revolution which was now stalking over the land, cry out with uplifted hands for peace, and deprecate the effusion of blood. It was the inventor of the guillotine who was its first victim, and the day was not far off when they would find among their own people, those who would have to rely upon the magnanimity of that population, whom they had most cruelly outraged and deceived. He had not the heart to enter into a detail of the arguments, or to express the indignant emotions, which rose to his lips for utterance. But before God, and in his inmost conscience he believed that Slavery would be crucified, should this unhappy controversy end in a dismemberment of the Union. If not crucified, it would carry the death-rattle in its throat. It remained to be seen whether treason could be carried out with the same facility with which it has been plotted. There was a holy cour¬ age among the minority of every State that might be for the time overwhelmed. Lazarus was not dead, but slept; and ere long the stone would be rolled away from the mouth of the tomb, and they would witness all the glories of a resurrection. It would not be forgotten, that among the clans of Scotland, beacon fires used to be lit by concerted signals from crag to crag, in living volumes of flame, yet expiring even in its own fierceness, and sinking into ashes as the fagots which fed them were consumed. To such a picture as that might be likened a rebellion such as political leaders some¬ times excite for a brief hour ; but the fires of re¬ bellion burnt out with the fagots, and all was cold and dark again. There was a striking contrast between such a movement, between such a rebel¬ lion as he alluded to, and the uprising of the masses of the people in vindication of violated rights. As great a difference as there was between Snug, the joiner, and Bottom, the weaver, who “could roar you as fierce as a lion, or coo you as gently as a sucking-dove.” One was the stage-trick of a polit¬ ical harlequin, the other was a living reality — the one was a livid and fitful flame, the other was a prairie on fire, finding in every step of its progress food for its all-ravening maw. In the present emer¬ gency, before this political conspiracy, it might be that he would stand alone with his colleague, (Mr. Wilson.) Let it be so. He sought no office. His political race was very nearly voluntarily run. His¬ tory would record the proceeding of this turbulent period, and time — the gentle but infallible arbiter of all things earthly — would decide the truth. Upon that he would take his stand. They lived in an age of political paradoxes. Broad, expansive love of country had become a diseased sentimentality. Patriotism had become a starveling birdling, cling¬ ing with unfledged wings around the nest of twigs where it was born. A statesman must now not only narrow his mind and give up to party what was meant for mankind, but lie must recede as sub¬ missively as a blind horse in a bark mill to every perverted opinion which sits, whip in hand, on tho revolving shaft, at the end of which he is harnessed. To be a diamond of the first water, he must stand in the Senate House of his country, and in the face of a forbearing people, glory in being a traitor and a rebel. He must solemnly proclaim the death of the nation to which he had sworn allegiance, and with the grave stolidity of an undertaker, invite its citizens to their own funeral. He must dwarf and provincialize his patriotism to the State on whose local passion he thrives, to the country where he practises court, or to the city where he flaunts iti all the meretricious dignity of a Doge of Venice. He can take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, but he can enter with honor into a conspiracy to overthrow it. Ho can, under the sanctity of the same oath, advise the seizure of forts and arsenals, dockyards and ships, and money belonging to the Union, whose officer he is, and find a most loyal and convenient retreat in State author¬ ity and State allegiance. He was ready to laugh in their faces if they only told him that, before the time when he was “ muling and puking in his nurse’s arms,” there lived a very obscure person named Geougf, Washington, wdio, before he died, became eminent by perpetrating the immortal joke of advising the people of the United States, that it was of infinite moment, that they should properly estimate the immense value of their national Union — that they should cherish a cordial, habitual and im¬ movable attachment to it — that they should watch itspreservation with jealous anxiety, discountenance whatever might suggest a suspicion that it could in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frown down the first dawning attempt to alienate any portion of the country from the rest, or to enfeeblo the sacred ties which linked together its various parts. Washington saw into the future, and dis¬ covered that disastrous period in our history against which he warned his countrymen when he told them to “ beware of geographical parties.” These extreme parties, North and South, had at last met. Their differences had been created and carried o:t by systematic perversions of each other’s aims and objects. In the North it had been represented that the South desired and intended to monopolize with slave territory all the public lands, and to drive there¬ from free labor, to convert every free State into common ground for the recapture of colored persons as slaves who were free, and to put the Federal Gov¬ ernment in all its departments under the control of a slave oligarchy. These and all other stratagems that could be resorted to aroused antagonistic feelings, which were welded with turbulent passions. As they planted so they reaped. Now that victory had been w'on by the Republican party, and the Government must be administered upon national policy ; the fis¬ sures in the ground occupied by them became ap¬ parent, and hence there would necessarily be a large defection in its ranks among the more ultra of its adherents, who were, as a general thing, ideal, specu¬ lative, and not practical men. Out of actual power, a party was apt to be radical. Vest it with power, and it became conservative. This was the ordeal through which the Republican, like all other parties, was now passing, and ho hoped for the peace of the country, and the triumph of practical, rather than ideal policy and measures. Herein consisted the 24 REBELLION RECORD, 18GO-61. almost insuperable difficulty of coming to any feas¬ ible adjustment upon the existing discontents. The bulk of politicians, North and South, were bound by a past record and past professions. They were, in fact, thinking all the while “what Mrs. Grundy would say.” The people themselves understood the cause of the difficulty, and if they but once interfered, the country would be saved. What was the difficulty now ? He appealed whether it was not that in the hands of ultras, North and South, the slaveholder had been used as a shuttlcdore, who, for purposes utterly dissimilar, had been banded from South Carolina to Massachusetts, and from Massachusetts back again to South Carolina, until now the last point of endurance had been reached ? Every violent word uttered North had been sent South, and the South had responded in the spirit. The abolitionist himself had been granted an audience in every Southern city, at every Southern political meeting, and the most violent insulting, agrarian speeches repeated even in the hearing of the slaves themselves. Was it not hu¬ miliating to confess, that the very people who would burn in effigy, if not at the stake, a postmaster who would dare to distribute a copy of abolition speeches, honor as among their chief defenders the candidates who could quote the most obnoxious passages from all who had made Southern politics a vast hot-bed for the propagation of abolition sentiments ? The two great sections of the nation stood at that mo¬ ment towards each other like two encamped armies, waiting the orders to engage. The patriot planned, deplored, and appealed, but found little succor in the only quarter whence succor could come. The abo¬ litionist revelled in the madness of the hour. He saw the cracks in the iceberg at last. To him the desert and the battle-field were alike welcome. He had knelt down in the desert with the camels, for a speck in the far distance showed that the simoom was com¬ ing. He looked into the future as into a dark cloud in the morning, when nothing but the early lark was on the wing. But soon history, like the light of the eastern horizon, would curtain back that cloud, and paint in blood’s ruddiest tints field and forest, hamlet and city, the very mountains to their pine-crowned tops, and the great ocean itself, as an ensanguined flood, where brother contending with brother should find a nameless sepulchre. No anaconda, with his filthy folds around the banyan tree, threw out the venomous tongue and yearned with fiercer passion for the crushed bone and the pulpy flesh than he, the abolitionist, now expectant of his prey, yearned for this long-proposed repast Well might he cry that the day of jubilee had come. Well might he marshal his hosts to the last great war of sections and of races. Defeated, stigmatized, insulted, scoffed at, ostracized and gibbeted by his countrymen, he now gloated over the most fearful of all retributions. His deadliest foes in the South had now struck hands in a solemn league of kindred designs, and with exult¬ ant tramp, 6tolidly marched, adorned, like a Roman ox, with the garlands of sacrifice, to their eternal doom. At this moment, when a sudden frenzy had struck blind the Southern people, this picture could not even be realized in all its horrors. When he looked at his country, and its present distracted and desolate con¬ dition, and its possible fate, he felt almost ready to close the quick accents of speech, and allow the heart to sink down voiceless in its despair. He would refer them to the words of Lloyd Garrison, and demand what answer would be given to them. Mr. Clemens then referred to an article in the Liberator , which appeared a few days after the secession of South Carolina, in which Garrison said that “ the last covenant with death was annulled, and the agree¬ ment with hell broken, by the action of South Caro¬ lina herself closing with an appeal to Massachusetts, ending with the words, “ How stands Massachusetts at this hour in reference to the Union ? — in an atti¬ tude of hostility.” Mr. Clemens then quoted from a speech of Wendell Phillips, delivered in the Music Ilall, at Boston, a few days ago, in which Phillips declared, “ We are Disunionists, not for any love of separate confederacies,” &c., ending with a reference to South Carolina, “ and Egypt will rejoice that she has departed.” The people had, therefore, arrayed against them these knights of a new crusade. The Constitution of the United States was the sanctified Jerusalem against which their deluded cohorts bat¬ tled. They contended that the only mode to over¬ throw slavery was to overthrow the constitution. These men claimed that their allegiance was only due to the States wherein they lived. They claimed to be States’ rights men of the strictest sect, and they would wield the legislative power of the State for the extinction of slavery, as South Carolina professed to wield it for the perpetuation of slavery. In this crisis it was meet that Massachusetts, so largely partaking of the common glory in the past — Massachusetts, where the first blood for American liberty had been shed — should rise superior to the convulsions of the hour, and give an earnest at least that the spirit of conciliation, of intcr-State comity, of fraternal affec¬ tion, was not yet wholly lost. As the worn traveller in the midst of the snows of the Alps lingered with delighted gaze upon the friendly light which peered from the windows of the convent where from the desolation of the storm around him he might at last find repose, so did he hail the little gleam of hope in the future. Mr. Clemens gave statistics of popula¬ tion and slavery in the Border States and in the Gulf States, for the purpose of showing, as he said, that there was an irreversible law of population governing the question, and that the South wanted population and capital rather than territory. If secession were allowed to be carried out, he would show them a Southern Confederacy from which every man would turn back affrighted and pale, because it would be on the bloody hand that his rights of property would have to depend. Slavery cannot expand rapidly, either within the Union or without the Union, so long as slaves remained at their present high prices. The only mode by which slavery could ever expand, was to reduce the price, and have a new source of supply. That was, in fact, the real design of the coast States. Mr. Clemens, in proof of this, referred to all the Southern Conventions of late years, and cited the admissions of Messrs. Miles, Bonham, McRae, and Crawford, in the House, to show that the object was the re-opening of the slave-trade. Suppose, said he, that they do not get, out of the Union, this equality which they now claim ? That is a little problem in the Rule of Three, which will be ciphered out if these events are much longer pending. The Border Slave States might as well be prepared first as last for the realization of the truth. But where was slavery to expand ? If the South left the Union, she would never get as much of the present territory as ho could grasp in his hand. A war of thirty years would never get it back, nor could there ever be extorted from the North a treaty giving the same guarantees to slavery that it now had. Where was slavery to expand ? Not to Central America, for England exer- DOCUMENTS. 25 eised sovereignty over one-half her domain. Not to Mexico, for England had caused the abolition of slavery there also. Their retiring confederates ought not to forget the events of 1834, when George Thompson, the English abolitionist, was sent to en¬ lighten the dead conscience of the American people. In this connection he cited a letter from Thompson to Murrell, of Tennessee, in which was this sen¬ tence : “ The dissolution of the Union is the object to be kept steadily in view.” In the event of a Southern Confederacy, there will be, besides the African slave-trade, other elements of discord and agitation. Slavery was the great ruling interest of the extreme States, while the other States had other great interests which could not be lightly abandoned. It would be for the interest of the coast States to have free trade in manufactured goods; but how would that operate on the mechanical and manufac¬ turing industry of Missouri, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland and Delaware ? There would be, therefore, in the proposed Union, an antagonism quite as great as there ever has been in this. But if manufactories were to be protected and encouraged in the Border Slave States, their white population would increase so fast that they would be but nominally Slave States, and would finally become Free States. He appealed to the North to guarantee by constitutional enact¬ ments the principle secured by the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case. Let us feel, he said, that we have a country to save instead of a geographical section to represent. Let us act as men, and not as partisans, and the old Constitution, now in the trough of the sea, with battered masts and sails, will weather the storm. — Times , Jan. 23. Doe. 25.— THE DISUNION MOVEMENT. Never for many years can the United States be to the world what they have been. Mr. Buchanan’s mes¬ sage has been a greater blow to the American peo¬ ple than all the rants of the Georgian Governor or the “ordinances” of the Charleston Convention. The President has dissipated the idea that the States which elected him constitute one people. We had thought that the Federation was of the na¬ ture of a nationality ; we find it is nothing more than a partnership. If any State may, on grounds satisfactory to a local convention, dissolve the union between itself and its fellows ; if discontent with the election of a President, or the passing of an obnox¬ ious law by another State, or, it may be, a restrict¬ ive tariff, gives a State the “ right of revolution,” and permits it to withdraw itself from the commu¬ nity, then the •position of the American people icith respect to foreign Powers is completely altered. It is strange that a race whose patriotic captiousness when in the society of Europeans is so remarkable, should be so ready to divide and to give up the ties of fellow-citizenship for a cause which strangers are unable to appreciate. Still stranger is it that a chief magistrate, who would have plunged the world in war rather than a suspicious craft should be boarded by English officers after it had displayed the Stars and Stripes, or would have done battle against despots for any naturalized refugee from Continental Europe, should, without scruple, and against the advice of his own Secretary of State, de¬ clare the Federal Union dissolved whenever a re¬ fractory State chooses to secede. It may well be imagined that the American peo¬ ple have been taken by surprise, both by the sud¬ denness and violence of the outcry for secession, and by the ready concessions of the President, From the day the message appeared it was evident that South Carolina no longer formed part of the Union. The State had, by every organ which it possessed — by its Senators, its Representatives, by the voice of the Press, of the great slaveowners, and of the multitude — declared its resolution to se¬ cede. Only courage like that of General Jackson could have quelled the “ Gamecock State,” as we perceive some of its admirers call it. But there was a middle path between civil war and such an instant recognition as Mr. Buchanan thought advis¬ able. As one charged with the duty of upholding the Federal power, he might have easily used the authority vested in him to delay the movement, and give the Union and South Carolina itself time for reflection. Mr. Cass would, probably, deprecate holding a State by force, but he still declined to re¬ main in the cabinet of the statesman who would not reinforce Fort Moultrie, and assert, during the short remainder of his term of office, the supremacy of the constitution. But as things went the action of South Carolina was predetermined. On the 20th of December that State seceded from the Union by an unanimous vote, and by this time has probably gained possession of all the Federal property within its borders, and established a post-office and custom¬ house of its own. The instruments which the Car¬ olinians drew up on this occasion are singular and almost amusing. The philosophy and phraseology of the Declaration of Independence of 177 6 are imi¬ tated. Whole paragraphs are copied from that fa¬ mous document. The thoughts and style of Jeffer¬ son were evidently influenced by the great writers of his age, and we may trace Montesquieu and Rous¬ seau in every line of his composition. It is rather interesting to see his language, which denounced King George’s violation of the social compact, used by a conclave of frantic negro-drivers to stigmatize the conduct of those who will not allow a Southern gentleman to bring his “body servant” into their territory. South Carolina, however, has shown wis¬ dom in thus taking high ground. People are gen¬ erally taken at the value which they set on them¬ selves, and Carolina does right to play the part of outraged patience and indignant virtue. She has declared, in the language of the Fathers of the Re¬ public, that the Federal Union no longer answers the ends of its foundation by insuring the happiness and prosperity of South Carolina, and that the con¬ duct of several States having been a violation of the compact made by all, South Carolina resumes her rights as a sovereign community, and will make war or peace, conclude treaties, or establish commerce, independently of the Government at Washington. This bold course has its natural effect on the ex- citeablo slaveowners. The secession of South Car¬ olina has been received everywhere with enthusi¬ asm. It may, perhaps, be said that the other States have feigned an approbation which they do not feel, in order to bring the North to terms by the menace of a Southern Republic. But, whether from feeling or policy, the secession cry was just at its loudest at the close of the year. It was looked upon as cer¬ tain that six or seven States would separate from the Union in the first days of 1861. Georgia leads the van. The ordinance of secession was looked upon as already passed. The North Carolina Leg- 26 REBELLION RECORD, 18G0-61. jslature had read a second time the bill for arming the State. Alabama had voted, by a large majority, in favor of secession. In Virginia, the oldest, the most conservative, and the most cautious of the Slave States, we are told that the secession feeling was gaining ground. State conventions are to meet in Florida on the 3d of January, in Alabama on the 7th, in Texas on the 8th, in Georgia on the 9th, and in Louisiana on the 23d ; and our correspondent believes that “there will be a majority in each of them in favor of immediate and separate secession.” Hence in a few days more the United States of America, as the world has hitherto known them, will cease to exist. But now comes the most singular part of this history. Till within a few weeks hardly any body in this country believed in the dissolution of the Union. People thought that instincts of patriotism and private interest would prevail, and that the Yankees and the Southerners would quarrel harmo¬ niously for many years to come. The event seems to be against these anticipations, and Englishmen are content to look on in silence and wonder. Not so the Americans. While every mail is bringing news of fiery speeches aDd the planting of palmetto trees, the almost universal tone of private letters is that there is nothing in it at all. South Carolina cannot secede, or if she does she must come back again. The other States only want to make terms and to come back into the Union after having ex¬ torted new concessions as the price of reconcilia¬ tion. The wish may be father to the thought, but that such is the thought is to be learnt from the most cursory glance at the American newspapers. The course of proceeding is to be as follows: South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Texas, per¬ haps Louisiana, are to separate, form a federation of their own, and then treat on equal terms with those who remain faithful to Mr. Lincoln. The Northern Slave States, with Virginia and North Carolina at their head, are to act as mediators, and enforce concessions by the threat of joining the Southern league, which would then number fifteen Slave States, with a vast territory, and the prospect of conquering all the riches of Mexico. The Pres¬ ident, it is whispered, is in favor of compromise ; Gov. Seward is in favor of compromise ; in short, now that the loss of Southern wealth threatens them, great num¬ bers of the stanchest Anti-Slavery men are in favor of compromise. What the terms of the compromise shall be of course remains in doubt. The hope of the democratic party in the North is that the slave¬ holders will not be too exacting, or insist on the re¬ peal of the personal liberty acts, by which some of the Abolitionist States have nullified the Fugitive Slave act. Many of the Republicans are anxious to revive the Missouri compromise, by which slavery will be prohibited in any part of the United States territory north of 36° 30'. But as the abolition of this compromise and the assertion of the slaveown¬ ers’ right to carry negroes into any part of the ter¬ ritory is a recent and very great victory, it is hard¬ ly likely that the South will concede this. No one in this country can pretend to judge of the event; but this we may conclude from the tone of Ameri¬ can discussion, that the North will not be too rigid, and that the slaveowners will receive what all but the most rabid of them will consider satisfaction. Gov. Seward, who first spoke of the “irrepressible conflict” which was impending, now prophesies peace and harmony at no distant day, while many of his most intimate friends have given their adhe¬ sion to the scheme of compromise brought lorwardby Mr. Crittenden. But whatever may be the final re¬ sult, we may expect to hear shortly that other States have followed the example set by South Carolina. — London Times, Jan. 9. Doc. 26.— CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN SENA¬ TOR TOOMBS AND MAYOR WOOD. Milledgevillb, Jan. 24, 1861. To Ifis Honor Mayor Wood: Is it true that any arms intended for and con¬ signed to the State of Georgia have been seized by public authorities in New York? Your answer is important to us and to New York. Answer at once. R. Toombs. To this the Mayor returned the following answer : lion. Robert Toombs, Milled gerille, Ga. : In reply to your dispatch, I regret to say that arms intended for and consigned to the State of Georgia, have been seized by the Police of this State, but that the City of New York should in no way be made responsible for the outrage. As Mayor, I have no authority over the Police. If I had the power I should summarily punish the authors of this illegal and unjustifiable seizure of pri¬ vate property. Fernando Wood. • — N. T. Times, Jan. 26. Doc. 27.— LOUISIANA SECESSION ORDINANCE. “ An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of Louisiana and the other States UNITED WITH HER, UNDER THE COMPACT ENTITLED the Constitution of the United States of America : “We, the people of the State of Louisiana, in Con¬ vention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained that the ordinance passed by the State of 22d November, 1807, where¬ by the Constitution of the United States of America and the amendments of said Constitution were adopted, and all the laws and ordinances by which Louisiana became a member of the Federal Union, be, and the same are hereby repealed and abro¬ gated, and the Union now subsisting between Louisiana and the other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved. “ We further declare and ordain, that the State of Louisiana hereby resumes the rights and powers heretofore delegated to the Government of the United States of America, and its citizens are ab¬ solved from allegiance to the said Government, and she is in full possession of all the rights and sovereignty that appertain to a free and independent State. “ We further declare and ordain, that all rights ac¬ quired and vested under the Constitution of the United States, or any act of Congress, or treaty, or under laws of this State not incompatible with this ordinance, shall remain in force, and have the same effect as though this ordinance had not passed.” A resolution was reported to the Convention that the following be added to the ordinance : “We, the people of Louisiana, recognize the right of free navigation of the Mississippi River and tributaries by all friendly States bordering thereon , DOCUMENTS. 27 we also recognize the right of the ingress and egress of the mouths of the Mississippi by all friendly States and Powers, and hereby declare our willing¬ ness to enter into stipulations to guarantee the exer¬ cise of those rights.” Doc. 28.— TEE CUTTER MCCLELLAND. The following statement in relation to the sur¬ render of the revenue cutter Robert McClelland , is derived from an official source : On the 19th of January, four days after Secretary Dix took charge of the Treasury Department, he sent Mr. Wm. Hemphill Jones, Chief Clerk in the First Comptroller’s Office, to New Orleans and Mo¬ bile, to save, if possible, the two cutters on service there. Captain Morrison, a Georgian, in command of the Lewis Cass at Mobile, must have surrendered her before Mr. Jones’ arrival. On the 29th of January, the Secretary received, in relation to the other, the following telegraphic dispatch from Mr. Jones: New Orleans, Jan. 29, 1SG1. Hon. J. A. Dix, Secretary of Treasury : Capt. Breshwood has refused positively in writing, to obey any instructions of the Department. In thi3 I am sure he is sustained by the Collector, and be¬ lieve acts by his advice. What must I do? W. H. Jones, Special Agent. To this dispatch Secretary Dix immediately re¬ turned the following answer, before published : Treasury Department, Jan. 29, 1SG1. W. Hemphill Jones, New Orleans: Tell Lieut. Caldwell to arrest Capt. Breshwood, assume com¬ mand of the cutter, and obey the order through you. If Capt. Breshwood, after arrest, undertakes to in¬ terfere with the command of the cutter, tell Lieut. Caldwell, to consider him as a mutineer, and treat him accordingly. If any one attempts to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot. Joun A. Dix, Secretary of the Treasury. This dispatch must have been intercepted both at Montgomery and New Orleans, and withheld from Mr. Jones, and the treason of Captain Breshwood was consummated by means of a complicity on the part of the telegraph line within the States of Ala¬ bama and Louisiana. (See Doc. 81.) — N, Y. Times, February 8, Doc. 29.— THE MINT AT NEW ORLEANS. The Louisiana Convention, after having taken possession of the United States Sub-Treasury at New Orleans, passed the subjoined ordinance, authorizing the payment therefrom of certain Gov¬ ernment drafts : Whereas, The State of Louisiana has taken under its control the funds deposited in the late Sub-Treasury of the United States at New Orleans, hut consider¬ ing it just that certain drafts drawn against the same should be paid ; Therefore , be it ordained by the people of the State of Louisiana in convention assembled, That the State depositary of said funds be, and he is authorized to pay all drafts drawn in the legitimate course of dis¬ bursement by the disbursing officers of the United States on the funds heretofore deposited in the Sub- Treasury of the United States at New Orleans, to the credit of said officers respectively : Provided, That no draft shall be paid except out of the balance standing to the credit of the officer drawing the same: And, provided, further, That the aggregate amount of drafts hereby authorized to be paid shall not exceed the sum of $306,592 80. Be it further ordained. That the State depositary aforesaid be, and he is hereby authorized to pay all outstanding drafts drawn by the United States prior to the passage of the ordinance of secession, against the funds heretofore deposited in the Sub-Treasury of the United States at New Orleans, to the credit of the public revenue of the United States, Pro- j vicled, that the aggregate amount of said drafts shall not exceed the sum of $146,226 74 ; but no trans¬ fer drafts on the bullion fund shall be recognized or paid. Be it further ordained, That the sum of $31,164 44, standing to the credit of the Post Office Depart¬ ment on the books of the late Sub-Treasurer of the United States, at New Orleans, is hereby held sub¬ ject to draft of the United States, in payment of postal services, until otherwise ordered bv this con¬ vention or the General Assembly of the State. Doc. 30.— THE TEXAS ORDINANCE OF SECES¬ SION. An Oupinance to Dissolve tiie Union between the State of Texas and the other States un¬ der THE COMPACT STYLED “ THE CONSTITUTION OF the United States of America.” Sec. 1. Whereas, the Federal Government has failed to accomplish the purposes of the compact of union between these States, in giving protection either to the persons of our people upon an exposed frontier, or to the property of our citizens; and whereas, the action of the Northern States is viola¬ tive of the compact between the States and the guarantees of the Constitution ; and, whereas, the recent developments in federal affairs make it evident that the power of the Federal Government is sought to be made a weapon with which to strike down the interests and property of the people of Texas and her sister slaveholding States, instead of permitting it to be, as was intended — our shield against outrage and aggression — therefore, “We, the people of the State of Texas, by delegates in the Convention assembled, do declare and ordain that the ordinance adopted by our Convention of delegates on the fourth (4th) day of July, A.D. 1845, and afterwards ratified by us, under which the Republic of Texas was admitted into the Union with other States, and became a party to the com¬ pact styled ‘ The Constitution of the United States of America’ be, and is hereby repealed and an¬ nulled.” That all the powers which, by the said compact, were delegated by Texas to the Federal Government are resumed. That Texas is of right absolved from all restraints and obligations incurred by said compact, and is a separate sovereign State, and that her citizens and people are absolved from all allcgance to the United States or the Government thereof. Sec. 2 The ordinance shall be submitted to the people of Texas for their ratification or rejection, by the qualified voters, on the 23d day of February, 1861; and unless rejected by a majority of the votes cast, shall take effect and be in force on and 28 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. after the 2d day of March, A.D. 1861. Provided that in the representative district of El Paso said election may be held on the 18tli day of February, 1861. Done by the people of the State of Texas, in con¬ vention assembled, at Austin, the 1st day of Feb¬ ruary, A.D. 1S61. Doc. 31.— A REPORT FROM SECRETARY DIX. Secretary Dix sent a report to the House of Rep¬ resentatives, in answer to Mr. Sickles’ resolution of inquiry, showing the following state of facts: “ First. — The impediments to commerce by usurp¬ ing control of the ports of Mobile, Charleston, Pen¬ sacola and New Orleans. “ Second. — The control of commerce of the Missis¬ sippi Valley, by requiring the duties on all goods entered at New Orleans for delivery at St. Louis, Nashville, Louisville, and Cincinnati, to be paid to the State of Louisiana. “ Third. — The seizure by Louisiana of all United States moneys, as well as those of private deposi¬ tors in the mint and sub-treasury at New Orleans and other places. “ Fourth . — The seizure of revenue cutters, by arrangement between their commanders and the collectors of Mobile, New Orleans and Charleston. “ Fifth. — The expulsion of the sick and invalid patients at the United States Hospital at New Or¬ leans, in order to provide accommodation for Lou¬ isiana troops.” Mr. Dix says it is believed that duties on imports continue to be collected in the ports of entry estab¬ lished in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisi¬ ana and Florida, and that vessels are entered and cleared in the usual manner; but so far as the de¬ partment has been advised, the collectors assume to perform their duties under the authority of the States in which they reside, and hold and reserve the duties, subject to the same authority. Speaking of the general subject, Mr. Dix says: “Throughout the whole course of encroachment and aggression, the Federal Government has borne itself with a spirit of paternal forbearance, of which there is no example in the history of public society; waiting in patient hope that the empire of reason would resume its sway over those whom the excite¬ ment of passion has thus far blinded, and trusting that the friends of good order, wearied with sub¬ mission to proceedings which they disapproved, would at no distant day rally under the banner of the Union, and exert themselves with vigor and success against the prevailing recklessness and violence.” T. Hemphill Jones, the special agent appointed to secure the revenue cutters McClelland and Lewis Cass from seizure by the Louisiana secessionists, re¬ ports to the Treasury Department that he arrived in New Orleans in pursuance of his instructions on the 26th January. He found Captain Breshwood, of the McClelland, after a long search, and handed him the following order : New Orleans, Jan. 29, 1861. Sir: — You are hereby directed to get the United States revenue cutter McClelland, now lying here, under way immediately, and proceed with her to New York, where you will await the further instruc¬ tions of the Secretary of the Treasury. For my authority to make this order you are referred to the letter of the Secretary, dated the 19th inst., and handed you personally by me. Very respectfully, Wm, Hemphill Jones, Special Agent. To Capt. .1. Cl. BRESnwoon, commanding U. S. ) revenue cutter Robert McClelland. j Breshwood conferred with Collector Hatch of New Orleans, and then returned the following answer, flatly refusing to obey the order : U. S. Revenue Cutter Roisert McClelland, ) New Orleans, January 29, 1861. J Sir: Your letter, with one of the 19th of January from the Hon. Secretary of the Treasury, I have duly received, and in reply refuse to obey the order. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, John G. Breshwood, Captain. To Wm. IIempiiill Jones, Esq., Special Agent. Mr. Jones’s report continues : Believing that Captain Breshwood would not have ventured upon this most positive act of insubordina¬ tion and disobedience of his own volition, I waited upon the Collector at the Custom House, and had with him a full and free conversation upon the whole subject. In the course of it, Mr. Hatch admitted to me that he had caused the cutter to be brought to the city of New Orleans by an order of his own, dated January 15, so that she might be secured to the State of Lou¬ isiana, although at that time the State had not only not seceded, but the Convention had not met, and in fact did not meet until eight days afterwards. This, I must confess, seemed to me a singular confession for one who at that very time had sworn to do his duty faithfully as an officer of the United States ; and on intimating as much to Mr. Hatch, he excused him¬ self on the ground that in these revolutions all other things must give way to the force of circumstances. Mr. Hatch likewise informed me that the officers of the cutter had long since determined to abandon their allegiance to the United States, and cast their fortunes with the independent State of Louisiana. In order to test the correctness of this statement, I addressed another communication to Captain Breshwood, of the following tenor : New Orleans, January 29, 1861. Sir : By your note of this date I am informed that you refuse to obey the orders of the honorable Secre¬ tary of the Treasury. As, on accepting your com¬ mission, you took and subscribed an oath faithfully to discharge your duties to the Government, and as you well know, the law has placed the revenue cutters and their officers under the entire control of the Secretary of the Treasury, I request you to advise me whether you consider yourself at this time an officer in the service of the United States. Very respectfully, Wm. IIempiiill Jones, Special Agent To Captain Breshwood. To this letter I never received any reply. I then repaired again on board the cutter, and asked for the order of the Collector bringing her to New Orleans. The original was placed in my possession, of which the following is a copy. And here it may be proper to observe, that the order is written and signed by the Collector himself : Custom House, New Orleans, [ Collector’s Office, Jan. 15, 1861. ) Sir: You are hereby directed to proceed forthwith DOCUMENTS. 29 under sail to this city, and anchor the vessel under your command opposite the United States Marine Hospital, above Algiers. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, F. H. Hatch, Collector. To Captain J. G. Breshwood, United States Revenue Cutter McClelland, Southwest Pass, La. Defeated at New Orleans, Mr. Jones then took his way to Mobile, to look after the Lewis Cass. Her Captain (Morrison) could not be found, but Mr. Jones discovered in the cabin the following letter, which explains the surrender of that vessel : State of Alabama, Collector’s Office, ) Mobile, January 30, 1861. ) Sir : In obedience to an ordinance recently adopted by a convention of the people of Alabama, I have to require you to surrender into my hands, for the use of the State, the revenue cutter Lewis Cass, now under your command, together with her armaments, properties and provisions on board the same. I am instructed also to notify you, that you have the option to continue in command of the said revenue cutter, under the authority of the State of Alabama, in the exercise of the same duties that you have hith¬ erto rendered to the United States, and at the same compensation, reporting to this office and to the Gov¬ ernor of the State. In surrendering the vessel to the State, you will furnish me with a detailed inven¬ tory of its armaments, provisions and properties of every description. You will receive special instruc¬ tions from this office in regard to the duties you will be required to perform. I await your immediate reply. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, T. Sanford, Collector. To J. J. Morrison, Esq., Captain Revenue Cutter Lewis Cass, Mobile, Ala. Mr. Jones concludes his report with the statement, that he made a final and unsuccessful effort to re¬ cover the McClelland, but, failing in the attempt, he retraced his steps to Washington. — Evening Post, Feb. 22. Doc. 32.— DELEGATES TO THE MONTGOMERY CONVENTION, ALABAMA, FEB. 4. ALABAMA. Robert H. Smith, Colin J. McRae, W. R. Chilton, David P. Lewis, Richard W. Walker, John Gill, S. F. Hale, Thomas Fearn, J. L. M. Curry. FLORIDA. Jackson Morton, J. Patton Anderson, James Powers. Robert Toombs, Francis Barton, Martin Crawford, Judge Nesbitt, Benjamin Hill, GEORGIA. Howell Cobb, Augustus R. Wright, Thomas R. Cobb, Augustus Keenan, A. H. Stephens. LOUISIANA. John Perkins, Jr., C. M. Conrad, Duncan F. Kenner, A. Declomet, E. Sparrow, Henry Marshall. MISSISSIPPI. Wiley P. Harris, Walker Brooke, W. S. Wilson, W. S. Barry, A. M. Clayton, J. T. Harrison, J. A. P. Campbell. NORTH CAROLINA. J. L. Bridgers, M. W. Ransom, Ex-Gov. Swann. SOUTH CAROLINA. T. J. Withers, W. W. Boyce, II. B. Rhett, Jr., James Chestnut, Jr., L. M. Keitt, R. W. Barnwell, G. G. Memminger. Doc. 33.— CONSTITUTION OF THE CONFEDER¬ ATED STATES. The Title of the Constitution for the Provis¬ ional Government of the Confederated States of America. The Preamble reads as follows : “ We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, invoking the favor of Almighty God, do hereby, in behalf of these States, ordain and establish this Constitution for the pro¬ visional government of the same, to continue one year from the inauguration of the President, or until a permanent constitution or confederation between the said States shall be put in operation, whichsoever shall first occur.” The seventh section, first article, is as follows : “The importation of African negroes from any foreign country other than the slaveholding States of the United States, is hereby forbidden, and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually pre¬ vent the same.” Article second — “ Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of this Confederacy.” Article fourth of the third clause of the second section says : “A slave in one State escaping to another shall be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom said slave may belong, by the executive authority of the State in which such slave may be found ; and in case of any abduction or forcible rescue, full compensa¬ tion, including the value of the slave, and all costs and expenses, shall be made to the party by the State in which such abduction or rescue shall take place.” Article sixth of the second clause says : “ The Government hereby instituted shall take im¬ mediate steps for the settlement of all matters be¬ tween the States forming it, and their late confeder¬ ates of the United States, in relation to the public property and public debt at the time of their with¬ drawal from them, these States hereby declaring it to be their wish and earnest desire to adjust every thing pertaining to the common property, common liabili¬ ties, and common obligations of that Union, upon principles of right, justice, equity, and good faith.” The tariff clause provides that “ the Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises for revenue necessary to pay the debts and carry on the Government of the Confederacy, and all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the Confederacy.” 80 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. All the other portions of the Constitution are almost identical with the Constitution of the United States. — Commercial Advertiser, Doc. 34.— SOUTHERN OPINIONS. The Charleston Mercury thus discusses the power of the Southern Congress: In the first place, has this convention any author¬ ity to elect a President and Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy? Excepting in Mississippi, it is doubtful whether any other State convention in the South thought of any such project. What good can result from this convention assuming to elect the President and Vice-President of the Con¬ federacy, without at the same time electing the Sen¬ ators and Representatives of the Congress ? Mis¬ sissippi has already exercised the right to elect her Senators and Representatives to the Congress. — Surely the other States should exercise the same right. It will not do for her to appoint her Repre¬ sentatives by her convention, and then come here and appoint ours besides. But there is a graver matter than its absurdity behind this scheme. Is it any thing else than the policy of reconstructing the Union ? Take the Con¬ stitution of the United States as it is, with all its constructive powers, and get the frontier States in the Confederacy with us, and will the Constitution ever be altered ? And if not altered, will we not have the same battle to fight over again with them, after a few years, which we have been compelled to fight with the Northern States? But will a Southern confederacy exist at all with such a policy? Will not all the Northern States come again into a Union w'ithus? Why should they not? They are satis¬ fied with the Constitution of the Lhiited States as it is, open to their interpretation. It establishes a cap¬ ital despotism under their power. Of course they will seek to reconstruct the Union. And will it not be done? Yes, certainly, under this scheme. Af¬ ter all, we will have run a round circle, and end where we started. The Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle recommends the Hon. A. H. Stephens as provisional President, be¬ cause he bears no “ stain of the prevalent corrup¬ tion,” and because he is “Southern by birth and education, patriotic beyond question, calm, sound, and mature in judgment, with a reputation that was national when we had a nation, and a favorite, at one time or another, with all parties.” Such a nomination, the Chronicle says, would re¬ concile the feelings of our friends at the North, and also the Union men of the South. It then says: Disguise it as we may, the greatest danger to the new confederacy arises, not from without, not from the North, butyrom our ovm people. We have only to refer to recent speeches in Congress, such as those of Clemens, Etheridge, and Nelson, to show that th.e indications are growing stronger that organized if not armed opposition to the new order of things may arise in States or parts of Southern Stales not vitally interested in the Slavery question. Such discontent is to be allayed if possible. Our position has ever been that all the Southern States should unite in action, and we have advocated separate action and an independent State Govern¬ ment by Georgia only because we saw no hope for united action by all the Southern States. We have invariably been consistent in our desire for cooper¬ ation. When our hopes seemed about to fail, and separate State action was an “accomplished fact,” we thought it better that Georgia, powerful in re¬ sources beyond any of her neighbors, rich and pros¬ perous, should set up for herself, and not link her fortunes to a confederacy ruled by disorganizing charlatans, without the talent to construct, though potent to destroy ; governed by chimerical schemers, without a particle of practical common sense or business knowledge, in which she would have to bear more than her share of the burdens, and incur more than her proportion of the financial and com¬ mercial disadvantages. But with Stephens at the helm (for he has brains) Georgia and the South arc safe. Doc. 35.— MEMMINGER’S SPEECH. I conceive, Mr. President, this a fitting occasion to discharge a commission which has been entrust¬ ed to me by some of my constituency of South Carolina. I have before me a flag which some of the young ladies of South Carolina present to this Congress, as a model flag for the Confederate States of America. This flag, as it will be seen upon in¬ spection, embraces the idea of a cross — a blue cro.^s on a red field. Now, Mr. President the idea of a cross no doubt was suggested to the imagination of the young ladies, by the beauteous constellation of the South¬ ern cross, which the great Creator has placed in the Southern heavens, by way of compensation for the glorious constitution at the north pole. The inaug¬ uration of the young ladies was doubtless inspired by the genius of Dante, and the scientific skill of Humboldt. But sir, I have no doubt that there was another idea associated with it, in the minds of the young ladies — a religious one ; and although we have not seen in the heavens the “in hoc signo vinces ” written upon the labarum of Constantine, yet the same sign has been manifested to us upon the tab¬ lets of the earth ; for we all know that it has been by the aid of revealed religion, that we have achieved over fanaticism the victory which we this day witness; and it is becoming on this occasion that the debt of the South to the cross, should be thus recognized. I have also, Mr. President, another commission from a gentleman of taste and skill, in the city of Charleston, who offers another model, which em¬ braces the same idea of a cross, but upon a differ¬ ent ground. The gentleman who offers this model, appears to be more hopeful than the young ladies. They offer one with seven stars, six for the States already represented in this Congress, and the seventh for Texas, whose deputies, we hope, will soon be on their way to join us. He offers a flag which embraces the whole fifteen States. God grant that this hope may be realized, and that we may soon welcome their stars, to the glorious constella¬ tion of the Southern confederacy ! (Applause.) Mr. Miles — I move that a committee of one from each State be appointed to report upon a flag for the Confederate States of America. Adopted. The States were called, and the following commit¬ tee was announced: — Messrs. Shorter, of Alabama ; Morton, of Florida; Barton, of Georgia; Sparrow, of Louisiana; Harris of Mississippi ; and Miles, of South Carolina. DOCUMENTS. 31 Doc. 36.— COUNTING THE VOTE. A message was sent to the Senate, informing them that the House was now waiting to receive them, so that in a joint body the electoral votes of the President and Vice President may be opened and the result announced. After a short interval the Senators, preceded by their officers, were announced. The members of the House immediately rose, and remained standing till the Senators took seats in a semi-circular range, in front of the clerk’s desk. Vice President Breckinridge was conducted to the right of the Speaker, and the tellers, viz: — Sen¬ ator Trumbull and Representatives Washburn, of Illinois, and Phelps, took seats at the Clerk’s desk. When order was restored, Vice President Breck¬ inridge rose and said : — “ We have assembled, pursuant to the constitu¬ tion, in order that the electoral votes may be count¬ ed, and the result declared, for President and Vice President for the term commencing on the 4th of March, 1861, and it is made my duty under the con¬ stitution, to open the certificates of election in the presence of the two Houses ; and I now proceed to the performance of that duty. Vice President Breckinridge then opened the package containing the electoral vote of Maine, and handed it to the tellers, when the certificate there¬ of was read, the Secretary of the Senate making a note thereof. The electoral votes of New Hampshire, Massachu¬ setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, and New York were similarly disposed of. Senator Douglas suggested, and no objection was made, that the formal part of the certificates, and the names of the electors, be omitted from the reading. The reading of the vote of South Carolina was productive of good-humored excitement. The reading of all the electoral votes having been completed, the tellers reported the result : Whereupon the Vice President, rising, said : ABRAHAM LINCOLN, of Illinois, having re¬ ceived a majority of the whole number of electoral votes, is duly elected President of the United States for the four years commencing on the 4th of March, 1861 : And that HANNIBAL HAMLIN, of Maine, having received a majority of the whole number of electoral votes, is duly elected Vice President of the United States for the same term. — Commercial Advertiser. Doc. 37.— INAUGURAL OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, Friends and Fellow-Citizens : Called to the difficult and responsible station of Chief Executive of the Provisional Government which you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned me with an humble distrust of my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the wisdom of those who are to guide and aid me in the administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and patriotism of the people. Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a permanent government to take the place of this, and which by its greater moral and physical power will be better able to combat with the many diffi¬ culties which arise from the conflicting interests of separate nations, I enter upon the duties of the office to which 1 have been chosen, with the hope that the beginning of our career as a confederacy may not be obstructed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment of the separate existence and independ¬ ence which we have asserted, and which, with the blessing of Providence, we intend to maintain. Our present condition, achieved in a manner un¬ precedented in the history of nations, illustrates the American idea that governments rest upon the con¬ sent of the governed, and that it is the right of the people to alter and abolish governments whenever they become destructive to the ends for which they were established. The declared compact of the Union from which we have withdrawn was to estab¬ lish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general wel¬ fare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity ; and when in the judgment of the sovereign States now composing this confed¬ eracy, it has been perverted from the purposes for which it was ordained, and ceased to answer the ends for which it was established, a peaceful appeal to the ballot-box declared that, so far as they were concerned, the government created by that com¬ pact should cease to exist. In this they merely as¬ serted the right which the Declaration oflndepend- cnce of 1776 defined to be inalienable. Of the time and occasion of its exercise they as sovereigns were the final judges, each for itself. The impartial, en¬ lightened verdict of mankind will vindicate the rec¬ titude of our conduct ; and He who knows the hearts of men will judge of the sincerity with which we labored to preserve the government of our fathers in its spirit. The right solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States, and which has been affirmed and reaffirmed in the bills of rights of the States subsequently ad¬ mitted into the Union of 1789, undeniably recog¬ nizes in the people the power to resume the author¬ ity delegated for the purposes of government. Thus the sovereign States here represented, proceeded to form this confederacy ; and it is by the abuse of lan¬ guage that their act has been denominated revolu¬ tion. They formed a new alliance, but within each State its government has remained. The rights of person and property have not been disturbed. The agent through whom they communicated with for¬ eign nations is changed, but this does not neces¬ sarily interrupt their international relations. Sus¬ tained by the consciousness that the transition from the former Union to the present confederacy has not proceeded from a disregard on our part of our just obligations or any failure to perform every con¬ stitutional duty, moved by no interest or passion to invade the rights of others, anxious to cultivate peace and commerce with all nations, if we may not hope to avoid war, we may at least expect that pos¬ terity will acquit us of having needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the absence of wrong on our part, and by wanton aggression on the part of othei’s, there can be no cause to doubt the courage and patriotism of the people of the confederate States will be found equal to any measures of de¬ fence which soon their security may require. An agricultural people, whose chief interest is the export of a commodity required in every manu¬ facturing country, our true policy is peace, and the freest trade which our necessities will permit. It is alike our interest and that of all those to whom we would sell and from whom we would buy, that REBELLION RECORD, 18G0-G1. ,‘12 there should be the fewest practicable restrictions upon the interchange of commodities. There can be but little rivalry between ours and any manufac¬ turing or navigating community, such as the north¬ eastern States of the American Union. It must follow, therefore, that mutual interest would invite good will and kind offices. If, however, passion or lust of dominion should cloud the judgment or in¬ flame the ambition of those States, we must prepare to meet the emergency and maintain by the final arbitrament of the sword the position which we have assumed among the nations of the earth. We have entered upon a career of independence, and it must be inflexibly pursued through many years of controversy with our late associates of the Northern States. We have vainly endeavored to secure tranquillity and obtain respect for the rights to which we were entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separa¬ tion, and henceforth our energies must be directed to the conduct of our own affairs, and the perpetu¬ ity of the confederacy which we have formed. If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our separate political career, my most earnest desire will have been fulfilled. But if this be denied us, and the integrity of our terri¬ tory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain for us with firm resolve to appeal to arms and in¬ voke the blessing of Providence on a just cause. As a consequence of our new condition, aud with a view to meet anticipated wants, it will be neces¬ sary to provide a speedy and efficient organization of the branches of the Executive department hav¬ ing special charge of foreign intercourse, finance, military affairs, and postal service. For purposes of defence the Confederate States may, under ordi¬ nary circumstances, rely mainly upon their militia ; but it is deemed advisable in the present condition of affairs, that there should be a well instructed, disciplined army, more numerous than would usual¬ ly be required on a peace establishment. I also suggest that, for the protection of our harbors and commerce on the high seas, a navy adapted to those objects will be required. These necessities have, doubtless, engaged the attention of Congress. With a Constitution differing only from that of our fathers in so far as it is explanatory of their well known intent, freed from sectional conflicts, which have interfered with the pursuit of the gen¬ eral welfare, it is not unreasonable to expect that the States from which we have recently parted may seek to unite their fortunes to ours, under the gov¬ ernment which we have instituted. For this your Constitution makes adequate provision, but beyond this, if I mistake not, the judgment and will of the people are, that union with the States from which they have separated is neither practicable nor de¬ sirable. To increase the power, develop the re¬ sources, and promote the happiness of the Con¬ federacy, it is requisite there should be so much homogeneity that the welfare of every portion would be the aim of the whole. Where this does not exist antagonisms are engendered which must and should result in separation. Actuated solely by a desire to preserve our own rights, and to promote our own welfare, the separa¬ tion of the Confederate States has been marked by no aggression upon others, and followed by no do¬ mestic convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have received no check, the cultivation of our fields pro¬ gresses as heretofore, and even should we be in¬ volved in war there would be no considerable diminu¬ tion in the production of the staples which have con¬ stituted our exports, in which the commercial world has an interest scarcely less than our own. This common interest of producer and consumer can only be intercepted by an exterior force which should obstruct its transmission to foreign markets, a course of conduct which would be detrimental to manufacturing and commercial interests abroad. Should reason guide the action of the govern¬ ment from which we have separated, a policy so de¬ trimental to the civilized world, the Northern States included, could not be dictated by even a stronger desire to inflict injury upon us; but if it be other¬ wise, a terrible responsibility will rest upon it, and the suffering of millions will bear testimony to the folly and wickedness of our aggressors. In the meantime there will remain to us, besides the ordi¬ nary remedies before suggested, the well known re¬ sources for retaliation upon the commerce of an enemy. Experience in public stations of a subordinate grade to this which your kindness has conferred, has taught me that care and toil and disappointments are the price of official elevation. You will see many errors to forgive, many deficiencies to toler¬ ate; but you shall not find in me either want of zeal or fidelity to the cause that is to me the highest in hope and of most enduring affection. Your gener¬ osity has bestowed upon me an undeserved distinc¬ tion, one which I neither sought nor desired. Upon the continuance of that sentiment, and upon your wisdom and patriotism, I rely to direct and support me in the performance of the duties required at my hands. We have changed the constituent parts but not the system of our government. The Constitution formed by our fathers is that of these Confederate States. In their exposition of it, and in the judicial construction it has received, we have a light which reveals its true meaning. Thus instructed as to the just interpretation of that instrument, and ever re¬ membering that all offices are but trusts held for the people, and that delegated powers are to be strictly construed, I will hope by due diligence in the per¬ formance of my duties, though I may disappoint your expectation, yet to retain, when retiring, some¬ thing of the good will and confidence which will welcome my entrance into office. It is joyous in the midst of perilous times to look around upon a people united in heart, when one purpose of high resolve animates and actuates the whole, where the sacrifices to be made are not weighed in the balance, against honor, right, liberty, and equality. Obstacles may retard, but they cannot long prevent the progress of a movement sanction¬ ed by its justice and sustained by a virtuous people. Reverently let us invoke the God of our fathers to guide and protect us in our efforts to perpetuate the principles which by his blessing they were able to vindicate, establish, and transmit to their posterity; and with a continuance of His favor ever gratefully acknowledged, we may hopefully look forward to success, to peace, to prosperity. Doc. 38.— PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S JOURNEY. A dispatch from Harrisburg, Pa., to the N. Y. Times, dated Feb. 23, 8 a. m., says : — Abraham Lincoln, the President-elect of the Uni- DOCUMENTS. 33 ted States, is safe in the capital of the nation. By the admirable arrangement of General Scott the country has been spared the lasting disgrace, which would have been fastened indelibly upon it, had Mr. Lincoln been murdered upon his journey thither, as he would have been, had he followed the pro¬ gramme as announced in papers, and gone by the Northern Central railroad to Baltimore. On Thursday night after he had retired, Mr. Lin¬ coln was aroused and informed that a stranger de¬ sired to see him on a matter of life or death. He declined to admit him unless he gave his name, which he at once did. Such prestige did the name carry that while Mr. Lincoln was yet disrobed, he granted an interview to the caller. A prolonged conversation elicited the fact, that an organized body of men had determined that Mr. Lincoln should not be inaugurated, and that he should never leave the city of Baltimore alive, if, indeed, he ever entered it. The list of the names of the conspirators pre¬ sented a most astonishing array of persons high in Southern confidence, and some whose fame is not confined to this country alone. Statesmen laid the plan, bankers indorsed it, and adventurers were to carry it into effect. They un¬ derstood Mr. Lincoln was to leave Harrisburg at 9 o’clock this morning by special train, and the idea was, if possible, to throw the cars from the road at some point where they would rush down a steep embankment and destroy in a moment the lives of all on board. In case of the failure of this project their plan was to surround the carriage on the way from depot to depot in Baltimore, and assassinate him with dagger or pistol shot. So authentic was the source from which the in¬ formation was obtained, that Mr. Lincoln, after counselling his friends, was compelled to make ar¬ rangements which would enable him to subvert the plans of his enemies. Greatly to the annoyance of the thousands who desired to call on him last night, he declined giv¬ ing a reception. The final council was held at 8 o’clock. Mr. Lincoln did not want to yield, and Col. Sum¬ ner actually cried with indignation ; but Mrs. Lin¬ coln, seconded by Mr. Judd and Mr. Lincoln’s origi¬ nal informant, insisted upon it, and at 9 o’clock Mr. Lincoln left on a special train. He wore a Scotch plaid cap and a very long military cloak, so that he was entirely unrecognizable. Accompanied by Superintendent Lewis and one friend, he started, while all the town, with the exception of Mrs. Lin¬ coln, Col. Sumner, Mr. Judd, and two reporters, who were sworn to secrecy, supposed him to be asleep. The telegraph wires were put beyond reach of any one who might desire to use them. At one o’clock the fact was whispered from one to another, and it soon became the theme of the most excited conversation. Many thought it a very injudicious move, while others regarded it as a stroke of great merit. . THE FEELING IN BALTIMORE. The prevailing feeling excited by Mr. Lincoln’s quiet passage through Baltimore, was one of relief and of gratification, though expressions of disap¬ pointed curiosity were frequently heard. The inju¬ dicious determination of certain political friends of the President-elect in this city to mark his arrival Documents — 3 with a public demonstration, had excited a spirit of stern opposition, which it was feared would manifest itself in acts which, though designed directly to rebuke the ill-advised zeal of the parties referred to, might yet have been misconstrued into a personal affront to the President-elect, and so have reflected discreditably upon the good repute of Baltimore. The action, therefore, of Mr. Lincoln, in disappoint¬ ing alike the purposes of his political friends and the public curiosity, was a simple and practical avoidance of what might have been an occasion of disorder and of mortification to all interested in the preservation of the good name of our city. Ample precautions were adopted to guard against any violation of the public peace. A large police force was detailed for duty at the depot, and to pro¬ tect the President and his suite on their passage through the streets, against the turbulent pressure of the crowds which he experienced in other cities on his route hither ; and these measures of Marshal Kane, even if they had failed to restrain any expres¬ sion of disapprobation, would certainly have se¬ cured Mr. Lincoln from insult, had such been in¬ tended. On the arrival of the cars and the appearance on the platform of the Baltimore Republican commit¬ tee, they wrere received with groans and hootings. A rush was made at William E. Beale and Francis S. Corkran, but they were protected by the police, and neither of them were injured further than knocking their hats over their eyes. The following was the committee : William G. Snethen, chairman ; Judge William L. Marshall, L. Blumenberg, of Gay- street; William E. Beale. Hon. Judge Palmer, of Frederick, was with the party. Mrs. Lincoln and her three sons proceeded to the residence of Col. John S. Gittings, president of the Northern Central railway, at Mount Vernon Square, having accepted an invitation tendered to them on their way to this city, so as to relieve them from the crowd and excitement. They left the cars, we learn, at the junction of Charles-street, where Mr. Gittings’s carriage was in waiting for them, and were in a few minutes enjoying the quiet of his spacious mansion, while crowds were gaping for a sight of them at the depot. One fellow in the crowd at Calvert station, who was known as a violent Republican, had his hat knocked off a dozen times by the rowdies. — Baltimore American. At 15 minutes to one o’clock a mighty heaving and surging in the multitude at the north entrance of the depot, proclaimed some fresh excitement, and in a few moments the York accommodation train entered the depot, followed by an excited crowd, which mistook it for the special train of the Presi¬ dent-elect and suite. As soon as the train stopped, the crowd leaped upon the platforms, and mounted to the tops of the cars like so many monkeys, until like a hive of bees they swarmed upon them — shouting, hallooing, and making all manner of noises. The officers in charge of the train appear¬ ed, and the crowd, discovering their error, recoiled, a little chop-fallen, but prepared for another ex¬ citement. After it became apparent to the multitude that the President-elect had indeed escaped their at¬ tentions, they turned about to bestow them upon such of hi3 humbler constituents as they recognized in their midst. These attentions were exhibited in 34 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. a system of crowding and squeezing exceedingly unpleasant to those upon whose persons the “ pres¬ sure ” was brought to bear. * * * * * * * Had we any respect for Mr. Lincoln, official or personal, as a man, or as President-elect of the United States, his career and speeches on his way to the scat of government would have cruelly impaired it; but the final escapade by which he reached the capital would have utterly demolished it, and over¬ whelmed us with mortification. As it is, no senti¬ ment of respect of whatever sort with regard to the man suffers violence on our part, at any thing he may do. lie might have entered Willard’s Hotel with a “head spring” and a “summersault,” and the clown’s merry greeting to Gen. Scott, “ Here we arc! ” and wc should care nothing about it per¬ sonally. We do not believe the Presidency can ever be more degraded by any of his successors, than it has been by him, even before his inauguration ; and so, for aught we care, he may go to the full extent of his wretched comicalities. We have only too much cause to fear that such a man, and such advisers as he has, may prove capable of infinitely more mis¬ chief than folly when invested with power. A luna¬ tic is only dangerous when armed and turned loose ; but only imagine a lunatic invested with authority over a sane people and armed with weapons of of¬ fense and defence. What 6ort of a fate can we an¬ ticipate for a people so situated? And when we reflect that fanaticism is infested with like fears, suspicions, impulses, follies, flights of daring and flights of cowardice common to lunacy itself, and to which it is akin, what sort of a future can we an¬ ticipate under the presidency of Abraham Lincoln ? — Baltimore Sun. THE CONSPIRACY TO ASSASSINATE PRESIDENT LINCOLN. Some of Mr. Lincoln’s friends having heard that a conspiracy existed to assassinate him on his way to Washington, set on foot an investigation of the matter. For this purpose they employed a detec¬ tive of great experience, who was engaged at Balti¬ more in the business some three weeks prior to Mr. Lincoln’s expected arrival there, employing hoth men and women to assist him. Shortly after coming to Baltimore, the detective discovered a combination of men banded together under a solemn oath to assassinate the President elect. The leader of the conspirators was an Italian refugee, a barber, well known in Baltimore, who assumed the name of Orsini, as indicative of the part he was to perform. The assistants employed by the detec¬ tive, who, like himself, were strangers in Baltimore City, by assuming to be secessionists from Louis¬ iana and other seceding States, gained the confi¬ dence of some of the conspirators, and were in¬ trusted with their plans. It was arranged in case Mr. Lincoln should pass safely over the railroad to Baltimore, that the conspirators should mingle with the crowd which might surround his carriage, and by pretending to be his friends, be enabled to ap¬ proach his person, when, upon a signal from their leader, some of them would shoot at Mr. Lincoln with their pistols, and others would throw into his carriage hand-grenades filled with detonating pow¬ der, similar to those used in the attempted assassi¬ nation of the Emperor Louis Napoleon. It was intended that in the confusion which should result from this attack, the assailants should escape to a vessel which was waiting in the harbor to receive them, and be carried to Mobile, in the seceding State of Alabama. Upon Mr. Lincoln’s arrival in Philadelphia upon Thursday, the 21st of February, the detective visited Philadelphia, and submitted to certain friends of the President-elect, the information he had collected as to the conspirators and their plans. An interview was immediately arranged between Mr. Lincoln and the detective. The interview took place in Mr. Lincoln’s room, in the Continental Hotel, where he was staying during his visit in Philadelphia. Mr. Lincoln, having heard the officer’s statement, informed him that he had promised to raise the American flag on Independence Hall on the next morning — the morning of the Anniversary of Washington’s Birthday — and that he had accepted the invitation of the Pennsylvania Legislature to bo publicly received by that body in the afternoon of the same day. “ Both of these engagements,” said he, with emphasis, “I will keep if it costs me my life. If, however, after I shall have concluded these engagements, you can take me in safety to Washington, I will place myself at your disposal, and authorize you to make such arrangements as you may deem proper for that purpose. On the next day, in the morning, Mr. Lincoln performed the ceremony of raising the American flag on Independence Hall, in Philadelphia, accord¬ ing to his promise, and arrived at Harrisburg on the afternoon of the same day, where he was for¬ mally welcomed by the Pennsylvania Legislature. After the reception, he retired to his hotel, the Jones House, and withdrew with a few confidential friends to a private apartment. Here he remained until nearly 6 o’clock in the evening, when, in com¬ pany with Col. Lamon, he quietly entered a car¬ riage without observation, and was driven to the Pennsylvania Railroad, where a special train for Philadelphia was waiting for him. Simultaneously with his departure from Harrisburg, the telegraph wires were cut, so that his departure, if it should become known, might not be communicated at a distance. The special train arrived in Philadelphia at 10$ o’clock at night. Here he was met by the detective, who had a carriage in readiness into which the party entered, and were driven to the depot of the Phila¬ delphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad. They did not reach the depot until 11^ o’clock ; but, fortunately for them, the regular train, the hour of which for starting was eleven, had been delayed. The party then took berths in the sleeping car, and without change of cars, passed directly through to Washington, where they arrived at the usual hour, o’clock, on the morning of Saturday the 23d. Mr. Lincoln wore no disguise whatever, but jour¬ neyed in an ordinary travelling dress. It is proper to state here that, prior to Mr. Lin¬ coln’s arrival in Philadelphia, Gen. Scott and Sena¬ tor Seward, in Washington, had been apprised, from independent sources, that imminent danger threat¬ ened Mr. Lincoln in case he should publicly pass through Baltimore; and accordingly a special mes¬ senger, Mr. Frederick W. Seward, a son of Senator Seward, was despatched to Philadelphia, to urge Mr. Lincoln to come direct to Washington, in a quiet manner. The messenger arrived in Philadelphia late on Thursday night, and had an interview with DOCUMENTS. 35 the President-elect, immediately subsequent to his interview with the detective. He was informed that Mr. Lincoln would arrive by the early train on Sat¬ urday morning, and, in accordance with this infor¬ mation, Mr. Washburn, member of Congress from Illinois, awaited the President-elect at the depot in Washington, whence he was taken in a carriage to Willard’s Hotel, where Senator Seward stood ready to receive him. The detective travelled with Mr. Lincoln under the name of E. J. Allen, which name was registered with the President-elect’s on the book at Willard’s Hotel. Being a well-known individual, he was speedily recognized, and suspicion naturally arose that he had been instrumental in exposing the plot which caused Mr. Lincoln’s hurried journey. It was deemed prudent that he should leave Washing¬ ton two days after his arrival, although he had in¬ tended to remain and witness the ceremonies of inauguration. The friends of Mr. Lincoln do not question the loyalty and hospitality of the people of Maryland, but they were aware that a few disaffected citizens who sympathized warmly with the Secessionists, were determined to frustrate, at all hazards, the in¬ auguration of the President-elect, even at the cost of his life. The characters and pursuits of the conspirators were various. Some of them were impelled by a fanatical zeal which they termed patriotism, and they justified their acts by the example of Brutus, in ridding his country of a tyrant. One of them was accustomed to recite passages put into the mouth of the character of Brutus , in Shakspeare’s play of “Julius Csesar.” Others were stimulated by the of¬ fer of pecuniary reward. These, it was observed, staid away from their usual places of work for sev¬ eral weeks prior to the intended assault. Although their circumstances had previously rendered them dependent on their daily labor for support, they were during this time abundantly supplied with money, which they squandered in bar-rooms and disreputable places. After the discovery of the plot, a strict watch was kept by the agents of detection over the move¬ ments of the conspirators, and efficient measures were adopted to guard against any attack which they might meditate upon the President-elect until he was installed in office. Mr. Lincoln’s family left Harrisburg for Balti¬ more, on their way to Washington, in the special train intended for him. And as, before starting, a message announcing Mr. Lincoln’s departure and arrival at Washington had been telegraphed to Baltimore over the wires, which had been repaired that morniDg, the passage through Baltimore was safely effected. The remark of Mr. Lincoln, during the ceremony of raising the flag on Independence Hall on Friday morning, that he would assert his principles on his inauguration, although he were to be assassinated on the spot, had evident reference to the commu¬ nication made to him by the detective on the night preceding. The names of the conspirators will not at present be divulged. But they arc in possession of re¬ sponsible parties, including the President. The number originally ascertained to be banded together for the assassination of Mr. Lincoln was twenty ; but the number of those who were fully apprised of the details of the plot became daily smaller as the time for executing it drew near. Some of the women employed by the detective went to serve as waiters, seamstresses, &c., in the families of the conspirators, and a record was re¬ gularly kept of what was said and done to further their enterprise. A record was also kept by the detective of their deliberations in secret conclave, but, for sufficient reasons, it is withheld for the present from publication. The detective and his agents regularly contributed money to pay the expenses of the conspiracy. — Albany Evening Journal. Doc. 39.— TWIGGS’ TREASON. The following is a list of the property given up to the State of Texas by Gen. Twiggs: 1,800 mules, valued at $50 each . $90,000 500 wagons, valued at $140 each . '70,000 950 horses, valued at $150 each . 142,500 500 harness, valued at $50 each . 25,000 Tools, wagon materials, iron, nails, horse and mule shoes . 250,000 Corn (at this port) . 7,000 Clothing . 150,000 Commissary stores . 75,000 Ordnance stores . 400,000 Total . $1,209,500 Exclusive of public buildings to which the Federal Government has a title. Much of the property is estimated at the original cost, its value in Texas being much greater, and worth to the State at least a million and a half of dollars. — San Antonio Herald , Feb. 25. Doc. 40.— PLAN OF THE PEACE CONVENTION. ARTICLE 13. Section 1. In all the present territory of the United States north of the parallel of 36° 80' of north latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punish¬ ment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line, the status of persons held to involuntary service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed; nor shall any law be passed by Congress or the Territorial Legislature to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to said territory, nor to im¬ pair the right arising from said relation ; but the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal courts, according to the course of the com¬ mon law. When any Territory north or south of said line, within such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of Government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary servitude, as the constitution of such State may provide. Sec. 2. No territory shall be acquired by the United States, except by discovery, and for naval and commercial stations, depots, and transit routes, without the concurrence of a majority of all the Senators from States w'hich allow involuntary ser¬ vitude, and a majority of all the Senators from States which prohibit that relation ; nor shall territory be acquired by treaty, unless the votes of a majority of the Senators from each class of States hercinbc- 36 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. fore mentioned be cast as a part of the two-thirds majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty. Sec. 3. Neither the constitution nor any amend¬ ment thereof, shall be construed to give Congress power to regulate, abolish, or control within any State the relation established or recognized by the laws thereof touching persons held to labor or in¬ voluntary service therein, nor to interfere with or abolish involuntary service in the District of Colum¬ bia without the consent of Maryland, and without the consent of the owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation; nor the power to interfere with or prohibit representatives and others from bringing with them to the District of Columbia, retaining, and taking away, persons so held to labor or service ; nor the power to interfere with or abolish involuntary service in places under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States, with¬ in those States and Territories where the same is es¬ tablished or recognized ; nor the power to prohibit the removal or transportation of persons held to la¬ bor or involuntary service in any State or Territory of the United States to any other State or Territory thereof, where it is established or recognized by law or usage; and the right during transportation, by sea or river, of touching at ports, shores, and land¬ ings, and of landing in case of distress, shall exist; but not the right of transit in or through any State or Territory, or of sale or traffic, against the laws thereof. Nor shall Congress have power to author¬ ize any higher rate of taxation on persons held to labor or service than on land. The bringing into the District of Columbia of persons held to labor or service, for sale, or placing them in depots to be af¬ terwards transferred to other places for sale as mer¬ chandise, is prohibited. Sec. 4. The third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of the States, by appro¬ priate legislation, and through the action of their judicial and ministerial officers, from enforcing the delivery of fugitives from labor to the person to whom such service or labor is due. Sec. 5. The foreign slave trade is hereby forever prohibited ; and it shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importation of slaves, coo¬ lies, or persons held to service or labor, into the United States and Territories from places beyond the limits thereof. Sec. 6. The first, third, and fifth sections, togeth¬ er with this section, of these amendments, and the third paragraph of the second section of the first article of the constitution, and the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article thereof, shall not be amended or abolished without the con¬ sent of all the States. Sec. 7. Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall pay to the owner the full value of his fugitive from labor, in all cases where the marshal, or other officer, whose duty it was to ar¬ rest such fugitive, was prevented front so doing by violence or intimidation from mobs or riotous as¬ semblages, or when, after arrest, such fugitive was rescued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby deprived of the same ; and the ac¬ ceptance of such payment shall preclude the owner from further claim to such fugitive. Congress shall provide by law for securing to the citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. — 2?. Y. Herald. Doc. 41.— CORWIN’S AMENDMENT. The amendment to the twelfth section of the constitution, offered at Washington by Mr. Corwin, reads as follows : “No amendment shall be made to the constitu¬ tion, which will authorize or give Congress power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of per¬ sons held to labor or servitude by the laws of said State.” - — Tribune. Doc. 42.— INAUGURAL OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Fellow-citizens of the United States : In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President, before he enters on the execution of his office. I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehen¬ sion seems to exist among the people of the southern States, that, by the accession of a Republican Ad¬ ministration, their property and their peace and personal security arc to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such appre¬ hension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches, when I declare that “ I have no purpose, directly or in¬ directly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.” I believe I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me, did so with the full knowledge that I had made this, and made many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform, for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : “ Resolved , that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclu¬ sively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend ; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.” I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is suscep¬ tible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consist¬ ently with the constitution and the law's, can bo given wfill be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheer¬ fully to one section as to another. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the constitution as any other of its provisions : DOCUMENTS. 37 “ No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.” It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves ; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution — to this provision as well as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause “ shall be delivered up,” their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath ? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrender¬ ed, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done ; and should any one, in any case, be content that this oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in the civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guaranties that “ the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States ? ” I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules ; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy-two years since the first inaugura¬ tion of a President under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and very dis¬ tinguished citizens have in succession administered ; the executive branch of the government. They have conducted it through many perils, and gene¬ rally with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task, for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulties. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that in the contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own ter¬ mination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peace¬ ably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak ; but does it not require all to law¬ fully rescind it? Descending from these general principles we find the proposition that in legal con¬ templation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued in the De¬ claration of Independence in 1770. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation, in 1778 ; and, finally, in 1787, one of the declared ob¬ jects for ordaining and establishing the Constitu¬ tion was to form a more perfect Union. But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less than before, the Constitution having lost the vital element of perpetuity. It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that effect, are legally void ; and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. I therefore consider that, in view of the Consti¬ tution and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, which I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly perform it, so far as is practicable, unless my right¬ ful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisition, or in some authoritative manner di¬ rect the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain it¬ self. In doing this there need be no bloodshed or vio¬ lence, and there shall be none unless it is forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will he used to hold , oc¬ cupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government , and collect the duties and im¬ posts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States shall be so great and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people that object. While the strict legal right may exist of the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly im¬ practicable withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course hero indicated will be followed, unless 38 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. current events and experience shall show a modifi¬ cation or change to be proper; and in every case and exigency niy best discretion will bo exercised according to the circumstances actually existing, and with a view and hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of frater¬ nal sympathies and affections. That there are persons, in one section or another, who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak, before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes? Would it not be well to ascertain why we do it ? Will you hazard so desperate a step, while any por¬ tion of the ills you fly from, have no real existence ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to, are greater than all the real ones you fly from ? Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content in the Union if all consti¬ tutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution has been denied ? I think not. Happily the hu¬ man mind is so constituted, that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly-written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of num¬ bers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly-written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution; it certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individu¬ als are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions in the Constitution, that controversies never arise con¬ cerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical admin¬ istration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express pro¬ visions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by state authorities? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territo¬ ries? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class, spring all our consti¬ tutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease. There is no alternative for continuing the government but ac¬ quiescence on the one side or the other. If a mi¬ nority in such a case, will secede rather than acqui¬ esce, they make a precedent which in turn will ruin and divide them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, why not any portion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as por¬ tions of the present Union now claim to secede from it ? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed seces¬ sion ? Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional check and limitation, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossi¬ ble ; the rule of a majority, as a permanent ar¬ rangement, is wholly inadmissible. So that, reject¬ ing the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. 1 do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such de¬ cisions must be binding in any case upon the par¬ ties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and con¬ sideration in all parallel cases by all other depart¬ ments of the government ; and while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government upon the vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irre¬ vocably fixed by the decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, as in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own masters, unless having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, to decide cases properly brought before them ; and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended ; and this is the only substantial dispute ; and the fugitive slave clause of the constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people im¬ perfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sec¬ tions than before. The foreign slave trade, now im¬ perfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one section; while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking we cannot separate — we can¬ not remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face ; and in¬ tercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfac¬ tory after separation than before ? Can aliens make ! treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can DOCUMENTS. 39 treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; aud when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exer¬ cise their constitutional right of amending, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendment, I fully recognize the full authority of the people over the whole sub¬ ject, to be exercised in either of the mode3 pre¬ scribed in the instrument itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add, that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amend¬ ments to originate with the people themselves, in¬ stead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish either to accept or refuse. I understand that a proposed amend¬ ment to the Constitution (which amendment, how¬ ever, I have not seen) has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never in¬ terfere with the domestic institutions of States, in¬ cluding that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objec¬ tion to its being made express and irrevocable. The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix the terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves, alto, can do this if they choose, but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do witli it. Ilis duty is to administer the present government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world ? In our present differences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal, the American people. By the frame of the Government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the peo¬ ple retain their virtue and vigilance, no administra¬ tion, by any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would never take delib¬ erately, that object will be frustrated by taking time ; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it ; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulties. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government; while I shall have the most solemn one to “preserve, protect, and defend ” it. I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though pas¬ sion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. Doc. 43.— THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS. HOW IT IS RECEIVED. The Baltimore papers discuss the tone of Mr. Lincoln’s Inaugural Address. The American re¬ gards the address with favor. “ The tone of the speech is pacific ; that is to say, Mr. Lincoln avows his determination to preserve peace, so far as it may be done, in the performance of his duty as he understands it. He denies that he has the power to recognize the right or the fact of secession, and therefore denies that he has the liberty to refrain from the performance of what would be plain obligations if no such right or fact had been assumed to exist. While, therefore, ho announces his intention to collect the revenue and to possess and defend the forts, he distinctly declares that he will do these things in such a manner as to avoid the necessity for strife, if it is possible to do so. It is perfectly evident, from the whole tenor of his Address, that he docs not intend to be the aggress¬ or , if peace may not be preserved. “ No one will deny that he has met the issues pre¬ sented with a firmness and frankness that are in themselves commendable. He does not expect to be misunderstood, and he foreshadows his policy with a directness that provides for no future eva¬ sions or change of programme. It is hardly proba¬ ble that the citizens of the Southern Confederacy have waited for this Inaugural with the expectation that it was to contain a relinquishment of United States authority in the seceded states, or a promise to recognize the government there set up; and if they have, it is not probable that the Address will leave them in doubt upon this subject. “ Whatever may be the differences of opinion 40 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. throughout the country upon the various subjects of which the address treats, it will be very general¬ ly received as an honest and outspoken avowal of the policy of the new administration. It is certain that it furnishes no pretext for disunion that has not existed since the November election.” The Baltimore Sun denounces the Address as “ sectional and mischievous,” and adds that “if it means what it says, it is the knell and the requiem of the Union, and the death of hope.” The Baltimore Exchange says, “ the measures of Mr. Lincoln mean war.” The Baltimore Patriot believes, with the Ameri¬ can, that Mr. Lincoln means to avoid aggression, and adds: “ The reasoning and expositions of the Inaugural, in the virtues of patience, forbearance, &c., apply as well to Mr. Lincoln as to the people of the several States, and as he expects the people to exercise those virtues, so must he allow the people to expect that he will apply the counsel to himself, as well as to them. In this there is another assurance of -pacificatory purposes , and of the intention to enforce the laics, as nearly as possible , in conformity with the will of the ivhole people. This position is greatly strengthened by the appeal to the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, as the great appellate tribunal of the American people. We make this observation in reference to Mr. Lincoln as an enlightened and conscientious states¬ man, and not as an educated and conscientious fanatic. In the character of the statesman, he will wisely and judiciously apply the law he is obliged to enforce as a sufficient instrument for the accom¬ plishment of its purposes, without any appeal to the higher law of the fanatics, which is subversive of all human law and government, and impels the sub¬ mission of all human thought and consideration and action to the whim or notion of an individual man.” In Virginia the secessionists denounce it as a warlike document, and threaten immediate secession and fight. In the seceding States intense excitement was created by the reception of the Address. In North Carolina, the Inaugural was favorably received by the Unionists, who regarded it as a hopeful indication of the peace policy of the ad¬ ministration. The St. Louis Democrat says: “We can only say this morning, that it meets the highest expectations of the country, both in point of statesmanship and patriotism, and that its effect on the public mind cannot be other than salutary in the highest de¬ gree.” The St. L ouis Republican says : “We hoped for a more conservative and more conciliatory expres¬ sion of sentiments ; much will depend upon the put¬ ting in practice of the ideas advanced that will test the question — be it one of expediency or right — whether the forts can be held or retaken and the revenues collected without bloodshed.” The Boston Post is pleased. It says: “The conservatives will be glad to see, at this time, the opening avowals of the Address. The pledge not to interfere with slavery in the States ; the denunciation of lawless invasions of those States ; the avowal to protect slavery in case of a servile insurrection; the promise to carry into effect the fugitive slave obligation, seem to come up to the requirements of the Constitution. Nor is this all. Towards the conclusion the President returns to the subject, and further manifests his desire to con¬ ciliate, by frankly endorsing the Corwin amend¬ ment to the Constitution, which has just received a two-thirds vote of both branches of Congress.” Doc. 44.— SYNOPSIS OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES’ ARMY BILL. Sec. 1. Enacts, that from and after the passage of the act, the military establishment of the Confeder¬ ate States shall be composed of one corps of engin¬ eers, one corps of artillery, six regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, and of the staff department already established by law. 2. The Corps of Engineers shall consist of one colonel, four majors, five captains, one company of sappers, miners, and pioneers, consisting of ten ser¬ geants or master-workmen, ten corporals or over¬ seers, two musicians, and thirty-nine privates of the first-class, or artificers, and thirty-nine men of second- class, or laborers — making in all one hundred. 3. Said company shall be officered by one captain and as many lieutenants, taken from the line of the army, as the President may deem necessary. 4. Duties of the colonel of the Engineer Corps prescribed. 5. The artillery corps shall consist of one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, ten majors, and forty compa¬ nies of artillerists and artificers ; and each company shall consist of one captain, two first lieutenants, one second lieutenant, four sergeants, four corpo¬ rals, two musicians and seventy privates; also one adjutant to be selected by the colonel from the first lieutenants, and one sergeant-major to be selected from enlisted men of the corps. 6. Each regiment of infantry shall consist of one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, one major and ten companies. Each company shall consist of one cap¬ tain, one first lieutenant, two second lieutenants, four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians and ninety privates ; and to each regiment there shall be one adjutant, and one sergeant-major. 1. The cavalry regiment shall consist of one col¬ onel, one lieutenant-colonel, one major and ten com¬ panies. Each of which shall consist of one captain, one first lieutenant, two second lieutenants, four sergeants, four corporals, one farrier, one blacksmith, two musicians and sixty privates ; also, of one ad¬ jutant and one sergeant-major. 8. There shall be four brigadier-generals, entitled to one aid-de-camp each. 9. All officers of the army shall be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Congress; and the rank and file shall be en¬ listed for not less than three nor more than five years. 10. All officers are required to stand a creditable military examination. 11 and 12. Promotions in the army shall be made according to seniority and ability. 13. The pay of the brigadier-general is $3,612 per year, and his aid-de-camp (in addition to his pay as lieutenant) the sum of $35 per month. 14. Monthly pay of the officers of the Corps of Engineers: colonel, $210; majors, $162; captains, $140 ; lieutenants serving with sappers and miners will receive the pay of cavalry officers of the same grade. 15. The monthly pay of the colonel of the artillery corps is $210; lieutenant-colonel, $185; majors, DOCUMENTS. 41 $150; and when serving on ordnance duty, $162; captains, $130; lieutenants, $90 ; second lieutenants, $80. The adjutant, in addition to his pay as lieut¬ enant, the sum of $10 per month. Officers serving in the light artillery, or performing ordnance duty, shall receive the same pay as officers of cavalry in the same grade. 16. The monthly pay of officers in the infantry regiment. Colonels, $195; lieutenant-colonels, $170; majors, $150; captains, $130; lieutenants, $90; second lieutenants, $80; and the adjutant, in addition to his pay as lieutenant, $10 per month. 17. The monthly pay of officers of cavalry : Col¬ onel, $210; lieutenant-colonel, $185; major, $162; captains, $140 ; first lieutenant, $100 ; second lieut¬ enants, $90 ; and the adjutant $10 per month in addition to his pay as lieutenant. 18. The pay of officers of the general staff (ex¬ cept those of the medical department,) will be the same as officers of cavalry of the same grade. The annual salary of the surgeon-general is $3,000, with fuel and quarters ; monthly pay of surgeons of ten years’ service in that grade, $200 ; a surgeon of less time service, $162 ; assistant-surgeon of ten years’ service, $150 ; assistant-surgeon of five yeai's’ ser¬ vice, $130, and for assistant of less than five years’ service, $110. 19. There shall be allowed, in addition to the pay herein before provided, to every commissioned officer, except the surgeon-general, $9 per month for every five years’ services, and to the officers of the army of the United States who have resigned, or may resign, to be received into the service of The Confederate States, this additional pay shall be allowed from the date of their entrance into the for¬ mer service. There shall also be an additional monthly allowance to every general officer cam- manding in chief a separate army actually in the field, the sum of $100. 20. The pay aforesaid shall be in full of all allow¬ ances, except forage, fuel, quarters, and travelling expenses, while travelling under orders, etc., etc. 21. Allows forage to officers, etc. 22. Monthly pay of enlisted men: Sergeants or master workmen of engineer corps, $34; corporals or overseers, $20 ; privates of first-class or artifi¬ cers, 17 ; privates of second-class, or laborers, and musicians, $13; sergeant-major of cavalry, $21; first sergeant, $20 ; sergeants, $17 ; corporals, far¬ riers, and blacksmiths, $13 ; musicians, $13; pri¬ vates, $12; first sergeants, $20; sergeants, $17; corporals and artificers, $13; musicians, $12 ; and privates, $11. Non-commissioned officers, artificers, musicians, and privates serving in light batteries shall receive the same pay as those of cavalry. 23. The President is authorized to enlist all mas¬ ter workmen necessary to the ordnance service, not exceeding one hundred men, and at salaries ranging from $13 to $34 per month. 24. Each enlisted man shall receive one ration per day and clothing. 25. Refers to commutation of rations. 26. The Secretary of War is directed to prescribe the duties of every department of service. 27. Requires Quartermasters and Commissaries to give bonds, 2S. Prohibits any officer from being interested in purchases made for the army. 29. The rules and articles of war of the United States, with slight exceptions, adopted by the Con¬ gress of the Confederate States. 30. The President is directed to call into service only so many of the troops herein provided for as he may deem necessary. 31. Repeals all conflicting laws. The law is quite long, and hence the reason of the analysis, which will doubtless be more satisfac¬ tory to readers generally than the perusal of the entire law. Below is a tabular statement of the number and grade of officers and men : Engineer Artil- Infant- CftV Rank. Corps. lery. ry. air) Total. Colonels . i 6 l 9 Lieu tenant- Colonels _ — l 6 l 8 Majors . 10 6 l 21 Number of Companies. _ — 40 60 10 110 Captains . .... 5 40 60 10 115 First Lieutenants . __ - 80 60 10 150 Second Lieutenants. . . . _ - 40 120 20 ISO Sergeants . 100 240 40 450 Corporals . . ...10 1G0 240 40 450 Privates . ....78 ! 2,SOO 5,400 600 8, 878 Farriers . . . . - — _ 4 4 Blacksmiths . — _ _ 4 4 Musicians . .... 2 80 240 20 842 Adjutants . _ _ t 6 1 8 Sergeant Majors . 1 6 1 8 Total . >— 1 O CO Add Brisadier-Generals. 4 Aids to Brigadier-Generals . —2f. Y. 4 Ilerald. Doc. 45.— AN ENGLISH PROTEST AGAINST SOUTHERN RECOGNITION. Mr. Gregory has given notice that on an early day he will call the attention of her Majesty’s gov¬ ernment to the expediency of a prompt recognition of the Southern Confederacy of America. There is no occasion for Mr. Gregory or any one else to be anxious to get our government to acknowledge the so-called Southern Confederacy of American States. The practice of the British government in such cases is firmly established and well understood, viz., to recognize all de facto governments, irrespective of opinions, origin, or any circumstance but the fact of being the actually established ruling power. If ever and whenever that happens with the South¬ ern States, which now professes to be a confederacy, there can be no doubt about their being recognized by all the European powers; and by England, with the utmost certainty and distinctness. But the case has not reached this stage ; and it is very far from reaching it. The secession leaders who have as¬ sumed office do not pretend to be more than a pro¬ visional body ; no appeal has been made to the peo¬ ple of their States; none of the constitutional con¬ ditions of republican organization have as yet been complied with ; and none of the antecedents which were specified by the founders of the republic as justifying rebellion have occurred. The movers in the case have begged the question in regard to the right of secession ; and there has as yet been no opportunity of reply on the other side. The whole matter remains for treatment; and, in the most democratic country in the world, the great body of the people has been silent during a whole winter of crisis, from actual want of opportunity to declare their opinion and will. There can be no recogni¬ tion from without of any new claims put forth in such an interval ; and the American nation lias a right to expect from its foreign allies patience to wait till the people have spoken and taken their course of action. 42 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. The inauguration address of the Provisional President of the South was intended to produce just such an effect as it seems to have produced on Mr. Gregory’s mind. This audacious parody on the Declaration of Independence might , it was evidently thought, catch the ear of Americans, to whom that Declaration is as familiar as the Lord’s Prayer ; and it might entrap the imagination of foreigners who might not have paid sufficient attention to the course of American affairs to detect its inapplica¬ bility. One does not look for extreme accuracy or for any impartiality in political manifestoes issued by revolutionary officials, on their first attempt to ride the people they have raised; but it may be doubted whether in any European conflict within this revolutionary century any document has appeared more impudently false than Mr. Jefferson Davis's Address. It is so incredible that he and any hear¬ ers qualified for political action can be self-deceived to such a point as to believe what he was saying, that we can only suppose the object to be to lead the ignorant people about them by the sound of familiar and venerated words, trusting to their in¬ ability to perceive the baselessness of the thoughts. If the poor whites of the Southern section, who constitute nearly three-fourths of the white popula¬ tion, can really be led by such an address as this to fancy themselves resisting oppression, and estab¬ lishing free government under the special blessing of Heaven, in imitation of their fathers ninety years ago, they are indeed fit only for such subjec¬ tion to oligarchical government as has long been, and still will be, required of them. In citing the familiar and venerable statement of the Declaration of Independence, as to the causes which justify rebellion, and the principles on which the resulting polity should be framed and organized, Mr. Jefferson Davis pronounced the most crushing condemnation of his own case, in terms of the keen¬ est irony. The staunchest Republican of the North might have taken up the same parable as the aptest speech he could make. The Philadelphia patriots exhibited the long course of oppressions the colo¬ nies had endured before they lost patience, and the actual extremities of injury they underwent before they raised a hostile flag. In the present case the Southern party has enjoyed thirty years’ possession of the Federal Government — thirty years of domi¬ nation over the whole Union — during which they have altered the laws, undermined the Constitu¬ tion, carved out territory, restricted liberty and created license, for their own sectional objects and interests. So much for the long oppression which has driven them to resistance. And what outrage roused the reluctant men of peace at last? What was the Stamp Act of the present occa¬ sion? It was the loss of an election, a constitu¬ tional election, conducted in a regular and orderly way. — London News, March 12. Doc. 46.— BRAGG’S ORDER. The order of Major-General Bragg, cutting off supplies from the United States fleet off Pensacola : Headquarters Troops Confederate States, ) Near Pensacola, Fla., March 18, 1861. f The Commanding-General learns with surprise and regret that some of our citizens are engaged in the business of furnishing supplies of fuel, water and provisions to the armed vessels of the United States now occupying a threatening appearance off this harbor. That no misunderstanding may exist on this sub¬ ject, it is announced to all concerned that this traffic is strictly forbidden, and all such supplies, which may be captured in transit to said vessels, or to Fort Pickens, will be confiscated. The more effectually to enforce this prohibition, no boat or vessel will be allowed to visit Fort Pickens or any of the United States naval vessels without special sanction. Col. John II. Forney, Acting Inspector-General, will organize an efficient Harbor Police for the en¬ forcement of this order. By command of Brigadier- General Braxton Bragg. Robert C. Wood, jr. Asst. Adjt. Gen. — Times, March 23. Doc. 47.— CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. SEWARD AND THE CONFEDERATE COM¬ MISSIONERS. The following is the correspondence between the Secretary of State and the Commissioners from the Confederate States : — Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford to Mr. Seward, opening Negotiation and stating the Case. Washington City, March 12, 1861. non. Wm. II. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States : Sir : — The undersigned have been duly accredited by the government of the Confederate States of America as Commissioners to the government of the United States, and in pursuance of their in¬ structions have now the honor to acquaint you with that fact, and to make known, through you, to the President of the United States, the objects of their presence in this Capital. Seven States of the late federal Union having, in the exercise of the inherent right of every free people to change or reform their political institu¬ tions, and through conventions of their people, withdrawn from the United States and reassumed the attributes of sovereign power delegated to it, have formed a government of their own. The Confed¬ erate States constitute an independent nation, de facto and de jure, and possess a government perfect in all its parts and endowed with all the means of self-support. With a view to a speedy adjustment of all ques¬ tions growing out of this political separation, upon such terms of amity and good will as the respective interests, geographical contiguity, and future wel¬ fare of the two nations may render necessary, the undersigned are instructed to make to the govern¬ ment of the United States overtures for the open¬ ing of negotiations, assuring the Government of the United States that the President, Congress, and people of the Confederate States earnestly desire a peaceful solution of these great questions; that it is neither their interest nor their wish to make any demand which is not founded in strictest justice, nor do any act to injure their late confederates. The undersigned have now the honor in obedi¬ ence to the instructions of their government, to re¬ quest you to appoint as early a day as possible, in order that they may present to the President of the 1 United States the credentials which they bear and DOCUMENTS. 43 the objects of the mission with which they are charged. We are, very respectfully, Your obedient servants, John Forsyth, Martin J. Crawtford. THE REPLY OF UR. SEWARD. Memorandum. Department of State, ) Washington, March 15, 1S61. j Mr. John Forsyth, of the State of Alabama, and Mr. Martin J. Crawford, of the State of Georgia, on the 11th inst., through the kind offices of a dis¬ tinguished Senator, submitted to the Secretary of State their desire for an unofficial interview. This request was, on the 12th inst., upon exclusively public consideration, respectfully declined. On the 13th inst., while the Secretary was preoc¬ cupied, Mr. A. D. Banks, of Virginia, called at this Department, and was received by the Assistant Secretary, to whom he delivered a sealed communi¬ cation, which he had been charged by Messrs. For¬ syth and Crawford to present the Secretary in person. In that communication Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford inform the Secretary of State that they have been duly accredited by the Government of the Confederate States of America as Commission¬ ers to the government of the United States, and they set forth the objects of their attendance at Washington. They observe that seven States of the American Union, in the exercise of a right in¬ herent in every free people, have withdrawn, through conventions of their people, from the Unit¬ ed States, re-assumed the attributes of sovereign power, and formed a government of their own, and that those Confederate States now constitute an independent nation de facto and dejure, and pos¬ sess a government perfect in all its parts and fully endowed with all the means of self-support. Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, in their aforesaid communication, thereupon proceeded to inform the Secretary that, with a view to a speedy adjustment of all questions growing out of the political separa¬ tion thus assumed, upon such terms of amity and good will as the respective interests, geographical contiguity and the future welfare of the supposed two nations might render necessary, they are in¬ structed to make to the government of the United States overtures for the opening of negotiations, assuring this government that the President, Con¬ gress and people of the Confederate States earnest¬ ly desire a peaceful solution of these great ques¬ tions, and that it is neither their interest nor their wish to make any demand which is not founded in strictest justice, nor do any act to injure their late confederates. After making these statements, Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford close their communication, as they say, in obedience to the instructions of their gov¬ ernment, by requesting the Secretary of State to appoint as early a day as possible, in order that they may present to the President of the United States the credentials which they bear and the ob¬ jects of the mission with which they are charged. The Secretary of State frankly confesses that he understands the events which have recently occur¬ red, and the condition of political affairs which actually exists in the part of the Union to which his attention has thus been directed, very differently from the aspect in which they are presented by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. He sees in them, not a rightful and accomplished revolution and an independent nation, with an established govern¬ ment, but rather a perversion of a temporary and partisan excitement to the inconsiderate purposes of an unjustifiable and unconstitutional aggression upon the rights and the authority vested in the fed¬ eral government, and hitherto benignly exercised, as from their very nature they always must so be exercised, for the maintenance of the Union, the preservation of liberty, and the security, peace, welfare, happiness, and aggrandizement of the American people. The Secretary of State, there¬ fore, avows to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford that he looks patiently but confidently for the cure of evils which have resulted from proceedings so un¬ necessary, so unwise, so unusual, and so unnatural, not to irregular negotiations, having in view new and untried relations with agencies unknown to and acting in derogation of the Constitution and laws, but to regular and considerate action of the people at those States, in co-operation with their brethren in the other States, through the Congress of the United States, and such extraordinary con¬ ventions, if there shall be need thereof, as the fed¬ eral Constitution contemplates and authorizes to be assembled. It is, however, the purpose of the Secretary of State on this occasion not to invite or engage in any discussion of these subjects, but simply to set forth his reasons for declining to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. On the 4th of March inst., the newly elected Pres¬ ident of the United States, in view of all the facts bearing on the present question, assumed the exec¬ utive Administration of the Government, first de¬ livering, in accordance with an early, honored cus¬ tom, an Inaugural Address to the people of the United States. The Secretary of State respectfully submits a copy of this address to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. A simple reference to it will be sufficient to sat¬ isfy those gentlemen that the Secretary of State, guided by the principles therein announced, is pre¬ vented altogether from admitting or assuming that the States referred to by them have, in law or in fact withdrawn from the Federal Union, or that they could do so in the manner described by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other manner than with the consent and concert of the people of the United States, to be given through a national con¬ vention, to be assembled in conformity with the provisions of the Constitution of the United States. Of course the Secretary of State cannot act upon the assumption or in any way admit that the so- called Confederate States constitute a foreign Pow¬ er, with whom diplomatic relations ought to bo es¬ tablished. Under these circumstances, the Secretary of State, whose official duties are confined, subject to the direction of the President, to the conducting of the foreign relations of the country, and do not at all embrace domestic questions or questions arising between the several States and the federal govern¬ ment, is unable to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, to appoint a day on which they may present the evidences of their au¬ thority and the objects of their visit to the Presi¬ dent of the United States. On the contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford u REBELLION RECORD, 1860-G1. that ho has no authority nor is he at liberty to rec¬ ognize them as diplomatic agents, or hold corre¬ spondence or other communication with them. Finally, the Secretary of State would observe that, although he has supposed that he might safely and with propriety have adopted these conclusions without making any reference of the subject to the Executive, yet so strong has been his desire to practise entire directness and to act in a spirit of perfect respect and candor towards Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, and that portion of the Union, in whose name they present themselves before him, that he has cheerfully submitted this paper to the President, who coincides generally in the views it expresses, and sanctions the Secretary’s decision declining official intercourse with Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. Doc. 48.— SPEECH OF A. H. STEPHENS. Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen of tiie Committee, and Fellow-citizens — For this reception you will please accept my most profound and sincere thanks. The compliment is doubtless intended as much, or more, perhaps, in honor of the occasion, and my public position in connection with the great events now crowding upon us, than to me personally and individually. It is, however, none the less appreci¬ ated by me on that account. We are in the midst of one of the greatest epochs in our history. The last ninety days will mark one of the most memor¬ able eras in the history of modern civilization. [There was a general call from the outside of the building for the speaker to go out, that there were more outside than in. The Mayor rose and requested silence at the doors, that Mr. Stephens’ health would not permit him to speak in the open air. Mr. Stephens said he would leave it to the audience whether he should proceed in-doors or out. There was a general cry of in-doors, as the ladies, a large number of whom were present, could not hear outside. Mr. Stephens said that the accommodation of the ladies would determine the question, and he would proceed where he was. At this point the uproar and clamor outside, was greater still for the speaker to go out on the steps. This was quieted by Col. Lawton, Col. Foreman, Judge Jackson and Mr, J. W. Owens going out and stating the facts of the case to the dense mass of men, women, and children who were outside, and entertaining them in short, brief speeches. Mr. Stephens all this while quietly sitting down until the furore subsided.] Mr. Stephens rose, and said, When perfect quiet is restored I shall proceed ; I cannot speak as long as there is any noise or confusion. I shall take my time ; I feel as though I could spend the night with you, if necessary. [Loud applause] I very much regret that every one who desires cannot hear what I have to say, not that I have any display to make or any thing very entertaining to present, but such views as I have to give, I wish all not only in this city, but iu this State, and throughout our Confed¬ erated Republic, could hear, who have a desire to hear them. I was remarking that we are passing through one of the greatest revolutions in the annals of the world — seven States have, vuthin the last three months, thrown off an old Government and formed a new. This revolution has been signally marked, up to this time, by the fact of its having been ac¬ complished without the loss of a single drop of blood. [Applause.] This new Constitution, or form of government, constitutes the subject to which your attention will be partly invited. In reference to it, I make this first general re¬ mark : It amply secures all our ancient rights, fran¬ chises, and privileges. All the great principles of Magna Charta arc retained in it. No citizen is de¬ prived of life, liberty, or property, but by the judg¬ ment of his peers, under the laws of the land. The great principle of religious liberty, which was the honor and pride of the old Constitution, is still maintained and secured. All the essentials of the old Constitution, which have endeared it to the hearts of the American people, have been preserv¬ ed and perpetuated. [Applause.] Some changes have been made — of these, I shall speak presently. Some of these I should have preferred not to have seen made, but these perhaps meet the cordial ap¬ probation of a majority of this audience, if not an overwhelming majority of the people of the Con¬ federacy. Of them, therefore, I will not speak. But other important changes do meet my cordial approbation. They form great improvements upon the old Constitution. So, taking the whole new Constitution, I have no hesitancy in giving it as my judgment, that it is decidedly better than the old. [Applause.] Allow me briefly to allude to some of these improvements. The question of building up class interests, or fostering one branch of industry to the prejudice of another, under the exercise of the revenue power, which gave us so much trouble under the old Constitution, is put at rest forever under the new. We allow the imposition of no duty with a view of giving advantage to one class of persons, in any trade or business, over those of another. All, under our system, stand upon the same broad principles of perfect equality. Honest labor and enterprise are left free and unrestricted iu whatever pursuit they may be engaged in. This subject came well-nigh causing a rupture of the old Union, under the lead of the gallant Palmetto State, which lies on our border, in 1833. This old thorn of the tariff, which occasioned the cause of so much irritation in the old body politic, is removed forever from the new. [Applause.] Again, the subject of internal improvements, under the power of Congress to regulate commerce, is put at rest under our system. The power claimed by construction under the old Constitution, was at least a doubtful one — it rested solely upon construction. We of the South, generally apart from considera¬ tions of Constitutional principles, opposed its exer¬ cise upon grounds of expediency and justice. Not¬ withstanding this opposition, millions of money, in the common Treasury had been drawn for such purposes. Our opposition sprung from no hostility to commerce, or all necessary aids for facilitating it. With us it was simply a question, upon whom the burden should fall. In Georgia, for instance, we had done as much for the cause of internal improve¬ ments of as any other portion of the country, ac¬ cording to population and means. TV e have stretched out lines of railroads from the seaboard to the mountains, dug down the hills and filled up the valleys, at a cost of not less than $25,000,000. All this was done to open up an outlet for our pro¬ ducts of the interior, and those to the west of us, to reach the marts of the world. No State was in DOCUMENTS. 45 greater need of such facilities than Georgia ; but we had not asked that these works should be made by appropriations out of the common treasury. The cost of the grading, the superstructure and equip¬ ments of our roads was borne by those who enter¬ ed upon the enterprise. Nay, more — not only the cost of the iron, no small item in the aggregate cost, was borne in the same way, but we were com¬ pelled to pay into the common treasury several mil¬ lions of dollars for the privilege of importing the iron after the price was paid for it abroad. What justice was there in taking this money, which our people paid into the common Treasury on the im¬ portation of our iron, and applying it to the im¬ provement of rivers and harbors elsewhere ? The true principle is to subject commerce of every locality to whatever burdens may be neces¬ sary to facilitate it. If the Charleston harbor needs improvement, let the commerce of Charles¬ ton bear the burden. If the mouth of the Savan¬ nah river has to be cleared out, let the sea-going navigation which is benefited by it bear the bur¬ den. So with the mouths of the Alabama and Mississippi rivers. Just as the products of the inte¬ rior — our cotton, wheat, corn, and other articles — have to bear the necessary rates of freight over our railroads to reach the seas. This is again the broad principle of perfect equality and justice. [Ap¬ plause.] And it is specially held forth and estab¬ lished in our new Constitution. Another feature to which I will allude, is that the new Constitution provides that Cabinet Minis¬ ters and heads of Departments shall have the privilege of seats upon the floor of the Senate and Ilouse of Representatives — shall have a right to participate in the debates and discussions upon the various subjects of administration. I should have preferred that this provision should have gone fur¬ ther, and allowed the President to select his con¬ stitutional advisers from the Senate and House of Representatives. That would have conformed en¬ tirely to the practice in the British Parliament, which, in my judgment, is one of the wisest pro¬ visions in the British Constitution. It is the only feature that saves that Government. It is that which gives it stability in its facility to change its administration. Ours, as it is, is a great approxi¬ mation to the right principle. Under the old Constitution, a Secretary of the Treasury, for instance, had no opportunity, save by his annual reports, of presenting any scheme or plan of finance or other matter. He had no op¬ portunity of explaining, expounding, enforcing or defending his views of policy ; his only resort was through the medium of an organ. In the British Parliament the Premier brings in his budget, and stands before the nation responsible for its every item. If it is indefensible, he falls before the attacks upon it, as he ought to. This will now be the case, to a limited extent, under our system. Our heads of Departments can speak for them¬ selves and the Administration in behalf of its entire policy, without resorting to the indirect and highly objectionable medium of a newspaper. It is to be greatly hoped, that under our system we shall never have what is known as a Government organ. [Rap¬ turous applause.] [A noise again arose from the clamor of the crowd outside, who wished to hear Mr. Stephens, and for some moments interrupted him. The Mayor rose and called on the police to preserve order. Quiet being restored, Mr. S. proceeded.] Another change in the Constitution relates to the length of the tenure of the Presidential office. In the new Constitution it is six years instead of four, and the President rendered ineligible for a re-elec¬ tion. This is certainly a decidedly conservative change. It will remove from the incumbent all temptation to use his office or exert the powers confided to him for any objects of personal am¬ bition. The only incentive to that higher ambi¬ tion which should move and actuate one holding such high trusts in his hands, will be the good of the people, the advancement, prosperity, happiness, safety, honor, and true glory of the Confederacy. [Applause.] But not to be tedious in enumerating the numer¬ ous changes for the better, allow me to allude to one other — though last, not least : the new Consti¬ tution has put at rest forever all the agitating ques¬ tions relating to our peculiar institutions — African slavery as it exists among us — the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had antici¬ pated this, as the “rock upon which the old Union would split.” He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands , may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution were , that the enslavement of the African ivas in violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle , socially , morally and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with ; but the general opinion of the men of that day was, that, somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, hoioever, were f undamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a Government built upon it — when the “ storm came and the wind blew, it fell.'" Our new Government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas ; its foundations are laid, its corner¬ stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man ; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and moral condi¬ tion. [Applause.] This, our new Government, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical , and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its develop¬ ment, like all other truths in the various depart¬ ments of science. It is so even amongst us. Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well that this truth was not generally admitted, even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to these errors with a zeal above knowledge, we justly denominate fa¬ natics. All fanaticism springs from an aberration of 46 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. the mind ; from a defect in reasoning. It is a spe¬ cies of insanity. One of the most striking charac¬ teristics of insanity, in many instances, is, forming correct conclusions from fancied or erroneous pre¬ mises ; so with the anti-slavery fanatics : their conclusions are right if their premises are. They assume that the negro is equal, and hence conclude that he is entitled to equal privileges and rights, w’ith the white man. If their premises were cor¬ rect, their conclusions would be logical and just; but their premises being wrong, their whole argu¬ ment fails. I recollect once of having heard a gentleman from one of the Northern States, of great power and ability, announce in the House of Representatives, with imposing effect, that we of the South would be compelled, ultimately, to yield upon this subject of slavery; that it was as impos¬ sible to war successfully against a principle in poli¬ tics, as it was in physics or mechanics. That the principle wrould ultimately prevail. That we, in maintaining slavery as it exists with us, were war¬ ring against a principle — a principle founded in nature, the principle of the equality of man. The reply I made to him was, that upon his own grounds we should succeed, and that he and his associates in their crusade against our institutions would ulti¬ mately fail. The truth announced, that it was as impossible to wrar successfully against a principle in politics as well as in physics and mechanics, I ad¬ mitted, but told him it was he and those acting with him who were warring against a principle. They were attempting to make things equal which the Creator had made unequal. In the conflict thus far, success has been on our side, complete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our social fabric is firmly planted; and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate suc¬ cess of a full recognition of this principle through¬ out the civilized and enlightened world. As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in development, as all truths are, and ever have been, in the various branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by Galileo — it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of political economy. It was so with Harvey, and his theory of the circulation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical profes¬ sion, living at the time of the announcement of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now, they are universally acknowledged. May we not there¬ fore look with confidence to the ultimate universal acknowledgment of the truths upon which our sys¬ tem rests? It is the first Government ever insti¬ tuted upon principles in strict conformity to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in furnishing the materials of human society. Many Governments have been founded upon the principles of certain classes ; but the classes thus enslaved, wrere of the same race, and in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of nature’s laws. The negro by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occu¬ pies in our system. The architect, in the construc¬ tion of buildings, lays the foundation with the prop¬ er material— the granite — then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by ex¬ perience we know that it is the best, not only for the superior but for the inferior race, that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His or¬ dinances or to question them. For His own purposes He has made one race to differ from another, as Ho has made “ one star to differ from another in glory.” The great objects of humanity are best attained, when conformed to his laws and degrees, in the formation of Governments as well as in all things else. Our Confederacy is founded upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was rejected by the first builders “ is become the chief stone of the corner ” in our new edifice. [Applause.] I have been asked, what of the future? It has been apprehended by some, that we would have arrayed against us the civilized world. I care not who or how many they may be, when we stand upon the eternal principles of truth we are obliged and must triumph. [Immense applause.] Thousands of people, who begin to understand these truths, arc not yet completely out of the shell ; they do not see them in their length and breadth. We hear much of the civilization and Christianization of the barbarous tribes of Africa. In my judgment, those ends will never be obtained but by first teaching them the lesson taught to Adam, that “in the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat bread,” [applause,] and teaching them to work, and feed, and clothe themselves. But to pass on. Some have propounded the in¬ quiry, whether it is practicable for us to go on with the Confederacy without further accessions. Have we the means and ability to maintain nationality among the Powers of the earth? On this point I would barely say, that as anxious as we all have been, and are, for the Border States, with institu¬ tions similar with ours, to join us, still we are abun¬ dantly able to maintain our position, even if they should ultimately make up their minds not to cast their destiny with ours. That they ultimately "will join us, be compelled to do it, is my confident be¬ lief; but we can get on very well wfithout them, even if they should not. We have all the essential elements of a high na¬ tional career. The idea has been given out at the North, and even in the Border States, that we are too small and too weak to maintain a separate na¬ tionality. This is a great mistake. In extent of territory we embrace 664,000 square miles and up¬ wards. This is upwards of 200,000 square miles more than was included within the limits of the original Thirteen States. It is an area of country more than double the territory of France or the Austrian Empire. France, in round numbers, has but 212,000 square miles. Austria, in round num¬ bers, has 248,000 square miles. Ours is greater than both combined. It is greater than all France, Spain, Portugal and Great Britain, including Eng¬ land, Ireland, and Scotland, together. In popula¬ tion, we have upwards of 6,000,000, according to the census of 1860; this includes white and black. The entire population, including white and black, of the original Thirteen States, was less than 4,000- 000 in 1790, and still less in 1776, when the inde¬ pendence of our fathers was achieved. If they, with a less population, dared maintain their inde¬ pendence against the greatest power on earth, shall we have any apprehension of maintaining ours now ? In point of material wealth and resources, we are greatly in advance of them. The taxable property DOCUMENTS. 47 of tlio Confederate States cannot be less than $22,- 000,000,000. This, I think I venture but little in saying, may be considered as five times more than the colonies possessed at the time they achieved their independence. Georgia alone possessed last year, according to the report of our comptroller- general, $672,000,000 of taxable property. The debts of the seven Confederate States sum up in the aggregate less than $18,000,000 ; while the existing debts of the other of the late United States sum up in the aggregate the enormous amount of $174,000,- 000. This is without taking into the account the heavy city debts, corporation debts, and railroad debts, which press, and will continue to press, a heavy incubus upon the resources of those States. These debts, added to others, make a sum total not much under $500,000,000. With such an area of territory — with such an amount of population — w'ith a climate and soil unsurpassed by any on the face of the earth — with such resources already at our command — with productions which control the com¬ merce of the world — who can entertain any appre¬ hensions as to our success, whether others join us or not. It is true, I believe, I 6tate but the common sen¬ timent, when I declare my earnest desire that the border States should join us. The differences of opinion that existed among us anterior to secession related more to the policy in securing that result by cooperation than from any difference upon the ulti¬ mate security we all looked to in common. These differences of opinion were more in refer¬ ence to policy than principle, and as Mr. Jefferson said in his inaugural, in 1801, after the heated con¬ test preceding his election, there might be differ¬ ences in opinion without differences on principle, and that all, to some extent, had been Federalists and all Republicans ; so it may now be said of us, that whatever differences of opinion as to the best policy in having a cooperation with our border sister Slave States, if the worst come to the worst, that as we were all cobperationists, we are now all for independence, whether they come or not. [Con¬ tinued applause.] In this connection, I take this occasion to state that I was not without grave and serious apprehen¬ sions that if the worst came to the worst, and cut¬ ting loose from the old Government would be the only remedy for our safety and security, it would be attended with much more serious ills than it has been as yet. Thus far we have seen none of those incidents which usually attend revolutions. No such material as such convulsions usually throw up has been seen. Wisdom, prudence, and patriotism have marked every step of' our progress thus far. This augurs well for the future, and it is a matter of sin¬ cere gratification to me that I am enabled to make the declaration of the men I met in the Congress at Montgomery (I may be pardoned for saying this) an abler, wiser, a more conservative, deliberate, de¬ termined, resolute, and patriotic body of men I never met in my life. [Great applause.] Their works speak for them ; the Provisional Government speaks for them ; the constitution of the permanent Gov¬ ernment will be a lasting monument of their worth, merit, and statesmanship. [Applause.] But to return to the question of the future. What is to be the result of this revolution ? Will every thing, commenced so well, continue as it has begun? In reply to this anxious inquiry I can only say, it all depends upon ourselves. A young man starting out in life on his majority, with health, talent, and ability, under a favoring Providence, may be said to be the architect of his own fortunes. His destinies are in his own hands. He may make for himself a name of honor or dishonor, according to his own acts. If he plants himself upon truth, integrity, honor, and uprightness, with industry, patience, and energy, he cannot fail of success. So it is with us : we are a young Republic, just enter¬ ing upon the arena of nations ; we will be the archi¬ tect of our own fortunes. Our destiny, under Prov¬ idence, is in our own hands. With wisdom, prudence, and statesmanship on the part of our public men, and intelligence, virtue, and patriotism on the part of the people, success, to the full measure of our most sanguine hopes, may be looked for. But if we become divided — if schisms arise — if dissensions spring up — if factions are engendered — if party spir¬ it, nourished by unholy pex-sonal ambition, shall rear its hydra head, I have no good to prophesy for you. Without intelligence, virtue, integrity, and patriot¬ ism on the part of the people, no Republic or repre¬ sentative government can be durable or stable. We have intelligence, and virtue, and patriotism. All that is required is to cultivate and perpetuate these. Intelligence will not do without virtue. France was a nation of philosophers. These philos¬ ophers became Jacobins. They lacked that virtue, that devotion to moral principle, and that patriotism which is essential to good government. Organized upon principles of perfect justice and right — seeking amity and friendship with all other powers — I see no obstacle in the way of our upward and onward progress. Our growth by accessions from other States, will depend greatly upon whether we present to the world, as I trust we shall, a better govern¬ ment than that to which they belong. If we do this, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas can not hesitate long; neither can Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri. They will necessarily gravitate to us by an imperious lawr. We made ample provision in our constitution for the admission of other States ; it is more guarded, and wisely so, I think, than the old Constitution on the same subject, but not too guarded to receive them as fast as it may be proper. Looking to the distant future, and perhaps not very distant either, it is not beyond the range of possi¬ bility, and even probability, that all the great States of the north-west shall gravitate this way as well as Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, &c. Should they do so, our doors are wide enough to receive them, but not until they are ready to assimi¬ late with us in ‘principle. The process of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with almost absolute cer¬ tainty. We are now the nucleus of a growing pow¬ er, which, if we are true to ourselves, our destiny, and our high mission, will become the controlling power on this continent. To what extent accessions will go on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will determine. So far as it concerns States of the old Union, they will be upon no such principle of reconstruction as now spoken of, but upon reorganization and new assimilation. [Loud applause.] Such are some of the glimpses of the future as I catch them. But at first we must necessarily meet with the in¬ conveniences, and difficulties, and embarrassments incident to all changes of government. These will be felt in our postal affairs and changes in the chan¬ nels of trade. These inconveniences, it is to be 48 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. hoped, will be but temporary, and must be borne with patience and forbearance. As to whether we shall have war with our late confederates, or whether all matters of difference between us shall be amicably settled, I can only say, that the prospect for a peaceful adjustment is better , so far as 1 am informed , than it has been. The prospect of war, is at least not so threatening as it had been. The idea of coercion shadowed forth in President Lincoln’s inaugural, seems not to be followed up thus far so vigorously as was expect¬ ed. Fort Sumter, it is believed, will soon be evac¬ uated. What course will be pursued towards Fort Pickens, and the other forts on the Gulf, is not so well understood. It is to be greatly desired that all of them should be surrendered. Our object is Peace , not only with the North, but with the world. All matters relating to the public property, public liabilities of the Union when we were members of it, we are ready and willing to adjust and settle, upon the principles of right, equality, and good faith. War can be of no more benefit to the North, than to us. The idea of coercing us, or subjugating us, is utterly preposterous. Whether the intention of evacuating Fort Sumter, is to be received as an evidence of a desire for a peaceful solution of our difficulties with the United States, or the result of necessity, I will not undertake to say. I would fain hope the former. Rumors are afloat, however, that it is the result of necessity. All I can say to you, therefore, on that point is, keep your armor bright, aud your powder dry. [Enthusiastic ap¬ plause.] The surest wray to secure peace, is to show your ability to maintain your rights. The principles and position of the present Administration of the United States — the Republican Party — present some puz¬ zling questions. While it is a fixed principle with them, never to allow the increase of a foot of Slave Territory, they seem to be equally determined not to part with an inch “ of the accursed soil.” Not¬ withstanding their clamor against the institution, they seem to be equally opposed to getting more, or letting go what they have got. They were ready to fight on the accession of Texas, and are equally ready to fight now on her secession. Why is this ? IIow can this strange paradox be accounted for? There seems to be but one rational solution — and that is, notwithstanding their professions of human¬ ity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund neces¬ sary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after — though they come from the labor of the slave. [Continued applause.] Mr. Stkpiiens reviewed at some length the ex¬ travagance and profligacy of appropriations by the Congress of the United States for several years past, and in this connection took occasion tv> allude to another one of the great improvements in our new Constitution, which is a clause prohibiting Congress from appropriating any money from the Treasury except by a two-thirds vote, unless it be for some object ■which the Executive may say is necessary to carry on the Government. When it is thus asked for and estimated, he con¬ tinued, the majority may appropriate. This was a new feature. Our fathers have guarded the assessment of taxes, by insisting that representation and taxation shoulq go together. This was inherited from the mother country, England. It was one of the principles upon which the Revolution had been fought. Our fathers also provided in the old Constitution that all appropriation bills should originate in the Represen¬ tative branch of Congress ; but our new Constitution went a step further, and guarded not only the poc¬ kets of the people, but also the public money, after it was taken from their pockets. He alluded to the difficulties and embarrassments which seemed to surround the question of a peace¬ ful solution of the controversy writh the old Govern¬ ment. How can it be done? is perplexing many minds. The President seems to think that he can¬ not recognize our independence, nor can he, with and by the advice of the Senate, do so. The Con¬ stitution makes no such provision. A general Con¬ vention of all the States has been suggested by some. Without proposing to solve the difficulty, he bare¬ ly made the following suggestion : That as the admission of States by Congress un¬ der the Constitution was an act of legislation, and in the nature of a contract or compact between the States admitted and the others admitting, why should not this contract or compact be regarded as of like character with all other civil contracts — liable to be rescinded by mutual agreement of both parties ? The seceding States have rescinded it on their part. Why cannot the whole question be settled, if the North desire peace, simply by the Congress, in both branches, with the concurrence of the President, giving their consent to the separation, and a recog¬ nition of independence ? This he merely offered as a suggestion, as one of the ways in which it might be done with much less violence to constructions of the Constitution than many other acts of that Gov¬ ernment. [Applause.] The difficulty has to be solved in some way or other — this may be regarded as a fixed fact. Several other points were alluded to by Mr. S., particularly as to the policy of the new Government towards foreign nations, and our commercial rela¬ tions with them. Free trade, as far as practicable, would be the policy of this Government. No high¬ er duties would be imposed on foreign importations than would be necessary to support the Government upon the strictest economy. In olden times the olive branch was considered the emblem of peace, we will send to the nations of the earth another and far more potential emblem of the same, the Cotton Plant. The present duties were levied with a view of meeting the present ne¬ cessities and exigencies, in preparation for war, if need be ; but if we have peace, and he hoped we might, and trade should resume its proper course, a duty of ten per cent, upon foreign importations , it was thought , might be sufficient to meet the expendi¬ tures of the Governmeiit. If some articles should be left on the free list, as they now are, such as breadstuff’s, &c., then, of course, duties upon othc- s would have to be higher — but in no event to an extent to embarrass trade and commerce. He con¬ cluded in an earnest appeal for union and harmony, on the part of all the people in support of the com¬ mon cause, in which we were all enlisted, a-nd upon the issues of which such great consequences de¬ pend. If, said he, we are true to ourselves, true to our cause, true to our destiny, true to our high mis- DOCUMENTS. 49 sion, in presenting to the world the highest type of civilization ever exhibited by man — there will be found in our Lexicon no such word as Fail. Mr. Stephens took his seat amid a burst of en¬ thusiasm and applause, such as the Athenamin has never had displayed within its walls, within “ the recollection of the oldest inhabitant.” — Savannah Republican. Doc. 49.— THE VESSEL FIRED INTO AT CHARLESTON. The vessel fired into from the forts on Morris Island has arrived at Savannah. The schooner is the R. H. Shannon, Capt. Monts, of Boston, and she was bound for this city with a cargo of ice, con¬ signed to A. Haywood. On Wednesday she was shrouded for many hours in a dense fog, during which she drifted through mistake oven the Charles¬ ton bar. Soon after the fog lifted, the captain, not knowing his whereabouts, found himself nearly abreast of the fort on Morris Island, and while cogi¬ tating over his latitude and longitude, he was greeted with a salute from the fort. He imme¬ diately ran up his colors — the stars and stripes — but that demonstration seemed an unsatisfactory an¬ swer to their summons. Several shot (thirty-two’s) were fired into his rigging, one of which passed through his mainsail and another through his top¬ sail. In the midst of his dilemma, not knowing where he was or the object of this hostile demon¬ stration, a boat from Fort Sumter came to his relief, and being made acquainted with the facts, he lost no time in putting to sea. The schooner suf¬ fered no material damage from the shots, though one of them came most uncomfortably near the head of one of the crew. Capt. M. thinks there is no mistake about the Morris Island boys being excel¬ lent marksmen. — Savannah Republican , April 5. Doc. 50.— THE UNITED STATES FLEET AT CHARLESTON. The following list embraces the names, with arma¬ ments and troops, of the fleet despatched from New York and Washington to Charleston harbor, for the relief of Fort Sumter : — VESSELS OF WAR. Steam sloop-of-war Pawnee, Captain S. C. Rowan, 10 guns and 200 men. The Pawnee sailed from Washington, with sealed orders, on the morning of Saturday, April 6. Steam sloop-of-war Powhatan, Captain E. D. Por¬ ter, 11 guns and 275 men. The Powhatan sailed from the Brooklyn Navy Yard on Saturday after¬ noon, April 6. Revenue cutter Harriet Lane, Captain J. Faunce, 5 guns and 96 men. On Saturday, April 6, the Harriet Lane exchanged her revenue flag for the United States navy flag, denoting her transfer to the Government naval service, and sailed suddenly on last Monday morning, with sealed orders. THE STEAM TRANSPORTS. Atlantic, 358 troops, composed of Companies A and M of the Second artillery, Companies C and H of the Second infantry, and Company A of sappers and miners from West Point. The Atlantic sailed Documents — 4 from the stream at 5 o’clock on Sunday morning last, April 7. Baltic, 160 troops, composed of Companies C and D, recruits, from Governor’s and Bedioe’s islands. The Baltic sailed from Quarantine at 7 o’clock on Tuesday morning last, April 9. Illinois, 300 troops, composed of Companies B, E, F, G and H, and a detachment from Company D, all recruits from Governor’s and Bedloc’s islands, together with two companies of the Second infan¬ try, from Fort Hamilton. The Illinois sailed from Quarantine on Tuesday morning at 6 o’clock. TIIE STEAMTUGS. Two steamtugs, with a Government official on each, bearing sealed despatches, were also sent. The Yankee left New York on Monday evening, 8th, and the Uncle Ben on Tuesday night. THE LAUNCHES. Nearly thirty of these boats — whose services are most useful in effecting a landing of troops over shoal water, and for attacking a discharging battery when covered with sand and gunny bags — hare been taken out by the Powhatan and by the steam transports Atlantic, Baltic and Illinois. RECAPITULATION. VESSELS. GUNS. MEN. Sloop-of-war Pawnee . 10 200 Sloop-of-war Powhatan . 11 275 Cutter Harriet Lane . 5 96 Steam transport Atlantic . — 353 Steam transport Baltic . — 160 Steam transport Illinois . — 300 Steamtug Yankee . Ordinary crew. Steamtug Uncle Ben . Ordinary crew. Total number of vessels . 3 Total number of guns (for marine service). . . . 26 Total number of men and troops . 1,3S0 It is understood that several transports are soon to be chartered, and despatched to Charleston with troops and supplies. — N. Y. Herald. Doc. 51. — CONFEDERATE COMMISSIONERS’ FINAL LETTER TO SECRETARY SEWARD. Washington, April 9, 1861. H on. Wm. IT. Seward , Secretary of State of the United States, Washington. The “ memorandum” * dated Department of State, Washington, March 15, 1861, has been received through the hands of Mr. J. T. Pickett, Secretary to this Commission, who, by the instructions of the undersigned, called for it on yesterday at the De¬ partment. In that memorandum you correctly state the pur¬ port of the official note addressed to you by the un¬ dersigned on the 12th ult. Without repeating the contents of that note in full, it is enough to say here that its object was to invite the Government of the United States to a friendly consideration of the relation between the United States and the seven States lately of the Federal Union, but now sepa¬ rated from it by the sovereign will of their people, growing out of the pregnant and undeniable fact that those people have rejected the authority of the United States and established a Government of their own. Those relations had to be friendly or hostile. The people of the old and new Governments, oc¬ cupying contiguous territories, had to stand to each * See Document 47. 50 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-01. other in the relation of good neighbors, each seek¬ ing their happiness and pursuing their national des¬ tinies in their own way, without interference with the other, or they had to be rival and hostile nations. The Government of the Confederate States had no hesitation in electing its choice in this alternative. Frankly and unreserved, seeking the good of the people who had intrusted them with power, in the spirit of humanity, of the Christian civilization of the age, and of that Americanism which regards the true welfare and happiness of the people, the Government of the Confederate States, among its first acts, commissioned the undersign¬ ed to approach the Government of the United States with the olive branch of peace, and to offer to adjust the great questions pending between them in the only way to be justified by the consciences and common sense of good men who had nothing but the welfare of the people of the two Confed¬ eracies at heart. Your Government has not chosen to meet the undersigned in the conciliatory and peaceful spirit in which they are commissioned. Persistently wed¬ ded to those fatal theories of construction of the Federal Constitution always rejected by the states¬ men of the South, and adhered to by those of the Administration school, until they have produced their natural and often predicted result of the de¬ struction of the Union, under which we might have continued to live happily and gloriously together, had the spii’it of the ancestry who framed the com¬ mon Constitution, animated the hearts of all their sons, you now, with a persistence untaught and un¬ cured by the ruin which has been wrought, refuse to recognize the great fact presented to you of a complete and successful revolution; you close your eyes to the existence of the Government founded upon it, and ignore the high duties of moderation and humanity which attach to you in dealing with this great fact. Had you met these issues with the frankness and manliness with which the undersigned were Instructed to present them to you and treat them, the undersigned had not now the melancholy duty to return home and tell their Government and their countrymen, that their earnest and ceaseless efforts in behalf of peace had been futile, and that the Government of the United States meant to sub¬ jugate them by force of arms. Whatever may be the result, impartial history will record the inno¬ cence of the Government of the Confederate States, and place the responsibility of the blood and mourn¬ ing that may ensue upon those who have denied the great fundamental doctrine of American liberty, that “governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed,” and wdio have set naval and land armaments in motion to subject the people of one portion of the land to the will of another portion. That that can never be done while a freeman survives in the Confederate States to wield a weapon, the undersigned appeal to past history to prove. These military demonstrations against the people of the seceded States are certain ly far from being in keeping and consistency with the theory of the Secretary of State, maintained in his memorandum, that these States are still com¬ ponent parts of the late American Union, as the undersigned are not aware of any constitutional power in the President of the United States to levy war without the consent of Congress, upon a foreign people, much less upon any portion of the people of the United States. The undersigned, like the Secretary of State, have no purpose to “ invite or engage in discussion” of the subject on which their two Governments are so irreconcilably at variance. It is this variance that has broken up the old Union, the disintegration of which has only begun. It is proper, however, to advise you that it were well to dismiss the hopes you seem to entertain that, by any of the modes in¬ dicated, the people of the Confederate States will ever be brought to submit to the authority of the Government of the United States. You are dealing with delusions, too, when you seek to separate our people from our Government and to characterize the deliberate, sovereign act of the people as a “ per¬ version of a temporary and partisan excitement.” If you cherish these dreams you will be awakened from them and find them as unreal and unsubstan¬ tial, as others in which you have recently indulged. The undersigned would omit the performance of an obvious duty were they to fail to make known to the Government of the United States that the people of the Confederate States have declared their inde¬ pendence with a full knowledge of all the responsi¬ bilities of that act, and with as firm a determination to maintain it by all the means with which nature has endowed them as that which sustained their fathers when they threw off the authority of the British crown. The undersigned clearly understand that you have declined to appoint a day to enable them to lay the objects of the mission with which they are charged, before the President of the United States, because so to do would be to recognize the inde¬ pendence and separate nationality of the Confederate States. This is the vein of thought that pervades the memorandum before us. The truth of history requires that it should distinctly appear upon the record that the undersigned did not ask the Gov¬ ernment of the United States to recognize the inde¬ pendence of the Confederate States. They only asked audience to adjust, in a spirit of amity and peace, the new relations springing from a manifest and accomplished revolution in the Government of the late Federal Union. Your refusal to entertain these overtures for a peaceful solution, the active naval and military preparation of this Government, and a formal notice to the commanding general of the Confederate forces in the harbor of Charleston, that the President intends to provision Fort Sumter by forcible means, if necessary, are viewed by the undersigned, and can only be received by the world, as a declaration of war against the Con¬ federate States ; for the President of the United States knows that Fort Sumter cannot be provision¬ ed without the effusion of blood. The undersigned, in behalf of their Government and people, accept the gage of battle thus thrown down to them ; and appealing to God and the judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their cause, the people of the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last against this flagrant and open attempt at their ( subjugation to sectional power. This communication cannot be properly closed without adverting to the date of your memorandum. The official note of the undersigned, of the 12th March, was delivered to the Assistant Secretary of State on the 13th of that month, the gentleman who delivered it, informing him that the Secretary of this Commission would call at 12 o’clock, noon, on the next day, for an answer. At the appointed hour, Mr. Pickett did call, and was informed by the DOCUMENTS. 51 Assistant Secretary of State that the engagements of the Secretary of State, had prevented him from giving the note his attention. The Assistant Secre¬ tary of State then asked for the address of Messrs. Crawford and Forsyth, the members of the Com¬ mission then present in this city, took note of the address on a card, and engaged to send whatever reply might be made to their lodgings. Why this was not done it is proper should be here explained. The memorandum is dated March 15, and was not delivered until April 8. Why was it withheld dur¬ ing the intervening twenty-three days ? In the postscript to your memorandum you say it “ was de¬ layed, as was understood, with their (Messrs. For¬ syth and Crawford’s) consent.” This is true ; but it is also true that on the 15th of March Messrs. For¬ syth and Crawford were assured by a person occu¬ pying a high official position in the Government, and who, as they believed, was speaking by authority, that Fort Sumter would be evacuated within a very few days, and that no measure changing the exist¬ ing status prejudicially to the Confederate States, as respects Fort Pickens, was then contemplated, and these assurances were subsequently repeated, with the addition that any contemplated change as re¬ spects Pickens, would be notified to us. On the 1st of April we were again informed that there might be an attempt to supply Fort Sumter with pro¬ visions, but that Gov. Pickens should have previous notice of this attempt. There was no suggestion of any reenforcements. The undersigned did not hesitate to believe that these assurances expressed the intentions of the Administration at the time, or at all events of prominent members of that Admin¬ istration. This delay was assented to, for the ex¬ press purpose of attaining the great end of the mis¬ sion of the undersigned, to wit: A pacific solution of existing complications. The inference deducible from the date of your memorandum, that the un¬ dersigned had, of their own volition and without cause, consented to this long hiatus in the grave duties with which they were charged, is therefore not consistent with a just exposition of the facts of the case. The intervening twenty-three days were employed in active unofficial efforts, the object of which was to smooth the path to a pacific solution, the distinguished personage alluded to cooperating with the undersigned ; and every step of that effort is recorded in writing, and now in possession of the undersigned and of their Government. It was only when all these anxious efforts for peace had been exhausted, and it became clear that Mr. Lincoln had determined to appeal to the sword to reduce the people of the Confederate States to the will of the section or party whose President he is, that the undersigned resumed the official negotiation tempo¬ rarily suspended, and sent their Secretary for a re¬ ply to their official note of March 12. It is proper to add that, during these twenty- three days, two gentlemen of official distinction as high as that of the personage hitherto alluded to aided the undersigned as intermediaries in these unofficial negotiations for peace. The undersigned, Commissioners of the Confed¬ erate States of America, having thus made answer to all they deem material in the memorandum filed in the Department on the 15th of March last, have the honor to be, John Forsyth, Martin J. Crawford, A. B. Roman. A true copy of the original by one delivered to Mr. F. W. Seward, Assistant Secretary of State of the United States, at 8 o’clock in the evening of April 9, 1801. Attest, J. T. Pickett, Secretary , <&c., &c. Mr. Seward in reply to tiif. Commissioners, ACKNOWLEDGES THE RECEIPT OF THEIR LETTER, HUT DECLINES TO ANSWER IT. Department of State, J Washington, April 10, 1S61. $ Messrs. Forsyth, Crawford, and Roman, having been apprised by a memorandum w'hich has been delivered to them, that the Secretary of State is not at liberty to hold official intercourse with them, will, it is presumed, expect no notice from him of the new communication which they have addressed to him under date of the 9th inst., beyond the simple acknowledgment of the receipt thereof, which he hereby very cheerfully gives. A true copy of the original received by the Com¬ missioners of the Confederate States, this 10th day of April, 1861. Attest, J. T. Pickett, Secretary <£c., <&c. — Tribune, April 19. Doc. 52.— FORT SUMTER CORRESPONDENCE. The following is the correspondence immediately preceding the hostilities : Charleston, April 8. L. P. Walker, Secretary of War: An authorized messenger from President Lin¬ coln, just informed Gov. Pickens and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by force. G. T. Beauregard. Montgomery, 10th. Gen. G. T. Beauregard, Charleston : If you have no doubt of the authorized character of the agent who communicated to you the inten¬ tion of the Washington Government, to supply Fort Sumter by force, you will at once demand its evacu¬ ation, and if this is refused, proceed in such a man¬ ner as you may determine, to reduce it. Answer. L. P. Walker, Sec. of War. Charleston, April 10. L. P. Walker, Secretary of War: The demand will be made to-morrow at 12 o’clock. G. T. Beauregard. Montgomery, April 10. Gen. Beauregard, Charleston : Unless there are especial reasons connected with your own condition, it is considered proper that you should make the demand at an early hour. L. P. Walker, Sec. of War. Charleston, April 10. L. P. Walker, Secretary of War, Montgomery : The reasons are special for 12 o’clock. G. T. Beauregard. Headquarters, Provisional Army, C. 8. A. 1 Charleston, S. C., April 11, 1861—2 p. m. j Sir : The Government of the Confederate States has hitherto forborne from any hostile demonstra¬ tion against Fort Sumter, in the hope that the Government of the United States, with a view to the amicable adjustment of all questions between 52 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. the two Governments, and to avert the calamities of war, would voluntarily evacuate it. There was reason at one time to believe that such would be the course pursued by the Government of the United States ; and under that impression my Government has refrained from making any demand for the sur¬ render of the fort. But the Confederate States can no longer delay assuming actual possession of a fortification com¬ manding the entrance of one of their harbors, and necessary to its defence and security. I am ordered by the Government of the Con¬ federate States to demand the evacuation of Fort Sumter. My Aids, Colonel Chesnut and Captain Lee, are authorized to make such demand of you. All proper facilities will be afforded for the removal of yourself and command, together with company, arms, and property, and all private property, to any post in the United States which you may elect. The flag which you have upheld so long and with so much fortitude, under the most trying circum¬ stances, may be saluted by you on taking it down. Colonel Chesnut and Captain Leo will, for a rea¬ sonable time, await your answer. I am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, G. T. Beauregard, Brigadier-General Commanding. Major Robert Anderson, Commanding at Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, S. C. Headquarters, Fort Sumter, S. C. ) April 11th, 1861. $ General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication demanding the evacuation of this fort; and to say in reply thereto that it is a demand with which I regret that my sense of honor and of my obligations to my Gov¬ ernment prevent my compliance. Thanking you for the fair, manly, and courteous terms proposed, and for the high compliment paid me, I am, General, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Robert Anderson, Major U. S. Army, Commanding. To Brigadier-General G. T. Beauregard, com¬ manding Provisional Army, C. S. A. Montgomery, April 11. Gen. Beauregard, Charleston: We do not desire needlessly to bombard Fort Sumter, if Major Anderson will state the time at which, as indicated by him, he will evacuate, and agree that, in the mean time, he will not use his guns against us, unless ours should be employed against Fort Sumter. You are thus to avoid the effusion of blood. If this or its equivalent be re¬ fused, reduce the fort as your judgment decides to be most practicable. L. P. Walker, Sec. of War. Headquarters, Provisional Army, C. S. A. ) Charleston, April 11, 1S61— 11 r. m. f Major: In consequence of the verbal observa¬ tions made by you to my Aids, Messrs. Chesnut and Lee, in relation to the condition of your sup¬ plies, and that you would in a few days be starved out if our guns did not batter you to pieces — or words to that effect ; — and desiring no useless effu¬ sion of blood, I communicated both the verbal ob¬ servation and your written answer to my communi¬ cation to my Government. If you will state the time at which you will evacuate Fort Sumter, and agree that in the mean time you will not use your guns against us, unless ours shall be employed against Fort Sumter, we will abstain from opening fire upon you. Colonel Ches¬ nut and Captain Lee are authorized by me to enter into such an agreement with you. You are there¬ fore requested to communicate to them an open answer. I remain, Major, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, G. T. Beauregard, Brigadier-General Commanding. Major Robert Anderson, Commanding at Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, S. C. Headquarters, Fort Sumter, S. C. \ 2.30 A. m., April 12, 1861. f General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your second communication of the 11th inst., by Col. Chesnut, and to state, in reply, that cordially uniting with you in the desire to avoid the useless effusion of blood, I will, if provided with the proper and necessary means of transportation, evacuate Fort Sumter by noon on the 15 th instant, should I not receive, prior to that time, controlling instructions from my Government, or additional supplies ; and that I will not, in the mean time, open my fire upon your forces, unless compelled to do so by some hostile act against this fort, or the flag of my Government by the forces under your command, or by some portion of them, or by the perpetration of some act showing a hostile intention on your part against this fort, or the flag it bears. I have the honor to be, General, Your obedient servant, Robert Anderson, Major U. S. A. Commanding. To Brigadier-General G. T. Beauregard, Com¬ manding Provisional Army, C. S. A. Fort Sumter, S. C. > April 12, 1861, 3.20 A. m. j Sir : By authority of Brigadier-General Beau¬ regard, commanding the Provisional Forces of the Confederate States, we have the honor to notify you that he will open the fire of his batteries on Fort Sumter in one hour from this time. We have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your obedient servants, James Chesnut, jr. Aide-de-Camp. Stephen D. Lee, Captain S. C. Army and Aide-de-Camp. Major Robert Anderson, United States Army, Commanding Fort Sumter. — Charleston Mercury, April 19. — Times , April 13. THE BOMBARDMENT. On Thursday the demand to surrender the fort was made and declined, all the officers having been consulted by Major Anderson in regard to the sum¬ mons. At about 3 o’clock on Friday morning no¬ tice was given us that fire would be opened on us in one hour unless the demand to surrender was in¬ stantly complied with. Major Anderson resolved not to return fire until broad daylight, not wishing to waste any of his ammunition. Fire was opened upon us from all points at once. To our astonish- DOCUMENTS. 53 ment a masked battery of heavy columbiads opened upon us from the part of Sullivan’s Island near the floating battery, of the existence of -which we had not the slightest intimation. It was covered with brush and other material, which completely conceal¬ ed it. It was skilfully constructed and well secured ; seventeen mortars firing 10-inch shell, 33 heavy guns, mostly columbiads, being engaged in the as¬ sault. The crash made by those shots against the walls -was terrific, and many of the shells took effect inside the fort. We took breakfast at 6-^ o’clock, leisurely and calmly, after which the command was divided into three reliefs, equally dividing the offi¬ cers and men. The first relief was under the com¬ mand of Capt. Doubleday, of the Artillery, and Lieut. Snyder, of the Engineer corps. This detachment went to the guns and opened fire upon the Cum- ming’s Point battery, Fort Moultrie, and Sullivan’s Island. The iron battery wras of immense strength, and most of our shots struck and glanced off again. The fire was so terrific on the parapet of Sumter that Maj. Anderson refused to allow the men to man the guns. Had they been permitted to do so every one of them would have been sacrificed. Fort Moultrie was considerably damaged by our cannonading, a great many of our shots having taken effect on the embrasures. Several shots are known to have pen¬ etrated the floating battery; but little damage was done to it. The reliefs were changed every four hours. We succeeded in dismounting two of the guns on Cum- ming’s Point battery. A new English gun which was employed by the enemy, was fired with great accuracy. Several of its shots entered the embra¬ sures of Sumter, one of them slightly wounding four men. The full effect of our firing we have been un¬ able to ascertain, having nothing to rely upon but the reports of the enemy. Our men owed their safe¬ ty to the entirely extraordinary care exercised by the officers in command. A man was kept con¬ stantly on the look-out, who would cry “shot” or “shell” at every shot the enemy made, thus afford¬ ing our men ample opportunity to seek shelter. The workmen were at first rather reluctant to assist the soldiers in handling the guns, but they gradual¬ ly took hold and rendered valuable assistance. But few shots were fired before every one of them was desperately engaged in the conflict. We had to abandon one gun on account of the close fire made upon it. Hearing the fire renewed with it, I went to the spot. I there found a party of workmen engaged in serving it. I saw one of them stooping over, with his hands on his knees, convulsed with joy, while the tears rolled down his powder-begrimmed cheeks. “ What are you doing here with that gun ? ” I asked. “ Hit it right in the centre,” was the reply, the man meaning that his shot had taken effect in the centre of the floating battery. The aim of the enemy was principally directed at our flag-staff, from which proudly waved the Stars and Stripes. After two days’ incessant firing, the flag-staff was finally shot away. The effect of the enemy’s shot on the officers’ quarters particularly, was terrific. One tower was so completely demolished that not one brick was left standing upon the other. The barracks caught fire on the first day several times, and were put out several times by Mr. Hart, of New York, a volunteer, who particularly distinguished himself for his cool¬ ness and bravery, assisted by others. Half a mil¬ lion dollars will hardly suffice to repair the damages to the fort. On the second day it caught fire from a 10-inch shell, the danger to be encountered in the attempt to extinguish it being so great that the Ma¬ jor concluded not to attempt it. The effect of the fire was more disastrous than we could have sup¬ posed. The subsequent shots of the enemy took more effect in consequence ; the walls were weak¬ ened, and we were more exposed. The main gates were destroyed by the fire, thus leaving us exposed to the murderous fire of the enemy. Five hundred men could have formed on the gorge and marched on us without our being able to oppose them. The fire surrounded the fort on all sides. Fearful that the walls might crack, and the shells pierce and prostrate them, we commenced taking the powder out of the magazine before the fire had fully envel¬ oped it. We took 96 barrels of powder out, and threw them into the sea, leaving 200 barrels in. Owing to a lack of cartridges, we kept five men inside the magazine, sewing as we wanted them, thus using up our shirts, sheets, blankets, and all the available material in the fort. When we were finally obliged to close the magazine, and our material for cart¬ ridges was exhausted, we were left destitute of any means to continue the contest. We had eaten our last biscuit thirty-six hours before. We came very near being stifled with the dense livid smoke from the burning buildings. The men lay prostrate on the ground, with wet handkerchiefs over their mouths and eyes, gasping for breath. It was a mo¬ ment of imminent peril. If an eddy of wind had not ensued, we all, probably, should have been suf¬ focated. The crashing of the shot, the bursting of the shells, the falling of walls, and the roar of the flames, made a pandemonium of the fort. We nev¬ ertheless kept up a steady fire. Toward the close of the day ex-Senator Wigfall made his appearance at the embrasure tvith a white handkerchief on the end of a sword, and begged for admittance. He asked to see Major Anderson. While Wigfall wras in the act of crawling through the embrasure, Lieut. Snyder called out to him, “ Major Anderson is at the main gate.” He passed through the embrasure into the casemate, paying no attention to what the Lieutenant had said. Here he wras met by Capt. Foster, Lieut. Mead, and Lieut. Davis. He said : “I wish to see Major Anderson; lam Gen. Wigfall, and come from Gen. Beauregard.” He then added in an excited manner, “ Let us stop this firing. You are on fire and your flag is down. Let us quit.” Lieut. Davis replied, “No, Sir, our flag is not down. Step out here and you will see it waving over the ramparts.” “Let us quit this,” said Wigfall. “Here’s a white flag, will anybody wave it out of the embra¬ sure ?” One of the officers replied, “ That is for you to do, if you choose.” Wigfall responded, “If there is no one else to do it, I will,” and jumping into the embrasure waved the flag toward Moultrie. The firing still continued from Moultrie and the batteries of Sullivan’s Island. In answer to his repeated requests one of the offi¬ cers said “ one of our men may hold the flag,” and Corporal Binghurst jumped into the embrasure. The shot continuing to strike all around him, he jumped down again, after having waved the flag a few moments, and said, “Damn it, they don’t re¬ spect this flag, they are firing at it.” 54 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. Wigfall replied, “They fired at me two or three times, and I stood it ; and I should think that you might stand it once.” Wigfall then said, “ If you will show a white flag from your ramparts they will cease firing.” Lieut. Davis replied, “ If you request that a flag shall be shown there while you hold a conference with Major Anderson, and for that purpose alone, it may be done.” At this point Major Anderson came up. Wigfall said, “ I am Gen. Wigfall, and come from Gen. Beau¬ regard, who wishes to stop this.” Major Anderson, rising on his toes, and coming down firmly upon his heels replied, “Well, Sir.” “Major Anderson,” said Wigfall, “ you have de¬ fended your flag nobly, Sir. You have done all that is possible for men to do, and Gen. Beauregard wishes to stop the fight. On what terms, Major Anderson, will you evacuate this Fort ? ” Major Anderson’s reply was, “ Gen. Beauregard is already acquainted with my only terms.” “ Do I understand that you will evacuate upon the terms proposed the other day ? ” “ Yes, Sir, and on those conditions only,” was the reply of the Major. “ Then, Sir,” said Wigfall, “ I understand, Major Anderson, that the fort is to be ours ? ” “On those conditions only, I repeat.” “ Very well,” said Wigfall, and he retired. A short time afterward a deputation, consisting of Senator Chesnut, Roger A. Pryor, Capt. Lee, and W. Porcher Miles, came from Gen. B., and had an interview with Major Anderson; when it came out that Wigfall had no “ authority to speak for Gen. Beauregard, but acted on his own hook.” “Then,” said Lieut. Davis, “ we have been sold,” and Major Anderson, perceiving the state of the case, ordered the American flag to be raised to its place. The deputation, however, requested him to keep the flag down till they could communicate with Gen. Beauregard, as matters were liable to be compli¬ cated. They left, and between two and three hours after, the garrison meanwhile exerting them¬ selves to extinguish the fire, another deputation came from Gen. Beauregard, agreeing to the terms of evacuation previously proposed, and substantially to the proposals of Wigfall. This was Saturday evening. That night the garrison took what rest they could. Next morning the Isabel came down and anchored near the fort. The steamer Clinch was used as a transport to take the garrison to the Isabel, but the transfer was too late to allow the Isabel to go out by that tide. The terms of evacuation were that the garrison should take all its individual and company property, that they should march out with their side and other arms with all the honors, in their own way and at their own time ; that they should salute their flag, and take it with them. The enemy agreed to furnish transports, as Major Anderson might select, to any part of the country, either by land or water. When the baggage of the garrison was all on board of the transport, the soldiers remaining inside under arms, a portion were told off as gunners to serve in saluting the Ameri¬ can flag. When the last gun was fired, the flag was lowered, the men cheering. At the fiftieth discharge there was a premature explosion, which killed one man instantly, seriously wounded another, and two more not so badly! The men were then formed and marched out, the band playing “Yankee Doodle,” and “Hail to the Chief.” Vast crowds of people thronged the vicinity. Remaining on board the Isabel that night, the next morning they were transferred to the Baltic, this operation taking nearly the whole day. On Tuesday evening they weighed anchor and stood for New York. ANOTIIEIt ACCOUNT. On Thursday, the 11th of April, three of Gen. Beauregard’s aids appeared at Fort Sumter, and brought a communication which stated that he had refrained from making any hostile demonstration, with the hope of finally obtaining the fort by a treaty, etc. But orders having been received from Jefferson Davis to demand of Major Anderson, in the name of the Southern Confederacy, its surren¬ der or evacuation, Major Anderson replied that he was sorry a request had been made which he could not grant ; that he had already gone as far as his sense of duty and his sense of honor would allow. Major Anderson also mentioned to one of his aids, aside and unofficially, that the garrison was out of provisions, having nothing but pork ; that they could probably manage to live tillMonday, the 15th. The aids carried this reply to Gen. Beauregard, who telegraphed it to Jefferson Davis, and also the remark that Major Anderson was nearly starved out. The next morning, at half-past 1 o’clock, the aids came down with another communication from Gen. Beauregard to the effect that he had learned that the garrison was nearly starved out, and desired to know of Major Anderson on what day he would evacuate the fort ; that Gen. Beaure¬ gard would allow him to evacuate and take him to auy port in the United States, provided he would agree not to fire upon the batteries unless Fort Sumter should be fired upon. [Query. — Does this fact show that the despatches to Major Anderson had been opened, and, knowing that an attempt to put provisions into the fort would soon be made, the boats coming in could be fired into, while Major Anderson would be precluded from protecting them ?] Major Anderson replied that he would be obliged to evacuate by Monday, the 15th, before noon, pro¬ vided Fort Sumter or the flag that it bore was not fired upon. Councils of war were held immediately after the receipt of these two communications, which were unanimous in favor of the answer that was returned. The deputy which brought the second communication consisted of Major Lace, Col. Chism, Roger A. Pryor, Senator Chesnut, and others. Major Anderson’s reply was considered by them for fifteen or twenty minutes, when they re¬ turned an answer that the batteries would open their fires in one hour. This was at o-J- o’clock on Friday morning. After this reply the deputy of Gen. Beauregard immediately left. The sentinels were immediately removed from the parapets ofFort Sumter, the posterns closed, the flag drawn up, and an order sent to the troops not to leave the bomb proofs, on any account, until summoned by the drum. At 4.30 a. m. one bomb¬ shell was thrown at Sumter, bursting immediately over the fort. After the pause of a few moments the firing became general on the part of the bat¬ teries of the Secessionists, doing the greatest credit to the artillerists. The command did not return a single shot until the men had had their breakfast. DOCUMENTS. 55 As the number of men was so small, and the garrison so nearly exhausted by the several months of siege which they had gone through, it was neces¬ sary to husband their strength. The command was therefore divided into three relief, or equal parties, who were to work the different batteries by turns, each four hours. The first relief opened upon the iron batteries at Cumming’s Point, at a distance of 1,600 yards, the iron floating battery, distant 1,800 or 2,000 yards at the end of Sullivan’s Island, the enfilading bat¬ tery on Sullivan’s Island, and Fort Moultrie. This was at 7 o’clock in the morning, Capt. Doubleday firing the first gun, and all the points named above being opened upon simultaneously. For the first four hours the firing was kept up with great rapid¬ ity ; the enthusiasm of the men, indeed, was so great that the second and third reliefs could not be kept from the guns. This accounts for the fuct that double the number of guns were at work during the first four hours than at any other time. Shells burst with the greatest rapidity in every portion of the work, JiurliDg the loose brick and stone in all directions, breaking the windows, and setting fire to whatever woodwork they burst against. The solid shot firing of the enemy’s bat¬ teries, and particularly of Fort Moultrie, was direct¬ ed at the barbette guns of Fort Sumter, disabling one ten-ineh-eolumbiad, (they had but two,) one- eight-inch columbiad, one forty-two pounder, and two eight-inch sea-coast howitzers, and also tearing a large portion of the parapet away. The firing from the batteries on Cumming’s Point wa3 scattered over the whole of the gorge, or rear, of the fort. It looked like a sieve. The explosion of shells, and the quantity of deadly missiles that were hurled in every direction and at every instant of time, made it almost certain death to go out of the lower tier of casemates, and also made the working of the barbette, or upper uncovered guns, which contained all our heaviest metals, and by which alone we could throw shells, quite impossible. During the first day there was hardly an instant of time that there was a cessation of the whizzing of balls, which were sometimes coming half a dozen at once. There was not a portion of the work which was not seen in reverse (that is, exposed by the rear) from mortars. On Friday, before dinner, several of the vessels of the fleet beyond the Bar were seen through the port-holes. They dipped their flag. The command ordered Sumter’s flag to be dipped in return, which was done, while the shells were bursting in every direction. [The flagstaff was located in the open parade, which is about the centre of the open space within the fort.] Sergeant Hart saw the flag of Fort Sumter half-way down, and, supposing that it had been cut by the enemy’s shot, rushed out through the fire to assist in getting it up. Shortly after it had been re-raised, a shell burst and cut the halyards, but the rope was so intertwined around the halyards, that the flag would not fall. The cartridges were exhausted by about noon, and a party was sent to the magazines to make cartridges of the blankets and shirts, the sleeves of the latter being readily converted into the purpose desired. Another great misfortune was, that there was not an instrument in the fort by which they could weigh powder, which of course destroyed all attempt at accuracy of firing. Nor had they tan¬ gent scales, breech sides, or other instruments with which to point a gun. When it became so dark as to render it impos¬ sible to see the effect of their shot, the port-holes were closed for the night, while the batteries of the secessionists continued their fire the whole night. During Friday, the officers’ barracks were three times set on fire by the shells, and three times put out under the most galling and destructive firing. This was the only occasion on which Major Ander¬ son allowed the men to expose themselves without an absolute necessity. The guns on the parapet — which had been pointed the day before — were fired clandestinely by some of the men slipping up on top. The firing of the rifled guns from the iron bat¬ tery on Cumming’s Point became extremely accu¬ rate in the afternoon of Friday, cutting out large quantities of the masoni'y about the embrasures at every shot, throwing concrete among the can¬ noneers, and slightly wounding and stunning others. One piece struck Sergeant Kearnan, an old Mexican war veteran, striking him on the head and knock¬ ing him down. Upon being revived, he was asked if lie was hurt badly. He replied : “ No ; I was only knocked down temporarity,” and he went to work again. Meals were served at the guns of the cannoneers, while the guns were being fired and pointed. The fire commenced in the morning as soon as possible. During Friday night the men endeavored to climb the flag-staff, for the purpose of fastening new halliards, the old ones having been cut by the shot, but found it impossible. The flag remained fast. For the fourth time the barracks were set on fire early on Saturday morning, and attempts were made to put it out. But it was soon discovered that red- hot shot were being thrown into the fort with the greatest rapidity, and it became evident that it would be impossible to put out the conflagration. The wdiole garrison was then set at work, or as many as could be spared, to remove the powder from the magazines, which was desperate work, rolling barrels of powder through the fire. Ninety odd barrels had been rolled out through the flames, when the heat became so great as to make it impossible to get out any more. The doors were then closed and locked, and the fire spread and became general. The wind so directed tho smoke as to fill the fort so full that the men could not see each other, and with the hot, stifling air, it was as much as a man could do to breathe. Soon they rvere obliged to cover their faces with wet cloths in order to get along at all, so dense was the smoke and so scorching the heat. But few cartridges were left, and the guns were fired slowly ; nor could more cartridges be made, on account of the sparks falling in every part of tho works. A gun was fired every now and then only to let the fleet and the people in tho town know that the fort had not been silenced. The can¬ noneers could not see to aim, much less where they hit. After the barracks were well on fire, the bat¬ teries directed upon Fort Sumter increased their cannonading to a rapidity greater than had been attained before. About this time, the shells and ammunition in the upper service-magazines ex¬ ploded, scattering tho tower and upper portions of the building in every direction. The crash of tho beams, the roar of the flames, the rapid explosion of the shells, and the shower of fragments of the 56 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. fort, with the blackness of the smoke, made the scene indescribably terrific and grand. This con¬ tinued for several hours. Meanwhile, the main gates were burned down, the chassis of the bar¬ bette guns were burned away on the gorge, and the upper portions of the towers had been demol¬ ished by shells. There was not a portion of the fort where a breath of air could be got for hours, except through a wet cloth. The fire spread to the men’s quarters, on the right hand and on the left, and endangered the powder which had been taken out of the maga¬ zines. The men went through the fire and covered the barrels with wet cloths, but the danger of the fort’s blowing up became so imminent, that they were obliged to heave the barrels out of the em¬ brasures. While the powder was being thrown overboard, all the guns of Moultrie, of the iron floating battery, of the enfilade battery, and the Dahlgren battery, worked with increased vigor. All but four barrels were thus disposed of, and those remaining were wrapped in many thicknesses of wet woollen blankets. But three cartridges were left, and these were in the guns. About this time the flag-staff of Fort Sumter was shot down, some fifty feet from the truck, this being the ninth time that it had been struck by a shot. The man cried out, “The flag is down; it has been shot away ! ” In an instant, Lieut. Hall rushed forward and brought the flag away. But the halliards were so inextricably tangled, that it could not be righted ; it was, therefore, nailed to the staff, and planted upon the ramparts, while batteries in every direc¬ tion were playing upon them. A few moments after, and a man was seen with a white flag tied to his sword, and desiring admis¬ sion. He was admitted through an embrasure. In a great flurry, he said he was Gen. Wigfall, and that he came from Gen. Beauregard, and added that he had seen that Sumter’s flag was down. Lieut. Davis replied, “Oh, sir! but it is up again.” The cannonading meanwhile continued. Gen. Wig- fall asked that some one should hold his flag out¬ side. Lieut. Davis replied, “ No, sir ! we don’t raise a white flag. If you want your batteries to stop, you must stop them.” Gen. Wigfall then held the flag out of an embrasure. As soon as he had done so, Lieut. Davis directed a corporal to relieve him, as it was Gen. Wigfall’s flag. Several shots struck immediately around him while he was holding it out, when he started back, and putting the flag in Wigfall’s face, said, “ D - n it ; I won’t hold that flag, for they don’t respect it. They struck their colors, but we never did.” Wig¬ fall replied, “ They fired at me three or four times, and I should think you ought to stand it once.” Wigfall then placed the white flag on the outside of the embrasure, and presented himself to Major Anderson, and said that Gen. Beauregard was de¬ sirous that blood should not be unnecessarily shed, and also stated that he came from Gen. Beauregard, who desires to know if Major Anderson would evacuate the fort, and that if he would do so he might choose his own terms. After a moment’s hesitation Maj. Anderson replied that he would go out on the same terms that he (Maj. Anderson) had mentioned on the 11th. Gen. Wigfall then said : “Very well; then it is under¬ stood that you will evacuate. That is all I have to do. You military men will arrange every thing else on your own terms.” He then departed, the white flag still waving where he had placed it, and the stars and stripes waving from the flag-staff which had become the target of the rebels. Shortly after his departure Maj. Lee, the Hon. Porchcr Miles, Senator Chesnut, and the Hon. Roger A. Pryor, the staff of Gen. Beauregard, ap¬ proached the fort with a white flag, and said they came from Gen. Beauregard, who had observed that the flag had been down and raised again a few minutes afterward. The General had sent over, desiring to know if he could render any assistance, as he had observed that the fort was on fire. (This was perhaps a delicate mode of asking for a surrender.) Maj. Anderson, in replying, requested them to thank Gen. Beauregard for the offer, but it was too late, as he had just agreed with Gen. Beauregard for an evacuation. The three, compris¬ ing the deputy, looked at each other blankly, and asked with whom ? Maj. Anderson, observing that there was something wrong, remarked that Gen. Wigfall, who had just left, had represented himself to be aide of Gen. Beauregard, and that he had come over to make the proposition. After some conversation among themselves, they said to Maj. Anderson that Wigfall had not seen Gen. Beauregard for two days. Maj. Anderson replied that Gen. Wigfall’s offer and its acceptance had placed him in a peculiar position. They then requested him to place in writing what Gen. Wig¬ fall had said to him, and they would lay it before Gen. Beauregard. Before this reached Gen. Beauregard, he sent his Adjutant-general and other members of his staff, including the Hon. Roger A. Pryor and Gov. Man¬ ning, proposing the same conditions which Major Anderson had offered to go out upon, with the ex¬ ception only of not saluting his flag. Major Ander¬ son said that he had already informed Gen. Beaure¬ gard that he was going out. They asked him if he would not accept of the terms without the salute. Major Anderson told them, No ; but that it should be an open point. At this interview a rather amusing incident oc¬ curred. The lion. Roger A. Pryor of Virginia, being very thirsty, and seeing something in a glass that looked very much like a cocktail, without any remark, took a large tumblerfull. The surgeon, observing it, said to him, “ Col. Pryor, did you drink any of that?” Pryor, looking very pale answered, “Yes, quite an amount; a good deal.” The surgeon said it was poison. Pryor turned paler yet, and asked what he should do. The sur¬ geon told him to go with him to the hospital. The last that was seen of Pryor by the officers — he was going out leaning upon the surgeon’s arm, presenting a somewhat comical appearance, as he was dressed in a colored shirt, large spurs, belt and sword, with revolver and bowie knife. The doctor gave the great bowie-knife hero a dose of ipecac, which produced the desired effect. Pryor did not express himself as having had a peculiarly pleasant visit to Fort Sumter. Gen. Beauregard sent down to say that the terms had been accepted, and that he would send the Isabel or any other vessel at his command to con¬ vey Major Anderson and the troops to any port in the United States which he might elect. The evacuation took place about o’clock on Sunday morning, after the burial with military hon¬ ors of private Daniel Hough, who had been killed by the bursting of a gun. The men had been all DOCUMENTS. 57 the morning preparing cartridges for the purpose of firing a salute of one hundred guns. This done, the embarkation took place, the band meanwhile playing Yankee Doodle. No braver men ever lived than the defenders of Fort Sumter, and when all showed such lofty cour¬ age and patriotism it would be invidious to make distinctions ; but the ardor and endurance of musi¬ cian llall of Company E was remarked by every man in Sumter, and the company intend to present him with a testimonial. He was at the firing of the first guns, and fought on all day, and would not accept either of the three reliefs. He was up at the first shot the next day, and worked without cessation till night. His example and words of cheer had great effect. This is the more worthy of remark as he belonged to the musicians, and he was not obliged to enter into the engagement at all MINUTES OF AN OFFICER IN FORT SUMTER. We passed Friday night without firing. A shot or shell came against our walls about every fifteen minutes during the night. We placed a non-com¬ missioned officer and four men at each salient embrasures ; partly expecting the boats from the fleet outside, and partly expecting a boat attack from the enemy. Our own shells and rampart grenades caught fire from the burning of the quarters, and exploded among us in every direction, happily without doing any injury. The officers were engaged in moving barrels of powder with the flames around them, in tearing down a burning platform near the magazine, ami in rescuing public property from the burning build¬ ings, with our own shells and those of the enemy bursting among us. The interior of the fort is a scene of frightful desolation ; it is indescribable. Mr. Hart, a volunteer from New York, particu¬ larly distinguished himself iu trying to put out the flames in the quarters, with shells and shot crashing around him. He was ordered away by Major Anderson, but begged hard to be permitted to remain and continue his exertions. When the building caught fire, the enemy com¬ menced firing hot shot. Mr. Sweaner of Baltimore was badly wounded in three places by a piece of shell. Many of the South Carolina officers who came into the fort on Saturday, who were formerly in our service, seemed to feel very badly at firing upon their old comrades and flag. Commander Hartstene acted like a brother. He was very active iu offers of service, and when he went aboard the lighter he ran up the American flag over us. He took charge of the men left be¬ hind wounded by the accident. He asked Capt. Doubleday to procure a small piece of our flag for him. Our flag has several shell-holes through it. AN IMPROMPTU ACCOUNT OF THE SIEGE OF SUMTER. While the reporters were seated at a table, busily engaged in transcribing the various statements they had received from the officers of Maj. Anderson’s command, an officer who had previously stood quietly in the back-ground, suddenly addressed them in a most emphatic manner, substantially as follows ; “ Gentlemen of the press, I earnestly en¬ treat that you will clearly set before our country¬ men at the North the fact that Fort Sumter was not evacuated while there was a cartridge to fire , or pow¬ der enough left to make one with. Never did fam¬ ished men work more bravely than those who defended that fortress, knowing, as they did, that if successfully defended and held by them, there was not even a biscuit left to divide among them. They never would have left it while a protecting wall stood around them, had they been provided with provision and ammunition. Every man was true and faithful to his post, and the public may be assured that hunger and want of ammunition alone caused us to leave Fort Sumter. We were all ex¬ posed to a most terrible fire from all quarters, and it was only by exercising the utmost care that the officers were enabled to preserve the men from a terrible slaughter. You may further state, Gentle¬ men, that Fort Sumter is hardly worth the holding ; had there been the full fighting complement of men within its walls, the fort would not have afforded suitable protection for one-half of them. The enemy’s shot rained in upon and about us like hail, and more men in Sumter would only have made more havoc. As it was, we are fortunate in having escaped without the loss of one of those brave men who were willing to die for the flag which waved over them. It was a painful sight to all to see the Stars and Stripes finally hauled down, but we all felt that we had done our duty, and must submit. The fort was not surrendered, but evacuated almost upon our own terms.” — Tribune , April 19. OPINIONS OF TnE PRESS. Fort Sumter is lost, but freedom is saved. There is no more thought of bribing or coaxing the traitors who have dared to aim their cannon balls at the flag of the Union, and those who gave their lives to defend it. It seems but yesterday that at least two-thirds of the journals of this city were the virtual allies of the Secessionists, their apologists, their champions. The roar of the great circle of batteries pouring their iron hail upon devoted Sumter, has struck them all dumb. It is as if one had made a brilliant and effective speech, setting forth the innocence of murder, and having just bidden adieu to the cheers and the gas-light, were to be confronted by the gory form and staring eyes of a victim of assassination, the first fruit of his oratorical success. For months before the late Pres¬ idential election, a majority of our journals pre¬ dicted forcible resistance to the government as the natural and necessary consequence of a Republican triumph ; for months since they have been cherish¬ ing and encouraging the Slaveholder’s Rebellion, as if it were a very natural and proper proceeding. Their object was purely partisan — they wished to bully the Republican Administration into shameful recreancy to Republican principle, and then call upon the people to expel from power a party so profligate and cowardly. They did not succeed in this ; they have succeeded in enticing their South¬ ern proteges and some time allies into flagrant treason. There cannot be a rational doubt that every man who aided or abetted the attack on Fort Sumter is involved in the guilt of treason. That all the be¬ siegers of Forts Sumter and Pickens have incurred the penalty of treason — which is death — is indis¬ putable. 58 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. Most of our journals lately parading tlie pranks of the Secessionists with scarcely disguised exulta¬ tion, have been suddenly sobered by the culmination of the slaveholding conspiracy. They would evident¬ ly like to justify and encourage the traitors further, but they dare not; so the Amen sticks in their throat. * The aspect of the people appals them. Democrat as well as Republican, Conservative and Radical, instinctively feel that the guns fired at Sumter were aimed at the heart of the American Republic. Not even in the lowest groggery of our city would it be safe to propose cheers for Beaure¬ gard and Gov. Pickens. The Tories of the Revo¬ lution were relatively ten times as numerous here ns are the open sympathizers with the Palmetto Rebels. It is hard to lose Sumter ; it is a consola¬ tion to know that in losing it we have gained a united people. Henceforth, the loyal States are a unit in uncompromising hostility to treason, where- cver plotted, however justified. Fort Sumter is temporarily lost, but the country is saved. Live the Republic ! No blame is imputed to Major Anderson by the Administration, and no whisper affecting his fidelity and loyalty is tolerated. lie acted upon a neces¬ sity contemplated by his orders, which was to yield the fort in case he should be encompassed by an overwhelming force, or reduced to an extremity by the want of provisions. According to information which reached here recently, his supplies were ex¬ pected to be exhausted last Tuesday, and hence the extraordinary efforts which were made here to recruit his enfeebled garrison. Major Anderson him¬ self endeavored to get rid of the laborers who had been employed in the fort, for the purpose of re¬ stricting the consumption to his actual military command; but the State authorities refused to per¬ mit their departure, and these additional mouths were thus imposed upon his limited stock of pro¬ visions. In view of the threatened contingency, an attempt was made to communicate with him on the 4th inst., conveying discretion to abandon the fort, if, in his judgment, it could not be held until supplies could be forwarded. But that and other despatches were intercepted, which put the Seces¬ sionists in full possession of the exact circumstances of his condition, and enabled General Beauregard to time his operations, as they were subsequently developed. Then the order cutting off his pur¬ chases in the Charleston market was made. The despatch which Lieutenant Talbot took down re¬ peated this discretion, but also announced to him that a vessel with supplies, supported by several ships of war, would be sent to his relief. That de¬ spatch could not be delivered, and its general char¬ acter was anticipated by the instructions of the government, which had been feloniously appro¬ priated before. It will thus be seen, that the Revo¬ lutionists were fully informed, not only of the state of the garrison, but of the policy of the government in every essential particular. With their immense force, and numerous batteries, and considering that the storm had dispersed the fleet which had been sent to Major Anderson’s relief, or, at least pre¬ vented their co-operation, the result is not surpris¬ es- — New York Tribune. At all events, the reduction of Fort Sumter and this manifesto of President Lincoln are equivalent to a declaration of war on both sides, between the Confederate and the United States. In a conflict of this sort, there can be but two parties — a North¬ ern and a Southern party ; for all other parties will cease to exist. The political principles, organ¬ izations and issues which have divided our country and our people, in various shapes and forms, since the treaty of our independence with England, will all bo very soon overwhelmed in the sweeping changes of a civil war. It would be jolly now to argue what might, could, would, or should, have been done by Southern fire-eaters and Northern disorganizes in 1854, 1860, or by Mr. Buchanan, or by Mr. Lincoln, or by the late session of Congress. Civil war is upon us, and the questions which now supersede all others are: What are the conse¬ quences now before us? Where is this war to end? and how and when ? What is our duty under this warlike condition of things ? and what are the movements and the conditions necessary to change this state of war to a state of peace ? These questions will irresistibly impress them¬ selves upon the mind of every thinking man, north and south. Earnestly laboring in behalf of peace, from the beginning of these sectional troubles down to this day, and for the maintenance of the Union through mutual concessions, we do not even yet utterly despair of arresting this civil war before it shall have passed beyond the reach of reason. — N. Y. Herald. The “irrepressible conflict” started by Mr. Sew¬ ard, and endorsed by the Republican party, has at length attained to its logical, foreseen result. That conflict, undertaken “ j'or the sake of humanity,” culminates now in inhumanity itself, and exhibits the afflicting spectacle of brother shedding brother’s blood. Refusing the ballot before the bullet, these men, flushed with the power and patronage of the Fed¬ eral Government, have madly rushed into a civil war, which will probably drive the remaining Slave States into the arms of the Southern Confederacy, and dash to pieces the last hope for a reconstruction of the Union. To the gallant men, wdio are so nobly defending the flag of their country within the walls of Fort Sumter, the nation owes a debt of eternal gratitude — not less tha-n to the equally gallant and patriotic spirits, who, in like obedience to the demands of duty, are perilling their lives and shedding their blood in the heroic, but, as yet, unsuccessful en¬ deavor to afford them succor. But, to the cold¬ blooded, heartless demagogues, who started this civil war — themselves magnanimously keeping out of the reach of bodily harm — we can only say, you must find your account, if not at the hands of an indignant people, then in the tears of widows and orphans. The people of the LTnited States, it must be borne in mind, petitioned, begged and implored these men, who are become their accidental mas¬ ters, to give them an opportunity to be heard, be¬ fore this unnatural strife w'as pushed to a bloody extreme, but their petitions were all spurned with contempt, and now the bullet comes in to decide the issue ! — N. Y. Express. The curtain has fallen upon the first act of the great tragedy of the age. Fort Sumter has been surrendered, and the stars and stripes ol the Amer¬ ican Republic give place to the felon flag ot the Southern Confederates. The defence of the fort¬ ress did honor to the gallant commander by w'hom DOCUMENTS. 59 it was held, and vindicated the Government under which he served. Judging from the result, it does not seem to have been the purpose of the Govern¬ ment to do any thing more. The armed ships which accompanied the supplies took no part in the con¬ test. Whatever may have been the reason for it, their silence was probably fortunate. They could scarcely have forced their way through the heavy batteries which lined the coast, nor could their par¬ ticipation in the fight have changed the result. The preparations of the enemy were too complete, and their forces too numerous, to warrant any hope of success with the number of guns at our command. The fort was bravely defended. It has fallen with¬ out loss of life — the ships are on the spot to enforce the blockade of Charleston harbor — Fort Pickens, according to a despatch from Montgomery, has already been reinforced — and every thing is ready for unrolling the next and the far more terrible scene of this great drama. The Government of the United States is prepared to meet this great emergency, with the energy and courage which the occasion requires, and which the sentiment of the nation demands. The Presi¬ dent issues his proclamation to-day, convening Congress for the 4th of July, and calling for seventy- five thousand volunteers for the defence of the Union, and the protection of the rights and the liberties of the American people. The people will respond to this demand with alacrity and exultation. They ask nothing better than to be allowed to fight for the Constitution which their fathers framed. What¬ ever may have been their political differences, there has never been a moment when they were not ready to sink them all in devotion to their common coun¬ try, and in defence of their common flag. The President’s proclamation will be hailed with an enthusiasm which no event of the last twenty years ha3 called forth — with a high-hearted determination to exterminate treason, which will carry terror into the hearts of the Confederates, who have conspired for the destruction of the freest and best govern¬ ment the world has ever seen. — Y. Y. Times. The spirit which has been manifested since the assault upon Fort Sumter commenced shows that the anomaly we have too long witnessed, of peace upon one side, and war upon the other, will very speedily be destroyed. Henceforth we shall no longer strive to see how little we can do to strength¬ en forts, to maintain armies, to fit out fleets, to en¬ force the laws, and protect the honor of the nation, but how much. We will no longer seek to tie the hands of the Government — to cripple its powers — to unman and degrade it — to strengthen and en¬ courage treason, and to dishearten and humiliate loyalty. The issue is now made up — either this great Republic or its desperate adversaries must be overthrown ; and may God defend the right! Henceforth each man, high and low, must take his position as a patriot or a traitor — as a foe or a friend of his country — as a supporter of the flag of the stars and stripes or of the rebel banner. The contest which is impending will doubtless be attended with many horrors ; but all the facts show that it has been forced upon us as a last resort ; and war is not the worst of evils. Since the startling events of the last five months have been succeeded by a brutal bombardment of a fort erected at vast expense for the defence of Charleston harbor, which would have been peaceably evacuated if the rebels had not insisted upon the utter humiliation of the Government, and since the Secretary of War of the Southern Confederacy has threatened to capture Washington, and even to invade the Northern States, while a formal declaration of hostilities is about to be made by the Confederate Congress, we should be wanting in every element of manhood, be perpetually disgraced in the eyes of the world, and lose all self-respect, if we did not arouse to determined action to re-assert the outraged dignity of the nation. — Pliila. Press. Were the Confederate States now a foreign foe, and we had declared war against them, with the status of Sumter as it was in the present case, wo should regard them as the veriest fools and cow¬ ards, had they failed to make the attaca before re¬ inforcements could arrive, and so to secure the advantages of their position. And by this estimate they must be judged in this thing. For although the administration at Washington does not regard them as a foreign foe, yet the Confederate States constitute a nation, with its independence declared, and therefore they regard the United States as a foreign foe. In the attack upon Sumter they have done just what the United States would have done with respect to England at the opening of the Revolutionary war; just what any nation would do under the same circumstances. And in fact they have done that thing, which, had they not done, they would have been the subject of scoff and ridi¬ cule up and down the whole gamut of Black Repub¬ lican insolence. The questions which now arise are all with respect to the future. The inflamed and warlike spirit accredited to the Northern cities and free States generally, must not be taken into the account, or we shall plunge into a prolonged, sanguinary, and indecisive conflict, in which the border States will soon become the “dark and bloody ground.” A Avar of conquest and subjuga¬ tion against the Southern Confederacv, will termi- nate in inevitable disaster, whatever may be the ac¬ tual termination of the strife. Such a war must begin, as it has really been anticipated, by a posi¬ tive purpose on the part of the administration at AVashington to reduce the Southern States to politi¬ cal inequality in the Union. Consequently, the alternative of submission to this administration at any time, includes assent to political inequality, and the recognition of a power which has avowed an “ irrepressible conflict” with Southern institutions. AVhatever successes may attend the United States, therefore, as against the Confederate States, the end must be the recognition of independence of the latter, or the holding them by military power. In the latter case all union is at an end ; peace and harmony will be unattainable ; and the utter pros¬ tration of all business will continue indefinitely. On the other hand, the recognition of the independence of the Confederate States will at once end the strife, restore public confidence, and relieve the enterprises of industry and capital from the embar¬ rassment which now hinders their prosperity, and must in the end overwhelm them with calamity. — Baltimore Sun. Doc. 63. — THE FIRST DEFEAT OF THE REBELS. It is evident that General Scott has once more beaten the enemies of his country by mere force of 60 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-G1. his admirable stratagetical genius. To do so, he has, as was necessary, suffered not only traitors, but loyal men, to rest under a misapprehension. Those who remember the impatience with which the American public watched his apparent inaction at one period of the Mexican war, will not have forgotten the shout of admiration which went up from the people, when it was at last discovered that the supposed inaction had been in reality the wisest and shrewdest action ; and that by the most masterly display of military strategy he had out¬ witted the enemy, and obtained a splendid victory, when nought but defeat and disaster stared our army in the face. He who reads and compares carefully the de¬ spatches from Charleston, Montgomery, and Wash¬ ington, in this morning’s journals, can not avoid the gratifying conclusion that that which looks at first blush like a disaster to the government, is in reality but the successful carrying out of an admira¬ ble plan of military operations. Before this, the traitors see themselves caught in the toils. In fact, it seems to have sickened the chief traitor, Davis, already ; for Montgomery despatches relate that when the news from Charleston came, and the mob serenaded Davis and Walker, “the former was not well and did not appear and even his secretary was costive of words, and “ declined to make a speech.” The facts which tend to the conclusion we have pointed out, may be summed up as follows : General Scott has been averse to the attempt to reenforce Fort Sumter. lie saw that it would cost men and vessels, which the Government could not spare just now. As an able general, he saw that Sumter and Charleston were points of no military importance, and would only need valuable men to hold, if we took them — with no adequate advantage gained. He saw that the two keys of the position were Fort Pickens in the Gulf, and Washington, the capital. Ho knew that Davis had not generalship to perceive that on the 4th of March, and for some weeks afterward, it would have been almost impos¬ sible for the Federal Government to defend Wash¬ ington against such a force as the traitors had al¬ ready collected before Sumter, and which could be marched at any time on a capital not yet prepared for defence — not yet even purged of traitors. His plans, based on these facts, were at once laid. By every means in his power, he concen¬ trated the attention of traitors and loyal men on Sumter. He must have seen with infinite satisfac¬ tion the daily increasing force gathered at Charles¬ ton, while the Government lost no time in strength¬ ening the capital. Every hour the traitors spent before Sumter gave them only more surely into the hands of their master. To make assurance doubly sure, he pretended to leave Fort Pickens in the lurch. It was said to be in danger, when Scott knew that a formidable force was investing it. Men feared that all would be lost by the inaction of the Government, when it was never more shrewdly energetic. At last Washington was reasonably safe. Forces were gathered. Once more our brave old General saw himsell with means in his hands. Then came the armament, popularly believed to be destined for Sumter. The Government said not a word _ only asked of the traitors the opportunity to send its own garrison a needed supply of food. They re¬ fused, and — fearing the arrival of the Federal fleet — drunk and besotted with treason, and impatient to shed the blood of loyal soldiers, they made the attack. Scarce had they begun when they saw, with evi¬ dent terror, ships hovering about the harbor’s mouth ; they plied their cannon in desperate haste ; but no ship came m to Anderson’s help. What was the matter ? Made bold by the furious thirst for blood, they dared the ships to come in. But no ship offered its assistance to Anderson. More, the guns of Sumter were only directed at the works of the traitors, and Major Anderson evidently tried to fire in such a manner as not to kill men. He did not even try a few bombs on the city, though it is certain, from a letter of one of his own officers, that his guns would reach beyond the centre of Charleston. What was the matter ? Beauregard must have thought the Government officers both fools and cowards. When his own boats were sailing un¬ harmed about the harbor, between Sumter and Moultrie, bearing his orders, was it possible that the forces outside could stand apathetic, while a brave garrison was being done to death ? When the battle was to the death, would a shrewd officer neglect to divert his enemy’s attention by firing his city? If it seemed mysterious to us, waiting on Satur¬ day with breathless suspense, it must have seemed incomprehensible to any cool head in the traitor camp. Still no ships came in — and, in fact., the reports state that only three or four small vessels remained in the offing. After forty hours’ cannonade, in which not one man is killed. Major Anderson, an officer of undoubted courage and honor, runs up a white flag, surrenders the fort, and becomes the guest of General Beauregard. Let no man hastily cry traitor ! He only obeyed his orders. He made an honorable defence. He took care to shed no blood. He “ gave orders not to sight men, but to silence batteries.” Meantime, while the rebels are ignorantly glorify¬ ing the victory of five thousand men over eighty, what news comes from Montgomery ? The tele¬ graph in the hands of the rebels says : “ Fort Pickens was reenforced last night.” “ It is understood that Charleston harbor is blockaded.” Despatches from Lieut. Slemmer, captured by the rebels, gave Davis the first intimation of his defeat? No wonder the rebel chief was “ sick,” and went to bed! No wonder that his Secretary, Walker, de¬ clined to make a speech ! And what from Washington ? These significant paragraphs : “ The report that Anderson has surrendered, and is the guest of General Beauregard, has been com¬ municated to the President. The latter was not surprised, but, on the contrary, remarked, ‘ The supply vessels could not reach him, and he did right.’ When he was told that the report was that nobody was injured in Fort Sumter, he seemed very much gratified, and remarked that he regretted that Major Anderson could not be supplied, as that was all he needed. DOCUMENTS. 61 “ The next act in the play will represent a scene at Fort Pickens, in Pensacola harbor.” The position of affairs is this : Charleston is blockaded. Fort Pickens is reenforced by troops which the traitors foolishly believed were destined for Sumter. Washington is secure beyond pcrad- venture. The traitors have, without the slightest cause, opened the war they have so long threatened. The country is roused to defend its assailed liber¬ ties, and gathers enthusiastically about the Gov¬ ernment, and treason has been checkmated at the first blow it struck. Let them keep Sumter a few weeks. Let no man cry traitor to Major Anderson ! Let no one fear for the energy of the Administration. Let us thank God that brave old General Scott re¬ mains to give his loyal heart and wise head to his country’s service ! — Evening Post. Doc. 54.— THE PRESIDENT’S SPEECH TO THE VIRGINIA COMMISSIONERS. To Hon. Messrs. Preston, Stuart, and Randolph : Gentlemen : As a committee of the Virginia Convention, now in session, you present me a pre¬ amble and resolution in these words : Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue towards the seceded States, is extremely in¬ jurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of the pend¬ ing difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace ; therefore, Resolved, That a committee of three delegates be appointed to wait on the President of the United States, present to him this preamble, and respect¬ fully ask him to communicate to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States. In answer I have to say, that having, at the begin¬ ning of my official term, expressed my intended poli¬ cy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and mortification I now learn there is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that pol¬ icy i3, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful considera¬ tion of the whole document a3 the best expression I can give to my purposes. As I then and therein said, I now repeat, “ The power confided in me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imports ; but beyond what is neces¬ sary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people any¬ where.” By the words “property and places be¬ longing to the government,” I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in posses¬ sion of the government when it came into my hands. But if, as now appears to be true, in pur¬ suit of a purpose to drive the United States author¬ ity from these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess it, if I can, like places which had been seized before the Government was de¬ volved upon me ; and in any event I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall, perhaps, cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing that the commence¬ ment of actual war against the Government justi¬ fies and possibly demands it. I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property situated within the States which claim to have se¬ ceded, as yet belonging to the Government of the United States as much as they did before the sup¬ posed secession. Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country ; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the country. From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural ad¬ dress, it must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may bo regarded as a modification.* Doc. 55.— THE FEELING IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK. From the first announcement that hostilities had actually commenced in Charleston Harbor, and that Major Anderson’s garrison of sixty or seventy men were sustaining and replying as best they could, to a fierce bombardment from a force more than one hundred times their number, down to the moment it was announced that he was compelled to strike his flag, the feeling that stirred the people as one man, here, and so far as we can learn, elsewhere also, was too deep, too strong, and will be too en¬ during, to be characterized by the term excitement. Never have we seen anything like it. While the keeu sagacity of the public mind readily detected the absurdity and downright falsehood of many of the despatches, yet those received on Friday night, created a sharp relish for more ; consequently, Sat¬ urday morning, all the forenoon, and throughout the whole day, business was forsaken or limited to the briefest necessity. At the Stock Board cheers were given for Major Anderson, and the Government stocks stiffened with renewed determination to stand by the country. As despatch after despatch came, like bombs from an enemy’s battery, the feeling was depressed or elated according to their character. The announcement that Fort Sumter was on fire sounded like a knell as well as an impossibility. It was a silly, unnecessary falsehood, or else some ca¬ lamity had happened within the walls of Fort Sum¬ ter, on which it was based. It caused forebodings. “Where is the fleet?” was on all lips. That there had been some unlucky miscarriage, as the public mind had conceived its objects, was quite plain. Finally came the report that the stars and stripes would soon come down, and, later, that they had actually given place to the flag of Rebellion ; when, in spite of doubts, and the strong inclination to dis¬ belief, particularly of the statement that, notwith¬ standing the bombardment had continued nearly * The fact that the secessionists opened the fight at Charleston before any attempt was made by the Govern¬ ment to reinforce or supply Fort Bumter, is viewed hero as an attempt on their part to coerce tho Government, and puts the responsibility upon them. — New York Herald , April 14. 62 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. thirty-six hours, “ nobody was hurt,” on cither side, the feeling reached its climax. It did not find vent in extraordinary manifestations, but crystallized in a deep-seated conviction that a contest had been inaugurated, and an issue joined that would not be suffered to go by default. No compromise now with Rebellion, is the universal sentiment. If there were differences before, there cannot be said to be any now. Yesterday the churches throughout the city were crowded to overflowing, many persons attending in order to hear what might be disseminated from the pulpit, in regard to the war which had been inaug¬ urated. While the discourses of some of the preachers made direct and extended allusion to the great event in their churches, it was referred to in the prayers and lessons of the day. Others, doubtful of the authenticity of the news, abstained from any reference to the subject. During the progress of one of the Fourth-avenue cars down-town, Capt. Miller, with a friend, was quietly discussing the affairs of Government, when their conversation was interrupted by a gentle¬ manly-looking person, who attributed all the trouble to the “ D — d Black Republicans.” Capt. Miller, who is a member of the church, but nevertheless a fighting man, turned suddenly upon the individual and said: “Now, look here, Mr., you’re a stranger to me, but if you want to join in conversation with me you must come in the character of a gentleman.” Stranger suddenly discovered that he had arrived at his destination. On Saturday evening, a gentleman in the crowd that gathered on Printing-House Square was dis¬ posed to rejoice over the news, and expressed the opinion that it was the best way to bring about a settlement. “Settlement did you say, my friend?” responded a six-footer, whose peculiarity of speech indicated that he was raised somewhere in the vi¬ cinity of the Green Mountains, “I will tell you what, there is just one way to get a settlement, provided this news i3 true, and that is by one side or the other getting whipped ! ” The cheers of the crowd showed how heartily the sentiment was responded to. Three men, apparently laborers, who were alone reading the despatches as they came, when infor¬ mation came that Anderson had hauled down the American Flag, were so affected that they wept. As an evidence of the feeling among the repre¬ sentative men of our city, we will state that Com¬ modore Vanderbilt informed our reporter last night that no application had been made to him by the Government in reference to his steamships; but he said, My steamships are at tiie disposal of the Government. — N. Y. Tribune , April 15. THE RESURRECTION OF PATRIOTISM. The incidents of the last two days will live in nistory. Not for fifty years has such a spectacle been seen, as that glorious uprising of American loyalty which greeted the news that open war had been commenced upon the Constitution and Gov¬ ernment of the United States. The great heart of the American people beat with one high pulsation of courage, and of fervid love and devotion to the great Republic. Party dissensions were instantly hushed ; political differences disappeared, and were as thoroughly forgotten as if they had never exist¬ ed; party bonds flashed into nothingness in the glowing flame of patriotism ; — men ceased to think of themselves or their parties, — they thought only of their country and of the dangers which menace its existence. Nothing for years has brought the hearts of all the people so close together, — or so inspired them all with common hopes, and common fears, and a common aim, as the bombardment and surrender of an American fortress. We look upon this sublime outburst of public sentiment as the most perfect vindication of popu¬ lar institutions, — the most conclusive reply to the impugners of American loyalty, the country has ever seen. It has been quite common to say that such a Republic as ours could never be permanent, because it lacked the conditions of a profound and abiding loyalty. The Government could never in¬ spire a patriotic instinct, fervid enough to melt the bonds of party, or powerful enough to override the selfishness which free institutions so rapidly develop. The hearts of our own people had begun to sink within them, at the apparent insensibility of the public to the dangers which menaced the Govern¬ ment. The public mind seemed to have been de¬ moralized, — the public heart seemed insensible to perils which threatened utter extinction to our great Republic. The secession movement, infinite¬ ly the most formidable danger which has ever me¬ naced our Government, was regarded with indiffer¬ ence and treated as merely a novel form of our usual political contentions. The best among us began to despair of a country which seemed incom¬ petent to understand its dangers, and indifferent to its own destruction. But all this is changed. The cannon which bom¬ barded Sumter awoke strange echoes, and touched forgotten chords in the American heart. American Loyalty leaped into instant life, and stood radiant and ready for the fierce encounter. From one end of the land to the other — in the crowded streets of cities, and in the solitude of the country — where- ever the splendor of the Stars and Stripes, the glit¬ tering emblems of our country’s glory, meets the eye, come forth shouts of devotion and pledges of aid, which give sure guarantees for the perpetuity of American Freedom. War can inflict no scars on such a people. It can do them no damage which time cannot repair. It cannot shake the solid foun¬ dations of their material prosperity, — while it will strengthen the manly and heroic virtues, which defy its fierce and frowning front. It is a mistake to suppose that War, — even Civil War, — is the greatest evil that can afflict a nation. The proudest and noblest nations on the earth have the oftenest felt its fury, and have risen the stronger, because the braver, from its overwhelming wrath. War is a far less evil than degradation, — than the national and social paralysis which can neither feel a wound nor redress a wrong. When War becomes the only means of sustaining a nation’s honor, and of vindicating its just and rightful supremacy, it ceases to be an evil and becomes the source of ac¬ tual and positive good. If we are doomed to assert the rightful supremacy of our Constitution by force of arms, against those who would overthrow and destroy it, we shall grow the stronger and the nobler by the very contest we are compelled to wage. We have reason to exult in the noble demonstra¬ tion of American loyalty, which the events of the last few days have called forth from every quarter DOCUMENTS. G3 of the country. Millions of freemen rally with ex¬ ulting hearts, around our country’s standard. The great body of our people have but one heart and one purpose in this great crisis of our history. Whatever may be the character of the contest, we have no fears or misgivings as to the final issue. —N. Y. Times , April 16. Doc. 5G— GEN. BEAUREGARD’S GENERAL OR¬ DERS. Headquarters Provisional Army, C. S. A., ) Charleston, S. C., April 14. f General Orders , No. 20.] The Brigadier-general Commanding is happy to congratulate the troops under his command, on the brilliant success which has crowned their gallantry, privations, and hardships, by the reduction of the stronghold in the harbor of Charleston. This feat of arms has been accomplished after a severe can¬ nonading of about thirty-three hours, in which all the troops have indicated, by their daring and bravery, that our cause must and shall triumph. Fort Sumter, which surrendered yesterday about 1 :45 p. m., will be evacuated at 9 o’clock a. m. to¬ day, and to show our magnanimity to the gallant defenders, who were only executing the orders of their government, they will be allowed to evacuate upon the same terms which were offered to them before the bombardment commenced. Our success should not lull us into a false security, but should encourage us in the necessary preparations to meet a powerful enemy, who may at any time attempt to avenge this, their first check in the present con¬ test. The commandants of batteries will promptly send in their reports through the proper channels, giving a journal of the firing of their batteries against Fort Sumter, and of the fire of Fort Sumter against their batteries ; furnishing the name of those who particularly distinguished themselves, and other in¬ cidents relative thereto, in order that the general commanding may be able to make known to the Confederate States’ Government, in a proper man¬ ner, their bravery and gallantry. The General is highly gratified to state that the troops, by their labor, privations, and endurance at the batteries, and at their posts, have exhibited the highest characteristics of tried soldiers and he takes the occasion to thank all, his staff, the regu¬ lars, the volunteers, the militia, the naval forces, and the numerous individuals who have contributed to the surrender of Fort Sumter. By order of Brigadier-General Beauregard, D. R. Jones, Assistant Adjutant General. — Charleston Mercury. Doc. 67. — A PROCLAMATION. By the President of the United States. Whereas, the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Missis¬ sippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law : now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and here¬ by do call forth, the militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate number of 75,000, in order to suppress said combinations and to cause the laws to be duly executed. The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and existence of our national Union, and the perpetuity of popular government, and to redress v»Trongs already long enough endur¬ ed. I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth, will pro¬ bably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union ; and in every event the utmost care will be observed, con¬ sistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or interference with, property, or any disturbance of peaceful citi¬ zens of any part of the country; and I hereby com¬ mand the persons composing the combinations aforesaid, to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes, within twenty days from this date. Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both houses of Congress. The Senators and Representatives are, therefore, sum¬ moned to assemble at their respective Chambers at twelve o’clock, noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and de¬ termine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the indepen¬ dence of the United States the eighty-fifth. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By the President. William H. Sew'ard, Secretary of State. The following is the form of the call on the respec¬ tive State Governors for troops, issued through the War Department : Sir : — Under the Act of Congress for calling out the Militia to execute the laws of the Union, to sup¬ press insurrection, to repel invasion, &c., approved February 28, 1795, 1 have the honor to request your Excellency to cause to be immediately detailed from the militia of your State the quota designated in the table below, to serve as infantry or riflemen for a period of three months, unless sooner discharged. Your Excellency will please communicate to me the time at about which your quota will be expected at its rendezvous, as it will be met as soon as practi¬ cable by an officer or officers to muster it into ser¬ vice and pay of the United States. At the same time the oath of fidelity to the United States will be administered to every officer and man. The mustering officers will be instructed to receive no man under the rank of commissioned officer, who is in years apparently over 45 or under 18, or who is not in physical strength and vigor. The quota for each State is as follows : 64 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. Maine . *■ New Hampshire . ... 1 Vermont . 1 Massachusetts . 2 Rhode Island . 1 Connecticut . . . 1 New York . IT New Jersey . 4 Pennsylvania . 16 Delaware . 1 Tennessee . 2 Maryland . 4 Virginia . 3 North Carolina . 2 Kentucky . 4 Arkansas . 1 Missouri . 4 Ohio . 13 Indiana . 6 Illinois . 6 Michigan . 1 Iowa . 1 Minnesota . 1 Wisconsin . 1 It is ordered that each regiment shall consist, on an aggregate of officers and men, of 780. The total thus to be called out is 73,391. The remainder to constitute the 75,000 men under the President’s proclamation will be composed of troops in the District of Columbia. — World and N. Y. Times. OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. To the simple, dignified, calm, but firm Procla¬ mation of the President of the United States, the loyal States of this Union will respond, “ In the name of God, Amen;” and not only 75,000, but five times 75,000 men will be ready to come forward to meet this rampant, insolent rebellion in arms of South Carolina and the States confederated with her in treason, and put it down. This rebellion has wantonly and without provocation, inaugurated civil war, and its first blow has been successful ; but even its victory will bring down upon its head a signal defeat and terrible retribution in the end, for it will rouse the loyal States from a forbearance under insult and defiance unparalleled in the history of any Government ; and with right for their cause, and force and means able to maintain it, the hour will soon come when South Carolina and her Con¬ federates in Treason will rue the day when, with a spirit worthy of Lucifer, they undertook to break up the best and most beneficent Government on the face of the earth. We have firm trust in God that it will be so. — Courier and Enquirer. The Government of the United States is prepared to meet this great emergency with the energy and courage which the occasion requires, and which the sentiment of the nation demands. The President issues his proclamation to-day, convening Congress for the 4th of July, and calling for seventy-five thousand volunteers for the defense of the Union, and the protection of the rights and the liberties of the American people. The people will respond to this demand with alacrity and exultation. They ask nothing better than to be allowed to fight for the Constitution which their fathers framed. What¬ ever may have been their political differences, there has never been a moment when they were not ready to sink them all in devotion of their common flag. The President’s Proclamation will be hailed with an enthusiasm which no event of the last twenty years has called forth — with a high-handed determination to exterminate treason, which will carry terror into the hearts of the Confederates, who have conspired for the destruction of the freest and best Government the world has ever seen. —A7; Y. Times. On one point, so far as we have been able to as¬ certain, perfect unanimity exists among our money¬ ed men — the Government must be sustained. Every one deplores the terrible calamity which has be¬ fallen the Republic. But there is no desire among the merchants or capitalists of New York to shirk the issue, or to evade the responsibilities of the contest. Upon New York will devolve the chief burden of providing ways and means for the war ; our financial community accept the duty, and will perform it. This view we find to be universal among moneyed men, including many whose sym¬ pathies have heretofore been with the South. If the Government prove true to the country, it need not feel any uneasiness about money. In the opinion of our leading bankers, a hundred millions, over and above the receipts of the Government from customs and land sales, if necessary to defray the expenses of the war for a year from this date, could be readily borrowed in Wall street, at a rate of interest certainly not exceeding that which France and England paid for the money which they borrowed for the Russian war. If for the purpose of bringing the war to an end, and settling this controversy of ours forever, a further sum be re¬ quisite, it will be forthcoming. Wall street, so far as we can judge, is ready to sustain the Govern¬ ment heartily and liberally. —N. Y. Herald. The Confederate Traitors have commenced the war, they have been so long preparing for without obstruction, and their first prize in fight (having previously confined themselves to stealing, under pretense of peace) has been the capture of Fort Sumter and sixty men by a force of five thousand, with nineteen heavy batteries. This inglorious suc¬ cess will cost them dear. Inexcusably and wanton¬ ly taking up the offensive, they have ht once cut themselves off from all honest sympathy, even in the South, and kindled a patriotic rage that en¬ velopes all parties and all classes throughout the Union States henceforth. The President has issued his proclamation calling out 75,000 men to put down the rebellion, and convening Congress on the Fourth of July. Gov. Morgan of this State, will at once call out a contingent of 25,000 men, and Gov. Curtin of Pennsylvania will do the same. New regiments are already forming rapidly, in anticipa¬ tion of the proclamation. — N. Y. Sun. It is now for the people of New England, especial¬ ly, and of the great North-West, who have so earnestly demanded a vigorous policy, to prove the sincerity of their zeal by rallying to the support of the Government in this hour of its peril. Treason has boldly lifted up its head ; it has marshaled its hosts; it has bid impudent defiance to the Govern¬ ment ; it has cannonaded and taken a celebrated fortress ; its Secretary of War has had the insolence to make a public boast that the Secession flag will float over the national capital before the 1st of May. These rebels and desperadoes have given unmistak¬ able proofs of their earnestness. They must now be checked, or anarchy and misrule will sweep over the whole country like a destructive deluge. Fel¬ low-citizens of the Free States, this is the hour to prove your loyalty — to test your patriotism — to earn the gratitude of your country. — H. Y. World. The President’s proclamation proves him worthy to be the head of the nation. His honest words find an echo in millions of loyal hearts this day. Only these words were needed to seal the speedy doom of treason. To-day, who is not for the Union is against it. To-day he whose heart does not throb, and whose blood does not stir with patriotic DOCUMENTS. G5 fire is a vile traitor. The rebels have chosen war. They have done their best to slay a loyal garrison. Without a single cause of complaint, they have turned their arms against the Union and against the lives of loyal citizens. From to-day dates the ex¬ termination of treason from the laud. The people will not rest, the nation will not be satisfied, while a traitor is left in arms. — Evening Post. It is too late now for concession or compromise ; government or anarchy is the only alternative left to us. Forbearance has been useless, and has been construed into evidence of fear or feebleness. It has also excited the cupidity of the rebels, and fostered their aggressive designs. It is no longer with them the assertion of the mere right of seces¬ sion or separation from the Union. Their avowed purpose is the overthrow of Constitutional Govern¬ ment. With men thus minded it is useless to reason. No compromises will satisfy them; no concessions arrest their anarchical and wicked pur¬ poses. They, a small minority of the people, de¬ mand that the majority must recognize them as masters, and give up every thing to them — the archives and property and administration of the Government, our Constitution, our flag, our laws, our free institutions — all that, as freemen, is dear to us. To such a demand, freemen, lovers of consti¬ tutional government and constitutional rights, can make but one answer. And when the rebel minority that make it try to enforce it by the cannon and the sword, to the cannon and the sword the loyal majority must of necessity also make their appeal, and will do it. The majority have never sought, have never desired — nay, they have studiously avoided — a resort to war. It has been forced upon them. In honor, and in self-defence, they cannot refuse the alternative. — Commercial Advertiser. A few words more — as to what we think the President should do, (and the words are more valuable from an opponent than if from a friend,) because acts thus advised by an opponent cannot be complained of, if adopted. First: Not another mail should be sent to South Carolina. Twice has our flag been fired upon there, without direct or immediate, overwhelming necessity, and South Carolinians, by their own act, cease to be our countrymen. Second : Not another gun, cannon, revolver, or pound of powder should be permitted to go to the seceding States. The President of the United States, through his revenue officers, should instantly estop their exportation, and States should stop their inter-transit trade. Third: The Port of Charleston ought to be instantly blockaded. There may be no law for it, but South Carolina has put herself out of the protection of any law of ours. She does not respect us, and we cannot be expect¬ ed to respect her. — N. Y. Express. “ Take your places in line.” The American flag trails in the dust. There is from this hour no longer any middle or neutral ground to occupy. All party lines cease. Democrats, Whigs, Ameri¬ cans, Republicans, and Union men, all merge into one or two parties — patriots or traitors. For our¬ selves, we are not prepared for either or any form of government which the imagination might sug¬ gest as possible or probable to follow in the wake of a republic. Wc are for the Government as D OCT ments — 5 handed down to us by our fathers. It was conse¬ crated in blood, and given to us as a sacred legacy. It is ours to live by, and, by the blessing of God, it shall be ours to die by. We will have it and none other. We have no political feuds or animos¬ ities to avenge ; we know no cause save to wipe an insult from our flag, and to defend and maintain an assailed Government and a violated Constitution. We care not who is President, or what political party is in power, so long as they support the honor and the flag of our country, we are with them ; those who are not are against us, against our flag, and against our Government. “ Take your places in line.” — Philadelphia Enquirer. Henceforth each man, high and low, must take his position as a patriot or a traitor — as a foe or a friend of his country — as a supporter of the flag of the stars and stripes or of the rebel banner. All doubts and hesitation must be thrown to the winds ; and with the history of the past spread before us, we must choose between maintaining the noble fabric that was reared by our wise and brave an¬ cestors, under which we have enjoyed so much liberty and happiness, and openly joining the rash, reckless, despotic, cruel, and villanous band of con¬ spirators, who have formed a deep-laid and des¬ perate plot for its destruction. The contest which is impending will doubtless be attended with many horrors, but all the facts show that it has been forced upon us as a last resort ; and war is not the worst of evils. Since the startling events of the last five months have been succeeded by a brutal bom¬ bardment of a fort erected at vast expense for the defence of Charleston harbor, which would have been peaceably evacuated if the rebels had not in¬ sisted upon the utter humiliation of the Govern¬ ment ; and since the Secretary of War of the South¬ ern Confederacy has threatened to capture Wash¬ ington, and even to invade the Northern States, while a formal declaration of hostilities is about to be made by the Confederate Congress, — we should be wanting in every element of manhood, be per¬ petually disgraced in the eyes of the world, and lose all self-respect, if wc did not arouse to de¬ termined action to re-assert the outraged dignity of the nation. — Phila. Press. In this lamentable condition of affairs, what is the duty of the Administration? We know not what course it has marked out for itself, or what suffi¬ cient preparations are made by it to hold its posi¬ tion securely in Washington. The Administration ought to be best advised of its danger and what is required of it in this emergency, and possibly has taken measures which it may deem sufficient for its security. It has sounded the military of the States which can be depended upon for defence, and has got offers of aid. But this force ought at once to be called into the service of the United States, and hurried on to Washington city as if an attack were certain every moment. Fifty thousand volun¬ teers should be called into the service of the Na¬ tional Government, and be so placed that they could, under any circumstances, be within a few hours’ reach of the capital. Ten thousand of them should be placed in that city, whether Maryland and Virginia like it or not. A proclamation should be issued calling upon all the Union men of the country, North and South, to hold themselves in 66 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. readiness to support the Government and the laws. An army of observation should be established at available points, to strike wherever a blow will tell the best the moment that the Secession Rebels make a single aggressive movement against the Government. — Philadelphia Ledger. The present presents the most momentous period in the world’s history. For many years past the peo¬ ple of the United States have been engaged with a purpose, to exhibit to the nations of the earth the feasibility of a Republican form of Government ; for as many years, thus far, the so-called experiment has proved successful, but it is to be now determin¬ ed whether our supposed success was real or fancied. We are among those who believe, if properly managed, there is strength enough in a Republican form of Government to make it self-sus¬ taining. Let us now test the question ; let the strong arm of the law be seen and felt ; let the authority of the Government be earnestly asserted ; let every right and power of the nation be present¬ ed in its own defence, and then let European des¬ potism mock at us if they dare. — Philadelphia News. The Secession leaders are relying very largely upon the first shock of battle for the promotion of a general Secession feeling in the Southern States. They ought, however, to consider that the sym¬ pathies of honest and sensible men are not likely to go with the wrong-doers. If the General Gov¬ ernment commit any wrong or outrage upon South Carolina or Florida, it will be condemned ; but if a United States vessel shall be fired into and her men slain for a mere attempt to take food to the Gov¬ ernment’s troops in the Government’s own forts, and if war shall grow out of the collision, no spirit of Secession or rebellion will be created thereby this side the cotton line. Such at least is our opinion, founded upon our conviction that the great mass of our fellow-citizens are sensible and patriotic and just. Who that loves his country would see it humiliated and its honor trampled on ? — Louisville Journal. The authorities at Washington are now for raising seventy-five thousand troops, and fancy they will do exploits. They ought to reflect that the few they can spare to the South go far from home, into an intensely hostile country, and to them most unpro- pitious climate. They will have, after the excite¬ ment is over, little heart in the business. There will be no laurels to win. The rest of mankind will give them no credit. Even England and France deplore the strife, and offer prayers that it may cease. Every patriot will feel ashamed of the fra¬ tricidal war. They will meet an enemy skilled in war, as proud and vain as ever trod a battle-field — an enemy fighting for his home and his firesides, and who can bring into the field any number of fighting men that he iriay need. We say any number, and it is true — one hundred thousand if needed. If they doubt it, they can try the experiment, and it will he another Fort Sumter experiment. We don’t doubt the bravery of the North; but in this contest they will lack the stimulus of their foes, and meet their equals at great disadvantage. Then there is a sentiment in this country that all just governments are founded on the consent of the governed. If a whole tier of States seek other ar¬ rangements in government ; if their old government is odious to them, and they seek a release from it, and resist with determination the old government, what shall be done about it ? There is our Declara¬ tion of Independence, and the strong expressions of States when they entered the Union, which, if they do not recognize the right of secession, squint so much that way that they are easily applied to that purpose. It is an odious task to force a govern¬ ment on an unwilling people. Resistance becomes exalted into a patriotic virtue. No matter how little cause really provokes the resistance. How easy it is to inflame the South against this conduct of coercion ! What, they will say, is the motive ? Is it any love for us that all this blood is shed to retain us in the same Union ? No, they will say ; they hate us ! They abhor slavery and slavehold¬ ers ! They tried to keep us out of the Union, and they swear it as a part of their religion that they will have no more Slave States ! Why do they wish to retain us, but to play the tyrant over us ? Why are they not ready to let us go in peace ? They preach against us, pray against us, and what do they want with us but to subjugate us — to indulge their preaching and prayer at our expense ? The terms now used in all these irrepressible prints are, rebels, traitors, and the empty threats to punish them. The bluster and gasconade about having a government, only reminds men of George III., who used empty words after they had lost their meaning. We say nothing about the similarity of the cases upon their merits. George &Co. thought the Colonies had no more reason than the Southern States now have ; and the latter think they have more reason to rebel than their fathers had, and they know that these threats against them are more imbecile than the threat of His Majesty against the Colonies. Depend upon it, Messrs. Lincoln & Co., you arc wasting treasure and blood to no purpose. All your professions of peace will count nothing. You talk like enemies and act like them. Even these border Slave States, who have stood by their gov¬ ernment, who feel a patriotic attachment to the Union their fathers made, are unheeded. Their ad¬ vice disregarded, and their wise counsels spurned. They ask for peace most earnestly, as essential to a restoration of confidence and salvation of the Union; and Lincoln & Co. call for troops, and are mustering armies, when all the effect will be to gratify their own resentment and make the breach incurable. They mistake altogether our government and peo¬ ple. No power can restore a State to this Union but its people. — Louisville Democrat. “ We learn that seventy-five thousand troops, the full number called for by the President’s proclama¬ tion, have been tendered in this State alone, and that one hundred thousand are probably prepared to do military duty. Our people are all alive with patriotism and honest bravery. They will never let the Government languish or go down for want of support.” The quota of six regiments called for from Illinois was full last Saturday night, and enough additional companies were offered to make six regiments more. Altogether, up to Monday night, one hundred and twenty-five companies were offered to the Governor. Of these, sixty were accepted, twenty-five were ac¬ cepted conditionally, and the remainder ordered to hold themselves in readiness. The work of recruit¬ ing still goes on. —Cleveland Leader. DOCUMENTS. G7 There is one direction where we can scarcely look for the tears that blind us. When we see the whole¬ hearted, unselfish devotion of our Northern people, we thank God that we have a country. We thank God for mothers that cheer on their sons, for young wives that have said “go” to their husbands, for widows who have given their only sons. It is our solemn belief that, since the proclamation of the President, there has been in this country more ear¬ nest, unselfish heroism, more high-minded self-de¬ votion, in one week than in years of ordinary life. — Independent. THE UPRISING OP THE COUNTRY. Let no one feel that our present troubles are de¬ plorable, in view of the majestic development of na¬ tionality and patriotism which they have occasioned. But yesterday we were esteemed a sordid, grasping, money-loving people, too greedy of gain to cherish generous and lofty 'aspirations. To-day vindicates us from that reproach, and demonstrates that, be¬ neath the scum and slag of forty years of peace, and in spite of the insidious approaches of corrup¬ tion, the fires of patriotic devotion are still intensely burning. The echoes of the cannon fired at Sumter have barely rolled over the Western hills ere they are drowned in the shouts of indignant freemen, de¬ manding to be led against the traitors who have plotted to divide and destroy the country. Party lines disappear — party cries are hushed or emptied of meaning — men forget that they were Democrats or Republicans, in the newly aroused and intense consciousness that they are Americans. The ordeal now upon us may cost our country many lives and much treasure, but its fruits will be richly worth them all. But few weeks have elapsed since bab¬ bling demagogues were talking of an Eastern, a Central, a North-western, and a Pacific, as well as a South-western and a Border-State Confederacy : let them now be silent a little, and note the cost of di¬ viding the Union barely once before they talk fur¬ ther of shivering it into five or six fragments. The experience will be conclusive. Let but this trial be surmounted, and no one will again plot the dissolu¬ tion of the Union for at least half a century. We feel confident that the President’s call for seventy-five thousand militia from all the loyal States will be responded to within thirty days by proffers of more than one hundred thousand from the Free States alone, and that this number can be doubled upon a mere suggestion that the additional number is desired. Any number that may be re¬ quired will step forward as fast as they may be called for, even though it should be judged best to confront the Secessionists on their frontier with half a million men. But the Rebels also can muster men enough, while they are as yet far ahead of us in arms and munitions; their weak point is that of finance. With a notorious and abusive champion of Repudi¬ ation at their head, they cannot borrow a dollar out¬ side of their own limits, and their first loan of fifteen millions will exhaust the resources of their banks. That sum will just about suffice to put one hundred thousand men in the field in fighting array ; it will be utterly exhausted before they shall have been two months on foot. Their banks are already two- thirds broken, and their notes selling slowly in our Northern cities at fifty per cent, of their face : whence are their next funds to be obtained ? How are they to defend their two thousand miles of mainly exposed sea-coast and navigable inlets against an undisputed naval ascendency, without more men and unlimited supplies of money ? It is a plain case that they must hurry matters or succumb, and that they must make an immediate dash at our weakest point, the Federal Metropolis. If Jeff. Davis and Beauregard are not on the Poto¬ mac within sixty days, their rebellion will stand ex¬ posed a miserable failure. They must back their allies in North Carolina and Virginia by a prompt display of force and daring, to which end all their energies must first be directed. We do not believe they will even stop to reduce Fort Pickens if it should be so held as to compel them to besiege it in form. They cannot wait; we can; and they will show that they cannot, by a speedy advance on Washington, unless they shall despair of success, and desist from serious effort altogether. It is cheering then, to know that Washington will be defended by ten thousand men before the close of thi3 week, and that the number will be doubled the next, and quadrupled the week after. That will be enough until we have tidings that Vir¬ ginia has seceded and Jeff. Davis is this side of the Roanoke: thenceforth the number of volunteers pouring into Washington for its defence, will be limited only by the ability of the Northern and Western railroads to convey them. Wo have a civil war on our hands — there is no use in looking away from the fact. For this year, the chief business of the American people must be proving that they have a Government, and that Freedom is not another name for Anarchy. Hun¬ dreds of thousands must be temporarily drawn away from peaceful and productive avocations until this point is settled — drawn away just at the time when labor is w'anted to sow and plant for the en¬ suing harvest. But those who will be left behind must work the harder and plant the more, since years of wTar are usually years of dear bread. Farm¬ ers! employ all the help you can pay, and put in all the crops for which you can seasonably and thoroughly prepare the ground, for a season of scarcity is probably at hand. Let each do his best toward preparing for it. — A Y. Tribune, April 17. A despatch from Washington says that the Presi¬ dent will to-day issue a proclamation, calling upon the loyal States for seventy-five thousand militia to aid the General Government in enforcing the laws and recapturing the forts and other public property seized by the revolutionists. We have no doubt the call will be responded to with a good deal of alacrity. We doubt, however, whether as many men will be as willing to enlist in the army as are anxious to hold office under the Government. — Buffalo Courier. Of all the wars which have disgraced the human race, it has been reserved for our own enlightened nation to be involved in the most useless and foolish one. What advantage can possibly accrue to any one from this war, however prolonged it might be ? Does any man suppose that millions of free white Americans in the Southern States, who will soon be arrayed against us, can be conquered by any efforts which can bo brought against them ? Brave men, fighting on their own soil, and as they believe, for their freedom and dearest rights, can never be sub¬ jugated. The war may be prolonged until we are ourselves exhausted, and become an easy prey to 68 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. military despotism or equally fatal anarchy ; but we can never conquer the South. Admit, if you please, that they are rebels and traitors ; they are beyond our reach. Why should we destroy ourselves in in- jui’ing them? Who are to fight the battles of sectional hatred in this sad strife? The Seceders will fight ; but will the Abolitionists, who have combined with them to overthrow the Union, make themselves food for powder ? If this could be so ; if ten thousand picked fire-eaters of either side could be arrayed against each other, and would fight, until, like the Kilkenny cats, all were destroyed, the country would be the better for it. But while the Seces¬ sionist defends himself, the Abolitionist will sneak in the back ground, leaving those to do the fight¬ ing who have no interest in the bloody strife, no hatred against their brethren. The best we can hope is, that, at the end of a fearful struggle, when the country becomes tired of gratifying the spirit of fanaticism, we shall have a peace, through a treaty in which both sides must make sacrifices, but each must agree to respect the rights of the other. How much better to make such a treaty now, before fur¬ ther blood is shed, before worse hatreds are en¬ gendered. — Utica (N.Y.) Observer. To-day come the tidings that the President has made a call upon the Governors of the several States for seventy-five thousand men, and intimates that if more are offered they will be accepted. Prominent men at Washington are leaving for their respective States, to aid in the organization of the troops. In ten days Lincoln will probably have two hundred thousand volunteers at his disposal. With this force he will be enabled to prosecute the John Brown schemes of his party for a time with vigor, and perhaps with success. — Patterson ( N '. J.) Reporter. Seventy-five thousand men have been called for, and the War Department will make known the de¬ tails of the service to the State authorities. We have no doubt that the demands of the Federal Executive will be responded to by the States on which they may be made. It is the imperative duty of all good citizens to desire to see the laws obeyed and all the constitutional obligations of the States fulfilled. None but those who invoke a “ higher law,” as the rule and guide of their actions, will hesitate to do what the Constitution and the laws require them to do. Nevertheless , it is to be ex¬ pected that there will be but little cheerfulness mani¬ fested in the obedience to a call which is intended to array in arms citizens of States connected by such numerous ties as have so recently bound together the people of this dissevered Confederacy. Painful as has been the suspense in which the President’s dubious and vacillating course has held the public mind, it is much more so to find the last lingering hope of peace dispelled by this sudden call to arms under circumstances so embarrassing and humili¬ ating. — Trenton (N. J.) True American. We earnestly pray that the war may be averted. If the Border States, upon the action of which the whole question hinges, determine to remain in the Union, we cannot doubt that they will require a pacific policy to be pursued. If they join the al¬ ready seceded States, then, as the point to be de¬ termined will be whether upon a mere sectional issue the North will fight with the South, the whole question will be presented in a new aspect, and we cannot but believe that cool reflection will then also demonstrate the necessity of a pacific policy. We leave the question at present for the develop¬ ment of future events. — Boston Courier. Democrats of Maine ! The loyal sons of the South have gathered around Charleston as your fathers of old gathered about Boston in defence of the same sacred principles of liberty — principles which you have ever upheld and defended with your vote, your voice, and your strong right arm. Your sympathies are with the defenders of the truth and the right. Those who have inaugurated this unholy and unjustifiable war are no friends of yours, no friends of Democratic Liberty. Will you aid them in their work of subjugation and tyranny ? When the Government at Washington calls for volunteers or recruits to carry' on theVork of sub¬ jugation and tyranny under the specious phrase of “enforcing the laws,” “ retaking and protecting the public property ” and “ collecting the revenue,” let every Democrat fold his arms and bid the minions of tory despotism do a tory despot’s work. Say to them fearlessly and boldly, in the language of England’s great Lord, the Earl of Chatham, whose bold words in behalf of the struggling Colonies of America, in the dark hours of the Revolution, have enshrined his name in the heart of every friend of freedom and immortalized his fame Wherever the name of liberty is known — say in his thrilling lan¬ guage: “If I were a Southerner, as I am a North¬ erner, while a foreign troop was landed in my coun¬ try, I would never lay down my arms — never, never , never ! ” — Bangor (Jfe.) Union. The President has issued his proclamation call¬ ing Congress to meet on the 4th of July. Also calling for ’75,000 volunteers to aid in carrying on a conflict with the South. The news already re¬ ceived from the Border States indicates that they will leave the Union, and that the war will be be¬ tween nineteen free and fifteen slave States. Could this war policy possibly save the Union and promote the welfare of the people, we could look upon it with more complacency. But as it must inevitably more completely divide the Union and injure the interests of the whole country, we be¬ lieve it to be an unwise and unsafe policy. To march soldiers into the Southern country to con¬ tend with armies and yellow fever — and to end in no good, but much evil, does not seem to be a dis¬ creet or a righteous policy. A bloody conflict may be continued with the South for weeks, for months, or for years. At its close a compromise must be made no more favor¬ able to the North than wTas the Crittenden com¬ promise. But the evils of the unnecessary strife will continue into the long years of the future, and be felt by millions. No good whatever can come out of the shocking conflict. War has been commenced. Its origin is the negro agitation. Let the friends of the agitation point out the spot where a slave has been benefited if they can. Great evils have come. Where are the benefits ? — Hartford ( Ct .) Times. President Lincoln has called an extra session of Congress, to meet on the 4th of July, and the meas- DOCUMENTS. 69 lire will undoubtedly receive the approval of the people in all the loyal States. We dislike to believe that the sole wish of the President is to be supplied with the means of pros¬ ecuting a war against the South, and that Con¬ gress will be asked to do nothing more than pass force bills and raise money for their execution. A war based upon a spirit of revenge, or a dis¬ position to subjugate the States now assuming an attitude of rebellion, will not long be tolerated by the people. If we have no nobler purposes than to gratify our passions , we shall soon witness a sudden and overwhelming reaction all over the North, and the Governments of Europe will interfere to bring our quarrels to a close. We must not long embarrass the commerce of the country. England looks to the South for cot¬ ton, and will not, for any length of time, permit the blockading of Southern ports. The refusal of the Black Republican leaders to yield any thing of their contemptible party creed has weakened, and is still weakening the Govern¬ ment. The Border States would have been as lirmly bound to the Union as Rhode Island herself, if Congress had adopted Crittenden’s resolutions, or even the proposition of the Peace Conference at its recent session. In the free States there is a population of nearly 20,000,000 of souls. In the seven Confederate States there are less than 3,000,000 of white in¬ habitants. Even if all the Border Slave States should be against us, the difference in point of num¬ bers would be as two to one. Under these circum¬ stances the Christian world looks to us for a mag¬ nanimous, not to say generous policy. We must be liberal toward the South, in all things, where liberality can be deemed a virtue, or wre shall be¬ come a hissing and by-word in every civilized community. Starting with these reflections, which seem to us true and appropriate, what shall we say of the duty of Congress ? Is it not to make such offers to the revolted States as will give reasonable men there assurances of their safety in the Union’s keeping ? Is it not to do what alone can allay the fears of those thousands who are now ready to fight against us, because dreading their own subjugation and degradation? Is it not to remove, so far as it is in our power, the apprehensions of good men that we mean to wage a sectional warfare which shall end only in the overthrow of their institutions ? Is it not to satisfy the world, by generous acts, that we still love forbearance and peace ; that we do not willingly array brother against brother. We say, let Congress, on the first day of the ses¬ sion, put the Government right , and put the North right , on the questions which have led to this quar¬ rel. Deny it who may, we began this controversy. We began this interference with State rights. We have been for thirty years the aggressors. We have produced, by our own wilfulness and bigotry, by our exhibitions of hatred and affected superiority, the very state of things from which the country is now suffer¬ ing. Let Congress turn the tide which is now set¬ ting against us in the minds of thinking men. Let a fair, reasonable, liberal, honorable compromise be offered at once, and let the offer be kept before the South until the controversy is brought to an end. — Providence Daily Post. Men of all parties, possessing intelligence, pa- Doccsients — 5 triotism and independence of character, have been adverse to the political expediency of any attempt to reinforce Sumter; and when the proposition was made to abandon that fortification, upon the urgent request of General Scott, the measure was hailed with joy as a peace-offering. We have never attempted to justify the Secessionists, any more than we have attempted to vindicate the clamors of Black Republicanism ; but we have sim¬ ply disapproved of a line of policy on the part of the administration of President Lincoln, which, if carried out, must entail upon our country all the horrors of a civil war. We did not believe such a policy would restore that Union, but expressed our opinion that it would forever defeat its recon¬ struction. Seriously impressed with the belief that our opinions upon these subjects were the reflec¬ tion of the sentiments of the people of the country, we have given utterance to them. But for so doing we have received from Republican officials and oth¬ ers in this community coarse abuse and defamation. Events have demonstrated how well founded were our opinions. The attempt has been made at pro¬ visioning Sumter, and what is the result ? Fort Sumter is captured by the Southern Confederacy — the Administration is defeated in the first onset. The Southern Confederacy has the prestige of vic¬ tory. Has this defeat demonstrated that we have a Government? On the contrary, it has clearly de¬ monstrated that fanaticism and imbecility rule at Washington. Overriding and disregarding the counsels of Gen. Scott, the Administration first de¬ clares for war, and then, when told by Gen. Scott that Sumter could not be relieved with a less force than 20,000 men, sends forth an armada of four or five vessels, and less than one-fourth of the number of men required to insure success. In disregarding the advice of Gen. Scott, President Lincoln has en¬ tailed upon the country the disgrace of a defeat in the first onset. But the past is past, and cannot be recalled. As a choice between two evils, we would have pre¬ ferred separation to civil war. The “ powers that be” have chosen the latter alternative, and the destinies and honor of our country are in the hands of a weak and imbecile man, the tool of a party which has, ever since its organization, been arrayed in hostility to the Constitution and to the perpetuity of the Union. As it is, Abolition fanaticism bids fair to involve our whole country in the horrors of a civil war — a war in which brother must meet brother in the deadly conflict. Wrhile we will stand by the honor and integrity of our political institu¬ tions and civil authorities to the fullest extent re¬ quired of loyal citizens, we do not feel to rejoice at the dark clouds which seem to be settling over our country. We will leave to Abolition fanatics the pleasure of rejoicing over the downfall of the Union, and the substitution of the evils of war for the pur¬ suits of peace. — Auburn Democrat. Doc. 58.— PROCLAMATION BY THE MAYOR. Mayor’s Office, New York, April 15, 1861. To tiie People of the City of New York: As Chief Magistrate, representing the whole people, I feel compelled at this crisis to call upon them to avoid excitement and turbulence. What¬ ever may be or may have been individual positions 70 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. (w opinions on questions of public policy, let us remember that our country now trembles upon the brink of a precipice, and that it requires a patriotic and honest effort to prevent its final destruction. Let us ignore the past, rising superior to partisan considerations, and rally to the restoration of the Constitution and the Union as they existed in the days and in the spirit of our fathers. Whether this is to be accomplished by fratricidal warfare or by concession, conciliation and sacrifice, men may dif¬ fer, but all will admit that here at least harmony and peace should prevail. Thus may we, under the. guidance of Divine Providence, set an example of peace and good will throughout our extended coun¬ try. In this spirit and with this view, I call upon the people of New York, irrespective of all other considerations or prejudices, to unite in obedience to the laws, in support of the public peace, in the preservation of order and in the protection of prop¬ erty. Fernando Wood, Mayor. — Tribune , April 10. Doc. 50.— GOV. LETCHER’S PROCLAMATION. Whereas seven of the States, formerly composing a part of the United States, have, by authority of their people, solemnly resumed the powers granted by them to the United States, and have framed a Constitution and organized a Government for them¬ selves, to which the people of those States are yield¬ ing willing obedience, and have so notified the Pres¬ ident of the United States by all the formalities inci¬ dent to such action, and thereby become to the United States a separate, independent and foreign power ; And whereas the Constitution of the United States has invested Congress with the sole power to “ declare war,” and until such declaration is made, the President has no authority to call for an extraordinary force to wage offensive war against any foreign power; and whereas, on the loth inst., the President of the United States, in plain violation of the Constitution, issued a procla¬ mation calling for a force of seventy-five thousand men, to cause the laws of the United States to be duly executed over a people who are no longer a part of the Union, and in said proclamation threat¬ ens to exert this unusual force to compel obedience to his mandates ; And whereas the General As¬ sembly of Virginia, by a majority approaching to entire unanimity, declared at its last session, that the State of Virginia would consider such exertion of force as a virtual declaration of war, to be resist¬ ed by all the power at the command of Virginia ; and subsequently, the convention now in session, representing the sovereignty of this State, has re¬ affirmed in substance the same policy, with equal unanimity ; And whereas the State of Virginia deeply sympathizes with the Southern States, in the wrongs they have suffered, and in the position they have assumed ; and having made earnest efforts peaceably to compose the differences which have severed the Union, and having failed in that attempt, through this unwarranted act on the part of the President ; and it is believed that the influences which operate to produce this proclamation against the seceded States will be brought to bear upon this commonwealth, if she should exercise her undoubt¬ ed right to resume the powers granted by her peo¬ ple, and it is due to the honor of Virginia that an improper exercise of force against her people should be repelled; Therefore, I, John Letcher, Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, have thought proper to order all armed volunteer regi¬ ments or companies within this State forthwith to hold themselves in readiness for immediate orders, and upon the reception of this proclamation to re¬ port to the adjutant-general of the State their or¬ ganization and numbers, and prepare themselves for efficient service. Such companies as are not armed and equipped will report that fact, that they may be properly supplied. , — , In witness whereof, I have hereunto set •] L. S. [■ my hand and caused the seal of the com- ' ' monwealth to be affixed, this 1*7 th day of April, 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the com¬ monwealth. John Letcher. — The World. Doc. 60.— VIRGINIA’S ORDINANCE OF SECES¬ SION. The following is the “ ordinance to repeal the ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America, by the State of Virginia, and to resume all the rights and powers granted under said con¬ stitution,” which passed the State Convention on the 17 th of April, 1861 : The people of Virginia, in the ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America, adopted by them in convention, on the 25th day o June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, having declared that the powers granted under the said constitution were derived from the people of the United States, and might be resumed whensoever the same should be perverted to their injury and oppression, and the Federal Government having perverted said powers, not only to the injury of the people of Virginia, but to the oppression of the Southern slaveholding States ; Now, therefore, we, the people of Virginia, do de¬ clare and ordain, that the ordinance adopted by the people of this State in convention on the twenty- fifth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and all acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying or adopting amendments to said constitution, are hereby repealed and abrogated ; that the Union between the State of Virginia and the other States under the constitution aforesaid is hereby dissolved, and that the State of Virginia is in the full possession and exercise of all the rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and independent State. And they do further de¬ clare that said Constitution of the United States of America is no longer binding on any of the citizens of this State. This ordinance shall take effect and be an act of this day, when ratified by a majority of the votes of the people of this State, cast at a poll to be taken thereon, on the fourth Thursday in May next, in pursuance of a schedule hereafter to be enacted. Done in convention in the city of Richmond, on the seventeenth day of April, in the year of our Lord, one thousand" eight hundred and sixty-one, and in the eighty-fifth year of the Commonwealth of Virginia. A true copy, Jno. L. Eubank, Secretary of Convention. DOCUMENTS. 71 SECKSSION OF VIRGINIA. The announcement that the Convention of Vir¬ ginia had passed an Ordinance of Secession, was received with the most universal and profound satisfaction. There are no longer in Virginia two parties. The Union men and the Secessionists are arrayed in a solid band of brotherhood under the flag of Virginia. The only rivalry is which shall do and suffer most in defence of our common honor against the monstrous despotism at Washington. Lincoln’s Proclamation has accomplished the union of all parties in Virginia and the South. The Ordi¬ nance of Secession is the answer of the Convention to that Proclamation, and the action of the Conven¬ tion is but the echo of the people’s wilL The old Union, for which our fathers fought and bled, has been wilfully sacrificed by a Black Republican despot, and he now seeks to wrench from us our Liberty and Independence. Virginia, which led the van in the war of ’76, now meets him on the threshold. She has been slow to act, but she will be slower still to retrace her steps. The Union has lost its brightest planet, but it will henceforth beam as a star of the first magnitude in the purer, bright¬ er, and grander constellation of the Southern Cross. — Richmond Dispatch. Doc. 61.— PROCLAMATION BY JEFFERSON DAVIS. Whereas , Abraham Lincoln, the President of the United States has, by proclamation, announced the intention of invading this Confederacy with an armed force, for the purpose of capturing its for¬ tresses, and thereby subverting its independence, and subjecting the free people thereof to the domin¬ ion of a foreign power ; and whereas it has thus be¬ come the duty of this Government to repel the threatened invasion, and to defend the rights and liberties of the people by all the means which the laws of nations and the usages of civilized warfare place at its disposal ; Now, therefore, I, JEFFERSON DAVIS, Presi¬ dent of the Confederate States of America, do issue this my Proclamation, inviting all those who may desire, by service in private armed vessels on the high seas, to aid this Government in resisting so wautou and wicked an aggression, to make ap¬ plication for commissions or Letters of Marque and Reprisal, to be issued under the Seal of these Con¬ federate States. And I do further notify all persons applying for Letters of Marque, to make a statement in writing, giving the name and a suitable description of the character, tonnage, and force of the vessel, and the name and place of residence of each owner concern¬ ed therein, and the intended number of the crew, and to sign said statement and deliver the same to the Secretary of State, or to the Collector of any port of entry of these Confederate States, to bo by him transmitted to the Secretary of State. And I do further notify all applicants aforesaid that before any commission or Letter of Marque is issued to any vessel, the owner or owners thereof, and the commander for the time being, will be re¬ quired to give bond to the Confederate States, with at least two responsible sureties, not interested in such vessel, in the penal sum of five thousand dol¬ lars; or if such vessel be provided with more than one hundred and fifty men, then in the penal sum of ten thousand dollars, with condition that the owners, officers, and crew who shall be employed on board such commissioned vessel, shall observe the laws of these Confederate States and the in¬ structions given to them for the regulation of their conduct. That they shall satisfy all damages done contrary to the tenor thereof by such vessel during her commission, and deliver up the same when re¬ voked by the President of the Confederate States. And I do further specially enjoin on all persons holding offices, civil and military, under the author¬ ity of the Confederate States, that they be vigilant and zea-lous in discharging the duties incident there¬ to ; and I do, moreover, solemnly exhort the good people of these Confederate States, as they love their country, as they prize the blessings of free government, as they feel the wrongs of the past and these now threatened in aggravated form by those whose enmity is more implacable because un¬ provoked, that they exert themselves in preserving order, in promoting concord, in maintaining the au¬ thority and efficacy of the laws, and in supporting and invigorating all the measures which may be adopted for the common defence, and by which, under the blessings of Divine Providence, we may hope for a speedy, just, and honorable peace. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the Seal of the Confederate States to be affixed, this seventeenth day of April, 1861. By the President, (Signed) JEFFERSON DAYIS. R. Toombs, Secretary of State. The Charleston Mercury of the 19th April, in re¬ ferring to this proclamation, says : “ To avoid any misunderstanding and prevent comment arising from the supposition that the President intends to assume the authority and responsibility of issuing these him¬ self, without the action of Congress, we would say that the proclamation is merely a preparatory indi¬ cation of what he intends to recommend to Con¬ gress, and what we have no doubt Congress will do and ought to do, in the event that war becomes in¬ evitable. The secession of Virginia and the frontier Southern States may command the peace even from the silly fanatics who at present rule Washington. The South does not want war. We stand on the defensive. But if the Northern Government choose to have war, they can and will have it, they may rest assured.” Doc. 61V— ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF TENNESSEE. In the perilous times upon which our country is thrown, we trust it will not be deemed presump¬ tuous or improper in us to express to our fellow- citizens our united opinion as to the duty of the State in this dire emergency. We are threatened with a civil war, the dread¬ ful consequences of which, if once fully inaugu¬ rated, no language can depict. In view of such consequences we deem it the duty of every good citizen to exert his utmost powers to avert the calamities of such a war. The agitation of the slavery question, combined with party spirit and sectional animosity, has at length produced the legitimate fruit. The present is no time to dis¬ cuss the events of the past. The awful presence REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. 72 is upon us, and the portentous future is. hanging over us. There has been a collision, as is known to you, at Fort Sumter, between the forces of the seceded States and those of the National Govern¬ ment, which resulted in the capture of the fort by the army of the Confederate States. In view of this event and of other acts growing out of the secession of seven of the Southern States, the President has issued his proclamation calling out the militia of the States of the Union to suppress what the Proclamation designates a “ combination too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the Marshals by law.” Tennessee is called upon by the President to furnish two regiments, and the State has, through her Executive, refused to comply with the call. This refusal of our State, we fully approve. We commend the wisdom, the justice, and the hu¬ manity of 'the refusal. We unqualifiedly disap¬ prove of secession, both as a constitutional right and as a remedy for existing evils; we equally condemn the policy of the Administration in refer¬ ence to the seceded States. But while we, with¬ out qualification, condemn the policy of coercion as calculated to dissolve the Union forever and to dissolve it in the blood of our fellow-citizens, and regard it as sufficient to justify the State in refus¬ ing her aid to the Government, in its attempt to suppress the revolution in the seceded States, we do not think it her duty, considering her position in the Union, and in view of the great question of the peace of our distracted country, to take sides against the Government. Tennesse has wronged no State or citizen of this Union. She has violated the rights of no State, north or south. She has been loyal to all where loyalty was due. She has not brought on this war by any act of hers. She has tried every means in her power to prevent it. She now stands ready to do any thing within her reach to stop it. And she ought, as we think, to decline joining either party. For in so doing, they would at once ter¬ minate her grand mission of peace maker be¬ tween the States of the South and the General Government. Nay, more ; the almost inevitable result would be the transfer of the war within her own borders — the defeat of all hopes of reconcilia¬ tion, and the deluging of the State with the blood of her own people. The present duty of Tennessee, is to maintain a position of independence — taking sides with the Union and the peace of the country against all as¬ sailants, whether from the North or South. Her position should be to maintain the sanctity of her soil, from the hostile tread of any party. We do not pretend to foretell the future of Ten¬ nessee, in connection with the other States, or in reference to the Federal Government. We do not pretend to be able to tell the future purposes of the President and Cabinet in reference to the impending war. But should a purpose be devel¬ oped by the Government of overrunning and subjugating our brethren of the seceded States, we say unequivocally, that it will be the duty of the State to resist at all hazards, at any cost, and by arms , any such purpose or attempt. And to meet any and all emergencies, she ought to be fully armed, and we would respectfully call upon the authorities of the State to proceed at once to the accomplishment of this object. Let Tennessee, then, prepare thoroughly and efficiently for coming events. In the meantime, let her, as speedily as she can, hold a Conference with her sister slaveholding States yet in the Union, for the purpose of devising plans for the preservation of the peace of the land. Fellow- citizens of Tennessee, we entreat you to bring yourselves up to the magnitude of the crisis. Look in the face impending calamities. Civil war — wrhat is it? The bloodiest and darkest pages of history answer this question. To avert this, who would not give Iris time, his talents, his un¬ tiring energy — his all? There may be yet time to accomplish every thing. Let us not despair. The Border Slave States may prevent this civil war ; and why shall they not do it? Neil S. Brown, Russell Houston, E. H. Ewing, C. Johnson, John Bell, R. J. Meigs, Nashville, April 18, 1861. S. D. Morgan, John S. Brien, Andrew Ewing, JonN II. Callender, Bailie Peyton. — Louisville Journal. Doc. 62.— LIEUT. JONES’ OFFICIAL REPORT. Carlisle Barracks, Pa., April 20, 1861. The Assistant Adjutant- General, Head-quarters Army , Washington , JD. C. : Sir: Immediately after finishing my despatch of the night of the 18th inst., I received positive and reliable information that 2,500 or 3,000 State troops would reach Harper’s Ferry in two hours, from Win¬ chester, and that the troops from Halltown, in¬ creased to 300, were advancing, and even at that time — a few minutes after 10 o’clock — within 20 minutes’ march of the Ferry. Under these circum¬ stances, I decided the time had arrived to carry out my determination, as expressed in the despatch .above referred to, and accordingly gave the order to apply the torch. In three minutes, or less, both of the Arsenal buildings, containing nearly 15,000 stand of arms, together with the carpenters’ shop, which was at the upper end of a long and connected series of workshops of the Armory proper, wrere in a complete blaze. There is every reason for believing the destruction was complete. After firing the buildings, I withdrew my com¬ mand, marching all night, and arrived here at 2-J- P. M. yesterday, where I shall await orders. Four men were missing on leaving the Armory, and two deserted during the night. I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient serv’t, R. JONES, First Lieut. R. M. Rifles, Commanding Dept. Rect. Doc. 63.— MEETING AT LOUISVILLE, KY. mr. Guthrie’s speech. The Hon. James Guthrie rose amid tremendous cheering. He said : Fellow-citizens, my voice is not very strong, and I fear it cannot be heard all over this great assemblage, but I will try to make it heard. Events press upon us with haste, and we scarcely knowr what is to come next. When Mr. Lincoln was elected President we all felt that the Documents. 78 remedy for a sectional President was in the Union and under the Constitution. We knew we had a Senate against him, and hoped that we had the House against him; and there would have been if all men had stood at their posts as Kentucky has stood. But certain States chose to take the remedy into their own hands, and dissolve their connexion with the Union; South Carolina first, and then seven other States followed. They have organized a separate Government, and one exercising govern¬ mental authority. Louisville spoke early, decid¬ edly, and firmly against a sectional party in the Union, and under the Constitution. We had a Legislatui'o called ; we have had a Peace Confer¬ ence at Washington, and both failed ; the result of the deliberations of both Houses of Congress failed to find a remedy for secession. The Peace Confer¬ ence at Washington was equally unsuccessful in solving this dangerous question. Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated. He gave us his inaugural. It was construed as an inaugural of peace and as an inau¬ gural of war. His chosen friends did not know how to take it, and his opponents were divided as to its meaning. I suspected it ; for, like the serpent, it spoke with a forked tongue ! [Cheers.] Then the troops were to be withdrawn from Fort Sumter, and then not, but were to be furnished with supplies only. Now, in the action of the Southern Confed¬ eracy and that of Mr. Lincoln, the friends of both parties find excuses for them ; but when it was the peace of the country, and the saving it from war and bloodshed, then there should have been no in¬ terference of etiquette to prevent such a dreadful calamity. Kentucky spoke as her statesmen have always spoken, of conciliation, peace, harmony, and a final settlement. But war lias been inaugurated ; Fort Sumter has fallen. The President has issued a proclamation calling for 75,000 men; but he has not told us what he was going to do with them ! Is ho going to retake Fort Sumter? Is he going to de¬ fend Fort Pickens ? If so, why does he congregate them at Washington? I was at Washington when Lincoln came, and it was like a beleaguered city. We heard sounds of martial music, the tramp of armed men, and the roll of artillery ! And now Lincoln wants 75,000 men, where every other President has lived like an American citizen, as we have lived, and walked, in perfect security among his fellow-citizens. We learn from the telegraph that State after State is tendering men and money. Is the party now in possession of the Government going to conquer the seven seceding States, and hold them as subjugated provinces? If they are, Lincoln should, like an honest man, have told us in his inaugural, and some say he is an honest man. In all these tree States sending men and money, we hear no voice of peace, and after his legions have drowned the South in carnage, is there to bo no peace ? What is the end of all wars — peace ! No free people were ever conquered until they were exterminated. Why shall not the people of Amer¬ ica have peace before, rather than after war, when its desolating influence has blighted the land ? I want Kentucky to take her stand for peace — - [Cheers,] — and appeal to that still small voice in the North crying for peace. There are religious men from habit, education and from profession, whose hearts, when Kentucky calls for peace, will be reached, and whose voice will reach the powers that be, and we will have peace. What a spectacle we present ! A people that have prospered beyond example in the records of time ; free and self-govern¬ ed, without oppression, without taxation to be felt, are now going to cut each other’s throats ; and why ? Because Presidents Lincoln and Davis couldn’t settle the etiquette upon which the troops were to be withdrawn from Fort Sumter. Kentucky is a State in this matter, on the border of the Ohio, with six or seven hundred miles of coast bordering upon Ohio, Indiana and Illinois — States with whom we have ever lived in peace and good fellowship. We have no quarrel with them, and they must have none with us. We have asked the South to stay their hands, for we had a great stake in this Govern¬ ment, and they have not. We plead with Lincoln for peace, and have not been hearkened to. Shall we be hearkened to in the din of arms? There will be a time when Kentucky’s voice, if she stands firm on her own soil, fighting with neither section — will be heard by millions of people of the free States, who will hearken to us and say: “Why should there be strife between us and you?” I have al¬ ways counselled against inconsiderate measures. We are not situated to meet even our borderfriends in arms. How long would it take to make the northern bank of the Ohio bristle with men and bayonets and cannon hostile to us ? Let us stand boldly and fearlessly, as is characteristic of Ken¬ tuckians, and cry peace! Hold fast to that we know to be good, and let these men who want to make the experiment of secession go as individual amateurs and find congenial spirits for their work. [Cheers.] I will leave to other gentlemen to dilate upon all those subjects. We have men who want us out at once. Does not that inaugurate war? Does not that begin to create men of the Northern border into foes ? Keep up your relations of trade and commerce and good fellowship ; stand firm by the cause and heed the counsels of men who have ever counselled peace and harmony and attendant prosperity. This thing of breaking the links of a Government under which we have prospered, is a hard thing to do. It prostrates the labor of the husbandman as it has prostrated the business of merchants. IIow much better will the business be if war is inaugurated ? I tell you that you need not believe the telegraphic reports. I know the hearts and sentiments and feelings that will come forth and battle in the free States for us ! If the North comes to ravage our land, we will meet them as Kentuckians always meet their foes. We will meet them as Kentuckians should meet them, so long as there is a tree for a fortification, or a foot of land for a freeman to stand upon. [Applause.] I am for holding fast to that she knows to be good, and for her standing firm for right, and for abiding events as heroes should do. Why should a man be scared by the first danger and fly into still greater peril? You were startled at the reports from Cincinnati ; last evening Louisville was ex¬ cited ; to-day you are reconciled, for there was nothing in the reports. You will hear of great battles, but you will often hear of great battles that wTere never fought. Now, I don’t believe that the overruling Providence that was with us through the Revolution, in the councils of the framers of this Government, and has been with us ever since, has deserted us, and I hope He has chosen Kentucky to be the great mediator for the restoration of peace and the preservation of our country. The Hon. Nat. Wolfe, from the Committee on Resolutions, reported the following preamble and 74 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. resolutions, which were adopted with hardly a dis¬ senting voice : Events of commanding importance to the future safety and honor of Kentucky have occurred which call for action on the part of her citizens ; and every consideration of self-interest, and every dic¬ tate of wisdom and patriotism must prompt our State to maintain most resolutely her position of loyalty. Situated on the border of the Slave States, with 700 miles of territory exposed to the hostile attack, should the Union be divided into two sepa¬ rate sovereignties, and with but one million of popu¬ lation to oppose the four or five millions of the States contiguous to her, which might become un¬ friendly, Kentucky owes it to herself to exercise a wise precaution before she precipitates any course of action which may involve her in an internecine war. She has no reason to distrust the present kindly feelings of the people who reside on the north bank of the Ohio River, long her friendly neighbors, and connected by a thousand ties of con¬ sanguinity ; but she must realize the fact that if Kentucky separates from the federal Union and assumes her sovereign powers as an independent State, that Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, remaining loyal to the Federal Union, must become her politi¬ cal antagonists. If Kentucky deserts the Stars and Stripes, and those States adhere to the flag of the Union, it seems impossible to imagine a continuance of our old friendly relations when constantly-recur¬ ring causes of irritation could not be avoided. It is from no fear that Kentucky would not always prove herself equal to the exigencies of any new position she might see proper to assume, and from no distrust of the bravery of her sons, that these suggestions are made ; but as, “ when in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one peo¬ ple to dissolve the political bands which have con¬ nected them with another, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should de¬ clare the causes which impel them to the separation,” so an equal necessity exists that we should not dis¬ solve those bands with our friends and neighbors without calling to our aid every suggestion of pru¬ dence, and exhausting every effort to reconcile difficulties, before taking steps which cannot be retraced, and may lead to exasperation, collisions, and eventual war ; therefore be it Resolved , 1. That, as the Confederate States have, by overt acts, commenced war against the United States, without consultation with Kentucky and their sister Southern States, Kentucky reserves to herself the right to choose her own position, and that while her natural sympathies are with those who have a common interest in the protection of Slavery, she still acknowledges her loyalty and fealty to the Government of the United States, which she will cheerfully render until that Government becomes aggressive, tyrannical, and regardless of our rights in slave property. 2. That the National Government should be tried by its acts, and that the several States, as its peers in their appropriate spheres, will hold it to a rigid accountability, and require that its acts should be fraternal in their efforts to bring back the seceding States, and not sanguinary or coercive. 3. That, as we oppose the call of the President for volunteers for the purpose of coercing the se¬ ceding States, so we oppose the raising of troops in this State to cooperate with the Southern Con¬ federacy, when the acknowledged intention of the latter is to march upon the City of Washington and capture the Capitol, and when, in its march thither, it must pass through States which have not yet re¬ nounced their allegiance to the Union. 4. That secession is a remedy for no evil, real or imaginary, but an aggravation and complication of existing difficulties. 5. That the memories of the past, the interests of the present, and the solemn convictions of fu¬ ture duty and usefulness in the hope of mediation, prevent Kentucky from taking part with the se¬ ceding States against the General Government. 6. That “ the present duty of Kentucky is to maintain her present independent position, taking sides not with the Administration, nor with the se¬ ceding States, but with the Union against them both, declaring her soil to be sacred from the hos¬ tile tread of either, and if necessary, to make the declaration good with her strong right arm.” 7. That to the end Kentucky may be prepared for any contingency, “we would have her arm her¬ self thoroughly at the earliest practicable moment,” by regular legal action. 8. That we look to the young men of the Ken¬ tucky State guard, as the bulwarks of the safety of our Commonwealth, and that we conjure them to remember that they are pledged equally to fidelity to the United States and Kentucky. 9. That the Union and the Constitution, being mainly the work of Southern soldiers and states¬ men, in our opinion furnish a surer guaranty for “ Southern Rights ” than can be found under any other system of government yet devised by men. The Hon. Archie Dixon then spoke as follows : MR. DIXON’S SPEECH. Turning to the flag which graced the stand, he said : Fellow-Citizens : Whose flag is that which waves over us ? To whom does it belong ? Is it not yours, is it not our own Stars and Stripes, and do we mean ever to abandon it ? That flag has ever waved over Kentucky soil with honor and glory. It is our flag — it is my flag — it is Kentucky’s flag! When that flag is trailed in the dust and destroyed, I pray Heaven that the earth may be destroyed with it, for I do not wish, and I trust I shall never look upon its dishonor. It is our flag — ours while we have a country and a Government. I shall never surrender that flag. I have loved it from boyhood, and have watched it everywhere, and imagine it in this dark hour still waving amid the gloom, and feel that its stars will still shine forth in the smoke of battle, and lead our country back to honor and glory! Why is our country so stricken down, and why is our glory shaded in gloom — our Constitu¬ tion and Government destroyed ? What cause has brought about all this difference between the North and the South? Some say it was the Territories. Some say the Government wars on the South ; that Mr. Lincoln was elected as a sectional candidate, and on a principle of hostility to an institution of the South. It is true. But has the Government ever warred on the South? This contest should be with Mr. Lincoln, and not with that flag — with the Union! It is Lincoln and his party who arc the enemies of tho country — they are the foes of the Constitution. [Cheers.] It is that party of the North whose purpose is to sever the States. It is with them that we should war, and not with the Government — the Union under which we have been DOCUMENTS. 75 so prosperous. Look to the history of the country and tell me, has the Government ever made war on the South ? I boldly affirm it that the amendment to the Constitution, which affects Southern interests, has been made at the instance of Southern men. Was not the act of 1850 enacted at the instance of Southern men, and was it not framed and advocated by our own immortal statesman — Kentucky’s noble and gallant Clay? The principle upon which all our Territories have been organized holds that people who owned slaves might take them there, and the Territories could be admitted as Slave States. Those acts thus providing are still in force. The South asked for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and it was done. What next? Even since the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, his party has given sanction to three new Territories under the same existing laws. All have the right to take their slaves there. What, then, is the cause of our difficulty? Look at it clearly. Is it the tariff? Was it not made as the South wanted it, and was it not South Carolina who changed it? Did not the General Government change the then existing value of silver and gold for the benefit of the South? We were told the other day that if Lincoln was elected his intention was to destroy Slavery. Did he not declare that the Fugitive Slave law should be enforced? How has it been done? Were not five slaves only lately taken from Chicago and de¬ livered to their owners? He declares he will en¬ force the laws, and not interfere with Slavery. Then why this war? I will tell you why. Because Mr. Lincoln has been elected President of the coun¬ try, and Mr. Davis could not be, and therefore a Southern Confederacy was to be formed by South¬ ern demagogues, and now they are attempting to drag you on with them. That is the plain state of the case. Demagogues at the North and dema¬ gogues at the South have divided the country; they would strike the dagger to the hearts of their brothers; they inaugurated the civil war now raging, and wish to drag you on with them. I say, for my part, I am not to be forced. I will not be driven to desert my country and my country’s flag, nor turn to strike my dagger at her heart, but ever stand forward to defend her glory and her honor. What are we to do with South Carolina and her seceded sisters? Do you mean to tell me they will come back? What if you give them over, will they ever come back? They have turned their backs on their country, and now they want you to march with them. In a just cause I will defend our State at every point and against every combination ; but when she battles against the law and the Constitution, I have not the heart — I have not the courage to do it ! I cannot do it — I will not do it ! Never ! strike at that flag of our coun¬ try — follow Davis to tear down the Stars and Stripes, the eagle which has soared so high aloft as the emblem of so mighty a nation — give up that flag for the Palmetto — strike that eagle from his high place and coil around the stars the rattle¬ snake ! The serpent stole into the garden of Eden and whispered treason to Heaven in the ear of Eve. And now the serpent would seduce us from our allegiance to our country. Were it possible for him to coil himself around the flag, I would tear him from the folds and crush him beneath my feet. The rattlesnake for the eagle ! If you follow the serpent your fate will be as Adam’s. Measureless woe, for all generations, has been that fate. Hell was created because of that treason to Heaven, and if we follow after the serpent our fate will be to sink into the hell of Secession. This is the fate which befalls you if you follow Davis. But you must take a position. One side advises us to go out, while some say remain in the Union. They tell us that we are bound to fight, no matter how we decide. Kentucky is always ready to fight. She was born to fight when necessary, and when the soil of Kentucky is stained with blood, and the spirit of her sons aroused, let her enemies tremble ! But she should ever fight upon the right side. But why is the Union broken up ? Is it not because Lincoln is President? How long is his rule to last? In the history of nations, what is four years? How soon will he be dragged down and another and a better man raised to his high place ? The American people are powerful when they are aroused to action, but they should act calmly. Now they are wild with excitement and act with¬ out judgment. What would wre do if invaded? We would fly from house to house and rush to¬ gether, but would we be in any capacity to defend ourselves? Calmness and not excitement should characterize us. Seven States have seceded, and the General Government attempts to enforce the laws. The war commences and blood is shed, and forces are ready arrayed against each other in hos¬ tile action. If we move out, what is our fate? Who is to defend? How are you to defend your¬ self if you go out of the Union ? If you do, you at once declare war against the Union — you oppose the Stars and Stripes. We have a million of white population resident in a State only separated by the Ohio River from Indiana, Illinois, and Ohio, with a population of five millions. Through each State are numerous railroads, able to transport an army in a few days to our doors. What roads have we but those to Nashville and Lexington? And what can we do with them ? In sixty days the North can pour an army of one hundred thousand men upon every part of us. What can we do? The State could raise perhaps sixty thousand men for her de¬ fence, but what can they do ? Can they save your State and your city? From the heights beyond the river they can bombard your city and destroy it. They can cut off all communication with the South, and every foot of Kentucky soil eventually become desecrated by the invader. Can the South help you ? She has got more than enough to do to defend herself, for the North can with her fleet cut off all communication with the outside world, and by the Mississippi River with Western States, and actually starve the South into subjection. One hope for Kentucky remains — stand still, with the Border States, and defy invasion from either side. My sympathies are wholly with the South, but I am not prepared to aid her in fighting against our Government. If we remain in the Union we are safe ; if we go out we will be invaded ; if we hold as we are we are safe, if we go out we will be over¬ powered. There is but one position to assume for honor and safety, and that position taken we can save the country. Another point : If an army in¬ vades us can we save, can wo protect, our homes and families? When, in our city, the sentinel struts the streets, and we are powerless before him, who is to protect our families? Those who have plenty of money can flee, but what is the poor man to do ? He will have to fight. Think of it — who is to protect them then from brutality and shame, our 76 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. city from pillage and destruction? And it 'will surely befall us if we do not stand by our flag. We do not mean to submit to Lincoln. He has commanded us to send troops. We send word that Kentucky will not do it. Will he compel us? Let him not dare it! Let him not rouse the sleep¬ ing lions of the Border States. She sleeps now — still and quiet, but it is not from lack of strength, courage, or power. She waits for the assault. Let it come, and, roused, she wdll crush the power that assails, and drag Mr. Lincoln from his high place. Can he make Kentucky help him kill ? lie has a right to demand troops, and he did. Glendower could, as he said, call spirits from the vasty deep, but would they come when they were called ? Will the troops from Kentucky come at his call ? No, they will never lend themselves to such a cause. But, Kentucky will stand firm with her sister Border States in the centre of the Republic, to calm the distracted sections. This is her true position, and in it she saves the Union and frowns down Seces¬ sion. Let us wait for reason to resume her seat. Let us not fight the North or South, but firm in our position tell our sister Border States that with them we will stand to maintain the Union, to preserve the peace, and uphold our honor, and our flag, which they would trail in the dust. We will rear ourselves as a rock in the midst of the ocean, against which the waves, lashed by sectional strife, in fury breaking, shall recoil and overwhelm those who have raised them! If we give up the Union, all is lost. There will then be no breakwater, but instead, Kentucky will be the battle-ground — the scene of a conflict between brethren — such a con¬ flict as no country has yet witnessed. But if we take the true stand, the tide of war and desolation will be rolled back on both sides. If we must fight, let us fight Lincoln and not our Government. To go out of the Union is to raise a new issue with the North and turn the whole country against you. The ship of state is one in which we all sail, and when thus launched into the ocean, and about to founder because part of the crew rebel against the commander, it is the duty of all, unhesitatingly, to aid and save. Safety demands that we stand by the flag, by the Government, by the Constitution ! In the distance you hear the shouts of men and the roaring of cannon. The foemen are gathering for the dreadful conflict, and when you cut loose from the Union it is to take a part. But you are secure from both as long as you remain neutral. You are to determine now. Examine all the points; look where you arc going before you take the step that plunges you into ruin, and, calmly reasoning, free from excitement, determine to stand forever by the country, the Constitution, and the Stars and Stripes, and be still the mightiest nation the world ever saw. Judge Nicholas made a beautiful, eloquent, and patriotic speech, which was greatly applauded, and closed by offering a series of resolutions, the last of which, as follows, was adopted, the balance being withdrawn : Resolved, That we hail in Major Robert Ander¬ son, the gallant defender of Fort Sumter against overwhelming odds, a worthy Kentuckian, the worthy son of a patriot sire, who has given so heroic an example of what ought always to be the conduct of a patriot soldier, in the presence of the armed assailants of his country’s flag ; that he, his officers, and men, have well earned the admiration and gratitude of the nation. Judge Bullock was generally called for, and re¬ sponded in a clear, forcible, and logical speech, indorsing the spirit of the preamble and resolutions adopted, and urging Kentucky to pursue the course laid down in them as the safest, wisest, and most noble for the first-born of the Union. His speech was characterized by that eloquence of diction so well known as an attribute of Judge Bullock’s oratorical efforts. lie was frequently interrupted in the course of his remarks by cheers and ap¬ plause. The non. John Young Brown followed in a speech unsurpassed in power and brilliancy. This gifted young orator rehearsed the history of the last Congress, the efforts for compromise, the sur¬ render by the Republicans of the fundamental idea of the Chicago platform, in the positive non-exten¬ sion of Slavery in the formation of the new Terri¬ tories. He held his audience spell-bound, as it were, for more than an hour, as he poured out burning words of indignation upon those who have brought the country into its present unfortunate condition, or depicted the horrors of civil war. He earnestly urged the neutrality of Kentucky in the present crisis, as the best and most practicable position for Kentucky to maintain her integrity in the Union, and to mediate between the antagonistic sections. The meeting, which was entirely orderly, ad¬ journed after giving rounds of cheers for the Union and for the American flag. — Louisville Journal, April 21. Doc. 64.— MAJOR ANDERSON’S DESPATCHES TO THE WAR DEPARTMENT. Steamship Baltic, ) Off Sandy Hook, April 18, 1861. j Hon. S. Cameron, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C:— Sir: — Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty- four hours, until the quarters were entirely burned, the main gates destroyed by fire, the gorge wall seriously injured, the magazine surrounded by flames, and its door closed from the effects of the heat, four barrels and three cartridges of powder only being available, and no provisions but pork remaining, I accepted terms of evacuation, offered by General Beauregard, being the same offered by him on the 11th iust., prior to the commencement of hostilities, and marched out of the fort Sunday afternoon, the 14th iust., with colors flying and drums beating, bringing away company and private property, and saluting my flag with fifty guns. Robert Anderson, Major First Artillery. — Times. Doc. 65.— PROCLAMATION OF THE GOVER¬ NOR OF MARYLAND. TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND. TnE unfortunate state of affairs now existing in the country has greatly excited the people ot Mary¬ land. In consequence of our peculiar position, it is not to be expected that the people ol the State can unanimously agree upon the best mode ot preserv- ing the honor and integrity of the State, and of DOCUMENTS. 77 maintaining within her limits that peace so earnestly desired by all good citizens. The emergency is great. The consequences of a rash step will be fearful. It is the imperative duty of every true son of Maryland to do all that ho can to arrest the threatened evil. I therefore coun¬ sel the people, in all earnestness, to withhold their hands from whatever may tend to precipitate us into the gulf of discord and ruin gaping to re¬ ceive us. I counsel the people to abstain from all heated controversy upon the subject, to avoid all things that tend to crimination and recrimination, to be¬ lieve that the origin of our evil day may well be forgotten now by every patriot in the earnest de¬ sire to avert from us its fruit. All powers vested in the Governor of the State will be strenuously exerted, to preserve the peace and maintain inviolate the honor and integrity of Maryland. I call upon the people to obey the laws, and to aid the constituted authorities in their endeavors to preserve the fair fame of our State untarnished. I assure the people that no troops will be sent from Maryland, unless it may bo for the defence of the national capital. It is my intention in the future, as it has been my endeavor in the past, to preserve the people of Maryland from civil war ; and I invoke the as¬ sistance of every true and loyal citizen to aid me to this end. The people of the State will in a short time have the opportunity afforded them, in a special election for Members of the Congress of the United States, to express their devotion to the Union, or their de¬ sire to see it broken up. Tn. II. Hicks, Governor of Maryland. Baltimore, April IS, 1S61. PROCLAMATION OF TIIE MAYOR OF BALTI¬ MORE. Mayor’s Office, April 18, 1861. I nKAnTiLY concur in the determination of the Governor to preserve the peace and maintain in¬ violate the honor and integrity of Maryland, as set forth in the above proclamation, and will earnestly co-operate with his efforts to maintain peace and order in the city of Baltimore. And I cannot withhold my expression of satisfac¬ tion at his resolution that no troops shall be sent from Maryland to the soil of any other State. The great questions at issue must, in the last resort, bo settled by the people of the city and State for themselves at the ballot box, and an opportunity for a free expression of their opinions will speedily be afforded at the approaching Congressional elec¬ tion. If the counsels of the Governor shall be heeded we may rest secure in the confidence that the storm of civil war which now threatens the country will at least pass over our beloved State and leave it unharmed; but if they shall be disregarded, a fearful and fratricidal strife may at once burst forth in our midst. Under such circumstances, can any good citizen doubt for a moment, the course which duty and honor alike require him to pursue ? Geo. Wm. Brown, Mayor. Doc. CG.— RESOLUTIONS OF THE N. Y. CHAM¬ BER OF COMMERCE. Whereas, Our country has, in the course of events, reached a crisis unprecedented in its past history, exposing it to extreme dangers, and involv¬ ing the most momentous results ; and Whereas , The President of the United States has, by his Proclamation, made known the dangers which threaten the stability of Government, and called upon the people to rally in support of the Constitu¬ tion and laws ; and ]F7ierea.s, The merchants of New York, represented in this Chamber, have a deep stake in the results which may flow from the present exposed state of national affairs, as well as a jealous regard for the honor of that flag under whose protection they have extended the commerce of this city to the remotest part of the world ; therefore, Resolved , That this Chamber, alive to the perils which have been gathering around our cherished form of Government aud menacing its overthrow, has witnessed with lively satisfaction the determi¬ nation of the President to maintain the Constitu¬ tion and vindicate the supremacy of Government and law at every hazard. [Cheers.] Resolved, That the so-called secession of some of the Southern States having at last culminated in open war against the United States, the American people can no longer defer their decision between anarchy or despotism on the one side, and on the other liberty, order, and law under the most benign Government the world has ever known. Resolved, That this Chamber, forgetful of past differences of political opinion among its members, will, with unanimity and patriotic ardor, support the Government in this great crisis: and it hereby pledges its best efforts to sustain its credit and facilitate its financial operations. It also confidently appeals to all men of wealth to join in these efforts. [Applause.] Resolved, That while deploring the advent of civil war which has been precipitated on the country by the madness of the South, the Chamber is per¬ suaded that policy and humanity alike demand that it should be met by the most prompt and energetic measures ; and it accordingly recommends to Gov¬ ernment the instant adoption and prosecution of a policy so vigorous and resistless, that it will crush out treason now and forever. [Applause.] Resolved, That the proposition of Mr. Jefferson Davis to issue letters of marque to whosoever may apply for them, emanating from no recognized Government, is not only without the sanction of public law, but piratical in its tendencies, and there¬ fore deserving the stern condemnation of the civil¬ ized world. It cannot result in the fitting out of regular privateers, but may, in infesting the ocean with piratical cruisers, armed with traitorous com¬ missions, to despoil our commerce and that of all other maritime nations. [Applause.] Resolved, That in view of this threatening evil, it is, in the opinion of this Chamber, the duty of our Government to issue at once a proclamation, warning all persons, that privateering under the commissions proposed will be dealt with as simple piracy. It owes this duty not merely to itself, but to other maritime nations, who have a right to de¬ mand that the United States Government shall promptly discountenance every attempt within its borders to legalize piracy. It should, also, at tho 78 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. earliest moment, blockade every Southern port, so as to prevent the egress and ingress of such ves¬ sels. [Immense applause.] Resolved , That the Secretary be directed to send copies of these resolutions to the Chambers of Commerce of other cities, inviting their co-opera¬ tion in such measures as may be deemed effective in strengthening the hands of Government in this emergency. Resolved , That a copy of these resolutions, duly attested by the officers of the Chamber, be for¬ warded to the President of the United States. BLOCKADE RESOLUTIONS. Whereas , War against the Constitution and Gov¬ ernment of theseUnited States has been commenced, and is carried on by certain combinations of indi¬ viduals, assuming to act for States at the South claim¬ ing to have seceded from the United States ; and Whereas , Such combinations have officially pro¬ mulgated an invitation for the enrollment of ves¬ sels, to act under their authorization, and, as so- called “ privateers,” against the flag and commerce of the United States ; therefore, Resolved , by the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York, That the United States Gov¬ ernment be recommended and urged to blockade the ports of such States, or any other State that shall join them, and that this measure is demanded for defence in war, as also for protection to the commerce of the United States against these so- called “privateers" invited to enrol under the au¬ thority of such States. Resolved , That the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York pledges its hearty and cordial support to such measures as the Government of the United States may, in its wisdom, inaugurate and carry through in the blockade of such ports. — The World , April 20. Doc. 67.— A PROCLAMATION, BY TIIE PRESIDENT OF TIIE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mis¬ sissippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States for the collection of the revenue can¬ not be efficiently executed therein conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties to be uniform throughout the United States : And ivliereas a combination of persons, engaged in such insurrection, have threatened to grant pre¬ tended letters of marque to authorize the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, and in waters of the United States : And whereas an Executive Proclamation has been already issued, requiring the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose of re¬ pressing the same, and convening Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and determine thereon : Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, with a view to the same pur¬ poses before mentioned, and to the protection of the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupa¬ tions, until Congress shall have assembled and de¬ liberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the same shall have ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a Blockade of the ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United States and of the laws of nations in such cases provided. For this purpose a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, there¬ fore, with a view to violate such Blockade, a vessel shall approach, or shall attempt to leave any of the said ports, she will be duly warned by the Com¬ mander of one of the blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and date of such warning ; and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her cargo as prize as may be deemed advisable. And I hereby proclaim and declare, that if any person, under the pretended authority of said States, or under any other pretence, shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the prevention and punishment of piraev. By the President, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. W illiam H. Seward, Secretary of State. "Washington, April 19, 1SC1. Doc. 68— GENERAL ORDERS— No. 3. Head-quarters of the Army, ) Washington, April 19, 1861. j" Tiie Military Department of Washington is ex¬ tended so as to include, in addition to the District of Columbia and Maryland, the States of Delaware and Pennsylvania, and will be commanded by Major- Gen. Patterson, belonging to the volunteers of the latter State. The Major-General will, as fast as they are mus¬ tered into service, post the volunteers of Pennsyl¬ vania all along the railroad from Wilmington, Del., to Washington City, in sufficient numbers and in such proximity as may give a reasonable protection to the lines of parallel wires, to the road, it3 rails, bridges, cars and stations. By command: WINFIELD SCOTT. E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General. Doc. 69— TIIE BALTIMORE RIOT. Mayor’s Office, April 19, 1861. Sir : This will be presented to you by the lion. H. Lenox Bond, Geo. W. Dobbin anil Jno. C. Brune, esqs., who will proceed to Washington by an express train, at my request, in order to explain fully the fearful condition of our affairs in this city. The people are exasperated to the highest degree by the passage of troops, and the citizens are uni¬ versally decided in the opinion that no more troops should be ordered to come. The authorities of the city did their best to-day to protect both strangers and citizens, and to pre¬ vent a collision, but in vain ; and but for their great efforts a fearful slaughter would have oc¬ curred. DOCUMENTS. 79 Under these circumstances, it is my solemn duty to inform you that it is not possible for more sol¬ diers to pass through Baltimore, unless they fight their way at every step. I therefore hope and trust, and most earnestly request, that no more troops be permitted or order¬ ed by the Government to pass through the city. If they should attempt it, the responsibility for the bloodshed will not rest upon me. With great re¬ spect, your obedient servant, Geo. Wm. Brown, Mayor. To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States : I have been in Baltimore since Tuesday evening, and co-operated with Mayor Brown in his untiring efforts to allay and prevent the excitement and sup¬ press the fearful outbreak as indicated above, and I fully concur in all that is said by him in the above communication. Yery respectfully, your obedient servant, Thomas Hicks, Governor of Maryland. To His Excellency President Lincoln. DESPATCH FROM THE PRESIDENT. Mayor Brown received a despatch from President Lincoln this morning, stating that no more troops would pass through this city. Mayor’s Office, Baltimore, April 19. To His Excellency the President of the United States : Sir: — A collision between the citizens and the northern troops has taken place in Baltimore, and the excitement is fearful. Send no more troops here. We will endeavor to prevent all bloodshed. A public meeting of citizens has been called, and the troops of the State and the city have been called out to preserve the peace. They will be enough. Respectfully : Tho. II, Hicks, Governor. Geo, Wm. Brown, Mayor. The following correspondence then took place be¬ tween the governor and mayor and John W. Gar¬ rett, Esq., president of the Baltimore and Ohio Rail¬ road : Mayor’s Office, City IIall, ) Baltimore, April 19, 1861. j John W. Garrett, Esq., President Baltimore and Ohio Railroad : Sir : — We advise that the troops now here be sent back to the borders of Maryland. Respectfully, Geo. Wm. Brown. Thos. H. Hicks. By order of the Board of Police. Chas. Howard, President. Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, ) Baltimore, April 19. ( To his Excellency, Thomas II. Hicks, Governor ; His Honor, Geo. W. Brown, Mayor of Baltimore, and Ciias. Howard, Esq., President of the Board of Police Commissioners : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of this date, iu which you “ad¬ vise that the troops here be sent back to the bor¬ ders of Maryland.” Most cordially approving the advice, I have instructed by telegraph the same to the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Rail¬ road Co., and this company will act in accordance therewith. Your obedient servant, JOHN W. GARRETT, President. The following note accompanies the correspond¬ ence : Gov. Hicks and Mayor Brown have advised that the Rhode Island and Massachusetts volunteers (who were delayed at President Street) be returned to Philadelphia. It is also understood that no more troops will bo carried by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. — . Baltimore Clipper, extra, April 19. THE RATTLESNAKE’S FANGS. The eighty-sixth anniversary of the fight at Lex¬ ington was signalized, at Baltimore yesterday, by the first blood shed north of Charleston in the great Pro-Slavery Disunion Rebellion. The Massachusetts soldiery passing quietly and inoffensively through that city, in obedience to the orders of their Gov¬ ernment, were assaulted by a vast Disunion mob, which first obstructed the Railroad, then blocked up the streets through which they were compelled to march, and passing rapidly from hooting and yelling to throwing showers of paving-stones, they at last wore out the patience of the troops by shooting three of them dead, and wounding several others, when the soldiers fired back, and stretched a few of the miscreants on the ground. The mob then gave way sufficiently to allow the defenders of their coun¬ try’s Government and flag to push on to the depot of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, where they took the cars provided for them, and proceeded quietly to Washington. That the villains who fomented this attack are at once traitors and murderers, no loyal mind can doubt. There is no pretence that Maryland has se¬ ceded from the Union — on the contrary, the most desperate efforts to plunge her into the abyss of rebellion have proved abortive. She is among tho States whose authorities, though sorely tried, stand firmly by the Government and Flag of the Union. Yet, in full view of this fact, the Baltimore secession¬ ists held a great public meeting on Thursday morn¬ ing, and were harangued by their leaders in the most exciting and treasonable language. One of them, Wilson N. C. Carr, announced himself as ready and willing to shoulder his musket for the defence of Southern homes and firesides. His interrogatory whether the 75,000 minions of Lincoln should pass over the soil of Maryland to subjugate our sisters of the South was answered with deafening shouts of “No, never.” Such was the direct and calculated incitement to the murderous attack of yesterday. We rejoice to add that it resulted in the triumph of Loyalty and the Union, and in the necessary procla¬ mation of Martial Law. In every instance of collision between the Llnionists and the secessionists up to this moment, the latter have not only been the aggressors, but the wanton, unprovoked, murderous aggressors. How much longer is this to go on? What can martial law in Baltimore be worth if tho traitors who instigated this assassination be not dealt with according to law ? If the authorities of Maryland do not suppress these murderous traitors, the United States will be com¬ pelled to occupy Baltimore with a force sufficient to preserve order and keep the way open to the city of Washington. This is no time for half measures. — N. Y. Tribune , 80 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. Doc. 70. — CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GOV. ANDREW AND MAYOR BROWN. “ Baltimore, April 20, 1SG1. “ The Hon. John A. Andrew , Governor of Massa¬ chusetts : “grR: — Mo one deplores the sad events of yester¬ day in this city more deeply than myself, but they were inevitable. Our people viewed the passage of armed troops to another State through the streets as an invasion of our soil, and could not be re¬ strained. The authorities exerted themselves to the best of their ability, but with only partial success. Governor Hicks was present, and concurs in all my views as to the proceedings now necessary for our protection. When are these scenes to cease ? Are we to have a war of sections ? God forbid. The bodies of the Massachusetts soldiers could not be sent out to Boston, as you requested — all communi¬ cation between this city and Philadelphia by rail¬ road, and with Boston by steamers, having ceased ; but they have been placed in cemented coffins, and will be placed with proper funeral ceremonies in the mausoleum of Grcenmount Cemetery, where they shall be retained until further directions are received from you. The wounded arc tenderly cared for. I appreciate your offer, but Baltimore will claim it as her right to pay all expenses incurred. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, “ Gko. W. Brown, Mayor of Baltimore.” To this the following reply was returned by the Governor : “ To His Honor Geo. W. Brown , Mayor of Balti¬ more : “Dear Sir : — I appreciate your kind attention to our wounded and our dead, and trust that at the earliest moment the remains of our fallen will return to us. I am overwhelmed with surprise that a peace¬ ful march of American citizens over the highway to the defence of our common capital should be deemed aggressive to Baltimoreans. Through New York the march was triumphal. “ John A. Andrew, “ Governor of Massachusetts.” — Evening Post. Doc. 71.— DEPARTURE OF THE NEW YORK SEVENTH REGIMENT. The intelligence that the Seventh Regiment, the “crack” Regiment, the almost adored military body of New York, would leave for Washington, created an excitement scarcely surpassed by any thing that has transpired since the first news of the attack on Fort Sumter. Although it was announced that 3 P. M. was the time for the assembling of the Regi¬ ment at their Armory, over Tompkins Market, Broadway was the scene of gathering for hundreds of people long before noon. The march of the second instalment of Massachusetts troops, early in the forenoon, was but an incentive to their patriotism. If they had to wait many hours, as indeed they had, they were prepared to stand on the tip-toe of expectation till their favorite Regi¬ ment passed, even if nightfall came. The aspect of Broadway was very gay indeed. Minus the firing of pistols and the explosion of Chinese crackers, it was many Fourth-of-Julys rolled into one. The Stars and Stripes were everywhere, from the costliest silk, twenty, thirty, forty feet in length, to the homelier bunting, down to the few inches of painted calico that a baby’s hand might wave. It would be invidious to say from what buildings the National flag was displayed, because it would be almost impossible to tell from wllat buildings it did not wave, and never, if flags can be supposed to be animated with any of the feelings of their owners, with a purer devotion to the Union. Evidently, all political partisanship was cast aside. But the gay¬ est, and in this respect, the most remarkable thor¬ oughfare was Cortlandt-street. Lafayette-place, where the Regiment was to form previous to march¬ ing, was very attractively dressed — a huge flag being displayed from the Astor Library, among numerous others from private buildings. But Cortlandt-street showed a gathering of flags, a perfect army of them. They were not, in that comparatively brief space from Broadway to the Jersey City Ferry, to be numbered by dozens or by scores : every building seemed like “ Captains of Fifties.” It was flag, flag, from every window from the first floor to the roof, from every doorway, — in short, it was flag, flag, — and of quite largo sizes, too, till the wearied eye refused the task of counting them. Such was the display along the route of the “Seventh.” Such is and will be the route for all noble troops entering our City from the New England States. Around the Armory of the Seventh Regiment crowds gathered at an early period of the day, and moved on, only to bo replaced by other crowds. So the excitement was kept up, till towards three o’clock the throng became stationai’y. It was, by no means, an ordinary crowd. Well-dressed ladies, men whose checks can be honored at the best Banks for as many dollars as would build a church of ex¬ cellent architecture, were among them. They were about to witness the departure of the Seventh Regiment, too probably, to the battle-field. Though the flags waved gaily over them, their faces wore a grave look — not sad exactly, but it was no time for mirth. From all quarters the members of the Regiment, in full fatigue dress, with their knapsacks and blankets, kept pouring into the Armory. Guards at the doors kept the crowd, who had no business inside, from entering, but the building was filled to its utmost, notwithstanding, by the members, their relatives and friends. There were many touching scenes of farewell-taking, but these were merely episodes. Mothers, wives, sisters, will weep on such occasions, but there was no faltering among the men. A heartier shake of the hand than usual, to a friend, — a warmer kiss — let it be reverentially said — to a wife or mother, and the manhood of the soldier grew the greater, and he trussed his knap¬ sack the tighter to his back as he gave the last adieu. They formed in Lafayette-place about 4 P. M., in the presence of an immense crowd, each window of each building being filled with such fair applauders as might cheer the heart of the forlornest bachelor, if there was any such among those noble soldiers. Once in line, they proceeded through Fourth-street to Broadway, down that great thoroughfare to Cortlandt-street, and across the ferry, in boats pro¬ vided for the purpose, to Jersey City. The line of march was a perfect ovation. Thousands upon thousands lined the sidewalks. It will be remem¬ bered as long as any of those who witnessed it live to talk of it, and beyond that, it will pass into the recorded history of this fearful struggle. The DOCUMENTS. 81 Regiment was escorted by a band of Zouaves, who volunteered for the occasion. Their gay uniform and peculiar step revived the excitement that had begun somewhat to droop among the crowd that had waited for hours, the Regiment not reaching the Park till 5£ o’clock. After the Zouaves came a strong body of police, and after the police, The Regiment. Not as on festival days, not as on the reception of the Prince of Wales, but nobly and sternly, as men who were going to the war. Hur¬ ried was their step, not so regular as on less im¬ portant occasions. We saw women, we saw men shed tears as they passed. Amidst the deafening cheers that rose, we heard cries of “ God bless them.” And so along Broadway, and through Cortlandt-street, under its almost countless flags, the gallant Seventh Regiment left the City. The excitement in Jersey City, long before they had crossed the ferry, was scarcely less intense, and when they landed there, they found they were by no means in a foreign State. It seemed that all the people of the sister city had turned out. It was a reenaction of what their fellow-townsmen and townswomen hadxlone for them. White hand¬ kerchiefs, waved by ladies’ hands, were as numerous as the dog-wood blossoms in Spring, and it was proved that a Jerseyman can raise as hearty a cheer as the best New Yorker. And so it was till all were fairly disposed of in the cars, and the cars moved off. — N. Y. Times. OFFICERS OF TIIE SEVENTH REGIMENT. The following is a list of the officers of the Seventh Regiment: Colonel — Marshal Lefferts. Lieutenant-Colonel — William A. Pond. Major — Alexander Thaler. Adjutant — J. H. Libenau. Engineer — E. L. Yiele. Surgeon — T. M. Cheeseman; Surgeon’s Mate, J. C. Dalton, Jr. Chaplain — Rev. S. H. Weston. Quartermaster — L. W. Winchester. Assistant-Quartermaster — G. W. Brainard. Paymaster — Meredith Howland. Commissary — William Patten. Ordnance Officer — John A. Baker. Military Secretary — C. T. McClenachan ; and the non-commissioned staff, eight officers. First Company — Captain, William P. Bensell; First Lieutenant, James II. Hewett; Second Lieu¬ tenant, James E. Harway, five sergeants, six cor¬ porals, and 90 privates. Second Company — Captain, E. W. Clark ; First Lieutenant, N. L. Farnham ; Second Lieutenant, Edward Bernard ; five sergeants, six corporals, and 120 privates. Third Company — Captain, James Price ; First Lieutenant, J. J. Wickstead ; Second Lieutenant, George T. Haws; five sergeants, six corporals, and 100 men. Fourth Company — Captain, William H. Riblet ; First Lieutenant, William Gurney ; Second Lieu¬ tenant, John W. Bogert; five sergeants, six cor¬ porals, and 100 men. Fifth Company — Captain W. A. Speaight ; First Lieutenant, F. Millard; Second Lieutenant, J. F. Cook; five sergeants, six corporals, and about 100 men. Sixth Company — CaptaiD, B. M. Nevers, Jr. ; | First Lieutenant, R. F. Halstcd; Second Lieuten¬ ant, J. B. Young; five sergeants, six corporals, and 100 men. Seventh Company — Captain, John Monroe ; First Lieutenant, John P. Scliermerhorn ; Second Lieu¬ tenant, John D. Moriarity ; five sergeants, seven corporals, and about 100 men. THE COMPLETE FORCE. Non-commissioned staff, .... 8 Government staff, . . . . . .11 Field officers, ...... 8 Artillery corps, 54 men, 2 howitzers, 2 officers, 2 sergeants, ...... 61 Engineer corps — 2 men, 2 officers, 2 sergeants, 29 Recruits in fatigue dress, . . . .175 Company 1 — 63 men, 3 officers, 4 sergeants, 70 Company 2 — 100 men, 3 officers, 5 sergeants, 108 Company 3 — 70 men, 3 officers, 5 sergeants, 78 Company 4 — 82 men, 3 officers, 5 sergeants, 90 Company 5 — 54 men, 3 officers, 5 sergeants, 62 Company 6 — SO men, 3 officers, 5 sergeants, 88 Company 7 — 60 men, 1 officer, 5 sergeants, G6 Company 8 — 78 men, 3 officers, 5 sergeants, 86 Band — 40 pieces, 40 Drum corps, . 12 Total, . 985 — N. F. Tribune. Doc. 72.— TIIE EIGHTH REGIMENT OF MAS¬ SACHUSETTS. TnE staff officers of the Regiment are as follows : Timothy Monroe of Lynn, Colonel ; Edward W. Hinks of Lynn, Lieutenant-Colonel; Andrew Elwell of Gloucester, Major; C. M. Merritt of Lynn, Ser¬ geant-Major; E. A. Ingalls of Lynn, Quartermaster; H. E. Monroe of Lynn, Quartermaster’s Sergeant ; R. G. Asher of Lynn, Paymaster ; Dr. B. B. Breed of Lynn, Surgeon; Warren Taplev of Lynn, Sur¬ geon’s Mate ; John T. Cole of Lynn, Regiment Clerk. On the route of the Regiment at the Jersey City depot, an affecting incident occurred. Col. Monroe being loudly called for, appeared, surrounded by Gen. Butler, Quartermaster-General John Moran, Col. Hinks, and the rest of the staff. A. W. Gris¬ wold, Esq., a prominent member of the New York bar, stepped forward, holding in his hand a magni¬ ficent silk flag, mounted on a massive hickory staff. He addressed the commandant of the 8th Regiment as follows : Col. Monroe — Sir, you are from Massachusetts ; “ God bless you !” Her sons everywhere are proud of her history, and, while her armies are command¬ ed by such officers as are now at their head, we have faith in her future. As a son of Massachusetts, I beg to present this standard as a token of my ap¬ preciation of the cause in which you arc engaged. I confide it to your keeping. “ Stand by it.” Col. Monroe responded with the following appro¬ priate and eloquent remarks ; “ As a son of Massachusetts, I receive it from a son of her soil, and I will defend it, ‘ God help me.’ ” The cheering which followed was deafening — nine cheers were proposed and given for the flag, and at that moment 800 hardy troops, just arrived from the sacred precincts of Bunker Hill, vowed solemnly to defend that flag wdth their lives and honor. 82 REBELLION RECORD, iSGO-61. The flag is made of silk ; heavy crimson tassels hanging from the spear of the staff. — Tribune , April 20. Doc. '73.— FORT MOULTRIE. The raking fire from Fort Sumter against Fort Moultrie was terribly destructive, and when viewed in connection with the fact that no life was lost, is the most extraordinary case ever recorded in his¬ tory. As you enter, the eye falls upon the battered Avails of the archway, with openings in some places large enough for windows. In other places may be seen the hanging splinters of the rafters, large pieces of ceiling seemingly about to drop, while the holes in the roof throw a clear light over the scene of destruction, tvhich renders it painfully impres¬ sive. It Avould be an almost impossible task to count the number of balls discharged at this devoted fortress. All of the officers’ quarters were battered with seven, eight, or ten balls, Avhieh penetrated the Avhole depth of the building. The western wall on the upper balcony was entirely shot away. The barracks were almost entirely destroyed. The fur¬ nace for heating hot shot was struck four times, the flag of the Confederate States received three shots, and the Palmetto flag four — a rather singular and peculiar circumstance, when viewed in connection Avith the seven Confederate States. The merlons of sand-bags, &c., remain unbroken. On the outside Avails we counted over one hundred shots. Laborers Avere engaged in clearing away fallen bricks, &c. It will be necessary to pull down the old walls and rebuild anew. Even the beds and bedding in the officers’ quarters and the men’s bar¬ racks Avere cut and torn into splinters and shreds. Had it not been for the bomb-proof shelter, the loss of life Avould no doubt have been appalling. One shell entered the brick Avail of Major Ripley’s bedroom, ran down the Avail, and burst on the bureau imme¬ diately over the head of the bed. Our limited time prevented us from visiting the battery to the north of Fort Moultrie. We learn, however, that though many of the buildings around it had been struck several times, and fences, trees, &c., cut away, the battery sustained no injury. TIIE BUILDINGS DAMAGED. The following were the houses destroyed or dam¬ aged : Mr. Henry Oetjen’s house, a two-story frame dwelling, almost in range of the Floating Battery. This avus completely riddled. Mrs. Gilman’s summer residence, partially de¬ stroyed. Mrs. Brown’s house, in front of the Enfilade Bat¬ tery. This Avas removed previous to the cannonad¬ ing. Mr. George M. Coffin’s summer residence nearly destroyed. Mr. Smith’s house partially destroyed. Mrs. C. Fitzsimon’s house received seven shots, and is mostly destroyed. Mr. Gervais’s house, back of Fort Moultrie, almost riddled. Mr. Benjamin Mordecai’s house, badly damaged. Mr. T. Savage Heyward’s house, badly damaged. Mr. F. P. Elford’s house — roof battered in and weather-boarding torn off. Mr. Thomas Farr Capers’s house was struck sev¬ eral times. Mr. Copcs’s house, in front of the Enfilade Battery, Avas removed by order of the authorities. The Moultrie House received four shots, one cutting away one of the main pillars, and making a clean breach through the building from one end to the other. The other shots have damaged the walls and ceil¬ ing to a very considerable extent. Fortunately, no one was in at the time. Mr. James M. Caldwell’s house received several shots. Mr. David Briggs’s house Avas badly shattered. Mr. Ross’s house received one shot. Mrs. Fillette’s house was damaged by a shell, which burst on the roof and broke through the window. The fence in front of the Presbyterian Church Avas shot away, but the church is uninjured. The railroad track in front of Fort Moultrie was also torn up by the shot and shell. The small building, formerly used as the Quarter¬ master’s Department, United States Army, was very badly shattered, and large portions of the Avail cut away. Several other houses were struck with one or more balls, tearing off the Aveather-boarding and shattering the roofs. The largest number of the houses, however, are untouched. Providentially no hot shot was thrown from Sumter — probably from the fact that the garrison had no fuel. Many of those whose houses have been battered esteem it more fortunate than otherwise, and have determined to allow the buildings to remain, as far as possible, in the condition in which they were found after the battle, as a memento of the glorious 12th and 13th days of April, 1861. — Charleston Courier, April 20. Doc. '73|. — MEETING AT UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK. The Rev. Dr. Spring, of the Brick Church, of the city, Avas invited to offer the opening prayer. The venerable gentleman, before offering prayer, said : — ■ I think myself very happy, Mr. President and fel¬ low-citizens, that, as a native-born American, as a son of one of the revolutionary officers, as a mem¬ ber of Christ’s church and one of His ambassadors, I am permitted to bear my testimony in favor of this noble cause. My past views on the agitated questions of the country are Avell knoivn to those of you who are familiar with the press. I have seen no occasion to alter them ; I adhere to them now. But the question now is not between slavery and anti-slavery — between republicanism and democracy; it is between law and anarchy — between govern¬ ment and mere phantoms, that sink into nothing¬ ness compared Avith the main question of govern¬ ment or no government in this favored country. And, Sir, it is that my feeble voice, in the behalf of that church which I represent, may be heard to-day, that I cheerfully accept the invitation to open this meeting with prayer. When I think of the little band of men who took such a noble part in the struggle at Fort Sumter, maintaining the flag of their country while burning fires Avere about them — (referring to Major Anderson and the other offi¬ cers present) — I feel cheered. (Cheers.) T our faces here to-day cheer me. The dead lips of that Father of his Country speak to you and to me ! DOCUMENTS. 83 And what do they say? — “United we stand — divi¬ ded we fall.” Let us lift up our hearts to Almighty God for His presence and blessing. PRAYER. Almighty God, Creator of the heavens and the earth, the Infinite One, we are Thy creatures ; Thou the Infinite and Eternal Creator, the King Eternal, Immortal and Invisible; the Great Emperor of heav¬ en and of earth, doing Thy counsel in the armies of heaven and amid all the inhabitants of this lower world. We know we are unworthy ; as a people we have to confess our sins before Thee, and come to Thy throne in the name of Jesus Christ, the great Mediator, who is Himself the Prince of the kings of the earth, that we might have an interest in Thy pardoning mercy, and under the blessings of our God and our fathers’ God, we address ourselves to the exercises of this day and to the struggle to which Thy holy Providence calls us. Oh, God of our fathers, remember this favored land. We have reason to thank Thee for the spirit and success which Thou didst impart to our fathers in the revo¬ lutionary struggle ; and may some of that spirit of our revered fathers and sainted mothers come down to their descendants on such occasions as this ; and may that portion of the people of this land who, in the spirit of revolt, have gone from us, un¬ derstand that we are but one people. Oh, God, we commit the cause in which the noble men — young men and men of middle age — have gone forth to fight the battles of this country and resist the ag¬ gressions of the foe, to Thy care, to Thy favor, to Thy providence, to Thy protection. Smile upon them and upon us, through Christ our Redeemer. Amen. (Responses of “Amen.”) These preliminaries having been arranged, the meeting was formally organized as follow's : — Mr. McCurdy put in nomination for President Mr. John A. Dix. The following list of officers was then put in nom¬ ination, and acceded to: — tV. B. Astor, Greeno C. Bronson Peter Cooper, W. M. Evarts, W. C. Bryant, Pelatiah Perit, Goo. Bancroft, John A. King, Moses Taylor, James Boorman, Stewart Brown, John J. Phelps, R. B. Minturn, Henry Grinnell, O. D. P. Grant, W. E. Dodge, Watts Sherman, Edwin Crosswell, E. G. B. Cannon, John D. Wolfe, Seth B. Hunt, Edwin Dobbs, Joseph Stuart, R. II. McCurdy, Joseph W. Alsop, E. E. Morgan, Willis Blackstone, Nath. Hayden, John Lloyd, Chas. H. Russell, J. Smith Homans, John Bigelow, John T. Johnston, Sheppard Gandy, VICE-PRESIDENTS. Robt. Ray, Benj. L. Swan, John Q. Jones, David Iloadley, Robt. J. Taylor, Jas. N. Phelps, Jas. Low, John Ewen, Jas. A. Briggs, John D. Jones, Wm. C. Bryce, Henry F. Vail, Frederick Bronson F. A. Conkling, A. J. Williamson, D. II. Arnold, Geo. Folsom, Andrew Carrigan, A. C. Kingsland, Isaac Ferris, J. Auchincloss, M. Franklin, D. R. Martin, Wm. Chauncey, H. B. Chaffin, Wm. Bryce, A. S. Hewitt, S. B. Althause, Peter Lorillard, SECRETARIES. D. D. Lord, C. H. Marshall, Jr. Jas. G. De Forest, Erastus Brooks, Joseph Schleigman, Schuyler Livingston W. H. Osborn, A. A. Vandcrpoel, W. W. De Forrest, A. B. Baviis, Elnathan Thorne, W. B. Maclay, Fred. Kapp, Anson Herrick, Theodore Fowler, Daniel Leroy, S. L. Mitchill, Augustus Schell, Chas. Christmas, J B. Varnum, Wm. Hall, Chas. A. Secor, John T. Hoffman, Hamilton Fish, Luther Bradish, Fernando Wood, A. T. Stewart, Morris Ketchum, Jonathan Sturges, J. J. Astor, John Cochran, Alex. Duncan. George A. Vogel, , Fletcher Westray, Charles B. Norton. SPEECH OF THE HON. JOHN A. PIN. On taking the chair, the President said : — Fellow-Citizens: — We have come together to ex¬ press our determination to uphold the authority of the Government and to maintain inviolate the honor of the country. The circumstances under which we are assembled are calculated to fill any patriotic heart with the deepest concern. For the first time in our day civil strife has broken out in the bosom of our prosperous and happy country, and has been pushed by unscrupulous men to the extremity of war and bloodshed. With no provocation whatever from the Federal Government they turned their arms in fraternal hatred against it, even when it was ad¬ ministered by those who were actuated by the most friendly dispositions toward them. But I do not doubt, when the present excitement shall have passed away, when those who have thus arrayed themselves against the Government of the country shall have learned from a disastrous experience that their true interest lies in peace, all will concede, on a review of the past in a spirit of fairness and mod¬ eration, that there was no just ground for aliena¬ tion. (Cheers.) But, fellow-citizens, I feel that all such considerations are inappropriate to the hour. The time for action has come. Practical issues are upon us, to be dealt with under a just sense of the responsibilities they have brought with them. The Constitution of the United States has been spurned and repudiated. The authority of the Government has been resisted by military force. The flag of the Union has been insulted, in more than one instance torn down, and even trampled under foot. Most of us were born, and all of us have lived in prosper¬ ity and peace under the protection of the constitu¬ tion ; we have regarded our allegiance to the Union as second only to our religion in the sanctity of its obligations; and we have venerated the national standard, under which Washington and Jackson and the host of gallant men who were their companions in arms, or who followed in their footsteps, achieved undying honors for themselves and their country. (Enthusiastic applause.) We should be more or less men if we could look with indifference on these outrages on all we hold most dear. There is no justification for the cause of the Confederate States in overturning within their limits the authority of the Federal Government. They have no excuse for it. This is no time -for elaborate argument. Let me say in a word, that no respectable defence of the right of secession has ever fallen under my notice. No man contends that there is any warrant for it in the constitution. There is but one way for a State to go out of the Union — the way iu which all came iu — by the concurrence of the common authority. In no other manner can the terms of separation be agreed on. (We don’t want to separate.) What¬ ever preliminary action there may be, it must come to this conclusion at last. It is an omitted case in our political compact. The framers of the constitu¬ tion did not contemplate the dissolution of the Union. They framed the Government for them¬ selves and their posterity. The repudiation of its authority by one of its members was not foreseen or provided for. It is a case which cannot be reached by the powers vested in Congress or in the Executive ; and the States are necessarily remitted to the exercise of their united sovereignty for the solution of a problem which concerns the existence of all. It was for this reason that a Committee, of 84 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. which I was Chairman, in an address to our South¬ ern brethren, adopted at a meeting in Pine-street, in December last, recommended that the States should meet together for consultation, and if they could not settle their difficulties amicably and pre¬ serve the Union, that they should arrange the terms of separation, and save the country from the hor¬ rors civil war. We implored them to pause, in or¬ der to give us time for an effort to restore harmony and fraternal feeling. We appealed to them in language of entreaty, which would have been humil¬ iating if it had not been addressed to brethren of the same political family. To this appeal, enforced by the concurrence of eminent citizens of this State, who had always been the most strenuous advocates of Southern rights, the States to which it was ad¬ dressed responded by setting the authority of the Union at defiance, by seizing the public forts and arsenals, by seducing federal officers from their al¬ legiance, and in one instance by confiscating the treasure of the Government. For months those outrages were submitted to, with no effort on the part of the Government to resent or punish them, in the hope that, under the guidance of better counsels, those who committed them would return to their allegiance. This forbearance, unexampled in the history of nations, and falsely interpreted into a pusil¬ lanimous surrender of its authority by the Federal Government, had only the effect of invigorating the spirit of resistance, until at last the slender force in Fort Sumter was attacked — some 6,000 or 7,000 men against 100 — and compelled, after a heroic resistance, to evacuate it. (Cheers for Fort Sum¬ ter.) The gallant commander of that handful of loyal men who sustained this unequal contest is be¬ fore you. (Tremendous cheers for Major Ander¬ son.) There hangs the flag under which they up¬ held the honor of their country ; and its tattered condition shows the desperate defence they made. (Enthusiastic cheering.) It is under these circum¬ stances that the General Government has appealed to the country to come to its support. (We will! we will!) It would have been treacherous to its trust if it had not determined to’uphold the authorities confided to it. And here, fellow-citizens, it is important that we should clearly understand the position of the late Administration, on this question. It is due to this Administration as well as the last, that we should all understand it. I shall be very brief, but I must ask your close attention for the few moments that will be needed. On the 3d of December last, in his Annual Message to Congress, the late President made a strong and unanswerable argument against the right of secession. He also indicated his pur¬ pose to collect the revenue and defend the forts in South Carolina. In a special message to Congress on the 8th of January he declared (I use the lan¬ guage, of the message) “the right and the duty to use military force defensively against those who re¬ sist the federal officers in the execution of their legal functions and against those who assail the property of the Federal Government, is clear and un¬ deniable.” (Cries of “Good for him,” and loud cheering.) The authorities of South Carolina were repeatedly warned that, if they assailed Fort Sumter, it would be the commencement of civil war, and they would be responsible for the consequences. (Cheers.) The last and most emphatic of these warnings is contained in the admirable answer of Mr. Holt, Secretary of War, to 31 r. Hayne, the Commissioner from South Carolina, on the Cth of February. It is in these words : — “If, with all the multiplied proof which exists of the President’s anxiety for peace, and of the earnestness with which he has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall assault Fort Sumter and peril the lives of the handful of brave and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our common country into the horrors of civil war, then upon them and those they represent must rest the responsibility.” (Enthusiastic applause, and waving of hats.) I believe the letter from which I have read this extract has never been pub¬ lished, for I, as a member of the Administration at the time it was written, have a right to say that it had the cordial approval of the late President, and all his constitutional advisers. (Cheers for General Dix.) And this brings me to the point I wish to make. I violate no confidence in making it. It is this : — If South Carolina had tendered war to the late Administration as she has to this — I mean by a hostile and deadly assault — it would have been unan¬ imously accepted. (Prolonged cheering.) I re¬ peat, then, that this Administration has done no more than its duty. Nay, I believe, that self-pres¬ ervation rendered necessary what it has doue. I have no doubt that the Confederate leaders at Montgomery have entertained, and still entertain, the design of marching upon Washington to over¬ throw the Government, taking its place and present¬ ing itself to the nations of the world as the true rep¬ resentative of the people of the United States. (Cries of “ Never, never ; they can’t do it.”) Against this usurpation and fraud, if it shall be attempted, I trust we shall contend with all the strength God has given us. (Cries of “ We will.”) I am for sup¬ porting the Government. I do not ask who admin¬ isters it. It is the Government of my country, and as such I shall give it in this extremity all the support in my power. I regard the pending contest with the secessionists as a death struggle for consti¬ tutional liberty and law — a contest which, if suc¬ cessful on their part, could only end in the estab¬ lishment of a despotic government, and blot out, wherever they were in the ascendant, every vestige of national freedom. You know, fellow-citizens, that I have always been in favor of adjusting con¬ troversies between the States by conciliation, by compromise, by mutual concession — in a word, in the spirit in which the constitution was formed. Whenever the times shall be propitious for calm consultation they will find me so still. But until then, let us remember that nothing could be so dis¬ astrous, so humiliating and so disreputable to us all as to see the common Government overthrown or its legitimate authority successfully resisted. Let us, then, rally with one heart, to its support. I be¬ lieve it will act with all the moderation and forbear¬ ance consistent with the preservation of the great interests confided to it. There is no choice left but to acquiesce in its surrender to revolutionary leaders, or to give it the means it needs for defence, for self- preservation and for the assertion of its authority, holding it responsible for their legitimate use. Fel¬ low-citizens, we stand before the statue of the Father of his Country. The flag of the Union which floats over it hung above him when he presided over the Convention by which the constitution was framed. The great work of his life has been rejected, and the banner by which his labors were consecrat¬ ed has been trampled in the dust. If the inanimate bronze in which the sculptor has shaped his image could be changed to the living form which led the ar- DOCUMENTS. 55 mies of the Revolution to victory, he would com¬ mand us, in the name of the hosts of patriots and political martyrs who have gone before, to strike for the defence of the Union and the constitution. Mr. Dix closed his remarks amid the most enthu¬ siastic applause. The Chairman then read the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : — Whereas, the Union of the States, under the guidance of Divine Providence, has been the fruit¬ ful source of prosperity and domestic peace to the country for nearly three-quarters of a century ; and Whereas, the constitution, framed by our Revo¬ lutionary fathers, contains within itself all needful provisions for the exigencies of the Government, and, in the progress of events, for such amendments as are necessary to meet new exigencies ; and Whereas, an armed combination has been formed to break up the Union, by throwing olf the obliga¬ tions of the constitution, and has, in several of the States, carried on its criminal purpose, and, finally, by assaulting Fort Sumter, a fortress of the United States occupied by a slender but heroic garrison, and capturing it by an overwhelming force after a gallant defence, thus setting the authority of the Government at defiance, and insulting the National Flag; and Whereas, the Government of the United States, with an earnest desire to avert the evils of civil war, has silently submitted to these aggressions and in¬ sults with a patient forbearance unparalleled in the annals of history, but has at last deemed it due to the public honor and safety to appeal to the people of the Union for the means of maintaining its au¬ thority, of enforcing the execution of the laws, and of saving our country from dismemberment and our political institutions from destruction ; therefore, Resolved, That the Declaration of Independence, the war of the Revolution, and the Constitution of the United States have given origin to this Govern¬ ment, the most equal and beneficent hitherto known among men ; that under its protection the wide ex¬ pansion of our territory, the vast development of our wealth, our population, and our power, have built up a nation able to maintain and defend before the world the principles of liberty and justice upon which it was founded ; that by every sentiment of interest, of honor, of affection and of duty, ive arc engaged to preserve unbroken for our generation, and to transmit to our posterity, tho great heritage we have received from heroic ancestors ; that to the maintenance of this sacred trust we devote whatever we possess, and wdiatever we can do, and in support of that Government under which we are happy and proud to live, we are prepared to shed our blood and lay down our lives. Resolved, That the founders of the Government of the United States have provided, by the institu¬ tion of the Supreme Court, a tribunal for the peace¬ ful settlement of all questions arisiug under the constitution and the laws ; that it is the duty of the States to appeal to it for relief from measures which they believe unauthorized ; and that attempts to throw off the obligations of the constitution, and to obtain redress by an appeal to arms, can be consid¬ ered in no other light than as levying war against the United States. Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States, the basis and the safeguard of the Federal Union, having been framed and ratified by the origi- Documents — 6 nal States, and accepted by those which subsequently became parties to it, is binding upon all ; atid that any resumption by any one of them of the rights delegated to the Federal Government, without first seeking a release from its obligations through the concurrence of the common sovereignty, is unau¬ thorized, unjust to all the others, and destructive of all social aud political order. Resolved, That when the authority of the Federal Government shall have been re-established, and peace¬ ful obedience to the constitution and laws prevail, we shall be ready to confer and co-operate with all loyal citizens throughout the Union, in Congress or in Convention, for the consideration of all supposed grievances, the redress of all wrongs, and the pro¬ tection of every right, yielding ourselves, and ex¬ pecting all others to yield, to the will of the whole people as constitutionally and lawfully expressed. Resolved, That it is the duty of all good citizens, overlooking past differences of opinion, to contri¬ bute by all the means in their power to maintain the Union of the States, to defend the constitution, to preserve the national flag from insult, and uphold the authority of the Government against acts of lawless violence, which, if longer unresisted, would inevitably end in breaking down all the barriers erected by our fathers for the protection of life, liberty and property, and involve the country in universal anarchy and confusion. Resolved, That a committee of twenty-five, to be nominated by the President, be appointed by this meeting to represent the citizens in the collection of funds and the transaction of such other business in aid of the movements of the Government as tho public interests may require. SPEECH OF DANIEL S. DICKINSON. Fellow Citizens — I was invited to speak on this occasion — in the language of the call — to the peo¬ ple, without distinction of party, and I avail myself, with alacrity, of the invitation. This morning I travelled two hundred miles in order to be present. (Cheers.) We are cast on perilous times. The demon of discord has inaugurated his terrible court, and it becomes us as a great people to act in a manner be¬ coming this Government and people. In a somewhat extended service I have entertained my own views of what each section of this confederacy owed to the other. Through a spirit of forbearance, fra¬ ternity and friendship, I had hoped, notwithstanding there might be subjects of irritation, that the heal¬ ing influence of time and the recollection of the great names and greater memories of the Revolu¬ tion would call back all to their duty, that all might be harmonized, and that we might all march on together like brethren to a great and common destiny. (Cheers.) But while we were revelling in these dreams a fortress has been attacked and reduced, or evacuated. Tho flag of the country has been insulted, public property seized, and civil war exists this day by the action of those who should be and are our sister States — by those who are our brethren. In this great crisis it is no time to inquire for causes remote and distant ; it is no time to inquire who holds the helm of the ship of State; it is no time to inquire what interest or sec¬ tion placed him there. The only question is, does he steer the ship between the Scylla and Charybdis which threaten our Union, according to the lights of the constitution? If he does, he is to be sus¬ tained. (Cheers.) I shall not pursue this matter 86 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. in an angry spirit. I would make every effort to bring back every wandering lamb to tbe fold again. I would not levy war for aggression — I would levy it for defensive peace. (Cheers.) I would not do it to despoil others. I would arm, and that in a man¬ ner becoming this Government and people, not for aggression, 1 repeat, but for defence — for the pur¬ pose of retaining our honor and dignity, not only at home, but among the nations of the earth. (Cheers.) The most brilliant successes that ever attended the field of battle could afford me no pleasure ; because I cannot but reflect that of every one who falls in this unnatural strife, be it on one side or on the other, wre must, in our sober mo¬ ments, exclaim, — Another sword has laid him low, Another, and another’s; And every hand that dealt a blow — All, me 1 it was a brother’s. But wo are called upon to act. There is no time for hesitation or indecision — no time for haste and excitement. It is a time when the people should rise in the majesty of their might, stretch forth their strong arm and silence the angry waves of tumult. It is time the people should command peace. (Cheers.) It is a question between union and anarchy — between law and disorder. All politics for the time being are and should be committed to the resurrection of the grave. The question should be, “ Our country, our whole country, and nothing but the country.” (Cheers.) ’Tis not the whole of life to liva Nor all of death to dio. We should go forwrard in a manner becoming a great people. But six months since, the material elements of our country were never greater. To¬ day, by the fiat of madness, we are plunged in dis¬ tress and threatened with political ruin, anarchy and annihilation. It becomes us to stay the hands of this spirit of disunion. The voice of the Empire State can be potential in this unnatural strife. (Cheers.) Sh» has mighty power for union. She has great wealth and influence, and she must bring forward that wealth and exert that influence. She has numerous men and she must send them to the field, and in the plenitude of her power command the public peace. This is a great commercial city —one of the modern wonders of the earth. With all the great elements that surround her, with her commercial renown, with her architectural magnifi¬ cence, with her enterprise and energy, she is ca¬ pable of exercising a mighty power for good in silencing the angry waves of agitation. (Cheers.) While I would prosecute this war in a manner be- -coming a civilized and a Christian people, I would do so in no vindictive spirit. I would do it as Brutus set the signet to the death-warrant of hi3 son — “ Justice is satisfied, and Rome is free.” (Cheers.) I love my country ; I love this Union. It was the first vision of my early years ; it is the last ambition .of my public life. Upon its altar I have surren¬ dered my choicest hopes. I had fondly hoped that in approaching age it was to beguile my solitary hours, and I will stand by it as long as there is a Union to stand by — (cheers) — and when the ship of the Union shall crack and groan, when the skies lower and threaten, when the lightnings flash, the thunders roar, the storms beat and the waves run mountain- high, if the ship of State goes down, and the Union .perishes, I would rather perish with it than survive its destruction. (Loud cheers.) I love that flag, with all its stars and stripes — that flag of my fathers — that flag that is known and honored throughout the earth, wherever civilization has travelled. I love it still; I would say, with the British peer, “ With all thy faults I love thee still.” Let us, my friends, stay up the hands of Union men in other sections of the country. How much have they sacrificed of advantage, of national wealth, of political promotion! Let us aid them and cheer them on. Let us, my fellow-citizens, rally round the flag of our country, rendered illustrious by the gallant Anderson. (Cheers.) In the spirit of peace and forbearance he waved it over Fort Sumter. The pretended authorities of South Carolina and the other Southern States attacked him because they seemed to consider him a kind of minister plenipo¬ tentiary. Let us maintain our flag in the same noble spirit that animated him, and never desert it while one star is left. (Cheers.) If I could see my bleeding, torn, maddened and distracted coun¬ try once more restored to quiet and lasting peace under those glorious stars and stripes, I could almost be ready to take the oath of the infatuated leader in Israel — Jephtha — and swear to sacrifice the first living thing that I should meet on my re¬ turn from victory. (Loud cheers.) SPEECH OF SENATOR BAKER, OF OREGON. The majesty of the people is here to-day to sus¬ tain the Majesty of the Constitution — (cheers) — and I come, a wanderer from the far Pacific, to record my oath along with yours of the great Empire State. (Applause and three cheers for Baker.) The hour for conciliation has passed, the gathering for battlo is at hand; and the country requires that every man shall do his duty. (Loud cheers.) Fellow-citizens, what i3 that country? Is it the soil on which we tread? Is it the gathering of familiar faces ? Is it our luxury and pomp and pride? Nay, more than these, is it power and might and majesty alone? No, our country is more, far more than all these. The country which demands our love, our courage, our devotion, our heart’s blood, is more than all these — (loud ap¬ plause) — our country is the history of our fathers — our country is the tradition of our mothers — our country is past renown — our country is present pride and power — our country is future hope and destiny — our country is greatness, glory, truth, constitutional liberty — above all, freedom forever! (Enthusiastic cheers.) These are the watchwords under which we fight ; and we will shout them out till the stars appear in the sky, in the stormiest hour of battle. (Cheers.) I have said that the hour for conciliation is past. It may return ; but not to-morrow, nor next week. It will return when that tattered flag (pointing to the flag of Fort Sumter) is avenged. (Prolonged and enthusiastic cheers.) It will return when rebel traitors are taught obedience and submission. It will return when the rebellious confederates are taught that the North, though peaceable, are not cowardly — though forbearing, are not fearful. (Cheers.) That hour of conciliation will come back when again the ensign of the Republic will stream over every re¬ bellious fort of every Confederate State. (Renewed cheers.) Then, as of old, the ensign of the pride and power, and dignity and majesty, and the peace of the Republic will return. (Loud applause.) Young men of New York — young men of the United DOCUMENTS. 87 States — you arc told this is not to be a war of ag¬ gression. In one sense that is true ; in another, not. We have committed aggression upon no man. In all the broad land, in their rebel nest, in their traitor’s camp, no truthful man can rise and say that he has ever been disturbed, though it be but for a single moment, in life, liberty, estate, char¬ acter, or honor. (Cheers and cries of “That’s so.”) The day they began this unnatural, false, wicked, rebellious warfare, their lives were more secure, their property more secure, by us — not by them¬ selves, but by us — guarded far more securely than any people ever have had their lives and prop¬ erty secured from the beginning of the world. (Applause.) We have committed no oppression, have broken no compact, have exercised no unholy power ; have been loyal, moderate, con¬ stitutional, and just. We are a majority of the Union, and we will govern our own Union, within our own constitution, in our own way. (Cries of “ Bravo,” and applause.) We are all democrats. We are all republicans. We acknowledge the sov¬ ereignty of the people .within the rule of the con¬ stitution ; and under that constitution and beneath that flag, let traitors beware. (Loud cheers.) In this sense, then, young men of New York, we are not for a war of aggression. But in another sense, speaking for myself as a man who has been a sol¬ dier, and as one who is a senator, I say, in the same sense, I am for a war of aggression. I propose to do now as we did in Mexico — conquer peace. (Loud and enthusiastic applause.) I propose to go to Washington and beyond. (Cheers.) I do not de¬ sign to remain silent, supine, inactive — nay, fearful — until they gather their battalions and advance their host upon our borders or in our midst. I w'ould meet them upon the threshold, and there, in the very State of their power, in the very atmosphere of their treason, I propose that the people of this Union dictate to these rebels the terms of peace. (Loud cheers.) It may take thirty millions ; it may take three hundred millions. What then? We have it. (Cries of “ Good,” and applause.) Loyally, nobly, grandly do the merchants of New York re¬ spond to the appeals of the Government. It may cost us seven thousand men. It may cost us seven¬ ty-five thousand men in battle ; it may cost us seven hundred and fifty thousand men. What then? We have them. (Renewed cheering.) The blood of every loyal citizen of this Government is dear to me. My sons, my kinsmen, the young men who have grown up beneath my eye and beneath my care, they are all dear to me ; but if the country’s destiny, glory, tradition, greatness, freedom, gov¬ ernment, written constitutional government — the only hope of a free people — demand it, let them all go. (Enthusiastic cheers.) I am not here now to speak timorous words of peace, but to kindle the spirit of manly, determined war. I speak in the midst of the Empire State, amid scenes of past suf¬ fering and past glory; the defences of the Hudson above me ; the battle-field of Long Island before me, and the statue of Washington in my very face — (loud and enthusiastic cheers) — the battered and unconquered flag of Sumter waving in his hands, which I can almost now imagine trembles with the excitement of battle. (Great enthusiasm). Aud as I speak, I say my mission here to-day is to kindle the heart of New York for war — short, sudden, bold, determined, forward war. (Applause.) The Seventh regiment lias gone. (Three cheers for the Seventh regiment.) Let seventy and seven more follow. (Applause.) Of old, said a great historian, beneath the banner of the cross, Europe precipi¬ tated itself upon Asia. Beneath the banner of the constitution let the men of the Union precipitate themselves upon disloyal, rebellious Confederate States. (Tremendous applause.) A few more words, and I have done. (Cries of “ Go on,” “ You’re tbo man,” “We’ll hear you till night.”) Let no man underrate the dangers of this controversy. Civil war, for the best of reasons upon the one side, and the worst upon the other, is always dangerous to liberty — always fearful, always bloody ; but, fellow- citizens, there are yet worse things than fear, than doubt and dread, and danger and blood. Dishonor is worse. (Prolonged cheers.) Perpetual anarchy is worse. States forever commingling and forever severing are worse. (Renewed cheers.) Traitors and Secessionists are worse. To have star after star blotted out — (Cries of “ Never ! never ! ”) — to have stripe after stripe obscured — (cries of “No! no ! ”) — to have glory after glory dimmed — to have our women weep and our men blush for shame throughout generations yet to come — that and these are infinitely wrorse than blood. (Tremendous cheers.) People of New York, on the eve of battle allow me to speak as a soldier. Few of you know, as my career has been distant and obscure, but I may mention it here to-day, with a generous pride, that it was once my fortune to lead your gallant New York regiment in the very shock of battle. (Applause.) I was their leader, and upon the bloody heights of Cerro Gordo I know well what New York can do when her blood is up. (Loud applause, and “ three cheers for Baker.”) Again, once more, when we march, let us not march for revenge. As yet we have nothing to revenge. It is not much that where that tattered flag waved, guarded by seventy men against ten thousand ; it is not much that starvation effected what an enemy could not compel. (Prolonged applause.) We have as yet something to punish, but nothing, or very little, to revenge. The President himself, a hero without knowing it — and I speak from knowledge, having known him from boyhood — the President says : — “ There are wrongs to be redressed, already long enough endured.” And we march to battle and to victory because we do not choose to endure this wrong any longer. (Cheers.) They are wrongs not merely against us ; not against you, Mr. President ; not against me, but against our sons and against our grandsons that surround us. They are wrongs against our ensign — (cries of “ That’s so,” and ap¬ plause) — they are wrongs against our Union ; they are wrongs against our Constitution ; they are wrongs against human hope aud human freedom; and thus, if it bo avenged, still, as Burke says : “ it is a wild justice at last,” and we will revenge them. While I speak, following in the wake of men so eloquent, so conservative, so eminent, so loyal, so well known — even while I speak, the object of your meeting is accomplished; upon the wings of the lightning it goes out throughout the world that New York, the very heart of a great city, with her crowded thoroughfares, her merchants, her manu¬ facturers, her artists — that New York, by one hun¬ dred thousand of her people, declares to the coun¬ try and to the world that she will sustain the Gov¬ ernment (applause) to the last dollar in her treasury — to the last drop of your blood. (Renewed cheers.) The national banners leaning from ten thousand 88 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. •windows in your city to-day proclaim your affection and reverence for the Union. You will gather in battalions, Patient of toil, serene amidst alarms, Inflexible in faith, invincible in arms ; and as you gather, every omen of present concord and ultimate peace will surround you. The minis¬ ters of religion, the priests of literature, the histo¬ rians of the past, the illustrators of the present, capital, science, art, invention, discoveries, the works of genius — all these will attend us in our march, and we will conquer. And if, from the far Pacific, a voice feebler than the feeblest murmur upon its shore may be heard to give you courage and hope in the contest, that voice is yours to-day ; and if a man whose hair is gray, who is well-nigh worn out in the battle and toil of life, may pledge himself on such an occasion and in such an audience, let me say, as my last word, that when, amid sheeted fire and flame, I saw and led the hosts of New York as they charged in contest upon a foreign soil for the honor of your flag ; so again, if Providence shall will it, this feeble hand shall draw a sword, never yet dishonored — not to fight for distant honor in a foreign land, but to fight for country, for home, for law, for government, for constitution, for right, for freedom, for humanity, and in the hope that the banner of my country may advance, and whereso¬ ever that banner waves, there glory may pursue and freedom be established. (Loud and prolonged applause.) [Lieutenant Hall, of Fort Sumter, was here intro¬ duced to the audience, and made his bow amidst enthusiastic cheers.] ROBERT J. walker’s SrEECH. I received the request to address you but a few hours since, and being wholly unprepared, shall therefore detain you but a few moments. This greatest popular meeting ever assembled in the history of the world, has a deep significance. The hundred thousand freemen whom I now address, have assembled here for a great and glorious pur¬ pose. It is a sublime spectacle, and the greatest epoch in the history of the world. The question is, shall this Union be maintained and perpetuated, or shall it be broken and dissolved ? (Cries of “ Nev¬ er.”) No question so important has ever occurred in the history of our race. It involves not only the fate of this great country, but the question of free institutions throughout the world. The case of self-government is now on trial before the forum of our country and of the world. If we succeed and maintain the Union, free institutions, under the moral force of our example, will ultimately bo es¬ tablished throughout the world ; but if we fail, and our Government is overthrown, popular liberty will have made its last experiment, and despotism will reign triumphant throughout the globe. Our re¬ sponsibilities are fearful. We have a solemn duty to perform — we are this day making history. We are writing a book whose pages can never be erased — it is the destiny of our country and of mankind. For more than seventy years this Union has been main¬ tained, and it has advanced our country to a pros¬ perity unparalleled in the history of the world. (Ap¬ plause.) The past was great, but the future opened upon prospects beyond the power of language to de¬ scribe. But where are we now ? The world looks on with scorn and derision. We have, it is said, no gov¬ ernment — a mere voluntary association of independent States~a debating society, or a moot court, without any real power to uphold the laws or maintain the consti¬ tution. We have no country, no flag, no Union ; but each State at its pleasure, upon its own mere whim or caprice, with or without cause, may secede and dis¬ solve the Union. Secession, we are told, is a consti¬ tutional right of each State, and the constitution has inscribed its own death-warrant upon its face. If this be so, we have indeed, no government, and Eu¬ rope may well speak of us with contempt and de¬ rision. This is the very question we are now to solve — have we a government, and has it power to maintain its existence ? This question is not for the first time presented to the consideration of the American people. It arose in 1832, when South Car¬ olina nullified the revenue laws of the Union, and passed her secession ordinance. In that contest I took a very active part against the doctrines of nullifi¬ cation and secession, and upon that question, after a struggle of three years, I was elected by Mississippi as a Senator of the United States. A contest so pro¬ longed and violent had never before been witnessed in this country. It was fought by me in every county of the State under the banner of the Union. The sentiments contained in the many speeches then made by me, and then published, are the opinions I now entertain. They are all for the Union and against secession, and they are now the opinions of thousands of Union men of the South, and of Missis¬ sippi. (Applause.) These opinions are unchanged, and deeply as I deplore our present situation, it is my profound conviction that the welfare, security, and prosperity of the South can only be restored by the re-establishment of the Union. I 6ee, in the per¬ manent overthrow of the Union, the utter ruin of the South and the complete prostration of all their inter¬ ests. I have devoted my life to the maintenance of all their constitutional rights and the promotion of their happiness and welfare ; but secession involves them and us in one common ruin. The recognition of such a doctrine is fatal to the existence of any government — of the Union — it is death — it is nation¬ al suicide. (Applause.) This is the question now to be decided — have we a Union — have we a flag — are the stars and stripes a reality or a fiction — have we a government, and can we enforce its laws, or must the whole vanish whenever any one State thinks proper to issue the despotic mandate ? Is the Union indissoluble, or is it written on the sand, to be swept away by the first angry surge of State or sectional passion which may sweep over it ? It was the de¬ clared object of our ancestors to found a perpetual Union. The original articles of confederation, by all the States, in 1778, declared the Union to be “ per¬ petual,” and South Carolina (with all the States) then plighted her solemn faith that “ the union of the States shall be perpetual.” And in modifying these articles by the formation of the constitution in 1787, the declared object of that change was to make “ the Union more perfect.” But how more perfect, if the Union is indissoluble in 1787, but might at any mo¬ ment be destroyed by any one State after the adop¬ tion of the constitution ? No, my countrymen, se¬ cession is not a constitutional right of any one State. It is war — it is revolution — and can only be estab¬ lished on the ruins of the constitution and of the Union. We must resist and subdue it, or our Govern¬ ment will be but an organized anarchy, to be surely succeeded, as anarchy ever has been, by military despotism. This, then, my fellow-citizens, is the last great contest for the liberties of our country and of DOCUMENTS. 89 the world. (Applause.) If we are defeated, the last experiment of self-government will have failed and we will have written with our own hands the epitaph of human liberty. We will have no flag, we will have no government, no country, and no Union ; we will cease to be American citizens, and the despots of Europe will rejoice in the failure of the great ex¬ periment of republican institutions. The liberties of our country and of the world will have been in¬ trusted to our care, and we will have dishonored the great trust and proved ourselves traitors to the freedom of our country and of mankind. This is not a sectional question — it is not a Northern or a South¬ ern question. It is not a question which concerns our country only, but all mankind. It is this, Shall we by a noble and united effort sustain here repub¬ lican institutions, or shall we have secession and anarchy to be succeeded by despotism, and extin¬ guish forever the hopes of freedom throughout the world ? God grant you, my dear countrymen, cour¬ age, and energy, and perseverance, to maintain suc¬ cessfully the great contest. You are fighting the last great decisive battle for the liberties of our country and of mankind — faint not, falter not, but move on¬ ward in one great column for the maintenance of the constitution and the Union. Remember it was a South¬ ern man, a noble son of Kentucky, (Major Anderson,) who so gloriously sustained the flag of our country at Fort Sumter, and never surrendered that flag. He brought it with him to New York, and there it is, held in the hands of Washington, in thatmarble columnnow before us representing the Father of his Country, and whose lips now open and urge us, as in his Farewell Address, to maintain the constitution and the Union. And now, whilst I address you, the news comes that the city of Washington, founded by the Father of his Country and bearing his sacred name, is to be seized by the legions of disunion. Never. Never must or shall this disgrace befall us. That capital must and shall be defended, if it requires every Union man in America to march to its defence. And now, then, fellow-citizens, a desperate effort is made to make this a party question — a question between Democrats and Republicans. Well, fellow-citizens, I have been a Democrat all my life, and never scratched a demo¬ cratic ticket, from Constable up to President, but say to you this is no party question. (Cheers.) It is a question of a maintenance of the Government and the perpetuation of the Union. The vessel of State is rushing upon the breakers, and, without asking who may be the commander, we must all aid in her rescue from impending disaster. When the safety of my country is involved, I will never ask who is Presi¬ dent, nor inquire what may be the effect on parties of any particular measure. Much as I love my party, I love my country infinitely more, and must and will sustain it at all hazards. Indeed, it is due to the great occasion here frankly to declare that, notwithstanding my earnest opposition to the election of Mr. Lincoln, and my disposition most closely to scrutinize all his acts, I see thus far nothing to condemn in his efforts to maintain the Union. And now, then, my country¬ men, one word more before I close. (Cheers.) I was trained in devotion to the Union by a patriot sire, who fought the battles of liberty during the war of the Revolution. My life has been given to the sup¬ port of the Union. 1 never conceived a thought or wrote or uttered a word, except in its defence. And now, let me say, that this Union must, will, and shall be perpetuated ; that not a star shall be dimmed or a stripe erased from our banner ; that the integrity of the Government shall be preserved, and that, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the lakes of the North to the Gulf of Mexico, never shall be surrendered a single acre of our soil, or a drop of its waters. (Loud and long continued cheering.) LETTER OF ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. The Chairman then read the following letter from Archbishop Hughes, amid loud applause : — New York, April 20, 1861. Dear Sir : — Unable to attend the meeting at Union Square in consequence of indisposition, I beg leave to state my sentiments on the subject of your coming together, in the following words : — Ministers of religion and ministers of peace, ac¬ cording to the instructions of their Divine Master, have not ceased to hope and pray that peace and Union might be preserved in this great and free country. At present, however, that question has been taken out of the hands of the peacemakers, and it is referred to the arbitrament of a sanguinary contest. I am not authorized to speak in the name of any of my fellow-citizens. I think so far as I can judge, there is the right principle among all those whom I know. It is now fifty years since, a for¬ eigner by birth, I took the oath of allegiance to this country under its title of the United States of Amer¬ ica. (Loud cheers.) As regards conscience, patriot¬ ism, or judgment, I have no misgiving. Still desirous of peace, when the Providence of God shall have brought it, I may say that since the period of my naturalization I have none but one country. In reference to my duties as a citizen, no change has come over my mind since then. The Government of the United States was then, as it is now, symbolized by a national flag, popularly called “ The Stars and Stripes.” (Loud applause.) This has been my flag, and shall be to the end. (Cheers.) I trust it is still destined to display in the gales that sweep every ocean, and amid the gentle breezes of many a distant shore, as I have seen it in foreign lands, its own pe¬ culiar waving lines of beauty. May it live and con¬ tinue to display these same waving lines of beauty whether at home or abroad, for a thousand years and afterwards as long as Heaven permits, without limit of duration. John Hughes, Archbishop of New York. MAYOR wood’s SPEECH. Fellow-Citizens : — The President has announc¬ ed that Colonel Baker, the gentleman who has so eloquently addressed you to-day, proposes to raise a New York brigade, if the State will bear the ex¬ pense of outfit (cheers) ; and here, as Mayor of this city, so far as I have the power to speak, I pledge for the corporation that sum. (Loud applause, and cries of “ good ! ”) When I assumed the duties of the office I have now the honor to hold, my official oath was that I would support the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of the State of New York ; and I imply from that that it is not only my duty, as it is consistent with my principles and sense of right, to support the constitution, but the Union, the Government, the laws and the flag. (Loud cheers.) And, in the discharge of that duty, I care not what past political associations may be severed. I am willing to give up all past prejudices and sympathies, if in conflict with the honor and inter¬ est of my country in this great crisis. (Applause.} I am willing to say here that I throw myself entirely into this contest with all my power and with all my REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. 90 might. (Loud cheers.) My friends, the greatest man next to Washington, that this country has ever produced — Andrew Jackson — has said that “the Union must and shall be preserved ” — (cheers) — and in that connection he has said, and it is directly perti¬ nent to the present contest, “ the Union must and shall be preserved — peaceably if we can, but forcibly if we must.” (Enthusiastic applause.) There are those of us who have heretofore held antagonist posi¬ tions to what is supposed to be the policy and the principles of this Administration, who are willing to accept that noble declaration of the sacred Jackson, as a resort to force upon this occasion. (Prolonged cheers, and cries of “ That’s so ! ” “ Good ! ”) Why, gentlemen, what is the nature of your Government? Ours is a government of opinion expressed through the laws. The laws being made by the people, through their representatives, are simply the ex¬ pressions of popular sentiment ; and the administra¬ tors of the laws should be maintained in the exercise of all legal authority. (Cheers.) I have always ad¬ vocated a strong Executive power; because, to be efficient it requires ample authority, and under our form of Government, the agent being merely the ex¬ ponent of the popular will, he should be provided with every means to maintain ^that will. Thus in maintaining the Government, we maintain ourselves, our inalienable rights and the basis of free institu¬ tions. It is true that individuals retain the right of independent criticism, and at the ballot box have an opportunity to exercise this right ; yet we are all bound to abide by the result. These views are perti¬ nent to the occasion, so far as the people of the city and State of New York arc concerned. (Applause.) This city is a portion of the State, and this State re¬ dans its position as one of the United States of Amer¬ ica. (Loud cheers.) Therefore we must stand by the Government, we must obey the laws, we must respect official authority, we must respond with alac¬ rity to the calls of patriotism, and so long as we may have the strength, support the constitution and the Union. (Applause.) In accordance, then, with these views, I have no hesitation in throwing what¬ ever power I may possess in behalf of the pending struggle. If a military conflict is necessary, and that military authority can be exercised under the constitution and consistently with the laws, dreadful as the alternative may be, we have no recourse ex¬ cept to take up arms. (Cheers, and cries of “We will do it.”) In times of great peril great sacrifices are required. When the human frame is upon the verge of death, every effort of skill and the most des¬ perate experiments arc resorted to to preserve life and prevent dissolution. This may be said to be an apt illustration of the present condition of the body politic. In the expression of these views, which 1 design to be understood as a public proclamation in favor of maintaining the authority of government as such, “ peaceably if we can but forcibly if we must,” (renewed cheering,) I desire also to be under¬ stood as taking back no sentiment I have ever utter¬ ed on the political issues of the day. (Cries of “ Good for you.”) If the Presidential election was to be held over again to-morrow, my vote and my sentiments would be unchanged ; nor am I to be re¬ garded as countenancing or justifying mob law or violence. The people themselves have elected or established tribunals for the adjudication of offences against the laws, and all of us are restrained and must conform thereto. Every man’s opinion is to be re¬ spected ; and he who denies to a fellow-citizen the right of independent thought violates the first princi¬ ples of republicanism and strikes a blow at the theory of our Government. (Loud applause.) My friends, it has been said here to-day that your flag has been insulted. Aye ! not only lias your flag been insult ed, but the late Secretary of War, assuming to repre¬ sent the Confederate States, has said that the confed¬ erate flag shall wave over your Capitol before the first of May. (Groans.) And, more than that, that the confederate flag shall fly over Faneuil Hall in Boston. (Cries of “ Never,” groans and hisses.) My friends, before that banner can fly over Faneuil Hall in Boston, it must be carried over the dead body of every citizen of New York. (Enthusiastic applause.) In behalf of you I am prepared to say here, and, through the press, to our friends of the South, that before that flag shall float over the national capitol, every man, woman, and child would enlist for the war. (Renewed cheers, and cries of “ That they will.”) Gentlemen, I have no voice, although the heart, to address you longer. (Cries of “ Go on.”) Abler and more eloquent men that myself are here. I can only say, therefore, that I am with you in this contest. We know no party now. (Cheers.) We are for maintaining the integrity of the national Union intact. W e are for exhausting every power at our com¬ mand in this great, high, and patriotic struggle — (cheers) — and I call upon every man, whatever may have been his position heretofore, whatever may be his individual sympathy now, to make one great phalanx in this struggle, that we may, in the language of the eloquent Senator who preceded me, proceed to “ con¬ quer peace.” (Loud applause.) My friends, it has been already announced by the Chairman that the Baltic and other vessels at the foot of Canal-street are ready to take five thousand men to-morrow to the capital of Washington. I urge a hearty response to that call, that New York may speak trumpet-tongued to the people of the South. (Enthusiastic applause.) SPEECH OF EX-GOVERNOR IIUNT. Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens — A profound sense of duty impels me to take a brief part in your de¬ liberations at this trying crisis in our national history. At no period since the darkest hours of the Revolu¬ tion has the republic been involved in dangers appeal¬ ing so emphatically to the patriotism and wisdom of the people. It has been my constant hope that the controversies which have disturbed the harmony of the two great sections of our country might find a peaceful and constitutional solution, that the voice of reason and patriotism would finally prevail over the turbulence of excited passions, and above all, that we might be spared the agonizing spectacle of a great and free people destroying the richest inheritance ever bestowed upon mankind, in unnatural and fratri¬ cidal strife. But, Mr. President, we are compelled to deal with the stern realities before us. The past is beyond recall. It belongs to history. The present is no time for reviving former controversies or dis¬ cussions. . We must meet the issue which is forced upon us. Let us remember only that wo have a country to serve, a constitution to defend, and a national Union to cherish and uphold. On one side we behold our national Government struggling for the maintenance of its constitutional authority; on the other a formidable combination of discontented States, arrayed in open and disloyal resistance. Whatever differences of opinion may exist touching the causes of the attempted subversion of the fede- DOCUMENTS. 91 ral power, I am sure you will all agree that they are not such as to furnish a sufficient justification for the States which seek to renounce and annul the national compact. Our constitution makes ample provisions for the redress of grievances, and who shall say that the people, on a direct appeal to their patriotism and sense of justice, would not be found faithful to its principles and true to its spirit and design ? Instead of revolution or secession we have at least the right to demand that an honest effort should be made to settle differences within the Union, and according to the principles of the con¬ stitution. This is the only mode consistent with reason or compatible with the public safety. Amid the present distractions and dangers I cannot but feel that it is the duty of every true citizen to up¬ hold and maintain the Government of the United States. Come what may, we must stand by our country and support the Union in its integrity. You and I, Mr. President, have sworn more than once to support the Constitution of the United States. I consider that oath perpetually binding ; but if it were blotted out, the obligations of loyalty and patriotic fidelity to the Government under which we live would demand our best efforts for its pres¬ ervation. Why should we not support the consti¬ tution ? It has made us a great and powerful people — prosperous at home, respected abroad, and con¬ ferring upon our citizens everywhere a larger share of liberty and happiness than has fallen to the lot of any other nation on earth. While the country is convulsed by violence and dissension, it is not pretended that the Government, in its action, had invaded the constitutional rights of any of its mem¬ bers, or given any adequate cause for resistance to its rightful authority. Yet so rapid has been the progress of disaffection that the national capital is in danger of armed invasion and seizure. Sir, the capital of this Union must be defended at all hazards ; and I hope to see the preparations for that purpose on a scale fully commensurate with the magnitude of the danger. Let the force be sufficient, if not to prevent, then to repel any assault on the seat of Government. I cannot even yet believe that the attempt will be made. The men of the South ought to know that the men of the North will not permit the capital to be -wrested from the legitimate na¬ tional functionaries without a struggle such as this continent has never seen. If the time has not gone by, I would make a last appeal to Virginia not to permit any hostile invasion of the federal district. Can she forget that it bears the august name of her own Washington, and that it was he who dedicated its soil to the national Union, to be held as a sacred trust by the United States? It is consecrated ground. It is guarded by the most sacred and venerable recollections. Let no impious hand be laid upon the temple of American liberty and na¬ tionality. Any attempt to make the city of Wash¬ ington the theatre of bloody civil conflict would be alike treasonable, fratricidal, and sacrilegious, and could not fail to arouse a spirit of intense, unap¬ peasable vengeance. Whatever else may come, I pray to Heaven that this land may be spared the woes which are inevitable if the possession of the capital is to be determined by the arbitrament of the sword. I yet indulge the hope that this Union is to be perpetual. That hope is dearer to me than life, and I will be found among the last to relinquish it. We may well pause before admitting the idea that the people of the North and South have be¬ come so incurably alienated, or that there is such incompatibility of interest and feeling that they can no more dwell together in peace, under a common government. If we should ever be forced to the conclusion that a separation is inevitable or desir¬ able, there are regular and pacific methods in which the question may be submitted to the people, in whom the sovereign power resides, for their solemn deliberation and verdict, in view of their obligations to themselves and their posterity. We are bound to make every effort which wisdom can devise or patriotism suggest to avert the calamities of a final dissolution of the Union. If a national convention could be invoked in a constitutional mode and enabled to deliberate in peace, undisturb¬ ed by the clash of arms, is it too much to hope that it might result in a satisfactory solution of our present troubles? I feel, Mr. President, that I have some right to appeal to the Union men of the South, and to invoke them to join hands with us in one more patriotic effort to preservo our common na¬ tionality. In these unhappy dissensions I have been an humble advocate of moderation and for¬ bearance ; in my love of country, discarding all geographical distinctions, and contending for a faithful observance of the constitutional rights of both sections. Knowing full well that a large por¬ tion of the Southern people were earnestly devoted to the national constitution in all their efforts to uphold it from the assaults of its enemies, the warmest affections of my heart have been with them. While abhorring the spirit of disunion and secession, I have cherished and still feel an ardent attachment for the loyal Union men of the South¬ ern States. I have loved them as brethren, and am not willing to be disjoined from them, now or here¬ after. Overborne as they are in many of the States by tho resistless torrent of popular frenzy and delu¬ sion, may they still stand firm in their loyalty, and be prepared to aid in the noble wrork of pacification. Let them not believe that the mass of the Northern people are their enemies or desire their subjugation ; nor should it be assumed that the Federal Govern¬ ment intends to reduce them to dishonorable sub¬ mission by force of arms. Notwithstanding the ir¬ ritations engendered by past controversies, the na¬ tional heart of the North is still sound, and its pre¬ vailing desire at the present moment is that our Union may be preserved and perpetuated, in the spirit of the fathers, as a bond of peace and affection between the people of all the States, for the com¬ mon benefit and security of both sections. It is this sentiment of nationality, now thoroughly aroused, which prompts our people to step forth with patriotic ardor and enthusiasm to pledge their lives and for¬ tunes for the support and defence of the Federal Gov¬ ernment in all its constitutional vigor. While they feel themselves bound by the highest considera¬ tions of patriotism to sustain the executive arm in defence of the national supremacy, they are not actuated by a spirit of aggression towards their fel¬ low-citizens of the South. They look to the Gov¬ ernment to act with firmness in defence of its just rights and prerogatives, yet with kindness and mod¬ eration towards the people of every State ; and if compelled to draw the sword with one hand for the preservation of its authority, it should ever be ready to tender with the other tho olive branch of peace and conciliation. I believe these are the sentiments which animate, you all on the present occasion, and which this im- 1)2 REBELLION RECORD, 18GO-01. pressive demonstration of the popular will is in¬ tended to embody and express. In manifesting your attachment to the Government founded by our fathers, and your undying devotion to that national flag, under whose ample folds we have steadily marched onward in an unexampled career of great¬ ness and renown, you aim only to attest your affec¬ tion for the Union, and your determination to stand by your country, and your whole country, one and indivisible. For myself, I can only say that my whole heart is with you, in every effort for the maintenance of our national Union and constitution. Let every patriot, in this trying hour, range himself on the side of bis country and give a prompt and cheerful support to every measure of Government, which may be necessary to vindicate its rightful power and integrity. My fellow-citizens, we must not despair of the republic. I pray that the God of our fathers, who has so signally favored and sus¬ tained our country in times past, may dispel the clouds which darken the horizon, and ever continue to protect the majestic fabric of American Union and nationality. SPEECH OF WM. M. EVARTS. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: I regard this as a business meeting commencing the greatest trans¬ action that this generation of men have seen. Wo stand here the second generation from the men who declared our independence, fought the battles of the Revolution, and framed our constitution. The question for us to decide is, whether we are worthy children of such men — whether our descendants shall curse us as we bless our fathers. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, you have got something more to do than you have done hitherto — something more than merely to read the glorious history of the past; you have got to write a history for the future that your children will either glory in or blush for. (Loud cheers.) When Providence puts together the 19th of April, 1776, when the first blood wras shed at Lexington, and the 19th of April, 1861, when the tirst blood was shed at Baltimore, I tell you it means something. (Loud cheers.) When that statue of Washington sustains in its firm hands the flagstaff of Fort Sumter, I tell you it means some¬ thing. (Three cheers were here given for the flag and Major Anderson.) There is but one question left, and that is, whether you mean something too. (Cheers, and responses of “Yes, we do.”) If you mean something, do you mean enough? Do you mean enough of time, of labor, of money, of men, of blood, to seal and sanction the glories of the fu¬ ture of America? (Cheers.) Your ancestors fought for and secured independence, liberty and equal l ights. Every enemy of liberty, independence, and equal rights has told you that those ideas are in¬ consistent with government. It is for you to show that government of the people means that the people shall obey the government. (Cheers.) Hav¬ ing shown what the world never saw till the Decla¬ ration of Independence was made — what a people which governs itself can do in peace, you are to show what a people which governs truly means to accomplish, when it wages war against traitors and rebels. (Cheers.) Each man here is fighting his own quarrel and protecting the future of his chil¬ dren. With these sentiments, you need no argument and no suggestion to carry you through this conflict. You are to remember your fathers and care for your children. (Cheers.) LETTER OF THE HON. JAMES T. BRADY. The following letter wTas here read, from James T. Brady : United States Circuit Court, ) Philadelphia, April 19, 1861. f Wm. M. Evarts, Esq. : — My Dear Sir — I have been in this city since Saturday, engaged as counsel in a case, the trial of which is proceeding while I write, and there is little prospect of its being fin¬ ished until about Wednesday next. It will be im¬ possible for me to attend the meeting in New York to-morrow, which I am invited to address, and I must content myself with expressing briefly what I think in reference to the present crisis. I am sure that no one more deeply than I deplores the present critical and excited condition of the country. In common with millions of our people I mourn over the prospect of a civil war, the occurrence of which cannot but awaken the most poignant sorrow in the heart of every man who desires the ascendency of democratic principles and the continued exist¬ ence of free government. It is useless to speculate about the causes which have produced this lament¬ able state of affairs. No questions as to inferior political subjects can now be debated, and all other considerations are inferior to the inquiry as to what is the duty of the American people at this alarming juncture. I cannot, within the limits of a letter thus hastily written, give my views of the means adopted or omitted in any quarter, by which our present condition has been produced or might have been avoided ; but I repeat what on recent occasions I have felt called upon to state, that my country is the United States of America — by that name I hope and believe it will ever be known — to it, by that name, my allegiance is entirely due, and shall always be cheerfully given, and I can imagine no contingency which could ever lead me to withdraw one particle of my love or devotion from that flag which waved over the head of Washington in the grandest moments of his grandest triumph, and upon which no power on earth has hitherto been able to affix defeat or dishonor. I have always loved the Southern people rcflectingly, as well as naturally sympathized with them, and been ever ready and willing, with the utmost zeal and ability, to aid in maintaining all their rights in our confederacy under the Federal Constitution. I am not prepared to admit that even the most ardent son of South Carolina could, in this respect, have been more sin¬ cere or earnest than I. But in no view, even of the doctrines asserted by that State, have I been able to discover any just cause for the secession movement now progressing under circumstances so dangerous and deplorable. If prudent and wise counsels had prevailed, I think this movement would never have attained its present point ; but the fact cannot be disguised or evaded that several of our States have, so far as they could effect that result, withdrawn from the Union and formed a Southern confederacy. The great question, worthy the most cautious reflection of all our statesmen, and arous¬ ing the anxiety of our whole people is, how can the Union be restored to its integrity, and its old at¬ tractions be reproduced ? If, however, that most desirable result cannot be accomplished, and the new confederacy insists upon its separate organiza¬ tion, it is very plain that the loyal States should and must continue their association and adhere to the Constitution, title, and purposes of the Union established by the great, good, and patriotic men DOCUMENTS. 93 of the past. If the Southern people insist upon having a country and a name — a government and a destiny distinct from ours, and no just measures can prevent this consequence — I, for one, submit to the event, however lamentable. But I cannot go with the South, away from my home and insti¬ tutions — away from the Government and Constitu¬ tion, and I cannot consent that any portion of our territory, property, or honor shall be wrested from us by force. Beyond this, at present, I am not prepared to go. I deem it absurd to hope for any wrong to attempt any coercion of the seceding States into remaining with us; but at the same time, I think we have a right to the forts and all other lawful property of the United States of America, and that the forcible seizure of any part of them by the South was without any justification whatever. I am sorry to observe in presses of different political opinions, expressions strongly calculated, aud in some cases, I fear, intended to foment between the South and the North a more angry and sanguinary feeling than already exists. While we should entertain and express, with proper firmness, a due appreciation of the duties which the nation has a right to see us discharge, we should also be careful not to increase the difficulty of removing the obstacles to a restoration of good feeling among the various States. I do not flatter myself that these views have the importance which some friends seem to think my opinions might at this moment possess. But in the present, as in all previous instances affecting my course in public, I freely and fully define my position. I pray heaven that some means may yet be devised to prevent our brethren shedding each other’s blood, and that all of us who reside on American soil may be re¬ stored to that condition so happily expressed by the great man who demanded and predicted for us one country, one constitution, one destiny. That this beneficent issue may occur through the holy in¬ fluences of peace and the kindly offices of fraternity, Is my profound aspiration. But within the limits and to the extent, crudely stated in what I have already written, I say to my fellow-citizens of New York city that I shall cling while life remains to the name and fame of the United States of America, sharing its government and glory, and abiding with resignation any perils or adversity that may fall upon us, hoping ever that, from any and every trial, it may come forth with no part of its just rights impaired, and no portion of its power or prosperity diminished. That this may be the sentiment of all the States still loyal to the Union, and serve as their guide in all the future, is the fervent hope and confident expectation of him, who, without departing in any respect from the political principles he has ever entertained, feels it an imperative duty to avow unwaveriug and un¬ dying fidelity to his country. James T. Braoy. The President announced the following persons as members of the Committee of Finance : Moses Taylor, Moses H. Grinned, Royal I’helps, William E. Dodge, Greene C. Bronson, William M. Evarts, John J. Cisco, James T. Brady, Simeon Draper, James 8. Wadsworth, Isaac Bell, James Boorman, Abiel A Low, Edwards Pierrepont, Richard M. Blatchford, Alexander T. Stewart, Hamilton Fish, Samuel Sloan, John Jacob Astor, Wm. F. Havemeyer, Charles II. Russell, Rudolph A. Witthaus, Charles H. Marshall, Prosper M. Wetmore, Robert IL McCurdy. On motion, the name of Hon. John A. Dix was added to the committee. Mr. S. B. Chittenden offered the following reso¬ lution, which was unanimously adopted amid hearty cheers : Resolved, , That New York adopts the widows and children of her citizens who may fall in the defence of the Union. SPEECH OP HON. R. C. SCHENCK, OF OHIO. Men of New York — Let me inform you that I meet you here to-day, as it were, by accident, but that does not, at the same time, debar me from the privilege of being one of yourselves ; therefore, I have no apology to make on this head. (Hear, hear.) 1 also meet you as an American, and in this respect I am one of yourselves, as I said before. (Applause.) On this ground I know you, and in knowing you, and finding myself in your company, I feel at home — yes, perfectly at home. (Loud cheers.) I live in Ohio; but it is not New York or Ohio we arc now trying — that is not the question — that is not the subject which has brought us together this day. The great question — the vitally important question — which we have to consider is, whether we are citizens or not ; and in being citizens, we are also to inquire whether we have become refractory and have need of chastisement. (Loud cheers, and cries of “ Chastise the South.”) You are aware of the chastisement that was endeavored to be adminis¬ tered to the men of Massachusetts. These brave men had passed through your streets to the capital; you see such men passing through every day as they did, and more are yet to follow. I was in Boston when those brave men, who were so bar¬ barously assailed, left for the seat of war; I wit¬ nessed her population blessing them, and bidding them God speed, and cordially wishing success to their brave artillery. (Loud cheers.) Therefore, I cannot speak of New York more than of another. The lines are now broken, yet we feel here, as citi¬ zens, bound to support the law. God send that this may be the case ; but, before we turn against the constitution, let us stand up nobly and die, and if blood naturally must flow, let it flow in defence of the Union. (Great cheers.) There is no middle ground now between the parties. They have as¬ sumed the offensive, and wo must act on the defen¬ sive. (Cheers and cries of “ We will.”) We must be either on the one side or the other ! It has come to that, and we cannot now evade it. (Hear, hear.) The responsibility is now upon you to vindi¬ cate the honor and dignity of your institutions, and from this you cannot escape. Those States which obey the law, are the only ones now you arc bound to maintain and keep. We are here to-day in their behalf, and I am glad to state that we arc hero without distinction of party. (Applause.) We know neither Republicans, Democrats, Bell-Everett men, nor any other; but we are here to state, and to proclaim strongly and loudly, that wo shall stand by the Union to the last, and support it against those who would attempt to overthrow it. (Loud and long continued cheers.) This platform we are determined to stand upon, and all other platforms placed in antagonism to it shall be broken away like the grass before the fire of the mountain prai¬ ries. (Tremendous cheers.) I ask you to look at those thirteen stripes (pointing to the flag on the bust of Washington) which wave in your midst. They are the thirteen planks you are called upon 94 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. this day to stand on, and God grant that it may bo made an enduring platform, where we can all stand together! (Hear and cheers.) I am about to return to the State of Ohio, or the State they call Buckeye. (Loud laughter.) I have not time to say much more to you now. (Loud cries of “Go on, we are not tired of you yet.”) Talk is not the matter in these times, it is action. (Applause.) Then I call upon you, the men of New York, to act as you have ever done ; I implore you to act as men ; do your duty to your country and to your¬ selves. If eloquence were needed, that eloquence is to be found in your numbers, in the mighty array which I now see before me. (Loud cheers.) The fire that at present burns in your patriotic hearts tells me that you will never permit the Constitution of the United States to be frittered away. (Loud cheers, and cries of “No, never.”) I am going home to assist in supporting the glorious flag of our Union, that banner which was never yet tarnished ; and, if possible, to re-unite the United States of America. (“Hear,” and cheers.) In conclusion, I would say, let us be determined to bo a nation of freemen; and if it be that we cannot again be a united people, I hope that we shall ever hold firmly and sacredly the principles of our glorious consti¬ tution as framed and cemented by those who were the framers of this great and mighty Union. The speaker concluded amid rounds of applause. The Chairman here came forward and said he had received a telegraphic despatch from Governor Mor¬ gan, which he would read to the meeting. Mr. Charles II. Russell also presented himself to the meeting, and stated that ho had received a telegraphic message from Governor Morgan calling upon them to supply four additional regiments, and two also of volunteers. The Chairman read another telegraphic despatch, which stated that the Seventh regiment had reached Philadelphia in safety ; that they were on their way to Annapolis, and would proceed from thence at once to Washington, not touching at all at Baltimore. This intelligence was received with deafening plau¬ dits. mr. Chittenden’s speech. Fellow-Citizens and Fellow-Countrymen — My name was not on the programme of this great meet¬ ing as a speaker, and consequently I have no right here. But in what I do say to you I will not occupy your time more than two or three minutes. (Hear, hear.) I have been, for the last seventeen years, an humble merchant in your city among the great mer¬ chants of New York ; and whatever I have achieved during those seventeen years, I am willing to devote to the great cause which has brought us all together here this day. (Tremendous cheering.) I look upon this epoch in the history of this great country as one of the most important which has ever occurred on the face of the earth. I ask was there ever such a meeting as this assembled before in defence of the Union flag? What are all the great men of New York here fo" 9 — one hundred thousand men? Of what use«is all the money in the banks ? Why, these are, comparatively speaking, nothing when contrasted with the distress which has happened to the United States of America. (Hear, hear.) The Union, how¬ ever, we must defend ; and although future genera¬ tions may have to refer to the history of this day, it will be with pride and gratification that they will learn that we met to defend the flag of our Union. (Loud cheers.) The merchants of New York were enterprising men, and the merchants of New York when they spoke out it was not without reason. They have the sinews of war, and they have prepared to willingly distribute it. (Applause.) The steamer Baltic will as fast as possible convey many brave men to the scene of action — to the battle-field ; and their helpless women and children will be left behind. These noble and gallant men leave all behind them for the good of their country. But they leave us, knowing that their wives and children will be taken care of. (Loud cheers.) These are the sentiments of the New York people ; and I am proud and glad to say that, according to the resolution which you have just a little while ago heard read, the people of New York will adopt them. (Renewed and long con¬ tinued applause.) MR. CALED LYON’S SPEECH. Fellow-Citizens : — This surging sea of upturned faces, these stalwart arms, and honest and patriotic hearts, betoken the greatness of this occasion endors¬ ed, as it is, by the merchant princes upon my right and upon my left, representing the commerce, the wealth and the intelligence of the Empire City of tho Empire State. (Applause.) Endurance has ceased to be a virtue. "Wo come here for the sacred purpose of laying all that our hearts hold dear upon the altar of our country ; to vindicate her constitution, to uphold her laws, and to support her legitimately constituted authorities, with our influence, with our property, and, if need be, with our lives. Years ago, there went forth Peter tho Hermit who, with undaunted zeal, advocated the conquest of the holy sepulchre from the hands of the usurping infi¬ del; but his thrilling eloquence of the wrongs, indig¬ nities, and insults never fell upon the ear of such an ocean audience as this. He labored for a dead idea : we contend for a living truth — for that Washington who led to victory our armies, who consolidated our Government, who supported our constitution, who gave vitality to our laws, whose Mt. Vernon sepul¬ chre is desecrated, and in the hands of the insurrec¬ tionists, and the capital he founded is now threatened by impious assault ! It now devolves upon us, fellow-citizens, to rally and stop these parricidal hands, and take part in the great crusade by which that sepulchre, the capital, and the country can alone be saved. Arc you ready ? (Cries of, “ Wc arc /”) Men of New York ! your great awakening tells the South of no single soul’s sympathy for secession ; it will tell her that the North is a perfect unit upon the doctrine that our Government is not a confed¬ eracy, but a union, for good or ill, for weal or woo, present and future, perpetual, indivisible, and eter¬ nal. (Cheers.) From the balls that struck Fort Sumter, like th% dragon’s teeth that were sown in classic days upon the shores of the Euxine, from which sprang armed warriors, are our volunteers rising in serried thousands from the snow-clad shores of the St. Lawrence to the fertile valleys of the Susquehannah, from the forests of Chatauque to the Highlands of the Hudson, begirt with the panoply of right. I say, let our brethren of the South pause, ere the crevassed Mississippi River turns the States of Mississippi and Louisiana into dismal swamps, and New Orleans to a wilderness of waters. Let them pause ere northern chivalry de¬ vastates the shores of South Carolina, and makes tho DOCUMENTS. 95 site of Charleston what the desert of Sahara now is, in remembrance of her infamous and cowardly attack of nineteen batteries and nine thousand men, upon an unfinished fortification, garrisoned by seventy ill- ammunitioned and hungry soldiers, and for every drop of loyal Massachusetts blood spilled in the streets of Baltimore, other blood alone can wash it away in riv¬ ulets just as warm and red. Y esterday we said farewell to the glorious Seventh Regiment, the flower of this city’s soldiery, its household guards. W ords can feebly describe the unanimity with which they mustered for their country’s service. The lover left his betrothed, the husband his bride, the father his new¬ born babe, the merchant his counting room, the mechanic hi3 shop, the student his books, the lawyer his office, and the parson his church, as one man, the entire regiment responding to that love of country worthy of the better days of the Republic, many more of them gone, doubtless, to return no more ; and if they fall, theirs will be the proud Lacedemonian’s epitaph, “ They died in the defence of their country and its laws.” It is said that when General Jackson came to die, he told his spiritual adviser that there was one sin of omission that lay heavily on his soul. “ What is it ? ” softly inquired the devoted minister. The old General roused his departing energies, and exclaimed, “ It is that I did not hang Calhoun.” Ilis reason was prophetic. John C. Calhoun, having sowed the seeds of nullification, whose blossoms were secession, and the fruit fraternal bloodshed and civil war ! — -facilis descensus Averni ! — we are now called upon to teach the people of the South a salutary les¬ son of submission to the Constitution, and obedience to the laws. [Cheers.] They who now see only seven of Uncle Sam’s stars (and those would be Pleiades) will clearly see the whole thirty-four ere this war is finished ; and they who choose but three stripes of Uncle Sam’s bunting, (and those laid the wrong way,) will feel the force of the whole thirteen ere the campaign is ended. Before us are the ball-broken flag-staff and tattered colors, speaking in trumpet tones of the treachery of South Carolina. That flag, whose daz¬ zling folds have crystallized the love of a thousand heroes in our hearts, is destined to float once more over the ramparts of Sumter, before we will listen to the voice of peace. I feel that the spirit that is here is the spirit of 1776, it is that of 1812, it is that of a sublime instinct of self-preservation rising up to per¬ petuate the grandest nationality of freemen the world has ever known. [Cheers.] When after ages shall open the volume of history to the illuminated page lighted by this day’s sun, let it be said that in her darkest hour New York knew her duty and was equal to the occasion, and volun¬ teered without stint her treasure and her blood. [Enthusiastic cheers.] The stand No. two was located opposite the Everett House. The meeting was called to order by Mr. Samuel Sloane, who nominated Ex-Governor Fish for President, which nomination was ratified with great enthusiasm. The following Vice Presidents were ap¬ pointed : — W. II Aspinwall, Wm. Whitlock, Jr., G. S. Bedford, Cornel'sVanderbilt, N. Ludlam, Wm. M. Richards, James T. Brady, J. J. Roosevelt, W. C. Rhinelander, Daniel Lord, Isaac Seymour, Thomas Tileston, Sheppard Knapp, J. McLeod Murphy, Jno. A. Kennedy, Wm. A. Booth, A. R. Wetmore, ’ 0. A. Brownson, Jno.F.Butterworth, F. S. Winston, Jno. C. Hamilton, Denning I)ucr, J. A. Westervelt, Wm. II. Stewart, C R. Robert, George S. Robbins, Richard Patrick, Robert T. Haws, John 8. Giles, John H. Hall, George Griswold, Ezra Nye, George Law, Fred. Foster, II. B. Raymond, L. B. Woodruff, Solomon Banta, Morgan Jones, George Young, D. F. Maurice, Horace Greeley, Dan. E. Devlin, Wm. G. Lambert, A. W. Bradford W. S. Hatch, W. P. Lee, Erastus C.Bonedict, C. Newbold, W. II Appleton, Jno. E. Williams, Richard Irvin, William Tucker, Yah G. Hall, James Marsh, Horace Webster, D. A. Cushman, A. C. Richards, Tim’y P. Chapman, Chas. P. Kirkland, Jno. Dimon, Samuel Hotaling, Richard Warren, George Jones, Geo. T. Olyphant, B. Cornell, Jas. W. Underhill, Bernard Kelly, E. H. Ludlow, Thos. J. Barr, A. M. White, James Bryce, It. C. Root, D. B. Fearing, AVm. McMurray, John R. Brady, Henry Hilton, W. F. Havemeyer, Jas. Gallatin, W. B. Crosby, F. B. Cutting, Dan. F. Tiemann, J. S. Bosworth, T. B. Stillman, Geo. T. II. Davis, W. Curtis Noyes, James Lenox, B. R. Winthrop, D. D. Field. The presiding officer said : — Fellow-citizens, we desire to commence this meeting with prayer by the Rev. Dr. Vinton. The reverend gentleman stepped forward, and de¬ livered the following prayer : — PRATER OF DR. VINTON. 0, Almighty God, Creator of all men, high and mighty, whose kingdom ruleth over all — whose power no creature dare resist — thou art the protector of those who trust in thee. We come before thee to confess our own sins and the sins of our nation, and to declare our confidence in thee as our light and our salvation. 0 God, we have heard with our cars and our fathers have declared unto us the noble works thou didst in their days, and in the old time before them. Let the shield of thy omnipotent care be ex¬ tended over the United States of America to defend the constitution and to perfect the union of the peo¬ ple. Be the ruler of our rulers and the counsellor of our legislators, so that they may guide our feet into the ways of peace. Inspire the people with a spirit to think and to do that which is right. Thou hast proclaimed throughout the land — “ Prepare war, wake up the mighty men, let all the men of war draw near, let them come up, beat your plough-shares into swords, and your pruning hooks into spears — let the weak say, I am strong.” A loving patriotism has yielded the pride and treasures of the family to pro¬ tect the State. A religious loyalty has animated and nerved society to whatever it valued in social desire to uphold the government of the United States, as a divine institution ordained by God for good. Bless and prosper the courage and piety that have been thus displayed to defend them who with their lives in their hands maintain the cause of our country. God’s strength of our life cover their heads in the day of battle. Be Thou the Ruler and Guide of all, that they may so pass through the things temporal, that they lose not the things eternal. 0 God, bring again peace in our time, and allay all passions, prejudice, and pride. May Thy spirit descend upon the great congregation of Thy people, inspire the orators to speak the truth in love, and bow our hearts in obe¬ dience to duty as Christians and fellow-citizens, a3 loyalists and patriots, as sinners saved in a common salvation through Jesus Christ, to whom with tho Father and the Holy Ghost be praise now and for¬ ever. Amen. SPEECH OF HAMILTON FISn. My fellow:citizens, I shall not detain you longer than to express my appreciation of tho position con- 96 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. ferred upon me of presiding over a meeting of patriots convened to declare their intention to uphold the government, to maintain and support the constitution and the cause of the United States. We have fallen, indeed, on troublous times. Rebellion is abroad ; treason attempts to overthrow the work of patriots, and it is for you, for us, to say the work that has been made shall stand. (Voices, “ It shall.”) Yes, stand it will, in spite of traitors, in spite of rebellion. Thank God, I look now upon a multitude that knows no party divisions — no Whigs, Democrats or Republi¬ cans. (A voice, “ We are all Americans and for the Union.” Great cheering.) There is no party but the Union. The only distinction now, until this con¬ test shall be settled, till order shall be established, is that of citizen or traitor. (Voices, “ Down with them.” Great applause.) SPEECH OF JOHN COCHRANE. Fellow-Citizens : — No ordinary events have no¬ tified you to assemble, nor ordinary circumstances have convened you upon this spot. Another of the periods in human affairs which constitute the epochs of history has transpired; and summoned by the emergency from their usual vocations the people have congregated hero to-day to take order upon that which so intimately affects them. Since the construction of our government hitherto has its con¬ trolling policy been determined and applied through the instrumentality of political parties. To be sure, the vital functions of these parties have uniformly been derived from the people, as the source of all political power ; yet the favorite method of assert¬ ing its sovereignty, most usually preferred by pub¬ lic opinion, has been that which embraces party organization and party discipline. Accordingly we have seen great public measures when proposed either adopted or defeated under the auspices and by the strength of political divisions. The clamors of conflicting opinions have at various times proceeded from the various organizations •which prompted them. The Federalist at one time contended with the Republican ; at another the Democrat struggled for political ascendency with an opposition variously designated, as expediency or the irresistible conflict of some political necessity conferred the various titles of National Republican, Whig, or Republican. These progressive changes you will not, fellow-citi¬ zens, fail to perceive were characteristic of the dif¬ ficulties which prevailed among the citizens of a common country respecting the method of guiding its destiny. They were but the internal distinctions adopted among men occupying together the com¬ mon position of one government and one country, and devoting their whole energies, whatever their conflicting opinions upon incidental questions, to the advancement and prosperity of that government and that country. Such hitherto has been the at¬ titude of our political parties towards each other, and such their relations to the country, whose best interests each and all aspired to consult. It is not singular, therefore, that when government and coun¬ try are imperilled the divisions of party should dis¬ appear, and that their memory should be regarded but as an incentive to a more cordial and general co-operation for the general welfare. But yesterday and the commotions of party strife characterized our councils and imparted vigor to our political contest. Then, with a constitution unimpeached and a government unimpaired, the struggle for ascendency contributed to political divisions. But to-day, party zeal has subsided and party emulation ceased ; for to-day our country demands the efforts of all her children. To-day, the people and the whole people have cast aside the attributes of the political partisan, and in an unbroken array have assembled to express their unanimous condemna¬ tion of the practices by which the public peace has been violated, and the public weal endangered. (Cheers.) Events of dire import signal to us the approach of war — not the war constituted of resist¬ ance to the hostile tread of an invading foe, and laden with the consequences only of foreign aggres¬ sion resented, and foreign attack resisted — but a war inflamed by the passions, waged by the forces, and consisting of the conflict of citizens, brothers and friends. It is true that the problem of the future must baffle the most comprehensive wisdom, and compel the patriot into painful anxiety for the fate that awaits us. Yet we are not forbidden to extract from the past whatever consolations rectitude of purpose and a discreet conduct allow, and to sum¬ mon their inspiration to our alliance and aid. It is not my purpose, fellow-citizens, to weary you with the recapitulation of the party differences, the con¬ flict of which, while constituting our past political history at the same time shaped the question so long, so pertinaciously, and so fearfully debated be¬ tween the North and the South, I need not direct your attention to those acts which seem necessarily to constitute the preliminaries to the bloody arbit¬ rament that is upon us, and the consideration of which, however brief, cannot fail to manifest the patience and forbearance with which conflict has been shunned and the evils of war sought to be averted. Nearly all that need be submitted upon this point is directly pertinent to the recent and coercive attitude of the citizens very generally of the city of New York. Upon the revolutionary action of the seven Gulf States there occurred here an access of desire that every honorable means should be employed to induce their retention to the confederation of States in this Union. If this could not be attained, it was still hoped that a consider¬ ate policy might retain the border slave States, and thus possess us of the means of an ultimate restora¬ tion of its former integrity to the Union. Thus, though the property of the United States had been seized, its jurisdiction violated, and its flag assailed, yet it was by very many still thought wiser to re¬ frain from hostility and to court renewed national harmony, through the milder methods of concilia¬ tion and compromise. Accordingly many, actuated by such motives, established themselves firmly in the policy ot such concessions as, satisfactory to the Union sentiment of the border slave States, would, in their opinion, recommend themselves also to the judgment of the Northern people. I believe that a very large portion of our fellow-citi¬ zens entertained similar views, and were quite will¬ ing to advance towards any settlement of our sec¬ tional difficulties, not so much in the sense of remedial justice to the South as in that of an effec¬ tual method of restoriug the Union. For myself, I may say that while actuated by such views, I have never supposed that the requirements of the border slave States would exact what a Northern opinion would not grant ; nor, while affirming my belief that Northern patriotism would resist the in¬ fraction of Southern rights, did I for an instant imagine that I could be understood as including secession, and the seizure of the property of the DOCUMENTS. 97 United States among them. "Whatever the consti¬ tution has secured to the South, that there has been an abiding wish throughout the North to confirm ; and although there have been and are differences of opinion as to the extent of Southern constitution¬ al rights, yet I have never understood the disciples of any Northern political school to advocate those that were not affirmed by its party platform to be strictly of a constitutional character. But strenu¬ ous as were these efforts to disembarrass by coer¬ cion, even for the execution of the laws, the friend¬ ly intervention of the border slave States in behalf of a disrupted confederacy, their authors have been baffled, and their dearest hopes extinguished by the active hostility of South Carolina. Her at¬ tack upon Fort Sumter was simply an act of war. The right of property and the jurisdiction thereof, continued in the United States, and its flag denoted a sovereignty perfect and unimpaired. (Applause.) The cannon ball which first visited these battle¬ ments in hostile career violated that sovereignty and insulted that flag. It was the coercion which, at the North, had been deprecated for the sake of the Union and suspended, that was thus com¬ mended by the South to the North. The ensigns of government, and the emblems of national honor, were systematically assailed ; and the adhering States were reduced to the attitude and compelled to the humiliation of an outraged nationality. Nor was this all. Menaces, so authentic as to merit the atten¬ tion accorded to facts, marked the national capital for attack. Hostilities, with this object, were concerted against the government, and received the open appro¬ bation of the revolutionary leaders. In truth, the scene of war against the States represented by the government at Washington, which opened with the bombardment of Fort Sumter, has gradually devel¬ oped into the fearful proportions of an organized invasion of their integral sovereignty. Such has been the gradual, nay, the almost imperceptible pro¬ gress from initiatory violence to federal rights to the levying war upon the federal government. And now, fellow-citizens, it seems to me that no profound reflection is necessary to perceive that the posture of affairs which united so many of the Union loving men of the North against the policy of a coercion, supposed to be fraught with the danger of permanent dissolution, is not the same with that which represents the seceded States in open war to the constitution and the government. The considerations which de¬ precated the coercion of the South, address them¬ selves with equal force against the coercion of the North. That which was opposed because of its anti¬ cipated injury to efforts at adjustment, becomes far more objectionable in its positive initiation of hos¬ tilities against the constitution and laws. The tramp of war is heard in our streets. The fearful note of preparation rises above the din of daily life, and mingles with our busy thoughts the solemnities of approaching conflict. Let us not deceive ourselves. It is no gala occasion — that which receives our atten¬ tion. Confident as we are, many are the sad expe¬ riences which war reserves for those subjected to its stern necessities ; and ere the strife ceases, terminate as it may, we must expect the reverses which have generally characterized the experience of all belliger¬ ents. But through all the coming scenes there will expand the pervading sense of the rectitude of those who strive for the rights of government and of coun¬ try — the comforting reflection, that in a war which afflicts so many of our dearest affections, we at least were not the aggressors. Nor should a success pro¬ ductive of subjugation of any portion of our fellow- citizens be contemplated among the possibilities of the future. The contest so unhappily inaugurated, is directed to the establishment of the authority of the government and the vindication of its flag. It is to be hoped that, as for the attainment of such an object men of all parties have disregarded political divisions, so that men without exception will accept the first opportunity to welcome returning peace upon the basis of one constitution and one country. Still if that national reconstruction, which unfortu¬ nately has hitherto baffled every patriotic and peaceful effort, shall neither be attainable by any other method, our resistance to aggression, now conducted to the issue of arms, will at least have asserted our national dignity and have prevented the inexpressible humili¬ ation of national dismemberment and desolation ac¬ complished at the expense of the degradation of the North. Should final separation prove inevitable not¬ withstanding every effort for a return to the peaceful repose of an undivided republic, we shall at least have entitled ourselves to the invaluable self-respect founded in the consciousness of laws maintained, and honor vindicated. (Cheers.) The summons which the chief executive has proclaimed for military aid has appealed to the patriotism of the entire North. As at a single bound, thousands have responded, and other thousands await the call which shall require them also to arm in the common cause. (Cheers.) I cannot find that the magistrate’s power is to be cir¬ cumscribed now by constitutional scruples, or re¬ strained by the doubts of constitutional power. The action which threatens the subversion of the govern¬ ment is confessedly revolutionary, and avows its jus¬ tification in the imprescriptable right of self-preserva¬ tion. Now, I think that it cannot be questioned that an effort to overthrow a government, by a portion of its citizens, on the plea of self-preservation, conclu¬ sively remits the government assailed to resistance upon the same rights ; and that all means are justi¬ fiable for the suppression of revolution which it is conceded may be employed in its behalf. Many of the Southern States, disregarding the fundamental law which united them under the government of the Union, have armed themselves against its constitu¬ tion, and wage unprovoked war against its citizens. They propose thus, by an appeal to the transcendent law of nature — the law that human happiness and the safety of society are the objects to which all institu¬ tions and all governments must be sacrificed — to jus¬ tify their efforts at revolution, and to disrupt the con¬ federation. I do not perceive that the resistance of such an effort is to be criticized in the spirit of strict constitutional construction ; but that the same law which guides the revolution, should and must also apply to all efforts to oppose it, viz. : — the law which commands the employment of any force and in the best manner calculated to repress the movement which menaces the happiness, and is believed to be destructive of the safety of the people. I cannot doubt that in case of an emergency, proportionately formidable, the whole body of the community threat¬ ened, might upon the plea of self-preservation, arise in immediate resistance of the danger without refer¬ ence to the provisions of constitutional law. Such an act would doubtless be referable to the magni¬ tude of the danger, and be justifiable by a law above and beyond all compacts whatever. But it is need¬ less, fellow-citizens, to pursue this theme further. The hour bears its events, and is fraught with its les- 98 [REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. 8on& We are in the midst of revolution — not the revolution of the rhetorician, invoked to swell his periods, and to impress an audience ; but the revolu¬ tion of facts, the revolution of w?ar. We have assem¬ bled to resist its wild career, and, if possible, to re¬ store a distracted country once more to the author¬ ity of law and to the peace of orderly and constitu¬ tional government. To such an effort we summon the assistance of all good men. To such an effort we bring our party predilections and political associa¬ tions, and sacrifice them all in the presence of our countrymen upon the altar of our common country. To such an effort we devote our energies and our means, all the while hoping and acting for the restor¬ ation of peace and the reunion of a severed confeder¬ acy ; but still remembering that should the unhappy time arrive when final separation becomes inevitable, our affections and our efforts are due to the geographi¬ cal section to which we belong — that our future is inseparable from the future of the North. (Cheers.) In the mean time the path of duty and honor conducts in but one direction — consists with but one course. It brings us, one and all, to the support of the gov¬ ernment, the maintenance of the constitution, and the execution of the laws. (Applause.) Thousands are they who tread therein, and their motto is our country, and our whole country — in every event our country. (Loud cheering.) SrEECII OF HIEAM KETCIIU.M. Fellow-Citizens : — Whoever attempts to address his fellow-citizens at this time should, in my judgment, well weigh and consider the words that he utters. They should not be words of irritation or of anger, but words which indicate a settled purpose and determina¬ tion. Our first duty, my fellow-citizens, on this occa¬ sion, is to banish all thoughts of difference between ourselves. (A voice, “ Good.”) We are to forget that we have had any controversy among ourselves. (A voice, “ They are forgotten.”) We must come up as one united people. (A voice, “ So we will.”) And for what should we be united ? My fellow-citizens, the great principle which lies at the foundation of our in¬ stitutions is that the people are capable of self-gov¬ ernment, that the majority of the people must rule. (Cheers for the people.) That their will, constitu¬ tionally expressed, is the law of the land : that the minority must submit to the majority. (Applause, and “ That is so.”) It is upon that principle, my fel¬ low-citizens, that our whole institutions of liberty rest. It is that principle, for which the flag of our country is the emblem, and it is upon that principle that we must take our stand. That is the Fort Sum¬ ter which we must defend. (Applause.) We must resist to the death if necessary, all who would assail or attempt to destroy the principle of popular liberty. (Applause.) It is that principle which our fathers through the Revolution maintained, through a W'ar of seven years, which they established by the forma¬ tion of the constitution under which we live. It is that principle which has attracted to our shores thou¬ sands and millions of persons from foreign countries to come here, and they have sworn allegiance to this government, to this constitution. They will never violate that oath — the millions ivho have come here from foreign lands. (Cheers.) Yes, there are mul¬ titudes here who have taken that oath. There are millions in this country who have taken that oath. (A voice, “And will keep it, too.”) They have taken it upon the Evangelists of Almighty God, they have t alien it upon the cross, and they will stand by it. (A voice, “ We will.”) And do you suppose that it is less obligatory upon them than it is upon us, who have sucked in that obligation with our mothers’ milk? (“ Good,” and applause.) Now, my friends, I am going to show you, before I sit down, that the war now is in defence of that principle. The assault is upon that principle. The batteries of the enemy are directed against the principle of popular government — the principle that the people shall rule by the majorities ; and that I propose, in a very few words, to demonstrate to you before I take my seat. Now, my friends, what are the facts? We have lately had an election of President and Vice-Presi¬ dent of the United States. There were those among us — and I was of that number — that did not wish to see the Republican party prevail. Every ward and every election district in this city signified its wish that the Republican party should not prevail. Now, our fellow-citizens at the South have, therefore, sup¬ posed that they could rely upon the city of New York to sympathize with them in their rebellion. (“ No, never.”) What was the principle ? Wre came up to say — “All your grievances can be redressed in the Union and under the Constitution and at the ballot-box.” We gave a fair trial, and we were de¬ feated ; and what then ? Did we justify anybody to go outside of the Constitution — (“No”) — and to break up the Government ? Have we not been de¬ feated time and again ? I have been defeated ; my party lias been defeated time and again. I have known what it was to be defeated when I advocated Henry Clay as President of the United States, and I have known what it was to shed scalding tears over that defeat. But did we authorize him to rebel against my country ? (“ No.”) Has it not been our practice, my fellow-citizens, I submit to you, to have free discussion, free press, and an animated and free canvass? But when the question was settled, the minority always submitted. Is not that American law? (“ Yes, and it will be.”) Have you not seen parties come here time and again at the polls, angry, severe, and anxious, and have you not seen them the next day, after the ballot was counted, shake hands ? (Laughter and applause.) That is American law. (“ Yes, it is.”) That is American feeling. (“ That’s so.”) We say, “We got beat, and we, as the minor¬ ity, yield. At the next election we will try you again.” '(Applause.) That is our law; and now, when I went into this last canvass, and tried, as I did, according to the best of my ability, to defeat the election of Abraham Lincoln, — (“ And so did I,”) — believing that the success of that party would be in¬ jurious to the country, when it w7as over, and I was defeated, what remained but to give up, to submit to the majority of the people, and to sustain the Presi¬ dent who was elected by the majority, (applause ;) and had I any thought that those people with whom I was acting were going to rebel against the Govern¬ ment, I never would have acted with them for one moment. (“No, nor I.”) The three hundred and twenty thousand men in the State of New York, who came up and voted with the South, never would have voted with her if they had supposed that these men were going to rebel against the Govern¬ ment of the country. (“ That is so ! ” “ Bravo ! ” Applause.) Now, my friends, what do we hear? Why, when the election is over, they who have entered the contest and had the fight have had a fair chance at the ballot-box, have had a fair contro¬ versy in the canvass. And what do they say ? Be¬ cause we have not succeeded, we will break up this DOCUMENTS. 99 Government. (“ They cannot do it ! ” “ Never ! ”) This glorious Government, this Government which has stood more than seventy years, and brought such prosperity and such blessings upon the people as was never known in the history of the world — (“That’s so”) — which has enabled us to prosper — which has built up this great city — which has founded institutions of learning, and schools, and benevolent institutions, and enabled the poor man to educate his children, and to grow up and be somebody in the land — these institutions are now to be crushed. And why ? Because they did not succeed at an election. Is that the talk? (“No.”) What would Henry Clay have said to his followers if they had said, We have not elected you, and now we will break up the na¬ tion ? He would have said, Get out of my sight. What would Jackson or anybody have said ? What would any American have said, because we have not succeeded in this election, we will go out of the Union? Will that do? (“No.”) Well, now, gen¬ tlemen, these people have made war upon this great, this cherished, this glorious principle, which has thus far conducted us to renown, to the happiness which we now enjoy, and made our flag, which is the em¬ blem of this principle, known, respected, honored and feared all over the civilized world, and has never been dishonored except by these rebels. (Great ap¬ plause.) Now, my friends, what I want is that you shall every man this day take the oath inwardly in your own consciences that you will maintain this principle of republican liberty. (Applause.) That 13 the fortress. That flag (pointing to the American flag) is the emblem of republican liberty ; and you, my fellow-citizens of foreign birth, who have sworn to support the Constitution, and you, my fellow-citi¬ zens, born on the soil, who are equally bound to sup¬ port that Constitution, I want you to stand up for the principle for which our fathers fought for seven years — for the principle that the people are capable of self-government, and that the majority shall rule. And now let us see what has been done on the other side. They tell you that they have the right of revo¬ lution. Every people, when oppressed beyond en¬ durance, have a right of revolution. When the people of this country were oppressed by Great Britain, they exercised the right of revolution ; but what did they do first ? They saw that there were no other means of redress but by revolution. Then our friends at the South, whom some of us here have aided to redress their grievances, can they say that their grievances, such as they complain of, cannot be redressed without a revolution ? (“ No.”) Why, my friends, at this very election which made Abra¬ ham Lincoln President of the United States, the very people that put that party into power in the execu¬ tive department of the country, put the majority and the representatives of the people in both branches of the Legislature in the hands of the opposition. (“ That is so.”) They would have had, if they had stayed in the House of Representatives, now to come into existence, thirty majority, and they would have had a majority in the Senate. They would have had, as they have, the Supreme Court on their side ; and now, my friends, what could they complain of? (“Nothing.”) Some of us believe that when the four years commenced they would have had a major¬ ity if they had only given the time, and only given the room for free discussion ; but they could not wait. Having a majority in the branches of the Legislature, if the President had done what he said lie was going to do, they could have restrained him ; but they must break away from this Union ; they must destroy this Government, and now what comes to pass? We now find that this is the result of a conspiracy ; a conspiracy which has been formed secretly for years by designing political men to over¬ turn the Government of this country. (“ That is' so.”) Now let us see. I have said that they mean to overthrow popular Government, let us see if I cannot prove it. They have attempted to form a Government ; they have attempted to form a Union. They have made a Constitution ; have they submitted it to the people ? (“ No, they dare not.”) When the Constitution of the United States was formed, what was the process? (“It was submitted to the people.”) The process was this, my friends : A con¬ vention met and formed this Constitution ; a conven¬ tion properly chosen met and formed it, and then this Constitution was reported to the Congress of the United States. Then the Congress ordered the peo¬ ple in each State to choose representatives and to form conventions ; and then the Constitution was to be submitted to these conventions, debated freely without fear ; and then, and not till then, until the will of the people had been ascertained — not till then, did it become the Constitution of the people of the United States. That is the way that the Consti¬ tution under which we live, which we have sworn to defend, was formed. It is the Constitution of the people, made by the whole people for the whole of the people, and can only be abolished and altered in the way that the people themselves have directed in the instrument itself. Now, what is the other course ? They rush into a convention hastily and in a passion, and, after a heated conflict, they rush into a conven¬ tion. They send delegates, and these delegates meet, form a Constitution without having any power given to them, because the question simply was, “ Shall we secede ? " They met, they formed a convention, and they made a new Constitution, and there are efforts made to have it submitted to the people, and they won’t submit it to the people ; they have never sub¬ mitted it to the people ; they dare not submit it to them. It is not the people’s Government. They do not mean to have a people’s Government. They mean to have a military despotism which shall rule the people. (“ That’s so.” Applause. “ Never.”) And now, my friends, there are thousands and tens of thousands of good Union men in these very States which profess to have seceded. There are thousands and tens of thousands there who think as you and 1 think here to-day, but they dare not utter their senti¬ ments. They would be hanged by the neck if they uttered their sentiments. They would be put down by villains ; and now it is for their sake as well as ours, it is for the sake of the liberty of this Union, and for the liberty of the people, that we contend this day. (Great cheers.) Now, my friends, there are those who will follow me, but let me leave this impression strong on your minds, that we make no war, we have not been the aggressors. We stand by the Constitution and the principles of our fathers. We stand by popular liberty ; we stand by the right of the people to make their own laws by the majority of their votes, and that is the principle which they have attacked and which they mean to destroy, and which, by the blessing of God, we mean to defend to the last — (great applause) — defend in argument, de¬ fend in the press, defend on the stump, defend with our lives. (Tremendous applause.) Fellow-citizens, I leave the subject. I leave you to contemplate upon it. I leave you to decide whether this Government 100 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. shall stand for the benefit of mankind — for the bene¬ fit of our posterity — for the benefit of those who may seek the blessings of liberty from foreign shores, I leave you to decide. With you, with the people themselves, it is to determine this great question, and I cannot doubt what will be the determination. We will stand by our Constitution and our laws, and we will enforce our Constitution and our laws (Ap¬ plause.) SPEECH OF HENRY J. RAYMOND. Fellow-Americans and brethren, in the cause of human liberty I never felt more at a loss for words, I never felt more the poverty of human language, than at this moment. But what need that I should say any thing to you, when the occasion speaks trum- pet-tongued to every American heart ? While armed rebellion is upon us, and while responsive echoes come from every loyal heart — while blood of loyal citizens has been shed in the Monumental City for no other crime than because they were on their way to defend the capital of the republic from lawless inva¬ sion — what need of words, then, while events like these are around us? There is but one sentiment abroad, and there is no need of appeal, for every heart beats responsive to the demands of the Consti¬ tution and the liberties which that Constitution se¬ cures and protects. We live and have been living in an age of revolution. Europe has rocked to and fro and surged under the tread of armed men, fighting for what ? To beat down oppressive Governments that warred upon human rights and trampled their people under foot. Here on this •continent, where liberty is in the possession of the Government, where human rights are respected, where the laws and the Constitution are made by the people — here on this continent we find treason and rebellion rampant. What is the spectacle presented to us to-day ? Armed rebellion aiming to overthrow and tread under foot the Constitution and Government of the country. For what purpose? To vindicate human rights? No ! Human rights are safe with the Government. This is a Government of the people, and cannot overthrow the liberties it fosters and protects, for our liberties rest in the hearts of the people, and the people themselves are the rulers of the nation. And now what our duty is in this emergency, is the only question asked, and in considering that we need no arguments and no party appeals. I, fellow-citi¬ zens, helped to put this Government into power ; but God destroy me at once if I would not, the moment the Administration proved hostile to the Constitution, desert it and make way with it. We ask but one thing of the Administration — that it protect the Gov¬ ernment committed to its care. We demand that of them ; and if they do not perform that duty, we will put off from them. (Cheers.) Why, the Govern¬ ment of the country is but the agent of the people ; and if the Government cannot defend the liberties of the people, the people will prove able to take care of their own liberties. (Applause.) The capital of our country is in danger. (Cries of “ No.”) Yes, in a danger that I fear we do not sufficiently appre¬ ciate — which I fear that the Government does not properly appreciate or understand. What is the state of the case to-day ? Virginia, the mother of states¬ men, and the mother of traitors too. (Cheers.) Virginia has long been pretending to be holding back in this crisis, and standing aloof from the contest, for the purpose of restoring peace. But what is the fact as now manifested ? She stands forth at the head of this great rebellion. Twenty-five hundred men ap¬ peared yesterday at Harper’s Ferry, not to find mus¬ kets which Floyd had intended for their use, thank God, but to take possession of the useless armory. And where did they come from ? They came from Richmond. And with what purpose ? To arm them¬ selves, and to arm some fifteen thousand other Seces¬ sionists, and then to take the capital of Washington on the rear. (Cheers.) Need I call upon you to go to the rescue ? (Cries of “ We will.”) That is the talk ; that is the duty of American freemen. We are not to stand here urging action, while the Consti¬ tution i3 in danger, and the capital of the republic threatened with flames. If we consider our liberties worth preserving — if we have any veneration for the Constitution — if the memory of Washington is still enthroned in our hearts as the founder of our liber¬ ties — let us be up and doing. (Cheers.) Let me give you this piece of information : I understand since I came here that General Scott has sent word to this city that the capital is in danger, and that volunteers are wanted, orders or no orders. (Enthu¬ siastic cries of “ We will all go, every man of us.”) Now, I have another piece of information to give you, that the steamer Baltic will be at the wharf to¬ morrow morning to take as many volunteers as may choose to go. (Loud cheers.) The people have re¬ solved that the Government shall be preserved, and they must and shall preserve it. At this time the speaker was interrupted by many voices crying out — “At what time will tho Baltic leave ? ” Mr. Raymond — At 10 o’clock, I learn, from the foot of Canal street. (Three cheers were given for General Scott, and three for the Baltic.) Fellow-citi¬ zens, I believe that we have a Government at Wash¬ ington on which we can rely, and worthy of preserv¬ ing. If the Government proves false to the country, why, we will drive them from their places, and put men in their places who will take care of the Gov¬ ernment. Thousands will rise and rush to the rescue of the capital, and to keep it from the possession of the rebels who have made piracy their watchword, and who commenced their present work with plun¬ der, and who have adopted as a basis of their action and of their power, plunder and arson, and with the weapons stolen from the Government have aimed an assassin blow at the heart of the republic. What we want is, that a terrible blow be struck, and that it will be felt by those who have strongly provoked it. They have already ascertained that they cannot longer trust to one great hope they had in their en¬ terprise. They had counted confidently on the divis¬ ions of the North. They believed that they would be perfectly safe in marching an army to Washing¬ ton, and that in doing so they would receive support from this city. This reliance of theirs only shows them now how little they understood what the Amer¬ ican heart is made of, whether that heart beats in the city of New York or in the Western prairies. It shows they know nothing of liberty, or the impulses of liberty. It shows that they know nothing of the attachment of the people to the Government — to that Government under which we have grown great, and mighty, and prosperous — a Government which gave to the South itself its only title to consideration among the nations of the earth. I have’nothing fur¬ ther to say but what I have already announced, that the Baltic sails to-morrow ; and I trust that you will all rush to the rescue, and preserve the capital, and prevent its falling into the hands of the barbarians — DOCUMENTS. 101 (laughter and cheers) — who threaten to destroy it. The South may rest assured that the enterprise under¬ taken by her cannot succeed, and cannot long run on. They will learn that it is one thing to take a people and a Government by surprise, but that it is quite another thing to wage a war of despotism over thirty millions of people. What have the Secession¬ ists done towards human liberty? What sort of a Government have they established ? A Government of force, a Government of despotism. Jefferson Davis is to-day as pure and as unmitigated and com¬ plete a despot over those he rules, as any who sits upon any throne of Europe. (Applause, and cries of “ That’s so.” Three groans were then given for Davi3.) If he gets possession of Washington — (cries of “ Don’t you be alarmed at that ”) — if he is allowed to form a Government, it will be such a Government as the people will have as little to do with as possi¬ ble. (Cries of “ He can’t do that.”) No ; but if ho gets possession of the capital, one hundred thousand men will rush to the rescue and sweep rebellion from the headquarters of the Government. He (Davis) will find that the heart of the American people is irrevocably fixed upon preserving the republic. (Cheers.) I heard an anecdote to-day from Major Anderson — (cheers for Anderson) — which may inter¬ est you, and at the same time illustrate this position. During the attack on Fort Sumter, a report came here that the flag on the morning of the fight was half- mast. I asked him if that was true, and he said there was not a word of truth in the report. He said that during the firing one of the halyards was shot away, and the flag in consequence dropped down a few feet. The rope caught in the staff, and could not be reached, so that the flag could not be either lowered or hoisted ; and, said the Major, “ God Almighty nailed that flag to the flagmast, and I eould not have lowered it if I tried.” (Immense cheering.) Yes, fellow-citizens, God Almighty has nailed that resplendent flag to its mast, and if the South dares to march upon Washington, they will find that that cannot bo taken down. No, not by all the powers they can collect. No ! they will find that that sacred sword which defends and strikes for human rights — that sword which Cromwell wielded, and which our fathers brought into the contest, and which made us a nation — will be taken once more from its scabbard to fight the battle of liberty against rebellion and treason. (Vehement cheering.) As I have already said, the Baltic will be at the foot of Canal street to-morrow morning to take volunteers to serve the country, whether they have orders or not. (Cries of “We’ll go.”) I would advise you not to go without arms. (Cries of “Where will we get them ? ”) I have already made the announcement of the sailing, and now I am requested to make an¬ other. T ou may have seen in the morning papci's that Governor Hicks, of Maryland, said that he would endeavor to prevent the passage of troops through Baltimore. I desire to say for him, that he has stood in the breach long months in Maryland, and he has done more to preserve the Union than any other man in the Southern States, and he is en¬ titled to the warm gratitude of all for arresting rebellion on its very first tide, and when it was sweeping the whole South to destruction. (Three cheers were given with great unanimity for Governor Hicks.) If they could have once secured a State Convention in Maryland, they would have had every¬ thing their own way. State Conventions are old tricks of despotism. Whenever any thing despotic Documknt.s — 7 was to be carried out against the will of the people, State Conventions have always been the convenient instrument used, for they assumed to be the repre¬ sentatives of the people, and having sovereign power, did just as they pleased. Take the case of Virginia. The Convention was elected by the people to stand by the Union ; yet it goes into secret session, and then resolves to make an attack upon the national capital, to seize the seat of Government, and to burn down the bridges between Baltimore and Philadel¬ phia. Maryland had no such standpoint for rebel¬ lion — she stood firm, and Governor Hicks has held the State to its moorings in the Union, and he de¬ served the thanks of the North. Governor Hicks had said that he would endeavor to prevent the pas¬ sage of troops, simply that he might, in that way, prevent needless bloodshed, while, at the same time, he would not interfere with measures necessary for the defence of the capital. A message has just been put into my hands, stating that the President had conceded that no more troops should be brought through Maryland, if Governor Hicks would pledge the State not to interfere with the passage of troops up the Potomac — thus leaving a quiet path to Wash¬ ington by water. I trust in Heaven that before three days, aye, before two days, that at least 50,000 men will be concentrated at the capital of the country to protect it from the hands of traitors. (Cheers, and cries of “What about the Seventh Regiment?”) They were in Philadelphia this morning, and it was determined that they would be sent on by water ; but I believe the Seventh kicked against it, and were anxious to go through Baltimore. (Immense cheer¬ ing.) The Seventh Regiment, they would recollect, paid a visit to Baltimore, at which time they received the courtesies and hospitalities of their fellow-soldiers there, and they were anxious to see whether these same men had become their enemies and the enemies of the country at the same time. The Seventh was the pet regiment of New York, and well it deserves to be. They were a band of noble, gallant young men, who would stand by their country to the last extremity. I would have been glad if the Seventh had first gone on, that they might have opened the way for their comrades. But there is a Providence which presides over these movements. Look at this one single instance of Providential arrangement. The Massachusetts Regiment, on the 19th April, 1861, were assailed and two of their number killed, simply because they were on their way to protect the Federal capital. The first blood of the Revolution came from Massachusetts, on the streets of Lexing¬ ton, and now we find that on the anniversary of the battle of Lexington, which inaugurated and sanctified the revolution of our fathers, the blood of a Massa¬ chusetts man has been shed to inaugurate the revolu¬ tion now upon us. (Vehement cheering.) But if Massachusetts has had the glory of giving her blood the first in this cause, if she can now claim the high honor of being the first to shed her blood in defence of the Constitution, she shall not be left alone in the contest to preserve it. (Loud cheers.) A despatch has been just received by Major-General Sandford from Colonel Lefferts, of the Seventh, stating that his command would leave Philadelphia by rail lor Havre de Grace — (great cheering) — where they would em¬ bark on board a steamer to Annapolis, to go thence to "Washington by rail. You may rely upon it, while we are here assembled to respond to the Constitu¬ tion, our brethren of the Seventh are on the soil of Washington, ready to fight, and, if necessary, die for 102 REBELLION RECORD, 18G0-C1. it. (Three cheers were given for the Seventh Regi¬ ment, during which Mr. R. sat down.) SPEECH OF RICHARD o’GORMAN, ESQ. Fellow-Citizens : — This is not the time for many words. Speech should be like the crisis, short, sharp, and decisive. What little I have to say will be shortly said. I am an Irishman — (Cheers for O’Gor¬ man) — and I am proud of it. I am also an Ameri¬ can citizen, and I am proud of that. (Renewed ap¬ plause.) For twelve years I have lived in the United States, twelve happy years, protected by its laws, un¬ der the shadow of its constitution. When I assum¬ ed the rights of citizenship, I assumed, too, the duties of a citizen. When I was invested with the rights which the wise and liberal constitution of America gave to adopted citizens, I swore that I would support the Con¬ stitution, and I will keep my oath. (Tremendous cheer¬ ing, and a voice, “You would not be an Irishman if you did not.”) This land of mine, as well as of yours, is in great danger. I have been asked what side I would take ; and I am here. (Cheers.) No greater peril ever assailed any nation. Were all the armies and all the fleets of Europe bound for our shores to invade us, it would not be half so terrible a disaster as that we have to face now. Civil war is before us. We are threatened not with subjugation, but disinte¬ gration, utter dissolution. The nation is crumbling beneath our feet, and we arc called to save it. Irish bom citizens, will you refuse ? (“ No, no.”) This quarrel is none of our making : no matter. I do not look to the past. I do not stop to ask by whose means this disaster was brought about. A time will come when history will hold the men who have caused i t to a heavy account ; but for us, we live and act in the present. Our duty is to obey, and our duty is to stand by the Constitution and the laws. (Applause.) I saw to-day the officers of the Sixty-ninth Irish regi¬ ment, and they are ready. (Cheers for Col. Cor¬ coran.) Fellow-citizens, if there be any men in these United States, who look to this war with any feeling of exultation, I take no part with them. I look to it with grief, with heartfelt grief. It is, after all, a fratricidal war ; it is a war that nothing but inevitable necessity can excuse, and the moment that inevitable necessity ceases, the moment peace can be attained — for peace is the only legitimate end of any war. — I pray to God that it may cease and we be brothers and friends again. Some of the gentlemen who preceded me to-day have said that traitors have sprung from Virginia. 0, fellow-citizens, when you passed that statue — the statue of the Father of his Country — and saw that serene, calm face, and that hand raised, as it were, in benediction over this peo¬ ple, forget not that Washington was a son of Vir¬ ginia. The South has been deceived, cruelly deceiv¬ ed, by demagogues ; they have had false news from tliis side, and that has deceived them. They did not know, we did not know it ourselves, what a fund of loyalty, what stern hearty allegiance there was all through this land for the Constitution and the Union. Fellow-citizens, the cloud that lowers over us now will pass away. There may be storm ; it may be iierce and disastrous, but trust me that storm was needed to clear and purify the political atmosphere. We are passing through an inevitable political and national crisis. W e could not go on as we were go¬ ing on. A sea of corruption was swelling all around us, and threatened to engulpli honor, reputation, and the good name of the nation and of individuals. That stagnant water stirs, but trust me, it is an angel that has touched the waters. (“Good.,” and ap¬ plause.) An angel hand has touched them and turn¬ ed the foetid stream into a healing balm. That angel is patriotism, that walks the land in majesty and power. (Applause.) And were nothing else gained by this terrible struggle than the consciousness that we have a nation and a national spirit to support it, I would still say that this ordeal that we are going through will not be all in vain. (Cheers.) For me, fel¬ low-citizens, as far as one man can speak I recognize but one duty. I will keep my oath, I will stand as far as in me lies by the Constitution and the laws. Abraham Lincoln is not the President of my choice ; no matter, he is the President chosen under the Con¬ stitution and the laws. The government that sits in Washington is not of my choice, but it is cle facto and dc jure the government, and I recognize none other. That flag is my flag, and I recognize none other but one. (Bravo and applause.) Why, what other flag could we have ? It has been set by the hands of American science over the frozen seas of the North ; it is unrolled where by the banks of the Amazon the primeval forests weave their tangled hair. All through the infant struggles of the repub¬ lic under its consecrated folds men poured out their life blood with a liberal joy to save this country. (“ And will again.”) All through the Mexican war it was a sign of glory and of hope. Fellow-citizens, all through Europe, when down-trodden men look up and seek for some sign of hope, where do they look but to that flag, the flag of our Union ? (Great ap¬ plause.) I deprecate this war ; I do hope that it will cease, but it is war. That flag must not be allowed to trail in the dust, not though the hand that held it down is a brother’s. I have done. (Voices “ Go on, go on.”) All I can say is, that, with all the men that honestly go out to fight this fight, my sympathies go with them. I trust it will be fought out in an honorable and chivalrous manner, as becomes men that are fighting to-day with those that may be their friends to-morrow. But if there cannot be peace, if war must be, then for the Constitution and the Union I am, and may God defend the right. (Tre¬ mendous cheering.) SPEECH OF IRA I\ DAVIS. He said he had a difficult task to perform in ad¬ dressing them after the eloquent speaker who had just left the stand. Yet, as a citizen, and as an American, and as one whose father fought at Lexing¬ ton, lie was before them that day to do his duty, lie would call their attention to a few facts to illus¬ trate the principle involved in this great question. The Government of the United States was based on the principle that all power is inherent in the people ; that at any time the people can alter, amend, or, if they pleased, totally abrogate the Government. But while this right was recognized, it was still their duty to observe the sacredncss of contracts. The people of Great Britain, of France, and other nations of the world, with whom we have made treaties through our lawful counsellors, recognize the people living on the continent, within certain jurisdictions, as a nation. And though the people here might, if they pleased, change the character of the Government, yet the Government of these countries would hold them re¬ sponsible within those districts, to fulfil their con¬ tracts and treaties — to live up to the contracts they had made. So was it with the people of those States. The Federal Government was nothing more than the executor of the contracts entered into by the thirty- DOCUMENTS. 103 four States of the Union as a nation, and though the people of any one of those States were disposed to change the character and form of the Government, yet that would not annul the contracts entered into by them with the General Government, or with the other States throughout the General Government. They possessed Constitutional methods of changing the form by which their contracts with the General Government should be fulfilled. There was no way of dissolving the contracts except by mutual consent — (cheers) — or by fulfilling these contracts. So the Southern States might, if they pleased, alter and change the form of their Constitution ; but if they desired to retreat from their association with the North and West and East, they must present their grievances to the people of all the States, the people themselves being the only tribunal to decide the question involved. They must present their griev¬ ances to the people, and the people, after being duly convened, would, through the legitimate officers, pro¬ ceed in a legal, Constitutional manner, to change that Constitution ; and they must abide their time, and must wait till that process has been gone through. They could not dissolve their union with these States — they could not be allowed to bring that evil upon the country. He concurred with a previous speaker, that many of these Southern demagogues were mis¬ led. They had looked to New York with her 30,000 Democratic majority to back them up in their traitor¬ ous designs ; but they little knew the heart of the great Democracy. They underrated your honesty, they underrated your nobility of character. The men that they hoped would aid them, will in thousands and tens of thousands march to the defence of the capital. As a citizen and as a Democrat he had labored hard against the election of the powers that be. He had labored as hard as his humble ability would permit, to prevent the election of Mr. Lincoln ; but, so help me God, as a citizen and as a lover of my country, I will defend his administration so long as he holds his seat. (Loud cheers.) He held that they were not only all bound to support the Presi¬ dent and the Constitution and the confederacy of these States as expressed through the State Legisla¬ tures by every man who has exercised the right of suffrage ; they were bound to support the party that succeeded to office. Were these men to enter into the political arena with a chance of winning and none at all of losing ? By the very fact that they had ex¬ ercised the right of suffrage made them bound to submit to the decision of the majority. (Cheers.) It was a great insult to say that they were threatened by a band of desperadoes who underrated their char¬ acter and endeavored to bring them down to their own level. Short speeches were now called for. They were called upon to support the Constitution and to maintain the President in his call, and to urge upon him the knowledge of the fact that he will have a million of men, if necessary, to carry out the Gov¬ ernment and to punish the traitors who would raise their traitorous swords to overturn it. The true way to deal with the crisis was to nip the treason in its bud, by sending forth such a body of soldiers as would paralyze those men with terror. That was the only way. The South had had months to arm, and they had been collecting arms for years past. It was not because they were defeated at the late election they should become dissatisfied, and attempt to break up the Government. (“ That’s so,” and cheers.) Those base connivers, those traitors who had assailed the flag of the Union, had been plotting the over¬ throw of the Government for years past. Their con¬ duct at the Charleston Convention proved that unmis¬ takably. Their object in breaking up the Convention was to throw the election into the hands of the Republicans, so that they might have a pretext for disunion. (Cheers.) The action now taken was not with any view of subjugation, but merely to maintain law and order and to support the Government. They were engaged in working out the great problem of popular Government. It was long thought that the people could not govern themselves, but they had shown the practicability of it. The Government was placed in a position of great danger ; but if they passed through this ordeal, they will more clearly and gloriously prove the success of popular Govern¬ ment. (Cheers.) SrEEC'II OF FROFESSOR MITCITELL. Professor Mitchell was introduced, and, fired with nervous eloquence and patriotism, he infused the same spirit into his auditors. He spoke as fol¬ lows : — I am infinitely indebted to you for this evi¬ dence of your kindness. I know I am a stranger among you. (“ No,” “ No.”) I have been in your State but a little while ; but I am with you, heart and soul, and mind and strength, and all that I have and am belongs to you and our common country, and to nothing else. I have been announced to you as a citizen of Kentucky. Once I was, because I was born there. I love my native State, as you love your native State. I love my adopted State of Ohio, as you love your adopted State, if such you have ; but, my friends, I am not a citizen now of any State. I owe allegiance to no State, and never did, and, God helping me, I never will. I owe allegiance to the Government of the United States. A poor boy, working my way with my own hands, at the age of twelve turned out to take care of myself as best I could, and beginning by earning but $4 per month, I worked my way onward until this glorious Govern¬ ment gave me a chance at the Military Academy at West Point. There I landed with a knapsack on my back, and, I tell you God’s truth, just a quarter of a dollar in my pocket. There I swore allegiance to the Government of the United States. I did not abjure the love of my own State, nor of my adopted State, but all over that rose proudly triumphant and pre¬ dominant my love for our common country. And now to-day that common country is assailed, and, alas ! alas ! that I am compelled to say it, it is assailed in some sense by my own countrymen. My father and my mother were from Old Virginia, and my brothers and sisters from Old Kentucky. I love them all ; I love them dearly. I have my brothers and friends down in the South now, united to me by the fondest ties of love and affection. I would take them in my arms to-day with all the love that God has put into this heart ; but if I found them in arms, I would be compelled to smite them down. You have found officers of the army who have been edu¬ cated by the Government, who have drawn their sup¬ port from the Government for long years, who, when called upon by their country to stand for the Consti¬ tution and for the right, have basely, ignominiously and traitorously either resigned their commissions, or deserted to traitors, rebels, and enemies. What means all this ? How can it be possible that men should act in this way ? There is no question but one. If we ever had a Government and Constitu¬ tion, or if we ever lived under 6uch, have we ever recognized the supremacy of right ? I say, in God’s 104 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. name, why not recognize it now ? Why not to-day ? Why not forever? Suppose those friends of ours from old Ireland, suppose he who has made himself one of us, when a war should break out against his own country, should say, “ I cannot fight against my own countrymen,” is he a citizen of the United States ? They are no countrymen longer when war breaks out. The rebels and the traitors in the South we must set aside ; they are not our friends. When they come to their senses, we will receive them with open arms ; but till that time, while they are trailing our glorious banner in the dust, when they scorn it, condemn it, curse it, and trample it under foot, then I must smite. In God’s name I will smite, and as long as I hare strength I will do it. (Enthusiastic applause.) 0, listen to me, listen to me ! I know these men ; I know their courage ; I have been among them ; I have been with them ; I have been reared with them ; they have courage ; and do not you pretend to think they have not. I tell you what it is, it is no child’s play you are entering upon. They will fight, and with a determination and a power which is irresistible. Make up your mind to it. Let every man put his life in his hand, and say, “ There 13 tho altar of my country ; there I will sacrifice my life.” I, for one, will lay my life down. It is not mine any longer. Lead me to the conflict. Place me where I can do my duty. There I am ready to go, I care not where it leads me. My friends, that is the spirit that was in this city on yesterday. I am told of an incident that occurred, which drew the tears to my eyes, and I am not much used to the melting mood at all. And yet I am told of a man in your city who had a beloved wife and two children, depending upon his personal labor day by day for their support. He went home and said, “ Wife, I feel it is my duty to enlist and fight for my country.” “ That’s just what I’ve been thinking of, too,” said she ; “ God bless you ! and may you come back with¬ out harm ! but if you die in defence of the country, the God of the widow and the fatherless will take care of me and my children.” That same wife came to your city. She knew precisely where her husband was to pass as he marched away. She took her posi¬ tion on the pavement, and finding a flag, she begged leave just to stand beneath those sacred folds and take a last fond look on him whom she, by possibil¬ ity, might never see again. The husband marched down the street ; their eyes met ; a sympathetic flash went from heart to heart ; she gave one shout, and fell senseless upon the pavement, and there she lay for not less than thirty minutes in a swoon. It seemed to be the departing of her life. But all the sensibility wras sealed up. It was all sacrifice. She was ready to meet this tremendous sacrifice upon which we have entered, and I trust you are all ready. I am ready. God help me to do my duty ! I am ready to fight in the ranks or out of the ranks. Having been educated in tho Academy, having been in the army seven years ; having served as com¬ mander of a volunteer company for ten years, and having served as an adjutant-general, I feel I am ready for something. I only ask to be permitted to act ; and in God’s name give me something to do. [The scene that followed the close of Professor Mitchell’s eloquent and patriotic remarks baffles description. Both men and women were melted to tears, and voices from all parts of the vast mutitude re-echoed the sentiments of tho speaker, and every one seemed anxious to respond to the appeal to rush to the defence of the country.] REMARKS OF SAMUEL IIOTALING. The next speaker was Mr. Samuel Hotalixg, who called upon the citizens of New York to defend their flag, their homes, and the blessed heritage which our ancestors left us. He had been a farmer and a mer¬ chant, and he was now ready to be a soldier. This meeting is mainly held to stimulate us to action and to arms. We must shoulder our muskets and take our place, carry our swords to the Capitol at Wash¬ ington, and even to Texas, for the protection of our friends and our country. The speaker went on to say that the motto of the rebels was Captain Kidd piracy. They were a band of traitors to their coun¬ try and to their oaths ; and what could we expect from thieves like them? He said he had never been a rabid abolitionist, but it was his opinion that Provi¬ dence was as much at work now as He was when the children of Israel in Egypt received their emancipa¬ tion under Moses. He believed that in five years this warfare would produce such bankruptcy and starvation in the South¬ ern States, that their white laboring people and their slaves would go into a state of anarchy, bloodshed, and San Domingo butchery, and that within that period the seceded States rvould petition the Federal Government for aid and money to transmit their butchering Africans among themselves across the At¬ lantic ocean to the land of their fathers. Mr. IIalleck then called upon all young men to enroll as volunteers, and to proceed to Washington to strengthen the Seventh Regiment. As for himself, he felt as if he would leave his wife and four children to go to Washington and take whatever part was ne¬ cessary to maintain the Government. (Cheers.) He had voted against the party coming into office ; but now,- so help me God, I will do all I can to aid the Administration to the uttermost. He had come from the mighty Niagara, and he would assure them that in Western New York thousands of young men were prepared to enrol themselves to fight for the Union and the Constitution. At Stand No. 3, located on the northwest side of Union Square, tho meeting M as called to order by Mr. Richard Warren, M’ho nominated Mr. Wm. F. Ilavemeycr as Chairman of the meeting. The following gentlemen acted as Vice-Presidents: Jno. A. Stevens, Isaac Bell, Jr.. R. A. Witthaus, Dan. I’. Ingraham, i It. M. Blatchford, AV. M. Vcmiilye, Elijah. F. Purdy, J. L. Aspinwall, Samuel 15. Buggies, Richard Schell, James Owen, Fred. Lawrence, S. B. Chittenden, J. G. Vassar, Thos. C. Smith, J. G. Pierson, August. F. Schwab, John II. Swift, Wm. Lyell, Allan Cummings, Clias. P. Daly, Geo. B. DcForest, W. II. Hays, W. C. Alexander, Samuel I)." Babcock, Augt. Weisman, A. V. Stout, II. D. Aldrich, Geo. R. Jackson, R. L. Kennedy, Jno. T. Agnew, R. Mortimer, Francis Hall, Horatio Allen, Thos. A. Emmett, Norman White, Wm. Allen Butler, Geo. T. Hope, Edwin Hoyt, Ogden Haggerty, Jno. E. Devlin, John Wadsworth, James W. Beckman, Josiah Oakes, P. M. Wctmore, Loring Andrews, Geo. S. Coe, F. L. Talcott, N. Knight, Alfred Edwards, Jno. A. C. Gray, John Jay, Cyrus Curtiss, Martin Bates, Henry A. Smythe, AY. II. Webb, David Thompson, J. G. Brooks, T. II. Faile, James G. Bennett, R. B. Connolly, Paul Spofford, Smith Ely, Jr., O. Ottendorfer, M. B. Blake, Francis S. Lathrop, Henry Pierson, Isaac Delaplainc, Richard O'Gorman, Peter M. Bryson, Charles W. Sanford, Charles Aug. Davis, Henry E. Davies. Josiah Sutherland, Anth’y L.Bobinson, James AV. White, M. II. Grinned, Geo. Opdykc, G. C. Arcrplanck, E. L. Stuart, Jas. S. AVadsworth, Simeon Draper, J. Punnctt, Robt. J. Dillon, Samuel Sloan, Jno. C. Greene, Jno. McKeon, Royal Phelps. DOCUMENTS. 105 Mr. Havemeyer, on taking the chair, made a few brief remarks, observing that in the course of his life he never had supposed that he would be called upon to perform the duty which all present were called upon to perform this day. Mr. Havemeyer then introduced the Rev. Mr. Pres¬ tos, who read a short prayer. Mr. Witthaus was called upon to act as Secretary of the meeting, and a list of Vice-Presidents was read and adopted. The resolutions were then read by Mr. Richard Warren, and were adopted by a unanimous vote. During these proceedings the crowd in the square, fronting the stand, had augmented by tens of thou¬ sands, and the greatest degree of enthusiasm pre¬ vailed everywhere. The excitement increased at the appearance of Major Anderson on the platform, ac¬ companied by Messrs. Simeon Draper and Police Superintendent Kennedy. The gallant Major was introduced to the Germans by Mr. Draper. The first speaker introduced was Mr. Coddington, and while he was speaking, Captain Poster and Dr. Crawford, the Surgeon of Fort Sumter, arrived on the platform. They were introduced by Mr. Warren, and were received with vociferous cheers. These gentlemen, as also Major Anderson previously, soon left the stand, and the speaker was permitted to proceed with the discourse. SPEECH OF DAVID S. CODDINGTON. Fellow-Citizens : — The iron hail at Fort Sumter rattles on every Northern breast. It has shot away the last vestige of national and personal forbearance. A loaf of bread on its way to a starving man was split in two by a shot from his brother. You might saturate the cotton States with all the turpentine of North Carolina ; you might throw upon them the vast pine forests of Georgia, then bury the Gulf storm’s sharpest lightning into the combustible mass, and you would not redden the Southern horizon with so angry a glow as flashed along the Northern heart when the flames of Fort Sumter reached it. To-day, bewildered America, with her torn flag and her bro¬ ken charter, looks to you to guard the one, and re¬ store the other. How Europe stares and liberty shudders, as from State after State that flag falls, and the dream breaks ! Hereafter Southern history will be as bare as the pole from which the sundered pen¬ nant sinks, and treason parts with the last rag that concealed its hideousness. I know how common and how easy it is to dissolve this Union in our mouths. Dangerous words, like dangerous places, possess a fearful fascination, and we sometimes look down from the heights of our prosperity with an irre¬ sistible itching to jump off. This spectre of disunion is no new ghost, born of any contemporary agitation, lor years it has been skulking semi-officially about the Capitol. Through the whole range of our parlia¬ mentary history every great question, from a tariff to a Territory, has felt its clammy touch. Did it not drop its death’s head into the tariff scales of ’33, hoping to weigh the duties down to a conciliation level? did it not shoot its ghastly logic into the storm of ’20, and frighten our soundest statesman¬ ship into that crude calm called the Missouri Com¬ promise ? did it not sit grinning upon the deck of all our naval battles, hoping to get a turn at the wheel, that it might run the war of 1812 upon a rock ? did it not stand up upon the floor of the first Congress and shake its bony fingers in the calm face of Washington ? and did not our fathers, who stood unmoved the Documents — 8 shock of George the Third’s cannon, shudder in the presence of this spectre, when they thought how the infant republic might be cast away upon its bleak and milkless breast? Then it was a thin, skulking, hatchet-faced ghost. At last, fed upon the granaries of Northern and Southern fanaticism, it has come to be a rotund, well fed, corpulent disaster. Southern passion may put on the war-paint ; Southern states¬ manship may attempt to organize a pique into an empire, to elevate a sulk into a sacrament, by marry¬ ing disappointment to revolution, and reducing a temporary constitutional minority into a hopeless organic political disaster. They may even propose in solemn convention to abolish the Fourth of July, and throw all its patriotic powder into the murder¬ ous arsenal of fratricidal conflict ; but they cannot, except through self-destruction, permanently disrupt our nationality. Talk of the wise statesmanship of the South ! Had they allowed Kansas to become a free State they would have been in possession of the national government at this moment. Although the repeal of the Missouri Compromise awoke the North from its deep sleep upon the slave question, yet the most economical outlay of prudence would have con¬ tinued them in possession of the government for an indefinite future. Then Mexico would have been possible, without the awful leap which copies her morals without the possibility of possessing her terri¬ tories. South Carolina once lived upon a potato to rout a king, and she is fast going back to that im¬ mortal vegetable, in order to crown a fallacy. Our republicanism means the whole nation, or it means nothing. Together, the parts temper each other ; asunder, the aristocracy of the slave power makes equality a myth, and the free radical North less safely democratic. If Abraham Lincoln has inaugurated a crash; if George Washington is to be no longer known as the successful contender for a combined and self-regulating nationality ; if Bishop Berkeley’s star of empire has crumbled away into belligerent asteroids, and we are to fall, like Caesar, at the base of this black Pompey’s pillar, we shall at least go into this holy battle for the Constitution, with no law broken and no national duty unfulfilled. We have not stolen a single ship, or a pound of powder, or a dollar of coin to sully the sacred tramp with which patriotism pursues robbery and rebellion. All the ills of the South could have been remedied within the Constitution — all their wrongs righted by the victory of future votes. Shall I tell you what seces¬ sion means? It means ambition in the Southern leaders and misapprehension in the Southern people. Its policy is to imperialize slavery ; and to degrade and destroy the only free republic in the world. It is a fog of the brain and a poison at the heart. Dodging the halter, it walks in a volcano which must explode whenever the tempestuous shock of North¬ ern invasion shall render slavery impossible. The day that Southern statesmanship turned pirate, Southern slavery lost its last hold on Northern for¬ bearance. God forbid that servile war should ever be on our consciences ; but what power could re¬ strain the frenzied passion of continuously provoked multitudes, when the taste of blood has brutalized their march ? We have not come here to talk about any man’s party creed. We have not come to seek the falling fruits of patronage, but to save the beau¬ tiful and wide-spreading tree upon which all our bles¬ sings grow. Party and partyisms are dead ; only grim, black powder is alive now. Who talks of Tammany or Mozart Hall? Who haunts the coal- 106 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. hole or the wood-pile, when our souls’ fuel is on fire for flag and country? Did not Washington fight seven years, break ice on the Delaware, break bones and pull triggers on Monmouth field, send ten thou¬ sand bleeding feet to where no blood ever comes, and pass from clouds of smoke to archways of flowers — for what ? That States should defy their best guar¬ dian, which is the nation, insult history and make re¬ publicanism impossible ? Here, in this city of our love and pride, this cradle of the civil life of Wash¬ ington, where despotism sheathed its last sword and constitutional liberty swore its first oath ; where steam first boiled its way to a throne, and art and commerce and finance, and all the social amenities marshalled their forces to the sweet strain of the first inaugui’al — here, where government began and capi¬ tal centres, is the sheet anchor of American loyalty.- Nothing so disappoints secession as the provoking fidelity of New York to the Constitution. From the vaults of Wall-street, Jefferson Davis expected to pay his army, and riot in all the streets and in all towns and cities of the North to make their march a triumphant one. Fifty thousand men to-day tread on his fallacy. Gold is healthy, gold is loyal, gold is determined ; it flows easy, because the war is not to subjugate or injure any one, but to bring back within the protecting folds of the Constitution an erring and rebellious brother, — a brother whom we have trusted and toasted, fought with side by side on the battle field, voted for at the ballot-box, showered with honor after honor upon his recreant head, while that brother was poisoning the milk in his mother’s breast, striking a parricidal blow at the parental govern¬ ment which has protected and prospered us all as no people were ever so prospered and protected. Here¬ tofore, in our differences, we have shouldered ballots instead of bayonets. With a quiet bit of paper in our hands we have marched safely through a hundred battles about tariff1, bank, anti-liquor, anti-rent, and all those social and political questions about which a free people may amicably differ. If slavery cannot be appeased with the old life of the ballot, depend upon it the bayonet will only pierce new wounds in its history. We have heretofore kept all our lead moulded into type, that peaceably and intellectually we might enter the Southern brain, until passion and precipitation have forced us to melt down that type into a less friendly visitor. Kossuth says that bayo¬ nets think ; and ours have resolved in solemn conven¬ tion to think deeply, act promptly, and end victo¬ riously. Do you wonder to-day to see that flag fly¬ ing over all our reawaked national life, no longer monopolized by mast-head, steeple, or liberty-pole, but streaming forth a camp signal from every private hearthstone, breaking out in love pimples all down our garments, running like wild vine flowers over whole acres of compact anxious citizens? Why has that tender maiden turned her alabaster hands into heroic little flagstaff's, which, with no loss of modesty, unveils to the world her deep love of country ? Do you see that infant show off its playthings, tottering under rosettes and swathed in the national emblem by foreboding parents, who would protect its growth with this holy talisman of safety? Do you see, too, those grave old citizens, sharpened by gain-seeking, and sobered with law-expounding, invade their plain exterior with peacock hues, which proclaim such tenacity to a flag that has fanned, like an angel’s wing, every form of our prosperity and pride ? It seems hard for philosophy to divine how any section of the country, so comprehensively prosperous, could allow a mean jealousy of another portion, a little more wealthy and populous, to so hurry it on into rebellion, not against us, but a common Government and a common glory, to which both are subject and both should love. Does not each State belong to all the States, and should not all the States be a help and a guide to each State ? Louisiana’s sugar drops into Ohio’s tea-cup ; and should not every palace built on Fifth-avenue nod its head amicably to whatever cotton receipts its bills ? Over-pride of locality has been the scourge of our nationality. When our thirty-one stars broke on the north star, did not Texas, as well as Pennsylvania, light up the bleak Arctic sky ? When the old flag first rose over the untouched gold of California, did not Georgia and New York join hands in unveiling the tempting ore ? Virginia has seceded and carried my political lathers with it — Washington and Jefferson. The State has allowed their tombs to crumble, as well as their prin¬ ciples. Outlaw their sod ! Who will dare to ask me for my passport at the grave of Washington ? SPEECH OF FREDERIC RAPP. If I understand you rightly, Mr. President, your object in inviting German speakers to this large meeting is to prove by their addresses that in respect to the present crisis there is no difference of opinion in any class of our population, that a unanimity of feeling prevails in the hearts of all citizens, adopted as well as native, and that the same just and patriotic indignation swells the breast of every lover of his country against the unscrupulous traitors who are trying to set up a government of their own by perjury, theft, and plunder. It has often been said, and I am sorry to confess not without some share of truth, that wherever there are two Germans together there are three different opinions among them. I am, however, happy to tell you that is not so in the face of the danger which now threatens to break up the national government. I see around me old German democrats and republicans — men belonging to every variety of parties, at home and in this country. But the past differences are forgotten, and as long as the present crisis will last, I am sure all will unanimously co-operate for the same end, namely : — for the pres¬ ervation of this great republic, which is as dear to the Germans as to any other men. Although I am not authorized to speak for others, I feel confident that I do but express the sentiments of every German in this country when I say that we are unani¬ mously for the adoption of the most energetic means against the fiendish attempts of our common foe. Fellow-citizens, let us not deceive ourselves ; the present struggle requires prompt action and powerful means to overcome it. The stronger we prepare ourselves, the better we shall be able to defeat the purposes of the enemies of this Union, and who are at the same time the enemies to the cause of univer¬ sal civilization and liberty. The internecine war now raging here is not only a private affair of America ; it is a question of the highest importance to the whole civilized world, which expects that we will crush anarchy in its inception. We have to prove that civil liberty, with all its blessings, is not only an experiment — not a mere passing state of political being, which lasts only so long as it is not assailed either by a military or the slaveholder’s despotism, but that it a power self-sustaining, and interwoven with our natures and with our whole national exist¬ ence. Liberty is precarious, and we would not be worthy of it unless we have sense and spirit enough DOCUMENTS. 107 to defend it. Let us prove ourselves adequate to the expectations of the friends of liberty in the old world as well as in the new, whose eyes are fixed upon us. The two powers which have grown up side by side in the United States from the beginning, self-govern¬ ment and slavery, stand now face to face against each other. It is now for the first time in the history of the world, that slavery in its worst developments, makes a revolution against the morals and ethics of society ; that it tries to found a State on all that is mean, contemptible, and unsound in human nature. But such a State cannot and will not last. If justice and liberty do not form its basis, it is doomed from the first day of its existence. But it will not disap¬ pear of itself ; it must be swept away by us, and, as peaceful means will not do, we must use iron means, and we must send to these sinners against human na¬ ture our arguments with twelve-pounders and mor¬ tars. As my eyes are glancing over this majestic assembly, majestic as well by its numbers as by its enthusiasm, I perceive at once that every one of you, fellow-citizens, understands his duty, and that every one of you will be ready for your country’s call. This call will be war — and nothing but war — until our arms shall have won a glorious triumph, and our (lag shall float again victorious from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. (Great cheering.) SPEECH OF ME. OTTO SACKENDORF. If I had prepared a speech, I would not be able to recite it in the presence of such a jubilation, the booming of the cannons and the shouts, which have greeted the hero of Fort Sumter. But I will recite to you the verses of our national poet, Theodor Korner, who said that when the people rises there will be no coward found to sit idle, and who called the man a contemptible enervated fellow who would not be in the ranks of the defenders of his country, when that country called him. You do not look like cowards. (Cries of “ No, no ! ”) You look like brave fellows. (Cheers.) What are platforms, what are parties ; there is a higher sentiment prevailing, and no political clique shall divide us. We are now gathered here in purpose of discussing a measure of the government. We know what we are about; there can be no doubt about it. We see the object when we see the heroes of Fort Sumter, when we hear the sound of the guns ! Who is blind or deaf enough not to see that we have to shoulder the mus¬ ket and to go into the holy war for our adopted country. Not the union of parties, but the union of strength is it, what we want. We have not left our country in which we have been persecuted, and from which we are exiled, in order that we might have the same mizere repeated here. It was not for nothing that we have left there the recollections of our younger years, the playmates and our fellow-warriors in the fight for freedom. We have got in this coun¬ try that freedom for which we have fought in vain on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, and we will show that we are worthy of that new fatherland by defending its rights against the fiendish aggressions of ruthless rebels, who threaten the existence of this republic. Democrats and republicans, remember the danger in which the country is, and take the musket to avert the danger for now and forever. (Mr. S. was most heartily cheered when he left the stand.) speech of ncGO wesexdonck. He observed that the Germans were disposed to show their thankfulness to this country. It was in the German character to be thankful. Some of those present had come here and gained positions, and those who had not, had gained the privilege to bo free men and independent citizens. For this they ought to be thankful. There was a particular reason for them to be patriots, and this was because they were naturally republicans — not republicans in the political meaning in this country, but in the real sense of the term. The political parties were now entirely out of question, and one party had probably made as many mistakes as the other. We were republicans now, and as such all present ought to stand by our country. The despots of Europe were anxiously and hopefully watching the move¬ ments in this country. So far, we had insisted upon the republican form of government as the only one which is right and calculated to make a people happy. Let all those present stand by our flag. There were other reasons why it should be done ; it was this. The war against the North was a war against human liberty. The question was now, whether they (the Germans) would stand by the side of liberty, or by the side of oppression. The government of the Union had long been very lenient and discreet, but it had exhausted its patience. Patience had ceased to be a virtue. There was no question now whether war or no war ; war had been wantonly and deliber¬ ately forced upon us, and they (the Germans) were ready for war. Mr. Wesendonck created coniderablc enthusiasm among the thousands of Germans present. After he had finished his speech in English, he continued in German, and remarked : — It has often been asked why we make war against the South? War cannot last forever, and the South can be exter¬ minated, but not subjugated. But this is not the question ; we have to punish rebellion, and the vic¬ tory will be on the side of the North. To be sure, the North was very slow ; the South had had six months for preparation ; they have taken a firm posi¬ tion ; have armed themselves with all implements of modern warfare, and have the advantage of time. Mr. Lincoln has been blamed because he was too indulgent ; but there was something which he had to take into consideration, namely, public opinion. Why ? We have now the North as a unit, and we can quietly look on and be sure of success, if wc fight for our rights with that tenacity of purpose which always has characterized the Germans. We have the advantage of money and numbers, and wc will have the same enthusiasm to the end which we have to-day. Patriotism is not shown on one single day only ; wre must have perseverance, even if we should be defeated in the beginning ; we must finally vanquish, because we are the defenders of liberty, humanity, and right. There is no doubt but that wc shall carry this war to the last extremity, because we want to give the rights to the South which are due to them ; but we want some rights for ourselves, too. We have no opposition to it if the South introduces restraints within its own borders ; but they shall not dare to intrude upon our rights ; if they do so, wc will whip them. They shall not break down our pal¬ ladium. Liberty and the South will always be in an irrepressible conflict, although by no fault of their own. There is a discrepancy in these two words. The South have made all their institutions them¬ selves, but the. climate has made them to some ex¬ tent. There are good men in the South ; and although I do not want to reproach the South, I de¬ clare that liberty and Southern institutions always will be in an irrepressible conflict. This war is no 108 REBELLION RECORD, 1800-61. great misfortune for their country, because at the end of it the air will be purified, and we shall have a sound body, instead of one subject to the symp¬ toms of reversion. We shall have it by sacrifices of money, work, and life, and the Union will exist now as ever ; and the North will be victorious. It has often been asserted that the almighty dollar was the only thing Americans cared about ; but it is evident there is something higher in existence, and it wanted only the emergency to prove it. Who had seen the gallant Seventh Regiment marching yesterday, when called by their country, along Broadway, who does not understand that the love of liberty is predomi¬ nant over every other thing, and can never be extin¬ guished ? There was no aristocracy about America or the Seventh Regiment. The merchant, the la¬ borer, all classes went to work for the same great cause. One idea elevated them, one wish and one action — that is, the re-establishment of the Union ; and, as they do, let us not look back upon the party ; let us face future danger and future victory. If you do this, my fellow-citizens, then the future will be ours. SPEECH OP GUSTAVUS STRUVE. Mr. Struve was the President of the Garibaldi Committee, which sent Mr. Reventloro to Garibaldi to bring him money and assistance. He said : — When we took the sword in our hands thirteen years ago, we did it on purpose of founding a republic, the ideal of which was America. We have arrived here, but the storms which have cast us upon this shore have not ceased yet, and again we have to fight for our ideal, which has been attacked by the enemy of freedom and civilization, by the slaveholding tyrant, the lickspittle of European despots, who thinks he can tear down this sacred flag. But we will carry this flag high in our hands, where those rebels never can reach it. We shall hold it more sacred, higher and more united than in Germany. In Germany, disunion was our curse ; but in this country we are united with all people, who have found an asylum in their glorious country, and before all with the sons of the patriotic founders of the great republic which has adopted us. The same spirit which lived in us in 1848 is still living in us ; it lives in me and you, in every one of us. The question is now between secession and Union, between liberty and slavery. Wherever we stand, if not on the side of Union and liberty, and we mean to defend it to-day as we did in the battle-fields of 1848. Brethren, nothing can help to-day but the sword, and you are going to take that sword, to live or die freemen, as we have been all during our life. Let us act, not speak. The freedom which is our palladium, shall be defended by he brave sons of Germany. [Mr. Struve seemed highly impressed with the ob¬ ject of his speech, and was repeatedly interrupted by the enthusiastic cheers of the crowd, which gave three other cheers for the gentleman when he left.] SrEECn OF RICHARD WARREN. He was a Minute Man, said Mr. Warren, and hav¬ ing been called to say a few words to the Germans, he would give them his welcome and fellowship. He asked them to stand by this country, this new coun¬ try of theirs. The cowardly acts perpetrated on Fort Sumter made the heart of every American, cemented with German strength, shout, Shame ! shame ! Shame ! shame ! would be said by every German in the Old World, when the news would get to them. To-day, what sight was this? The Al¬ mighty God looked down upon us. The spirit of Washington seemed to animate that statue yonder, as if to say to us, to be faithful to our country. If he (the speaker) had ten sons, they all should go and defend tne country. German citizens — no more Germans, but American citizens — urged the speaker, stand to your home that you have adopted. There were more men there to-day than this South Carolina had. (Applause.) Come on, come on, Jefferson Davis ; if you would, you would be hung. Tremble, traitors, as traitors have to tremble when the freemen of the country speak. Mr. Warren wound up with a eulogy on Major Anderson and his brave men, and he was enthusiastically cheered by the Germans. SPEECH OF IGNATZ KOCH. Mr. Ignatz Koch said : — It was the duty to go into the fight against the South. When the Germans left their country bleeding and covered with wounds received in the struggle for liberty, when thousands of the brave fellows were killed, they swore that lib¬ erty would be the war-cry of the future time. When the Germans came over to this country, the Ameri¬ cans did not understand them, and thought it was all the same whether a man was a German or a Dutch¬ man ; one reverend gentleman said in Mr. Koch’s presence, that Hamburg was the capital of Dutch- land ! They were understood now by the Ameri¬ cans, and it was conceded that the Germans knew something else beside lager beer, and that they knew nothing better than freedom. In Germany there were good prospects for a republic, and nobody had destroyed them but the Germans themselves. This shall not be done with the second fatherland. The Germans had elected the present President, Mr. Lin¬ coln, a man of liberal ideas, energy, and sincerity of purpose ; while Mr. Buchanan — (cries of, “ No poli¬ tics ! ”) The orator finished his remarks by asking for “ three chairs for the Union ! ” by which he probably meant “ cheers,” as the Union is not so tired yet as to want three chairs. SPEECH OF SAMUEL nULL. He alluded to the fact that yesterday (Friday) being the anniversary of the battle of Lexington, when the first blood was spilled in the Revolution, on that day the first blood was spilled in this war. Yesterday those noble grandsons of those who were engaged in the former struggle, were the first who spilled their blood in this war. Massachusetts was in the field, and New York would follow suit. Through¬ out the Revolution New York and Massachusetts fought side by side, and they would do the same in this war. This was a fearful crisis. Our enemy pre¬ tended to be fearful fighters, having had six months’ preparation, but our men would meet them. The speaker made allusion to the events at Baltimore, and the report that the gallant Seventh Regiment had forced their way through the mob. (Cheers.) The news was not precise as yet, but he would say, that if the Baltimoreans had spilt one drop of blood of that gallant New York regiment, the resentment to follow would be terrible. (Tremendous applause.) I am just informed, said the speaker, that the rebels attacked them with brickbats, that the noble regi¬ ment forced their way through, and that three hun¬ dred of the insurgents were lying weltering in their gore. [This information, although a mere report, caused immediately an immense excitement.] DOCUMENTS. 109 SPEECH OF MR. 0. 0. OTTENDORFER. This address was delivered by Mr. Oswald Ot- tendorfer, editor of the New York Staats Zeitung: Iii his introductory remarks he alluded to the occasion which had given rise to such an unparalleled and truly sublime display of enthusiasm and patriotic feeling. lie maintained that we were here to save the groundwork of our institutions, in the acknowledg¬ ment of our lawful authorities, in the regard for the result of an election agreeable to a Constitution so universally admitted to be the pillars of our political existence, the bulwark of our liberties and our pros¬ perity. Take away these pillars, or suffer their dis¬ integration, and the whole proud structure will tum¬ ble into atoms. Look around, or peruse the pages of the history of the country, and tell us what is the secret of our progress and success ? Political parties have contributed to the advancement of the country by means of the application of such principles, which in their opinion could be made instrumental to the furtherance of our general welfare. But this display of the activity and powers of parties could never have been successful without fealty to the car¬ dinal principle, that every lawful election carries with it the duty of abeyance in its results, and that only from a strict adherence to this obligation and usage a party can maintain its ascendency, and command the confidence of the people. Unconditional obedience to self-created laws, and implicit respect for the de¬ cision of the popular will, were the fruitful sources of party power and prestige not alone, by the rea¬ sons which have led the whole civilized world at once to admire our system, and to fear or cheer our progress. The proof of the capability of man for self-government — as made apparent from our exam¬ ple — was gaining ground among the lovers of liberty of all nations, and presented an ever-active stimulus to our own people to contribute to its reassertion and confirmation. At this very hour we are here assem¬ bled for the very same object. As to the ways and means through which that end is to be reached, con¬ trary opinions have not failed to be maintained, and in particular as to the recognition of the result of our late Presidential election. Such has been the case, and has been a fruitful source of evils of various descriptions. The refusal of such recognition in some parts of the country, the obstinate resistance to the constitutionally created authority, the stubborn denial of established and fundamental truths, the rejection of every conciliatory proposition, and many other shapes of opinion, found their adherents ; and with some it was difficult to reason at all, or to per¬ suade them that the application of power or the resort to revolution was not always the safest way to adjust difficulties or to retrieve wrongs. It is not long since that every shape and variety of opinions have found their adherents among our people. Everybody understood perfectly well, that the main¬ tenance of our lawful authorities was imperative and indispensable ; very few, however, agreed as to the manner in which that end was to be achieved, and how in particular the pending revolution which had given rise to a renewal of all these diversities of opinions, was to be treated ; but on one point all agreed, namely, that obedience to the constitutional powers was to be exacted at all events, either by means of persuasion or by force. Our meeting here is proof to the fact, that patriotism and loyalty have conquered prejudice and alienation, and that all are united in one common purpose, the maintenance of the authority of our Government, the protection of our flag and property, and the correction of palpable errors, that have been the consequence of the machi¬ nations of men disloyal and inimical alike to the Union, and to their best interests and welfare. The events of the last few days have convinced all of us of the futility of the application of any further con¬ ciliatory measures, and that the people of the United States see nothing left them beyond an appeal to the ultima ratio, force ; and in order to uphold the very existence of the nation, and to perpetuate the bless¬ ings of that Union under which we all alike, our¬ selves and the revolutionists, have prospered in so unprecedented a degree. But if force is once to be applied, let us do it vigorously, and without faltering and hesitation. As it is, we see no other alternative before us to secure to our posterity the blessings of the Union, than by asserting its indissolubility with arms in hand. [The speaker, who was vociferously cheered, again and again excused himself from con¬ tinuing his remarks any further on account of indis¬ position, and withdrew amidst hearty plaudits.] At Stand No. 4, situated at the southwest comer of Union Square, the meeting was called to order by Mr. Royal Phelps, who nominated Mr. Moses H. Grinnell as Chairman. Fellow-citizens, said Mr. Phelps, I have been requested to call this meeting to order by nominating a presiding officer. At political meetings it is not always an easy task to name a chairman who will satisfy all ; but this is not a political meeting — this is a patriotic meeting, called for the purpose of sup¬ porting our legally elected President (Abraham Lin¬ coln), our Constitution, and our flag. For this pur¬ pose I know of no one who will give greater satis¬ faction to you than the old, well-known, and highly respected merchant, Mr. Moses H. Grinnell. (Cheers.) Those in favor of having Mr. Grinnell as our presi¬ ding officer will please say “ Aye.” A tremendous “aye” was the response, and amid enthusiastic cheering, Mr. Grinnell assumed the duties of Presi¬ dent of the meeting. Mr. Grinnell now said the next thing in order would be the nomination of Vice-Presidents, and the following list was accordingly read : — VICE-PRESIDENTS. .Tames Harper, RobertC. Goodhue, Win. n. Neilson, Wm. V. Brady, J. Van Buren, F. B. Spinola, C. V. S. Roosevelt, Joseph Battelle, Thos.Commerford, A. R. Eno, C.Vanderbilt Cross, W. 8. Hcrriman, Edward J. Jaffray, Samuel R. Betts, S. W. Roosevelt, Eli White, F. Marquand, Thomas Denny, M. O. Roberts, Joseph Hoxie, J. D. Morgan, George Briggs, Philip Hamilton, George Jones, Simeon Baldwin, C. G. Conover, Henry G. Norton, W. J. Peck, B. P. Manierre, Joseph P. Norris, Thomas Adame, J. H. HcCunn, John H. Smylie, Willard Parker, J. J. T. Stranalian, Corn. K. Garrison, Jas. Watson Webb, Henry K. Bogert, Daniel Parish, A. A. Low, Charles King, Thos. W. Clarke, Charles Partridge, John Stewart, Wm. II. Leonard, Lulco Kiernan, James Humphrey, Geo. G. Barnard, U. A. Murdock, George F. Thomas, LewisB. Woodruff, Charles Butler, Wm. Jollinghaus, James Bowen, W. C. Wetmore, G. W. Burnham, Thomas C. Acton, Hiram Ketchum, Edward Minturn, S. S. Wyckoff, Lathrop Sturges, W. E. Warren, J. D. Ingersoll, B. W. Bonney, Theo. Glaubensklee John Harper, Fred. Schuchardt, Samuel T. Tisdale, B. F. Beekman, John J. Cisco, James G. King, W. H. Townsend, J. Sampson, Gerard Hallocli, Ph. Frankenheimer Edward Haight, James W. Gerard, E. J. Wilson, Henry Coullard, Edward Larned, John Ward, John Moncreif, W. G. Sprague, James W. White, Wm. H. Johnson, Edwds.Pierrepont, John H. Lyell. C. P. Levorich, George J. Fox, 110 REBELLION RECORD, 1800-01. The foregoing were unanimously adopted as the Vice-Presidents of the meeting, as were also the fol¬ lowing names as SECRETARIES. George W. Ogston, V. B. Denslow, Nath. Coles, Samuel Hall, David Adee, Frank S. Allen, Thomas Thorncll, E. L. Winthrop, J. Wyman Jones. John A. Kyerson, The meeting having now been fully organized, Rev. Dr. Vermiltea offered the following prayer, the vast crowd standing with uncovered heads, and the most impressive silence being preserved : — PRATER OF REV. DR. VERMILTEA. Infinite and adorable God ! Thou art the all- powerful Creator, and in Thy providence Thou rulest over the nations and to the ends of the earth. We bow in presence of Thine awful majesty to supplicate Thy guidance and help amidst the agitations and perils of our beloved country. Wicked and design¬ ing men have plotted treason, and have now excited the passions of a portion of the people to levy war against that Constitution and Government Thou didst enable our fathers to establish ; and blood has been shed in the causeless strife. Bring to nought, we beseech Thee, the counsels of the traitors, and re¬ store amity to the people and peace and prosperity to the afflicted land. For this purpose give calm wisdom and inflexible decision to Thy servant, the President of the United States, and all his counsel¬ lors. May they shrink from no needful responsibility, but adopt promptly and execute firmly such means as may be most effectual in speedily enforcing the laws, maintaining the Constitution and Government, and punishing the disobedient. Bless the Army and Navy of the United States. May they be, what they were designed to be, the bulwark and defence of the country in this hour of trial. If it may be, spare further effusion of blood ; but if not, then grant, 0 God, a heart of adamant to every officer and soldier and seaman, end help those who go forth to fight our battles for us, each man to do his duty. Bless the Governor and officers of this State, and the body of the people, tvho, after long fraternal forbearance, are now risen to assert the majesty of law, and uphold the best Government the world has ever seen. Give us pe-'feet unity, and let all party diversities be hu'sheu and forgotten. May the whole faithful por¬ tion of the people, now forced into this struggle for our political life and freedom, determine with fixed purpose never to falter nor give over until law and the Government are effectually vindicated and sus¬ tained. Though it may be for months or for years, though disaster and defeat may come, may they have the fortitude to suffer and the courage to persevere until this end is attained ; for in it wo believe arc bound up the interests of freedom and of constitu¬ tional Government in this land and the world over, now and for generations yet unborn. Mercifully look upon this great city. Inspire its people in this sharp emergency with it spirit of obedience to law, and aid its magistrates in the preservation of social order among us. Let all classes realize the responsibility of this solemn crisis, and each one be submissive and gird himself to the work that may bo required of him. Thus we pray most humbly and fervently, 0 our God. We acknowledge Thy supremacy ; we look to Thee for Thy divine blessing. Thou who didst give success to our fathers in their day, give success to our righteous cause. Help us to support the powers that be, which are ordained of God. Spare blood, if it may be. Speedily end this need¬ less and unnatural warfare, and bring in peace and good-will over the whole land. We ask — we implore these blessings — for the sake of Thy Son, Jesus Christ, our adorable Saviour. Amen. At the conclusion of the prayer, Rev. Dr. Vermil¬ tea said he desired to say a few words. I was, said he, born a citizen of this city, under the Stars and Stripes, and here I spent the greater part of my life. I cannot fight, but I can pray, and I have prayed most fervently for the success of our cause, and for constitutional liberty ; and now I will read to you the following brief document : — New York, April 20, 1861. Carpenter & Vermiltea — Pay to the order of Hon. John A. Dix one hundred dollars to aid in fur¬ nishing men and means to uphold the Constitution and Government of our country against treason and rebellion. $100. Thos. E. Vermiltea. The reading of this brief but expressive document was greeted with cheers. MR. GRINNELL’S REMARKS. Mr. Grinnell said that this was a meeting of American citizens without distinction of party ; it was a meeting of citizens without respect to former political issues • a meeting impelled by one impulse and one purpose — the preservation of our country’s integrity and the Constitution under which we live. (Applause.) Gentlemen, said Mr. G., a crisis has arrived ; the arm of the traitor lias been raised against this Union. That arm must be broken down. (Enthusiastic applause.) Blood — yes, yesterday the blood of Massachusetts was shed. Yesterday, the anniversary of the glorious battle of Lexington, the grandchildren of those who fought there, and whose blood was the first that was shed in our Revolution — yesterday, my friends, the blood of their children was spilled in the streets of Baltimore. (Sensation.) Now, I say, the time has come when you and I, the young, the old and the middle-aged, must do their duty like men. Let no man stand aside. Let him who wants physical strength pour out his advice, and his money, if he have any to give. To you, young gentlemen, who have the bone and the sinew in you, supported by conscientious feelings of the duty you owe to your country — to you we look to stand by those Stars and Stripes. (Cheers.) We are all in the same boat, — (Cries of, “ That’s so,”) — and wo know only one pilot and one guide ; and that is, the Constitution, and the God who reign3 over all. (Applause.) Gentlemen, I will not take up your time any longer ; you have so many eloquent speak¬ ers to address you, that I will not detain you. The resolutions which were read at Stand No. 1 , and all the others, were also read here and adopted with the most unbounded enthusiasm. Those parts referring to Major Anderson’s defence of Fort Sum¬ ter, and to the preservation intact of the Union, were applauded and cheered to the echo. The whole series were put to the vote, and passed with the greatest unanimity. You have heard, said Mr. Grinnell, the resolutions ; do you all second them? (Cries of “Yes, yes.”) DOCUMENTS. Ill Then adopt them with three cheers. (“ Aye, aye,” and tremendous cheers.) At this point of the proceedings Major Anderson came upon the stand, arm-in-arm with Mr. Simeon Draper, and when brought to the front of the plat¬ form such a cheer as went up from that vast multi¬ tude was never heard before. It must have glad¬ dened the heart of the hero of Fort Sumter. Three cheers thrice repeated were given for him, and he was obliged to go to the rear of the stand and show himself ; there he was greeted with a similar demon¬ stration. It was at least five minutes before quiet could bo restored, and the meeting allowed to pro¬ ceed. In the meantime crowds swarmed around the gallant Major, and nearly shook the hands off him in the warmth of their friendship. SPEECH OF WILLIAM CURTIS NOYES, ESQ. I have never before load reason to speak anywhere under circumstances of such extraordinary solemnity. The most eloquent speaker that could address you has just presented himself in the person of Major Anderson. (Loud cheers and applause, which lasted several minutes.) He has just come from the smoke and flame of the fiery furnace, kindled by a band of faithless traitors. (Loud cheers, and three groans for the traitors.) You have just sent from among your midst nearly one thousand men, the flower of the city of New York, to resent the insult to your flag. (Loud applause.) You have sent then* to resent the insult to your flag, and the greater insult, namely, an insult to the Constitution and the laws of your coun¬ try ; and you know that if those men are permitted to make their progress to Washington, and south¬ ward, they will tell a tale of which New York may justly be proud. (Cheers.) Your assembling here proves that you, young men, and, I hope, some of us old men, are ready to follow their example, shoulder their muskets, put on their knapsacks and their fatigue dresses — not their fancy dresses — and march to the rescue of the Constitution and the country. (Loud cheers.) Yesterday was the anniversary of the battle of Lexington. The blood of Massachusetts was the first to be shed on that anniversary, — (three cheers for Massachusetts,) — yesterday, in the putting down of this rebellion. (Cheers.) John Clarke, one of the heroes of the battle of Lexington, wrote in his almanac, opposite that day, “ This is the inaugur¬ ation of the liberty of the American world.” (Cheers.) I beg you to mark the phrase, “ The inauguration of the liberty of the American world.” Not, a frag¬ ment of it — not of the Northern States — not of a portion of this great Union, but of “ the liberty of the American world ” — the whole Union. (Loud cheers.) This Union will go on, notwithstanding this rebellion, until that prophecy, uttered eighty years ago and upwards, is fulfilled. (Cheers.) We are not in the midst of revolution. We are in the midst of rebellion. There never was a more beneficent, a more benign Government, than that of the United States, since time began. (Loud applause.) Never ! (Cheers.) It has borne so gently always — (three loud cheers for the Government of the United States) — it has borne so gently always upon the shoulders of the people, that they have hardly known it — scarcely felt it. Nothing has been oppressive or un¬ just, and no tyranny has been offered in any in¬ stance, north or south. Now, my fellow-citizens, this is a rebellion against a faultless, not only a fault¬ less, but a forbearing Government. (Applause.) Let us see for a moment. For months, nay, for years, the destruction of this Union has been plotted to a certain degree, until almost the entire generation has been educated in the infernal doctrines of a traitor now sleeping in his grave, and who endeav¬ ored thirty years ago to dissolve this Union. (Three groans for John C. Calhoun.) It has not been be¬ cause the Government was unkind or unjust in its operation, but it was because that man was disap¬ pointed in his unhallowed, unholy, and damnable am¬ bition. And now his followers are going forward and carrying out the doctrines, and under the pre¬ text of the election that did not suit them, they immediately seceded from the Union, and have inaugurated a bloody, causeless war. (A voice, “ That’s so.”) You are called upon, and I think the whole people of this country arc called on, to put down these traitors, to restore the condition of the country to its ordinary purity, and drive these trait¬ ors, if it may be, into the sea. (Loud cheers.) I have said that we have a forbearing Government. Was there ever an instance of greater forbearance than this Government has exercised ? (Cries of “ No ! no ! ”) Never ! Even under the administra¬ tion of Mr. Buchanan they were permitted to go on — permitted to prepare for war — to organize an army — to steal our public fortresses, our public treasury, and everything that was necessary for the freedom of their country South, and not a hand was raised against them. (A voice, “ Buchanan is a traitor.”) I was going on to say, in connection with his for¬ bearance, that he had dishonest traitors in his Cabi¬ net, who were stealing from the Treasury, and arming themselves against the Government, and there was only one — the hero of Detroit — who stood up against it. (Three cheers for General Cass.) At this juncture, Captain Foster, of the Engineer Corps, and Dr. Crawford, both of whom were with Major Anderson in Fort Sumter, appeared on the stand, and were introduced by the President to the assemblage. They bowed their acknowledgments, were received with deafening cheers, and, having conversed with some of the gentlemen on the plat¬ form, retired. Mr. Noyes resumed as follows : — The only objec¬ tion that I have to Dr. Crawford, is that he adminis¬ tered an antidote to Mr. Pryor. I wish the antidote had been administered first, and something else after¬ wards. (Loud laughter and cheers.) I was saying that there was only one true patriot in the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan, and he left the moment he discov¬ ered the perfidious conduct of his associates. Let him be, as he deserves to be, forever embalmed in your recollections, and in those of a grateful pos¬ terity. (Loud applause.) He has retired to his own home, but he has retired with public gratitude, which will follow him to his last moment. I said we had a forbearing Government. After Fort Sumter was taken possession of by Major Anderson, the Govern¬ ment were still supine ; and even after the inaugura¬ tion of Mr. Lincoln, if any thing could have been done, nothing was done, to prevent the closing round of the men in that brave fortress, and round the braver hearts in it. Seventeen or eighteen batteries were prepared, as soon as ready, to pour out fire 112 REBELLION RECORD, 1SG0-G1. upon it. Was there ever a greater instance of for¬ bearance than this ? Never ! And the moment they discovered it was to be relieved, in provisions only, that instant they sought to murder every man in that hopeless garrison. Our Government then was for¬ bearing. Our Government has been kind. But what is the character of the Government that has been inaugurated, claiming to be the Government of the Confederate States ? What is the character of that Government ? I call your attention to a single instance. They have inaugurated a wholesale system of piracy on the entire commerce of the country. (Applause.) That is what they have done, and that is the character of the measures which they will adopt in all the war which is to go on. Now, what is the duty of the Administration under such circum¬ stances ? (Shouts of “ Shoot them ! shoot them ! ”) Let us see how they speak of the national flag, that idol of your hearts, which every one of us has adored from the moment his eyes first saw the light. Let us see how they speak of the national flag. Here is a speech of Gov. Pickens, delivered immediately after Fort Sumter had surrendered. This Governor of South Carolina, the pupil of Mr. Calhoun, under the tutorship of Jefferson Davis, thus speaks of our flag — a flag which was never trailed in the dust before, and which has maintained its integrity with unflinch¬ ing courage, and was never with a stain before. He says : — “ I hope on to-morrow, Sabbath though it be, that under the protection of Providence, and under the orders of General Beauregard, commander of our forces from the Confederate States, you shall have the proud gratification of seeing the Palmetto flag raised upon that fortress, and the Confederate flag of these free and independent States side by side with it ; and there they shall float forever, in defiance of any power that man can bring against them. (Ap¬ plause.) We have humbled the flag of the United States ; and as long as I have the honor to preside as your Chief Magistrate, so help me God, there is no power on this earth shall ever lower from that fortress those flags, unless they be lowered and trailed in a sea of blood. (Vociferous applause.) I can here say to you, it is the first time in the history of this country that the Stars and Stripes have been humbled. It has triumphed for seventy years, but to-day, on the 13th day of April, it has been hum¬ bled, and humbled before the glorious little State of South Carolina. (Applause.) The Stars and Stripes have been lowered before your eyes this day, but there are no flames that shall ever lower the flag of South Carolina while I have the honor to preside as your Chief Magistrate.” Now I give one response to that, and I ask you to respond to it : — Forever float that standard sheet, Where breathes the foe but falls before us : With freedom’s soil beneath our feet, And freedom’s banner waving o’er us. (Loud and continued cheers.) SPEECH OF SENATOR SPINOLA. There is no more glorious cause under which we could assemble than that which calls us together — the cause of our country. War under any circumstances is to be regretted, and more particularly it is to be mourned over when we find such a war as is now upon us ; but it has come, and there is only one thing left for us to do, and that is, our duty. It is for you to say whether you will meet these traitors and drive them into the ocean. (Cries of “ Yes,” “ Yes.”) God in His mercy gave you this country, and Washington gave you the Constitution under which w'e live. Both have been intrusted to you for safety and perpetuation. Will you take care of them, or will you not? (“We will, we will.”) Before coming upon this stand I circuited this park, and as I walked by the statue of W ashington on the other side, and saw the flag of Fort Sumter, torn and tat¬ tered as it is — torn and tattered, but not dishon¬ ored — I gloried in that flag. I gloried in Anderson and his little band of thirty-five gunners, who kept off for so many hours thirty thousand treason-mongers of South Carolina, who were not able even to make them strike that flag. (Cheers.) We must not stop now to inquire what has produced this war. You must only inquire as to the proper means to meet and carry it on successfully, and to finish it at the earliest moment. To accomplish this, let the Northmen rally in their might, and these traitors shall meet an end more ignominious than that which fell upon the traitor Arnold. (Applause.) Familiar to every man within the sound of my voice is the fact that our men have been interrupted in their way to the Fed¬ eral capital. Let not those “Blood Tubs” provoke us to too great an extent, or we wall make the city of Baltimore suffer terribly. We will leave nothing but a smouldering ruin where Baltimore now stands. (Tremendous cheering.) The great leading avenue to the Federal capital shall be kept open under all circumstances. No power on earth shall close it. Jefferson Davis says for the first time in three-quar¬ ters of a century the American flag has been hum¬ bled. He lietl when he said so. (Applause.) There is not blood enough in his body to humble it. (Re¬ newed applause.) Jefferson Davis and Cobb have filled their pockets at the public expense, and, having robbed the republic, have endeavored to destroy it. May God’s mercy rest upon them until they wither away from the respect of mankind ! (Cheering.) My countrymen, revolution under some circum¬ stances is justifiable, but only when the rights of the people have been invaded, and when the iron heel of despotism has crushed them to the earth ; but here in this instance no wrong has been perpetrated, no outrage has been committed, except in the dirty imagination of political demagogues in the cotton States. (Cheers.) And they seek to break up this Government. But let me tell you, they shall not do it. (Cheers.) Men have died for the liberties of their fellow-men. Go to Ireland, and you will there behold the grave of her patriot martyr. Emmet, who perished on the scaffold because he desired to give to his countrymen the same liberty we now enjoy. And if a patriot was thus treated for trying to gain the independence of his native land, what should be done with the traitor who seeks to destroy the free¬ dom of his country, and to bring it to destruction? (Cries of “ Hang him.”) Hanging is too good for him. A more severe but certain punishment should await him ; but a single jerk, and it is all over with him. Our Government, my friends, must not falter in this hour of our emergency. Every nerve must be brought into action, and every action must deal a blow of death to every traitor. (Cheers.) The Po¬ tomac should be lined with gunboats, and every time that one of these vagabonds appears upon its banks, he should be blown to the devil without mercy. (Cheers and laughter. A voice, “ Yes, and without the benefit of clergy.”) My friend says, “ without the benefit of clergy to that I say, Amen ! This DOCUMENTS. 113 war may be a long one, but it is to be a victorious one to you. Some men ask, “ Can we coerce them back into the Union ? ” I don’t say we can, but we cau conquer them ; and when we do so, every dollar of property in those States shall be confiscated for the benefit of the great Northern army. Those fine plantations shall belong to the Northern soldier, and with Northern men we shall repeople those States. This may be bold talk, but it is true, and it is certain to take place. I am still for peace, if it can be had. We have waited with all patience for it. They have fired upon our flag, and we will never suffer it to be fired upon with impunity. We may as well let them know now as hereafter, that the reward we will mete out to them for their treason shall be, committing their homes to the flames, and their own carcasses to the eagles of America. (Cheers.) SPEECH OF DAVID DUDLEY FIELD. This is not a time for words, but for deeds. Our Union is assailed : that Union which was created after so many years of patient labor, of common suf¬ fering, and common glory. Our Constitution is de¬ fied : that Constitution which Washington, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, and their compatriots made, and which has served us so well in peace and in war. Our liberties are menaced : those liberties which we inherited from our brave and suffering fathers, and which we received as an inheritance to be transmitted intact to our children. The symbol of our country’s strength and honor : that flag which our countrymen have borne over so many lands and seas, has been insulted and trampled. Our fortresses, arsenals, mints, custom-houses, hospitals, have been seized. The roads to our national capital have been ob¬ structed, and our own troops, marching to its succor, molested and stopped ; every form of contumely and insult has been used towards us. The foundations of Government and society are rocking around us. Truly, my fellow-citizens, this is no time for words — we must act, act now, act together, or we are lost. This is no occasion to inquire into the causes of this awful state of things. All hands, all hearts, all thoughts, should be concentrated upon the one great object of saving our country, our Union, our Consti¬ tution — I had almost said, our civilization. If we fail hi this great emergency, if we allow a single source of discord to intrude into our counsels, if we do not give to our glorious land, in this hour of its peril, our substance, our labors, and our blood, we shall prove ourselves most degenerate children. A great conspiracy has been forming and extending for many years to overthrow this Government ; the people have only now believed its existence ; it was something so monstrous as to be incredible, till an armed rebellion has overcome eight States, and seems to be spreading over more ; a military despotism has obtained control of eight millions of people, and is knocking at the gates of the capital. Therefore arm yourselves ; for this contest is to be decided by arms ; let every man arm himself. None capable of bear¬ ing arms can be spared. It is not 30,000 that this State must get ready, but 300,000. Arm yourselves by land and sea ; rally to the support of the Govern¬ ment ; give your counsel and your strength to the constituted authorities, whom the votes of the people and the laws of the land have placed in power. Never give up. Never despair. Never shrink. And from this darkness and gloom, from the smoke and flame of battle, we shall, with God’s blessing, come out purified as by fire, our love of justice increased, the foundations of our institutions more firmly ce¬ mented, and the blessings of liberty more certainly secured to ourselves and our posterity. Every mo¬ tive that can influence men is present to us this day — love of honor and love of right — the history of the heroic past, the vast interests of the present and the future of all the millions that for ages shall in¬ habit this continent. SPEECH OF JUDGE THOMPSON. Fellow-countrymen, — In 1832, the State of South Carolina attempted to nullify the action of the Federal Government upon the questions affecting our revenue laws. Fortunately, Andrew Jackson was then President of the United States. Himself the very impersonation of republican democracy, he was also at that period surrounded by loyal majorities in both the Senate and House of Representatives. In that emergency the old hero at once determined to defend the Constitution and uphold the laws. Both branches of Congress stood firmly by the side of the people’s chosen chief, who proclaimed, in words which cannot die — “ The Union must and shall be preserved ! ” (Tumultuous applause.) True, South Carolina had aided to swell the majority by which he was placed amongst the foremost rulers of the na¬ tions of the earth — nevertheless, his fidelity and patriotism, his devotion to the Constitution which he had sworn to support, raised him above the reach and beyond the stretch of mere party feeling, and prompted him to lose sight of everything that might tend to seduce him from the service of the country he loved so well. Thus it was that the prompt, statesmanlike, and energetic action of the Federal authorities in that memorable and trying crisis, most effectually suppressed the spirit of rebellion which then menaced the peace of the country and the sta¬ bility of our cherished institutions ; and the deter¬ mined announcement of Jackson to preserve the Union at all hazards, was responded to by the united voice of every hamlet, village, town, and city throughout the limits of our blessed land. Since then Columbia’s sons have ever made the heavens ring with music to the inspired words : — Then a eons; for our Union — tho watchword recall Which gave the republic her station. United we stand — divided we fall — It made and preserved us a nation. The union of lakes, the union of lands, The union of States none can sever ; The union of hearts, the union of hands, And the flag of our Union for ever ar.d ever, The flag of our Union for ever I— (Great cheering.) After the lapse of thirty peaceful years — years of unexampled national prosperity — 20,000,000 of free¬ men, in this hour of our country’s peril, again are chaunting the magic words : — Tho flag of our Union forever and ever, The flag of our Union forever [—(Cheers.) The decisive and vigorous policy of the hero of New Orleans gave peace and harmony to the country at once, and proved to the world that whether fighting under Washington or Scott, against a foreign enemy, or under Jackson or Lincoln (cheers) against domes¬ tic foes, the people of this enlightened land have a government which is invincible against assaults and attacks, let them come from without or from within. The spirit of rebellion again rears its hideous head amongst the citizens of the sunny South ; and as it was met by Jackson thirty years ago, so is it now being met by President Lincoln. (Cheers.) Now, 114 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. as then, though we differ upon questions of domestic politics— whether we favor or oppress the internal doctrines and platforms upon which Jackson or Lin¬ coln was elected — nevertheless, we are all agreed that “ The Union must and shall be preserved ! ” The speaker proceeded in an eloquent strain, favor¬ ing the energetic enforcement of the laws, and the Constitution upon which they rest. He had always been a democrat, yet he would forget his party pro¬ clivities, and join heart and hand in the work of sup¬ pressing insurrection, and in vindicating the supremo majesty of the law. lie closed by saying : — My heart’s desire and prayer to high Heaven is, that as God was on the side of our fathers in the trying days of the Revolution, so may Ho now stand by the sacred cause of their sons in these days of disloyalty and rebel¬ lion ! And now that the horrors of civil war are upon us, may the conflict continue till the death- rattle shall seize upon the palsied throat of dying Treason and Disunion ! (Loud applause.) REMARKS OF EX-JUDGE PIERREPQNT. Fellow-Citizens — What does all this mean. Is it that our Southern brethren have been trampled upon and their rights invaded ? (Cries of “ No no.”) Let me tell you, fellow-countrymen, what it is. Every Southern traitor hates a Northern working-man and says that he should be a slave. They hate the man who works honestly for the support of his family, and say he ought to be a slave. They make war upon you because they want a despotic government and power. They want to place the power in the hands of a few. If they succeed they will build up a military despotism. Next will follow an empire, and lords and ladies and an aristocracy will be the order. (Cries of “ Never.”) They say that we arc cowards, that we won’t say any thing in reply ; but be ready. (Immense applause and cheers.) SPEECH OF THOMAS C. FIELDS. Fellow-Citizens — No sight could more enliven the heart of a man who would be true to his country, than the one which is now presented around this square to-day. It is in the city of New York that we find that every man lays aside his business and his prejudices and comes as an honest man to lay upon the altar of his country the offering he has for its defence. (Cheers.) I may say that the great heart of the city of New York throbs lively to-day when the news comes teeming from the telegraph that her citizen soldiers, her sons, have been impeded in their progress to the national capital by obstruc¬ tions placed in the way by the rebels to our country, and traitors to the Constitution. Fellow-citizens, there is hardly one within the sound of my voice but must feel the responsibility which rests upon us as men and as citizens of this great metropolis of the nation. But let us not forget in this, the hour of trial to our coun¬ try, there should be but one feeling amongst us, and that feeling of devotion, entirely the defence of our flag and the protection and perpetuity of our Government. Will it be said of us, the most enlightened nation on the face of the earth, that in this, the nineteenth cen¬ tury, we, within almost the period of a man’s life, should be found ungrateful to the recollections of the past, unmindful of the present, and forgetful of the duty which we owe to our country ? Believe it not, fel¬ low-countrymen, that this country of ours is not to endure for more than the lifetime of a man. I be¬ lieve that it has had a past history, and I tell you it is to have a future life. Why, this very Government, as has been justly observed, is a kind and beneficent one, and so kind and beneficent in its operation that we hardly knew that we lived under one. There was no restraint or restriction upon us, and we were not burthened by taxation. Let us teach our South¬ ern brethren that they must yield to the requirements of the Constitution ; that they must redress their grievances, if they have any, within the Constitution and according to the provisions calculated and ap¬ proved of for their redress ; and until they are wil¬ ling to submit to that arbitration — until they are wil¬ ling to bring their grievances and lay them before a jury of their country, before the people of the United States — I say, until that hour they are our enemies, and they must be treated as such. Now, fellow-citi¬ zens — and it lingers on my tongue in saying so — they are our enemies, and it is our duty to oppose them and compel them to conform to the principles of the Constitution. We have arrived at the hour of trial, and I ask you all to bear yourselves firmly in the struggle which is before us in meeting these men, who are freemen like yourselves. You must remem¬ ber at all times that we have but one object in view. We must lay aside all selfish feelings, and struggle to accomplish that end which will best secure to us our liberties, and tend to secure the liberty of all man¬ kind. We would be recreants to ourselves — to the standard which history has given us — if we did not at this time come up as one man in the cause of our country. As I said before, every consideration should be laid aside in support of the flag whose stripes de¬ note the past of our freedom, and whose stars show the brightness of our future greatness. (Loud cheers.) Press onward, fellow-countrymen, if neces¬ sary, but let it be done quickly. Let the spirit of our ancestors — let the spirit of freedom in the North — awaken. Let them come in as one man, and let us crush out this monster. (Vociferous cheers.) Yes, this monster rebellion, which seeks to find a lodg¬ ment among our people. (Cheers.) Press them out, I say. Press them out once, and do it well, and that will be their end. (Loud and continued cheers.) SPEECn OF W. J. A. FULLER. Fellow-Citizens : — This is no time for set speeches. Fine phrases, rhetorical flourishes and rounded periods, are not what the people want. There is more eloquence in the words “I enlist” than in the combined utterances of all the orators in the nation. What man, by words, could inspire such military enthusiasm and ardent patriotism as did the roll of the drum and tread of the New York “Im¬ perial Guard,” the gallant Seventh, as it marched through our streets yesterday ? But earnest words are necessary to incite the government to vigor¬ ous action. I am rejoiced at this opportunity of ad¬ dressing you, because I can through the reported speech attempt to diffuse an energy into the govern¬ ment corresponding to the enthusiasm of the people. The Government has, by lying supinely on its back and hugging closely the delusive phantoms of conces¬ sion and compromise, permitted treason to run riot in the land and bind it hand and foot. See with what delight the people hailed the first evidence of action. The proclamation of the President, which was a brave and good one, was issued on Monday morning last. Its effect upon a patient, forbearing, and long suffer¬ ing people was like the blast upon Roderick’s bugle horn — ’twas worth a thousand men. It was like the presence of Napoleon at the head of his army, which the combined despots of Europe were wont to esti- DOCUMENTS. 115 mate as a reinforcement of one hundred thousand men. It was the first trumpet-note of freedom. Its echoes reverberated among the hills of peaceful and happy New England, across the fertile valleys of the Susquehanna and the Genesee, and over the broad prairies of the West, sweeping them like their own destructive fires, until the dying cadences were lost, mingling with the paeans of rejoicing that came an¬ swering back to us from that last and brightest star in liberty’s greatest constellation. Never before was a Government so cordially sustained by the people. They have responded to this call upon their patriot¬ ism with a loyalty, a devotion and enthusiasm which has no parallel in history. Nobly have the people done their duty. It remains for the Government to do theirs— to do the will of the people. The paper blockade is well. Let the Government see that it immediately becomes efficient, especially at the mouth of the Mississippi. Let the Government forever dis¬ card its “ do little and drift along ” policy, and give the people action, action— prompt, vigorous, ener¬ getic, crushing, bloody, and decisive. Let it quit searching musty law tomes for precedents. Make precedents. The idea of the government being har¬ nessed down by the iron bands of formula and delay when dealing with revolutionists, traitors, and rebels, is criminal and absurd. Inter anna leges silent. When Gen. Jackson threatened to hang Calhoun, ho was told by his Attorney-General that there was no law for it. His reply was, “ If you can’t find law for me, I will appoint an Attorney-General who can.” If the Government will adopt a vigorous policy the law for every thing it does will be found in the hearts of the people. The eyes of the people are upon the Government. They cannot wait its tardy action. They will reward energy, and will hold it to a strict ac¬ countability for imbecility. The war will be short and decisive ; or long, disastrous, and without permanent results, unless the Government does its whole duty. The time for defensive warfare has passed, and the time for aggressive action has come. The strongest defence is counter attack. Carry the war literally into Africa, by marching upon Virginia. Liberate the Africans, if need be, to crush out this most un¬ natural rebellion. Take military control of all the avenues leading to Washington, north, south, east, and west. In Baltimore are loyal men, but if they are not strong enough to quell the rebels in their midst, the government must do it for them. The transit through Baltimore must be kept unobstructed, even if it be necessary to lay the city in ashes and inscribe upon its monuments : — ■“ Here stood the Monumental City.” If the government yields to the clamors of a mob or even to the “ urgent requests” of the Mayor and Governor not to send troops through the city, it will lose the hearty confidence and support of the people which it now enjoys, and be disgraced in the eyes of the nation and the world. Suppose a request had been made to the Emperor Napoleon under similar circumstances, would he have heeded it? He would have said, as he did when somewhat similarly placed, “ My soldiers want bread and wine ; if you do not supply it immediately, I will.” It is hardly necessary to add, that the pro¬ visions were supplied. The Government should at once plant batteries along the entire southern bank of the Potomac, and not wait for the rebels to do it, and point their cannon against the capital. It should lay in ashes those cities, whether on the sea-coast or in the interior, whose citizens attempt, in any way, to interforc with our navy or our army in the execution of the commands of the Government. The mails South should all be stopped. The telegraph, rail¬ road, and every leading avenue of communication to the South should be under a military control suffi¬ ciently strong to stop all communication. The rebels should be left in outer darkness, to wrangle and fight among themselves. Cairo should at once be made a military post. Not a word of intelligence, not a pound of provisions, no supplies of any kind, should be permitted to pass the military border which the Government ought immediately to establish. In short, all transit and communication of every kind southward should be stopped. But I will not en¬ large upon suggestions as to the policy of the Gov¬ ernment. I only wish that it may know that the people demand action. Deeds, not words, are what the people now expect. The flag which is the em¬ blem of their nationality has been derided, defied, trampled upon, and trailed in the dust by traitors. The honor of that flag must be sustained ; the insult must be washed out in blood. Nothing else can restore its tarnished lustre. A flag is the representa¬ tion of history, the emblem of heroic daring and of brave deeds. The associations of a flag alone make it sacred. Who sees the tri-color of France, without thinking of Napoleon and the army of Italy, of Ma¬ rengo and Austerlitz, of Moscow and Waterloo? No man can read of the strife of Lexington and Con¬ cord, whose heart does not thrill with emotion at this glorious baptism of the Stars and Stripes. No man can see the banner of the republic, now waving in triumph from Bunker’s height, and not with startled ear and glowing breast hear the din of the conflict, behold the fierce repulse of advancing squadrons, and the flames of burning Charlestown. No man, even from the sunny South, can be at Saratoga, and not tread with exultant step and throbbing heart the ground where the Star-spangled Banner first success¬ fully rolled back the tide of British power and aggression. No man can think of that sacred em¬ blem trailing in blood through the snows of Valley Forge, or across the frozen Delaware, or amid the swamps of Carolina, and not weep that the patriotism of the Jaspers, the Sumters, and the Marions, no longer burns upon their native altars ; and so through the long and dark hours of that dreary struggle — the gallant defence of Moultrie, at Cowpens and Eutaw Springs — at a “ time which tried men’s souls,” when the strong became weak, the hopeful despondent, the bold grew timid, and the tattered ensign seemed but a funereal pall or winding-sheet to envelop the nakedness of a forlorn cause, until it covered, as with a brilliant mantle of glory and redemption, the new-born republic at Yorktown — that sacred flag was upborne on many a hard-fought field, and carried in triumph through many an unequal contest. Although not yet in the prime of manhood, I have roamed much in my day ; and wherever I have been, any association that awakened recollections of the land of my birth was peculiarly pleasing. But especially were my feelings kindled into enthusiasm when that silent appeal was made to my patriotism, by behold¬ ing “ the gorgeous ensign of the republic,” so long “ known and honored throughout the world.” When I gazed upon its ample folds, floating to the breeze, and spreading the broad wings of its protection over our citizens in remotest seas, I felt a thrill of pleasure which experience only can know, and which language would fail to describe. I have seen its Stars and Stripes waving in Polar seas, and behold its graceful folds fluttering in the light winds of torrid climes ; 116 REBELLION RECORD, 1SG0-G1. and, at homo or abroad — ashore or afloat — on the stormy seas of high latitudes, or beneath the summer skies of the tropics — whenever and wherever my eyes have beheld that flag, I have gazed upon it with feelings of exultation and of pride, and thanked God, from the bottom of my heart, that I was an American citizen. I love, more than ever, that “ Star-spangled Banner,” now that a few of its stars are temporarily obscured ; May it continue to wave O’er tho land of the free and the home of the brave i To achieve this consummation so devoutly to be wished, the rebels and traitors who have defied and insulted that flag must be taught a severe lesson. In the name of God and humanity — in the name of that God above us, laying His requirements upon us, and in the name of that humanity around us, bound to us by a relationship which nothing can sever or annul, the people call upon the Government to make this lesson of rebellion short, terrible, and lasting. The meeting on Stand No. 5 was organized by the unanimous appointment of Egbert Benson, Esq., as Chairman, and Thos. Williams as Secretary. JosEPn P. Simpson, Esq., was then introduced as the first speaker, and received with loud applause. He said : — Fellow-Citizens — I am very proud to be here before you on this important and momentous occa¬ sion. I am proud that you are here, for I believe you are friends to your country, friends to this noble Union of ours. In the war of 1812 I was in the active service of our country, and I performed all the duty that was required of me there. (Cheers.) I had a brother who was on board of Commodore McDonough’s ship, on the beautiful Lake Champlain, and who fought bravely and successfully in vindica¬ tion of the cause of freedom. (Applause.) I see before me here to-day, in this vast assembly, many who are hard-working men. Let me say to you, my friends, that I can sympathize with you all, for I have been a hard-working man myself. More than sixty-four years ago I went an apprentice-boy into a workshop to earn my living. Therefore I know what it is to be a working man ; I can feel for a man who has to work for his living ; and I tell you, that in order to secure a living, we must sustain our coun¬ try. (Cheers.) There is no better nation upon earth than this nation. There is no people that have se¬ cured such liberty, and privileges, and blessings, as this people have enjoyed. And now, what is it, fellow-citizens, that brings us here ? Oh, my heart bleeds, my spirit mourns, that I have lived to see the day when a reckless, unthinking, and — I hate to say the word — a disloyal people, a people who are untrue to their country, have raised their arms against the liberty of this great nation. I say, fellow-citizens, stand firm by your country. At this point a tremendous excitement among the crowd, and shouts of “ Cheers for the hero of Fort Sumter ! ” announced that Major Anderson was ap¬ proaching. Accompanied by Simeon Draper and Superintendent Kennedy, he was conducted upon the stand, and introduced to the vast assembly amid the wildest enthusiasm. Subsequently, Captain Foster and Dr. Crawford, from Fort Sumter, were also intro¬ duced, and received with great cheering. Soon after being presented, they retired from the platform. Mr. Simpson resumed : — I know, my friends, that I am not so much an object of interest as that noble man, Major Anderson, who well deserves all the honor that is accorded him. Let me say to you, con¬ tinue to love the Stars and Stripes as you have loved that noble ensign in the past. It is that flag which has floated, and now floats over this nation, and which has carried its fame to every sea and every land. So I say, fellow-citizens, cleave to the Stars and Stripes. (Cries of “ We will.”) And further, let me say, look out for traitors among us, who would sell their birthright for a mess of pottage. (Cries of “ Yes, yes.”) Stand by the honor of your country and your country’s flag, and, if needs be, buckle on your armor, and go forth to defend it against any and all assailants, let them come from whatever quarter they may ; and, old as I am — seventy-four years of age — I am ready to go with you. (Cheers.) SPEECH OF GEN. APPLETON, OF MASSACHUSETTS. This mighty gathering of the patriotic citizens of the great city of New York speaks in no equivocal language. It is not in my power to give it greater significance. It is meet that you should thus assem¬ ble ; it is fit and proper that the multitudes of this great city should convene together to consult upon matters concerning the public welfare. Every thing dear to humanity, every thing dear to our social rela¬ tions, every thing important touching our past his¬ tory and our national concerns, is involved in the issue now before the country. (Cheers.) It is, my friends, a matter most deeply to be deplored, that a country so vast in its territory, so great in all its re¬ sources, so grand in the glorious liberty which Heaven has vouchsafed to it, should be placed in peril. But such is the fact. The stability of our national Gov¬ ernment, the very existence of our country, is threat¬ ened. Because, if you have no Constitution, you have no country that is worth defending. (Ap¬ plause.) What is liberty without law, without order? I know full well that those States which have seceded pretend that they had a right to withdraw from the Union, and to assert their separate independence. Well, if that be true, if States have the right to go off at their own will and pleasure, then the position which we assume that the Union is indivisible, is wrong, and we have no right to interfere with them. But mark you, my friends, is not our Government a Government of the people of the whole country ? (Cries of “ Yes,” “ Yes.”) Why did our fathers undertake to establish our present Constitution ? It was because, under the old Confederation, there was such a variety of interests in the several States, that there could be no harmonious action for the benefit of the whole country ; and so those wise and patriotic statesmen of our earlier history assembled together for the purpose of forming a more perfect Union, and establishing a better form of Government, which should be a Government over the whole country, freo and independent. It was the work of the people of all the separate States. And let me say to you, that if the Government which was then established, if the Constitution which was then formed, contemplated any such contingency as the withdrawal of a portion of the people, then all the work of our fathers in framing that Constitution was a farce, and amounted to nothing practical at all. (Applause.) But the fact remains true, that this is one Government, one DOCUMENTS. 117 and indivisible. (Cheers.) If such were not the case, then the efforts put forth upon so many occa¬ sions by the immortal Clay and Webster, to secure the perpetuity of this Government and all our inter¬ ests and liberties, were utterly in vain. And since we were constituted one Government, I say those individuals who have broken off from us, and pre¬ tended to have established another Government, are — (A Voice, “ Traitors.”) Mr. Appleton — Yes, they are traitors, and were guilty of a crime of the greatest atrocity. Although I did not come forward to claim your attention for any great length of time, when I know there are other speakers better qualified to interest you, there is one fact to which I wish to advert, that tends to aggravate the criminality of those States which have seceded from the Union. It is this: At. the time they seceded, our country was in a state of the great¬ est prosperity ; therefore there was no reason which would satisfy any rational mind to justify that act. Had we not sustained the transportation of the mails in those States ? Had we- not built the forts within their limits, and in every way provided for their de¬ fence, and, in the case of some, actually purchased their territory ? It was under these circumstances, so aggravating, so unprovoked, so unjustifiable, that they have gone off ; and now it devolves upon all the people of our land to lend their influence, their lives, their sacred honors — to use all the means in their power to perpetuate our Constitution and our Gov¬ ernment. (Cheers.) Remember, my friends, that you have inherited from your fathers a glorious legacy ; you have inherited from them a Constitution which is justly considered the most glorious upon earth. To these young men before me who have inherited these glorious privileges, who have inherited the liberty they so richly enjoy, let me say, when the occasion occurs, lend your personal effort, lend your strength and vigor, lend your lives, if need be, to preserve the honor and integrity of your country. (Cheers.) These old men upon this platform have all served their country in her hour of trial in the past — (cheers) — and they now call upon you to unite in her defence at the present moment of her peril. War, I know, is a great evil ; but there are other evils greater than war. It were better that we should perish, than see our glorious country destroyed forever. 0, think of it ! The loss of our rich in¬ heritance, the loss of all the glorious privileges and liberties we enjoy ! Let us all unite, then, in saying, in the language of John Adams, “ Live or die, sink or swim, we go for our country and for its blessed liberties.” (Cheers.) SPEECH OF MR. ABBOTT. Mr. Abbott, a veteran of 1812, was next intro¬ duced to the multitude, who received him with loud demonstrations of applause. He said that in the year 1812, this great nation reposed in quiet. They then had their commerce shut out from any foreign power, an armament of vessels on the ocean, besides thousands of adopted citizens. Well, the war ensued. He had been everywhere in that war with General Scott — (cheers) — consequently he had seen the Stars and Stripes floating proudly in the breeze, enveloped in smoke, while the shot from cannons knocked the earth from beneath their feet. (Applause.) But now the ques¬ tion was, Shall we have a Government ? — (A voice, “ And stand by it ? ”) — and shall the Government be supported? (Cries of “ Yes, yes,” and cheers.) Or shall history write the extinction of the best Govern¬ ment that has ever existed on this earth ? (“ No, no,” and loud cheers.) Did all of them answer in the negative ? (“ Yes, yes.”) Now, how should the Government be supported ? By strong arms and brave hearts. (Cheers, and cries of “We have got them.”) He saw them before him. Oh, if it were necessary for him to go with them and fight, old as he was, he would not hesitate a single moment. (Cheers.) But, although his heart was young and his whole soul enlisted in the cause, yet his limbs were withered and aged ; but he saw smiling, firm faces enough around him, which proved to him that there were men enough in the city to go out and battle with the foe. (Cheers.) He wished to remark to them, that the present issue was more desperate, the cause more important, than in the former war to which he had just alluded. He never saw, during the war of 1812, the extreme enthusiasm and excite¬ ment which now prevailed in this city. Who among them did not feel his blood run chill when he heard of the manner in which their flag had been treated, in being fired upon by a foe uprising from their own country ? Therefore he urged them on to the con¬ test. He begged of them to be firm, and to remem¬ ber that they might not die in the battle-field. If they did die, they would die with honor. (Cheers.) The Chairman here rose, and said that beautiful and inspiring air, “The Star-Spangled Banner” — (cheers) — would now be sung, and he hoped all who could would join in the chorus. The song was then sung by thousands of voices in the most enthusiastic and thrilling manner. SPEECH OF C. H. SMITH. Fellow-countrymen — (Loud cheering, which last¬ ed for several minutes.) Fellow-countrymen — for on this occasion I know of no one here but my fellow- countrymen — wo are assembled to-day in the glori¬ ous cause of our country. (Cheers.) There is no question of politics to-day to divide you and me. It makes no difference where you or I was born, though I hail this city as my birthplace, and you may have been born in old Ireland, or in Germany. (Loud cheers.) They had assembled in one common broth¬ erhood, to take measures for the protection of that glorious old flag which had been borne through the Revolution of ’76, baptized in the blood of our fore¬ fathers, and sacred to the memory of liberty and popular institutions. (Applause.) I tell you, my countrymen, to-day, that this is no child’s play. It is a question of manhood, of freedom, of liberty, and of popular Government. (Cheers.) The ques¬ tion is, Shall we be overridden by those who have assailed us for the last fifty years — by those who, the very moment their hands are taken from the public pocket, presume to insult our flag, and try to con¬ quer us ? Shall we submit to that ? (Loud cries of “No, no.”) Wo are not men if we submit to it. We would deserve to be what they have driven all their lives — black slaves — if we submit to it. We won’t submit to it. (Several voices, “ Bravo ! bravo ! ”) We won’t submit ; and to-day the com¬ mon sentiment that thrills the common heart of the North is, Our country and our country’s flag. (Tre¬ mendous cheering.) Born on this island, which con¬ tains to-day one million of souls, in all the pride of 118 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. my birthplace — my forefathers having fought for that glorious flag— to-day I say, “ My country, one, un¬ divided, and inseparable. I know no North, no South, no East, no West— nothing but my country and my country’s flag.” (Immense cheering, and waving of ladies’ handkerchiefs.) The Chairman here interrupted the speaker to say, it had been just stated to him that Washington, their noble capital, was in danger ; and as the steam¬ ship Baltic lay at the foot of Canal street, for the pur¬ pose of taking away volunteers to-morrow morning, he wanted five thousand of them to go at V o'clock in the morning. “ Now, then,” said the speaker, “ who will go ? ” (The question was answered by hundreds in a breath, who cried out lustily, “We’ll all go ; we’ll all go.”) “ There arc four regiments,” he continued, “ to sail to-morrow for Baltimore. Those who want to serve their country, let them come forward and enroll themselves to protect the flag of their country.” (Cheers.) Mr. Smith resumed — I remember these old gen¬ tlemen — (the Veterans) — and on every occasion I have met them when they appeared in public. They have been pleased to call me their young friend. Not so young, perhaps, as to make a great distinction, but yet their friend forever. In those I recognize men who have stood up in the face of the British cannon — who have listened to the whizzing of thou¬ sands of bullets, and all for the glory and freedom of our common country. (Cheers.) And in these brave old remnants of the Revolution I am proud to say that I have relatives to-day. An uncle of mine is now on this stand who has fought for the glory of his country, and is still ready to render his services, if needs be, in that country’s cause. Even Roger A. Pryor, of Virginia, who got so sick after having taken a brandy cock-tail at Fort Sumter — the scion of one of the noblest families in Virginia — even Roger A. Pryor, with that dose of ipecac in his stom¬ ach, does not boast of such blood in his veins as this common plebeian born on Manhattan Island. What a ridiculous figure Pryor must have cut with that magazine of revolvers and bowie-knives surrounding the upper part of his hips. Now, we want a good square fight this time. We have, as I said before, on this island one million of souls. We have one hundred thousand voters, and every one of them is a fighting man. (Cheers.) If it is necessary, then, you and I will leave our wives and families, believing there is public corporate spirit enough in this city to support them while we are fighting for our country. (Cheers.) We will go down South and show them that though we were born north of Mason and Dixon’s line, though we have cold winters, we have warm hearts and red blood in our veins. (Tumul¬ tuous cheering.) This is the time to try men’s souls. Show me your traitor to-day, and I will show you the rope that is spun to hang him. (Great applause.) There is no time now for mealy mouths to talk. The summer soldiers, they may forsake the cause of free¬ dom, but he who stands up firmly deserves the love and thanks of men and women both. (Cheers.) These were the motives which actuated the Revolu¬ tionary patriots. These are the words which ex¬ alted every American heart when the soldiers of the Revolution went to New Jersey to fight the battles of Monmouth and Trenton. (Applause.) And to¬ day the same words thrill every heart. This is no time for mealy mouths — no time for milk-and-water men — no time for summer soldiers — fighting is the business of the day. Who will fight? I will. Will you ? (Great cheering, and cries of “ Yes, yes ! ”) It is not the muscle in the street brawl that is now required ; it is the heart and will — the love of liberty — the feeling that we are men. (Cheers.) No man who has cracked his whip over a nigger’s shoulders shall crack it over us. (Cheers.) There is no oligarchy here. You men, with your rough felt hats — you with your cloth caps that cost two-and-six- pence — you with your silky hat that cost five dollars — you with your Grand street, Chatham street, or Broadway make of clothes — there is no distinction between us. We are all men, we are fighting for liberty. (Boisterous cheering.) It is not a question of money nor class, but one of free institutions, popu¬ lar government, and manhood. (Cheers.) Let you and I, then, prove ourselves worthy of the name of Americans. No matter where you were born, “ We believe these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, amongst which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” We have a glorious Union cemented with the blood of our fathers, to fight for, and we say, as they said, when they fought for it — “ the Union, one and for¬ ever — one and inseparable.” (Loud cheering.) There can be no secession. There is but one common sentiment actuating the North. It is no sectional thing on our part. Major Anderson, though he was forced by untoward circumstances to yield, did not allow the flag of his country to be disgraced ; and whenever any American thinks of defending that flag, let him remember Major Anderson, and let no influ¬ ences force him to yield one jot or tittle from that flag, from which no star shall be struck, not a stripe taken. Let no circumstances force him to yield to any domestic traitor or any foreign foe. (Cheers.) REMARKS OF EDMOND BLANKMAX. He came there, he said, as a looker-on ; but when he heard the patriotic speeches of old men, ready to die for their country, he had something to say. With his fellow-citizens he had a strong right arm to use always for his country and its flag. (Cheers.) He asked them, his friends — he asked the ladies present, who were there in that assemblage, who did not love the glorious Stars and Stripes ? (Applause and cries of “None, none.”) Their brethren of the South might say that they would reduce the Capital to ashes, but in return to them he said this — Let them do their 6pite — let them level the city to the ground — let them despoil its beautiful edifices — and let them if they would, pull down that magnificent statue of their Washington, and he said, that from the ashes of our ruins would arise the glorious and great Consti¬ tution of our forefathers, phoenix-like, in all its integ¬ rity — the safeguard and protection of our future posterity. After an eloquent appeal to the patriotism of the American people, the speaker closed his remarks, and the proceedings terminated. — Ar. Y. Herald , April 21, 24. Many eloquent and patriotic speeches were made from the balconies of buildings on the south side of Union square, and amid a very large concourse of DOCUMENTS. 119 ladies and gentlemen. From the balcony of Haugh- wout’s building, the remarks of the Rev. Dr. George W. Bethune and ex-Ald. Douglass of Brooklyn elicited and stirred the right vein, and long and en. tbusiastic cheers were given by the listening crowd. It was impossible to put a sudden 6top to such en¬ thusiasm. Ten thousand people lingered around the square, and were addressed by stump speakers from balconies at half a dozen or more different places, from the steps of houses, from the regular stands, from the tops of pillars at the entrances of the Park, and Union square did not become quiet until dark¬ ness came on, and reminded the people of other mat¬ ters beside the Union. Large companies of volun¬ teers continued, however, to parade up and down the streets, some of them having no less than five hun¬ dred adherents, and the numbers were constantly increasing. Doc. 74.— THE FOURTH REGIMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS. Tiie 4th Regiment, 2d Brigade, 1st Division, Massachusetts Volunteer Militia, left Boston at 8£- p. m., on Wednesday, 17th April. It com¬ prises 500 rank and file, divided into nine com¬ panies, and is officered as follows : Colonel Commandant, Abner B. Packard ; Lieutenant- Colonel, Ilawkes Fearing, jr. ; Major, H. 0. Whittemore; Adjutant, Henry Walker ; Quar¬ termaster, Wm. M. Carruth ; Paymaster, Wm. D. Atkinson, jr. ; Surgeon, Henry M. Saville ; Surgeon’s Mate, Wm. Lyman Foxon. — V. Y. Tribune , April 20. Doc. 75.— GOVERNOR CURTIN’S PROC¬ LAMATION, April 20. Whereas , an armed rebellion exists in a por¬ tion of the States of this Union, threatening the destruction of the national Government, peril¬ ing public and private property, endangering the peace and security of this Commonwealth, and inviting systematic piracy ; and whereas , adequate provision does not exist hy law to en¬ able the Executive to make the military power of the State as able and efficient as it should be for the common defence of the State and the General Government, and Whereas, An occasion so extraordinary re¬ quires prompt legislative power — Therefore, I, hy virtue of the power vested in me, do hereby convene the General Assembly of this Commonwealth, and require the mem¬ bers to meet at their respective Houses at Har¬ risburg, on Tuesday, April 30th, at noon, there to take into consideration and adopt such meas¬ ures in the premises as the present exigencies may demand. Andrew C. Curtin. Doc. 76.— THE CAPTURE OF TIIE STAR OF THE WEST, April 20. Tiie expedition for the capture of the vessel composed of about 80 men, under command of Col. Van Dorn, hurriedly organized in Gal¬ veston, Tex., was made up of men from the Galveston Artillery and the Island City Rifles ; the Guards are Irish, and the Rifles are a Ger¬ man company. The party arrived at Indianola on Wednesday, and kept all ready, apparently in no manner interested in the active prepara¬ tions going on for the debarkation of the United States soldiers, which was effected by the aid of the steamship Fashion, acting as a lighter to remove the men to the Star of the West, which lay outside. About half-past 9 o’clock at night Col. Van Dorn and his band quietly got on board the Gen. Rusk, and made out to the Star of the West. When the Rusk got within hailing distance, the captain of the United States vessel sang out to know who was approaching. Van Dorn replied : “The General Rusk, with troops on hoard.” The answer was correct to the letter, and very readily impressed the captain of the Star of the West that he was about taking on board his own men. His blissful ignorance of his visitors’ identity and designs was not suffered to remain long. The vessels were made fast, without any sus¬ picion on one side or any demonstration on the other. Then, swift as the lightning, the Texan band was over the bulwarks and in virtual pos¬ session of the vessel. No effort was made at resistance, for it would have been absurd ; and comprehending in an instant how matters were, the commander “gave up the ship” with the best grace he could muster. The vessel was put about for Galveston, and left Col. Van Dorn there. The next news we may have of that enter¬ prising officer will be that he has taken the U. S. troops prisoners, or else that there has been a fight. — N. O. True Delta. Doo. 77.— BURNING OF GOSPORT NAVY- YARD. Portsmouth, Ya., Sunday Morning, April 21, 1S61. The Pawnee, with the Commodore’s flag at her peak, and about six hundred trusty men aboard, cast off from the dock of Fort Monroe, about 7 o’clock on Saturday evening. The crowded parapets of the fort sent a loud and hearty cheer to the departing ship, which was answered with an exulting huzza from her popu¬ lous deck. The night was bright and still, and the moon, at half-full, shed abundant light on land and sea. The Pawnee steamed up the Roads toward Norfolk, easily passing between the sunken vessels with which the channel was intended to be blocked, and about 8-J- entered 120 REBELLION' RECORD, 1860-61. the Gosport Harbor. Her coming was not un¬ expected, and as she glided to her place at the dock, the men on the Pennsylvania and the Cumberland, several hundred in number, greet¬ ed her with a volley of cheers that echoed and reechoed, till all of Norfolk and Portsmouth must have heard the hail. The men of the Pennsylvania fairly outdid themselves, in their enthusiasm on this occasion. They clambered into the shrouds, and not only answered to the “ three cheers,” but volunteered “ three times three,” and gave them with a hurricane of heartiness. This intense feeling on their part is easily explicable. They have been a long time almost imprisoned on shipboard, on a ship imbedded in the river, motionless and helpless, and subject to promises from the Secessionists of speedy demolition. In the advent of the Pawnee they saw deliverance from such du¬ rance, and they exulted with tremendous em¬ phasis. All Portsmouth and Norfolk were thoroughly aroused by the arrival of the Pawnee. They did not expect her, and were not prepared for her. They were seized with trepidation, thinking, perhaps, she had come, and along with the Cumberland and Pennsylvania, meant to bombard the towns for having obstructed the channel, and for having, the night before, rifled the United States magazine, just below Norfolk, of about 4,000 kegs of powder. Be¬ ing utterly defenceless and quite terrified, the Secessionists made no protest against the Paw¬ nee’s presence, nor did they venture too near the Navy-yard. The Pawnee made fast to the dock, and Col. Wardrop marched out his regiment, and sta¬ tioned them at the several gates of the Navy- yard to oppose the entrance of any forces from without, in case any attempt to enter should be made. Having adopted this precaution, the Commodore set the marines on the Pennsylva¬ nia, the Cumberland, the Pawnee, and in the yard, to work. All the books and papers, the archives of the establishment, were transferred to the Pawnee. Every thing of interest to the Government to preserve on the Pennsylvania, was transferred to the Cumberland. On this latter, it was also said, a large amount of gold from the Custom¬ house at Norfolk, had been in good time placed. Having made safe every thing that was to be brought away, the marines were next set to work to destroy every thing on the Pennsylva¬ nia, on the Cumberland, and in the yard, that might be of immediate use in waging war upon the Government. Many thousand stands of arms were destroyed. Carbines had their stocks broken by a blow from the barrels, and were thrown overboard. A large lot of revolv¬ ers shared the like fate. Shot and shell by thousands went with hurried plunge to the bottom. Most of the cannon had been spiked the day and night before. There were at least 1,500 pieces in the yard — some elegant Dahl- gren guns, and Columbiads of all sizes. It is impossible to describe the scene of de¬ struction that was exhibited. Unweariedly it was continued from 9 o’clock until about 12, during which time the moon gave light to di¬ rect the operations. But when the moon sank behind the western horizon, the barracks near the centre of the yard were set on fire, that by its illumination the work might be continued. The crackling flames and the glare of light in¬ spired with new energies the destroying ma¬ rines, and havoc was carried everywhere, with¬ in the limits of orders. But time was not left to complete the work. Pour o’clock of Sunday morning came, and the Pawnee was passing down from Gosport harbor with the Cumber¬ land, the coveted prize of the Secessionists, in tow — every soul from the other ships and tho yard being aboard of them, save two. Just as they left their moorings, a rocket was sent up from the deck of the Pawnee. It sped high in air, paused a second, and burst in shivers of many-colored lights. And as it did so, the well- set trains at the ship-houses, and on the decks of the fated vessels left behind, went off as if lit simultaneously by the rocket. One of the ship-houses contained the old New York, a ship thirty years on the stocks, and yet unfinished. The other was vacant ; but both houses and the old New York burnt like tinder. The vessels fired were the Pennsylvania, the Merrimac, the Germantown, the Plymouth, the Raritan, the Columbia, the Dolphin. The old Delaware and Columbus, worn out and dismantled seventy- fours, were scuttled and sunk at the upper docks on Friday. I need not try to picture the scene of the grand conflagration that now burst, like the day of judgment, on tho startled citizens of Norfolk, Portsmouth, and all the surrounding country. Any one who has seen a ship burn, and knows how like a fiery serpent the flame leaps from pitchy deck to smoking shrouds, and writhes to their very top, around the masts that stand like martyrs doomed, can form some idea of the wonderful display that followed. It was not 30 minutes from the time the trains were fired till the conflagration roared like a hurricane, and the flames from land and water swayed, and met, and mingled together, and darted high, and fell, and leaped up again, and by their very motion showed their sympathy with the crackling, crashing roar of destruction beneath. But in all this magnificent scene, the old ship Pennsylvania was the centre-piece. She was a very giant in death, as she had been in life. She was a sea of flame, and when “the iron had entered into her soul,” and her bowels were consuming, then did she spout from every port-hole of every deck, torrents and cataracts of fire that to the mind of Milton would have represented her a frigate of hell pouring out unremitting broadsides of infernal fire. Several of her guns were left loaded, but not shotted, and as the fire reached them, they sent out on the startled and morning air minute guns of fearful peal, that added greatly to the DOCUMENTS. 121 alarm that the light of the conflagration had spread through the surrounding country. The Pennsylvania burnt like a volcano for five hours and a half before her mainmast fell. I stood watching the proud but perishing old leviathan as this sign of her manhood was about to come down. At precisely 9^ o’clock, by my watch, the tall tree that stood in her centre tottered and fell, and crushed deep into her burning sides, whilst a storm of sparks flooded the sky. As soon as the Pawnee and Cumberland had fairly left the waters, and were known to be gone, the gathering crowds of Portsmouth and Norfolk burst open the gates of the navy-yard and rushed in. They could do nothing, how¬ ever, but gaze upon the ruin wrought. The Commodore’s residence, left locked but un¬ harmed, Avas burst open, and a pillage com-, menced, which Avas summarily stopped. As early as six o’clock, a "Volunteer Company had taken formal possession in the name of Vir¬ ginia, and run up her flag from the flag-staff. In another hour, several companies were on hand, and men Avere at work unspiking cannon, and by 9 o’clock they were moving them to the dock, whence they Avere begun to be trans¬ ferred, on keels, to points beloAAr, where sand batteries were to be built. Notwithstanding the effort to keep out persons from the yard, hundreds found their Avay in, and spent hours in wandering over its spacious area, and in¬ specting its yet stupendous Avorks, and com¬ paring the value of that saved with that lost. There was general surprise expressed that so much that was valuable Avas spared. The Secessionists forgot that it was only the im¬ mediate agencies of war that it Avas Avorth while to destroy. Long before the workshops and armories, the foundries, and ship-Avood left unharmed can bring forth new Aveapons of of¬ fence, this Avar will be ended. And may be, as of yore, the Stars and Stripes will float over Gosport Navy-yard. All that is now spared will then bo so much gained ! The Secessionists are excessively chagrined by this movement. The vessels were sunk in the entrance of the harbor expressly to catch the Cumberland and other valuable ships of war. The act was done by Goa\ Letcher’s or¬ der ; and the despatch to Richmond, announcing the execution of the scheme, exultingly pro¬ claimed : “ Thus have wo secured for Virginia three of the best ships of the Navy” — alluding to the Cumberland, Merrimac, and Pennsylvania. But they have lost all, and ten millions of dol¬ lars’ worth of property besides. The Cumber¬ land has been piloted successfully between the seven sunken vessels, and now floats proudly in front of Fort Monroe, with her great Avar guns thrust far out of her sides, as if hungering and hunting for prey. It will be a hard thing for Norfolk and Portsmouth to fill their harbors Avith ships while she lies here in the gateAvay. As usual when a set of people are foiled, the officer in command gets heaps of censure. It Documents — 9 is so in this case. Gen. Taliaferro, who was putin command at Norfolk by Gov. Letcher, is riddled by sarcasm and ridicule. He is charged Avith being imbecile and a drunkard. It is said that he Avas dead asleep (or dead drunk) at 6 o’clock on Sunday morning, and with difficulty was aroused at that hour to be told that the Navy-yard Avas sacked and on fire ! Gen. Tali¬ aferro will bo superseded immediately, or the Virginians here Avill revolt. I Avill send you, in this letter, as there is no mail leaving here this evening, such accounts •as the Norfolk papers of the morning may con¬ tain of this burning. It only remains to say that by 8 o’clock Sunday morning the Pawneo lay off' comfortably near Fort Monroe, where towards night she was joined by the Cumber¬ land, Avho took more time to get out. Your correspondent waited to see the dying embers of Gosport Navy -yard. Much excitement has prevailed in Norfolk and Portsmouth all day for the folloAving cause : Two officers from the Pawnee — one a son of Com. Rodgers and the other a Capt. "Wright of the Massachusetts Volunteers — Avere left in the Navy-yard, and were to como to the ship in a small boat. From the quickness and fierceness of the fire they were cut off' and bcAvildered, and made to the Norfolk shore. It Avas broad daylight Avhen they landed, and being in uni¬ form they were instantly arrested as prisoners. It Avas Avith difficulty their lives were saved from the populace. It was stated during the day that Com. Paulding had sent up word if they were not released ho Avould come up and bloAV the toAvns to pieces. This appalled the timid, and many fled to the Avoods; but the mass remained and Avent bravely to Avorlc plant¬ ing cannon beloAv the towns to oppose the ships. The prisoners are not surrendered. — W. Y. Times , April 2G. Doc. 78.— WHERE GEN. SCOTT STANDS. Ix the course of a speech delivered in Ohio Senator Douglas said : “ Gentlemen, I have been requested by so many different ones to make a statement in re¬ sponse to the inquiries that are propounded to me, that I do so as a matter of justice to an eminent patriot. “ I have been asked whether there is any truth in the rumor that Gen. Scott Avas about to re¬ tire from the American army. It is almost profanity to ask that question. (“ Good, good,” and three cheers for Gen. Scott.) I saw him only last Saturday. Ho was at his desk, pen in hand, writing his orders for the defence and safety of the American Capital. (Cheers.) Walking down the street, I met a distinguished gentleman, a member of the Virginia Conven¬ tion, whom I knew personally, and had a few minutes’ conversation Avith him. no told me that ho had just had an interview with Lieut.- Gen. Scott ; that ho Avas chairman of the com- 122 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. mittee appointed by the Virginia Convention to wait upon Gen. Scott, and tender him the command of the forces of Virginia in this struggle. “ Gen Scott received him kindly, listened to him patiently, and said to him : ‘I have served my country under the flag of the Union for more than fifty years, and as long as God per¬ mits me to live, I will defend that flag with my sword ; even if my own native State assails it.’ (Tremendous applause and three more cheers for Gen. Scott.) I do not pretend that I am precisely accurate in the language used, but I know I am in the idea, and I have given the language as nearly as I could repeat it. I have felt it due to him and to the country to make this statement, in view of the reports that have been circulated, and the repeated inquiries mado of me since my arrival here to-day.” — N. Y. Times. GENERAL SCOTT’S VIEWS. Some allusions having been made to the an¬ nexed paper, both in the public prints and in public speeches, and some misapprehensions of its character having thereby got abroad, we have obtained a copy of it for publication, in order that our readers may see what it is. They will find in it a fresh evidence of the vet¬ eran general’s devotion to his country as a citi¬ zen, and of his forecast as a soldier. Views suggested by the imminent danger ( Octo¬ ber 29, 1860) of a disruption of the Union by the secession of one or more of the Southern States. To save time the right of secession may be conceded, and instantly balanced by the correl¬ ative right, on the part of the Federal Govern¬ ment, against an interior State or States, to re¬ establish by force, if necessary, its former con¬ tinuity of territory. — [Paley’s Moral and Politi¬ cal Philosophy, last chapter.] But break this glorious Union by whatever line or lines that political madness may con¬ trive, and there would be no hopo of reuniting the fragments except by the laceration and des¬ potism of the sword. To effect such result the intestine wars of our Mexican neighbors would, in comparison with ours, sink into mere child’s play. A smaller evil would bo to allow the frag¬ ments of the great Republic to form themselves into new Confederacies, probably four. All the lines of demarcation between the new Unions cannot be accurately drawn in advance, but many of them approximately may. Thus, looking to natural boundaries and commercial affinities, some of the following frontiers, after many waverings and conflicts, might perhaps become acknowledged and fixed : 1. The Potomac river and the Chesapeake Bay to the Atlantic. 2. From Maryland, along the crest of the Alleghany (perhaps the Blue Ridge) range of mountains, to some point in the coast of Florida. 3. The lino from say the head of the Potomac to the west or northwest, which it will be most difficult to settle. 4. The crest of the Rocky Mountains. The Southeast Confederacy would, in all hu¬ man probability, in less than five years after the rupture, find itself bounded by the first and second lines indicated above, the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico, with its capital at say Co¬ lumbia, South Carolina. The country between the second, third, and fourth of those lines would, beyond a doubt, in about the same time, constitute another Confederacy, with its capital at probably Alton or Quincy, Illinois. The boundaries of the Pacific Union are the most definite of all, and the remaining States would constitute the Northeast Confederacy, with its capital at Albany. It, at the first thought, will be considered strange that seven Slaveholding States and parts of Virginia and Florida should be placed (above) in a new Confederacy with Ohio, Indi¬ ana, Illinois, &c ; but when the overwhelming weight of the great Northwest is taken in con¬ nection with the laws of trade, contiguity of territory, and the comparative indifference to freesoil doctrines on the part of Western Vir¬ ginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, it is evident that but little if any coercion, beyond moral force, would be needed to embrace them ; and I have omitted the temptation of the un¬ wasted public lands which would fall entire to this Confederacy — an appanage (well husband¬ ed) sufficient for many generations. As to Missouri, Arkansas, and Mississippi, they would not stand out a month. Louisiana would coa¬ lesce without much solicitation, and Alabama, with West Florida, would be conquered the first winter from the absolute need of Pensa¬ cola for a naval depot. If I might presume to address the South, and particularly dear Virginia — being “ native here and to the manor born ” — I would affectionate¬ ly ask, will not your slaves be less secure, and their labor less profitable under the new order of things than under the old ? Could you em¬ ploy profitably two hundred slaves in all Ne¬ braska, or five hundred in all New Mexico? The right, then, to take them thither would be a barren right. And is it not wiso to 11 Rather hear the ills we have Than fly to others that wc know not of ” ? The Declaration of Independence proclaims and consecrates the same maxim : “ Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long es¬ tablished should not be changed for light and transient causes.” And Paley, too, lays down as a fundamental maxim of statesmanship, “never to pursuo national honor as distinct from national interest ; ” but adds : “ This rule acknowledges that it is often necessary to as¬ sert the honor of a nation for the sake of its in¬ terests.” The excitement that threatens secession is caused by the near prospect of a Republican’s election to the Presidency. From a sense of DOCUMENTS. 123 propriety as a soldier, I have taken no part in the pending canvass, and, as always heretofore, mean to stay away from the polls. My sympa¬ thies, however, are with the Bell and Everett ticket. "With Mr. Lincoln I have had no com¬ munication whatever, direct or indirect, and have no recollection of ever having seen his person ; but cannot believe any unconstitution¬ al violence, or breach of law, is to be appre¬ hended from his administration of the Federal Government. From a knowledge of our Southern popula¬ tion it is my solemn conviction that there is some danger of an early act of rashness prelim¬ inary to secession, viz., the seizure of some or all of the following posts : Forts Jackson and St. Philip in the Mississippi, below New Or¬ leans, both without garrisons ; Fort Morgan, below Mobile, without a garrison ; Forts Pick¬ ens and McRea, Pensacola harbor, with an in¬ sufficient garrison for one ; Fort Pulaski, below Savannah, without a garrison ; Forts Moultrie and Sumter, Charleston harbor, the former with an insufficient garrison, and the latter without any ; and Fort Monroe, Hampton roads, without a sufficient garrison. In my opinion all these works should be immediately so garri¬ soned as to make any attempt to take any one of them, by surprise or coup da main , ridicu¬ lous. "With the army faithful to its allegiance, and the navy probably equally so, and with a Fed¬ eral Executive, for the next twelve months, of firmness and moderation, which the country has a right to expect — moderation being an clement of power not less than firmness — there is good reason to hope that the danger of secession may be made to pass away without one conflict of arms, one execution, or one arrest for treason. In the mean time it is suggested that exports should remain as free as at present ; all duties, however, on imports, collected, (outside of the cities,*) as such receipts would be needed for the national debt, invalid pensions, &c., and only articles contraband of war be refused ad¬ mittance. But even this refusal would be un¬ necessary, as the foregoing views eschew the idea of invading a seceded State. -New \ ork, October 29j 1860. "W I^sTFIELD SOOTT Lieut. -General Scott’s respects to the Secre¬ tary of War to say — That a copy of his “ Views, &c,” was de¬ spatched to the President yesterday, in great haste ; but the copy intended for the Secretary, better transcribed, (herewith,) was not in time for the mail. General S. would be happy if the latter could be substituted for the former. It will be seen that the “ Views ” only apply to a case of secession that makes a gap in the present Union. The falling off say of Texas, * In forts or on hoard Bhips of war. The great aim and object of tills plan was to gain time — say eight or ten months — to await expected measures of conciliation on the part of the North, and the subsidence of angry feelings in the opposite quarter. or of all the Atlantic States, from the Potomac south, was not within the scope of General S.’s provisional remedies. It is his opinion that instructions should bo given, at once, to the commanders of the Bar¬ rancas, Forts Moultrie and Monroe, to be on their guard agains surprises and coups da main. As to regular approaches nothing can be said or done, at this time, wflthout volunteers. There is one (regular) company at Boston, one here, (at the Narrows,) one at Pittsburg, one at Augusta, Ga., and one at Baton Rouge — in all five companies only, within reach, to gar¬ rison or reinforce the forts mentioned in the “ Views.” General Scott is all solicitude for the safety of the Union. lie is, however, not without hope that all dangers and difficulties will pass away without leaving a scar or painful recol¬ lection behind. The Secretary’s most obedient servant, October 30, 1SG0. \ g. —National Intelligencer , January IS, 1SG1. Doc. 79.— STATEMENT OF MAYOR BROWN. Baltimore, April 21. Mayor Brown received a despatch from the President of the United States at 3 o’clock A. M., (this morning,) directed to himself and Governor Hicks, requesting them to go to Washington by special train, in order to con¬ sult with Mr. Lincoln for the preservation of the peace of Maryland. The Mayor replied that Governor Hicks was not in the city, and inquired if he should go alone. Receiving an answer by telegraph in the affirmative, his Honor, accompanied by George W. Dobbin, John C. Brune, and S. T. Wallis, Esqs., whom he had summoned to attend him, proceeded at once to the station. After a series of delays, they were enabled to procure a special train about half-past seven o’clock, in which they arrived at Washington about ten. They repaired at once to the President’s house, where they were admitted to an imme¬ diate interview, to which the Cabinet and Gen. Scott were summoned. A long conversation and discussion ensued. The President, upon his part, recognized the good faith of the City and State authorities, and insisted upon his own. He admitted the excited state of feeling in Baltimore, and his desire and duty to avoid the fatal consequences of a collision with the people. He urged, on the other hand, the absolute, irresistible necessity of having a tran¬ sit through the State for such troops as might be necessary for the protection of the Federal Capital. The protection of Washington, he as¬ severated with great earnestness , was the sole object of concentrating troops there , and he pro¬ tested that none of the troops brought through Maryland were intended for any purposes hos¬ tile to the State , or aggressive as against the Southern States. Being now unable to bring 124 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. them up the Potomac in security, the Govern¬ ment must either bring them through Maryland or abandon the capital. He called on Gen. Scott for his opinion, which the General gave at length, to the effect that troops might be brought through Mary¬ land, without going through Baltimore, by either carrying them from Perryville to Anna¬ polis, and thence by rail to Washington, or by bringing them to the Relay House on the Northern Central Railroad, and marching them to the Relay House on the Washington Rail¬ road, and thence by rail to the Capital. If the people would permit them to go by either of these routes uninterruptedly, the necessity of their passing through Baltimore would be avoided. If the people would not permit them a transit thus remote from the city, they must select their own best route, and, if need be, light their way through Baltimore, a result which the General earnestly deprecated. The President expressed his hearty concur¬ rence in the desire to avoid a collision, and said that no more Hoops should be ordered through Baltimore if they were permitted to go unin¬ terrupted by either of the other routes sug¬ gested. In this disposition the Secretary of War expressed his participation. Mayor Brown assured the President that the city authorities would use all lawful means to prevent their citizens from leaving Baltimore to attack the troops in passing at a distance ; but he urged, at the same time, the impossi¬ bility of their being able to promise any thing more than their best efforts in that direction. The excitement was great, he told the Presi¬ dent ; the people of all classes were fully aroused, and it was impossible for any one to answer for the consequences of the presence of Northern troops anywhere within our borders. He reminded the President also that the juris¬ diction of the city authorities was confined to their own population, and that he could give no promises for the people elsewhere, because he would be unable to keep them if given. The President frankly acknowledged this difficulty, and said that the Government would only ask the city authorities to use their best efforts with respect to those under their jurisdiction. The interview terminated with the distinct assurance on the part of the President that no more troops would be sent through Baltimore unless obstructed in their transit in other direc¬ tions, and with the understanding that the city authorities should do their best to restrain their own people. The Mayor and his companions availed them¬ selves ol the President’s full discussion of the day to urge upon him respectfully, but in the most earnest manner, a course of policy which would give peace to the country, and especially the withdrawal of all orders contemplating the passage of troops through any part of Mary¬ land. On returning to the cars, and when just about to leave, about 2 P. M., the Mayor received a despatch from Mr. Garrett, announcing the approach of troops to Oockeysville, and the excitement consequent upon it in the city. Mr. Brown and his companions returned at once to the President, and asked an immediate audience, which was promptly given. The Mayor exhibited Mr. Garrett’s despatch, which gave the President great surprise. He imme¬ diately summoned the Secretary of War and Gen. Scott, who soon appeared, with other members of the Cabinet. The despatch was submitted. The President at once, in the most decided way, urged the recall of the troops, saying that ho had no idea they would be there to-day, lest there should be the slightest suspi¬ cion of bad faith on his part in summoning the Mayor to Washington, and allowing troops to march on the city during his absence ; he de¬ sired that the troops should, if it were practi¬ cable, be sent back at once to York or Harris¬ burg. Gen. Scott adopted the President’s views warmly, and an order was accordingly prepared by the Lieutenant-General to that effect, and forwarded by Major Belger, of the army, who accompanied the Mayor to this city. The troops at Oockeysville, the Mayor was assured, were not brought there for transit through the city, but were intended to be marched to the Relay House, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. They will proceed to Har¬ risburg, from there to Philadelphia, and thence by the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal, or by Perrysville, as Major General Patterson may direct. Tins statement is made by authority of the Mayor, and Messrs. George W. Dobbin, John C. Brune, and S. T. Wrallis, ■who accompanied Mr. Brown, and who concurred with him in all particulars in the course adopted by him in the two interviews with Mr. Lincoln. George Wm. Brown, Mayor. — National Intelligencer , April 23. Doc. 80.— GOV. SPRAGUE’S PJIODE ISLANDERS. This Regiment consists of 10 Companies, of 102 rank and file each, commanded by the fol¬ lowing officers : Colonel, A. E. Burnside; Lieu¬ tenant-Colonel, Joseph Story Pitman ; Major, J. S. Slocum ; Adjutant, Charles II. Merriman; Quartermaster, Cyrus G. Dyer ; Quartermaster- Sergeant, E. M. Jencks; Paymaster, Henry T. Sissen; Sergeant-Major, John P. Shaw. The Company officers are as follows: Company A — Captain, Arthur E. Dexter ; First Lieutenant, Addison II. White; Second Lieutenant, G. Frank Low ; Ensign, Charles F. Topliff. Company B — Captain, Nicholas Van Slyck ; First Lieutenant, Nelson Vaill ; Second Lieu¬ tenant, James E. Hidden; Ensign, James E. Bailey. Company C — Captain, William W. Brown; First Lieutenant, Luther C. Warner; Second DOCUMENTS. 125 Lieutenant, Zephaniali Brown; Ensign, Albert C. Eddy. Company D — Captain, Nathaniel W. Brown ; First Lieutenant, Sylvester E. Knight ; Second Lieutenant, Charles E. Dennis ; Ensign, Henry A. Prescott. Company E — Captain, Stephen E. Bucklin ; First Lieutenant, William E. Walker; Second Lieutenant, Lucian B. Stone ; Ensign, Levi Tower. Company F — Captain, Geo. W. Tew; First Lieutenant, W m. A. Stedman ; Second Lieuten¬ ant, Benj. L. Slocum ; Ensign, James II. Chap¬ pell. Company G — Captain, David A. Pelouhet; First Lieutenant, Albert G. Bates; Second Lieutenant, Edward Luther, jr. ; Ensign, John L. Bushee. Company H — Captain, Charles W. II. Day ; First Lieutenant, Joseph Brooks, jr. ; Second Lieutenant, Earl C. Harris; Ensign, Asa A. Ellis. Company J — Captain, Henry C. Card; First Lieutenant, Wm. II. Chapman; Second Lieu¬ tenant, James Babcock ; Ensign, J. Clark Barber. Company Iv — Captain, Peter Simpson ; First Lieutenant, Thomas Steere ; Second Lieutenant, John A. Allen ; Ensign, George II. Grant. Battery of Light Artillery — Captain, Charles II. Tompkins ; First Lieutenant, Wm. II. Eeynolds ; Second Lieutenant, Benj. F. Eem- ington, jr. ; Third Lieutenant, Augustus M. Tower; Fourth Lieutenant, Henry B. Brastow; Surgeon, Nathaniel Miller. (This battery is now at Easton, Pa.) Medical Staff- — Surgeon Wheaton and Asst. Surgeons Eivers and Carr. Chaplain — Augustus Woodbury. The Eegimental Band contains 22 musicians. The uniform of the Eegiment consists of the regulation hat, a loose blue blouse, and gray pantaloons. A plain leather belt around the waist sustains the cartridge-box, the bayonet, and six-barrelled revolver, with which each man is armed. The oflicers are distinguished by a small gold strap on the shoulders ; they wear a sash and a long sabre, and a revolver supported by a plain belt. Seven companies are armed with long-range rifle muskets and bayonets, and three with United States rifles and sword-bayonets. Six men in each com¬ pany are armed with the Burnside’s breech-load¬ ing rifle for sharp shooting. Each man carries strapped diagonally across his back a largo red blanket, which has a striking effect. The men are from 20 to 30 years of age, are in robust health and finest spirits, and filled with the most ardent devotion to their officers. The regiment was enrolled, uniformed, drilled, and ready for service in three days. Col. Burnside and many of the officers of the regiment, and of Gov. Sprague’s staff, have served with distinction in Mexico. Moses Jenkins, a private in this regiment, is a gentleman worth one million dollars. When the regiment was organized ho destroyed his ticket for a passage to Europe that he might remain to fight in defence of the flag of his country. The Eev. Augustus Woodbury resigned his charge unconditionally ; the trustees refused at first to accept his resignation. The Eev. gen¬ tleman was so determined, however, that they decided to receive his resignation, to supply his place, and to continue his salary, and presented him $100. Many of the officers and men are wealthy, members of rich houses in Newport and Prov¬ idence, and all are of .the best blood of Ehodo Island. The Eegimental Band is the celebrated Amer¬ ican Band of Providence, and contains some of the first musicians of that city. One of the men, in conversation with our reporter, stated that, “All Eliode Island is after us, as fast as they can be organized and equip¬ ped.” The Providence Journal of Saturday says: “Those who have been disappointed in getting places in the Ehode Island Eegiment need not feel discouraged. Another and still another will doubtless be called for. There will be room for 3,000 men from Ehodo Island.” — N. Y. Tribune , April 22. Doc. 81.— DISCOUESE OF WENDELL PHILLIPS. “ Therefore, thus saith the Lord: To havo not heark¬ ened unto me in proclaiming liberty every one to his brother, and every man to his neighbor ; behold, I proclaim a liberty for yoii, saith the Lord, to the sword, to the pes¬ tilence, and to the famine.”— Jer. xxxiv. 17. Many times this winter, here and elsewhere, I have counselled peace — urged, as well as I knew how, the expediency of acknowledging a Southern Confederacy, and the peaceful separa¬ tion of these thirty-four States. One of the journals announces to you that I come here this morning to retract these opinions. No, not one of them ! [Applause.] I need them all — every wTord I have spoken this winter — every act of twenty-five years of my life, to make the welcome I give this war hearty and hot. Civil war is a momentous evil. It needs tho soundest, most solemn justification. I rejoice before God to-day for every word that I have spoken counselling peace; and I rejoice with an especially profound gratitude, that for the first time in my anti-slavery life, I speak under the Stars and Stripes, and welcome the tread of Massachusetts men marshalled for war. [En¬ thusiastic cheering.] No matter what the past lias been or said ; to-day the slave asks God for a sight of this banner, and counts it the pledge of his redemption. [Applause.] Hitherto it may have meant what you thought, or wffiat I did ; to-day, it represents Sovereignty and Jus¬ tice. [Eenewed applause.] Tho only mistako that I made, was in supposing Massachusetts wholly choked with cotton dust and cankered with gold. [Loud cheering.] The South thought her patience and generous willingness for peace 126 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-G1. were cowardice ; to-day shows the mistake. She has been sleeping on her arms since ’76, and the first cannon shot brings her to her feet with the war-cry of the Revolution on her lips. [Loud cheers.] Any man who loves either lib¬ erty or manhood, must rejoice at such an hour. [Applause.] Let me tell you the path by which I, at least, have trod my Avay up to this conclusion. I do not acknowledge the motto, in its full signifi¬ cance, “ Our country, right or wrong.” If you let it trespass on the domain of morals, it is knavish and atheistic. But there is a full, broad sphere for loyalty ; and no war-cry ever stirred a generous people that had not in it much of truth and right. It is sublime, this rally of a great people to the defence of what they think their national honor! A “noble and puissant nation rousing herself like a strong man from sleep, and shaking her invin¬ cible locks.” Just now, we saw her “repos¬ ing, peaceful and motionless ; but at the call of patriotism, she rutiles, as it were, her swelling plumage, collects her scattered elements of strength, and awakens her dormant thunders.” But how do we justify this last appeal to the God of Battles ? Let me tell you how I do. I have always believed in the sincerity of Abraham Lincoln. You have heard me ex¬ press my confidence in it every time I have spoken from this desk. I only doubted some¬ times whether he were really the head of the Government. To-day he is at any rate Com¬ mander-in-chief. The delay in the action of Government has doubtless been necessity, but policy also. Trai¬ tors within and without made it hesitate to move till it had tried the machine of the Gov¬ ernment just given it. But delay was wise, as it matured a public opinion definite, decisive, and ready to keep step to the music of the Government march. The very postponement of another session of Congress till July 4, plainly invites discussion — evidently contem¬ plates the ripening of public opinion in the in¬ terval. Fairly to examine public affairs, and prepare a community wise to cooperate with the Government, is the duty of every pulpit and every press. < Plain words, therefore, now, before the na¬ tion goes mad with excitement, is every man’s duty. Every public meeting in Athens was opened with a curse on any one who should not speak what ho really thought. “I have never defiled my conscience from fear or favor to my superiors,” was part of the oath every Egyptian soul was supposed to utter in the Judgment Hall of Osiris, before admission to Heaven. Let us show, to-day, a Christian spirit as sincere and fearless. No mobs in this hour of victory, to silence those whom events have not converted, lie are strong enough to tolerate dissent. That flag which floats over press or mansion at the bidding of a mob, dis¬ graces both victor and victim. All winter long I have acted with that party which cried for peace. The anti-slavery enter¬ prise to which I belong, started with peaco written on its banner. JVe imagined that the age of bullets was over; that the age of ideas had come ; that thirty millions of people were able to take a great question, and decide it by the conflict of opinions ; and, without let¬ ting the ship of State founder, lift four millions of men into Liberty and Justice. We thought that if your statesmen would throw away per¬ sonal ambition and party watch-words, and de¬ vote themselves to the great issue, this might be accomplished. To a certain extent, it has been. The North has answered to the call. Year after year, event by event, has indicated the rising education of the people, — the readiness for a higher moral life, the patience that waits a neighbor’s conversion. The North has re¬ sponded to the call of that peaceful, moral, in¬ tellectual agitation which the anti-slavery idea has initiated. Our mistake, if any, has been that we counted too much on the intelligence of the masses, on the honesty and wisdom of statesmen as a class. Perhaps we did not give weight enough to the fact we saw, that this na¬ tion is made up of different ages ; not homoge¬ neous, but a mixed mass of different centuries. .The North thinks — can appreciate argument — it is the Nineteenth Century — hardly any struggle left in it but that between the working class and the money kings. The South dreams — it is the thirteenth and fourteenth century — baron and serf — noble and slave. Jack Cade and Wat Tyler loom over the horizon, and the serf rising calls for another Thierry to record his struggle. There the fagot still burns which the Doctors of the Sorbonne called, ages ago, “the best light to guide the erring.” There men are tor¬ tured for opinions, the only punishment the Jesuits were willing their pupils should look on. This is, perhaps, too flattering a picture of the South. Better call her, as Sumner does, “the Barbarous States.” Our struggle, therefore, is no struggle between different ideas, but be¬ tween barbarism and civilization. Such can only be settled by arms. [Prolonged cheering.] The Government has waited until its best friends almost suspected its courage or its in¬ tegrity ; but the cannon shot against Fort Sumter has opened the only door out of this hour. There were but two. One was Com¬ promise ; the other was Battle. The integrity of the North closed the first; the generous for¬ bearance of nineteen States closed the other. The South opened tins with cannon shot, and Lincoln shows himself at the door. [Prolonged and enthusiastic cheering.] Tho Avar, then, is not aggressive, but in self-defence, and Wash¬ ington has become tho Thermopylae of Liberty and Justice. [Applause.] Bather than surren¬ der it, cover every square foot of it with a living body, [loud cheers;] crowd it with a million of men, and empty every lank vault at the North to pay the cost. [Renewed cheering.] Teach tho world once for all, that North America be¬ longs to the Stars and Stripes, and under them DOCUMENTS. 127 no man shall wear a chain. [Enthusiastic cheer¬ ing.] In the whole of this conflict, I have looked only at Liberty — only at the slave. Perry entered the battle of the Lakes with “ Don’t give tip the ship,” floating from the masthead of the Lawrence. When with his fighting flag he left her crippled, heading north, and mounting the deck of the Niagara, turned her hows due west, he did all for one purpose — to rake the decks of the foe. Acknowledge secession, or cannonade it, I care not which ; hut “ proclaim Liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof.” [Loud cheers.] I said, civil war needs momentous and sol¬ emn justification. Europe, the world, may claim of us, that before we blot the nineteenth century by an appeal to arms, we shall exhamst every means to keep the peace ; otherwise, an appeal to the God of Battles is an insult to the civilization of our age ; it is a confession that our culture and our religion are superficial, if not a failure. I think that the history of the nation and of the Government both, is an am¬ ple justification to our own times and to history for this appeal to arms. I think the South is all wrong, and the Administration is all right. (Prolonged cheering.) Let me tell you why. For thirty years, the North has exhausted con¬ ciliation and compromise. They have tried every expedient, they have relinquished every right, they have sacrificed every interest, they have smothered keen sensibility to national honor, and Northern weight and supremacy in the Union ; have forgotten they were the majority in numbers and in wealth, in educa¬ tion and strength ; have left the helm of the Government and the dictation of policy to the Southern States. For all this, the conflict waxed closer and hotter. The Administration that preceded this was full of traitors and thieves. It allowed the arms, ships, money, military stores of the North to be stolen with impunity. Mr. Lincoln took office robbed of all the means to defend the constitutional rights of the Government. He offered to withdraw from the walls of Sumter every thing but the flag. He allowed secession to surround it with the strongest forts which military science could build. The North offered to meet in conven¬ tion her sister States, and arrange the terms of peaceful separation. Strength and right yielded every thing — they folded their hands — waited the returning reason of the mad insurgents. Week after week elapsed, month after month went by, waiting for the sober second-thought of two millions and a half of people. The world saw the sublime sight of nineteen mil¬ lions of wealthy, powerful, united citizens al¬ lowing their flag to be insulted, their rights assailed, their sovereignty defied and broken in pieces, and yet waiting with patient, broth¬ erly, magnanimous kindness, until insurrection, having spent its fury, should reach out its hand for a peaceful arrangement. Men began to call it cowardice, on the one hand ; and wo, who watched closely the crisis, feared that this effort to be magnanimous would demoralize the conscience and the courage of the North. We were afraid that, as the hour went by, tlfe vir¬ tue of the people, white-heat as it stood on the 4tli day of March, would be cooled by the temptations, by the suspense, by the want and suffering, that were stalking from the Atlantic to the Valley of the Mississippi. We were afraid the Government would wait too long, and find, at last, that instead of a united peo¬ ple, they ere deserted, and left alone to meet the foe. At this time, the South knew, recognized, by her own knowledge of constitutional ques¬ tions, that the Government could not advance one inch towards acknowledging secession ; that when Abraham Lincoln swore to support the Constitution and laws of the United States, lie was bound to die under the flag of Fort Sum¬ ter, if necessary. (Loud applause.) They knew therefore, that the call on the Administration to acknowledge the Commissioners of the Con¬ federacy was a delusion and a swindle. I know the whole argument for secession. Up to a certain extent, I accede to it. But no Ad¬ ministration that is not a traitor, can ever acknowledge secession. (Cheers.) The right of a State to secede, under the Constitution of the United States — it is an absurdity ; and Abraham Lincoln knows nothing, has a right to know notkmg, but the Constitution of the United States. (Loud cheers.) The right of a State to secede, as a revolutionary right, is un¬ deniable ; but it is the nation that is to recog¬ nize that ; and the nation offered, in broad convention, at the suggestion of Kentucky, to meet the question. The offer was declined. The Government and the nation, therefore, are all right. (Applause.) They are right on Con¬ stitutional law ; they are right on the principles of the Declaration of Independence. (Cheers.) Let me explain this more fully, for thi3 rea¬ son : because — and I thank God for it, every American should be proud of it — you cannot maintain a war in the United States of America against a constitutional or a revolutionary right. The people of these States have too large brains and too many ideas to fight blindly — to lock horns like a couple of beasts, in the sight of the world. (Applause.) Cannon think in this Nineteenth Century ; and you must put the North in the right — wholly, undeniably, inside of the Constitution and out of it — before you can justify her in the face of the world; before yon can pour Massachusetts like an avalanche through the streets of Baltimore, (great cheer¬ ing,) and carry Lexington and the 19th of April south of Mason and Dixon’s Line. (Re¬ newed cheering.) Let us take an honest pride in the fact that our Sixth Regiment made a way for itself through Baltimore, and were the first to reach the threatened capital. In the war of opinions, Massachusetts has a right to be the first in the field. I said I knew the whole argument for seces¬ sion. Very briefly let mo state the points. No 128 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. Government provides for its own death ; there¬ fore there can be no constitutional right to secede. But there is a revolutionary right. The Declaration of Independence establishes what the heart of every American acknowl¬ edges, that the people — mark you ! the peo- ple ! have always an inherent, paramount, inalienable right to change their Governments, whenever they. think— whenever they think— that it will minister to their happiness. That is a revolutionary right. Now, how did South Carolina and Massachusetts come into the Union ? They came into it by a Convention representing the people. South Carolina alleges that she has gone out by Convention. So far, right. She says that when the 'people take the State rightfully out of the Union, the right to forts and national property goes with it. Granted. She says, also, that it is no matter that we bought Louisiana of France, and Flor¬ ida of Spain. No bargain made, no money paid between us and France or Spain, could rob Florida or Louisiana of her right to re¬ model her Government whenever the people found it would be for their happiness. So far, right. The People— mark you ! South Caro¬ lina presents herself to the Administration at Washington, and says, “ There is a vote of my Convention, that I go out of the Union.” “I cannot see you, ’ says Abraham Lincoln. (Loud cheers.) “ As President, I have no eyes but constitutional eyes; I cannot see you.” (Renewed cheers.) Tie was right. But Madi¬ son said, Hamilton said, the Fathers said, in 1/89, No man but an enemy of liberty will ever stand on technicalities and forms, when the essence is in question.” Abraiiam Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Car¬ olina, but the North could ; the nation could ; and the nation responded, “If you want a Con¬ stitutional Secession, such as you claim, but which I repudiate, I will waive forms— let us meet in convention, and we will arrange it.” (Applause.) Surely, while one claims a right within the Constitution, it may without dis¬ honor or inconsistency meet in convention _ even if finally refusing to be bound by it. To decline doing so is only evidence of intention to provoke war. Every thing under that instru¬ ment is peace. Every thing under that instru¬ ment may be changed by a National Conven¬ tion. The South says, “ No ! ” She says, “ If you don’t allow mo the constitutional right, I claim the revolutionary right.” The North responds “ When you have torn the Consti¬ tution into fragments, I recognize the right of the people of South Carolina to model their Government. Tes, I recognize the right of the three hundred and eighty-four thousand white men, and four hundred and eighty-four thousand black men, to model their Constitu- tmn Show me one that they have adopted, and I will recognize the revolution. (Cheers ) But the moment you tread outside of the Con¬ stitution, the black man is not three-fifths of a man— he is a whole one.” (Loud cheering.) T es, the South has a right to secede ; the South has a right to model her Government ; and the moment she will show us four millions of black votes thrown even against it, I will acknowl¬ edge the Declaration of Independence is com¬ plied with (Loud applause)— that the people, south of Mason and Dixon’s line, have re¬ modeled their government to suit themselves : and our function is only to recognize it. I say, the North had a right to assume this position. She did not. She had a right to ig¬ nore revolution until this condition was com¬ plied with ; and she did not. She waived it. In obedience to the advice of Madison, to the long history of her country’s forbearance, to the magnanimity of nineteen States, she waited ; shg advised the Government to wait. Mr. Lin¬ coln, in his inaugural, indicated that this would be the wise course. Mr. Seward hinted it in his speech, in New York. The London Times bade us remember the useless war of 1776, and take warning against resisting the principles of Popular Sovereignty. The Tribune , whose un¬ flinching fidelity and matchless ability, make it, in this tight, “ the white plume of Navarre,” has again and again avowed its readiness to waive forms and go into convention. We have waited. “ We said, any thing for peace.” We obeyed the magnanimous statesmanship of John Quincy Adams. Let me read you his advice given at the “Jubilee of the Constitution,” to the New York Historical Society, in the year 1889, he says: Recognizing this right of the people of a State — mark you, not a State, the Constitution knows no States; the right of revolution knows no States ; it knows only the people. Mr. Adams says : “ The people of each State in the Union have a right to se¬ cede from the Confederated Union itself. “ Thus stands the eight. But the indissoluble link of union between the people of the several States of this Confederated Nation is, after all not in the right , but in the heart. “ If the day should ever come (may Heaven avert it) when the affections of the people of these States shall be alienated from each other ■ — when the fraternal spirit shall give way to cold indifference, or collisions of interest shall fester into hatred, the bands of political associ¬ ation will not long hold together parties no longer attracted by the magnetism of concili¬ ated interests and kindly sympathies ; and far better will it be for the people of the disunited States to part in friendship from each other, than to be held together by constraint. Then will be the time for reverting to the precedents which occurred at the formation and adoption of the Constitution, to form again a more per¬ fect Union, by dissolving that which could no longer bind, and to leave the separated parts to bo reunited by the law of political gravitation to the centre.” The North said “ Amen,” to every word of it. They waited. They begged the States to meet them. They were silent when the cannon-shot pierced the flag of the Star of the West. They DOCUMENTS. 129 said “Amen,” when the Government offered to let nothing hut the bunting cover Fort Sumter. They said “Amen,” when Lincoln stood alone, without arms, in a defenceless Capital, and trusted himself to the loyalty and forbearance of thirty-four States. The South, if the truth be told, cannot wait. Like all usurpers, they dare not give time for the people to criticize their title to power. War and tumult must conceal the irregularity of their civil course, and smother discontent and criticism at the same time. Besides, bank¬ ruptcy at home can live out its short term of possible existence only by conquest on land and piracy at sea. And, further, only by war, by appeal to popular frenzy, can they hope to delude the Border States to join them. War is the breath of their life. To-day, therefore, the question is, by the voice of the South, “Shall Washington or Montgomery own the continent?” And the North says, “ From the Gulf to the Pole, the Stars and Stripes shall atone to four mil¬ lions of negroes whom we have forgotten for seventy years ; and before you break the Union, we will see that justice is done to the slave.” (Enthusiastic and long continued cheers.) There is only one thing that those cannon shot in the harbor of Charleston settled, and that is, that there never can be a compromise. (Loud applause.) We Abolitionists have doubt¬ ed whether this Union really meant Justice and Liberty. We have doubted the honest in¬ tention of nineteen millions of people. They have said, in answer to our criticism, — “We believe that the Fathers meant to establish jus¬ tice. We believe that there are hidden in the armory of the Constitution weapons strong enough to secure it. We are willing yet to try the experiment, “ Grant us time.” We have doubted, derided the pretence, as we supposed. During these long and weary weeks, we have waited to hear the Northern conscience assert its purpose. It comes at last. (An impressive pause.) Massachusetts blood has consecrated the pavements of Baltimore, and those stones are now too sacred to be trodden by slaves. (Loud cheers.) You aud I owe it to those young martyrs, you and I owe it, that their blood shall be the seed of no mere empty triumph, but that the negro shall teach his children to bless them for centuries to come. (Applause.) When Mas¬ sachusetts goes down to that Carolina fort to put the Stars and Stripes again over its black¬ ened walls, (enthusiasm,) she will sweep from its neighborhood every institution that hazards their ever bowing again to the Palmetto. (Loud cheers.) All of you may not mean it now. Our fathers did not think in 1775 of the Declaration of Independence. The Long Parlia¬ ment never thought of the scaffold of Charles the First, when they entered on the struggle ; but having begun, they made thorough work. (Cheers.) It is an attribute of the Yankee blood — Slow to fight, and fight once. (Renew¬ ed cheers.) It was a holy war, that for Inde¬ pendence : this is a holier and the last — that for Liberty. (Loud applause.) I hear a great deal about Constitutional Lib¬ erty. The mouths of the Concord and Lexing¬ ton guns have room for only one word, and that is Liberty. You might as well ask Niag¬ ara to chant the Chicago Platform, as to ask how far war shall go. War and Niagara thunder to a music of their own. God alone can launch the lightnings, that they may go and say, Here we are. The thunder-holts of His throne abase the proud, lift up the lowly, and execute justice between man and man. Now, let we turn one moment to another consideration. What should the Government do ? I said “ thorough ” should be its maxim. When we fight, we are fighting for Justice and an Idea. A short war and a rigid one, is the maxim. Ten thousand men in Washington ! it is only a bloody fight. Five hundred thou¬ sand men in Washington, and none dare come there but from the North. (Loud cheers.) Occupy St. Louis, with the millions of the West, and say to Missouri, “You cannot go out ! ” (Applause.) Cover Maryland with a million of the friends of the Administration, and say, “ We must have our Capital within reach. (Cheers.) If you need compensation for slaves taken from you in the convulsion of battle, here it is. (Cheers.) Government is engaged in the fearful struggle to show that ’89 meant Justice, and there is something bet¬ ter than life in such an hour as this.” And, again, we must remember another thing — the complication of such a struggle as this. Bear with me a moment. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men fiare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices — “No,” “never.”) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Wash¬ ington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Con¬ stitutional doctrine that Congress had. no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the Slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr. Adams said (substantially,) “ If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, if insurrection comes, is this be¬ leaguered capital, is this besieged Government to see millions of its subjects in arms, and have no right to break the fetters which they are. forging into swords? No; the war power of the Government can sweep this institution into the Gulf.” (Cheers.) Ever since 1842, that statesmanlike claim and warning of the North has been on record, spoken by the lips of her most moderate, wisest, coolest, most patriotic son. (Applause.) 130 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. When the South cannonaded Fort Sumter, the bones of Adams stirred in his coffin. CCheers.) And you might have heard him, from that granite grave, at Quincy, proclaim to the nation, u The hour has struck ! Seize the thunderbolt God has forged for you, and anni¬ hilate the system which has troubled peace for seventy years ! ” (Cheers.) Do not say that it is a cold-blooded suggestion. I hardly ever knew Slavery to go down in any other circum¬ stances. Only once, in the broad sweep of the world’s history, was any nation lifted so high that she could stretch her imperial hand across the Atlantic, and lift, by one peaceful word, a million of slaves into Liberty. God granted that glory only to our mother-land. How did French Slavery go down? How did the French slave trade go down ? When Napoleon came back from Elba, when his fate hung trembling in the balance, and he wished to gather around him the sympathies of the liberals of Europe, he no sooner set foot in the Tuileries than he signed the edict abolishing the slave trade against which the Abolition¬ ists of England and France had protested for many years in vain. And the trade went down, because Napoleon felt that he must do something to gild the darkening hour of his second attempt to clutch the sceptre of France. How did the slave system go down? When, in 1848, the Provisional Government found itself in the Hotel de Yille, obliged to do something to draw to itself the sympathy and liberal feel¬ ing of the French nation, they signed an edict — it was the first from the rising republic — abolishing the death penalty and Slavery. The storm which rocked the vessel of State" almost to foundering, snapped forever the chain of the French slave. Look, too, at the history of Mex¬ ican and South American emancipation ; you will find that it was, in every instance, I think, the child of convulsion. That hour has come to us. So stand wo to¬ day. The Abolitionist who will not now cry, when the moment serves, “Up boys, and at them,” is false to liberty. (Great cheering.) (A voice — “ So is every other man.”) Say not it is a hard lesson. Let him who fully knows his own heart and strength, and feels, as he looks down into his child’s cradle, that he could stand and see that little nestling borne to Slav¬ ery and submit — let him cast the first stone. But all you, whose blood is wont to stir over Naseby and Bunker Hill, will hold your peace, unless you are ready to cry with me — Sic Sem¬ per Tyrannis! So may it ever be with ty¬ rants. (Loud applause.) Why, Americans, I believe in tho might of nineteen millions of people. Yes, I know that what sowing-machines, and reaping-machines, and ideas, and types, and school-houses cannot do, the muskets of Illinois and Massachusetts can finish up. (Cheers.) Blame me not that I make every thing turn on Liberty and the slave. I believe in Massachusetts. I know that free speech, free toil, school-houses and ballot-boxes are a pyramid on its broadest base. Nothing that does not sunder the solid globe can disturb it. We defy the world to disturb us. (Cheers.) The little errors that dwell upon our surface, we have medicine in our institutions to cure them all. (Applause.) Therefore there is nothing left for a New- England man, nothiug but that he shall Avipe away the stain that hangs about the toleration of human bondage. As Webster said at Roch- ester, years and years ago, “ If I thought that there was a stain upon the remotest hem of the garment of my country, I would devote my utmost labor to wipe it off.” (Cheers.) To- day that call is made upon Massachusetts. That is the reason why I dwell so much on the slavery question. I said I believed in the power of tho North to conquer; but where does she get it ? I do not believe in the power of the North to subdue two million and a half of Southern men, unless she summons justice, God, and the negro to her side ; (cheers,) and in that battle we are sure of this — we are sure to rebuild the Union down to the Gulf. (Re¬ newed cheering.) In that battle, with that watchword, with those allies, the thirteen States and their children will survive — in the light of the world, a nation which has vindi¬ cated the sincerity of the Fathers of ’87, that they bore children, and not peddlers, to repre¬ sent them in the nineteenth century. (Re¬ peated cheers.) But without that — without that, I know also, we shall conquer. Sumter annihilated compromise. Nothing bat victory will blot from history that sight of the Stars and Stripes giving place to the Palmetto. But without justice for inspiration, without God for our ally, we shall break the Union asunder; we shall bo a Confederacy, and so will they. This war means one of two things — emancipation or disunion. (Cheers.) Out of the smoke of the conflict there comes that — nothing else. It is impossible there should come any thing else. Now, I believe in the future and perma¬ nent union of the races that cover this Conti¬ nent from the Pole down to the Gulf. One in race, one in history, one in religion, one in industry, one in thought, we never can be per¬ manently separated. Your path, if you forget the black race, will be over the gulf of dis¬ union,— years of unsettled, turbulent, Mexican and South American civilization back through that desert of forty years to the Union which is sure to come. But I believe in a deeper conscience, I be¬ lieve in a North more educated than that. I divide you into four sections. The first is the ordinary mass, rushing from mere enthusiasm to “ A Battle whoso great aim and scope They little care to know, Content like men at arms to cope, Each with his fronting foe." Behind that class stands another, whose only idea in this controversy is sovereignty and the flag. The seaboard, the wealth, the just-con¬ verted hunkerism of the country, fill that class. DOCUMENTS. 131 Next to it stands the third element, the peo¬ ple ; the cordwainers of Lynn, the fanner of Worcester, the dwellers on the prairie — Iowa and Wisconsin, Ohio and Maine — the broad surface of the people who have no leisure for technicalities, who never studied law, who never had time to read any further into the Constitution than the first two lines — “ Estab¬ lish Justice and secure Liberty.''"' They have waited long enough ; they have eaten dirt enough ; they have apologized for bankrupt statesmen enough ; they have quieted their consciences enough ; they have split logic with their abolition neighbors long enough ; they are tired of trying to find a place between the forty-ninth and forty-eighth corner of a consti¬ tutional hair, (laughter ;) and now that they have got their hand on the neck of a rebel¬ lious aristocracy, in the name of the people they mean to strangle it. That, I believe, is the body of the people itself. Side by side with them stands a fourth class — small, but ac¬ tive — the Abolitionists, who thank God that he has let them see His salvation before they die. (Cheers.) The noise and dust of the conflict may hide the real question at issue. Europe may think — some of us may — that we are fighting for forms and parchments, for sovereignty and a flag. But really, the war is one of opinion ; it is Civiliza¬ tion against Barbarism — it is Freedom against Slavery. The cannon shots against Fort Sumter was the yell of pirates against the DECLARA¬ TION OF INDEPENDENCE: the war-cry of the North is its echo. The South, defying Chris¬ tianity, clutches its victim. The North offers its wealth and blood in glad atonement for the self¬ ishness of seventy years. The result is as sure as the Throne of God. I believe in the possi¬ bility of Justice, in the certainty of Union. Years hence, when the smoke of this conflict clears away, the world will see under our banner all tongues, all creeds, all races — one brotherhood ; and on the banks of the Potomac, the Genius of Liberty, robed in light, four and thirty stars for her diadem, broken chains under her feet, and an olive branch in her right hand. (Great applause.) — K. T. Timex, April 2S. Doc. 82.— MEETING OF CALIFORNIANS. Tnc Californians assembled in the large room of the Metropolitan Hotel. The meeting was organized by the call of J. C. Birdseye, Esq., to the Chair. The following gentlemen were nominated Vice-Presidents : William T. Cole¬ man, C. K. Garrison, J. Y. Hallett, D. L. Ross, Capt. Folger, E. Leonard, Eugene Kelly, J. P. Wentworth, S. W. Bryant, Minor Frink, W. S. Denio, Col. E. D. Baker, Charles Watrous, D. W. Cheeseman, Samuel Gamege, Col. Keutzer, Capt. F. Martin, Ira P. Rankin, S. P. Parker, lion. James Satterlee. These gentlemen are all resident Californians on a temporary visit to this City. The Secretaries appointed were Millard B. Farroll, J. J. Arrington, and Rose Fisn, Esqs. The President, Mr. Birdseye, stated that the object of the meeting was to enable Californians to do their duty, equally with the men of other States, in response to the call of the Chief of the Nation. It was the duty of Californians to show what the popular response of California would be when, as a State, she answers the appeal of the country in its hour of danger. The proposition now was to raise here in New York a Californian regiment to aid the Govern¬ ment. There were a number of Californians in New York, who would contribute large sums of money for that purpose. What Californians would do in their own State was one thing, what they should do here was another. But California would ever be true to the Union. Col. Baker was called upon to address the meeting. He said he had had the honor to address an enthusiastic meeting on Saturday at Union Square, that he was quite hoarse and could not do much talking. It was the time for action, and not for talking. The country demanded fighting men. The question alone was, how many men and how much money could be provided. For his part, he (the speaker) would do his duty. It had been rep¬ resented that California was not true to the Union. If she is not, we (said the Colonel) will make her so. What are wanted are fighting men — men who can handle a knapsack and dig an intrenchment, and defend it when it is dug. He (the speaker) thought that 800 men might be raised in this City to forma California Regi¬ ment. Old as he was, there were some red drops in his heart which would not, if neces¬ sary, be spared on such an occasion. Dr. Gilpin, Ex-Governor of Nevada Terri¬ tory, followed. The present war, he said, Avas a war for human rights, and for posterity in all time. It Avas to establish the great principle that labor shall be free. Never in the history of the human race had a more sacred opportu¬ nity offered itself to draw the sword in behalf of human freedom. He was about to depart beyond the Rocky Mountains, but he Avould delay his departure Avhile the Capital of his country Avas in danger, hoping to find a place, even as a private, in the ranks of those Avho were prepared to defend the American flag. Mr. Parkes, the recently appointed Post¬ master of San Francisco, Avas the next speaker. The Administration, he said, had given him an office, but he was willing to stay here to sustain the Administration. If danger threatened steamers from California, as "it undoubtedly did — steamers coming here with specie, and with the Avives and children of Californians — they must be protected. He knew that the captains of those vessels, rather than let that specie fall into the hands of enemies, Avould cast it overboard. He thought, in the present crisis, that all California steamers ought to be armed. A committee of five was appointed to draft 132 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. resolutions. An Executive Committee of five was also appointed to raise a California Begi- ment. Mr. Boss Fish, of Maryland, made a most patriotic speech. Col. Bakek was appointed commander of the regiment ; after which the following resolutions were read and unani¬ mously adopted : Whereas , The integrity and perpetuity of the Government of the United States has been and is seriously threatened and assailed hy the open revolt of a large portion of the people of several States of the Union, and Whereas , There has been no just cause for this action either on the part of the Govern¬ ment itself or tho people, and Whereas, Tho Government and the people have borne and forborne, until such a period has been reached that longer forbearance will assuredly result in the total disruption and de¬ struction of our Bepublican form of government, and now tho Government, sustained by the peo¬ ple, proposes to quell the unjust and unholy rebellion, and restore peace and prosperity to the country once more ; therefore, Resolved , That we, as residents of the Ameri¬ can States and Territories of the Pacific coast, have a common interest with the people of the other sections of our country in the defence and preservation of the Government of our Fathers. Resolved , That we pledge our lives, our for¬ tunes, and our sacred honor to do all that in us lies, to maintain the dignity of the Government and uphold the flag of our country all over this broad land, and all over the world, wherever it may be legitimately unfurled. Resolved , That we will use our best efforts to raise a regiment, or as largo a body of troops as can bo called together in New York, to be composed of men from tho Pacific coast, and others who choose to join them, whoso services shall be offered to the Government for the maintenance of the majesty and supremacy of tho Constitution and tho laws, and the suppres¬ sion of rebellion wherever it may exist. Resolved , That the Californians on the At¬ lantic coast form themselves into a regiment for the maintenance of the Constitution and Union, and with reference to carrying out the objects of this meeting, and maintaining tho inviolabil¬ ity of the Stars and Stripes. Tho meeting then adjourned, after giving three enthusiastic cheers and a tiger ” for the Union. — A Y, Times, April 22. Doc. 83.— OPINION OF TIIE LIVEBPOOL TIMES. The latest accounts from America are omi¬ nous in the extreme, and it is greatly to bo feared that the North and the South will, after all come to blows. We had hoped a different re¬ sult, and we hope so still, but it is useless to disguise the feeling which prevails not less in New lork than in Charleston, that a deadly collision is impending — a fratricidal war im¬ minent. For this melancholy state of things people in Europe were not prepared. Tho tone of the new President's inaugural address pointed to war; but his subsequent conduct has been at variance with this belief, and hopes were entertained that, as the South could not be again seduced into the Union, she would not be coerced. Wo may receive, at any hour or any day, intelligence that the deadly conflict lias begun ; and once commenced, there is no telling how long it may continue, or where it may end. America, in this hour of her fate, can be said to owe little to tho judgment of her Presidents tho last or the present. Mr. Buchanan’s ill- omened message to. Congress, at the end of his term, was a direct incentive to the breaking up of the Federal compact; and now we have the pacific policy which followed Mr. Lincoln’s ac¬ cession to office cast aside, and a policy of force substituted which may end in destruction of thousands of lives and the flowing of rivers of blood. Matters had proceeded to such a pass that a pacific solution of the difficulty was the only reasonable and proper one. It may be that the accounts which have reached us are exaggerated and unreliable ; but when the busi¬ ness men of New York look on civil war as imminent, and when the capital of the South is moved by a similar belief, we, in England, have no alternative but to accept the probabil¬ ity, however much we may deplore it. As war, then, between the two Bepublics seems to be regarded as certain, the question that remains to be asked is, what will the prin¬ cipals gain by it? It is evident that President Lincoln has neither an army nor a navy at hand to make the South submit; and it is equally certain that the South is even more anxious than tho North to test it by a trial of strength. The old Government has certainly one alternative to which it may resort ; but it is so terrible in conception, and would prove so malignant, in practice, that we will do Mr. Lincoln the justice of expressing our disbelief in his ever having recourse to it. The South is so strong on its own ground that no amount of Federal force which can he brought into the field, within any reasonable 'period, would stand a chance of success ; but the Washington Gov¬ ernment might readily make the slaves the instru¬ ments of vengeance, by putting arms into their hands to be turned against their masters. A servile war, thus inaugurated, would probably be one of the bloodiest and fiercest in the whole records of mankind, and, while the men of the South were engaged in putting it down, their seaboard might be scoured, their cities ravaged, their property confiscated or de¬ stroyed, by the Unionist party. An extreme and desperate alternative like this would test the strength of the South ; hut the probability is that, even against such accumulated difficul¬ ties and odds, the South would ultimately tri¬ umph. But what would be the feeling that DOCUMENTS. 133 such an act would leave behind? The con¬ tempt with which the white planter regards hia black slave would be substituted for the most malignant hatred towards his own color and his own countrymen in the other sections of the Republic — an animosity would be engendered that time could not soften nor circumstances mollify, and the foundation would be laid for internecine wars more furious and destructive than any which the Republicans ever waged against the Red Indians of the prairies. We cannot, as we have said, suppose that Mr. Lin¬ coln and his supporters, after their recent dec¬ larations, would have recourse to this diaboli¬ cal policy ; and yet, short of it, we can see no reasonable prospects of success in soliciting an encounter with the South. Three or four mil¬ lions of black auxiliaries, pressed into the ser¬ vice of the Washington Cabinet, might turn the scale — but at what a price ! If civil war has really commenced between the North and the South, we hope that the rep¬ resentatives of England and France at Washing¬ ton have been instructed by their respective gov¬ ernments to tender their aid as mediators before the struggle has roused all the fierce passions which if continued for any length of time , are certain to be called into play. Both nations wish well to the American people : both are alike interested in the general prosperity of the country in every latitude ; and both are impelled towards it by the strongest sympathy that can animate friendly nations. This seems to us the last resource before the sword is drawn and the scabbard thrown away, and probably the sug¬ gestion would meet the approval of that large class in both extremes of the country which must look with horror and dismay at the pros¬ pect of men and brothers cutting each other’s throats under circumstances so fearfully pro¬ vocative of vengeance. —Liverpool Times, April 20. Doc. 84.— LETTER FROM SECRETARY SEWARD TO GOY. IIICIvS. Department of State, April 22, 1S61. His Excellency Thos. H. Hides , Governor of Maryland. Sik : I have had the honor to receive your communication of this morning, in which you inform me that you have felt it to be your duty to advise the President of the United States to order elsewhere the troops then off Annapolis, and also that no more may be sent through Maryland ; and that you have further suggested that Lord Lyons be requested to act as mediator between the contending parties in our country, to prevent the effusion of blood. The President directs me to acknowledge the receipt of that communication, and to assure you that he has weighed the counsels which it contains with the respect which he habitually cherishes for the Chief Magistrates of the sev¬ eral States, and especially for yourself. lie regrets, as deeply as any magistrate or citizen of the country can, that demonstrations against the safety of the United States, with very ex¬ tensive preparations for the effusion of blood, have made it his duty to call out the force to which you allude. The force now sought to be brought through Maryland is intended for nothing but the de¬ fence of this Capital. The President has neces¬ sarily confided the choice of the national high¬ way which that force shall take in coming to this city, to the Lieutenant-General command¬ ing the Army of the United States, who, like his only predecessor, is not less distinguished for his humanity, than for his loyalty, patriot¬ ism, and distinguished public service. The President instructs me to add that the national highway thus selected by the Lieuten¬ ant-General has been chosen by him, upon con¬ sultation with prominent magistrates and citi¬ zens of Maryland, as the one which, while a route is absolutely necessary, is furthest re¬ moved from the populous cities of the State, and with the expectation that it would, there¬ fore, be the least objectionable one. The President cannot but remember that there has been a time in the history of our country when a General of the American Union, with foi’ces designed for the defence of its Capital, was not unwelcome anywhere in the State of Maryland, and certainly not at Annapolis, then, as now, the Capital of that patriotic State, and then, also, one of the Capi¬ tals of the Union. If eighty years could have obliterated all the other noble sentiments of that age in Mary¬ land, the President would be hopeful, never¬ theless, that there is one that would forever remain there and everywhere. That sentiment is that no domestic contention whatever, that may arise among the parties of this Republic, ought in any case to be referred to any foreign arbitrament, least of all to the arbitrament of an European monarchy. I have the honor to be, with distinguished consideration, your Excellency’s most obedient servant, William H. Seward. — National Intelligencer , April 23. Doo. 85.— THE BALTIMORE RIOT. TnE following is a recapitulation of the killed and wounded during the collision, April 19th : Citizens Killed. — Robert W. Davis, Philip S. Miles, John McCann, John McMahon, Win. R. Clark, James Carr, Sebastian Gies, Wm. Mal- loney, Michael Murphy. Citizens Wounded. — James Myers, mortally - Coney, Wm. Ree, boy unknown. Soldiers Killed. — Two, unknown. Soldiers Wounded. — S. H. Needham, Michael Green, D. B. Tyler, Edward Colwin, H. W. Danfortli, Wm. Patch ; three unknown. The total killed is nine citizens and two soldiers ; wounded, three citizens and eight Soldiers. — Baltimore American , April 22. 134 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. The 'Washington Star says : The wounded of the Massachusetts soldiers in tho fight at Baltimore on Friday, are as follows : Com¬ pany C, Stoneham Light Infantry — Capt. J. II. Dyke, hall wound in the head ; left in Balti¬ more, and supposed to have died since ; Ilenry Dyke, ball wound in the leg ; W. II. Young, hit with a brickbat on tho arm ; Stephen Flanders, bad wound with a brickbat on the head ; II. Perry, brickbat wound on the knee ; John For¬ tier, wounded on the head with a stone ; C. L. Gill, a bad wound on the knee from the breech of a gun ; John W. Pennall, knocked on the head with a brickbat; John Kempton, several bad bruises on the legs and arms from paving- stones ; Morris Meade, wounded on the leg by a brickbat; Lieut. James Wroe, two side cuts on the head from brickbats; Daniel Brown, tho third finger of the left hand shot off. Company D, Lowell— C. II. Chandler, wound¬ ed on the head by a brick. Company I, Law¬ rence — V. G. Gingrass, ball through the arm ; Alonzo Joy, two fingers shot off; Sergeant G. J. Dor all, cut on the head with a brickbat ; of this company five or six are left in Baltimore, and tho nature of their wounds is not known. Company D — W. II. Lamson, struck on the eye and back of the head with paving stones, and other severe bruises on the body. Charles Stinson, Company C, nose broken with a brick. Company D — Ira W. Moore, badly wounded on tho left arm with brickbats; George Alexan¬ der, back of the head and neck badly cut with a brick. The Star adds : “ All the above, except Capt. Dyke, are at the Washington Infirmary, under the charge of Surgeon Smith, of their own reg¬ iment, and Dr. J. S. Smith, Surgeon to the 1). C. Volunteers, who has kindly volunteered his services as assistant. A considerable number of citizens of Massachusetts temporarily resid¬ ing here, have formed themselves into an asso¬ ciation to aid by money and other means in relieving troops sent here from that State, whenever assistance may be required.” Doc. SO.— AM EMBARGO AT BALTIMORE. The following order appears in the Baltimore papers of April 23 : Baltimore, April 22, 1861. It is ordered by the Mayor and the Board of Police that no provisions of any kind he trans¬ ferred from the City of Baltimore to any point or place, from this time, until further orders, without special permission. The execution of this order is intrusted to Col. I. B. Trimble. The following order has been issued : It being deemed necessary for the safety and protection of the city, that no steamboat be permitted to leave our harbor without the sanc¬ tion of the city authorities, I hereby, by au¬ thority of the Mayor and Board of Police, direct that no steamboat shall leave the harbor without my permit. I. R. Trimble, Commanding. A. 31 Times , April 25. Doc. 87.— SPEECH OF A. II. STEPHEN'S AT RICHMOND, VA., April 22. Tiie distinguished gentleman was introduced to the throng by Mayor Mayo, and received with hearty cheers. In response, Mr. Stephens returned his acknowledgments for the warmth of the personal greeting, and his most profound thanks for it as the representative of the Con¬ federate States. He spoke of the rejoicing the secession of Virginia had caused among her Southern sisters. Her people would feel justi¬ fied if they could hear it as he had. Tie would not speak of the States that were out, but those who were in. North Carolina was out, and did not know exactly how she got out. The fires that were blazing here he had seen all along, his track from Montgomery to Richmond. At Wilmington, N. C., he had counted on one street twenty flags of the Confederate States. The news from lennesseewas equally cheer¬ ing— there the mountains were on fire. Some ot the States still hesitated, but soon all would be in. Tennessee was no longer in the late Union. She was out by resolutions of her popular assemblies in Memphis and other cities. Kentucky would soon be out ; her people were moving. Missouri— who could doubt the stand she would take ? — when her Governor, in reply to Lincoln’s insolent proclamation, had said : _ “You shall have no troops for the further¬ ance of your illegal, unchristian, and diabolical schemes ! ” Missouri will soon add another star to the Southern galaxy. Where Maryland is you all know. The first Southern blood has been shed on her soil, and Virginia would never stand by and see her citizens shot down. The cause of Baltimore is the cause of the whole South. He said the cause we were engaged in was that which attached people to the Constitution of the late United States — it was the cause of civil, religious, and constitutional liberty. Many of us looked at the Constitution as the anchor of safety. In Georgia the people had been at¬ tached to the previous Union, but the Constitu¬ tion which governed it was framed by Southern talent and understanding. Assaults had been made on it ever since it was established. Lately a latitudinous construction had been made by the North, while we of the South soiight to interpret it as it was — advocating strict construction, State rights, the right of the people to rule, &c. He spoke of all the fifteen Southern States as advocating this con¬ struction. To violate the principles of the Constitution was to initiate revolution ; and the Northern States had done this. The constitution framed at Montgomery dis¬ carded the obsolete ideas of the old Constitu- DOCUMENTS. 135 tion, bat bad preserved its better portion, with some modifications, suggested by the experi¬ ence of the past; and it had been adopted by the Confederate States, who would stand by it. The old Constitution had been made an engine of power to crush out liberty ; that of the Con¬ federate States to preserve it. The old Con¬ stitution was improved in our hands, and those living under it had, like the phoenix, risen from their ashes. The revolution lately begun did not affect alone property, but libei’ty. lie alluded to Lincoln’s call for 75,000 volunteers, and said he could find no authority in the old Constitu¬ tion for such a flagrant abuse of power. His second proclamation had stigmatized as pirates all who sailed in letters of marque ; this was also in violation of the Constitution, which alone gave Congress that power. What had the friends of liberty to hope for ? Beginning in usurpation, where would he end ? You are, however, said he, no longer under the rule of this tyrant. With strong arms and stout hearts you have now resolved to stand in defence of liberty. The Confederate States have but asserted their rights. They believed that their rulei*3 derived their just powers from the consent of the governed. Ho one had the right to deny the existence of the sovereign right of secession. Our people did not want to meddle with the Northern States — only wanted the latter to leave them alone. When did Vir¬ ginia ever ask the assistance of the General Government ? If there is sin in our institutions, we bear the blame, and will stand acquitted by natural law, and the higher law of the Creator. We stand upon the law of God and Nature. The South¬ ern States did not wish a resort to arms after secession. Mr. Stephens alluded to the negoti¬ ations between Major Anderson and the au¬ thorities of the Confederate States, to demon¬ strate the proposition. History, he said, if rightly written, will acquit us of a desire to shed our brother’s blood. The law of necessity and of right compelled us to act as we did. He had reason to believe that the Creator smiled on it. The Federal flag was taken down without the loss of a sin¬ gle life. He believed that Providence would be with us and bless us to the end. We had appealed to the God of Battles for the justness of our cause. Madness and folly ruled at Wash¬ ington. Had it not have been so, several of the States would have been in the old Union for a year to come. Maryland would join us, and may be, ere long, the principles that Washing¬ ton fought for might be again administered in the city that bore his name. Every son of the South, from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, should rally to the support of Maryland. If Lincoln quits Washington as ignominously as he entered it, God’s will will have been accomplished. The argument was now exhausted. Be prepared ; stand to your arms — defend your wives and firesides. He alluded to the momentous consequences of the issue involved. Rather than be conquered, let every second man rally to drive back the in¬ vader. The conflict may be terrible, but the victory will be ours. Virginians, said he, you fight for the preservation of your sacred rights — the land of Patrick IIenry — to keep from desecration the tomb of Washington, the graves of Madison, Jefferson, and all you hold most dear. — Richmond Dispatch , April 23. Doc. 88.— MEETING OF THE NEW YORK BAR, April 22. Judge Edvionds called the meeting to order, and nominated for presiding officer the Hon. Daniel P. Ingraham, of the Supreme Court. The motion was acceded to amid loud cheers. Mr. Charles E. Whitehead put in nomination the following list of Vice-Presidents: Hon. Samuel R. Bette, lion. Tkos. W. Clcrke, Hon. J. J. Roosevelt, lion. C. P. Daly, Hon. John T. Hoffman, Hon. Greene C. Bronson, Hon. Daniel Lord. William Allen Butler put in nomination the following list of Secretaries : Gilbert Dean, E. W. Stoughton, Hon. Clias. A. Peabody, Richard O’Gorman. These nominations were acceded to unani¬ mously. Three cheers were called for the American flag, and responded to enthusiastically. Judge Edmonds said : In behalf of the Com¬ mittee of Arrangements I offer the following resolutions for the consideration of the meet¬ ing. I am admonished by the Committee that I must make no speech. The time for speeches has gone by. The time for action has arrived, [loud cheers,] and I am, therefore, instructed to call upon this meeting of intelligent and patri¬ otic men to act, and not to talk. I read the resolutions : In all periods of the history of our people, the lawyer has been preeminently true to the cause of civil liberty, the supremacy of the law. and the integrity of constitutions; and it be¬ comes the members of the profession, whether members of the Bench, practitioners at the Bar, or our students and clerks, to rally in the de¬ fense of our dearly cherished institutions, against the felonious assaults now made upon them. And the members of the profession in the City of New York, and those connected with them in the administration of justice, ac¬ knowledging the high obligations of fidelity to the Union and the Constitution, in every emer¬ gency and against every assault, and feeling the imperative call upon them in the impending crisis to take immediate and effective action as a profession, it is by them Resolved , That an executive committee of fifteen be appointed to collect and receive sub¬ scriptions from the members of the profession and all connected with them, to be applied by them for the purposes of national defence and 136 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. in aid of those of our brethren who are or may be called into active service, or the families of those who fall or may bo disabled in the serv¬ ice, and generally to do every act in behalf of the Bar that may be necessary to carry into effect the general purposes of this meeting. Resolved , That we hold ourselves in readi¬ ness whenever requested, in behalf of any member of this Bar, who may be in service in the Army or Navy of the United States, to as¬ sume and perform for his benefit any professional business he may have in charge, and without expense to him. Resolved , That the members of the profes¬ sion in the City of New York will stand by the Union, the Constitution, and the supremacy of the laws, in every and any emergency ; and to that they pledge their means and personal ef¬ forts, as well against aggression from abroad as against efforts at home ; and they hold it to be their solemn duty in this emergency to cooper¬ ate with the public authorities, State and Na¬ tional, civil and military, in preserving peace and good order, in maintaining good govern¬ ment, in sustaining the Constitution and the legal authorities of the land, in protecting the homes and firesides of our people. Resolved , That wo recognize in the contest in which wo are engaged no parallel in the his¬ tory of the world. Aiming at no acquisition of territory, prompted by no ambition for dis¬ tinction or power, and impelled by no angry passions, the people of the United States are warring for freedom only against wanton ag¬ gressions upon all the institutions which have secured that freedom to us. In such a contest, where the wisdom of the past can afford us no adequate guide, it becomes the lawyer, regard¬ less of the obscurity which so often settles upon moral courage amid the blaze of martial re¬ nown, to be firm, true, calm, and active in every emergency, and by a generous self-sacri¬ fice evince at once the ardor and purity of his patriotism. To such a line of conduct we dedi¬ cate ourselves, and invite our brethren through¬ out the State to associate and cooperate with us. David Dudley Field moved the adoption of the resolutions. The lion. Charles P. Kirkland said : Before these resolutions are adopted I desire to say, six months since I lost my very dear eldest son. I have but two left, and the youngest 19 years of age. Both started yesterday for Washing¬ ton in the Tlst Regiment. [Loud cheers]. The resolutious were adopted amid loud cheers. Subscription papers were at once circulated in the audience, during which the President announced the following gentlemen as the Ex¬ ecutive Committee : Hon. John XV. Edmonds, Hon. "Wm. H. Leonard, Hon. Joseph S. Bosworth, Hon. Henry Hilton, lion. Edwards Pierrepont, Daniel Lord, Henry Nicoll, Dorman P. Eaton, Wm. P'ullerton, Eich’d O’Gorman, Luther R. Marsh, Alex. Hamilton, Jr., Wm. Alien Butler, Gilbert Dean, John T. C. Smidt. The work of receiving subscriptions then commenced in good earnest — the first sums subscribed being $500, and even these were in¬ creased in the latter part of the meeting, when the eftort was made to bring the aggregate up to a stated amount. The sums subscribed made an aggregate of over $25,000. Throughout, the proceedings were character¬ ized by the most noble feelings of patriotism ; and many pleasant episodes occurred, a few of which are as follows : The Hon. E. P. Cowles stated that he had equipped a son in the First Regiment, but he desired to contribute in addition $100. Mr. E. H. Owen had sent a son to the war, and he desired to subscribe $100. The lion. John Slosson said he had equipped his only son and sent him on to the field. The firm of Schell, Slosson, & Hutchins had con¬ tributed $500, to which he would add $100 for himself. He had also three nephews in the service. Richard Busteed had equipped a nephew and an adopted son, who were now on their way to the scene of conflict. In addition, he sub¬ scribed $350. E. W. Chester said he had not $500 to con¬ tribute, but his partner had gone with the 7lst Regiment, leaving his wife and family to his care. That should be his contribution. [Ap¬ plause.] The Hon. J. H. McCunn, City Judge, in ad¬ dition to contributing $500 to help equip his own regiment, subscribed $100 to the fund of this meeting. Judge Pierrepont said that an Englishman desired to contribute his share, $100. He was Mr. Charles Edwards. [Applause.] A. gentleman called attention to the fact that a military company was now being organized among the members of the Bar. Judge Edmonds said he would revive the rec¬ ollection that he was once Colonel of a Regi¬ ment. [Three cheers for Col. Edmonds were called for and responded to amid loud cheers and laughter.] He would only say that he was about to organize a regiment again, and those who were willing to join in such an organiza¬ tion for home consumption he would like to have remain when the meeting should adjourn. [Applause.] He was 60 and odd years old, but in his ashes were glowing youthful fires. [Cheers.] Mr. Tom Bennett said he was an English¬ man ; that he had been endeavoring to get his countrymen together, but had not succeeded. He was now ready to join any other regiment and fight. [Cheers for Bennett.] Mr. Ilaynor said he had no means to con¬ tribute, but he was ready to shoulder his mus¬ ket and go wherever he was required. He had a large family, but he knew they would be taken care of. [Applause.] Ho had an only son, and he, too, was ready to unite with a regi¬ ment, t-o do his duty to his country. [Cheers.] DOCUMENTS. 137 Ex-Judge Birdsall said he had but limited means, but he gave §25 to the fund, and within a week should be in the field himself. (Applause.) Nat. Waring said that he had already fitted out three young men in Brooklyn, would now contribute $25, and if it were necessary he would go himself. (Applause.) The Hon. Stephen B. Cushing, late Attorney- General, said that a son and clerk he had al¬ ready sent to the war, and his partner was about to leave as colonel of an entire regiment. Mr. Choate stated that Mr. Fullerton had ap¬ propriated $500 for the support of the New¬ burgh Company, which his nephew command¬ ed, and he now added to this fund $100. (Loud cheers.) Henry Freeman Lay, a law clerk, contributed $5, and announced that he had joined the Zou¬ aves as a drummer. Malcom Campbell subscribed $100. He wrote on a slip of paper, which was read to the meet¬ ing, that his feelings were too intense to permit him to speak; but before the end of the week he should be in Washington ready to do what¬ ever duty was assigned him. John Chetwood said that a boy of 15 years, James Riley, had enlisted as a drummer. He subscribed $100 in his name. Mr. Russell said that on Saturday morning, to his great surprise, his partner, Mr. Mileham Hoffman, son of Judge Hoffman, walked out of their office to enlist for Washington. (Cheers.) Mr. Chauncey Schaffer, who had been attend¬ ing an impromptu meeting in the adjoining Court-room, said : We have imposed fines for the cause to the amount of $1,000, and the work is going on. It affords me pleasure to say that more than a dozen names have been enrolled for active service among the young members of the profession, who, while dis¬ claiming to be masters of the science, were positive that they had learned how to charge. (Laughter.) At this point, the contributions were an¬ nounced to have reached $17,000. A gentleman stated that intelligence had been received from Philadelphia to the effect that the bar of that city had a meeting to-day, with the purpose of raising $20,000 on the spot. (Applause.) It was determined at once that however astute “ Philadelphia lawyers” might be, New York lawyers would have to exceed their figure. W. R. & S. H. Stafford, it was announced, had sent two of their clerks to the field, and now added their contribution of $100. Two young practitioners, both grandsons of Noah Webster, Charles C. and W. W. Fowler, contributed $25 each. The subscription having reached near $20,000, it was suggested that the amount must be made to equal that of the merchants, and a new en¬ thusiasm was aroused, and soon the amount reached over $25,000. Mr. Busteed said that so far as the action of the merchants was concerned, he had been Documents — 10 informed by Mr. Wm. G. Lambert that the honored merchants of New York, as the result of the meeting of the Chamber of Commerce, had written to the President that they would furnish him with a hundred millions of dollars if it was necessary (loud cheers,) and that to sustain the Government, they had pledged them¬ selves as sacredly as had the Fathers of the Rev¬ olution. It was announced, also, that Mi-. Birnev, of the firm of Birney & Prentice, was also raising a regiment, and had been commissioned. Mr. Evarts made a similar statement in refer¬ ence to the Hon. Daniel E. Sickles. — iV! Y. Tribune, April 23. Doo. 89.— JNO. BELL AND EDWIN H. EWING. Hox. John Bell spoke for about three-quar¬ ters of an hour, stating in effect that so far as present duties and responsibilities are concern¬ ed, the past is a sealed book. The time for action and unity of action in the South had arrived, and he was for standing by the South, and defending the South, all the South, against the unnecessary, aggressive, cruel, unjust, and wanton war which is being forced upon us. He recounted at some length the efforts which he had made in the past, and especially with the present Administration, to avert this war, and the hopes he had cherished for the preser¬ vation of peace ; hut those hopes had now vanished, and our duty was to defend ourselves and to make common cause with all our sister slaveholding States against a common invading foe. He advocated a strong and effective mili¬ tary league or union among all slaveholding States for the successful prosecution of the war. He declared that Tennessee had, in effect, dissolved her relations with the Federal Union, and though he had hoped and labored to the last to preserve the Union first, and second, if separation was inevitable, to make it peaceable, he now abandoned all such hope, and his voice was clear and loud to every Ten¬ nesseean — to arms ! to arms ! He counselled the most effective and energetic public meas¬ ures to secure the best organization possible of the military strength of the State. Mr. Bell was followed by Hon. Edwin H. Ewing, who declared that in his opinion the Union between the North and the South was at an end forever, and he had no hope of its restoration. He regarded this as a war of sub¬ jugation, and he would never consent to such a domination as was attempted to be established over us. He was for a most vigorous prosecu¬ tion of the war. He denied that the Federal Administration is the United States of America, or that Washington was the rightful seat of Government. The District of Columbia was carved out of Southern territory, and they ought not to be permitted to hold an island in our own country. He was therefore for taking it. He was for unity of action among all the 138 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. States of the South under any military leader who was best qualified to lead them. He said that though Mr. Jefferson Davis had not been a favorite with him as a politician, he believed him to be as able and competent a military commander as there is in the South, and he was for marching under him, or any other man, against the invaders of Southern soil. His cry was, “ To arms ! to arms ! ” not only to resist the invasion of our own soil, but that of any of the Southern States. He had no thought of accepting the poor privilege of being swallowed up at last. Hon. Andrew Ewing followed, declaring, in the strongest and most emphatic terms, for resistance to the attempted subjugation of the South. He was for the whole South standing as a unit. — Nashville Banner , April 24. Doo. 90.— OPINIONS OF THE NEW OR¬ LEANS PRESS. The sectional prejudice among thousands which, until recent events, had laid dormant and inert, has been roused to active demonstra¬ tion by the fiendish tactics of Black Republican journals. These have so mingled the most violent denunciation of the South and its insti¬ tutions with frantic appeals in behalf of the Union and the American flag, as to stir up the ignorant masses to a pitch of uncontrollable ex¬ citement, and to fill them with vindictive and malignant hostility. If these fomenters of strife were permitted to direct the policy of the United States Government, a war of extermi¬ nation against the South should be waged. All their counsels tend to this object ; and, as they appear to he gradually obtaining the ascend¬ ency with the Lincoln Administration, it may be that before the lapse of many months the conflict will really assume the hideous charac¬ ter they desire to impart to it. — N. O. Bee, April 27. Public sentiment in the South has become a unit. Never before was there such unanimity on any question as now exists in the Confeder¬ ate States ; and in those slave States that are not yet technically within them, almost the 6ame unanimity is manifested. The coercive policy of the Black Republican Government lias produced what nothing else could have done. It has obliterated all mere party differ¬ ences in the Southern States, and brought all men upon the same platform of resistance to such coercion. The conservative sentiments of the border slave States are rapidly giving way before the crazy efforts at subjugation of the usurping despotism at Washington City. That power seems to have entirely forgotten that there is a legislative body known as Con¬ gress, for it is arrogating to itself as much au¬ thority as Louis Napoleon or the Emperor of Russia ever exercised. The Republican Cabinet has been converted into an oligarchy, wielding unlimited authority. Genuine Repub¬ lican theory and practice appear to be com¬ pletely lost sight of. The Lincoln Cabinet, in¬ stead of merely carrying into effect the laws that Congress passes, makes laws of its own, or rather proceeds to make war upon the Con¬ federate States without any law. Why don’t Mr. Lincoln fulminate a decree declaring Con¬ gress abolished, and himself and his friends in perpetual authority, with power to do just what they like, law or no law ? He might as well do this, as to do what he is doing. — N. O. Bulletin, April 27. The Bulletin also says that while the South is a unit, public opinion in the North appears to be settling down into a determination to support the war measui’es of the Lincoln Ad¬ ministration. Among the journals which still resist the tremendous pressure of fanaticism, and denounce the insane policy of the coer- cionists, the Bulletin mentions the Bangor Union, and the Argus, Maine; the New York Daily News and New York Day Book, and the Greensburg (Pa.) Democrat. We believe the Boston Courier might be added to the list, and perhaps Medary’s paper, the Crisis, in Ohio. Of course the opposition of these journals is utterly iuchpable of checking or modifying the war current in the North. Nothing can do that but some terrible reverse to the Northern arms. Nothing but downright force and physi¬ cal terror can achieve a moral triumph over the brutal instincts of fanaticism. The W. 0. Crescent , referring to an article in the Toronto (Canada) Leader, observes : The Leader says it is “ too late now for the North to adopt the only statesmanlike policy — to recognize secession as a fact, and act accord¬ ingly.” We think not. We think the North may save itself much of disaster, much of na¬ tional disgrace and dishonor, millions of money and seas of blood, by promptly recognizing at this time, the independence of the Confederate States. It is all that we have ever asked. We have asked only that we be recognized as a separate nationality, and all questions connected with our future relations and our former joint possession of national property to be settled by peaceable negotiation. What we demanded at first we will eventually have, just so sure as fate — except that, since this inhuman and un¬ natural war has been precipitated upon us, the North will lose much that it might otherwise have preserved. The Picayune speaks of the utter contempt and disregard of laws and Constitutional forms manifested in the recent proceedings of the Lincoln Administration. With the cry of the Constitution and the enforcement of the law on its lying lips, it violates both, and proceeds to inaugurate a bitter and bloody war with the preposterous avowal that it is not making war, but only taking measures to “ disperse ” a mob and put down a riot. —N. O. Delta, April 27. DOCUMENTS. 139 Doo. 91.— THE FIRST SOUTH CAROLINA REGIMENT. TnE following are the officers of the South Carolina troops : M. L. Bonham, Brigadier-General ; Col. W. C. Moragne, Deputy Adjutant-General ; Col. W. D. Simpson, Division Inspector-General ; Col. A. P. Aldrich, Quartermaster ; Col. R. B. Boyleston, Commissary ; Col. J. N. Lipscomb, Paymaster ; Col. J. McF. Gaston, Brigade Sur¬ geon ; Major S. W. Nelson ; Major E. S. Ham¬ mond ; Major S. W. Melton. FIRST REGIMENT SOUTII CAROLINA VOLUNTEERS. Maxcy Gregg, Colonel ; D. II. Hamilton, Lieutenant-Colonel ; Augustus M. Smith, Major. The regiment is composed of the Richland Rifles, of Columbia, Capt. Miller ; Darlington Guards, Capt. McIntosh ; Edgefield Rifles, Capt. Dean ; Union District Volunteers, Capt. Gad- berry ; Edgefield Guards, Capt. Merri weather ; Monticello Guards, Capt. Davis; Rhett Guards, of Newberry, Capt. Walker; and Richardson Guards, of Charleston, Capt. Axson. All of these troops were on service in Charles¬ ton harbor during the late bombardment, but freely and enthusiastically accepted service in the campaign opening on the banks of the Potomac, without visiting their homes. Be¬ fore leaving, the ladies of Charleston presented them a new flag, which the Courier describes as follows: It is made of blue silk, with silk tassels, the staff surmounted by a golden cross. On one side is the Palmetto tree, elegantly worked with white floss silk. An oak vine, of the same beautiful texture, surrounds the Palmetto, intertwined with laurel leaves. The trimming is also white silk. Two elegant standards, of white silk, with golden fringe, accompany the flag. They bear on them the inscription, “ First Regiment South Carolina Volunteers, 1861.” — N. O. Picayune, April 28. Doo. 92.— SPEECH OF IION. ROBERT J. WALKER, April 23. This is a sublime spectacle upon which our country and the world are now gazing. De¬ plorable as is this rebellion, it has solved the disputed question, that the people of this Re¬ public are competent for self-government ; that we can not only administer our affairs in peace, and bring foreign wars to a successful conclu¬ sion, but that we are able also to perform the far more difficult task of suppressing rebellion within our limits. (Loud cheers.) On this question we are a united people, from the southern boundary of my native State of Penn¬ sylvania, to the lakes of the North, and within these latitudes from the Atlantic to the Pacific. There are no two parties here to-day. There is but one party — the party for the Union, which proclaims with one voice its stern deter¬ mination to sustain the flag of our country, to replace it upon every fort within our limits, to carry it back into every harbor, and compel it to float by the arms of freemen in each and every one of our thirty-four States. (Loud and long-continued applause.) Mr. Walker said this was the third campaign in which he had been engaged in fighting the hydra of secession and disunion, and contended for the maintenance and perpetuation of the Union. The first was when South Carolina proceeded to nullify the laws of Congress in 1832, and secede from the Union. A native of Pennsylvania, he had emi¬ grated to the State of Mississippi, and during three years he fought in that contest against nullification and secession, until (on the 8tli of January, 1836) he was elected by the Union Jackson Democratic Party of Mississippi to the Senate of the United States. In that contest, which continued during three years with ex¬ treme violence, he addressed more than one hundred meetings with the flag of the Union unfolded over him, and wearing another similar flag of the Stars and Stripes around him as a sash, presented to him by the Union ladies of Mississippi. (Great cheering.) To show that the principles of that contest were the same as those now involved, he would read a few short extracts from his first speech at the opening of this campaign, delivered at Natchez, Mississip¬ pi, on the first Monday of January, 1833, as printed in the Mississippi Journal of that date. Here Mr. Walker read the following extracts from an old and tattered and torn news¬ paper : “ Never, fellow-citizens, did I rise to address you with such deep and abiding impressions of the awful character of that crisis which in¬ volves the existence of the American Union. No mortal eye can pierce the veil which covers the events of the next few months, but we do know that the scales are now balancing in fear¬ ful equipoise — Liberty and Union in the one hand, Anarchy and Despotism in the other. Which shall preponderate is the startling ques¬ tion, to which we must all now answer. Al¬ ready one bright, one kindred star is sinking from the banner of the American Union— the very fabric of our Government is rocking on its foundations ; one of its proudest pillars is now moving from beneath the glorious arch, and soon may we all stand amid the broken columns and upon the scattered fragments of the Constitution of our once united and happy country. “ Whilst, then, we may yet recede from the brink of that precipice on which we now stand, whilst we are once more convened as citizens of the American Union, and have still a com¬ mon country ; whilst we are yet fondly gazing, perhaps for the last time, upon that banner which floated over the army of Washington, and living beneath that Constitution which bears his sacred name, let us at least endeavor to transmit to posterity, unimpaired, that Union cemented by the blood of our forefathers. “ Gov. Hayne, of Carolina, in his late procla¬ mation, inquires if that State was linked to the 140 REBELLION RECORD, 1800-61. Union, ‘ in the iron bonds of a perpetual Union.’ “ These bonds were not of iron, or Carolina would never have worn them, but they are the enduring chains of peace and union. One link could not bo severed from this chain, united in all its parts, without an entire dissolution of all the bonds of Union ; and one State cannot dis¬ solve the Union among all the States. Yet Carolina admits this to be the inevitable conse¬ quence of the separation of that State, for in the address of her Convention she declares that ‘ the separation of South Carolina would inev¬ itably produce a general dissolution of the Union.’ Has the Government of the Union no power to preserve itself from destruction, or must we submit to ‘ a general dissolution of the Union,’ whenever any one State thinks proper to issue the despotic mandate ? It was the declared object of our ancestors, the hope of their children, that they had formed ‘ a per¬ petual Union.” The original compact of Caro¬ lina with her sister States, by which the Con¬ federacy was erected, is called ‘ Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union.'1 “In the 13th article of this Confederacy it is expressly declared that ‘the Union shall be perpetual,’ and in the ratification of this com¬ pact, South Carolina united with her sister States in declaring, ‘ and we do further sol¬ emnly plight and engage the faith of our re¬ spective constituents ’ ‘ that the Union shall be perpetual and may she now withdraw the pledge, without a violation of the compact? By the old Confederacy, then, the Union was perpetual, and the declared object of the Con¬ stitution was, ‘ to form a more perfect union ’ than that existing under the former Confeder¬ acy. Now, would this union be more perfect under the new than the old Confederacy, if, by the latter, the union was perpetual, but under the former limited in its duration at the will of a single State. “ My hope is in the people ; I believe they are not ‘ tyrants ’ by choice or ‘ necessity,’ and that in every State they would sustain their representatives in preserving the Union ; from the poor man’s cottage they would come for¬ ward and say, you did well to prefer Union and liberty to dollars and cents — they are the only inheritance we received from our fathers, the only legacy we can bequeath to our chil¬ dren, and you have saved the priceless heritage - — and if any by their vote should say, dissolve the Union rather than reduce the revenue, and this last, fairest fabric of human liberty should crumble in the dust, the withering curses of unnumbered millions would blast his peace and blacken his memory, and his only epitaph would be, here lies a destroyer of the American Lnion. Let not Carolina’s ordinance delay your action. The Union party in Carolina, cheered by the voice of the nation, may become the majority, and sweep that ordinance from the records of the State. Repealed or not, it must not repeal the Union, or prevent the execution of its laws. Let Congress, let every State Le¬ gislature, and the people of every county, fix the seal of reprobation upon the doctrines of nulli¬ fication and secession, and doom them never more to disturb the harmony of the people, and shake the pillars of the American Union. Let the present Congress adjust the tariff, and they will stand next in the grateful recollection of the American people to the Congress of ’76, that gave us Liberty and Union, and this pre¬ served them. They will return in triumph to their constituents ; not the triumph of party, but of the Union. The day this act of peace and concord shall be passed, should be cele¬ brated as a national jubilee. Tyrants will cease to predict the downfall of the American Union, for it will stand firm and unbroken, a rock of adamant, imperishable though faction’s storms have beat upon its brow, though mad ambition’s volcanic fires have burnt around it, yet no human power could move it from the ever- during basis of the affections of a free, united, and a happy people.” Mr. Walkek said so important was it to sus¬ tain these great principles, that he begged leave to quote much higher authority than his own in favor of these great doctrines. On the 2d of May, 1836, Hon. Charles J. Ingersoll, member of Congress from Philadelphia, visited the venerable James Madison, then Ex-Presi¬ dent of the United States. On his return to the Federal city, Mr. Ingersoll published the result of this interview in the Daily Washing¬ ton Globe. On reference to that publication, it will be found that Mr. Madison fully indorsed this speech of mine against nullification and secession ; and further declared that it contained the only true representation, not only of his own opinions, but those of Mr. Jefferson, on these great questions. (Enthusiastic applause.) Mr. Walker said, this is a death struggle in which we are engaged. If the doctrine of secession prevails, we never can have any Gov¬ ernment, any Union, any flag, or any country, but anarchy will be inaugurated, to be succeed¬ ed by despotism. If, however, as he (Mr. Walker) said he fully believed, this doctrine of secession shall be forever suppressed by our success in this contest, we will emerge stronger than ever from the trial, and our Government more respected than ever, at home or abroad, and retaining every State and Territory intact. (Loud applause.) Mr. Walker said his second campaign in the defence of the Union was in Kansas, as the Governor of that Territory. He said that he went there upon the urgent and oft-repeated solicitation of the President, upon the express condition that the Lecompton Constitution, so called, should he submitted to the prior vote of the people for ratification or rejection. But for that pledge which he (Mr. Walker) gave to the people of Kansas, civil war would have been inaugurated in Kansas early in June, 1857. This principle was right in itself in all cases ; but it was indispensably necessary in DOCUMENTS. 141 Kansas, because a large majority of the counties of the Territory had been actually disfranchised in electing delegates to the Convention assem¬ bled to frame the Constitution, not one of which counties had given or could give a single ballot in the election of delegates. This vital defect in the organization of the Convention, could be secured only by submitting their action to the ratification or rejection of the people of Kansas in every county of the Territory. And it was the rejection of that principle, the great princi¬ ple of popular liberty, that has caused our present disasters. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Walker said that all previous elections in Kansas before his arrival there had been wretched mockeries. Large armies from an adjacent State had marched into the Territory, and seized the polls and the ballot boxes, dis¬ placed the regular judges, placed their ser¬ geants and corporals in their stead, and elected their satellites to the Legislature. They intend¬ ed to accomplish the same result in the election in October, 1857, by military force. But he, (Mr. Walker,) as Governor of the Territory, had then assembled a large army composed of the forces of the United States in Kansas. He (Mr. Walker) had accompanied this army to the frontiers. He posted it at all important points on the line dividing Kansas from Mis¬ souri, and announced his determination to de¬ fend the ballot boxes of Kansas from external aggression by the whole force of the army of the United States. This movement was suc¬ cessful. The ballot box was thus defended from aggression, and the first peaceable election was held in Kansas. But those who had thus been defeated by the voice of the people, were not satisfied with the result. Having failed to seize the polls again by force, they resorted to frauds and forgeries unparalleled in the history of the world. You have seen, fellow-citizens, the substituted Cincinnati Directory for the returns of the vote of the people. You have seen the pretended returns at Oxford, where the names of the clerks and judges were forged, substituting 1,900 votes, where nineteen only were given. You have seen the pretended re¬ turns from McGee County, a vile forgery upon their face, where no election was holden, and not a vote given ; and yet where more than 1,200 fictitious ballots were returned to me. These forgeries were all transparent. They were clear upon their face. They were not returned ; they were not sworn to by the judges and clerks of the election, as required by law. They were as perfect a nullity as if a mere newspaper had been thrown at me for my adoption. These forgeries were rejected by me ; and the result was that the party op¬ posed to Slavery in Kansas, constituting nine- tenths of the people, succeeded, and elected their Territorial legislature — the first which ever represented the voice of the people of Kansas. (Loud cheers.) For thus insisting that the Lecompton Con¬ stitution, so called, should be submitted to the 1 prior vote of the people, and for thus rejecting those forged and simulated, so called, returns, I was bitterly denounced in the South by the very men who have organized the present rebellion. But, fellow-citizens, though the President and Cabinet fell from their positions, and deserted the pledges which they had given — though the South was apparently united to a unit against me, and recreant cravens from the North were united with them, I main¬ tained my position to the last, and never ceased to denounce this unparalleled outrage upon the rights of a free people. I felt, gentlemen, and so declared, that the promulgation of such doc¬ trines was calculated to destroy the Union, and opposed them at all times to the utmost extent of my humble abilities. If the course then adopted by me in Kansas had been pursued, this disunion project could never have been successfully inaugurated. (Loud cheers.) Thus ended my second campaign in defence of the Constitution and the Union. And, now, gentlemen, I have entered upon the third campaign in defence of the same great principles. This campaign, gentlemen, I feel, will be the last, for the people are united as one man, and are all prepared to pour out their life-blood as freely as water from a goblet in defence of the flag of our country. This con¬ test, I believe, will be of short duration ; but, whether of long continuance or not, it will never terminate until the flag of the Union waves in triumph over Fort Sumter, and all our other fortifications and harbors, and over every other acre of our soil and every drop of all our waters from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the lakes of the North and the St. Law¬ rence to the Gulf of Mexico, throughout every Stato and Territory of the Union. — iV. Y. Times. Doo. 93. — DEPARTURE OF THE 8th, 13th, AND 69tii N. Y. REGIMENTS. EIGHTH REGIMENT. Tnn members of the 8th Regiment, Col. Geo. Lyons, and the recruits belonging thereto, took position in Sixteenth and Seventeenth streets. The regiment did not move before 4 o’clock. The delay was said to have been occasioned by some misunderstanding in reference to the change in the order regarding the guns. It ap¬ pears that an order had been received to the effect that the Grey Troup should leave the howitzers and take six 6 -pounders. The Govern¬ or had been telegraphed for permission to take horses and harness, and they had to wait for a reply. At length the order for the horses and harness was received, and immediately opera¬ tions were set on foot for starting. A large body of friends of the regiment walked ahead of the procession. These inclu¬ ded about one hundred of the G. L. Fox Guard. All along the line, on Broadway, down to Canal street, the windows of the various stores, and the sidewalks, were crowded with ladies and 142 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. children, all desirous of seeing the departure of the Washington Greys for the field of battle ; many of them with well-tried hearts were comforting each other with an indefinite vari¬ ety of patriotic sentiments. The regiment was greeted with the most vociferous cheering all the way down to Pier No. 36 North River, where they embarked, being 1,000 in number, on board the steamship Alabama. The crowd on the dock, and also on Pier No. 35, was immense. The members of the regi¬ ment, including the recruits, were in most ex¬ cellent spirits, and as the ship moved away from the wharf, at about 7 o’clock, and the immense assemblage on the wharf sent forth their cheers and “tigers,” the soldiers fired their re¬ volvers in the air. In Hudson street, the Grey troop, numbering 100 men, with a battery of six 6-pounders and thirty-six horses, turned down and proceeded to Pier No. 13, where they embarked on board the steamship Montgomery. The preparation for the embarkation of the horses had to be made, the ship’s water had to bo taken in, and other work had to bo done ; but all hands were put to work, and it Avas completed in good time. The Montgomery sailed from her wharf about 10 o’clock. OFFICERS OF THE EIGHTH REGIMENT. Regimental Officers. — George Lyons, Colo¬ nel; Chas. G. Waterbury, Lieutenant Colonel; Obadiah Wintworth, Major; I). B. Euler, jr., Adjutant; Alderman Charles G. Cornell, Quar¬ termaster; A. C. Smith, jr., Commissary; M. II. Cushman, Paymaster ; Foster Swift, M. I)., Surgeon; Tlios. Rutter, Chaplain. Company A. — James O. Johnston, Captain ; Arthur Woods, 1st Lieutenant; Geo. W. Day, 2d Lieutenant. Company B. — Thomas Sweeney, Captain ; Chas. A. Enos, 1st Lieutenant; M. Wall, 2d Lieutenant. Company C. — Burgur, Captain ; John Apple- ton, 1st Lieutenant; Richard Dunphy, 2d Lieutenant. Company D. — E. D. Lawrence, Captain ; Isaac Cohen, 1st Lieutenant ; Vacant, 2d Lieu¬ tenant. Company E. — M. Griffin, Captain ; Alonzo Dutch, 1st Lieutenant ; Chas. T. Hurlburt, 2d Lieutenant; G. L. Fox, 3d Lieutenant. Company F. — Leander Buck, Captain; D. A. Allen, 1st Lieutenant; James Dimond, 2d Lieutenant. Company G.-Wm. T. Carr, Captain; J. G. Schiele, 1st Lieutenant ; Henry S. Decker, 2d Lieutenant. Company II. — Samuel N. Gregory, Captain ; Samuel N. Burrill, 1st Lieutenant; Wm. G. Halsey, 2d Lieutenant. Troop I— Artillery, six guns; J. M. Varian, Captain; Robert Brown, 1st Lieutenant ; - Burns, 2d Lieutenant; - Carpenter, 3d Lieutenant. Engineers. — Wm. Walton, Captain. THE SIXTY-NINTH REGIMENT. The 69tli Regiment is composed entirely of Irishmen. Col. Corcoran, avIio is in command, is exceedingly popular with his countrymen, and this popularity Avas enhanced at least 50 per cent, by the triumphant manner in which he emerged from the troubles which surround¬ ed him. When the 69th ottered its services to the Government, the Court-Martial which had been summoned to try the Colonel for dis¬ obedience of orders was dismissed, and he Avas restored to his command. This victory touched the Irish heart, and no sooner did he issue a call for volunteers than his recruiting office was besieged by applicants Avho were anxious to serve their country under his orders. Had the Colonel been called upon for an entire brigade he could have supplied them in the same time and with less trouble than he has furnished 1,000 men. Up to Monday night, 6,500 names had been enrolled in his regiment. On Tues¬ day morning the 69th was ordered to assemble at their armory, No. 42 Prince street, to re¬ ceive their equipments previous to their depar¬ ture. At an early hour the entire street was taken possession of by the regiment and its friends, and the distribution of muskets, blankets, etc., commenced. In front of Col. Corcoran’s dwell¬ ing, No 5 Prince street, a large truck, loaded Avith blankets, was stationed, and the recruits Avere required to file by this truck one by one. The rush at this point was perfectly tremen¬ dous, so eager Avere the men to obtain their equipments. The Captain of each company Avas stationed on the vehicle ; and here the ac¬ ceptance or rejection of the recruits occurred. Passing the blanket Avagon, Avhere a blanket was thrown at the accepted ones, they were passed to another man, wdio seized their head covering and crowned them with the regimental cap. Still another individual placed a musket in their hands, while others furnished them with a tin plate, knife, fork, and tin cup. It Avas not until 2 o’clock in the afternoon that all the men were equipped, after which the com¬ panies were formed, and accompanied by the enthusiastic croAvd, marched to Great Jones street, from which point the regiment were to start. For several hours there had been an assemblage of men, women, and children in Broadway, mostly Irish, which had effectually driven every vehicle from that thoroughfare. Housetops and Avindows were crowded with enthusiastic women, who waved their handker¬ chiefs incessantly to the croAvd beneath. Sev¬ eral Irish civic societies, comprising about 2,000 persons, with waving banners — the harp of Erin kissing the Stars and Stripes — had formed in procession in Broadway, as an escort, and patiently Avaited for the regiment to move. About 3 o’clock the order to march was re¬ ceived, and the entire procession, civic and military, moved down Broadway. The march was a perfect triumph for the Irish citizens, DOCUMENTS. 143 vindicating their loyalty and patriotism in a most substantial manner. Col. Corcoran, who arose from a bed of sickness to accompany his regiment, was nearly killed by kindness. lie occupied a carriage with one or two friends, and it became necessary for the polico to pro¬ tect him from the crowd which pressed upon him from all sides. When the procession arrived at Pier No. 4 North River, where the James Adger was waiting to receive them, an attempt was made to shut off the crowd and prevent their passing the gates, but the efforts of the police were un¬ availing. The throng pressed in, and soon the pier was a scene of the utmost confusion. The soldiers were forced from the ranks, and speed¬ ily becoming identified with the crowd had to fight their way to the steamer’s gang-plank. For at least an hour the rush of soldiers and citizens towards the steamer, was terrific. Pa¬ triotic Irishmen were determined to bid their friends good-bye, and in their efforts to do so were knocked down and trampled under foot, kicked, bayoneted, and otherwise maltreated; but they heeded it not. Regaining their feet with a “hurrah for the 69th” they again en¬ tered the contest. Several soldiers were served in the same manner, others lost their muskets or caps in the scramble ; but all eventually got on board alive. At 6£ o’clock the Adger steamed away from the dock amid the most uproarious cheering. If the friends of the Jeff Davis Government ever reckoned upon any assistance from the Irish population of the North, the display of yester¬ day must convince them that they were mis¬ taken. The harp of Erin floats beside the Stars and Stripes in perfect union, and will do so throughout the present struggle. If more troops are needed by the Government the Irish of this city will furnish five times the number they already have done. The following are the officers of the 69 th regiment : Colonel, Michael Corcoran ; Lieutenant-Colo¬ nel, Robert Nugent; Major, James Bagley ; Surgeon, Robert Johnson; Assistant-Surgeon, - Kiernan ; Assistant-Surgeon, Patrick Nolan; Engineer, J. B. Kirker ; Chaplains, D. Sullivan and the Rev. Mr. Mooney; Captains, James Haggerty, Thomas Lynch, Jas. Kavan- agh, Thomas Clark, Patrick Kelly, J Bresslen, F. Duffy, James Kelly, and Coonan. Mrs. Judge Daly presented the gallant fellows with a beautiful silken standard of the National colors. THIRTEENTH REGIMENT. The 13th Regiment embarked amid the most intense enthusiasm of the citizens of Brooklyn, who congregated by thousands, lining the streets from the City Hall to the Armory, in Cranberry-street, near Henry-street, to see them off. It was announced that the regiment would take up the line of march at 8 o’clock, A. M. Long before that hour the neighborhood of the Armory was filled with an almost impenetrable mass of human beings, nearly every one of whom had friends or near relatives in the regi¬ ment. Many ladies were there — the wivds, sisters, and daughters of the soldiers. These were permitted to enter the Armory during the latter part of the day. The old members of tho regiment had all been provided with arms and equipments, but the new recruits, comprising by far the largest portion of the force, were devoid of nearly every thing excepting shoes and other articles of cloth¬ ing; the great requisites, muskets, knapsacks, blankets, &c., were missing. All was bustle and confusion. Carts were sent to New York for muskets, and about noon they arrived. The other equipments came along by degrees, and were furnished to the men. It was then dis¬ covered that there were not enough of equip¬ ments for the number of men enrolled. The officer in command had only one course to pur¬ sue in this exigency, and that was to send those recruits who could not be provided to the ar¬ senal, there to await further orders. The total number equipped was about 450, including of¬ ficers and musicians. About 200 were com¬ pelled to remain behind. It is understood that they will be equipped and sent on. After all necessary details had been arranged, the companies marched out and formed in line on Cranberry-street. It was then three o’clock, P. M. The street was kept clear by the police, under direction of Inspector Folk, and after the inspection of the command by Acting Brigade Inspector S. A. Dodge, the drums beat, tho band struck up a patriotic strain, and the regi¬ ment marched to Fulton-street, and thence to the Fulton ferry. The crowd of spectators was immense. Every available space was occupied, every door-step and every window was filled. The enthusiasm was unbounded. Cheer after cheer rent the air as the noble fellows marched along. The head of the regiment reached the ferry at 4 o’clock, and in a few minutes thereafter the men had all embarked on board the ferry-boat Atlantic, which had been especially provided for the purpose by the ferry company. As the regiment was marching on board, tho band struck up “ The Girl I Left Behind Me ;” and when the boat had moved out of the slip, they played “ Auld Lang Syne.” The Napper Tandy Light Artillery, Capt. Smith, was stationed on the city wharf, and fired a salute of 34 guns. A vast concourse had assembled at the foot of the street, and as the boat came in view the most tremendous cheers rent the air. The troops were taken on board the Marion, lying in the North River. The following is a list of the officers: Colonel, Abel Smith ; Lieutenant-Colonel, R. B. Clarke ; Major, (vacant) ; Quartermaster, A Garrison; Paymaster, Boyd ; Surgeon, Chase; Chaplain, The Rev. Mr. Lee ; Commissary, Street ; Sergeant-Major, J. II. Rosenquest ; Quartermaster’s Sergeant, Vail; Sergeant-of- 144 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. the-Guard, Cheshire; Commissary Sergeant, Wetmore ; Ordinance Sergeant, Carpenter ; Right General Guide, Sherman ; Left General Guide, Nash ; Assistant Surgeon, Allingham ; Colonel’s Secretary, Brockway. Company Of¬ ficers— A, Capt. Sullivan, Lieut. Mead ; B, Capt. Sprague, Lieuts. Hay and McKee; c’ Capt. Morgan, Lieut. Dodge; D, Capt. Balsden, Lieuts. Strong and Bennett; E, Capt. Jones, Lieut. Richards ; F, Capt. Betts, Lieuts. Morton and Betts; G, Capt. 1 home, Lieuts. Johnson and Woodward. Engineer Corps, Sergeant Briggs. Company F, is composed exclusively of fire¬ men, attached to A/ ictory Engine Company No. 13, and a very hardy set of men they are. Their uniforms consist of felt hats, black lire coats, drab pants and red shirts. Their mus¬ kets aie most formidable-looking weapons, lhe dress of the main portion of the regiment is gray throughout. It was expected that the regiment would march to the City Hall to be inspected ; and thousands ot persons gathered in the vicinity ; but they were greatly disappointed, when after waiting all day they ascertained that the regi¬ ment had marched direct to the boat by the shortest route, d he colors of the regiment are borne by Ensign Bromell of Companv E. — W. Y. Tribune, April 24. Doo. 931.— GOY. HICKS AND GEN. BUT¬ LER. Tiie correspondence between the Governor of Maryland and the commander of the Massa¬ chusetts troops : Executive Chamber, Annapolis, ) Friday, April 23, 1S61. f To Brig. Gen. B. F. Butler : Sir : Having, by virtue of the powers vested in me by the Constitution of Maryland, sum¬ moned the Legislature of the State to assemble on Friday, the 26th instant, and Annapolis be¬ ing the place, in which, according to law, it must assemble ; and having been credibly in¬ formed that you have taken military possession of the Annapolis and Elk Ridge Railroad, I deem it my duty to protest against this step ; because, without at present assigning any other reason, I am informed that such ocupation of said road will prevent the members of the Legislature from reaching this city. Very respectfully yours, , . , Thomas H. Hicks. lo which Gen. Butler replied as follows : Head-quarters U. S. Militia, ) Annapolis, Md., April 23, 1S61. J To Sis Excellency Thomas S. Sicks , Governor of Maryland: You are credibly informed that I have taken possession of the Annapolis and Elk Ridge Railroad. It might have escaped your notice but at the official meeting which was had be¬ tween your Excellency and the Mayor of ’An¬ napolis, and the Committee of the Government and myself, as to the landing of my troops, it was expressly stated as the reason why I should not land, that my troops could not pass the railroad because the company had taken up the rails, and they were private prop¬ erty. It is difficult to see how it can be, that it my troops could not pass over the railroad one way, the members of the Legislature could pass the other way. I have taken possession for the purpose of preventing the execution of the threats of the mob, as officiallv repre¬ sented to me by the Master of Transportation of the railroad in this city, “ that if my troops passed over the railroad, the railroad should be destroyed.” If the Government of the State had taken possession of the road in any emergency, I should have long hesitated before entering upon it; but as I had the honor to inform your Excellency in regard to another insurrection against the laws of Maryland, I am here armed to maintain those laws, if your Excellency de¬ sires, and the peace of the United States, against all disorderly persons whatsoever. I am endeavoring to save and not to destroy ; to obtain means of transportation, so that I can vacate the Capital prior to the sitting of the Legislature, and not be under the painful neces¬ sity of incumbering your beautiful city while the Legislature is in session. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your Excellency’s obedient servant, B. F. Butler, Brig. -Gen. Doo. 94.— PROCLAMATION OF GOY MA¬ GOFFIN, April 24. Recent events are of so startling a charac¬ ter as to render it imperatively necessary that the Legislature of Kentucky be again convened in extraordinary session. It is now apparent that the most energetic measures are being resorted to by the Government at Washington to prosecute a war upon an extended scale with the seceded States. Already large sums of money and supplies of men are being raised in the Northern States for that purpose. The tread of armies is the response which is being made to the measures of pacification which are being discussed before our people; whilst up to this moment we are comparatively in a defence¬ less attitude. Whatever else should be done, it is, in my judgment, the duty of Kentucky, without de¬ lay, to place herself in a complete position for defence. The causes for apprehension are now certainly grave enough to impel every Ken¬ tuckian to demand that this be done, and to re¬ quire of the Legislature of the State such addi¬ tional action as may be necessary for the gene¬ ral welfare. To this end, I now call upon the members of the General Assembly to convene at the Capitol in Frankfort, on the 6th day of May, 1861. In testimony whereof I, Beriah Magoffin Governor of the Commonwealth of Kentucky’ DOCUMENTS. 145 have hereunto subscribed my name and caused the seal of the Commonwealth to be affixed. Done at the city of Frankfort, the 24th day of April, 1861, and in the sixty-ninth year of the Commonwealth. B. Magoffin. By the Governor. Tnos. B. Monroe, Secretary of State. By Jas. W. Tate, Assistant Secretary. — A". O. Picayune , April 28. Doo. 95.— SPEECH OF GENERAL CASS AT DETROIT, April 24, 1861. Fellow-Citizens : — I am sorry you have not selected a chairman to preside over your assem¬ blage more accustomed to such a task andmore competent to fulfil it than I am. But while feeling my incompetency, I am encouraged by the hope that I shall find in your kind regard an excuse for any errors I may commit — believ¬ ing it is my duty, while I can do but little, to do all I can to manifest the deep interest I feel in the restoration to peace and good order and submission to the law of every portion of this glorious Republic. I cannot take this seat without contrasting the situation in which I now find myself with that in which I was placed on this very spot almost fifty years ago. Then, in the days of our weakness, we Avere subjected to dishonorable capitulation brought about by the imbecility of the leader; while now, in the days of our strength, neither treason nor weakness can permanently affect the holy cause to which all hands and hearts are pledged. (Applause.) Then our contest was a legitimate war waged with a foreign foe; our war to-day is a domestic one, commenced by and bringing in its train acts which no right feeling man can contemplate without most painful regret. But a few short months since, and we were the first and happiest nation on the face of the globe. In the midst of this prosperity, without a single foe to assail us, without a single injury at home caused by the operations of the Government to affect us, this glorious Union, acquired by the blood and sacrifices of our fathers, has been dis¬ owned and rejected by a portion of the States composing it, — Union which has given us more blessings than any previous Government ever conferred upon man. Here, thank God — its ensign floats proudly and safely — (applause) — and no American can see its folds spread out to the breeze without feeling a thrill of pride at his heart, and without recalling the splendid deeds it has witnessed in many a bloody contest, from the day of Bunker’s Hill to our time. (Applause.) And that flag, your worthy Mayor has, by the direction of the municipal authority, hung out upon the dome above us. The loyal American people can de¬ fend it, and the deafening cheers which meet us to-day are a sure pledge that they will defend it. (Applause.) A stern determination to do so is evinced by the preparations and patriotic devotion which are witnessed around us, and in the echoes which are brought here by every wind that blows. You need no one to tell you what are the dangers of your country, nor what are your duties to meet and avert them. There is but one path for every true man to travel, and that is broad and plain. It will conduct us, not in¬ deed without trials and sufferings, to peace and to the restoration of the Union. He who is not for his country is against her. (Applause.) There is no neutral position to be occupied. It is the duty of all zealously to support the Gov¬ ernment in its efforts to bring this unhappy civil war to a speedy and satisfactory conclu¬ sion, by the restoration, in its integrity, of that great charter of freedom bequeathed to us by W ashington and his compatriots. His ashes, I humbly trust, will ever continue to repose in the lowly tomb at Mt. Vernon, and in the United States of America, (applause,) which he loved so well, and did so much to found and build up. Manifest your regard for his memory by following, each with the compass of his power, his noble example and restore his work as he left it, by devoting heart, mind, and deed to the cause. (Loud-continued cheering.) — At 1'. Times , April 29. Doo. 96.— SPEECH OF CALEB CUSHING. April 24, 1861. General CrrsniNG said that he cordially participated in the present patriotic manifesta¬ tions. Long may this glorious flag wave above our heads, the banner of victory and the symbol of our national honor! Our dear country now indeed demands the devotion of all people ; for the dire calamity of civil Avar is upon us. He had labored hitherto for many years earnestly and in good faith at least, first for the conserva¬ tion of the Union, and then to avert the evils of fratricidal war ; and of what he might have said in that relation he had nothing now to re¬ tract. But the day of discussion had passed, and that of action had arrived. He had before him the question, which had occurred to public men in other countries, Avhere political convul¬ sions divided friend from friend, and brother from brother, and sometimes arrayed them against one another in hostile camps and in deadly strife. What in such a case is the dictate of duty ? Should Ave retire into safe seclusion in a foreign country, to return in better times, to wear the honor of freedom, like Hyde ? Or should wo remain to confront the perils of our lot, like Falkland or Vane? The latter course, if not the safer one, is at any rate the most courageous one. He (Mr. 0.) chose so to act. He was a citizen of the United States, owing allegiance to the Constitution, and bound by constitutional duty to support its Government. And he should do so. He was a son of Mas¬ sachusetts, attached to her by ties of birth and affection, and from which neither friend nor foe should sever him. He Avould yield to no man in faithfulness to the Union, 'or in zeal for 146 REBELLION RECORD, 1860-61. the maintenance of the laws and the constitu¬ tional authorities of the Union ; and to that end he stood prepared, if occasion should call for it, to testify his sense of public duty by entering the field again at the command of the Common¬ wealth or of the Union.” Abstract of Newbury port Herald: in Nat. Intelligencer, April 30 ’ Doo. 97.— GOY. LETCHER’S PROCLAMA¬ TION. Whereas, in the emergency which was sup¬ posed to exist during the past week, arising from information that an invasion of the rivers of the State was about to be made, and the movements of the vessels of the United States v> ith troops into the waters of this Common¬ wealth and the unusual destruction of public property by the agents of that Government, both at Harper’s Ferry and at the Gosport Navy Yard, gave ample reason for such belief; and whereas, under such circumstances, sundry vessels in the waters of the James River, the Rappahannock, York, and Potomac Rivers, and their tributaries, have been seized and detained by the authorities ot the State, or officers act¬ ing under patriotic motives without authority, and it is proper that such vessels and property should bo promptly restored to the masters in command or to the owners thereof, therefore I, JOHN LETCHER, Governor of the Common¬ wealth, do hereby proclaim that all private vessels and property so seized or detained with the exception ot the steamers Jamestown and Yoiktown, shall be released and delivered up to the said masters or owners. Proper Navy officers have been assigned to each of the rivers of the State herein mentioned, with orders to release such vessels and property, and give cer¬ tificates for damages incurred by the seizure and detention. I leel it my duty, furthermore, to advise the people of the Commonwealth (not in the Mili¬ tary service of the State) to return to their usual avocations, in connection with the trade and commerce of the country, assuring them protection and defence. If war is to be inaug¬ urated by an attempt to invade this Common¬ wealth, or to use coercion against the Southern Confederate States, a contingency dependent on the action of the Government of the United States, it shall be met and conducted by this Commonwealth upon principles worthy of civ¬ ilized nations and of this enlightened a^e. I appeal to all our people not to interfere with peaceable, unoffending citizens or others who preserve the peace and conform to our laws and I do hereby especially discountenance all acts of seizure of private property without au¬ thority of law, and require that order shall bo lestoied, and that all the laws be administered and executed by the tribunals especially assign¬ ed for the purpose. & Given under my hand as Govern- April, 1861, and in the 85th year of the Com¬ monwealth. _ JOHN LETCHER. By the Governor. George W. Muneord, rp, „ . Secretary of the Commonwealth. The following officers of the State Navy are assigned to the duties required by this procla¬ mation : 1 For James River— Captain Cooke and Com¬ mander Tucker. For Potomac River — Captain Forrest, Lieu¬ tenant Semmes. For Rappahannock River— Lieutenant Davis. Tor York River— Commander J. L. Hender¬ son and Lieut. S. S. Maury. — Richmond Inquirer. Doo. 98.— CAPTURE OF U. S. TROOPS BY COL. VAN DORN, AT SALURIA. ( )