ANTIBOAH 
 FAULK GOL RAT  ΦΙΧΏΩ ΝΌΟΣ. TOVTAAION 
 
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DIALOGUE 
 
 a Figen CAN AND A’ JEW 
 
 ENTITLED 
 
 ANTIBOAH ΠΑΠΙΣΚΟΥ͂ KAI ®IAONOS IOTAAION 
 ΠΡΟΣ MONAXON TINA 
 
 THE GREEK TEXT 
 
 EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES, TOGETHER WITH A 
 . DISCUSSION OF 
 
 CHRISTIAN POLEMICS AGAINST THE JEWS 
 
 INAUGURAL DISSERTATION FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF 
 PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MARBURG 
 
 PRESENTED BY ( 
 
 ARTHUR CUSHMAN McGIFFERT 
 
 NEW YORK 
 THE CHRISTIAN LITERATURE COMPANY 
 1889 
 
CopyRicHT, 1889, BY i ya 
 ἢ ARTHUR CUSHMAN McGIFFERT. | end 
 
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PRY RA CE. 
 
 In the fall of 1887, while engaged in collating manuscripts 
 in the National Library at Paris, I found an entry in the catalogue 
 which at once aroused my curiosity. Codex Greece. 1111 was said to 
 contain, among other works, Papisci et Jasonis Jude@orum eum 
 monacho quodam de christiana religione et Mosaica lege colloquium. 
 Upon examining the manuscript, I discovered that the title was 
 incorrect (the name Jasonis being substituted for Philonis), and 
 that the work mentioned, although itself in the form of a dialogue, 
 unfortunately had no connection with the lost second-century Dia- 
 logue of Papiscus and Jason. It proved, however, to possess con- 
 siderable intrinsic merit, and to be an excellent example of Christian 
 polemics against the Jews; and, being particularly interested in the 
 latter subject, I took the pains to transcribe the whole dialogue. 
 
 Afterward my attention was called by Professor Harnack to a 
 note in his Terte und Untersuchungen, Bd. 1., Hett 3, p. 126, which 
 contained the information that Professor Zahn had discovered, in a 
 MS. in St. Mark’s Library, at Venice, a dialogue with a title similar 
 to the one found by myself. He had concluded that there was no 
 relationship between it and the lost Dialogue of Papiscus and Jason, 
 and had not transcribed it. Upon examination it proved to be an 
 older and shorter recension of the Paris dialogue, and is therefore 
 laid at the base of the text given in the following pages. 
 
 Still later I learned from a communication made to Professor 
 Harnack by Dr. Oscar von Gebhardt, that the same dialogue is 
 extant in a third MS. in the library of the Most Holy Synod at 
 Moscow. This MS. I have not seen, but my thanks are due to the 
 librarian, who kindly furnished me with its variant readings for a 
 part of the dialogue. 
 
 Shortly before completing my work, I discovered that a large 
 part of the material of the dialogue is incorporated in a series of 
 tracts (published by Mai), bearing the common title Adversus 
 Judawos Disputatio, and ascribed to Anastasius (see p. 17). The 
 
iv 
 
 discovery caused me to donbt, for a time, the advisability of pub- 
 lishing the text of the dialogue; but further examination of the 
 work of Anastastus revealed such extensive and important differ- | 
 ences between the two writings, that I was confirmed in my original 
 intention. Anastasius’ tracts throw new light upon the composi- 
 tion of the dialogue, and the relationship between the two furnishes 
 an interesting chapter in the history of Christian literature. The 
 interest which the latter possessed for me was due in a great part to 
 its representative character as one of a large and important class 
 of works which historians have greatly neglected. A thorough 
 discussion of that class of writings is not attempted in this brief dis- 
 sertation, but the effort has been made to give, in the first chapter 
 of the Introduction, something of an idea of its nature and extent. 
 The substance of the first and last paragraphs of the Introduc- 
 tion appeared as a separate article, under the title, ‘“ Christian 
 Polemics against the Jews,” in the Presbyterian Review for July, 
 
 1888. 
 ARTHUR CUSHMAN McGIFFERT. 
 
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 CHAPTER I.—CHRISTIAN POLEMICS AGAINST THE JEWS. 1 
 $1. THe Nature oF THE POLEMICS ............ ee cece cease 1 
 § 2. List or ANTI-JEWISH WORKS..........-2..--. ee sseeeeres 12 
 CHAPTER II.—DIALOGUE OF PAPISCUS AND PHILO...... 28 
 Beep OPA TISU RIES 2 απ wisi τὸ κοτε sale bla slo sta Se aA Saale 28 
 f $4, RELATION BETWEEN THE TWO FORMS OF THE DIALOGUE.... 31 
 S$ 5, RELATION OF THE DIALOGUE ΤῸ OTHER ANTI-JEWISH WORKS. 32 
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 Beira U RE BEPERENCEHS |. ah lick ee νος οὖς ον ene τὸν pints 93 
 
ENTRODUCTION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 CHRISTIAN POLEMICS AGAINST THE JEWS. 
 S 1. The Nature of the Polemics. 
 
 It lies in the very nature of the case that Christian polemics 
 
 against the Jews should begin at an early date. The first problem [ 
 
 which confronted the church when it began to come to self-con- 
 sciousness and to reflect upon its own position was to determine 
 its relation to Judaism. Its founder was held to be the Jewish 
 Messiah, and yet he was rejected with scorn by the Jewish nation. 
 His followers claimed for him all the rights and honors of that 
 Messiah, but those rights and honors were denied him by his own 
 people. There remained but one possibility open: the Jewish 
 people were mistaken. The first problem of the Christian church 
 was to prove this. All the circumstances of the age emphasized 
 this need. Religion was at that time practically a national institu- 
 tion. Each nation had its own religion, and was left by the Roman 
 power in undisturbed possession of it so long as it remained within 
 its national limits. But Christianity, Jewish in its origin, was 
 repudiated by the nation in whose bosom it had been born, and 
 thus, as a religion severed from national life, it contradicted all the 
 principles of the age. Again, the worth of a religion then was 
 
 measured to a great extent by its antiquity. But Christianity, if | 
 
 the standpoint of the Jews were admitted, was nothing better 
 than a novel superstition—without national approval, without the 
 honor of antiquity. In this dilemma, felt very early by the church 
 and felt with ever increasing force, there remained but the one 
 course : to show to the world, first, that Christianity was the true 
 Judaism, the true national faith, and secondly, that the Judaism 
 
 of the day was in consequence a perversion of it and a departure > 
 1 
 
2 
 
 from it. ‘To prove the former it was necessary to show that Christ 
 was the promised Messiah, whom the Jews themselves admitted 
 would found a new order of things when he should come, to show 
 that Christianity was the higher Judaism of the Messianic king- 
 dom. There was but one way to proceed in the demonstration ; 
 the Jews’ accepted book must be shown to prophesy of Christ and 
 of his church, The search for Messianic prophecies began then at 
 the very start. We sce the results of it in the New Testament 
 itself. Had the life of Christ corresponded so exactly with the 
 expectations of the age, with the prevalent idea of the Messiah, 
 that no doubt could exist in any one’s mind that he was the 
 promised Messiah, the effort to prove him such would of course 
 have been superfluous. But this was not the case. The life of 
 Christ contained so many elements apparently quite at variance 
 with the Messianic prophecies that the disciples felt at the very 
 start the need of justifying their belief in him, and that to them- 
 selves as well as to the Jews. They would have felt the need had 
 there been no hostile Jews to impress it upon them. They might 
 have accepted Christ as the founder of a new religion entirely 
 independent of and severed from all conneztion with Judaism, as 
 Marcion did; but this could never have occurred to them as Jews 
 trained in the expectation of a Messiah. A deliverer was to come 
 —the Messiah. Christ came to deliver; he could be to his dis- 
 ciples no one else than the Messiah, however much his life seemed 
 to contradict the accepted Messianic ideas. The only alternative 
 left them was to find themselves mistaken in their earlier inter- 
 pretation of the Old Testament, and to find in it, with the key of 
 Christ’s actual life, predictions corresponding with that life. 
 
 But if the disciples were right in their views of Christ, the Jews 
 must be wrong, and thus was felt the pressure to prove directly the 
 falsity of their position, to prove, that is, that non-Christian Judaism 
 Was a perversion of true, divinely ordained Judaism. This second 
 stage appears early. The Epistle of Barnabas is its classic monu- 
 ment. The necessity which lay upon the early church was a matter 
 which concerned its very existence, and that entirely independent of 
 all personal connection with the Jews, independent of any purpose 
 of propagandism among them. Had no Jew attacked the claims of 
 Christ as the Messiah, there would still have lain upon the church 
 the necessity of self-justification. The substance of anti-Jewish 
 polemics would have remained ; it would simply have lost its pole- 
 
3 
 
 mic tone. This fact explains a remarkable feature of the polemics 
 which characterizes it throughout. It shows itself, in fact, almost 
 entirely regardless of the Jews themselves, and though cast in the 
 form of polemics against them, seems to be aimed far less at them 
 than at an entirely different public. The persuasion of the Jews, 
 their refutation for the purpose of winning them, seems to be the 
 last consideration with the author. Of all the anti-Jewish dialogues 
 of which we know, but three (the dialogue of Simon and Theophilus 
 being counted as a reproduction of that of Pa-iscus and Jason) 
 result in the conversion of the Jew. In the remainder, whether the 
 Jew plays his réle throughout, as in Justin’s dialogue with Trypho, 
 or whether he drops entirely from the scene before the completion 
 of the work, as in our present dialogue, he is at best but a lay 
 figure, a‘sort of artistic setting. The artificial character runs in 
 fact through all these dialogues. The real opponent of the Chris- 
 tian is not the Jew but the unbeliever in general, as the Christian 
 imagines him, that is, his apology is directed not toward the Jewish 
 nation merely, but toward the whole non-Christian world. This 
 characteristic emphasizes itself more and more as time advances. 
 From the speech of Peter on the day of Pentecost, when the Jews 
 were addressed and the apology for Christianity was directed to 
 them alone, to the dialogues and treatises of subsequent centuries is 
 a great step. As the Jewish nation would not accept Christianity, 
 Christianity must break with it, and that it did right early. And as 
 it extended itself in the heathen world the Jews became a factor of 
 ever decreasing importance. The artificial character of which we 
 have spoken is excellently illustrated by a passage in our dialogue 
 which states the author’s purpose in composing it—or rather that of 
 the latest editor in revising it: ‘* We have quoted these few things 
 from many contained in the Holy Prophets for the sake of confirm- 
 ing the faith of us Christians, and as a, rebuke, to the Jews’ pride 
 and hardness of heart.” With this passage are to be compared the 
 words of Isidore, in the introduction to his work Contra Judeos, 
 in which, while the refutation of the Jews is to be sure mentioned, 
 it is looked upon as a matter of secondary importance. But in these 
 two passages it is not the defense of Christianity over against the 
 heathen world that is emphasized, but rather the confirmation of 
 the faith of the believers themselves. In that age it could not, of 
 course, be otherwise. That which had begun in the time of the 
 first disciples as actual polemics was continued as a confirmation for 
 
4 
 
 believers after the urgent necessity for polemics had ceased. This 
 is but the history of Christian apologetics in general. Arguments 
 which have been forged in the heat of battle to be used as weapons 
 against assailants are one by one beaten into plowshares for the culti- 
 vation of the conquered territory. The fact which has been empha- 
 sized assists us in estimating properly the historical importance of the 
 whole class of works with which we are concerned. Is the Jew but 
 a lay figure, we realize at once that we can learn little from these 
 works as to the actual relations between Jews and Christians. 
 Polemics which would be continued, even if the personal object of 
 attack vanished, will mirror very imperfectly the real position of 
 that antagonist. In fact, if we wish to learn the actual attitude of 
 the Jews toward Christianity we must seek elsewhere than in the 
 Christian works which have been directed against them. his fact, 
 which lies in the nature of the case, is well illustrated by the actual 
 procedure of the Jewish figure in all of our dialogues. For the most 
 part, his réle is simply to assist the Christian in his demonstration 
 by suggesting just such points, and asking just such questions, as 
 furnish the needed steps in the discussion of the latter. He rarely 
 impedes the demonstration in the slightest degree. This irrelevancy 
 is particularly noticeable in the opening paragraph of our dialogue, 
 in which the Jew is made to object to the Christian’s worship of 
 images, as if it could be of any possible consequence to the Chris- 
 tian church of that age, what the Jews might think of their prac- 
 tice. This section, of course, is intended as a defense of the prac- 
 tice over against the attacks of iconoclastic Christians, with whom 
 the strife was then raging. The historical value of this class of 
 works is greatly diminished by this general consideration. We can 
 seek ut most only for occasional notices of the contemporary exter- 
 nal condition of the Jews, such as the references in the present work 
 to the Christian occupation of the Jews’ sacred places, ete.’ Of the 
 real attitude of the Jews toward the Christians, of the nature of 
 their polemics against Christianity, if they still troubled themselves 
 with such polemics, these works tell us nothing. 
 
 During the early years of Christianity the Old Testament was 
 the only book of oracles for Christians as well as for Jews. To it 
 and it alone could they appeal for a written warrant for their 
 teaching. They mast find in it then, not simply prophecies of the 
 
 ‘The work of Thaddeus Pelusiota (see next paragraph) furnishes a few 
 curious and interesting historic details; of which at some future time. 
 
ὃ 
 
 external life of the individual Jesus, but also the whole plan of sal- 
 vation as understood by them. It must, in fact, be their Gospel,’ 
 and what Christ and his apostles taught must be found taught 
 there too. The part which the Old Testament played in the early 
 church was thus prodigious. Had Christ come with ἃ written Gos- 
 pel in his hand, as Mohammed came with the Koran, all would 
 have been different. As it was, Jews and Christians had but one 
 book, in which the Jews read one thing, the Christians quite another. 
 But as in course of time Christianity came into possession of its own 
 independent book, as the writings of the disciples began to circu- 
 late and to be looked upon as possessing divine authority, the state 
 of affairs was changed. The church was no longer confined to the 
 Old Testament. And yet, though the church had by this time 
 broken completely its Jewish bonds and had become universal in 
 spirit and in principle, though it was composed largely of Gentiles, to 
 whom Judaism was far from sacred, still the Old Testament had dur- 
 ing the earlier years gained, under the necessities of the case, so com- 
 pletely the stamp of a Christian book, and under Christian interpre- 
 tation had lost so completely its Jewish character, that it was pre- 
 served as a most necessary part of the Scripture canon of the 
 church. It is to the necessity laid upon the early church to make 
 of it a Christian book, that we owe its existence to-day in the canon. 
 Later centuries, with their apostolic works and with their independ- 
 ence over against Judaism, would never have felt the need of so trans- 
 forming it. But the process thus begun under necessity was most 
 naturally continued after the necessity was past. Once given the 
 Old Testament as a Christian book no generation of the church could 
 be foolish enough to throw aside such a treasure. Once established 
 the practice of reading it in a spiritual sense, its inexhaustibleness 
 assured its permanent use, 
 
 Christian apologetics is of three kinds: that which appeals to 
 prophecy, that which appeals to reason, and that which appeals to 
 history—not to imply, of course, that these three kinds are always 
 kept distinct in practice. The original relation of Christianity to 
 Judaism necessarily gave to the earliest Christian apologetics the 
 form of an appeal to prophecy. But as the church began to face 
 more and more the heathen world, which had neither the oppor- 
 tunity nor the inclination to examine the Jewish Scriptures and to 
 test the proofs of the Christians drawn from this source, as in fact 
 
 ‘Cf, Hatnack, Zeate und Untersuchungen, Vol. I. Heft 3, p. 57. 
 
6 
 
 it faced a world with whom this common ground was wanting, it 
 had recourse necessarily to the second form of apologetics. Chris- 
 tianity must be shown to be rational, not simply ordained by the God 
 of the Jewish Scriptures. This second form begins with the works 
 of the Greek apologists of the second century. But even here it 
 was not only external pressure, but also internal intellectual need, 
 which gave rise to this kind of thinking and writing. Christians 
 sought confirmation in their faith, justification for their belief. 
 Jewish Christians had sought it in the sanction of the national God, 
 whose word, recorded in their national Scriptures, was law to them. 
 Greek Christians, trained in the atmosphere of philosophy, sought 
 it in the sanction of their reason. But the second kind of apolo- 
 getics by no means drove out the first. The use of the Hebrew 
 prophets for the confirmation of the Christian faith was not con- 
 fined to Jewish Christians. Begun by them, it was taken up and 
 pursued eagerly by the heathen converts. But to them the Old 
 ‘Testament played a different rdle. To Jewish Christians it was in 
 and of itself the word of God. Its prophecies had a worth, there- 
 fore, independent of the life of Christ. To heathen Christians it 
 was the word of God only because it prophesied of Christ. To the 
 latter, therefore, it was at first valuable only in so far as it contained 
 predictions and types of the Messiah and his church. By them was 
 felt, therefore, far more keenly than by Jewish Christians, the need 
 of finding for every part of the Old Testament a correspondence in 
 the life of Christ, and it isto them, more than to Jewish Christians, 
 that we owe its transformation from a historical book to a thesau- 
 rus of divine oracles. Jewish Christians would have remained 
 satisfied to find in the historical books national history, in the 
 prophetical books, to a certain extent, national prophecies. It was 
 not necessary for the life of Christ to exhaust the whole mass of 
 Old Testament predictions. But to the heathen the Old Testament 
 as a national book could have no meaning. It must not only 
 include Christianity, it must be wholly Christian. 
 
 An argument from prophecy has always had great weight with 
 the human mind. There enters into it so prominent an element of 
 supernaturalness as to give it a peculiar force. The gentile Chris- 
 tian church found itself in possession of books written centuries 
 before the advent of their Christ, which, as the Jewish Christians 
 had already pointed out to them, foretold a Messiah and a Messianic 
 kingdom identical with their Messiah and his kingdom. They 
 
7 
 
 did not need to ask as to the divinity of these books; they did not 
 need to accept them first as Jewish Scriptures. They accepted 
 them at once as divine and as Christian books because they prophe- 
 sied of Christ. To them they were at first that and nothing more. 
 Before them then lay the task, undertaken with a very different 
 motive from that of the Jewish Christians, of making the two 
 elements, prophecy and fulfillment, fit not simply in part but 
 completely, of co-ordinating them throughout. With the Jewish 
 Christians it was enough to prove from the Scriptures that Christ 
 was the promised Messiah of the Jews. To the heathen Christians 
 that could of itself have no meaning. ΤῸ them Christ was not the 
 Jewish Messiah but the Saviovr of the world and wouid have 
 remained such had there been no Old Testament. They gladly 
 adopted the latter because, spiritualized as they spiritualized it, it 
 proved to them the antiquity of their religion and furnished them 
 in its prophecies, so wonderfully fulfilled, welcome testimony to 
 the divine origin of their religion. 
 
 These two kinds of apologetics then run alongside one another 
 —each playing an important part in the literary activity of the 
 early church. It is noticeable, however, that they are usually in 
 the earler centuries kept quite distinct. We have apologies of the 
 first class and apologies of the second class, but not combinations 
 of the two kinds. As an example of the first, for instance, may be 
 cited Justin Martyr’s Dialogue with Trypho, of the second, his 
 apologies ; so Tertullian’s Adversus Judwos on the one hand, and 
 his apology on the other. This must of necessity have been the 
 mode of procedure in the earliest generations, when the two classes 
 of assailants, the Jews and the heathen, were so sharply distinct. 
 To represent to the Jews the rationality of Christianity was useless. 
 To them only the Scriptures had weight. To appeal to the heathen 
 from the Scriptures, when they knew nothing of the Old Testa- 
 ment, would have been absurd. In the first generations of Chris- 
 tianity, Judaism played an important réle in the ranks of its antag- 
 onists. In spite, therefore, of what has been said as to the necessary 
 inward impulse toward apologetics, it is certain that at first there 
 was felt very forcibly the external need also. The Jews were a real 
 and formidable enemy then, and they were besides a people among 
 whom the church hoped to propagate Christianity. The continued 
 independent use of the first class of apologetics, even after the 
 second had begun, is therefore not to be wondered at. It is further 
 
8 
 
 quite natural that this class of apologetics should continue to bear 
 he name Adversus Jud@os long after the Jews had ceased to play 
 a part of any consequence among the enemies of the church. The 
 two classes began as Adv. Jude@os and Adv, Nationes, the one bibli- 
 eal, the other rational. It was most natural that all works in 
 which Old Testament prophecies were exhibited as proofs of the 
 truth of Christianity should continue to be thrown into that form, 
 even after they had ceased to be directed against the Jews them- 
 selves. In order to give force and yividness—still more in order to 
 give, so to speak, an excuse for a composition of this kind, there 
 must be supposed an opponent contradicting the truth of the Chris- 
 tian’s conclusions, and who else could this be than the Jew ? And 
 this must have been true also of works not cast in the form of a 
 dialogue. Wherever Old Testament prophecies are appealed to, 
 there the Jew is naturally thought of as the one who disputes the 
 Christian’s conclusions. To justify any apology there must be an 
 opponent real or imagined. If there is no actual one, and the work 
 is written simply to confirm the faith of believers, then an opponent 
 must be imagined to exist—in the present case of course a Jew. 
 We know that before many centuries had passed the Jews had 
 dropped entirely out of consideration among the Christians in most 
 parts of the empire, that the church no longer feared them and no 
 longer came into actual conflict with them. And yet the nominal 
 apologies addressed to the Jews continue even down to the end of 
 the middle ages, their artificial character of course strongly marked. 
 Another point must be noticed in connection with this class of 
 apologetics. Prophecy is the correlate of history. What prophecy 
 foretells, history fulfills. A work devoted, therefore, to the demon- 
 stration of the truth of Christianity upon the basis of prophecy must 
 confine itself to the realm of history. Dogmaties can properly. play 
 no part in such a work, for it is absurd to speak of a dogma as being 
 prophesied, when the dogma is itself ostensibly drawn from the very 
 book which prophesies. If the dogma embodies the assertion of a 
 fact which has occurred or is supposed to have occurred in history, 
 the predictions which may be cited in proof of its truth are cited of 
 course for the fact as such, not for the dogma about the fact. And 
 such dogmas as have to do with eternal truths can of course have 
 no relation to prophecy. Dogmas vary from age to age. But in 
 apologetics based upon prophecy we have two unchangeable factors : 
 Old Testament predictions, New Testament fulfillment. In the 
 
9 
 
 generations before the formation of the New Testament canon the 
 second factor was, to be sure, variable. The traditions as to the life 
 of Christ were not yet absolutely fixed, and opportunity was given 
 to alter and add to them at will, a process of which we can detect 
 many traces in the writings of the second century. But after the 
 New Testament canon was established this process ceased. The 
 factors were fixed, and there remained only the discovery on the 
 part of sharp-sighted and keen-witted men of new coincidences be- 
 tween the two. ‘The framework within which all such search must 
 proceed was unalterabiy settled. This is the natural cause of the 
 stereotyped character of this class. of apologetics, which is very 
 marked throughout. It is not surprising that in a work of the mid- 
 dle ages devoted to prophecy and its fulfillment we should find the 
 same general matter as in a work of the earliest centuries. It could 
 not be otherwise. The contents of the life of Christ had long been 
 fixed, and with that prophecy had chiefly to do. (The fulfillment 
 of prophecy in the later history of the church is for the present left 
 out of consideration.) The ordinary marks of the doctrinal views of 
 the author, from which we are accustomed to judge as to the age of 
 his work, we have no right to expect. If they occur, they are mis- 
 nomers and inconsistencies in the work. At the same time they do 
 occur, illogically, very frequently.’ In fact, the works in which an 
 indication of date cannot be gathered from their doctrinal tone are 
 largely in the minority. But in spite of this the natural character 
 of these works is archaic. The theological passages do not form 
 their chief characteristic. 
 
 We have spoken of two classes of apologetics. ΤῸ these is to be 
 added the third, already enumerated : apologetics based upon his- 
 tory ; that is, apologetics in which the history of the church and of 
 its enemies is appealed to as a proof of its divine origin. This class 
 is, of course, of later growth. Only when Christianity had a his- 
 tory behind it, could it make use of that history as an argument. 
 Strictly speaking, this is of course an appeal to reason. ‘The pre- 
 servation of the church in the midst of persecution, its continued 
 prosperity, its benefits to the human race—these were so many 
 
 ‘Much oftener than one might gather from Harnack’s remarks. Besides 
 the Pseudo-Gregorian Testimonia which he mentions, the dialogue of Gregen- 
 tius with Herbano the Jew is permeated with the theological atmosphere of the 
 sixth century, and the same general fact is true of many later works, especially 
 of the scholastics. 
 
10 
 
 appeals to the reason of man for the divine origin of Christianity. 
 But in the present instance the history of the church served a 
 double purpose in the realm of apologetics. Not only did it furnish 
 of itself a direct argument, but in fulfilling Scripture predictions it 
 increased the sum of proofs from prophecy. ‘The Old Testament 
 was found to contain not only prophecies of Christ, but also of his 
 church, and indeed of subsequent world history in large propor- 
 tions. In this way the argument from history by itself, and the 
 argument from prophecy fulfilled in it became closely joined and 
 were continually used together. This was more and more the case 
 as time advanced. ‘The numerical predictions of Daniel play a réle 
 of constantly increasing prominence. And at the same time, partly 
 in connection with these predictions and partly independent of 
 them, the contrasts were drawn with ever more minuteness of 
 detail between the prosperity of the Christians and the ill-fortune 
 of their Jewish adversaries. The dark lot of the latter formed an 
 excellent background against which to display the brilliant history 
 of the former. Works in which this style of argument is prominent 
 gain a degree of vividness and life-likeness, which makes it seem 
 that they must be directed against real Jewish opponents and be 
 sprung from the actual heat of conflict, and yet we are not safe in 
 drawing this conclusion upon this ground alone. But these histori- 
 cal sections will at the same time usually be found to give us wel- 
 come data for fixing the age of the works in which they oceur, 
 The subject can scarcely be developed without contemporaneous 
 events leaving their impress, and at this point we must look for 
 most light as to the composition of the various works, and also for 
 the most matter of interest, because matter least stereotyped. 
 
 The literary form of the works Adversus Judaos is threefold. 
 We have dialogues between Christians and Jews; we have regular 
 treatises in the form of apologies, or of attacks, or of both ; and we 
 have Testimonia, which are but a massing together of Old Testa- 
 ment predictions, arranged according to the events which they fore- 
 tell. The first is a favorite form, <A glance at the list given in § 2 
 will show that quite a proportion of all anti-Jewish works are 
 dialogues. It was a form suggested by the very nature of the 
 material. In no way could the force of the Old Testament pre- 
 dictions be better brought out than by supposing their proper 
 interpretation disputed by the Jew, who is then obliged to yield his 
 view to that of the Christian, ‘The nature of the subject neces- 
 
11 
 
 sitated a constant change from one topic to another which was 
 peculiarly fitted to dialogistic discourse.’ For the explanation of 
 the prevalence of this form in anti-Jewish works it is, therefore, 
 unnecessary to assume the influence of the dialogues of Justin and 
 Trypho, or of Papiscus and Jason. It is plain, of course, that we 
 cannot conclude the actual existence of the parties named in the 
 dialogue. They may be, as they probably most often are, fictitious 
 characters. 
 
 The second form mentioned treats the subject in essentially the 
 same manner as the first. The formal introduction of the two 
 contending parties is merely an externality which hardly affects the 
 disposition of the material. Many of the regular treatises could be 
 transformed into dialogues by the mere insertion of names. The 
 similarity between the two classes is so great that the one form may 
 pass quite easily into the other, even within the same work ; as, for 
 instance, in the work we are to consider, in which the form of the 
 dialogue disappears entirely long before its conclusion. 
 
 The third form mentioned is quite different from the other two. 
 Its representatives are the Zestimonia of Cyprian and of Pseudo- 
 Gregory. It is an illustration of what has been said of the natural 
 tendency to throw all works which deal with prophecy into the form 
 of anti-Jewish polemics, that even these Testimonia, which in form 
 are the farthest possible from polemical works, still bear the title 
 Adv. Judeos. But it must be remarked that the disiiweruntilens char- 
 acteristic of all the three classes wnich we have been αἰ τηνι is 
 not the fact that they are formally directed against the Jews—this, 
 though so universal, is but an accident, not an essential property upon 
 which the classification depends. The essential characteristic is the 
 use of Old Testament prophecies. And thus, though the lost Zcloge 
 of Melito, for instance, were not, so far as we know, brought formally 
 into any connection with the Jews, they nevertheless belong to the 
 general class of works under consideration, just as much as the 
 Testimonia of Cyprian and of Pseudo-Gregorv, whose titles expressly 
 name the Jews. ‘They will therefore a included in our list of 
 anti-Jewish works. At the same time there are, on the other hand, 
 works against the Jews which are purely polemical, being devoted 
 solely to an exhibition of the wickedness of the Jews, and-contain- 
 ing no clement of apology for Christianity, no attempt to prove its 
 
 * Of. the preface to the Dialogus Gualteri et Balduini (Migne, ccix. 426), and 
 the passage quoted from ‘Richard’s work De Emmanuele libri duo (infra p. 26). 
 
12 
 
 truth in any respect. Such writings have no connection with the 
 class of works under consideration, although the word ‘‘ Jews ” ap- 
 pears in their titles. They will, therefore, be omitted in our list.’ 
 
 § 2. List of Anti-Jewish Works. 
 
 The following list is designed to contain all ancient and 
 medieval Greek and Latin works of the class under consideration 
 with whose titles the writer is acquainted, whether extant or non- 
 extant. He has endeavored to make it as exhaustive as possible, 
 but by no means pretends to claim for it absolute completeness, for 
 he is well aware that some works may have escaped his notice., 
 The list is, of course, not intended to include writings upon other 
 subjects which deal with the Jews only indirectly or in passing. 
 Such works are legion. Anti-Jewish polemics are scattered through 
 innumerable dogmatic treatises, homilies, and especially commen- 
 taries. For Latin works the writer has been aided in his search by 
 the subject index of Migne’s Patrologia Latina. For the Greek 
 Patrology unfortunately no such index as yet exists.” 
 
 I. Greek works. 
 
 1. Dialogue of Papiscus and Jason. 
 
 This dialogue is no longer extant, but we can obtain an excel- 
 lent idea of its general character from the Dialogue of Simon and 
 Theophilus which Harnack (Texte und Untersuchungen, Bd. L, 
 Heft 3, pp. 1-36) has proved almost beyond the shadow of a doubt 
 to be a free reproduction of it. For asummary of what we know 
 in regard to the original work see ‘did. p. 116 ff., and for a com- 
 ages of it with our dialogue see § 5 below. 
 
 Justin Martyr : Dialogue with Trypho. 
 
 3, Melito: Heloge. 
 
 This work, which is no ibiigte extant, was not directed against 
 the Jews, but it may be mentioned in this connection because it 
 
 ' The writer has in mind particularly certain works by Agobard ; de insolentia 
 Judworum (Migne, civ. 69-76), de baptismo Judeworum (ib, 101-106), de cavendo 
 convictu et Socielate Judaica (107-114). The epistle Severt Lpiscopt Majori- 
 censis de Judeis (Migne, xx, 731-746) has nothing to do either with polemics 
 or apologetics, but is simply an account of the conversion of a multitude of 
 Jews in the island of Majorca. 
 
 * The list given in Fabricius-Harles, VI. 748 ff. is very incomplete, but has 
 been of especial use in directing the writer's attention to works as yet unpub- 
 lished. 
 
13 
 
 contained ‘‘ extracts from the law and the prophets concerning the 
 Saviour and our entire faith,” and thus seems to have been a work 
 of the same nature as the Testimonia of Cyprian and Pseudo-Greg- 
 ory. The following passage from a fragment of a work of ‘‘ Meliton 
 the Bishop On Faith” (given by Cureton, Spic. Syriac, p. 52 ff.), 
 whether it has reference to the Hcloge or not, at least points to a 
 work of the same kind, and to one which was highly developed in 
 the details of Christ’s life: “‘We have made collections from the 
 Law and the Prophets relative to those things which have been 
 declared respecting our Lord Jesus Christ, that we may prove to 
 your love that he is perfect Reason, the Word of God; who was 
 begotten before the hght; who was creator together with the 
 Father ; who was the fashioner of man; who was all in all; who 
 among the patriarchs was patriarch; who in the law was law ; 
 among priests chief priest; amongst kings governor; among 
 prophets the prophet ; among the angeis archangel ; in the Voice 
 the word ; among spirits spirit; in the Father the Son; in God, 
 God the King forever and ever; who was with Noah, Abram .. . 
 (etc.) ; who in David and the prophets foretold his own sufferings ; 
 who was incarnate in the Virgin; who was born in Bethlehem ; 
 who was wrapped in swaddling clothes in the manger; who was 
 seen of the shepherds ; who was glorified of the angels; who was 
 worshiped of the Magi; who was pointed out by John; who assem- 
 bled the apostles; who preached the kingdom; who healed the 
 maimed ; who gave light to the blind ; who raised the dead ; who 
 appeared in the temple ; who was not believed in by the people ; 
 who was betrayed by Judas; who was laid hold on by the priests ; 
 who was condemned by Pilate ; who was transfixed in the flesh ; who 
 was hanged upon the tree ; who was buried in the earth ; who rose 
 from the dead ; who appeared to the apostles ; who ascended into 
 heaven ; who sitteth on the right hand of the Father; who is the 
 rest of those that have departed, the recoverer of those that were 
 lost, the light of those who were in darkness, the deliverer of those 
 who are captives, the guide of those who have gone astray, the 
 refuge of the afflicted, the bridegroom of the church, the charioteer 
 of the cherubim, the captain of the angels, God who is of God, the 
 Son who is of the Father, Jesus Christ the King forever and ever. 
 Amen.” Otto and others hold that this fragment is actually from a 
 work of Melito, but Harnack (Texte und Untersuchungen, Vol. I., 
 Heft 1, p. 268) considers it an extract from a work of Ireneus. 
 
14 
 
 4. Miltiades: Adversus Judeos. 
 
 Of this work, which is no longer extant, we know only through 
 Eusebius, who mentions it in A. #. ν. 17. 5, and informs us that 
 it existed in two volumes.’ 
 
 5. Fragmentum incogniti operis adversus Judeos. 
 
 Under this title Mai (Seript. vet. nova coll. viii. 2. 26) gives a 
 brief fragment in Greek which bears the name of Sylvester, and 
 is printed in Migne (Patr. Lat. viii. 814) among the works of 
 Pope Sylvester. The fragment is too brief to permit much of a 
 judgment as to the character of the work, or even to make it cer- 
 tain that it is from a work against the Jews. It is devoted to an 
 illustration of the two natures in Christ. 
 
 6. Hippolytus : Demonstratio adversus'Judeos. 
 
 Only a fragment exists (Migne, Patr. Gree. x. 787-794), which 
 is devoted thiefly to the passion of Christ and to the agency of the 
 Jews in it, with prophecies foretelling it and the consequent 
 punishment of the Jews. One passage is quite similar to a pas- 
 sage in our dialogue (see p. 90), but no literary relationship between 
 the two works can be constituted from the fragment which we have. 
 According to Bunsen (/Hippolytus and his Age, Vol. I., p. 265) 
 “The anonymous author of the ‘ Acta Martyrum,’ gives in Appen- 
 dix ILI. (pp. 449-488), the text of an old Latin translation οὗ ἃ 
 considerable part of the fragment preserved to us in Greek. He 
 had discovered it among the spurious works ascribed to Cyprian. 
 The title is ‘ Demonstratio adversus Judeos.’ It begins exactly 
 with the first words of our Greek fragment, which cannot have 
 been the opening of the address, but was probably the beginning of 
 the peroration. The Greek text forms the first two chapters of this 
 very remarkable fragment. What follows (ch. 3-7, pp. 452b-458) 
 is far more interesting than the part preserved in the Greek 
 text. The author no longer appeals to sacred texts of their pro- 
 phets; he speaks to their hearts, he appeals to the spirit in them. 
 ‘The eye of the mind,’ he says, ‘is the spirit ; through him things 
 spiritual are seen ; if therefore you are spiritual, you understand 
 
 ' Eusebius (/7, &. IV. 27) mentions among the writings of Apolinarius 
 of Hierapolis a work πρὸς Ἰουδαίους πρῶτον καὶ δεύτερον. ‘The words 
 however are wanting in many manuscripts and also in Rufinus and in Jerome, 
 and are therefore to be regarded as a later insertion. Fabricius mentions the 
 work in his list, but with the notice of Eusebius shown to be spurious no trace 
 of the existence of such a writing remains, 
 
15 
 
 heavenly things. For like knows (understands) what is like to it.’ 
 These words may be considered as the theme of the whole. Hence 
 we see that we have not an attack upon the Jews in this treatise, 
 but an address to them, an appeal to their conscience and intellect. 
 The character of the treatise is that of an eloquent writer, who had 
 studied Plato, and who had not only a deep Christian intellect, but 
 also a heart full of Christ, and of love to his brethren.” Harnack 
 (Op. cit. p. 75) refers to Bunsen’s notice, but says that he knows 
 nothing about the Latin fragment mentioned. I have not myself 
 seen it, and know only what Bunsen states. 
 
 ἡ. Diodorus Tarsensis : Contra Judeos. 
 
 This work, which is no longer extant, is mentioned in the list 
 given by Fabricius-Harles, Vol. VI., p. 747. Suidas (who is there 
 referred to) gives a list of the writings of Diodorus (art. Diodorus), 
 upon the authority of Θεόδωρος ἀναγνώστης ἐν τῇ Exndn- 
 σιαστιπκῇὴ Iotopia. The list includes the Contra Judwos. 
 
 8. Hieronymus Grecus: Dialogus Christiani cum Judeo de 
 Trinitate. 
 
 In Migne, xl. 847-859. A dialogue of an entirely theological 
 character, as indicated by the title. The Old Testament is used 
 only as a source of proof texts for the doctrine of the Trinity, and 
 not as a book of prophecies. 
 
 9. Testimonia adversus Jud@os. 
 
 Although this work was ascribed to Gregory of Nyssa and 
 printed by Migne (xlvi. 193-234) among his writings, it was 
 composed long after his time. It is of the same general nature as 
 the Testimonia of Cyprian, giving detailed prophecies of the life of 
 Christ, but in its first paragraph is quite theological, containing the 
 fully developed doctrine of the Trinity. For further details in 
 regard to this work and its relation to our dialogue, see § 5 below. 
 
 10, Chrysostom: <Adversus Judeos et Gentiles demonstratio 
 quod Christus sit Deus. 
 
 In Migne’s Patr. Grec. xlviii. 813-838. The first part of 
 this work is composed chiefly of Old Testament prophecies, fore- 
 telling that the Christ to come was to be a God, and predicting the 
 manner and piace of his advent, the commission of the apostles, the 
 casting out of the Jews, the last judgment, etc. The latter part is 
 devoted to a brief account of the prosperity of the church and of 
 the attacks of various emperors upon the Christians. 
 
 11. Chrysostom: Adversus Judeos Orationes, viii. 
 
16 
 
 In Migne, 7b. 843-892. Eight long orations devoted rather to 
 positive attacks upon the Jews than to the defense of Christianity. 
 The predictions in regard to the life of Christ play but a small part, 
 while those in regard to the conduct and condition of the Jews are 
 dwelt upon at great length. 
 
 12. Cyril of Alexandria: Libri de Synagoge defectu. 
 
 This work is no longer extant, but Migne (Patr. Gree. |xxvi. 
 1421-1424) gives a brief fragment upon the change of the name 
 Abram to Abraham, which perhaps formed a part of the lost work. 
 
 13. Basil of Seleucia: Contra Juda@os de Salvatoris adventu 
 demonstratio (Oratio xxxviii.). 
 
 In Migne, 7b, Ixxxy. 400-425. ‘This work is devoted chiefly to 
 a numerical calculation as to the time of the Messiah’s advent and 
 the destruction of Jerusalem, resulting in the proof that Jesus is 
 the Messiah. As a consequence the prophecies of Daniel play a 
 large part in the work. 
 
 14. Philip of Side: Acta Disputationis de Christo in Perside 
 inter Christianos, Gentiles ac Juda@os habite. 
 
 This work, or a fragment of it, exists in a manuscript in the 
 Imperial Library at Vienna. Through the kindness of a friend I 
 have been furnished with the following notice taken from the 
 catalogue of the library: ‘* Philippi, ab urbe Pamphiliw Sida, ubi 
 natus fuit, cognominati Sidetw, qui seeculo post Christum quarto 
 S. Joannis Chrisostomi fuit presbyter et syncellus, acta disputationis 
 de Christo in Perside inter Christianos, Gentiles ac Judwos habitaz 
 cui ipse interfuit ; excerpta ex amplissimo ipsius opere Historiz 
 Christiane in triginta sex libros diviso, et quidem ex eo jam memo- 
 rate Historie libro, quo egit de nativitate Christi et de Magis.” 
 I am informed that the Acta Disputationis fill only the first two 
 leaves of the manuscript. 
 
 15. Gregentius of Taphar: Disputatio cum Herbano Judeo. 
 
 In Migne, Ixxxvi, 681-784. <A very elaborate account of a 
 dialogue which took place between the Archbishop Gregentius and 
 the Jew Herbanus, in the presence of a vast concourse of Jews and 
 Christians, the king, the senate, ete. The dialogue continues for 
 four days and ends with the conversion and baptism of Herbanus 
 and 5,000,000 other Jews, comprising all the Jews in the kingdom, 
 The conversion is not accomplished however by the arguments of 
 the archbishop, but by the miraculous appearance of Christ himself 
 upon the clouds. The work displays a highly developed theology 
 
ΤΊ 
 
 and christoiogy, and abounds in abstruse discussions upon doctrinal 
 points. At the same time the argument for the Messiahship of 
 Jesus and for the truth of Christianity drawn from prophecy plays 
 a prominent part and appears in quite a developed form. 
 
 The work closes with an account of the death of Gregentius, and 
 thérefore does not pretend to be his own composition. It is cer- 
 tainly later than his time. 
 
 16. Διάλεξις κατὰ Ἰουδαίων. 
 
 Bandini in his Catalogus Bibl. Medicee Laurentiane, tom. 1., 
 p. 165, has given a brief portion of this work, which is too short to 
 enable much of a judgment to be formed in regard to it. It is not 
 in the form of a dialogue, however, as Harnack says (Op. cit. p. 75). 
 The purpose of the work is stated in the first sentence to be to prove 
 to the Jew from the Old Testament that the Saviour Christ was 
 prophesied of old and taught to be divine. It thus ranks itself with 
 the general class of works under consideration. 
 
 1%. Dialogue of Timothy and Aquila. 
 
 See Mai, Spic. Rom. ix. p. xii. sq.,and Nova Bibl. vi. il. p. 
 537 sq. Mai gives only the beginning and end of this dialogue, 
 from a codex of the Patmos library, but it is enough to prove that 
 it is much later than the time of Cyril, when it pretends to have 
 been written. Many theological expressions betray a later date. 
 The Jew is converted and receives baptism after the dialogue is con- 
 cluded. 
 
 18. Stephen of Bostra: Contra Judeos. 
 
 This work is no longer extant. We know of it only through 
 John of Damascus, who in his Third Oration on Images (Migne, 
 Patr. Gr. xciv. 1376) gives two brief quotations from it on the 
 subject of image worship. We know nothing as to the nature of 
 the work as a whole. 
 
 19. Anastasius Abbas: Adversus Judeos Disputatio. 
 
 The Greek original of this work was first published by Mai 
 (Script. Vet. nova collect. vil. 207-244) and is contained in Migne’s 
 Patr. Gr., \xxxix. 1203-1282. A Latin translation, less full than 
 the Greek, had already been made by Turrianus and published 
 by Canisius in his Antig. lect., tom. IL, part iii., p. 12, ed. Bas- 
 nagii (according to Mai, 7d. p. 207 note), The close of the work is 
 wanting. For a detailed description of the work and a comparison 
 of it with our dialogue, see § 5 below. 
 
 20. Lepannge of Neapolis in Cyprus : Sermo contra Judeos. 
 
18 
 
 In Migne, Χο, 1597-1609. The work is devoted exclusively 
 to the subject of image worship. It is throughout an argument ad 
 hominem. It is first maintained against the Jews that God com- 
 manded Moses to make the cherubim, etc., and then it is declared 
 that the Christians do not worship the wood of the cross itself, but, 
 through it and images of all kinds, God and Christ. Instances are 
 drawn from the Old Testament of the same kind of worship, and 
 the instance of Jacob and Joseph (given also in our dialogue § 1) 
 is cited, but with a slight variation in form (see the notes, p. 85). 
 This line of argument is the same as that pursued by the Christian 
 in our dialogue. The work bears the form of a discourse, but 
 oceasionally a Jew and a Christian are introduced as speaking with- 
 out any apparent reasons, 
 
 21. Leontius of Cyprus: Contra Jude@os. 
 
 In Migne, 7b., 1609-1612. A fragment, extant only in Latin, 
 of a lost work ascribed to the same author. ‘There is no hint in the 
 fragment itself as to its author. 
 
 It contains prophecies from Isaiah, Jeremiah, Micah, ete., which 
 foretell the nature of the Messianic kingdom, its peacefulness and 
 blessedness, and which the author applies to the Christian church. 
 
 22. Theodorus Abucara: Dissertatio cum Judo (Opuscula X.). 
 
 In Migne, xevil. 1529-1534. <A brief dialogue which is devoted 
 to proving that the Scriptures are to be interpreted of Christ and 
 the Christians, and not literally of the Jews. 
 
 23, Euthymius Zigabenus : Contra Hebreos. 
 
 In Migne, exxx. 257-305. The first part of the work is 
 devoted chiefly to quotations from the Old Testament in proof of 
 the Trinity, the divinity of Christ, etc., and in propheey of his 
 birth, crucifixion, resurrection, ascension, the church of the Gentiles, 
 ete. The remainder of the work contains extracts from the orations 
 of Chrysostom against the Jews, from Leontius, John of Damascus 
 and anonymous works. 
 
 24. Thaddeus Pelusiota: Contra Jud@os. 
 
 This work has not yet been published. It is extant in three 
 Greek manuscripts in the National Library at Paris (Cod. Gree. 
 887, 1285, Suppl. Gree. 120) and has been transcribed by the writer 
 with a view to possible publication. It is of considerable extent, 
 perhaps twice as long as the Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo, and 
 dates from the year 1265, The author, Thaddeus Pelusiota, is an 
 otherwise unknown man, The occurrence of the name “ Pelusiota” at 
 
19 
 
 this late date is very surprising. The work is largely devoted to the 
 miseries of the Jews, all of which are shown to have been prophesied 
 in the Old Testament, and all of which are represented as a punish- 
 ment for the nation’s rejection of Christ. It is urged that the 
 present scattered condition of the Jews is the last captivity foretold 
 in the prophets, a captivity which shall never end because no end 
 has been foretold ; and it is maintained that the sin which deserves 
 such an endless captivity for its punishment must have been greater 
 than any that had been committed before the previous captivities. 
 A long passage upon the contrast between the glorious condition of 
 the Christians and the miserable condition of the Jews resembles 
 closely the passage upon the same subject in our present dialogue. 
 The work is very interesting, and in the main far stronger than 
 most anti-Jewish writings. The author was evidently a learned and 
 an able man. His historical references are numerous and many of 
 them curious. The work opens with a passage some pages in 
 length from Josephus’ Jewish War, and the works of Eusebius, 
 Chrysostom, Theodoret, Cyril and others are frequently quoted. 
 
 25. Andronicus Comnenus: Dialogus contra Judeos Christiani 
 et Judar, 
 
 This work has as yet been published only in a Latin version 
 (given by Migne in his Patr. Gr., cxxxiii. 797-924), but the Greek 
 original is extant in a manuscript in the Imperial Library at Vienna 
 (Cod. Greec. 255) according to Lambecius, 2d ed., Vol. V. p. 355 ff. 
 It is in the form of a dialogue, is of great length, and is divided 
 into sixty-four chapters. It isin part very theological, as for instance 
 where it discusses the Trinity, the generation of the Son, the con- 
 substantiality of the Spirit, etc. Other parts are devoted to the 
 prophecies fulfilled in Christ. The Old Testament is used extensively 
 throughout. 
 
 26. Georgius of Cyprus: Contra Marcum ex Jud. Christianum. 
 
 In Migne, exlii. 247-252. This brief tract is purely theological 
 and has nothing to do with prophecy. 
 
 27. Theophanes of Nice: Contra Judeos libri vi. 
 
 This work has not yet been published. It is extant in three 
 manuscripts in the Paris Library (Cod. Gree. 778, 1249, 1293). 
 
 28. John Cantacuzenus : Adversus Jude@os libri novem. 
 
 Likewise unedited and extant in three Paris manuscripts (Cod. 
 Greece. 1243, 1275. Suppl. Gree. 120). It is about twice as long 
 as the work of Thaddeus mentioned above. 
 
20 
 
 29. Nicolaus Hydruntinus: Dialogus cum Judeo. 
 
 Likewise unedited and extant in Par. Cod. Gree., 1255. 
 
 30. Mattheeus Hieromonachus: Libri V. in Judaos. 
 
 Likewise unedited and extant in Par. Cod. Gree., 1293, fol. 
 119-240, also, according to Fabricius, ‘‘ in Bodleiana codice Baroce. 
 XXX1l1.” 
 
 31. Gennadius of Constantinople : Dialogus contra Judeos. 
 
 Likewise unedited and extant in Par, Cod. Grece., 1293, fol. 
 1-54, and, according to Fabricius, in ‘‘ MSS. in variis bibliothecis.” 
 
 11. Latin works. 
 
 1. Tertullian: Adversus Judeos. 
 
 In Oehler’s edition of Tertullian’s works Vol. II. pp. 701-741. 
 The carnality, particularity and temporality of Judaism over against 
 the spirituality, universality and eternity of Christianity are dwelt 
 upon in the first part of this work. The numerical prophecies of 
 Daniel are then considered at length, and a prominent part is given 
 to a detailed exhibition of the fulfillment of prophecy in the life of 
 Christ. For a comparison of the work with the Dial. of Pap. and 
 Jason see Harnack, Op. cit. p. 92 ff. The work makes large use of 
 Justin’s Dial. ὁ. Trypho. See further § 5, below. 
 
 2. Cyprian: Ad Quirinum (Testimoniorum libri tres). 
 
 In Hartel’s Cypriani opera (Script. eccles. Lat. Vind), 1. 
 35-184. 
 
 These Zestimonia consist of three books. The first two are 
 composed of collections of Old Testament prophecies foretelling the 
 life of Christ, the Christian church, ete., and thus belong to the 
 general class of works under consideration. The third book is 
 devoted to the graces, virtues, etc., of the Christian life and the sins 
 to be avoided, and is composed chiefly of New Testament passages 
 referring to these subjects. It therefore does not come under 
 consideration in this connection. For a comparison of the work 
 with the Dial. of Pap. and Jason see Harnack (Op. cit. p. 97 ff.), 
 and for its relation to our dialogue see § 5, below. 
 
 3. Pseudo-Cyprian : De Montibus Sina et Sion. 
 
 Hartel, iii, 104-119. The spiritual compared with the temporal 
 Israel, Only a limited use is made of prophecy. 
 
 4, Pseudo-Cyprian : Adversus Jud@os, 
 
 Ibid, 133-144. In this the idea of the casting out of the Jews 
 and of the acceptance of the Gentiles is emphasized. 
 
Qi 
 
 5. Celsus: Ad Vigilium Episcopum de Judaica ineredulitate. 
 
 Also printed among the Pseudo-Cyprianic works, ibid. 119- 
 132. An arraignment of the Jews for their unbelief in the face of 
 the clear declarations of the prophets in regard to Christ. The 
 Dialogue of Papiscus and Jason is mentioned with high praise, and 
 the author announces that he has himself translated it into Latin. 
 His epistle is really an introduction to the translation which he sends 
 with it tothe Bishop Vigilium. The epistle belongs probably to the 
 end of the fifth century (cf. Harnack, Op. cit. Bd. I., Heft I., p. 119 ff.). 
 
 6. Augustine: Z'ractatus adv. Judeos. 
 
 In Migne, Patr. Lat. xlii. 51-64. The subject of this tract is 
 in the main the rejection of the literal and the acceptance of the 
 spiritual Israel in their place. It is not in the form of a dialogue, 
 but resembles one somewhat, since the objections of the Jews are 
 quoted and answered one after the other. 
 
 ἡ. Pseudo-Augustine : Contra Judewos Paganos et Arianos Sermo 
 de symbolo. 
 
 In Migne, ibid. 1117-1130. The work contains . twenty-two 
 chapters, of which four are directed against the Jews. Testimonies 
 for Christ are drawn from the Old and New Testaments, and also 
 from profane writers and from the Sibylline books. 
 
 8. Pseudo-Augustine: De altercatione ecclesie et synagoge 
 Dialogus. 
 
 In Migne, did. 1131-1140. <A dialogue between the church 
 and the synagogue, personified as two women. The general subject 
 is the same as that of the Augustinian Tractatus mentioned above, 
 The synagogue confesses herself beaten at every point, and con- 
 cludes ‘‘Ergo omnes ad te venerunt,” etc., which indicates the 
 scope of the work. 
 
 9, Eyagrius: Altercatio Simonis Judai et Theophili Christian. 
 
 See Harnack’s Teate und Untersuchungen, Bd. 1., Heft 3, where 
 this dialogue is shown to be a free reproduction of the lost dialogue 
 of Papiscus and Jason. See also § 5, below. 
 
 10. Maximus of Turin: Tractatus contra Jud@os. 
 
 In Migne, lvii. 793-806. This work is, in many respects, simi- 
 lar to the earlier works against the Jews, containing an attack upon 
 the Jews and an argument foy the divinity of the Christ. For the 
 latter a mass of Old and New Testament passages are quoted, of 
 which many are found in the Testimonia of Cyprian and other 
 earlier works. The tract is comparatively free from dogmatics. 
 
22 
 
 11. Isidore of Seville : De fide vatholica ex Veteri et Novo Testa- 
 mento contra Judwos ad Florentinam sororem suam. 
 
 In Migne, ]xxxiii. 449-538. The work is in two books. The 
 first is devoted to prophecies from the Old Testament which foretell 
 the career of Christ, beginning with his generation from the Father, 
 and closing with his coming to judge the .world. The details are 
 drawn out with great fullness, more than fifty different events being 
 shown to have been prophesied. The whole resembles closely the 
 long paragraph of the Paris MS. of our Dialogue upon the same sub- 
 ject. The resemblance is not such as to involve literary dependence, 
 but it shows the prevalence of this kind of writing, and shows too 
 that there was a large circle of subjects treated by all such writers, 
 and that the texts quoted were in many cases the same. The second 
 book treats in the same manner the relations of the Jews and Gen- 
 tiles, including the calling of the Gentiles, the rejection of the 
 Jews, etc., twenty-seven particulars being taken up one after the 
 other. The whole work is intensely Biblical, being devoted exclu- 
 sively to the fulfillment of Old Testament prophecy in Christ and in 
 his church, It is thus one of the very best examples of the kind 
 of works under consideration—apologies based upon prophecy. 
 
 12. Agobard : ELpistola de Judaicis superstitionibus. 
 
 In Migne, civ. 77-100. This epistle can hardly be regarded as 
 belonging to the class of works under consideration, since it is 
 chiefly devoted to a mere account of the folly and wickedness of the 
 Jews, and of their enemity against the Christians. A few prophecies 
 are however quoted which are interpreted as foretelling the bad 
 fortunes of Jews and the prosperity of the Christians, In so far 
 therefore the work contains an argument from prophecy, and may 
 thus be mentioned in this connection. Three other epistles by Ago- 
 bard given by Migne do not come into consideration here. (See note 
 at the close of the preceding paragraph. ) 
 
 13. Amulo: Liber contra Judwos. 
 
 In Migne, exvi. 141-184. This work was originally published 
 under the name of Rabanus, but the authors of the Hist. lit. Gal. 
 ascribed it to Amulo (ἃ. 852), and they are followed by Migne. 
 The work, like the preceding, is chiefly devoted to the wickedness 
 and unbelief of the Jews, for which illustrations are drawn from 
 the Fathers and from history. But since some sections of the work 
 contain prophecies from Scripture pointing to Christ as the Mes- 
 siah, it may claim a place in our list. 
 
23 
 
 14. Fulbertus: Tractatus contra Judeos. 
 
 In Migne, cxli. 306-318. In this work the Old Testament is 
 freely used to prove the Messiahship of Christ. The prophecy of 
 Gen. xlix. 10, plays an important part in the argument. In one 
 section the details of Christ’s life to the number of fourteen are 
 mentioned. The passages in proof of them are however simply 
 referred to, not quoted. This section of course contains many 
 particulars in common with our dialogue and with other earlier 
 works, but betrays no literary connection with them. 
 
 15. Petrus Damianus: Antilogus contra Judeos. 
 
 In Migne, exly. 41-57. The work is chiefly devoted to the 
 Scripture proofs of the Trinity, of Christ’s Messiahship and God- 
 manhood, and of the fact that the Messiah has already come in 
 his person. For the Trinity the familiar passages of Genesis, 
 which seem to imply a plurality in the Godhead, are chiefly relied 
 upon. 
 
 16. Thesame: Dialogus inter Judeum requirentem, et Christi- 
 anum e contrario respondentem. 
 
 In Migne, tid. 57-68. This work is put in the form of ques- 
 tions and responses. ‘The Jew inquires why, if Christ came not to 
 destroy but to fulfill the law, the Christians do not still observe its 
 precepts. The Christian in reply shows that the law was only 
 mystical and typical, and was fulfilled and therefore done away 
 with by Christ. After completing this subject, the Christian in an 
 epilogue draws out at considerable length the details of Christ’s 
 life, quoting Old Testament passages in prophecy of them. Most 
 of the particulars are found in Papiscus and Philo, which shows 
 how natural and almost necessary is agreement in connection with 
 this subject, even when literary relationship, as in the present case, 
 cannot be constituted, indeed is quite out of the question. 
 
 1%. Gilbert: Tractatus de incarnatione contra Judeos. 
 
 In Migne, clvi. 489-528. This work is divided into three books, 
 of which the first is put in the form of questions embodying objec- 
 tions, and responses containing solutions of them. The first book 
 is devoted chiefly to the conception of the Son of God by the Virgin, 
 and is thoroughly scholastic. The second book, likewise scholastic, 
 discusses Deus omnia hominis utrum susceperit an non? The 
 third book, which alone warrants us in including this work in our 
 list, is devoted particularly to Christ’s earthly life as foretold by the 
 prophets, and thus shows many resemblances to our dialogue and 
 
24 
 
 other earlier works. Even here however scholasticism plays an 
 important part. 
 
 A closing chapter is devoted to Christian image worship, in 
 which the argument deduced in favor of such worship is similar 
 to that in our dialogue, and different from most of the argu- 
 ments of this age. Not the things themselves, but Christ repre- 
 sented by them, is the object of worship. Many more parallels are 
 drawn from Old Testament history in illustration of this sort of 
 worship than are found in Papiscus and Philo. Thurot, in the 
 Revue Historique, ii. 105, points out the connection of this work 
 with Gilbert’s History of the Crusades. 
 
 18. Rabbi Samuel Marochianus: De adventu Messie preterito 
 liber. 
 
 In Migne, cxlix. 337-368. This work is peculiar from the 
 fact that it was written by a converted Jew. He demonstrates from 
 the Scriptures, for the benefit of his unconverted countrymen, the 
 truth of Christianity, dwelling at length upon the rejection of the 
 Jews as a result of their treatment of Christ, who is shown from 
 the prophets to be the true Messiah. The tone is very gentle and 
 conciliatory. The work is a translation of an Arabic original. 
 
 19. Gilbert, Abbot of Westminster: Disputatio Judei cum 
 Christiano de fide christiana. 
 
 Printed among the works of Anselm in Migne, clix. 1005- 
 1036. The author states that the work is a reproduction of an 
 actual disputation between himself and a Jew, and indeed the Jew 
 plays a much more prominent part than is usual in these dialogues, 
 thus giving a character of reality to the discussion. The Jew in- 
 quires what authority the Christians have for rejecting the law of 
 Moses. ‘The Christian insists in reply upon the spiritual interpre- 
 tation of the Old Testament. The prophecy of Gen. xlix. 10 
 occupies a prominent position in the proof of Christ’s Messiahship. 
 
 The work contains a lengthy discussion of the continued virgin- 
 ity of Mary and closes with objections against image worship, which 
 the Christian answers by referring to the various images mentioned 
 in the Old Testament (cf. p. 85). A feature of this dialogue is 
 the discussion of the authority of the LXX. which the Jew denies 
 and the Christian maintains. An interesting point is that Baruch 
 ill, 36 is quoted (see p. 88) but denied by the Jew to be the 
 words of Jeremiah, while the Christian contends that they were 
 spoken by Jeremiah and recorded by Baruch. 
 
25 
 
 20. Odo: Disputatio contra Judeum Leonem nomine de adventu 
 Christi filii Det. 
 
 In Migne, clx. 1103-1112. A theological disquisition upon the 
 Atonement, thrown into the form of a dialogue between Odo and 
 Leo, and closing with a discussion of Mary’s virginity. It makes no 
 use of Scripture prophecies, quoting the Old Testament rarely, and 
 then only in regard to the remission of sins. Only the fact that 
 it assumes the form of a dialogue entitles it to a place in this 
 list. 
 
 21. Dialogus inter Christianum et Judeum de fide catholica. 
 
 Printed in Migne, clxiii. 1015-1072, among the spurious 
 works of Guilelmus Episcopus Calalaunensis. A theological dis- 
 quisition similar to the preceding, but more scholastic. Old 
 Testament prophecies are used but little, and the work therefore 
 -is but slightly connected with the general class of anti-Jewish 
 writings. 
 
 22. Rupertus: Annulus sive Dialogus inter Christianum et 
 Judeum. 
 
 In Migne, clxx. 561-610. The work is in three books, of 
 which the first demonstrates that circumcision no longer avails ; the 
 second discusses chiefly the relation of faith and the Jewish law, 
 and the reason for the rejection of the Jews; and the third is 
 devoted to Scripture proof of Christ’s Messiahship. The work 
 therefore falls well into line with the general class of anti-Jewish 
 writings, but at the same time contains much scholasticism. The 
 worship of images is defended by a reference to the images men- 
 tioned in the Old Testament, 6. g., the brazen serpent, ete. This is 
 a very common argument for the practice, but quite different from 
 that employed in Papiscus and Philo. (See p. 85.) 
 
 23. Hildebert: Contra Judwos de incarnatione. (Sermones 
 de diversis XIV.) 
 
 Migne, clxxi. 811-814. This brief discourse cites passages 
 from the Old Testament prophetic of the incarnation and of the 
 birth from the Virgin, and shows that the latter is not impossible 
 by referring to many wonders recorded in Scripture, as e.g., the 
 conception of Sarah. 
 
 24. Peter, Abbot of Clugny: Tractatus adversus Judeorum 
 inveteratam duritiem. 
 
 In Migne, elxxxix. 507-650. This lengthy tract, although in 
 the main different from any other anti-Jewish work with which 
 
26 
 
 I am acquainted, yet belongs with right to the general class of 
 writings under consideration. It is divided into five sections, which 
 are devoted to proving, chiefly from Old Testament Scripture, that 
 Christ is the Son of God, that he is true God, that he is not a tem- 
 poral but an eternal and celestial king, and that as the Jewish 
 Messiah he has already come. The fifth section is deyoted to the 
 ridicule fabule of the Jews. The fourth section, which demon- 
 strates that Christ is the Jewish Messiah, most resembles the earlier 
 works of our class. Gen. xlix. 10 and the prophecies of Daniel play 
 a prominent part in the demonstration, a feature which is peculiarly 
 characteristic of the anti-Jewish works of this age. 
 
 25. Richard of St. Victor: De Emmanuele libri duo. 
 
 In Migne, exevi. 601-665. This work does not belong strictly 
 to the class of writings under consideration, inasmuch as it has 
 nothing to do with Scripture proofs for Christ’s Messiahship. It is 
 however written ostensibly against the Jews, and is deyoted to a 
 discussion of the Emanuel passage of Isa, vii. The work is chiefly 
 a scholastic refutation of objections to the incarnation and related 
 doctrines, In the second book the form of a dialogue between the 
 author and Hugo is assumed. The work is occasioned by a com- 
 mentary of ‘‘ Magistri Andree” upon Isaiah, in which various 
 objections of the Jews were cited, and as it appeared to Richard 
 accepted, or at least left as insoluble. In the second book therefore 
 Hugo is represented as one of the disciples of Andreas who adduces 
 Jewish objections. A dialogue therefore between two Christians, 
 instead of between a Christian and a Jew. The reason which the 
 author gives for the adoption of the dialogistic form in the second 
 book is interesting and significant. ‘Sub forma autem dialogi 
 totam subsequentis operis seriem digessi, eo quod hie modus dicendi, 
 vel docendi pre ceteris sit, vel ad audiendum jucundior, vel ad 
 persuadendum efficacior, Unum itaque ex Magistri Andres dis- 
 cipulis mecum altercantem introduxi, ut sub forma ratiocinandi 
 servata vicissitudine interrogandi et respondendi, melius elucesceret 
 quidquid in dubium venire potuisset.” 
 
 26, Petrus Blesensis : Contra perfidiam Judeorum. 
 
 In Migne, cevii. 825-870. This work consists of thirty-seven chap- 
 ters of ‘ testimonies,” drawn chiefly from the Old Testament. They 
 are deduced partly in proof of various ecclesiastical doctrines, partly 
 as prophecies of the events of Christ’s life, which is treated in 
 great detail. The last chapter contains a passage from the Sibyl- 
 
27 
 
 line books, which is quoted also by Augustine in his work against the 
 Jews, a fact noticed by the author. 
 
 27%. Tractatus sive dialogus Magistri Gualtert Tornacensis et 
 Balduini Valentianensis contra Judeos. 
 
 In Migne, ecix. 426-458. This work consists of three books, and 
 is peculiar in being a dialogue between two Christians, one of whom 
 assumes the role of a Jew. Bk. I. shows that the Messiah has come, 
 by pointing out the fulfillment of prophecies in the life of Jesus. 
 Bk. II. has considerable to say about the calling of the Gentiles, but 
 quotes also prophecies of Christ’s death, resurrection, etc. Bk. III. 
 is wholly doctrinal, devoted chiefly to the Trinity and the Holy 
 Spirit. 
 
 28. Alanus: Contra hereticos libri quattuor. Liber tertius 
 contra Judeos. 
 
 In Migne, οὐχ. 305-430. Bk. III. 400-422. The third book 
 alone comes under consideration here. The first part of it is 
 thoroughly scholastic, and chiefly devoted to answering objections 
 against the Trinity urged by the Jews. The abolition of the Jewish 
 law is then discussed, and for this many Scripture prophecies are 
 quoted. The fact that the Messiah has already come, his divinity, 
 his birth from the Virgin, his descent into Hades, his passion, his 
 resurrection and ascension, are all demonstrated, chiefly from Old 
 Testament prophecies. 
 
 29. Tractatus adversus Judeum. 
 
 In Martene and Durand’s Thes. nov. anecdot. v. 1507-1568, and in 
 Migne, cexili. 749-808. The first part of this anonymous tract (of 
 the twelfth century) is a theological disquisition, which is devoted 
 to a demonstration of the various doctrines of the church by means 
 of proof texts drawn from Scripture. The author, in accordance 
 with a principle laid down at the start, draws his proofs (almost) 
 exclusively from the Old Testament, which he uses, not for prophe- 
 cies, but for proof texts. In the latter part of his work, however, 
 he dwells upon the details of Christ’s life and the predictions of 
 the Old Testament in regard to them, including the advent, birth 
 from a virgin, Christ’s coming for the nations, his passion, the 
 destruction of Jerusalem, and the universal preaching of the Gos- 
 pel. The last paragraph is devoted to the continued virginity of 
 Mary, a subject seldom omitted in the later works of this class. 
 
CHAPTER 11. 
 
 DIALOGUE OF PAPISCUS AND PHILO. 
 
 8 3. Manuscripts. 
 
 Our dialogue is extant in three manuscripts. Of these one is in 
 the National Library at Paris, another in the St. Mark’s Library at 
 Venice, and the third in the Library of the Most Sacred Synod at 
 Moscow, 
 
 I. Par. Cod. Greee. 1111.’ 
 
 The catalogue contains the following description of this manu- 
 script : 
 
 Codex membranaceus, olim Ludovici de Targny, ibi continentur : 
 
 1, $8. Johannis Damasceni de hymno trisagio epistola ad Jor- 
 danem Archimandritam. Quedam desiderantur. 
 
 2-8. Theodori Abucare [Seven dialogues of Theodorus Abucara, 
 all of which are given in Migne]. 
 
 9. Papisci et Jasonis Judeorum cum monacho quodam de 
 Christiana religione et Mosaica lege colloquium.’ 
 
 10, Colloquium aliud de non comedenda suilla, ete. 
 
 11. Theodori responsum ad objectionem sibi a Severianis pro- 
 positam adyersus orthodoxam fidem. 
 
 12. Ejusdem capita undecim, quibus ostenditur disparitas exem- 
 pli singularis hujus hominis cum unione qux in Christo facta est. 
 
 13. Ejusdem exemplum quo ostenditur quomodo macula 
 peceati Adami et per incarnationem Salvatoris nostri expiatio ad 
 universum genus humanum pervaserit. 
 
 14. Anonymus de fine mundi, 
 
 15, 8. Joannis Chrys. fragmentum de eodem argumento. 
 
 16. 8. Hippolyti, Epise. Rome, opusculum de seculi consum- 
 matione et de Antichristo, 
 
 17. 8. Hieronymi interrogatio et responsa, imprimis utilia, de 
 precipuis religionis Christ. capitibus. 
 
 ‘This codex will be designated by the letter P. 
 
 * This is our dialogue, though it is given in the catalogue with an incorrect 
 and very deceptive title, 
 
29 
 
 _ 18. Anonymi dialogus, quo ostenditur a Christianis trinitatem 
 defendentibus Mosaicam de Dei unitate doctrinam nec everti nec 
 labefactari. | 
 
 19. 8S. Joan. Dam. orthodoxe fidei accurata expositio. 
 
 20. Ejusdem institutio elementaris ad dogmata ady. monothe- 
 litas, ete. 
 
 21. Ejusdem opusculum de duabus in Christo volentatibus et 
 operationibus. 
 
 22. Ejusdem capita dialectica ad Cosmam. 
 
 23. Joannis orthodoxi dialogus cum Manichexo, inter Dam. 
 opera editus. 
 
 24, Ejusdem responsio ad quest. quare sicut dicimus humani- 
 tas Christi est ipsa humanitas Petri et Paul, ete. 
 
 25. Ejusdem Theodori opusculum de luctatione Christi cum 
 diabolo. 
 
 26. Interrogatio a Saraceno quodam ady. Christ. religionem 
 proposita. 
 
 27%. Ejusdem responsum ad queest. sibi ab infidele propositam. 
 
 28. Ejusdem resp. ad quest. sibi a Saraceno propos. Est autem 
 dial. inter editos nonus. 
 
 29. Hjusdem dialogus adv. Nestorianum, inter ed. XIV. 
 
 30. Ejusdem dialogus ady. Nest. quo explicatur: ‘‘data est 
 mihi omnis potestas.” 
 
 31. Ejusdem dialogus tertius cum Nest., hactenus ineditus. 
 
 32. Doctrina orthodoxi, quomodo oportuit credere. 
 
 33. Exemplum libelli, sive fidei professionis a Joan. Monach. et 
 presb. Damasceno, ete. 
 
 34. Expositio fidei quam 8. Joannes Evang., jubente Maria 
 virg., Gregorio Thaumat. revelavit. 
 
 35. Expositio parabole, sicut auctore 8. Joan. Chrys. 
 
 36. Anonymus de quattuor formis animalium et de beatis. 
 
 Ts codex seeculo duodecimo exaratus videtur. 
 
 The codex contains 244 fol. in 8vo, and dates from the eleventh 
 or twelfth century. It is in good condition, the beginning and 
 the end alone being somewhat worm-eaten and discolored. The 
 page measures 18 x 13} cm., and contains on an average 26 lines 
 with about 32 letters to a line. There are comparatively few 
 abbreviations, no iota subscripts and no marginal notes. The 
 codex is written by one hand throughout. Our dialogue fills fol. 
 29-49. 
 
30 
 
 Il. Ven. Cod. Greee, 505." 
 
 The catalogue describes this codex as follows: Continentur : 
 
 Libanii Sophiste epistole xxx. Fol. 2a—10a. 
 
 Synesii Cyrene epist. x. 1la—lda. 
 
 Subsequitur epist. metropolita cujusdam Rhodi ad metrop. 
 Trapezuntium, 17a—24a. 
 
 Matthei . . . patriarche instructio ad eos quiad sacerdotium 
 promoventur et ad Sacerdotes ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν μαρτυρήσοντας. 
 25a-3 Lb. 
 
 Adjungitur oratio, εὐχὴ. . . 31b. ff. 
 
 Marmelis Paleologi oratio in nativitatem Christi. 33b-54b. 
 
 Nicephori Blemmyde de imperatoris institutione . . . 57a—76b. 
 
 Disceptatio Pappisci et Philonis. 798-878. 
 
 Psalterium et cantica veteris et novi Testamenti, aliaque ad 
 officium Grecorum pertinentia. 8900. ff. 
 
 In 8vo chartaceus, foliorum 375, seeculi ce. xiv. 
 
 The page measures 214 x 14 cm. and contains 28 lines, with 
 about 40 letters to a line. ‘The handwriting is clear, and for the 
 most part without abbreviations. Titles and occasional capitals are 
 inred. Our dialogue is free from marginal notes, though the re- 
 mainder of the manuscript contains a great many of them. In 
 1868, a student in the library disfigured the codex by adding non- 
 sensical titles to various works. Our dialogue is absurdly desig- 
 nated: PlafBiov ᾿Ιοσέφου ᾿Ιησός. 
 
 Ill. The third manuscript, which is in the Bibliotheca Sanctis- 
 sim Synodi at Moscow’ (Cod. Gree. =*) is described by Matthei 
 as follows*: Codex in charta bombycina sec. xy. foliornm 146, 
 Fuit antea in monasterio Iberorum. A principio est mutilus. 
 Continet collectionem canonum, Rhodiorum νόμον ναυτικὸν et 
 ἀντιβολὴν Παπίσπκου καὶ Φίλωνος Ἰουδαίων πρὸς μοναχὸν 
 περὶ πίστεως χριστιανῶν." Ἐ7α5 initium: “ἠρώτησεν Ia- 
 πίσκος ὁ Ἰουδαῖος, διατί τοῦ ϑεοῦ παραγγέλοντοξ." 
 
 ' This codex will be designated by the letter V. 
 
 * This codex will be designated by the letter M. 
 
 * Tl owe my knowledge of this codex to a communication made to Professor 
 Adolf Harnack by Dr. Oscar von Gebhardt. I have not been able to examine 
 the codex myself, but the librarian in Moscow has very kindly furnished me 
 with its variant readings for the first three pages of the dialogue, which com- 
 mences at fol, 131. 
 
 *Matthawi does not give the title fully, as will be seen by a comparison of the 
 text, where the variations of M are given. 
 
91 
 
 § 4, elation between the Two Forms of the Dialogue. 
 
 The two manuscripts of our dialogue, P and V, give recensions 
 of the work differing greatly in extent as well as in many minor 
 details. It takes but a casual examination to convince any one 
 that the recension represented by V is older than that repre- 
 sented by P, although the former manuscript is at least two cen- 
 turies younger than the latter. The most obvious evidence of this 
 is the fact that the recension represented by P (which we shall call 
 RP for brevity’s sake) expressly indicates the date of its com- 
 position as the eleventh century, while the recension represented by 
 V (RV) as clearly indicates the seventh or eighth. This is in itself 
 decisive proof of the later date of RP, unless it be supposed that 
 the numbers were inserted by some mere copyist and are independ- 
 ent of the respective recensions as a whole. Such a conclusion 
 could of course be accepted only under the pressure of strong inter- 
 nal grounds. Let us then compare the two forms somewhat in 
 detail to ascertain whether the relation indicated by the dates is 
 borne out by internal evidence. For the later origin of RP speak 
 the following arguments : 
 
 1. The passage inserted by P (after Μαρίας, p. 53, 1.13), which 
 is omitted by both V and An.,' is clearly a later interpolation, for 
 there is no connection between it and the answer of the Jew which 
 follows. The latter is evidently to be connected directly with 1. 13. 
 
 2. The passage which in P follows ἐβασίλευσεν (p. 58, |. 7) 
 seems to be a later insertion, for we can see otherwise no reason for its 
 omission both by V and An. It may be noticed too that the use of 
 ὁ Δαβὲὴδ at the beginning is peculiar. Τῇ all were the work of one 
 hand we should expect simply καὶ πάλιν. Again the phrase 
 διαῤῥήδην φάσπει used in connection with Malachi is suspicious, 
 for neither of these words occurs again in the whole work. 
 
 3. The most important difference between the two forms occurs 
 in the passage upon the details of Christ’s life, p. 65 ff. The fuller 
 and more highly developed form of P appears at once to be later 
 than the very simple form of V. If however it be suggested that V 
 has simply omitted the fuller particulars of P for the sake of brevity 
 (a thing very improbable in itself, since this passage forms the 
 strongest part of the Christian’s argument) it can be shown that 
 
 ‘ The abbreviation An. is used to designate the work of Anastasius, men- 
 tioned above, p. 17, whose relations to our dialogue are discussed below, p. 35 ff. 
 
32 
 
 internal indications confirm the later insertion of the passages pecul- 
 iar to P. We need mention but two points. First, the use of 
 axovowpev in introducing quotations. This form occurs ten 
 times in the passage in question, and only once in the rest of the 
 work, and that in introducing one of the Daniel quotations which 
 is likewise peculiar to P ; so that V does not once have the form. 
 
 A second and decisive point is the difference in the wording of 
 Isa. ix. 6 as quoted on p. 57 in the part of the work common to 
 both MSS. and on p. 66 in the part peculiar to P. The writer of 
 RP certainly used a LXX. text different from that used by the 
 writer of the original of the earlier portion of the dialogue, while 
 in copying that eariier portion he simply transcribed his source 
 directly as it stood, 
 
 4. P contains a long passage (p. 80 ff.) which is devoted chiefly 
 to prophecies from Daniel, and is wholly omitted by V. The very 
 nature of this passage, which is so different from the rest of the 
 work, excites suspicion at once. Again, the same form ἀκούσωμεν, 
 which occurs elsewhere only in the long passage mentioned as pecul- 
 iar to P, occurs once in this portion of the work. And finally, not 
 to multiply arguments for so patent a fact, this whole passage is 
 omitted not only by V but also by An., which contains otherwise 
 much that is peculiar to P over against V. Other minor additions 
 of P which witness to a later hand will be mentioned in the notes. 
 
 We conclude then that RV is certainly older than RP. 
 
 The question then arises, did RP draw directly from RV or 
 must we assume an older common source ? Although the varia- 
 tions between V and P are numerous, they are nevertheless of such 
 a character as to furnish no reason for assuming an older. common 
 source, and more than that V contains no passage of any length 
 omitted by P, so that the original cannot at any rate have differed 
 in extent from RV. And when it is remembered that V is two 
 centuries later than P, the variations, all of which are but minor, 
 are easily explained. We may look upon RV then as the original 
 of RP.’ 
 
 ἃ 5. Relation of the Dialogue to other Anti-Jewish Works. 
 
 An interesting question connected with our dialogue is its rela- 
 tion to other works of the kind, 
 
 ‘That RP used another source in addition to RV will be shown in § 5. 
 
33 
 
 Its title leads us at once to look for some relationship between it 
 and the lost dialogue of Papiscus and Jason. But in this expecta- 
 tion we find ourselves disappointed. Our actual knowledge of that 
 ancient dialogue is very limited ; at the same time we know enough 
 about it to be able to conclude that the present work stands in no 
 literary relationship to it. 
 
 Harnack, in his most keen and suggestive essay already men- 
 tioned, has summed up’ the facts known in regard to the contents of 
 the lost work under thirteen heads. Our dialogue was probably com- 
 posed in Egypt (see below, § 7), where the dialogue of Papiscus and 
 Jason was well known, and to which country Papiscus was represented 
 as belonging. Again the older dialogue treated chiefly of Christ, and 
 was devoted to showing that the Old Testament Messianic prophecies 
 correspond to the facts of Jesus’ life. In both of these points our 
 dialogue agrees well with the lost one; but the agreement ceases 
 here. The latter belonged to the class of works which contain 
 allegories ; it concluded with the canversion of the Jew; Deut. xxi. 
 23 was quoted, and that in the form given by Aquila; Gen. i. 1 
 was interpreted as if it read: ‘In filio fecit Deus ccoelum et terram ;” 
 the expression ‘‘seven heavens” was found in it ; the dialogue was 
 perhaps of an apocalyptic nature. Of all these characteristic traits 
 not one appears in our present dialogue, a series of omissions exceed- 
 ingly difficult to explain if the writer based his work in any way 
 upon the earlier one. The title, which so strongly suggests the 
 older dialogue, will be discussed below (§ 6). 
 
 The next point is to inquire whether our dialogue shows any 
 relationship to Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho. Such a relationship 
 might appear in itself antecedently probable, as Justin’s work was 
 widely circulated and enjoyed a very high reputation.? But a 
 comparison of the two works shows no connection between them. 
 They exhibit an entirely different line of thought, different inter- 
 pretations of Biblical passages which they happen to have in com- 
 mon, and all that is most characteristic of Justin’s dialogue is 
 lacking in the present one. To attempt a detailed exhibition of 
 the differences would be useless. Justin’s dialogue contains about 
 385 Old Testament quotations and the dialogue of Papiscus and 
 Philo about 103. Of these but 38 are common to both works, and 
 most of them are used in different connections, and many of them 
 
 ' Teate und Untersuchungen, Bd. I. Heft 3, p. 116 ff. 
 
 ? We know too that it was used by Tertullian in his Adv. Judaos. 
 3 
 
94 
 
 interpreted in a manner quite unlike in the two, A resemblance 
 between the two occurs in the application of the words of Psa. 1xxi. 
 1, to Solomon both by Trypho (c. 34) and by Papiscus-Philo (p. 
 55); but the language in the two cases is quite different, and the 
 application of the words to Solomon is too natural to need any 
 literary dependence to explain it. Another resemblance is found 
 between Trypho, ο. 49 and Pap., p. 56, where the Jews avow 
 their expected Messiah to be only human; but of this the same 
 may be said. 
 
 Harnack has shown that a common source (probably the dialogue 
 of Papiscus and Jason) existed, of which Tertullian, Cyprian, Lac- 
 tantius and Evagrius made extensive use, and which explains their 
 common and often striking agreement in a portion of their Biblical 
 citations. But our dialogue shows no more of a connection with 
 these works than with the dialogues of Papiscus and Jason, and of 
 Justin and Trypho. Further its independence of the assumed 
 common source is still more marked, for the passages common to it 
 and to that source reduce themselves to seven in number, and in 
 these the resemblance is in no case striking. Cyprian’s 7estimonia, 
 the fullest development of this common type, was widely used among 
 occidental writers subsequent to his time (see Harnack, 7d. p. 97 ff.). 
 But in the orient we find no trace of a knowledge of the work (in 
 itself of course antecedently improbable), and what is still more 
 important, no trace of a use of the common source from which the 
 various occidental writers drew. ‘The Pseudo-Gregorian Testimonia 
 adv. Jude@os (a work very similar in scope and character to the Zesti- 
 monia of Cyprian), Chrysostom’s Adversus Jud@os, the dialogne of 
 Gregentius with Herbano the Jew, and our own dialogue, although 
 all devote a large space to the fulfillment of prophecy in the life of 
 Christ, yet are all quite independent of the source mentioned, and 
 ut the same time of each other. ‘The resemblances to be sure between 
 the Pseudo-Gregorian Tesfimonia and our dialogue are a little more 
 marked than those between the latter and the Testimonia of Cyprian 
 (of the particulars in regard to the life of Christ contained in 
 Pseudo-Gregory all are found in RP, though the texts cited are 
 often quite different), and yet not sufficiently so to warrant the 
 assumption of any literary connection, A common tradition grown 
 into a habit of pointing out certain coincidences between prophecy 
 and the life of Christ seems enough to account for all the resem- 
 blances, and we are thus enabled at the same time to explain the 
 
ais) 
 
 differences, both in the details mentioned and in the texts quoted, 
 differences which are very numerous and very great between all 
 these works. Each writer meanwhile in pointing out new details 
 would add to the common stock of material upon this subject, of 
 which we should expect later writers to make use. It is therefore 
 not surprising that RP should contain the details of Pseudo-Gregory 
 and of other works, The great differences in the texts quoted, in 
 the details themselves (Gregory containing many others on the 
 Sacraments, circumcision, the Sabbath, etc., entirely omitted by 
 Papiscus), in the general arrangement and plan of the two works 
 utterly preclude any direct literary dependence. The resemblance 
 between our dialogue and the works of Chrysostom and of Gregen- 
 tius is still less. 
 
 A work is extant however which is very closely connected with 
 our dialogue. This is the work (or rather collection of works, for it 
 contains five separate tracts) which bears the title >Avagraciov 
 ab Pa διάλεξις κατὰ ᾿Ιουδαίων (no. 19 in the list of Greek works 
 given in § 2). Large portions of this work are identical with the 
 dialogue of Papiscus and Philo. The question at once confronts us, 
 how are the two related ? Is our dialogue a mere extract from the 
 larger work, or is the latter an enlargement of the former, or do the 
 two spring from an older source ? 
 
 The first supposition is ruled out by the respective dates of the 
 two works. RV belongs to the seventh or eighth centuries (see ἃ 7), 
 while Anastasius’ work belongs to the ninth. These dates, which 
 are distinctly given in the writings themselves, we have no reason to 
 doubt, especially since a comparison of RV and An. shows that the 
 former contains every mark of originality over against the latter. 
 At the same time, that An. is not itself an original work is ante- 
 cedently probable, both from its fragmentary character and from 
 the fact that it purports to be simply a collection of directions how 
 to answer a Jew in case he makes certain objections or asks certain 
 questions. The probability is further confirmed by the irregularity 
 of construction in introducing the objections of the Jew. Some- 
 times they are given in direct discourse, sometimes in indirect, a 
 course which is best explained by supposing the writer to have drawn 
 from a source which had the form of a dialogue and to have been 
 careless in his reproduction of it. A decisive proof of the non- 
 original character of An. lies in the opening sentence of the second 
 tract, which begins καὶ yap ἅπαντα. The previous tract had 
 
36 
 
 closed with a doxology, and was thus quite complete in itself. The 
 καὶ yap of the opening sentence of the second shows clearly that 
 it is simply an extract from a previous work torn abruptly from its 
 context. The exact words occur, in fact, in RV in their proper con- 
 nection. 
 
 On the other hand, nothing which RV contains is omitted by 
 An., except the external setting of the dialogue, which, of course, 
 was dropped when the dialogistic form was given up. This leads 
 us to conclude that the source of An. was practically identical with 
 RV ; that is, that no common source for the two need be assumed.’ 
 
 But a comparison of An. with the fuller form RP reveals connec- 
 tions between the two which cannot be explained by their common 
 use of RV. An. in many places agrees with RV in the omission of 
 passages which RP contains, but at the same time it has a great 
 deal in common with RP over against RV. On the other hand, 
 RV and RP agree in many points over against An., notably in the 
 title, in the first paragraph, and in the dialogistic form with all its 
 accessories, In any case therefore, RV lies at the base of both, and 
 neither can be explained by its exclusive use of the other. Mean- 
 while, the respective dates of An. and RP rule out the dependence 
 of the former upon the latter. There remain, therefore, but two 
 possibilities open : either RP made use of An. in addition to RV, or 
 both RP and An. made use of a common work which included RV, 
 that is, was a later growth from it. In the latter case of course 
 the dependence of An. and RP upon RV is not direct but mediate. 
 Meanwhile, inasmuch as P has every one of the prophetic particu- 
 lars contained in An. and with a similarity of language which in- 
 volves literary connection in all of them, the source from which RP 
 drew must have contained them all. But it is noticeable that in 
 An. they are given, a part of them in the second treatise, a part in the 
 third, and, when compared with RP, in a very disordered way. It 
 is impossible to conceive that An. could in the second treatise have 
 omitted entirely so many of these particulars and in the third have 
 introduced them in so different an order if the source contained 
 them as given in RP. This of course confirms the fact, which we 
 have already accepted as established by the respective dates, that 
 An, did not draw from RP (a fact further confirmed by its much 
 less full and developed form in respect to these particulars), and 
 also goes to show that An., in addition to the common source RV, 
 
 ‘ Upon the ‘‘ Anastasius ” of the two titles, see below, § 6. 
 
37 
 
 cannot have drawn from another source any more like RP than 
 itself. 
 
 Further it is a significant fact that on p. 69, 1. 8, RP shows its 
 dependence upon a non-dialogistic source, for it reads ἐρώτησον 
 λοιπὸν tov Ἰουδαῖον nat εἰπὲ αὐτῷ, which is evidently a reminis- 
 cence of a work of the same nature as An. in which this sort of phrase 
 occurs frequently. It is true that RP varies considerably from An. in 
 detail, and that it omits entirely a great deal which An. contains. 
 But in the variations RP is almost always superior to An., both 
 in arrangement and in logical force, and they can thus be easily 
 explained as purposed improvements upon the part of the former. 
 Tn regard to the long passages omitted, we have no right to expect 
 that RP would transcribe the whole of An. ‘The writer took natu- 
 rally only such parts as he wished, and those were especially the sec- 
 tions containing the detailed prophecies of Christ’s life, of which 
 he adopted every one, gathering them from the different parts of 
 An. and arranging them in a logical and symmetrical way. From 
 the omission of the lengthy discussion of An. upon the history of 
 the Jews and justification by faith and works, we have no right to 
 assume a lack of knowledge of them on the part of RP. 
 
 We may conclude then that there exists nothing to necessitate the 
 assumption of a common source for An. and RP over and above RY, 
 but that all the phenomena are explained by supposing RP to have 
 made use of both RV and An.’ This conclusion agrees exactly with 
 what the respective dates of the works would lead us to expect. 
 
 § 6. Sources and Title. 
 
 The reader must be struck, upon the most hasty perusal, with 
 the utter lack of connection between the first paragraph of our 
 dialogue: and that which follows. It cannot be supposed that the 
 author began his work with this utterly foreign passage upon image 
 
 ‘Tt isnoticeable that An. and RP have nothing in common which is omitted 
 by RV except in connection with the details of Christ's life. Aside from these 
 details both seem to have drawn directly from RV, and RP seems to have paid 
 no attention to An. If this fact were pressed, it might appear to lead to the 
 assumption of a common source for An. and RP, containing the dialogistic set- 
 ting and all the common peculiarities of RV and RP over against An., while at 
 the same time enlarged in the direction of An, so as to include all the details 
 upon Christ’s life found in the latter, and in the same order asin it. The assump- 
 tion of such a source would account fully for RP without supposing a direct 
 dependence on its part upon either RV or An. In this case the minor verbal 
 
38 
 
 worship, and then passed over so abruptly to the subject which 
 constitutes the substance of the dialogue. The only possible ex- 
 planation of the matter, if a single author be assumed for the 
 whole, is the addition of this passage after the completion of the 
 body of the work, for the purpose of attracting interest in an age 
 when the image controversy was absorbing all minds. But against 
 this speak two very obvious facts. First, the reference to images on 
 p. 75 presupposes the existence of this introductory passage, and 
 secondly, the Christian is called in the opening paragraph μοναχὸς 
 by V, and ἀββᾶς by P, while in the remainder of the work he is 
 uniformly called γριστιανοὸς by both MSS. We are thus led to 
 conclude that the opening paragraph is the addition of a later 
 hand, and, if this paragraph, then also the passage upon the same 
 subject on p. 75. RV is therefore not the original form of our 
 dialogue. But when we ask what was the original form, we can 
 frame only a conjectural answer. 'The passages which have been 
 shown to be later additions of P, and the paragraphs just mentioned 
 are of course to be stricken out, but further than that we cannot go 
 with certainty. Other passages which it seems probable did not 
 belong to the original will be referred to in the notes. 
 
 The question next arises, what was the title of the original 
 source which has been shown to have existed ? In turning to this 
 question we are met by a peculiar fact. In our existing title two 
 Jews are mentioned, while in the dialogue itself only one is repre- 
 sented as speaking. It is certain that the title and the dialogue as 
 they stand cannot be from the same hand, and it is further certain 
 that the singular form of the text is older than the plural form of 
 the title, for no one would have changed Ἰουδαῖοι throughout to 
 Ἰουδαῖος, while leaving the title in the plural.’ When and how 
 
 agreements of An. and RP over against RV (in the sections common also to RV) 
 might represent the altered form of the intermediate source, Still facts do not 
 necessitate the existence of such a source, and we may therefore rest content with 
 the conclusion reached above, that RP drew directly from RV and An. _ In that 
 case the minor verbal agreements just spoken of, representing as they would the 
 form of RV used by both An. and RP, would be a stronger witness to the 
 original form than the later manuscript V. It has seemed best however to give 
 the text according to V rather than to introduce conjectural emendations. 
 
 'Jovdaior occurs once in P, p. 56, 1. 22 (where V has the singular), but this 
 is owing to the multitude of Jews who are mentioned shortly before as onlookers, 
 and has no reference to the two Jews of the title. The plural occurs once also 
 in V, p. 65, 1. 6. See note on p. 89. 
 
39 
 
 then did the plural form arise ? Did the original title contain the 
 names of the two contesting parties—of a Jew and a Christian —or 
 did it simply contain the name of the author (as the dialogues of 
 Petrus Damianus, of Gilbert of Westminster, etc.), or no name at 
 all (as the anonymous Latin dialogue in Migne, clxiii. 1015 ff.) ἢ 
 The first alternative is antecedently the most probable, when the 
 analogy of similar works is considered,’ and this probability is 
 strengthened, as we shall see, by the existing form. Our title as it 
 stands arouses at first sight the suspicion that the names Papiscus 
 and Philo have been added as representative Jews, typical of the 
 Jewish people as a whole, the former name being naturally sug- 
 gested for such a dialogue from its use in the earlier dialogue of 
 Papiscus and Jason, the latter as the name of the great Jewish 
 philosopher. In this case the original title either contained no 
 Jewish name (for we cannot suppose an original name to have been 
 displaced to make room for two others), or it contained one and the 
 other was afterward added. If the former was the case it is 
 difficult to explain the addition of two names when the dialogue 
 itself runs throughout in the singular, and still more so to explain 
 the name Papiscus, which stands in the opening of V and M with- 
 out Philo. This latter fact seems to indicate that Papiscus stood 
 originally in the title and Philo was afterwards added, but it is 
 difficult to see the necessity for such an addition both inconsistent 
 with the dialogue itself and out of all analogy with other works of 
 the kind. The simplest explanation of the matter seems to me to 
 be that the original title contained both names, Papiscus and Philo, 
 but that. the former only was the name of a Jew, the latter the 
 name of a Christian. We should then have to think of the title as 
 bearing the form *Avtzfoln Παπίσπκου καὶ Φίλωνος, which would 
 agree excellently with the titles of other anti-Jewish dialogues. 
 The name Papiscus then might represent an actual Jew, or be simply 
 a repetition of the name used in the dialogue of Papiscus and 
 Jason. The latter is of course much more probable, for that two 
 Jews should have existed in different ages and both separately 
 either actually have taken part in or have been represented as 
 taking part in dialogues with Jews is quite improbable, especially 
 when we realize the uncommonness of the name, for, so far as the 
 writer knows, the name occurs nowhere else than in these two 
 
 1 Of. ladovos καὶ Παπίόπου ἀντιλογία περὶ Χριστοῦ, Altercatio Simonis 
 et Theophili, ete. 
 
40 
 
 dialogues, It is therefore probable that the author owes the name 
 Papiscus to the earlier dialogue, which we know was still in cir- 
 culation in the seventh century, for it is mentioned by Maximus 
 Confessor.’ It is of course not necessary to conclude that the 
 author had himself read the earlier dialogue, though the lack of all 
 resemblance between the two works cannot be urged as absolutely 
 proving that he had not. 
 
 The name Philo then might either have been taken from some 
 prominent Christian of the age (we know of a number of Christian 
 Philos of the fourth and following centuries), or it might have been 
 the name of the author himself, This being the original title of the 
 dialogue, it is very easy to explain the later corruption. When the 
 Christian Philo meant in the title had dropped out of memory, it 
 would be quite natural to think, in connection with this name, of 
 the great Jewish philosopher, and later editors or copyists would 
 then have before them the singular spectacle of an anti-Jewish dia- 
 logue held between two Jews. The extension of the title, when it 
 was once thus interpreted, became of course a necessity. There is a 
 hint of this subsequent extension in the designation of the Christian 
 which occurs in the extant title. Pand M give no name to him, 
 but call him simply μοναχόν τινὰ, a most remarkably impersonal 
 designation if it be a part of the original title. Its later addition 
 however is quite natural. The editor who added it thought, very 
 likely, that the original name of the Christian had fallen out, and 
 instead of inserting presumptuously a particular name, for which 
 he had no authority, he simply subjoined ‘‘ with a certain monk,” 
 for that the dialogue must have been with some Christian was self- 
 evident. 
 
 That the name ‘Avaoraczios of V is a later addition seems 
 probable for two reasons: first, because we can otherwise see no 
 ground for its omission by both P and M, which are otherwise inde- 
 pendent of each other (so far as can be judged from the brief extract 
 of M which has been compared) ; secondly, because of the occur- 
 rence of rzva in connection with the ‘Avaoraciov of V. When 
 there existed a reason for adding the name Anastasius, which could 
 have been only because of his prominence as a Christian, or because 
 he himself revised the dialogue, it would have been peculiar to call 
 him ‘‘a certain monk, Anastasius.” In fact, it seems clear that 
 the μοναχόν τινὰ of P, M and V was the original addition, and 
 
 ‘See Harnack : Teale und Untersuchungen, Ba. I. Heft I. p. 123. 
 
4] 
 
 that later the ‘‘ Anastasius” of V was attached. We have further 
 a hint as to the origin of this name. The Abbot Anastasius, in the 
 work mentioned in § 5, as shown there makes extensive use of our 
 dialogue, incorporating into his larger work almost the whole of it 
 as it exists in V, and at the same time dropping the dialogistic form. 
 He wrote in the ninth century. It would be very natural for his 
 name, some centuries later, to be commonly connected with the 
 dialogue itself which he had worked over, and all the more so since 
 that represented the Christian.as a monk and yet left his personality 
 entirely indefinite. ‘Thus it is not in the least unlikely that the 
 writer of the manuscript V, of the fourteenth century, added 
 Anastasius’ name to the impersonal designation which existed in 
 his copy. This may of course have been done in all good faith, and 
 the manuscript may in other respects have been exactly like its 
 original. 
 
 The word μοναχὸς occurs both in the title and in the first par- 
 agraph of the dialogue (ἀββᾶς in P) and nowhere else. It is 
 therefore natural, though of course not necessary, to conclude that 
 the two additions are from the same hand, that the person who 
 revised the original dialogue enlarged the original title. The addi- 
 tion we can easily understand. It was done in a time when the 
 image controversy was raging, that is, not before the sixth century, 
 nor yet later than the seventh (for RV dates from the beginning of 
 the eighth, or from the end of the seventh century), The redactor 
 wished to fit the dialogue to the age and took the easiest way to do 
 it. A work could not expect much of a circulation at that time 
 unless it touched upon the great question of the day. It wasa cap- 
 ital way too to depict the Christianity of image worship by picturing 
 its opponent as a Jew, and an effective “tract for the times” was 
 thus produced with a minimum of labor. The insertion of the word 
 μοναχὸς was likewise most natural. It carried weight with it in 
 those days and meant far more than the simple χριστιανὸς. The 
 monks, too, were the great champions of image worship. 
 
 § 7. Time and Place of Composition. Authorship. 
 
 Having thus reached probable conclusions as to the source and 
 title of our work, we may finally inquire as to its authorship, and 
 the time and place of its composition. 
 
 The date of each of our recensions is given with considerable 
 
42 
 
 exactness. On p. 65 RV, in speaking of the words of Christ, 
 says ἅπερ πρὸ ἑξακοσίων ἔτων προεῖπεν. On p. 78 the Jews 
 are said to have been driven about the world for 600 years, and in 
 the following sentence the destruction of Jerusalem under Vespasian 
 and Titus is mentioned, which would seem to imply that these 
 years are to be reckoned from 70 A.D. These figures therefore, 
 taken as round numbers, would bring us down to the seventh cen- 
 tury. But on p. 79 the Jews are said to have been withort sacri- 
 fices, without the passover, etc., for 670 years. It seems impossible 
 to bring this number into harmony with the two preceding. If it 
 be counted from 70 a.p. it brings us to the year 740, and if that 
 be the true date we should expect on p. 65 to find ézranodiwyv 
 ἔτων instead of ἑξακοσίων, it being to the author’s interest to 
 make the time as long as possible. The most probable explanation 
 of the difficulty seems to be that the writer in the present instance 
 reckoned from the destruction of Jerusalem under Hadrian; for 
 although this destruction is not spoken of in the context, yet, 
 correctly speaking, he could count the complete abolition of sacrifices 
 only from that date. In that case he must have written πεντακόσια 
 ἑβδομήποντα instead of ἑξακόσια EBSopunnovra, and some copy- 
 ist, having already written ἑξακόσια twice, wrote it again in this 
 case by mistake. If this explanation be the true one the writer of 
 RV was more conscientious in his reckoning than the writers 
 of An. and RP, who count in both cases from the destruction of 
 Jerusalem under Titus. We are thus led to assign the composition 
 of RV to the very end of the seventh century or to the beginning 
 of the eighth.’ 
 
 The same passages in An., meanwhile, substitute for the figures 
 of RV on p. 65 πρὸ χρόνων ὀκπταποσίων τ) καὶ ἐπέκεινα, and 
 for the figures on pp. 73 and 79 ὀκτακόσια καὶ πλείονα. The 
 inexactness of the statement does not permit us to fix the date with 
 precision ; we can simply say toward the end of the ninth century. 
 The writer in the present case clearly reckoned both on p. 78 and 
 on p. 79 from 70 A.D. 
 
 RP meanwhile substitutes for the numbers of RV and of An. on 
 pp. 78 and 79 the number 1000. On p. 65 it has simply the indefi- 
 nite expression πολλῶν ἕτων, but on p. 61 (note 84) it contains 
 another datum, which is omitted by RV and An. The last, taken 
 
 ‘It cannot have been as late as 730, for then on p. 65 we should find 700 
 instead of 600. 
 
43 
 
 with preciseness, would lead us to about the year 1030 ; but taken as 
 a round number, as it is evidently meant to be taken, it is in sub- 
 stantial harmony with the figures of pp. 78 and 79, which point to 
 about the year 1070 for the composition of RP. 
 
 A more exact date may perhaps be drawn from another passage 
 Mm EP: On Ρ. 61 (note 3) occur the words μὴ γάρ μοι τοῦτο σπο- 
 πήσητε ἢ εἴπητε ὅτι ἄρτι εἰς τὰ κ΄ ταῦτα ἔτη TAIOEVO MESA οἵ 
 χριστιανοὶ x.t.X. The interpretation of the sentence is somewhat 
 dark, but it seems to imply that the Christians had been undergoing 
 some sort of a persecution for twenty years. It is probable, as will 
 be shown below, that our dialogue was written in Egypt, and it 
 happens to be a fact that about the year 1058 under the Caliph El- 
 Mustansir a persecution broke out in Alexandria against the Chris- 
 tians. We know of no other at about this time to which the author 
 could have referred, and the agreement in the present case is quite 
 remarkable. The internal relations of the three forms confirm this 
 order of composition, as we have already shown, and there is there- 
 fore no reason to doubt the accuracy of these dates. 
 
 A more interesting question is as to the date of the original lost 
 source. Here we are left entirely to conjecture. There is nothing 
 in it except the passing reference to the eternal virginity of Mary, 
 which would prevent a very early date. At the same time the 
 absence of later doctrines in a work of this class is not a decisive 
 proof of its antiquity, as has been shown in Ohap.'T.; $1. “The 
 terminus a quo is given by the words ἀεὶ παρϑένου applied to 
 Mary,’ words which could not have been used before the fifth cen- 
 tury. The terminus ad quem is given by the date of RV, namely, 
 the early part of the eighth century or end of the seventh. Mean- 
 while, if our view of the form of the original title be correct, con- 
 siderable time must have elapsed between its composition and its 
 use by RV, and still further its omission of all reference to image 
 worship, which it was found necessary to insert in the later 
 recensions, would likewise seem to point to a date nearer the begin- 
 ning than the end of the period mentioned. 
 
 As to the place of composition a hint is furnished us by the 
 enumeration of the various religious cults on p. 74. Nearly all 
 of them are Egyptian, a fact which points strongly to the Egyptian 
 
 ‘ Unless the possibility that the whole phrase is a later insertion, as suggested 
 
 in the notes, be accepted, in which case there is nothing in the dialogue to pre- 
 vent a much earlier date. 
 
44 
 
 origin of the work. Again the persecution mentioned above fits so 
 well, as far as date is concerned, that it is allowable to urge this 
 agreement as an additional testimony to the Egyptian origin of 
 RP. If this be accepted for our three recensions the most natural 
 conclusion is that the original source was also of Egyptian origin. 
 
 As to the authorship of RV and of RP we have no clue (the 
 Anastasius of RV being, as already shown, a later addition). An. 
 purports to be the work of an abbot Anastasius, and we have no 
 reason to question this. It cannot of course be the work of Anasta- 
 sius Sinaiticus (although it is printed among his writings by 
 Migne), for it is some centuries too late for him. Nor can it be 
 the work of Anastasius, Abbot of St. Eutimius in Palestine, as sup- 
 posed by others, for he lived in the early part of the eighth cen- 
 tury, not in the ninth. There is in fact no ground for connecting 
 the work with any particular Anastasius known to us. The name 
 was a very common one and the compilation may perhaps be the 
 work of an Anastasius of whom we know nothing. 
 
 As to the authorship of the original source we are of course left 
 entirely to conjecture. It has been, however, suggested above that 
 the Philo of the title may be the name of the original author; we 
 know of a number of Christians of this name of the fourth and 
 following centuries,’ and the work may have been written by one 
 of them or by some other Philo unknown to us. 
 
 § 8. Analysis of the Dialogue. 
 
 The dialogue dispenses with a formal introduction and opens 
 abruptly with a question from the Jew. If the first paragraph, 
 which is quite independent of the remainder of the dialogue, be left 
 out of consideration for the moment, the work consists of three 
 general sections. The first extends from p. 52 to p. 65, and is 
 devoted in the main to the divine sonship and pre-existence of 
 Christ, as proved by the predictions of the Old Testament. The 
 second’ (pp. 65 to 73) contains an account of the life of Jesus, 
 which is shown to have been foretold in detail by the prophets, 
 These two divisions are thus chiefly biblical. The third (pp. 73 
 to 80) is devoted in the main to an exhibition of the prosperity of 
 Christianity in contrast with the fall of heathendom, and especially 
 
 ‘Cf. the list given by Fabricius-Harles, iv, 750 ff. 
 * This is very brief in V, but carried out in great detail by P. 
 
45 
 
 the misfortunes of the Jews—an argument, therefore, for the truth of 
 Christianity drawn from history. ὃ 17 (pp. 80 to 82), which is wholly 
 wanting in the Venetian manuscript, may be regarded as a separate 
 section, or simply asa biblical supplement to the historical argument 
 of the third division. The work is supplemented (in the Paris MS.) 
 with a formal conclusion stating the reason for its composition. 
 
 We may divide the whole for conyenience’s sake into seventeen 
 paragraphs, 
 
 § 1. The work opens with a question from the Jew, who asks 
 why the Christians worship images when such worship has been 
 forbidden by God. The Christian answers that they do not worship 
 the images themselves, but through them Christ. | 
 
 § 2. The Jew, without expressing satisfaction or dissatisfaction 
 with the answer of the Christian, passes abruptly to another subject, 
 inquiring why the Christians blaspheme by saying that God has a 
 son. ‘The Christian proceeds to show that thjs is taught in the 
 Jewish Scriptures, beginning his proof with the familar passage, 
 Psa. 11. 7. The Jew claims that this refers to Solomon, an opinion 
 _ which the Christian demonstrates to be untenable. 
 
 8 3. The Jew then asks how God can say, ‘‘ Ask of me,” as if 
 speaking to a servant, if the person addressed be his son. He 
 inquires also how the words, ‘‘ This day have I begotten thee,” can 
 be reconciled with the Christian doctrine of the pre-existence of 
 Christ. The first trivial objection the Christian disposes of briefly, 
 and answers the second by applying the words of the psalm to the 
 birth according to the flesh. 
 
 § 4. The Jew considers it impossible that Christ, if born of 
 Mary, could have existed before the world, and be God. The 
 Christian then proposes to show from the Jewish Scriptures and the 
 prophets the truth of what thé Christians preach concerning Christ. 
 
 ὃ 5. He begins by showing that the ‘‘Son was begotten of the 
 Father before all creation.” 
 
 § 6. He then asks the Jew whether the Messiah expected by 
 them is to be God or mere man. The Jew replies that he is to be a 
 mere man, like one of the prophets. 
 
 § 7. The Christian upon this appeals to the spectators and pro- 
 poses that the Scriptures be examined, and if they have proclaimed 
 the coming Messiah to be God, then the Christ worshiped by the 
 Christians is truly God and Christ, but the one whom the Jews 
 expect is a deceiver ahd Antichrist ; while on the other hand if the 
 
46 
 
 prophets are not shown to have proclaimed the Messiah as God, 
 then the Christians are deceived and the Jews speak the truth. He 
 therefore causes them to bring their books from their synagogue, 
 and proposes to draw his proofs from them. 
 
 § 8. He begins by quoting numerous passages from the Psalms 
 and tig oil to prove that Christ is God. 
 
 §$ 9. He then proceeds to show that the Messiah was promised 
 as the Messiah of the nations. Quoting among other passages Jacob’s 
 blessing upon Judah (Gen. xlix. 10) he points out that the terms of 
 the prophecy have been already fulfilled, since the Jews have no longer 
 king, ruiers, temple, etc. Their sacred places have all been taken 
 from them and given to the Christians, whose name is spread every- 
 where in spite of the many persecutions which they have suffered. 
 
 § 10. He then puts the question: If Christianity be false, why 
 has God preserved it so wonderfully in the face of such enemies ? 
 The church endures but its adversaries have perished. In this 
 connection he shows that the prophecies of Christ himself have been 
 proved true, quoting a number of them and pointing out their 
 fulfillment in detail. 
 
 § 11. The Jew then asks why, if it were trne, the prophets did 
 not clearly foretell that Christ should come and do away with the 
 Jewish ritual. The Christian answers that they would have been 
 stoned had they thus prophesied, and their books would have been 
 burned, which would have been a great loss to the Christians, for 
 even now, he says, he has been able to refute the Jew from those 
 very books. 
 
 § 12. This leads him to return to the prophets, and he proceeds 
 to make extracts from them which foretell the life of Christ in 
 detail. In V four, in P thirty-five separate particulars of his life 
 are mentioned, covering the time from his advent to his ascension. 
 From this paragraph on the Jew says nothing and the work thus 
 loses entirely the dialogistie form. 
 
 § 15. The Christian concludes this section upon the details of 
 Christ’s life by asking, Who can deny Christ to be true God after 
 hearing all this, for the Christians hold him to be not a mere man, 
 but God incarnate who has overthrown idols and destroyed the 
 sacrifices of demons? This leads him to inquire what has become 
 of the priests of Memphis, of the worship of the Nile, ete, and to 
 draw the contrast between their obliteration and the prosperity of 
 Christianity. 
 
47 
 
 § 14. After his long digression he returns to the question of the 
 Jew, as to why the prophets had not foretold the doing away of the 
 Jewish ritual, and meets it by inquiring in return why the prophets 
 had not foretold that a false Christ would come calling himself 
 Jesus. 
 
 § 15. He then goes back to the first question of the Jew in 
 regard to the Christians’ worship of images, and retorts by inquiring 
 why the Jews worshiped the image of Nebuchadnezzar and the 
 golden calf. This leads him to dwell upon their faithlessness and 
 blindness, and to quote various Old Testament passages denuncia- 
 tory of their wickedness. 
 
 § 16. As a consequence of their sins the Jews were sent in 
 captivity to Babylon, but after seventy years were restored to their 
 own country. What sin did they then commit of such magnitude 
 as to cause God again to destroy their city and to banish them from 
 it, this time for so many centuries? If they will not answer, the 
 very stones will cry out that it 15 because they crucified Christ. 
 
 At this point the work comes to an end in V, and a doxology is 
 added. * 
 
 8 17 (in P) gives extended quotations from Daniel, in which 
 the destruction of Jerusalem, the dispersion of the Jews, and the 
 coming of the Messiah are foretold, and the work proper is brought 
 to a close with a doxology. 
 
 The writer then adds that he has made these quotations from 
 the prophets in order to confirm the faith of the Christians, and to 
 convict the Jews. He concludes with an exhortation to fulfill the 
 commands of Christ in return for the salvation accomplished by 
 him, and in order to obtain the blessings of eternity. 
 
 ’ The second tract of An, also ends at the same point. 
 
ue a ee 
 
 ὌΝ 
 pai 
 v™ , ῷ 
 
ABBREVIATIONS. 
 
 V = Ven. Cod. Gree. 505. 
 P = Par. Cod. Gree. 1111. 
 
 314 
 
 Μ = Bibl. Mosq. Sanct. Synodi Cod. Gree. CCCL 
 
 An. = Anastasii Abbatis adv. Judios disputatio., 
 
 Tue text is given according to V except in the few places where V is 
 manifestly incorrect, when P and An. are followed, All the variations of P 
 of every description are given. The variations of M are given so far as known, 
 that is for the first two pages. The variations of An. from the text of V are 
 given wherever the two texts run parallel, but not its variations from P in the 
 long passage which V omits, for P and An. are so different at this point, both in 
 
 matter and arrangement, as to preclude the possibility of such comparison. 
 
ANTIBOAH I[ATIZKOYr* KAI ®IAONOS IOTAAI- 
 ON TON WAP EBPAIOIZ ZOGQN ΠΡΟΣ. MO- 
 NAXON TINA? TWEPI WSTEO2 XPIZTIANON 
 KAI.NOMOY EBPAION* KPOTHOEIZA Ell 
 MHMOYr XPIZSTIANON* KAI IOTAAION. 5 
 
 1. Ἠρωώτησε' Hanionos? Ἰουδαῖος" διὰ τί τοῦ Seob 
 παραγγέλοντος" μὴ προσκυνεῖν λίϑον ἢ ξύλον," ὑμεῖς 
 ταῦτα σέβεσϑε καὶ προσκυνεῖτε ποιοῦντες ἐξ αὐτῶν 
 σταυροὺς καὶ εἰκόνας; 
 
 amenpiSnv 6 μοναχός "" εἰπέ μοι συ, διὰ τί ὁ Ἰακὼβ 10 
 προσεκύνησε τὸ ἄκρον τῆς ῥάβδου τοῦ Ἰωσήφ ;* 
 
 ὁ ᾿Ιουδαῖος εἶπεν -" οὐχὶ τὴν ῥάβδον προσεκύνησεν ἢ 
 τὸ ξύλον, ἀλλὰ τὸν κρατοῦντα αὐτὴν" Ἰωσὴφ ἐτίμησεν. 
 
 ὃ μοναχὸς" εἶπεν *™ οὕτως Kal ἡμεῖς προσκυνοῦντες 
 τὸν σταυρὸν, οὐ τὴν φύσιν τοῦ ξύλου προσκυνοῦμεν * 15 
 μὴ γένοιτο: ἀλλὰ τὸν σταυρωθέντα ἐν αὐτῷ. καὶ 
 ὥσπερ σὺ προσπυνεῖς " εἰ" εὕρῃς" τὰς δύο πλάπας nal 
 τὰ δύο χερουβὶμ ἅπερ ἐποίησε Μωῦσῆς, καὶ τὴν κιβω- 
 τὸν, τιμῶν τὸν ϑεὸν τὸν ἐπιτάξαντα αὐτῶ," οὕτω 
 κμαᾳγῶὼ προσκυνῶν Tas εἰκόνας, οὐ τὸ ξύλον προσ- 20 
 κυνῶ "" μὴ γένοιτο" " ὠλλὰ τὸν Χριστὸν τιμῶν καὶ τοὺς 
 ἁγίους αὐτοῦ. 
 
 καὶ ὅτι οὔτε'" τὸ ξύλον οὔτε" τὴν δωγραφίαν 
 προσκυνῶ, ἐκ τούτου" δῆλον, ὅτι πολλάπις TAS εἰκόνας 
 
 6 
 
 1 Taniouov PM, Ilanxnicuov V. 7 εἰπέ μοι OV om, P. 
 
 2°Avaorao.ov add. V ; om. PM. 8 εἶπεν om.P. 
 
 3 βραίων V, ἑβραικοῦ PM. 9 αὐτὴν om. P. 
 
 1 Appafov τε add. Ῥ, ᾿ράβων τε 1 αββὰς ΡΝ. 1 εἶπεν om. P. 
 add. M. 2 TpPOGEXUV ELS P. 
 
 ι Ήρώτησεν M. 13 ἂν et Ρ. "Ὁ εἰ εὕρῃς om. Μ. 
 
 5 ΠαππίόπκοςΥ. % aura P, ταῦτα An. 
 
 " ΕἘρωτημα Ἰουδαίου P. "δ προόδπυν ὧν P. 
 
 ᾿ παραγγελόντος Ῥ, παραγ} εἴ- τ un vévowro VMAn., om. P. 
 Aavros An. 18 rooovrov add. M, καὶ om. P, 
 
 5 λίϑον ἢ ξυλον PV, ξύλον ἢ λί- "5 ov δὲ M, δὲ οὐ P. 
 Sov Μ An. 2 οὐ δὲ PM. 
 
 δ ὁ ἀββᾶς εἶπεν P, ἀπόκρισις M. “1 ἐς τούτου om. PM. 
 
 ‘a vid. Gen. xlvii. 81 (Heb. xi. 91.) 
 51 
 
10 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 52 
 
 παλαιουμένας καὶ ἀπαλειφομένας καίομεν, καὶ ἄλλας 
 νέας" ποιοῦμεν, πρὸς ὑπόμνησιν μόνην ἀγαϑήν." 
 
 2. Ὁ Ἰουδαῖος εἶπε-' διὰ τί βλασφημεῖτε λέγοντες" 
 υἱὸν ἔγει ὁ 9€05; 
 
 ὁ χριστιανός" Ἂ οὐχ ἡμεῖς ἐσμὲν" ou λέγοντες τοῦτο, 
 ἀλλὰ καὶ 7 γραφὴ ὑμῶν . λέγει γὰρ ἽΝ Κύριος εἶπε πρός 
 με υἱός μου εἶ σὺ, ἐγώ σήμερον γεγέννηγιά σειν 
 
 ὁ Ἰουδαῖος ** οὐ τ “Σολομῶντος λέγει ὁ ψαλμός. 
 
 ὁ χριστιανός" πόσου μέρους" τοῦ πόσμου ἐκυρί- 
 ευσὲν ὁ Σολομῶν ; 
 
 ὁ Ἰουδαῖος "" οὐδὲ τοῦ ἡμίσεος, οὐδὲ τοῦ τρίτου μέ- 
 ρους τοῦ κόσμου." 
 
 ὁ χριστιανός" ἄπουσον οὖν ἄρτι ον γουνεχῶς καὶ 
 μώϑε"" ὅτι οὐ περὶ Σολομῶντος, ἀλλὰ περὶ Χριστοῦ" 
 λέγει ὁ ψαλμός" εἶπε" * γὰρ ὅτι * Κύριος εἶπε πρὸς με 
 υἱός μου εὖ συ, ἐγὼ σήμερον γεγέννηνά σε: αἴτησαι 
 παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ " καὶ δώσω σοι ἔϑνη τὴν κληρονομίαν Gov, 
 καὶ τὴν κατασχεσίν σου τὰ πέρατα THS ys: ποιμανεῖς 
 αὐτοὺς EV ῥάβδῳ σιδηρᾷ, ὡς σπεύη κεραμέως συντρίψεις 
 αὐτοὺς καὶ νῦν βασιλεῖς σύνετε." "" εἰπέ μοι ἄρτι, ov 
 εἶπάς μοι οὐ κατέσχε Σολομῶν τὰ πέρατα τῆς γῆ, * πότε 
 ἑποίμανεν αὐτοὺς ἐν ῥάβδῳ σιδηρᾷ : πότε ὡς σπεύη 
 κεραμέως συνέτριψεν αὐτοὺς τοὺς ἐχϑρούς ; "" οὐδέποτε." 
 
 παλαιουμένας ἢ PM. τ καὶ νῦν βασιλεὶς σύνετε om. 
 
 2 καινουργίας PMAn. PAn. 
 
 44 
 
 " " ‘ ν᾽ 935 ΄ 14 ᾿ . - ν ΄ ‘ 
 μόνον ayaSny P, αγαϑὴν μο- εἰπὲ OVY μοι αρτι Gv* ποτὲ 
 
 7 . . ~ ᾿ ᾿ ᾿ . ᾿ ~ ~ 
 νον An., μόνον αγαϑὴν τῶν AYl- KHATECXEV τὰ πέρατα THS YS ὁ 
 " " = ~ ᾿ " » J 
 ων Μ. ι εἶπε V, εἶπεν Μ, om. P. Σολομῶν; Ῥ. εἰπέ μοι οὖν δυ 
 
 2 
 
 ᾽ ” » ΕἸ ὥ ~ e 
 λέγοντες ort PM. ἄρτι, Ἰουδαῖε, πάντως δῆλον καὶ 
 
 3 εἶπεν add. Μ. ὁμωλογουύμενόν ἐστιν, ὡς εἴπομεν, 
 «ἐσμὲν μόνοι PM. *yaport PM. ὅτι ἥμισυ τῆς γὴς Σολομῶν οὐ 
 ὁ εἶπεν add. M. εἶπεν add. M. κατέσχεν, οὐδὲ τὸ τρίτον, ἐκτὸς 
 
 * xai πύδον μέρος PMAn. καὶ μόνον τὴν Ἰουδαίαν γὴν" 
 
 " εἶπεν add. M. λοιπὸν, πότε κατέδχεν ὁ Σολομῶν 
 
 © οὐδὲ τὸ ἤμισυ, οὐδὲ τὸ τρίτον P, τὰ πέρατα τὴς γὴξ An. 
 
 οὐδὲ τὸ ἡμιόυ, οὐδὲ τὸ τρίτον " πότε συνέτριψε τοὺς ἐχϑροὺς 
 
 τοῦ κόσμου MAn, " εἶπεν add. M. αὐτοῦ ὡς δκεύη κεραμέως: P, πότε 
 
 " ἄρτι om, PAn. δὲ ὡς δκεύηῃ περαμέως συνέτριψε 
 
 53 ὠκριβῶς add. M. τοὺς ἐχϑροὺς αὐτοῖ ; An. 
 
 " τοῦ Χριστοῦ PMAn. ἢ οὐδέποτε δηλονότι P, πάντως 
 
 % λέγει PMAn. 1 ἐμοὶ P. οὐδέποτε An. 
 
 * Psa. ii. 1. > Psa. ii. 7-9. 
 
53 
 
 3. Ὁ Ἰουδαῖος: πῶς Aéyer’ “ sine Κύριος πρός pe 
 αἴτησαι map’ ἐμοῦ"; καὶ yap εἰ" υἱὸς ἐστιν, ὡς λέγετε, 
 πῶς λέγει ὃ ϑεὸς ὡς πρὸς δοῦλον αἴτησαι παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ; 
 nat πάλιν πῶς" λέγει “<< ἐγὼ σήμερον γεγέννηκά oe”; 
 
 ὃ χριστιανός. 
 υἱὸν," 
 σπανδαλίφου" 
 
 , 
 καὶ παρασχῶ Gow" 
 ? ~ , 
 αὐτοῦ λέγει" 
 Seoronov καὶ ἀεὶ παρϑένου Μαρίας."" 
 
 4. Ὁ Ἰουδαῖος. 
 
 μου ἐγεννήθη, ὅτι καὶ 
 ὁ χριστιανός" 
 
 ὑμεῖς δὲ λέγετε ὅτι πρὸ τοῦ κόσμου ὅλου ἐγεννήθη. 5 
 περὶ τοῦ εἰπεῖν TOV πατέρα πρὸς TOY 
 “αἴτησαι παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ, καὶ δώσω σοι ΩΝ μὴ 
 πολλάπις yap λέγει πατὴρ πρὸς τὸν 
 υἱὸν αὐτοῦ" ἀπὸ πολλῆς ἀγάπης, αἴτησαί μὲ ὃ ϑέλεις 
 παλιν" περὶ τοῦ εἰπεῖν," ““ ἐγὼ on- 10 
 μερον γεγέννηκά σε," περὶ τῆς κατὰ σάρπα γεννήσεως 
 εὐδοκίᾳ yap πατρὸς si ol Ex τῆς ἁγίας 
 εἰ nat πείϑεις μὲ ὅτι ἐγεννήϑη ἐκ Μα- 
 ρίας, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔχεις oe δεῖξαι ὅτι καὶ πρὸ τοῦ πκόσ- 15 
 ' S205 ἐστιν ὁ Χριστὸς Gos λέγεις. Ξ 
 μὴ ὅλα ὁμοῦ ἐρώτα ἀλλὰ ἕν καὶ ἕν᾽ 
 καὶ ἐλπίξω εἰς τοὺς οἰκτιρμοὺς τοῦ ϑεοῦ ὅτι ἐκ τῶν 
 γραφῶν ὑμῶν καὶ τῶν προφητῶν ὑμῶν παριστῶ παν- 
 20 
 
 Ta τὰ περὶ Χριστοῦ ὄντα ἀληϑῆ, καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ v7’ 
 
 αὐτῶν mpounpvySévta.’ 
 
 5. Πλὴν τοῦτο ϑέλω μαϑεῖν ἐξ ὑμῶν: 
 
 1 λέγετε ὅτι P. 7 eZ om. V. 
 
 8 πῶς om. P. 
 
 4 ov vior ὅτι Ῥ. 
 
 5 wai δώσω Gor ἔϑνη om. P, ἔϑνη 
 om. An. 
 
 δ πολλάκις γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς λέχει 
 πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Ρ πολλὰ γὰρ 
 καὶ βασιλεὺς πρὸς τὸν αὐτοῦ υἱὸν 
 λέγει An. 
 
 7 εἴ τι ϑέλεις καὶ παρέχω Gor pro 
 ὁ ϑέλεις u.7.A. P, καὶ παρέχω Gor 
 εἰ τι ϑέλεις An. 
 
 * καὶ πάλιν PAn, 
 
 ° etzely ὅτι Ρ, 
 
 °ort δὲ καὶ πρὸ αἰώνων τοῦ 
 πατρὸς ἐγεννήϑη, ὁ Ξολομῶν, ὡς 
 éx προδώπου αὐτοῦ τοῦ Lovoye- 
 VOUS υἱοῦ, λέγει “πρὸ τοῦ τὰ ὄρη 
 γενέσϑαι, πρὸ τοῦ τὰς πηγὰξ προ- 
 
 ' 6 Δαβὶδ 
 
 éASeiv, πρὸ δὲ πάντων βουνῶν 
 γεννᾷ me%*, ἐρωτοῦντι οὖν μοι 
 εἶπέ, τίνα πρὸ πάσης τῆς UTIGEWS 
 ἐγέννηόσεν ὁ Θεός; post Μαρίας 
 add. P. 
 
 ‘nai ὅτι P, 
 
 2 Aévere P. 
 
 * OXPLOTIAVOS* πάντα TAN1OTHOW 
 ὑμῖν ἐξ: τῶν γραφῶν ὑμῶν καὶ 
 τῶν προφητῶν, ὅτι καὶ πρὸ τοῦ 
 κὐόμου ἐγεννήϑη καὶ ὅτι ϑεός 
 ἐότιν ὁ Χριότὸς, ὡς λέγομεν, καὶ 
 τὰ περὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ πάντα ἀληϑῆ, 
 καὶ τὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ κηρυχϑέντα pro 
 ὁ χριότιανός" μὴ ὅλα κ.τ.λ. P; ἴο- 
 tum om. An. 
 
 1 πλὴν τοῦτο ἐρωτῶντος μου εἰπέ 
 P. πλὴν πρῶτον ϑέλω μαϑεῖν ἐξ 
 ὑμῶν" An, 
 
 Ὁ Prov. viii. 24-25. 
 
δά 
 
 i κι ‘ Ud ‘ »“ " ’ 
 βασιλεὺς ὧν καὶ προφητὴς καὶ ἀγιος, τίνα κύριον καὶ 
 ΄ τ᾽ 
 δεσποτὴν εἴχεν ; 
 ὁ Ἰουδαῖος ' τοῦτο ἐρωτημα οὐδ EYEL* O Ja pis yap 
 κύριον ἀλλον οὐκ ἔγει, εἰ μὴ τὸν Seov τὸν ποιήσαντα 
 ‘ ? ‘ 
 5 τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν. 
 ς / ? ~ ᾽ ᾿ \ 3 σι. οΝ / 
 ὁ χριστιανος" ορϑῶς εἴπας. idov ovr avtos* λέγει 
 os “ , 3 ~ ᾽ 6 
 περὶ Χριστοῦ" ort κύριος αὐτοῦ ἐστιν, ὅτι καὶ" πρὸ 
 αἰώνων ἦἧ eyevvnsy εν yap τῷ ἑκατοστῷ ἐννατῳ" 
 par pug λέγει οὕτως, “εἶπεν ὁ κύριος τῷ κορέῳ μου, 
 10 κάξου Ἐν δεδιῶν μου" idov ouv αὐτὸς" τὸν υἱὸν 
 κύριον + ὁμολογεῖ" πρὸς αὐτὸν γὰρ εἶπεν" ὁ πατὴρ, 
 μετὰ τὴν ἁγίαν αὐτοῦ σάρκωσιν καὶ ἐλ ρμς “καάϑου 
 ἐκ δεξιῶν μου, ἕως ἂν ϑῶ τοὺς ἐχϑρούς σου ὑποπόδιον 
 τῶν ποδῶν σου" " “ἐν ταῖς λαμπροτησι τῶν ἁγίων 
 15 σου, Ex yaorpos™ πρὸ ἑωσφόρου ἐγέννησα σε." τίς 
 yap” ἐγεννήθη) πρὸ ἑωσφόρου: ἄρα περὶ τοῦ Adan 
 λέγει; οὐδαμῶς" μετὰ δύο yap" ἡμέρας τοῦ ἑωσφόρου 
 ? 3 - . 
 καὶ soda ἀστέρων ἐγένετο. ANN ἀρὰ" περὶ τοῦ εἰλημ.-Ἅ 
 μένου" ὑμῶν λέγει; ἀλλ᾽" υἱὸν ΖΔαβὶδ'" λέγει" εἶναι" 
 \ ‘ =. ᾽ / 
 20 ὁ δὲ Δαβὶδ μετὰ πολλοὺς" τοῦ Adam EyevvnSn: ὁ δὲ 
 "Ada ) ἡμέρᾳ ἐπλάσϑη" ot δὲ ἑωσφό τὲ 
 δαμ τῇ ἕκτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀσϑη" οἱ δὲ Ewogopor τῇ τε- 
 ταρτῃ" ἡμέρᾳ ἐγένοντο ὁ de eos λέγει περὶ τοῦ ἰδίου 
 e s " ‘ + , . , 4 τ » ‘ 
 υἱοῦ" ὅτι “πρὸ ἑωσφόρου ἐγέννησα “ σε," συ εἶ" ἱερεὺς 
 : ‘ . com \ ‘\ / , ” 6 ἃ ’ 
 εἰς τὴν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν Ta&Siv Medryioedén, τουτέσ- 
 
 3 ἐρώτηπα τοῦτο Ῥ. 8 Δαβὶδ, τοῦ Δαβὶδ αὐτὸν P, 
 " αὐτοῦ pro ἄλλον P, Δαβὶδ αὐτὸν An. 
 “αὐτὸς ὁ Jafid PAn, "Ὁ λέγεται Ῥ, οὐ λέγεται An. 
 " τοῦ χριόστοῦ PAn. ” πολλοὺς χρόνους PAn. 
 6 καἱ Ort P, καὶ ὅτι καὶ An. Ἵ τετάρτῃ VAn., δ΄ P. 
 ᾿Ἰτῶν αἰώνων PAn. * pS PAn. 33. ὁ δὲ Seos περὶ τοῦ ἐδίου υἱοῦ 
 9 οὖν abdrosom. Ρ; ἐδου οὖν τὸν λέγει ῬΑῃ. 
 
 υἱὸν τοῦ ϑεοῦ An. " ἐγέννησα VAn., γεγέννηκα Ῥ, 
 Ὁ κύριον ἑαυτοῦ P, κύριον ἑαυ- ™ καὶ ὅτι φησὶ post Ge add P. 
 
 τοῦ καλεὶ An. 35. ef om. PAn. 
 " καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπεν Ῥ. 3. ἐπείόσϑης Apa κἂν ἄρτι ὅτι περὶ 
 3 καὶ ἐκ ͵ γαστρὸς Ῥ. τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ Seov ἡμῶν ioriv 
 "- νὰροιι. ῬᾺ "γὰρ δύο ῬΑῃ. οὗτος ὁ λόγος; αὐτὸς γαρ ἰότιν 
 5 ἦρα om, PAn. ἱξρεὺς εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν 
 ᾿6 εὐἰλειμμένου V, τάξιν Μελχισεδὲκ, post Μελχισεδὲκ 
 - ἀλλὰ PAn, ; add. P. 
 
 ® Psa. cix. 1. > Jbid. vers. 1. © Jhid. vers, 8. 4 Jbid. vers. 3-4. 
 
dd 
 
 τιν ἱερεὺς τῶν ἔϑνων" καὶ γὰρ ὁ Μελχισεδὲκ" ἱερεὺς 
 ἦν τῶν ἔϑνων," καὶ ἄρτον καὶ οἶνον 9 προσέφερεν, ὡς 
 μαρτυρεῖ πάλιν ἡ γραφὴ ὑμῶν" ὁ ὅτι ὅτε ἐδέξατο τὸν 
 Ἁβραάμ ὁ Μελχισεδὲπ EV ἄρτῳ nat οἴνῳ ἔϑυσε τῷ 
 Jeo,” na 09s καὶ ὁ Χριστὸς ἀρχιερεὺς παρέδωκεν ἡμῖν͵," 
 ϑύειν αὐτῷ ἀναίμαλιτον ϑυσίαν κατὰ τὴν ταξιν Μελ- 
 χισεδέρι. ἄκουσον οὖν πάλιν διὰ “Σολομῶντος λέγοντος 
 tov υἱοῦ" “πρὸ τοῦ τὰ ὄρη γενέσϑαι, πρὸ τοῦ TAS 
 πηγ ἐς προελθεῖν, πρὸ δὲ παντῶν τῶν “ἢ βουνῶν, γεννᾷ 
 Poy δεῖξον pot πρὸ πάσης τῆς κτίσεως τίνα ὁ ϑεὸς 
 ἜΡΟΝ Ἔ ὡσαύτως πάλιν ev τῷ Ἑβδομημοστα πρώ- 
 ἀν μὰ heer Sa ΞΕΡΈ; 10 κρίμα σου τῷ βασιλεῖ 
 ἌΝ καὶ ive δικαιοσύνην σου τῷ VIG τοῦ βασιλέως. a 
 nai ἵνα μὴ εἴπῃς ὅτι ἘΠΕ Σολομῶντος λέγει," τῇ εὐϑὺς 
 εἶπε, μετ’ ὀλίγους στίχους," “nat MAT AHUPLEVO EL ἀπὸ 
 ϑαλάσσης ἕως Salacons, Lees: “ἐ πρὸ τοῦ ἡλίου δι- 
 αμένει τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, 91 ἐς wal πρὸ τῆς σελήνης γενεᾶς 
 γενεῶν."" ἰδοὺ ἐδειξὰ σοι σαφῶς, καὶ διὰ Silas καὶ 
 
 cr 
 
 10 
 
 διὰ = ΤΉ ΓΗ: ὅτι πρὸ πάσης πτίσεως υτὸς " 
 
 τρὸς" GIS οἶδε μόνος αὐτός. 
 
 6. Πλὴν ἐκεῖνο εἴπατέ μοι' 
 ς ? / \ > / 2 
 ται ἢ adnSeta, τον εἰλημμένον 
 
 7 καὶ γὰρ ὁ Μελχιδεδὲ: V. ὁ γὰρ 
 MedAyioedéu PAn. 
 
 * τῶν ἔϑνων ἦν iepevs P. om. An. 
 
 39 χαὶ οἶνον καὶ ᾿ἄρτον P. οἶνον 
 καὶ ἄρτον. An. 
 
 ° κυρίῳ Ῥ. 
 
 "1 ὁ Χριστὸς ἀρχιερεὺς παρέδωπεν 
 ἡμῖν V.6 Χριστὸς ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἡμῶν 
 παρέδωκεν ἡμᾶς An, αὐτὸς ὁ πύυ- 
 ᾿ριος ἡμῶν ἐνετείλατο ἡμῖν Ῥ. 
 
 " 9 ~ " , » 
 Ξκαὶ αὐτοῦ δὲ παλιν ἀἁπκπουόδον 
 
 61a ΞΙολομῶντος λέγοντος Tov υἱοῦ 
 
 ὅτι Ῥ. ἄκπκουδον δὲ καὶ Ξολομῶντος 
 λέγοντος περὶ τῆς πρὸ αἰώνων 
 γεννήσεως τοῦ μονογενοῦς υἱοῦ 
 τοὺ ϑεοῦ An. 33 r@v om. PAn. 
 
 3. δεῖξον μοι λοιπὸν τίνα 6 ϑεὸς 
 πρὸ πάδης τὴς uTIGEWS ἐγέννηδεν 
 
 © cf. Gen. xiv. 18 βα.' 
 h Ibid. vers. 8. 
 
 f Prov. viii. 24-25. 
 i [bid. 17. 
 
 En πα- 
 
 20 
 ὑμεῖς, καὶ εὐθέως φαίνε- 
 ἐνδέχεσϑε᾽ καὶ" τί λέ- 
 
 Ῥ. δεῖξόν μοι οὖν τίνα ὁ ϑεὸς 
 παάδης τη κτίσεως ἐγέννησεν 
 
 πρὸ 
 An. 
 
 QAM οὐκ av ἔχεις, @ Ἰουδαῖε, 
 τοῦτο ἐπὸ TOV γραφῶν πιστωσαόσ- 
 Sets ends ΕΣ 
 
 * Om ἘΣ 
 
 ® Agvet 6 AafPid P. 
 
 7 ὠἐναιόχυντῶν πάλιν, ὦ lovdaie 
 post μη) add. P. 
 
 δ ταῦτα εἴρηται P. 
 
 ® eySUS etme U.T.A. V. 
 τί μετ᾽ ὀλίγα εἴρηκεν Ῥ. 
 
 4 ἐγεννήϑη ὁ υἱὸς PAn. 
 
 1 rov marpos PAn. 
 
 Poe Can ἘΣ 
 
 2 ηλειμμένον V. 
 
 3 ὃν ἐκδέχεσϑε PAn. 
 
 ‘ καὶ om, PAn. 
 
 ἄπουδον 
 
 & Psa. Ixxi. 1. 
 k Thid. 5 
 
10 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 25 
 
 ᾿ "» 
 δ εἶναι αὐτὸν Ῥ, etvatom. An. 
 
 δθ 
 
 γετε αὐτὸν εἶναι," Seov σαρκωϑθέντα, ἢ ἄνϑρωπον ψιλὸν 
 GS τὸν Aapid ee TOUS λοιποὺς ἀνθρώπους; 
 
 ὁ ἸΙουδαῖος" ἄνθρωπον αὐτὸν λέγομεν ὡς ἕνα τῶν 
 προφητῶν καὶ ov ϑεόν' οὐκ ἔστι yap εἰ μὴ εἷς καὶ μόνος 
 ὁ ϑεὸς," καὶ οὐ δύο ὡς" ὑμεῖς VOMIGETE. 
 
 ἡ. Tore ὁ χριστιανὸς διεμαρτύρατο μεγάλῃ τῇ φωνῇ, 
 λέγων τῷ ὄχλῳ," Βλέπετε κύριοι," τί λέγουσιν « ὅτι av- 
 ϑρωπός ἔστι ψιλὸς" ὁ ἐρχόμενος Χριστὸς αὐτῶν." ἰδω- 
 μεν" οὖν ἄρτι TOUS προφήτας, καὶ εἰ μὲν" Seov ἐκήρυ- 
 ξαν τὸν ἐρχόμενον χριστὸν, δῆλον ὅτι ὁ ἐλϑων, καὶ" 
 παρ᾽ ἡμῶν τῶν 'χριστιανῶν" πιστευόμενος © καὶ προσπυ- 
 γούμενος, αὐτὸς ἐστιν ays as ὃ ὄντως ἀληθὴς" Χρισ- 
 τὸς," ὃν δὲ ἐκδέχονται οὗτοι ὅτι ἔρχεται" πλάνος ἐστι 
 καὶ ἀντίχριστος - εἰ δὲ πάλιν οὐ" παραστήσομεν " τοὺς 
 προφήτας λέγοντας αὐτὸν Θεὸν," δῆλον ὅτι ἡμεῖς ἐσμὲν 
 πλάνοι καὶ Ἰουδαῖοι ἀληϑεύουσι. 
 
 , γι ἣν ᾽ \ { ὦν Hi. be \ A 
 τοτὲ ἡνγέγπασεν "ἦ αὐτοὺς καὶ ἤγαγον avTol Tas Pif- 
 λους αὐτῶν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας συναγωγῆς, ἵνα " ἐξ αὐτῶν 
 ἐλεγχϑῶσι."" 
 
 8. Kat προλαβὼν ἐρωτᾷ. αὐτοὺς καὶ “λέγει “ εὐλογη- 
 μέ γος ὁ ἐρχόμενος. Bana {1 οὗτός ἐστιν" ὁ ἐρχόμενος; 
 
 ὁ Ἰουδαῖος" ὁ Χριστὸς ὁ ὑιὸς τοῦ Δαβίδ. 
 
 ὁ χριστιανός " “εὐλογημένος 6 ἐρχόμενος EV ὀνόματι 
 κυρίου" Seos κύριος καὶ ἐπέφανεν saint ἥν ἤρξαντο οὖν 
 κράδειν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι, ““ ἐπιφάνηϑθι ἡμῖν" ᾿ λέγει, μέλλοντα 
 
 wai πιστευόμενος P, 
 
 6 ὁ ϑεὸς VAn., ὁ om, P. " ὁ ὄντως ἀληϑὴς om. P. 
 7 ὡς καϑωῶς P. xaSamep An, 2 Seos καὶ Xpioros P. 
 
 ~ ~ ~ v ᾽ 
 τῇ φωνῇ; παντὶ τῷ οχλὼ λεέ- 
 
 "Ort ἔρχεται οπν. An. καὶ λέγ ου- 
 
 yor Ῥ. Ov ἔρχεσϑαι P, 
 Ρ J ; - ᾿ , ᾽ν ᾿ ᾿ * 
 * βλέπετε καὶ ἀκουξτε, ὦ κυρι. "παλιν ov V. μὴ P. παλιν μὴ An, 
 
 ot Ῥ, 
 
 "5 παραστήόωμεν PAn. 
 
 8 ψιλὸς ori Ῥ, 6 ὃεὸν PAn. Χριστόν. 
 
 “αὐτῶν Χριστὸς Ῥ. " ἡνάγκασεν (sic) V. 
 
 " ἐνέγκωμεν PAn, " ὅπως Ρ. 
 
 * μὲν om, PAn, ” SradeyS@orr P. 
 
 ᾿ Χριστὸς καὶ Seos ἡμῶν ὁ Aa- ἐπ εὐλογημένος ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν 
 τρευόμενος post ἐλϑων add. Ρ, ὀνόματι κυρίου" Ῥ. 
 
 * καὶ om. P, 3 ἐστιν οὗτος P. 
 
 " τῶν χριότιαν ὧν om. P. * οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι P. 
 
 * Psa. cxvil. 96, > Ib. vers, 26, 27. 
 
δὲ 
 
 yap sng χρόνον. κπατασείσας δὲ αὐτοὺς ὁ χριστιανὸς 
 τῇ χειρὶ " εἶπε, καλῶς ae ere μελλητιπκόν. ἐστιν᾿ 
 ἐρχόμενον Sion καὶ κύριον " λέγει, εἰπων ““ϑεὸς κύριος 
 καὶ ἐπέφανεν ἡμῖν." etre οὖν ἐπέφανεν, εἶτε ἐπιφαναι 
 μέλλει," οὐκ ἔστιν ὁ Χριστὸς ὑμῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡμέτερος -" ὑμεῖς 
 yap ἄνϑρωπον ἐκδέχεσϑε τὸν ἐρχόμενον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ ϑεόν. 
 
 ὁ δὲ Δαβὶδ κύριον nat ϑεὸν" τὸν ἐλθοντα καὶ ἐρχόμε- 
 νον ἑκπήρυξεν " ὁμοίως καὶ ὁ " ᾿Αββαπκοὺμ" καὶ Ἡσαΐας " 
 καὶ TAVTES OL προφῆται Seov τὸν ἐρχόμενον τὰ ἐκήρυξαν" 
 Ἡσαΐας μὲν ἔλεγεν ® ὅτι ““ παιδίον ἐγεννήθη ἡμῖν, 010s 
 καὶ ἐδόθη ἡμῖν - καὶ καλεῖται τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ μεγάλης 
 βουλῆς ἄγγελος, ϑαυμαστὸς σύμβουλος, Seos ἔἴσχυρος, 
 ἑξουσιαστης, ἄρχων eionvns, πατὴρ τοῦ μέλλοντος αἰῶ- 
 γος. γᾶς ὡσαύτῶσξ: καὶ ὁ Ap Baxody '® dnoiv “o eos 
 ἀπὸ Θαιμὰν" ἥξει.) 9. καὶ Ἱερεμίας δὲ" φησὶν “ οὗτος 
 ὁ ϑεὸς ἡμῶν, οὐ λογισϑήσεται ἕτερος πρὸς αὐτόν. ἔξευς 
 μῶν" πᾶσαν ὁδὸν ἐπιστήμης ἐδωπεν a αὐτὴν Ἰαπὼβ τῷ 
 παιδὶ αὐτοῦ, nat Ἰσραὴλ τῷ ἠγαπημένῳ ὑπ’ αυτοῦ. 
 μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπὶ γῆς "ὃ ὥφϑη, καὶ τοῖς ανϑρώποις συναν- 
 ἐστράφη "1 βλέπεις" ὅτι ϑεὸν adnSivov™® ἐκήρυξαν 
 τὸν ἐπὶ γῆς ὀφϑέντα καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις συναναστρα- 
 φέντα. 
 
 τέως TCV 
 
 “μέλλοντα yap κ.τ.λ. V. 
 tTixov ἐστιν Ῥ. 
 
 " τῇ χειρὶ ὁ χριστιανὸς Ῥ. 
 
 SSeov καὶ πύριον τὸν ἐρχόμε- 
 vov P. 
 
 ᾿ ἐπιφανῆναι An, 
 
 δ εἴτε οὖν ἐπέφανεν u.t.A. VAn. 
 
 μελλη- 5 τὸν ἐρχόμενον Seov P, 
 
 ® λέγων P. λέγει An. 
 
 7 > Gd os AG, = 
 ποίος οὖν AV IPWTOS, 
 
 pos, 
 
 λοντος αἰῶνος; 
 
 P. ποὶος ἄνϑρωπος, παϑὼς 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 HAS ὡς 
 ὑμεὶς λέγετε, ψιλός ἐστι ϑεὸς ἐσχυ- 
 ἐξουσιαστὴς, πατὴρ τοῦ μέλ- 
 post αδῶνος add. 
 υμεὶς 
 
 εἶτε δὲ ἐπιφάναι μέλλει, εἶτε ἐπέ- 
 pavev RP, 
 
 ° ὁ ἡμέτερος Ῥ. 
 
 ὑμεῖς γὰρ ἄνϑρωπον ψιλὸν 
 τὸν ἐρχόμενον ἐκδέχεσϑε, καὶ οὐ 
 Seov P. ὑμεῖς γὰρ ἄνϑρωπον τὸν 
 ἐρχόμενον ἐπδέχεσϑε, καὶ οὐ Seov 
 An. 4" Secv nai κύρτον PAn. 
 
 2 5 om. P. B-AuBanovu P. 
 
 "ἡ Ἰερεμίας nat Madayias add. 
 P. opotwms .7.A. ..... éxnovéav 
 om. An. 
 
 © Psa, cxvii. 26. 4 Isa. ix. 6. 
 
 λέγετε, δύναται εἶναι ϑεὸς ἐσχυ- 
 pos, ἐξουσιαστὴς, ἄρχων εἰρήνης, 
 πατὴρ τοῦ μέλλοντος αἰῶνος ; add. 
 An. 
 
 "AuPanovie ὁ προφήτης P. 
 
 " Oenav P. 
 
 ” 6€ radiv P. 
 
 21 ἐξεῦρεν PAn. 
 
 Ὁ wai ἔδωκεν PAn, 
 
 3 éxi yns VAn., éxi rns ys P. 
 
 * Spas P. 
 
 35. ἐλῃϑῆ Ρ. 
 
 © Hab, iii. 3. Baruch iii. 36-38. 
 
58 
 
 9. Καὶ πάλιν ὁ Δἀβὶδ λέγει περὶ αὐτοῦ ὅτι" ““ ἐβασί- 
 λευσεν ὁ ϑεὸς ἐπὶ πάντα" τὰ ἔθνη" " διὰ τί οὐκ εἶπεν " 
 ἐβασίλευσεν ὁ ϑεὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἰουδαίους; καὶ πάλιν 
 ὅτι ““ἴδωσαν" πάντα τὰ ἔϑνη τὸ σωτήριον τοῦ Seov 
 ἡμῶν "5 καὶ πάλιν τὰ ἐϑνη κροτήσατε Χεῖς 
 ρας" καὶ παλιν “εἴπατε ἐν τοῖς ἔϑνεσιν ὅτι κύριος 
 ἐβασίλευσεν. WA? καὶ Ἡσαΐας πάλιν περὶ ὑμῶν, μάλλον 
 δὲ δι αὐτοῦ ὁ ϑεὸς εἶπεν," ὅτι * καλέσω TOV Ov ἀμὴν μου 
 
 ‘rTAavTa 
 
 , ‘ ‘ ᾽ 2) 61 
 λαον μου, καὶ TOV ἐλο δεν οὐκ ἠἡλεημένον, του- 
 
 10 
 
 τέστι τὴν συναγωγὴν ὑμῶν." 
 TUT PLA PXNS, προφητεύων περὶ Χριστοῦ," 
 
 ς ’ ‘ ‘ ς 
 ὡσαυτῶς παὶ Ιακωβ O 
 εὐλογῶν τὸν 
 
 Ἰούδαν, εἶπεν " “οὐκ ἐπλείψει ἄρχων ἐξ Ἰούδα οὐδὲ" 
 
 ἡγούμενος ἐκ τῶν μηρῶν αὐτοῦ ἕως ἂν ἔλϑη ᾧ 
 κειται καὶ αὐτὸς προσδοπία ἐθνῶν." 
 δρες, es Ἰακὼβ εἶπεν ** οὐκ ἐκλείψει ἄρχων ἐξ Ἰούδα 
 ἡγούμενος ἐκ τῶν μηρῶν αὐτοῦ ἕως ἂν ἔλϑη ᾧ" 
 
 15 
 οὐδὲ "" 
 
 " ἀπό- 
 τ προσέχετε, av- 
 
 ἀπόπειται,"" BOREL Oe ὁ χριστὸς, ““ καὶ αὐτὸς προσδοκία 
 
 718 οδς e815? 
 
 19 
 
 ἔϑνων. 
 
 προσδοκῶσιν" 
 1 λέγει περὶ αὐτοῦ An., περὶ av- 
 τοῦ λέγει Ῥ, λέγει 
 ort V. 
 
 * πάντα om. PAn. 
 
 5" εἶπεν ὅτι PAn. ‘* eidwo6av P. 
 
 5 γαὶ πάλιν ὁ Aafid “ πάντα τὰ 
 ἔϑνη ὅσα ἐποίησας ἤξουσιν xai 
 προσκυνήσουσιν ἐνώπιόν Gov, xv- 
 ριε, καὶ δοξασουσιτὸ ὄνομα Gov ὅτι 
 μέγας εἶ OL, καὶ ποίων ϑαυμάσια 
 Ov εἶ ὁ ϑεὸς μόνος.) καὶ Μαλα- 
 χίας δὲ περὶ τῶν ἔϑνων διαῤ- 
 ῥήδην φάόσκει, λέγων “οὐκ ἔστιν 
 μου ϑέλημα ἐν ὑμὶν," τουτέστιν 
 ἐν τοὶς Ἰουδαίοις, " διότι ἀπὸ ἀνα- 
 τολῶν ἡλίου καὶ Ews δυσμῶν τὸ 
 ὄνομά μου δεδόξασται ἐν τοῖς ἔ5- 
 γεσιν  Ἀ post ἐβασίλευσεν add, P. 
 
 " καὶ Ἡδαΐας πάλιν περὶ ὑμῶν, 
 κ.τ.λ. V, καὶ πάλιν διὰ τοῦ Ὡσηὲ 
 τοῦ προφήτου λέγει Ῥ, καὶ πάλιν 
 Ὁσηὲ. An. 
 
 5 Psa. xivi. 9. 
 © Hos, ii, 23. 
 
 >» Psa. xcvii. δ, 
 ‘ Gen. xlix. 10. 
 
 μάτην προσδοκῶσιν δ 
 ὃν γὰρ προσεδοκοῦμεν τὰ ἔϑνη Χρισ- 
 
 περὶ ἑαυτοῦ 
 
 Ἰουδαῖοι ὃν 
 
 7 καὶ τὸν ἡλεημένον κι.τ.λ. V, καὶ 
 τὴν οὐκ ἡγαπημένην ἡγαπημένην 
 P, καὶ τὴν ἠλεημένην οὐκ ἡλεημέ- 
 vyv An. 
 
 δ τὴν συναγωγὴν ὑμῶν V, τὴν 
 ἐοιλησίαν Ῥ, τὴν δυναγωγὴν τῶν 
 
 Ἰουδαίων An. 
 
 " τοῦ χριστοῦ καὶ Ῥ. 
 
 ” εἶπεν om. et ἐξ οὗ ἔμελλεν Χριό- 
 TOS τὸ κατὰ σάρκα παραγίνεσϑαι, 
 οὕτω πῶς φησὶ post Ἰούδαν add. P, 
 
 " οὐδὲ VAn., καὶ Ρ. 
 
 3 ᾧ PAn., δ V. 
 
 " ᾧ ἄνδρες P. 
 
 - ᾧ PAn., ὃ Ls 
 
 % ody εἶπεν τὸν ἐρχόμενον ἔδεσ- 
 
 4 καὶ P, 
 
 Sat προσδοκίαν Ἰουδαίων, ἀλλὰ 
 προσδοκίαν ἔϑνων post ἔϑνων 
 add. P. 
 
 " ὥστε PAn, 
 
 "ἡ προσδοκοῦσιν P, 
 
 ” προσκυνοῦσι P, 
 ¢ Paa. xivi. 1. 4 Psa. χοῦ. 10. 
 
 © Psa. Ixxxv. 9-10. » Mal. i. 10-11. 
 
59 
 
 20 
 
 \ “ \ > \ ~ ᾿ bY ᾿ 
 Tov, idov nASev:* dia τοῦτο" ἐξέλιπεν apy@v & 
 γι / ς / / \ > / 
 
 Ιουδα καὶ nyovpevos καὶ " mavta Ta ayaa. 
 Lees ~e / 23 24? Fy ey 4 ¢ , 
 ἐπεὶ δεῖξον "" μοι ἂν οὐ ἑσταυρωϑὴ 0 χριστος; 
 c ~ a 2, 
 ποῖος προφήτης εὑρέθη ἕν" δ, ; ποῖον βασίλειον * ἔγετε 
 » fs a 
 σήμερον ; ποῦ εἰσὶν ot κριταὶ ὑμῶν ; ποῦ οἱ ἄρχοντες; 
 » ς \ ~ 
 ἐξέλιπον." ποῦ at ϑυσίαι ὑμῶν ; ποῦ ὁ ναὸς ὑμῶν ;” 
 ᾿ \ τι 5 \ \ / ~ ἢ ἢ 
 idov κεῖται ἔρημος κατὰ τὸν λόγον τοῦ χριστοῦ " ἡμῶν, 
 = 4 / ? \ . ? \ ᾽ 
 τοῦ εἴποντος OV py μείνῃ λίϑος εἰς avtov”® ἐπὶ λίϑον."" 
 3 N on ? , ¢ / ~ » > 
 apa py” οὐκ ἐγένετο ὁ λόγος τοῦ χριστοῦ; εἶπεν "" 
 bir Sai Ae Page: ~ Σ , ee 
 ἑλευσονταᾶι καὶ apovot ᾿ωμαῖοι τὴν βασιλείαν ad 
 Ps 7 \ ᾿ ’ ie » δ » 
 ὑμῶν") “ καὶ idov ἔἐπηρϑη ἡ βασιλεία ἐξ ὑμῶν καὶ 
 
 ¢ , \ 6 λ ip \ ς 8 , ~ , \ δ 
 n προφητεία καὶ ἢ λατρεία καὶ n ϑυσία. ποῦ εισὶν αἱ 
 
 / τι ’ , > \ ? , oye \ 
 mianes*® as élafete; ἰδου ἀπώλοντο. ποῦ ἢ κπιβωτος 
 ¢ εὖ; “ὦ 7 - \ ay ᾿ » \ 
 υμῶν τῆς OtaSN UNS 5°" ἰδουου φαίνεται. ποῦ TO ϑυσιασ- 
 / ¢ > , ~ 38 
 THPLOV ὁ ἑποίησε ἘΠΕ ΟΣ ποῦ ἡ ῥαβδος ἡ βλαστή. 
 GaGa; ποῦ " στάμνος καὶ τὸ μάννα; ποῦ ἡ ἑπισπίασις 
 τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ ὁ καϑαρισμὸς τοῦ αἵματος; ποῦ τὸ πῦρ τὸ 
 , ’ = ? ~ ~ ¢ ~ ξ 2 
 κατερχόμενον EX τοῦ οὐρανοῦ; ποῦ παρ᾽ υμῶν * εἷς αντὶ 
 ὁ β eh Ay Joe ue Sey : ppt to Be 
 Μωυσέως; ποῦ" Eva προφήτην ευρίσπετε ; ποῦ ἡ οβεῦ- 
 \ ~ 
 γομητρα nat TO μαννα: οὐδὲν alnS@s ἔχετε, οὐδὲν" 
 \ \ ~ ~ \ \ 
 κατὰ τὴν τῶν τριῶν παίδων paryy™ THV λέγουσαν ™ 
 ἐς oun ἔστιν ἕν τῷ καιρῷ τούτῳ ἄρχων καὶ προφήτης 
 καὶ ἡγούμενος" οὐδὲ ὁλοκαύτωσις, οὐδὲ ϑυσία, οὐδὲ 
 
 οὃν γὰρ τὰ ἔϑνῃ προδδοκοῦδσδι ™ εἶπεν Grit PAN. 
 4 75 4 ‘ ‘ [4] ΄ r Fe, . ~ 
 Xpi6rov, ΛΕ: An., οι yap ov oi ‘Pwatot nai apovorr 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 ug’ 
 
 mpo6douxotpmev τὰ ἔϑνη, HASEV* ΡᾺ ὑμῶν τὴν βασιλείαν P, οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι 
 
 1 διὰ τοῦτο καὶ An., ἐξ τούτου καὶ ἀροῦσιν ὑμῶν τὸ ἔϑνος, 
 
 Ὁ - ἊΝ κ ’ κ᾿ ν , 
 
 ovv δῆλον ort Ῥ. τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὸ βασίλειον An, 
 9 ‘ 9 Ν " . , ‘ 
 
 ov μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Ρ. ΞΘ Po Nat TOU. HFA, 
 
 22 
 
 8 ἐπεὶ, δεῖξον V, ἐπίδειξον P. ϑυσία om. An. 
 * wow λοιπὸν, ὦ Ἰουδαῖε P. 86 rAdxuat P. 
 
 καὶ 
 
 rap P. ὅ rns διαϑηκης ὑμῶν P. ὑμῶν 
 
 οὐ Baoiréa P. om. An. 
 7 ovn ἐξέλιπον naS@s y προφη- “δή PAn., ov V. 
 
 τεία λέγει; P. % Suir P. χοῦ map x.7.A.. 
 
 8 ὑμὼν om. P. Μωυσέως ; om. An, 
 " τοῦ χριότοῦ καὶ ϑεοῦ P. 4. ποῦ κἄν Ῥ. 
 
 ’ ‘ . . . ~ ~ , 
 Ὁ 625 αυτὸν PAn. om. 1 τὴν φωνὴν TOV τριῶν παΐδων 
 
 > qe zt ᾽ Η ͵ > 
 ἐπὶ AtSov ὧδε P, ἐπὶ λίϑον én’ PAn. 
 
 " , 9 ‘ κ᾿ [ ~ ‘ 
 avrov An. 3 τὴν περὶ ὑμῶν λέγουσαν P, 
 
 2 477 om. P. τὴν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν AEyovoar An, 
 
 ΓΝ Matt. xxiv. 2. k John xi. 4°. 
 
60 
 
 προσφορὰ, οὐδὲ ϑυμίαμα, οὐ τόπος τοῦ καταπῶσαι" 
 
 ἐνώπιον τοῦ ϑεοῦ," καὶ εὑρεῖν ἔλεος." 
 ᾽ = ς ae ” 45 
 πον ἐξ ὧν υμῖν ἑδωπεν 
 
 ποῖον γὰρ τό- 
 
 ὁ ϑεὸς ἔχετε σήμερον ; ἀλλὰ 
 
 πάντα ταῦτα ἀφείλετο Ἂ ἐξ ὑμῶν ded cone καὶ ἡμῖν αὐτά." 
 
 5 κἂν τὸ Σινᾶ εἴπῃς ὄρος" 
 
 κατεδέξω, ἀλλὰ «ἄριστος ἐκεῖ δοξαδξεται σήμερον" 
 ἑπέρασας εἴπης, 
 ἐκεῖ βαπτισϑέντος αὐτὸς παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐκεῖ δοξαξεται" 
 τὴν Ἱερουσαλὴμ καὶ τὴν Σιών σου τὴν παλαιὰν ™ 
 
 ἀλλὰ Χριστοῦ ἐπεῖ σταυρώϑενψοι τὰ αὐτοῦ παϑήματα 
 σήμερον" 
 ἐλαιῶν εἴπῃς, καὶ τὴν κοιλάδα τοῦ Mecapie 
 Χριστοῦ. ἐκεῖθεν ἀναληφϑέντος * 
 κἂν Βηϑλεὲμ τὴν πολιν Japs” δητήσῃς," 
 Χριστοῦ ἐρεῖ τεχϑέντος ὡς EV οὐρανῷ éuei δ" δοξάξεται 
 καὶ τί λέγω τὴν Σιῶν, καὶ Βηϑλεὲμ, καὶ τὸν 
 
 τὸν Ἰορδάνην ὅπου" 
 
 10 
 
 ἐκεῖ προσπυνοῦνται" 
 
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 15 
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 τῶν 
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 αὐτὰς TAS Bpetravi- 
 
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 20 
 
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 κηρυττόμενα καὶ τιμῶ- 
 
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 καὶ αἰχμαλωτιξόμεϑα, τοῦτο yap ἐστι τὸ μέγα," 
 
 ad ἡγούμενος κιτ.λ....... κα- 
 ταπῶσδαι om. Ρ. οὐδὲ ὁλοκαύτωσις 
 κιτ.λ. .... καταπῶδαι οὨ. AN. καὶ 
 ra ἑξῆς add. PAn. 
 
 “οὐ ἔστιν τόπος add P. 
 
 ” ἔδωκεν ὑμῖν PAn. 
 
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 “ καὶ ἡμῖν αὐτὰ ἔδωκεν Ῥ. καὶ 
 ἡμὴν αὐτοὺς ἔδωπεν An, 
 
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 δοξαζεται Ῥ. 
 
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 Ἵ Σιὼν τὴν παλαιάν σου Ῥ. 
 
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 5. ἐκεῖϑεν avadnpSévros Χριδ- 
 τοῦ Ρ. 
 
 5 χὴν Βηϑλεέιι πόλιν Δαβὶδ An, 
 τὴν πόλιν 4αβιὲδ Βηϑλεὲμ Ῥ, 
 
 “, ζητήσεις Ρ, εἴπῃς An. 
 
 * καπεὶ PAn, 
 
 Ὁ Βηῃϑλεὲμ, καὶ τὴν Ξιῶν, καὶ τὸν 
 Ρ, Βηϑλεὲμ, καὶ Σιὼν, 
 καὶ Ἰορδανην; An. 
 
 δ ὅλην om. An, πάρελϑε δύσιν, 
 ἐπιόσκόπησον ἀνατολὴν post ὅλην 
 add. V. * καὶ ἐκεῖ P. 
 
 “5 πάντα PAn. 
 
 “5 καὶ τιμωμενα om. P. 
 
 “ϑαυμαστὸν P. 
 
 ' “Hymn of the Three Children,"’ vers. 14. 
 
61 
 
 , Bl , 
 TOGOVT@V ἔϑνων SIGKOMEVOL 
 
 / \ 
 μουμενοι, τὴν πίστιν © 
 ” 
 σβέννυται," nat οὔτε" 
 I 
 οὔτε" 
 
 \ - 
 ἔχομεν, OTAVPOUS ™ 
 
 ᾿ \ 
 ἔστιν ὁ eos," ὡς" 
 
 χριστιαν οἱ συνεχώρει ie 
 
 ἡμᾶς" 
 
 ἡμῶν ἑστῶσαν “" 
 τὸ βασίλειον ἡμῶν κατήργηται 
 at ἐκκλησίαι ἡμῶν τ ἀμμλλμει ἀλλὰ Kiss ava- 
 μέσον TOV ἔϑνων τῶν διωπόντων Ἷ" 
 πήσσομεν, 
 μοῦμεν, ὠῤνη ων Her Svoias.” 
 él cal ὅτι πλανώμεϑα ot 
 
 \ , \ 
 UAL μισούμενοι καὶ πολε- 
 » μ 
 ἔχομεν “ καὶ ov 
 
 ἡμᾶς "" BAG ONS 5 
 Ὦ ϑυσιαστήρια " οἰποδο- 
 ἀρα τοιούτως " ἀδιπκὸς 
 
 " πλανᾶσϑαι ἀπόλλυσϑαι"" 
 
 τῇ πλάνῃ TOUT@YV γένος ἀνθρώπων; δ un γένοιτο. καί- 10 
 τοι γὲ οὐκ ἐπαύσατο πάντοτε" ΕΟ μοδμεγσὶ ἡ πίστις 
 ἡμῶν nal ἱσταμένη καὶ" τ μῇ ἐξαλειφομένη 
 
 10. Ei ἄρα κα αὴ ἦν πῶς οὐ συνεχώρησεν ὁ Seos’ σβε- 
 σϑῆναι ἀπὸ τοσούτων Ἑλλήνων, ἀπὸ Περσῶν, ἀπὸ Zapa- 
 κηνῶν ;" μὴ yap μοι εἴπητε ὅτι παιδευόμεϑα ot χρισ- 15 
 τιανοί." ἀλλ’ ἐκεῖνο μοι ἐρευνήσατε" πῶς ἡμῖν τοῖς πλα- 
 
 tf e , \ , / ~ «ὦ ¢ 
 νωμένοις, ὡς λέγετε, τὴν βασιλείαν πασης τῆς γῆς ὁ 
 
 ¥ , 
 ϑεος" ἐπίστευσε; 
 » ? / 
 καὶ νῦν OVOELS κατηργησεν * 
 
 6 
 
 σ' 
 
 ἡ πίότις PAn. 
 ζόταται PAn. 
 ἔχομεν om, PAn, 
 παύεται PAn. 
 
 ° vai οὔτε V, οὐδὲ PAn, 
 
 7 o¥dé PAn. 
 
 8? Gh An: 
 
 τ τῶν UPATOVYTMY Kai διῳπόν- 
 τῶν PAn. 
 
 5 uUas nai Ὁ. 
 
 ™ αἱ σταυροὺς PAn. 
 
 τὸ anyvvouev Ῥ. 
 
 τὸ καὶ ϑυσιαότήρια P, καὶ ἐκπλη- 
 δίας An. 
 
 7 wai ϑυδσίας ἐπιτελοῦμεν P, Sv- 
 δίας ἐπιτελοῦμεν An, 
 
 τε ἦρα οὖν P, 
 τοιοῦτος PAn., 
 ὁ ϑεὸς ἐότιν P, ἐότιν om. An. 
 
 δι Ori VAn. 
 
 δ ἤφιεν PAn. 
 
 ὃ οὕτως add, An. 
 
 4 πλανᾶσϑαι ἀπόλλυσϑαιν, πλα- 
 νᾶόσϑαι ἐδουὺ λοιπὸν χιλίους χρόνους 
 
 6 
 
 a 
 
 67 
 
 68 
 
 79 
 
 80 
 
 - \ ~ ~ 
 πῶς τὴν τοῦ χριστοῦ" σφραγίδα μέχρι 
 ἐπᾶραι ἐξ ἡμῶν ἴσχυσε; 
 
 ἀπολέδϑαι Ῥ, ἐδοὺ λοιπὸν πόσοι 
 χρόνοι ἀπὸ Χριστοῦ ἐπολέσϑαι τῇ 
 πλάνῃ An. 
 
 “ty πλάνῃ τοσοῦτον γένος καὶ 
 πλῆϑος ἀνϑρώπων PAn. 
 
 δ πάντοτε οὐ" ἐπαύσατο P. 
 
 7 μᾶλλον καὶ P. 
 
 8 un VEvVOITO. HaITOLHK.T.A. ..... 
 ἐξαλειφομένῃ om. An. 
 
 1aurnv ὁ ϑεὸς P. 
 
 3 ἀπὸ Ξηλαβῶν add. P. 
 
 ip, Fs EA χριότια- 
 vot V, μὴ yap μοι τοῦτο δποπη- 
 δῆτε ἡ δἶπητὲ OTL ἄρτι ELS τῷ κπ' 
 ταῦτα ἔτη παιδευόμεϑα οἱ χριόσ- 
 tiavot P, un yap τοῦτο GKOTNH- 
 OnTAL ᾿ εἰπηται ὅτι ἄρτι εἰς TOG- 
 Avra ἔτη παιδευόμεϑα ἀπὸ τῶν 
 
 Ἰδραηλιτῶν éSv@v An, 
 
 Sénunvevoate P, épunvevoat 
 An. 
 
 56 Seos om. P. 
 
 5 χρυσίου An, 
 
 ᾿ καταργῆσαι PAn. 
 
62 
 
 πόσοι βασιλεῖς ἔϑνων, Περσῶν," Appa pov ® τοῦτο ἐδο- 
 κίμασαν καὶ οὐδαμῶς ἴσχυσαν: iva δείξῃ ὁ Seos ὅτι 
 HAV διωκώμεθα ov  Aasbilapaed, ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς πάντων βασι- 
 λεύομεν, ἡμεῖς πάντων" κυριεύομεν ᾿ τὸ yap μεϑ᾽ 
 ἡμῶν καὶ En rs βασιλείας ἡμῶν σημεῖον τοῦ Χριστοῦ 
 ἔστι σήμερον." ἐπεῖ εἰπέ μοι εἰ μὴ σημεῖον ὡς " αἰω- 
 γιος" avinnyrtos καὶ ἀνεδ ἄλειπτος 1) πίστις " τῶν 
 χριστιανῶν γκαὶ 1) β ΟΎΚΕΙΑΣ " πῶς τὸν σταυρὸν " πάντες 
 ὑμεῖς καὶ or ἐχϑροὶ"" ἡμῶν ἌΜΜΡΕΕΕ eng} βλασφημεῖτε ; es 
 ἀλλὰ καὶ av? χρυσοῦν "σταυρὸν" ᾿ἴδητε, βδελύσσεσϑε" 
 
 καὶ ἀποστρέφεσϑε. ὄντως καλῶς περὶ ὑμῶν ὁ Δαβὶδ" 
 εἶπεν ™ ¢é ὀφθαλμοὺς ἔχουσι nat oun ὄψονται, καρδίαν" 
 
 ἔγουσι καὶ οὐ συνήσουσιν. 788 aS ὅπερ πολεμεῖτε τοῦτο 
 ποϑεῖτε, καὶ ὅπερ βδελύσσεσϑε * τοῦτο προϑύμως κατα- 
 δέχεσθε παραδόξως νικώμενοι ; γιαὶ * εἰ ἄρα - φρόνησιν 
 εἴχετε" ἤρπει καὶ ὑμῖν" πᾶσι" τοῦτο τὸ jl acne καὶ 
 
 Or 
 
 καὶ" 
 
 10 
 
 τὸ πρᾶγμα εἰς τὸ πεῖσαι καὶ δεῖξαι "Ὁ 
 αἰῶνας πανταχοῦ " 
 
 τοῦ χριστοῦ εἰς τοὺς " 
 πανταχοῦ" πολιτεύεται. 
 
 "Ἰουδαίων add, Ρ. 
 
 * "Appa Bov PAn., Apa Bor V. 
 
 © βασιλεύομεν, ἡμεὶς πάντων om, 
 P. ἡμεὶς πάντων κυριεύομεν OM. AN, 
 
 "ro γὰρ μεϑ᾽ κιτ.λ. PV, τὸ γὰρ 
 σημεῖον τοῦ χρυσίου τῆς βασιλείας 
 
 ᾿ - ἊΝ - » ~ ᾽ - 
 ἡμῶν, σημεῖον TOV χριότου αὐτοῦ 
 
 ἐστὶν " An. 
 
 ” ξότιν Ῥ, ἦν ὅτι An. 
 
 " αἰώνιον Ῥ. a» P. 
 
 δ ἡ πίότις V, πιότις P, ἦν ἡ πίότις 
 An, 
 
 % ai 
 vay; P, 
 
 " row χριστοῦ add, PAn. 
 οἱ λοιποὶ ἐχϑροὶ P, καὶ οἱ ἐχϑροὶ 
 om. An. 
 
 ” μισοῦντες PAn, 
 
 Ὁ βλασφημοῦντες, ἀποστρέψαι ov 
 δύνασϑε, ἀλλὰ τοῦτον προϑύ- 
 μῶς καταδέχεσθες; P, βλασφημοῦν- 
 res, ἐκπεπτώκατε; πῶς τὸν σταυ- 
 ρὸν ix τοῦ χρυσίου ἀπαλεῖψαι οὐ 
 
 βασιλεία τῶν χριόστια- 
 
 θὲ "Ὁ ὁ σταυρὸς 
 βασιλεύει, 
 πόσοι τὴν πίστιν ἡμῶν καὶ 
 δι rade, CAAA καὶ τοῦτον προϑύ.- 
 M@3 ὀἔέχευϑε; An. 
 
 Ἵ éav PAn. 22 γρυσὸν P, 
 
 3 βδελύσεσϑε P. 
 
 * χωρὶς Gravpow An. 
 
 356 ὁ AaBid περὶ ὑμῶν P. 
 
 * καἱ ὁ Ἡσαΐας add. P. 
 
 καὶ καρδίαν Ῥ. 
 
 * συνιοῦσι PAn. 
 
 Ὁ βδελυττεόϑε P, * καὶ om, P. 
 
 3! ἦρα οὖν P, dpa νοῦν An, 
 
 3 καὶ νοῦν add, P. 
 
 8 Duty καὶ pro καὶ ὑμὴν PAn. 
 
 “ roils ἀπίστοις add, P. 
 ὁ rd Onusiov τοῦτο P, 
 
 5 πεῖσαι wai δεῖξαι V, δεῖξαι καὶ 
 πεῖσαι PAn, 
 
 7 ἡ) πίστις καὶ add, PAn. 
 
 * rovs om, PAn. 
 
 Ὁ ravras P, πάντοτε An, 
 
 “ πανταχοῦ V, καὶ παντὶ τῶ 
 xo6u@ Ῥ, πανταχοῖ πολιτεύεται 
 om, An. 
 
 ® Jer. v. 21. 
 
63 
 
 \ μῶ ~ ’ 
 τὴν ἐκηλησίαν κλεῖσαι καὶ καταργῆσαι ἐδοκίμασαν καὶ 
 ? ? ? ~ ¢ / 
 ovx ἰσχυσαν; al’ αυτοὶ μὲν TAPAS ov, ὁ δὲ ἐς ϑεμέ- 
 + ς 
 Atos" ἡμῶν Kal ἡ πίστις " ἵσταται ἀσάλευτος" διὰ 
 
 τον " Χριστὸν tov" εἰπόντα “ 
 τισχύσουσιν αὐτῆς." © 
 Μαξιμιανὸς; "' ποῦ ἔστιν " 
 πασιανοὸς, ee 
 ρας ANOKTELVAYTES ; 
 μηδὲ πλείσαντες,"" 
 oun épevoato™ 
 ks ; 
 δια TO OVOMA μου" 
 7 μὴ μισῆτξε τῇ ἡμᾶς, μήτε" 
 πῆτε" ἡμᾶς, πάντως" 
 TOV Χριστὸν ® 
 
 99554 
 
 καὶ a εἶπεν 
 
 γινόμενα, καὶ 
 
 δὲ τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ 
 na’ ἡμέραν “" 
 
 προσκυνοῦμεν." 
 γέλιον ἐν 
 
 “1 τῆος πίστεως add. Ῥ, τῆς éxxAn- 
 δίας add. An. 
 
 * wai ἢ miotis om. P. 
 
 πο roy om. PAn. 
 
 * ovr@s add. PAn. 
 
 δ εἰρηκότα P, ὁρίσαντα An, 
 
 Ὁ Ὁ Atondiriavos; P, 6 A1toxdAn- 
 τιανός; An. 
 
 PSO Fe 
 
 Suai Μαξιμιανὸς om. et ποῦ 
 ἐστὶν ὁ Νέρων ; ποῦ ὁ Ovecracia- 
 vos; add. An. 
 
 9 ἔστιν om. PAn. 
 
 ὃ ποῦ ἔστιν Ovedraciavos om. 
 PAn. ποὺ ὁ Μαξιμιανὸς add, An. 
 
 *! rovs τοῦ Ἀριοτοῦ P, rovs Χιριῦ- 
 τοῦ An, 2 κιγηόαντες P, 
 
 53 καὶ ἡ πίστις αὐτοῦ add. P. 
 
 4 ἐπαυσατοῬ. 
 
 ὅδ καὶ παλιν “ἐπὶ βασιλεὶς καὶ 
 ἡγεμόνας ἀἐχϑήσεσϑε διὸ τὸ ὄνομά 
 μου ?f add. Ῥ, καὶ παλιν “ ἐπὶ Baci- 
 
 υ of. ii, Tim. ii. 19. 
 © of. Mark xvi. 15, 
 
 ποῦ ἐστι Διοκλητιανοὸς," 
 Ἡρώδης; 
 nal AV TES οἱ τοῦ Χριστοῦ τοὺς" 
 τὴν δὲ πίστιν ἡμῶν poy παύσαντες 
 καὶ αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀπώλοντο, ὁ δὲ Χριστὸς" 
 εἰπωῶν ““ἔσεσϑε μισούμενοι ὑπὸ παντῶν 
 ὃν οὖν & τῶν δύο ἐπιλέξασϑε, 
 ὑμεῖς μήτε“ 
 δεικνύετε, καὶ μὴ ϑέλοντες," 
 ἀληθεύοντα, τὸν εἰπόντα" 
 μισούμενοι ὑπὸ πάντων διὰ τὸ ὄνομά μου." οὐ μόνον 
 ἡμῖν " 
 
 εἶπεν ὅτι ““κηρυχϑήσεται 
 μά = A 9 616 
 ολῷ τῷ ποσμῳῷ. 
 
 Ἵ Ἵ / 
 
 ¢ Matt. xvi. 18. 
 f Matt. x. 18. 
 
 ὅτι “πύλαι ἄδου OD πα- 
 
 Or 
 
 nar" 
 ῳ “ 3 
 
 ποῦ ἐσ ΑΗ: Ουεσ- 
 / 
 
 μαρτυ- 
 
 10 
 \ MN ἋἋ as 
 Ta EVN; n €aVv 
 
 ὅτι (ἔσεσθε 
 15 
 ἅτινα ϑεωροῦμεν 
 ἐπιπλεῖον αὐτὸν ὡς ϑεὸν 
 τὸ evay- 
 
 ἐς εἰ μὴ ἀφή- 
 
 tad J 
 ὌΠ ὧν 
 
 εἶπεν 
 Asis καὶ ἡγεμόνας ἀχϑήσεσϑε Eve- 
 μὲν ἐμοῦ" add, An. 
 6 2) un μισεῖτε Ῥ, ἢ μιδεῖτε An. 
 unre om, ἘΣ 
 nde ἘΣ 
 8 uioeire P, 
 60 δ. pyre ΕΣ ἈΠ Δι 
 πάντως om, An. 
 δ Bovadcuevor P. 
 τες om. An. 
 ΟΣ Seov P. 
 > ἀληθεύοντα, τὸν εἰπόντα V, 
 ἀληθεύοντα εἰπόντα ἡμῖν <An., 
 ἀληϑινὸν προειπόντα ἡμὶν Ῥ. 
 % uty om. PAn. 
 % xa ἡμέραν ϑεωροῦμεν PAn, 
 ὁ προσκυνοῦμεν PAn., προόπυ- 
 
 καὶ μὴ ϑέλον- 
 
 vovmevov V. 
 
 ὅτ εἶπεν ὅτι “ov un μείνῃ λίϑος 
 ἐπὶ λίϑον εἰς τὸν ναὸν ὑμῶν "Ξε 
 add. PAn. 
 
 68 Griz om. 
 
 PAn. 
 
 4 Luke xxi. 17. 
 & Matt. xxiv. 2. 
 
64 
 
 9 ‘ ᾽ ’, 
 σεις" πατέρα καὶ μητέρα" καὶ αδελῴφους" ov dvvacai™ 
 
 μοι ἀκολουθῆσαι." 5 εἶπεν ἡμῖν μεταλαμβάνειν τοῦ 
 σώματος" καὶ αἵματος" αὐτοῦ." εἶπεν ἡμῖν" περὶ 
 ἐλεημοσύνης κρυπτῶς αὐτὴν ποιεῖν." εἶπεν ἡμῖν βαπτί- 
 
 5 ξεσϑαι εἰς ὄνομα πατρὸς καὶ υἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου πνεύματος. 
 εἶπεν ἡμῖν ὅτι * μεϑ᾽ ὑμιῶν εἰμὶ πᾶσας τὰς ἡμέρας ἕως 
 τῆς συντελείας τοῦ αἰῶνος." π΄ τίς οὖν ἔστιν ὁ δυνά- 
 μενος ἐλέγξαι" ὅτι ταῦτα ey εὐσατοῦ ἕν τούτοις ὁ Χρισ- 
 τὸς ἡμῶν : >“ οὐδείς. apa οὐκ ἔπεσεν ὁ ναὸς" ᾿ καὶ ἑκαύ- 
 
 10 Sy" ὑπὸ Ων! Ῥωμαίων ; Ὁ ἄρα οὐκ ἐκηρύχϑη τὸ εὐαγ- 
 γέλιον αὐτοῦ" ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ κόσμῳ: ἄρα ου “μισούμεϑα ot 
 χριστιαν οἱ δ διὰ τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ ὑπὸ πάντων; " apa 
 ov ϑεωρεῖτε πολλοὺς xa’ ἡμέραν βαπτιξομένους" εἰς 
 τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύ- 
 
 15 ματος: * apa οὐ βλέπομεν καὶ νοοῦμεν ὅτι eS’ ἡμῶν 
 ἐστιν ὁ Χριστὸς ἕως τῆς συντελείας τοῦ αἰῶνος, μὴ συγ- 
 χωρῶν καταργηϑῆναι τὴν πίστιν ἡμῶν; ἀρὰ ov ϑεωροῦ- 
 μὲν μυρίους ἐξ ἡμῶν κρυπτῶς ποιοῦντας τὴν ἐλεημοσύνην 
 αὐτῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐντολὴν τοῦ Χριστοῦ ; °° ris οὖν βλέπων 
 
 20 τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ τοσαῦτα αὐτοῦ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ῥήματα καὶ 
 
 ° ὁ μὴ ἀφίων PAn, δ αὐτοῦ om. P. 
 
 τ καὶ μητέρα οἵα. Αη. ὁ ὑπὸ πάντων add. PAn. 
 
 τι καὶ ἀδελφὰς add. An. 7 ἦρα οὐ ϑεωροῦμεν xa ἡμέραν 
 ™ Svvarat PAn, μυρίους ἀφέντας πατέρας καὶ μη- 
 τ ἀκολουϑῆσαί μοι PAn, τέρας, HAL ἀποτασσομένους τῶ 
 * ro σῶμα P, * rd αἷμα Ῥ, κόσμω καὶ ἀκολουθοῦντας τῷ 
 
 > " . ~ " ~ " ~ ἮΝ - 
 ὁ εἶπεν MES ἡμῶν εἰναι πᾶσας Χριστῶ; apa οὐ ϑεωρεῖτε xa 
 τὰς ἡμέρας EWS τῆς συντελείαξ τοῦ ἡμέραν ποιοῦντας τους χριόστια- 
 
 αἰῶνος add. Ῥ, VOUS καϑῶὼς προεῖπεν ἡμῖν ὁ Χριό- 
 7 ἡμῖν om, Ρ. τὸς; add. P. apa οὐ ϑεωροῦμεν 
 δ εἶπεν ἡμὶν ὅτι κιτιλις ςς, αἰῶ- μυρίους ἀφιόντας πατέρας καὶ μη- 
 
 vos” οἵη. P. τέρας, καὶ axodovSovvras τῷ 
 Ὁ αὐτὸν add, PAn, Χριστῶ ; add, An, 
 
 “ravra ἐψεύσατο V, ἐψεύδατο “xa ἡμέραν βαπτιζομένους 
 ταῦτα An, épevoaro ἐν τούὐύ- πολλους P. ᾿ 
 
 τοις P. “ἡμῶν om. Ῥ, dpa οὐ ϑεωρεῖτε πολλοὺς κιτ.λ. 
 " ὑμῶν add, PAn. ἐνὸν τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος ; om. 
 3. ἐκαῃ PAn, An. 
 "“ ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων P, om, An., “apa ov ϑεωροῦμεν μυρίους 
 ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων V. M.T.A....... Xpuorov ; om, An, 
 5 of. Luke xiv. 26. ' of. Mark xiv. 22, etc. * of. Matt. vi. 1 ff. 
 
 ‘of. Matt. xxviii. 19. m 70. vers, 20, 
 
65 
 
 πράγματα, ἅπερ πρὸ επαποσίων ἐτων" ᾿ προεῖπεν," σή- 
 μερον "ἡ καὶ nas’ ἡμέραν "" γινόμενα nar λάμποντα," 
 δύναται ἀπιστῆσαι 7) Hare aNIO OT Mat": μὴ 
 γένοιτο. καὶ yap ἅπαντα τὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ ot προφῆτας 
 ὑμῶν " προεπήρυξαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑμεῖς οὐκ ἐμβλέπετε."" 
 
 lee Ἐρώτησαν ot Ιουδαῖοι "" εἰ οὖν ρα, Ol προφῆται 
 ἡμῶν τὰ περὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ace προεῖπον, > Sia τί οὐκ 
 εἴπον προφανῶς ὅτι γινώσπετε" Ἰουδαῖοι ὅτι μέλλει ἐλ- 
 Seiv ὁ Χριστὸς καὶ παῦσαι τὸν νόμον καὶ tas ϑυσίας 
 
 εἰς αὐτόν ; 
 
 τοῦ νόμου;" 
 
 ὃ χριστιανὸς εἶπεν" εἰ εἶπον οὕτως γυμνῶς τὸ 
 
 μ᾿ ay ’ , ? \ \ 5 \ 
 πρᾶγμα, ευϑέως ἑλιϑαξφετε ΠΡΟΣ λοῖπον δὲ καὶ τας 
 βίβλους αὐτῶν ὅλας ee καὶ ἡμεῖς εἷς τοῦτο ἔἐβλαπ- 
 TOMES aL ἄρτι yap ἀπὸ" τῶν προφητῶν ὑμῶν" παταῖισ- 
 χύνομεν ὑμᾶς," πάντα τὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐξ αὐτῶν παρι- 
 στῶντες, καὶ ὑμᾶς ἐλέγχοντες." 
 
 Ὁ γὰρ Δαβὶὲδ λέγει" “ ἔμλινεν οὐρανοὺς καὶ πατ- 
 ἔβη") 5" ἰδοὺ ἡ κατάβασις. 2 Ἡσαΐας λέγει “ἰδοὺ ἡ παρ- 
 ϑένος EV γαστρὶ ἔξει, καὶ τέξεται υἱὸν, καὶ καλέσουσι 
 τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Ἐμμανουήλ 227 δον ἢ γέννησις. aL ὥρυ- 
 Sav χεῖρας μου nat πόδας μου" Hae, Σ eS conav εἷς TO 
 βρῶμα pov χολὴν, καὶ eis τὴν δίψαν μου ἐπότισαν μὲ 
 ὄξον," 4" καὶ διεμερίσαντο τὰ ἱματιά μου ἑαυτοῖς, nat 
 ἐπὶ τὸν ἱματισμόν μου ἔβαλον κλῆρον "5" ἰδοὺ" ἡ σταύ- 
 Paes. 
 
 81: πρὸ πολλῶν ἕτων P, πρὸ χρό- 
 γῶν ὀνταπκοσίων ἢ HAL ἐπέκεινα 
 An. 53 προεῖπεν om. P. 
 
 > εἶπεν om. P. 5 gx PAn. 
 7 ὑμῶν om. P. 
 
 "ὑμᾶς καταιόχύνομεν PAn. 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 5 μέχρι τὴς Gnueporv Ρ. 
 
 “ καὶ nal ἡμέραν om. P. 
 
 "5. ὑπὲρ ἥλιον add. P. 
 
 % ἀπιστῆσαι ἢ δκανδαλισϑῆναι 
 VAn., δκανδαλιόσϑῆναι ἢ ἀπιό- 
 τῆσαι P. ἐῶν om. P,~ 
 
 “ov βλέπετε P. καὶ yap ἅπαντα 
 oun ἐμβλέπετε om, An. 
 
 'Epw@rnua Ἰουδαίου P, TOY 
 ATTOT ABI TEPA EPHTASIS 
 An. 3 etxor P. 
 
 δέτε P, tva eidnre An. 
 
 * τοῦ νόμου om. P. 
 
 2 Psa. xvii. 10. 
 4 Psa, Ixviii. 22. 
 
 > 188. 
 
 ὃ πάντα, ta tov Xpirov κ.τ A. 
 ἐλέγχοντες V, ὅλα ra τοῦ 
 
 Χριστοῦ ἐξ αὐτῶν ὑμᾶς ἐλέγχον- 
 τες καὶ παριστῶντες An., ἐλέγχον- 
 τες UNAS ἐξ αὐτῶν καὶ παριότῶν- 
 res τὴν ἀλήϑειαν Ῥ. 
 
 6 4 αβὶδ μὲν yap λέγει An. 
 
 27600 ἡ παταβασις Om, AN. 
 
 * nai “ἔδωκαν εἰς TO βρῶμα μου 
 re ce, a . An. 
 
 *2énpiSuno6av πάντα τὰ ὀστᾶ 
 
 »» ” 
 <2 ΒΟ = OM 
 
 μου add, An. 
 5. δου καὶ An. 
 vii. 14. ¢ Psa. xxi. 17. 
 
 e¢ Psa, xxi. 19. 
 
10 
 
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 66 
 
 apa ἐψεύσαντο of εὐαγγελισταὶ ἡμῶν εἰπόντες ὅτι 
 ἔπαϑε ταῦτα ὁ Χριστὸς; ἐὼν ἐρεύσαντο καὶ Aapid 
 ἐψεύσατο ὁ ταῦτα εἱπῶν. ἀλλὰ μη γένοιτο. ϑέλεις 
 ἀκοῦσαι καὶ τὴν ἀνάστασιν αὐτοῦ ; Ὡσηὶ ὁ προφήτης 
 λέγει ““δητήσωμεν τὸν κύριον, καὶ ὑγιάσει ἡμᾶς μετὰ 
 δύο ἡμέρας - καὶ ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀναστησόμεϑα."" 
 
 [12.” Aéyet yap ὁ Δαβὶδ ““ ἔκλινεν οὐρανους καὶ κατέ- 
 βη"")" καὶ πάλιν ““ καταβήσεται ὡς ὑετὸς ἐπὶ πόκον "Ὁ 
 ἰδοὺ ἡ κατάβασις. ὁμοίως καὶ Ἡσαΐας λέγει «ς ἰδουὺ ἡ 
 παρϑένος ἕν γαστρὶ ἔξει, καὶ τέξει υἱόν, καὶ παλέσουσι 
 TO ὄνομα αὐτοῦ ᾿Ἐμμανουὴλ"»" * idov ἡ γέννησις. καὶ 
 πάλιν ἀλλαχοῦ ὁ αὐτὸς “προφήτης λέγει ps οὐκ ἄγγελος, 
 οὐ πρέσβυς, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος n&er καὶ σώσει ἡμᾶς" “= 
 ὅτι δὲ Seos ἐστι, λέγει “ἐ καὶ καλεῖται τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ 
 μεγάλης βουλῆς ἄγγελος, Seos ἰσχυρὸς, ἐξουσιαστὴς, 
 ἄρχων εἰρήνη, πατὴρ τοῦ μέλλοντος αἰῶνος." " εἶτα 
 καὶ τὸν τόπον τῆς γεννήσεως δηλῶν λέγει ““ γῆ Ζαβου- 
 λῶν καὶ γῆ Νεφϑαλὴμ, ὅδον Salacons πέραν τοῦ 
 Ἰορδάνου, Γαλιλαία τῶν ἐθνῶν. ὁ λαὸς ὁ καϑήμενος 
 ἐν σκότει εἶδεν φῶς μέγα," τουτέστιν ὁ λαὸς τῶν 
 &Sv@v τὸν Χριστὸν ἐκεῖ γεννηθέντα ἐδόξασαν καὶ 
 προσεκύνησαν. καὶ Μιχαίας δὲ ὁ προφήτης οὕτως λέγει 
 << καὶ σὺ Βηϑλεὲμ, γῆ Ἰούδα, οὐδαμῶς ἐλαχίστη et EV 
 τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν Ἰούδα: & σοῦ γὰρ ἐξελεύσεται ἡγου- 
 pevos.”® καὶ Δαβὶδ δὲ δεικνὺς ὅτι διὰ τὰ ἔϑνη ὁ ϑεὸς 
 σαρκοῦσϑαι ἔμελλεν, τρανῶς καὶ ἀνυποστόλως εἶπεν 
 “< ἐβασίλευσεν 6 ϑεὸς ἐπὶ τὰ ἐϑνη 5 καὶ πάλιν ὡς ἐκ 
 προσώπου τοῦ πατρὸς πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν φησὶν “αἴτησαι 
 παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ, καὶ δώσω σοι ἔϑνηῃ τὴν κληρονομίαν σοῦ") 
 καὶ πάλιν “πάντα τὰ ἔϑνη πκροτήσατε χεῖρας." " ‘ort 
 παιδίον ἐγεννήθη ἡμῖν, υἱὸς καὶ ἐδόϑη ἡμῖν 1} καὶ 
 “πάντα τὰ ἔϑνη boa ἐποίησας ἠξουσιν καὶ προσκυνή- 
 σουσιν ἐνώπιόν oov κύριε." ὅτι δὲ ἐν Σιὼν ἔμελλεν 
 φανεροῦσϑθαι ὁ Χριστὸς, καὶ ὅτι ὕψιστος ἐστιν, ἐν τῷ 
 πε ψαλμῷ οὕτως Δαβὶδ προεφήτευσεν, ““ μήτηρ Σιὼν 
 
 ’ Usque ad caput 18, pag. 73 P; totum om, V. 
 
 ‘ Hos, vi. 1-2, * Psa. xvii. 10. > Pea. Ixxi. 6. © Isa, vii. 14, 
 4 Taa. Ixili. 9. * Isa. ix. 6. Isa. ix. 1-2. ® Mic. v. 2. 
 » Psa. xvi. 9. ‘fi, 8. * xIvi. 1. ' Isa, ix. 6. 
 
 τ Psa. lxxxv. 9. 
 
67 
 
 ἐρεῖ ἄνθρωπος, καὶ ἄνθρωπος ἐγεννήθη EV αὐτῇ; καὶ 
 αὐτὸς ἐθεμελίωσεν αὐτὴν ὁ ὕψιστος" "αὶ ὥστε οὖν 
 ὑφψιστὸς ἐστιν ὁ Χριστὸς καὶ υἱὸς τοῦ ϑεοῦ. ὅτι δὲ 
 τεχϑεὶς ὁ Χριστὸς ἔμελλεν μετὰ τῆς ἰδίας μητρὸς τῆς 
 TV EV MAT LIS γεφέλης ἔρχεσϑαι εἰς ᾿Ἄιγυπτον, Ἡσαΐου 
 τοῦ προφήτου ἀκούσωμεν λέγοντος, “<idov uvpios κάϑη- 
 ται Ent νεφέλης κούφη, καὶ ἥξει εἰς ᾿ἄιϊιγυπτον καὶ σεισ- 
 ϑήσονται τὰ χειροποίητα Atybrrov.”* ὅτι δὲ βαπτιξο- 
 μένου τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἔμελλεν ὁ πατὴρ ἄνωϑθεν αὐτῷ 
 μαρτυρεῖν, ἐν τῷ un ψαλμῷ οὕτως γέγραπται, ““ φωνὴ 
 κυρίου ἐπὶ τῶν ὑδάτων, ὁ ϑεὸς τῆς δέξης ἐβρόντησε, 
 κύριος ἐπὶ ὑδατὼν ZOAN@Y.”” εἶτα καὶ περὶ τῶν Sav- 
 μάτων αὐτοῦ καὶ ἰάσεων ὧν ἐποίησεν Ἡσαΐας ὁ προ- 
 φήτης λέγει ““ αὐτὸς Tas ἀσϑενίας ἡμῶν ἀνέλαβεν καὶ 
 TAS νόσους ἐβάστασεν." . ὅτι δὲ εἰρηνεῦσαι τὸν KOG- 
 
 3 ? 7 = ? 3 
 μον ἤλϑεν, απουσωμεν τοῦ Aapis λέγοντος, ““ανατελεῖ 
 
 EV ταῖς ἡμέραις αὐτοῦ δικαιοσύνη, καὶ πλῆϑος εἰρήνης 
 ἕως οὗ ἀνταναιρεϑὴ 1) σελήνη. nal HAT AKU PIEVO El ἀπὸ 
 Salacons ἕως ϑαλάσσης, nat ἀπὸ ποταμῶν ἕως περά- 
 τῶν τῆς οἰκουμένης." " κἂν εἴπῃς, @ Ἰουδαῖε, ὅτι περὶ 
 Σολομῶντος λέγει ψεύδῃ σε, προϊων yap λέγει x πρὸ 
 τοῦ ἡλίου διαμενεῖ τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, καὶ πάντα τὰ 
 ἐϑνη μαπαριοῦσιν αὐτὸν," καὶ “προσκυνήσουσιν αὐ- 
 τὸν πάντες of βασιλεῖς τῆς γῆς." ταῦτα δὲ οὐ δυνα- 
 τὸν εἰς “Σολομῶντα λέγεσθαι, οὐδὲ yap ἦν πρὸ τοῦ 
 ἡλίου, ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε διήρπεσεν ἕως οὗ ἀνταναιρεϑῇ ἡ σε- 
 λήνη. ὅτι δὲ καὶ διὰ βαπτίσματος ἔμελλεν Χριστὸς ὃ 
 Seos ἡμῶν πκαταργεῖν τὸν διάβολον καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ 
 δαίμονας, ὁ Δαβὶδ λέγει μαρτυρῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν οὕτως, 
 “σὺ συνέτριψας Tas κεφαλὲς τῶν δρακόντων ἐπὶ τοῦ 
 ὕδατος: σὺ συνέϑλασας τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ δράποντος." " 
 ὅτι δὲ ποιητής ἔστιν οὐρανοῦ καὶ γῆς ὁ ἐν Saraoon 
 περιπατήσας, τοῦ Ἰὼβ ἀκούσωμεν λέγοντος “Ὁ τανύσας 
 τὸν οὐρανὸν μόνος, καὶ περιπατῶν ἐπὶ ϑαλάσσης ἧς 
 ἐπὶ ἐδάφους." περὶ δὲ τοῦ πώλου καὶ τῆς ὄνου ἐφ᾽ ὧν ὁ 
 Χριστὸς ἐκάϑισεν, ἀκούσωμεν Ζαχαρίου τοῦ προφήτου 
 λέγοντος ““χαῖρε σφόδρα, ϑύγατερ Σιῶν, κήρυσσε, 
 
 2 Psa, Ixxxvi. 5. 5 Tas ΣΤ I: P Psa. xxviii. 3. 
 4 Isa. liii. 4. : r Psa, Ixxi. 7-8. s Jb. vers. 17. 
 t Jb. vers. 11. ἃ Psa, Ixxiii. 13-14. v Job ix. 8. 
 
 10 
 
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 ϑύγατερ Ἱερουσαλὴμ" ἰδοὺ 6 βασιλεύς σου ἔρχεταί σοι 
 πρᾳὺς καὶ σώξων, ἐπιβεβηκῶς ἐπὶ πῶλον ὄνου υἱὸν 
 ὑποδυγίου. 7m 
 τίτοινυν τῶν προφητικῶν τούτων φωνῶν τηλαυγέσ- 
 τερον: ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως καίπερ οὕτως τρανῶς περὶ τοῦ Χρισ- 
 τοῦ τῶν προφητῶν προφητευσάντων, ἀπετύφλωσεν ὁ 
 Gatavas τὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ὄμματα, καὶ ἐπώρωσεν TAS 
 τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτῶν anoas, ἵνα τὰς τοιαύτας ἀληϑεῖς μαρ- 
 τυρίας παραγράφψονται. καὶ τοῦτο δῆλον καὶ ἀναμφί- 
 βολον ἐκ τῶν τοῦ Ἡσαΐου ῥημάτων λέγοντος * κύριε, 
 τίς ἐπίστευσε τῇ axon) ἡμῶν 5 καὶ ὁ βραχίων κυρίου τίνι 
 ἀπεκαλύφϑη 5’ :α διὰ τοῦτο οὐκ ἠδύναντο πιστεύειν ὅτι 
 πάλιν εἶπεν Ἡσαΐας ὧν τετύφλωπεν αὐτῶν τοὺς opSan- 
 μοὺς καὶ πεπώρωπεν αὐτῶν τὴν καρδίαν, iva μὴ ἰδωσι 
 τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς καὶ νοήσωσιν τῇ καρδίᾳ καὶ ἐπιστρα- 
 ΘΕΟῚ καὶ ἰάσομαι αὐτούς." βλέπεις πῶς πανταχοῦ 
 αὐτοὶ αἴτιοι τῆς ἀπιστίας καὶ ἀπωλείας αὐτῶν καϑεσ- 
 τήπασιν. τοῦτο yap NYE ATO εἰπῶν ““ κύριε, τίς ἐπίσ- 
 τευσε τῇ ἀποῇ ἡμῶν ;"" περὶ Ἰουδαίων τοῦτο ELPNKE, 
 ov περὶ τῶν ἐξ ἔϑνων. ὅτι δὲ ἀληϑές ἐστι τὸ εἰρημένον 
 μαρτυρεῖ Δαβὶδ λέγων ““πάντα ta ἔϑνη ὅσα εποίησας 
 ἥξουσι καὶ προσκυνήσουσιν ἐνώπιον Gov, κύριε," " καὶ 
 τὰ ἑξῆς. ἀκούσωμεν δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν παίδων τῶν ἀπαν- 
 TNTAVT COV τῷ κυρίῳ καί βοησάντων τὸ ὡσαννα καὶ 
 κύριον, αὐτὸν ἀποκαλεσάντων, πῶς καὶ τοῦτο Ζαβὶδ 
 προεφήτευσε, λέγων ἐν τῷ φαλμῷ; “ κύριε, ὁ κύριος 
 ἡμῶν, ὡς ϑαυμαστὸν τὸ ὄνομά σου ἐν πάσῃ τῇ yo ὅτι 
 ἐπήρϑη γἷ μεγαλοπρέπεια σου" ὑπεράνω τῶν οὐρανῶν. 
 ἐκ στόματος νηπίων καὶ Ξϑηλαδόντων πατηρτίσω at- 
 ">> ri πρὸς τοῦτο ἔχεις ἀντειπεῖν, ὦ Ἰουδαῖε : 
 περὶ δὲ τῆς τοῦ Ἰούδα πρυϑδόυδαν ἐν τῷ μ' ψαλμῷ 
 λέγει “66 ἐσθίων ἄρτους μου ἐμεγάλυνεν Em’ ἐμὲ πτερ- 
 γισμόν." 5 τὴν δὲ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ Ἡρώδου καὶ Πιλά- 
 του ἐπιβουλὴν κατὰ Χριστοῦ ὁ β' ψαλμὸς λέγει “iva τί 
 ἐφρύαξαν ἔϑνη, καὶ λαοὶ ἐμελέτησαν κενά: παρέστησαν 
 oe βασιλεῖς τὴς γῆς," τουτέστιν Πιλᾶτος καὶ Ἡρώδης, 
 “ἐ καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες συνήχθησαν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ, Avvas καὶ 
 Καΐαφας καὶ of λοιποὶ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ γραμματεῖς, ““ κατὰ 
 τοῦ κυρίου καὶ κατὰ τοῦ χριστοῦ αὐτοῦ." δ᾽ πάντως 
 
 ψον. 
 
 * Zech, ix. 9. χα Isa, lili. 1. Υ Isa. vi. 10. * Isa, lili. 1. 
 * Psa. IXxxv. 9. ὃν viii, 2-3. ee x). 10. a4 Psa, ii, 1-2. 
 
69 
 
 ἤκουσες ὅτι “κατὰ τοῦ κυρίου καὶ κατὰ τοῦ χριστοῦ 
 αὐτοῦ, " ὁ γὰρ πολεμῶν τὸν υἱὸν ὑβρίξει τὸν πατέρα. 
 ἔχεις ἀναισχυντεῖν κἂν ἐπὶ τοῦτο, ὦ Ἰουδαῖε; : 
 
 περὶ δὲ TOV δεσμῶν ὧν ἐδωσαν TOY ἈΠ ἀν; ταλα- 
 νίδων τοὺς Ἰουδαίους, Ἡσαΐας ὁ προφήτης λέγει “ οὐαὶ 
 τῇ ψυχῇ αὐτῶν διότι βεβουλεύονται βουλὴν πονηρὰν 
 naS’ ἑαυτῶν, λέγοντες, δήσωμεν τὸν δίκαιον ὅτι δύσ- 
 pg Leg 2 ἡμῖν τε © ἐρώτησον λοιπὸν τὸν Ἰουδαῖον 
 καὶ εἰπὲ αὐτῷ, τίς ἀνθρώπων͵ ἕπὶ τῆς γῆς ἀναμάρτητος; 
 εὔδηλον ὅτι οὐδείς. λέγει γὰρ προφαν ὥς ἡ γραφὴ ὅτι 
 ie οὐδεὶς καθαρὸς ἀπὸ ῥύπου, οὐδ᾽ ἂν μία ἡμέρα 1) δὼ) 
 αὐτοῦ επὶ ad γῆ. »π μαὶ παλιν φησὶν ὁ προφήτης πρὸς 
 τὸν ϑεὸν Ὁ 4 μὴ εἰσέλθῃς εὶς κρίσιν μετὰ τοῦ δούλου 
 σου, ὅτι οὐ δικαιωθήσεται ἐνώπιόν σου πᾶς δῶν "5 se 
 ὥστε φανερῶς διδασπόμεϑα ὅτι οὐδεὶς ἀναμάρτητος él 
 μὴ εἷς ὁ Seos. ἀκούσωμεν οὖν τί λοιπὸν ὁ προφήτης 
 Ἡσαΐας διαλέγεται ἡμῖν περὶ τοῦ πάϑους τοῦ ἀναμαρ- 
 τήτου pecs TOU Θεοῦ, “@s πρόβατον ἐπὶ σφαγὴν 
 ἤχϑη; HAL ὡς ἀμνὸς ἐναντίον τοῦ κξίραντος αὐτὸν 
 ἄφωνος, οὗτος οὐ» avoiyet TO στόμα αὐτοῦ ἌΡ ΛΩΝ 
 δὲ ὅτι ἐσιῶπα ὁ Χριστὸς Πιλάτῳ παριστάμενος ἐπὶ τὸ 
 πάϑος αὐτοῦ" “ev TH ταπεινώσει αὐτοῦ ἡ πρίσις αὐ- 
 τοῦ ἤρϑη - τὴν δὲ γενεὰν αὐτοῦ τίς διηγήσεται, on του- 
 τέστιν τὴν προαιώνιον γέννησιν" κατὰ Capra yap 
 γενεαλογεῖται Χριστὸς 6 ϑεός. εἶτα πάλιν “ano τῶν 
 ἀνομιῶν τοῦ λαοῦ μου ἥπει εἰς Savatov:”*© δῆλον δὲ 
 Le ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν τοῦ κόσμου Χριστὸς ἀπέϑανεν" 
 
 «καὶ δώσω τοὺς πονηροὺς ἀντὶ τῆς ταφῆς αὐτοῦ," con 
 OTL τοὺς Ἰουδαίους παραδοὺς τοῖς Ρωμαίοις, ““ καὶ τοὺς 
 πλουσίους αντὶ ἘΠΕ ϑανάτου αὐτοῦ -"} διὰ τί; ὦ προ- 
 φῆτα, ἐιπὲ ἡμῖν - “ort ἁμαρτίαν" φησὶν ΜΗ οὐκ ἑποίησεν, 
 οὐδὲ δόλος τὸ ἐν τῷ στόματι αὐτοῦ. ae ον: ἄνθρω- 
 πος Gas πρόβατον ἐπὶ σφαγὴν ἤχϑη; ἁμαρτίαν “μὴ ποι- 
 NOMS ; : ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ ἔχουσι δεῖξαι ἀνϑρωπον ἀναμάρτητον, 
 εἰ μὴ μόνον τὸν ϑεὸν τὸν γενόμενον ἄνϑρωπον. ἀπού- 
 σῶμεν δὲ καὶ περὶ TOV ψευδομαρτύρων τῶν κατὰ τοῦ 
 Χριστοῦ ψευδομαρτυρισάντων ἕν pak ue AS “ avao- 
 TAVTES μοι μάρτυρες ἄδικοι ἃ οὐ ἐγίνωσπον ἡρώτων 
 με: ἀνταπεδίδοσάν μοι πονηρὰ ἀντὶ ayaS@v.”™ δῆλον 
 
 ee Isa. iii, 9-10. € Job ‘xiv. 4-5. εε Psa. cxlii. 2. bh Τρ, liii. 7. 
 
 10 
 
 nh 
 
 30 
 
 ii vers, 8, kk δια. " vers, 9, mm Psa, xxxiv. 11-12. 
 
10 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 70 
 
 ὅτι ὧν ὁ Χριστὸς ἐν τῷ λαῷ παντὶ πεποίηκεν πρῶτον 
 μὲν τὴν ἔξοδον αὐτῶν τὴν. ἐξ ᾿Διγύπτου καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ 
 μυρία ἀγαϑὰ ἃ εἰς αὐτοὺς εἰργάσατο, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ 
 TOUS νοσοῦντας αὐτῶν ἰασάμενος. περὶ δὲ τῶν μαστι- 
 γωσαντῶν καὶ ῥαπισάντων τὸν Χριστὸν Ἡσαΐας ὁ προ- 
 φήτης ὡς ἐκ προσώπου τοῦ χριστοῦ οὕτως ἔφη, (τὸν 
 νῶτόν μου ded cona εἰς μάστιγας, Tas δὲ σιαγόνας μου εἰς 
 ῥαπίσματα, τὸ δὲ πρόσωπόν μου οὐκ ἀπέστρεψα ἀπὸ 
 αἰσχύνης ἐμπτυσμάτων. οὖν ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ὁ προφήτης 
 “αβὶδ ἐπ προσώπου τοῦ χριστοῦ ἐν AE bak pop λέγει ὅτι 
 -ν ἐγὼ εἰς μάστιγας ἕτοιμος, καὶ ἢ ἀλγηδών μου ἐνώπιόν 
 μου ἔστιν διὰ παντός." ΡΟ “περὶ δὲ τῆς πράσεως τοῦ Xpio- 
 TOU λέγει Ἱερεμίας ὁ προφήτης ““παὶ ἔλαβον τὰ τριάκοντα 
 ἀργύρια τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ τετιμημένου ὃν ἐτιμήσαντο ἀπὸ 
 υἱῶν Ἰσραὴλ, καὶ ἐδωπα αὐτὰ εἰς τὸν ἀγρὸν τοῦ περα- 
 μέως, naSa συνέταξέν μοι κύριος. > apa τοῦτο παρα- 
 γράψασθαι δύνασϑε, ὦ Ἰουδαῖοι, ὅπερ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν 
 παντὸς τοῦ κόσμου πρόπειται EX τότε καὶ μέχρι τοῦ VUV ; 
 λέγω δὴ) ὁ ἀγρὸς τοῦ HEPA MEGS εἰς ταφὴν τοῖς ξένοις. 
 ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ Ζαχαρίας ὁ προφήτης περὶ τῶν λ΄ ἀρ- 
 γυρίων ὡς ἐκ προσώπου τοῦ χριστοῦ “καὶ ἔτησαν 
 τὸν μισϑόν μου τριάκοντα ἀργυρίους." 4“ ὅτε δὲ τὴν 
 ἀρχὴν τῆς σωτηρίας ἡμῶν 7) γοῦν τὸν τίμιον σταυρὸν 
 ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις αὐτοῦ ὥμοις ἐβάστασεν ὁ Χριστὸς vip Go- 
 Seis ἐν av τῷ, Ἡσαΐας προεφήτευσε, λέγων “ov ἡ ἀρχὴ 
 ἐπὶ τοῦ ὥμου αὐτοῦ," πὶ τουτέστιν ὁ δωοποιὸς σταυρός. 
 περὶ δὲ τοῦ ἐξ πεν νον στεφάνου γέγραπται ἐν 
 τοῖς ἄσμασι τῶν ἀσμάτων οὕτως, “«“ϑυγατέρες Tepov- 
 σαλὴμ, ἐδέλθατε καὶ ἴδετε τὸν στέφανον ὃν ἐστεφά- 
 γῶσεν αὐτὸν 1) μήτηρ αὐτοῦ, gis τουτέστιν ἡ συναγωγὴ 
 τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, μήτηρ yap Χριστοῦ αὕτη κατὰ σάρκα 
 γοεῖται, “ev ἡμέρᾳ γυμφεύσεως αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ 
 εὐφροσύνης καρδίας αὐτοῦ" 5 πρόδηλον δὲ ὅτι ) ἡμέρα 
 τοῦ πάξους τοῦ χριστοῦ ἡμέρα nV εὐφροσύνης αὐτοῦ 
 διὰ τὴν σωτηρίαν ἡμῶν." ὥσπερ, yap anavSai τινες 
 οὕτως ὑπῆρχον αἱ ἁμαρτίαι τοῦ κόσμου ἅστινας ἐλθὼν 
 ὁ χριστὸς “6 ἄμνος τοῦ ϑεοῦ ὁ αἴρων τὴν ἁμαρτίαν 
 τοῦ κόσμου" " ἐξήλειψεν. καὶ καθάπερ διὰ τοῦ παρ- 
 ποῦ τοῦ ξύλου ἡ ἁμαρτία τὴν εἴσοδον ἔσχεν, οὕτως 
 
 on ἴδῃ, ], 6. o° Psa, xxxvii. 18. pe Zech. xi. 12-13. a Jb. vers. 12. 
 τ 155, ix. 6. ** Cant. iii. 12. John i, 29. 
 
71 
 
 διὰ τοῦ σταυροῦ τοῦ HOG [Mov ἢ σωτηρία καὶ διὰ τοῦτο 
 ἕν κήπῳ τὸ πάϑος τοῦ “Χριστοῦ ἐγένετο. ἐπειδὴ ἐν παρα- 
 δείσῳ παρέβη ὁ Ada διὸ καὶ τῷ λῃστῇ παράδεισος 
 ἀπὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ ἀνοίγεται. διὰ τοῦτο δὲ καὶ ὥρᾳ 
 ἕκτῃ ὁ Χριστὸς σταυροῦται ἐπειδὴ τὸ δειλινὸν ὁ Adam 
 ἕξορίσϑη. χολῆς δὲ γεύεται ἵνα τὴν γλυκύτητα ΤῊΣ 
 πικρᾶς ἡδονῆς τοῦ ᾿δὼμ ἰάσηται. ῥαπίξεται ἵνα ἐμοὶ 
 τὴν ἐλευθερίαν χαρίσηται. ἐμπτύτεται ἵνα τὸ ἐμφυύυ- 
 σημα τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος ἡμῖν δωρήσηται. φραγελ- 
 λοῦται ἵνα τὸ ἐπὶ τοῦ νώτου ἡμῶν φορτίον τῶν ἁμαρ- 
 
 τιῶν σπορπίσῃ." γυμνοῦται ἐν ξύλῳ ἵνα τὴν ἐμὴν 
 αἰσχύνην σπεπάσῃ. 3 “ανατοῦται iva ἐμὲ δωοποιήσῃ." 
 MAT AMPLVET AL iva ἐμὲ Pie κατάρας ἀπολύσῃ. καλάμῃ 
 
 τὴν πεφαλὴν τύπτεται iva τὴν τοῦ ὄφεως κεφαλὴν 
 συντρίψῃη." λόγχῃ τὴν πλευρὰν νύττεται ἵνα τὴν EX 
 τ τος τοῦ ᾿Αδὰμ RENO Ὁ) Εἰσίαν. OES ϑεραπεύσῃ, 
 καὶ τὴν ain Nile ῥομφαίαν τὴν nal? ἡμῶν στρεφο- 
 μένην παύσῃ," καὶ τὴν ὁδὸν ἡμῖν τοῦ παραδείσου ἀν- 
 οἔξῃ. ὅτι δὲ ἐν μέσῳ THS ys emedder ὁ χριστὸς OTAV- 
 ροῦσϑαι ἕν τῷ oy pak p@ λέγει οὕτως ὁ Aafid, “0 δὲ 
 ϑεὸς βασιλεὺς ἡμῶν πρὸ ALY OS εἰργάσατο σωτηρίαν 
 ἐν μέσῳ τῆς γῆς." ἃ ὅτι δὲ μετὰ λῃστῶν ἔμελλεν ὁ χρισ- 
 τὸς σταυροῦσϑαι Ἡσαΐας ὁ προφήτης φησὶ ““ καὶ μετὰ 
 ἀνόμων ἐλογίσθη. ἦτο wept δὲ τῶν ἥλων HAL τοῦ διαμε- 
 ἜΡΙΝ τῶν ἱματίων EV ΠΝ κα΄ οὕτως γέγραπται, 
 ““ὥρυξαν χεῖρας μου καὶ πόδας μου, ἐδηρίϑμησαν 
 πάντα Ta ὀστᾶ wry A καὶ “- διεμερίσαντο τὰ ἱμά- 
 Tla μου ἑαυτοῖς, nal ἐπὶ τὸν ἱμάτισμόν μου ἔβαλον 
 λῆρον." * ὁμοίως δὲ nal Ζαχαρίας ὁ προφήτης περὶ 
 τῶν ἥλων οὕτως ἔφη, “ καὶ ἐροῦσιν πρὸς αὐτὸν, TL 
 αὐ πληγαὶ αὗται ai ἀνὰ μέσον τῶν χειρῶν σου; καὶ 
 ἐρεῖ, ἃς ἐπλήγην ἐν τῷ οἴπῷ τῷ ἀγαπητῷ ΠΡ Εν au 
 περὶ δὲ τοῦ σποτασμοῦ ὃ αὐτὸς, προφήτης Ζαχαρίας 
 λέγει ἐς καὶ ἕσταε. EV ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ οὐ» ἔσται φῶς, 
 καὶ op DY OS καὶ πάγος ἔσται μία ἡμέρα, καὶ ἡμέρα ENELVY) 
 
 ' δπορπίδσει cod. * συντρίψει cod. 
 
 3 δκεπάσει COA, ® ϑεραπεύυδει cod. 
 
 " ζωοποιήσει cod, “ παύσει cod, τ ἀνοίξει cod. 
 ἘΠΡΒΑ; ixxili, 12: w Isa. liii. 12. ww Psa, xxi. 17-18. 
 
 xx vers, 19. f yy Zech. xiii. 6. 
 
 10 
 
 30 
 
 dd 
 
10 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 35 
 
 72 
 
 γνωστὴ τῷ κυρίῳ, καὶ οὐχ ἡμέρα καὶ γνὺξ, καὶ πρὸς ἕσ- 
 πέραν ἔσται φῶς aif ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ “μῶς ὁ προφήτης 
 λέγει “yal ἔσται ἕν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ, λέγει κύριος 
 κύριος, καὶ δύσεται ὁ ἥλιος μεσημβρίας, καὶ συσπκοτά- 
 σει EML γῆς EV ἡμέρᾳ τὸ φῶς." καὶ Ἰωὴλ ὁ προφήτης 
 λέγει" ὁ ἥλιος nat ”) σελήνη συσποτάσουσιν, καὶ ot ἀστέ- 
 pes δύσουσι τὸ φέγγος αὐτῶν, καὶ κύριος “ἈΠῈ φωνὴν 
 
 αὐτοῦ." ὅτι δὲ ἔμελλον Tae nat χολὴν ποτίξειν τὸν 
 χριστὸν, ψαλμοῦ ξη ἀκούσωμεν λέγοντος ““ἐδωπαν 
 eis τὸ βρῶμα μου χολὴν, καὶ εἰς "τὴν δίψαν μου ἐπότι- 
 Cav μὲ ὄξος" “9 idov καὶ ἢ σταύρωσις καὶ τὰ EV αὐτῇ 
 παρωπολουϑήσαντα. διὸ ὁ αὐτὸς προφήτης τούτοις τὰ 
 μέλλοντα προλέγει, “γενηθήτω ἡ τράπεδα αὐτῶν ἐνώ- 
 πιον αὐτῶν εἰς παγίδα, καὶ εἰς αγταπόδοσιν, καὶ εἰς 
 σκάνδαλον" σκοτισϑήτωσαν ot ὀφθαλμοὶ αὐτῶν τοῦ μὴ 
 βλέπειν, καὶ τὸν νῶτον αὐτῶν διὰ παντὸς σύνπκαμ- 
 ov.” 44. γαἱ διὰ τοῦ προφήτου ᾿Αββαπουὺμ" ἀπειλεῖ ὁ 
 Seos τοῖς οὕτω διαπειμένουσιν, καὶ μὴ πιστεύουσιν, 
 λέγων οὕτως, ““ ἴδετε οἵ καταφρονηταὶ καὶ ἐπιβλέψατε, 
 καὶ ϑαυμάσατε, ὅτι ἔργον ἐργάξομαι ἐγὼ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέ- 
 ραις ὑμῶν, ὃ οὐ μὴ πιστεύσητε ἕάν τις ὑμῖν exdinyei- 
 raw.” πάντα τοίνυν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ἁρμόδει, εἷς καὶ 
 Μωῦσῆς τούτοις ἐπεμβαίνει, λέγων nat ἔσται ἡ on) 
 σου πρεμαμένη ἀπέναντι τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν σου, καὶ 
 φοβηϑήσῃ ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτὸς, καὶ οὐ πιστεύσεις τῇ ξωὴ 
 gov.” περὶ δὲ τῆς ἐγριεντήσεως τὴῆξ λόγχης λέγει 
 Ζαχαρίας ὁ προφήτης ““ καὶ ἐπιβλέψονται πρὸς με εἰς ὃν 
 ἐξεκέντησαν." "6. περὶ δὲ τῆς ἁγίας αὐτοῦ πλευρᾶς τῆς 
 ἐκβλυσάσης τὸ αἷμα καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ ὁ αὐτὸς προφήτης 
 λέγει “ey τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ ἐξελεύσεται ὕδωρ δῶν ἐξ 
 Ἱερουσαλήμ.» ἀπούσομεν δὲ καὶ τοῦ προφήτου 
 Ἡσαΐου περὶ τῆς ταφῆς τοῦ κυρίου λέγοντος, καὶ ὅπως 
 διαγελᾷ τοὺς Ἰουδαίους, ‘* ἴδετε ὡς ὁ δίκαιος ἀπώλετο, 
 καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐκδέχεται τῇ καρδίᾳ,᾽ es ” γοῦν τὴν αὐτοῦ av 
 actaciv: καὶ πάλιν “απὸ προσώπου ἀδικίας ἧρται ὁ 
 
 δίκαιος καὶ ἔσται ἐν εἰρη νὴ ”) Tan αὐτοῦ") eipnvnv 
 *"AuBaxovu cod. 
 ™ Zech. xiv. 6-7. 586 Amos viii. 9. bo> Joel ili, 15. ece Pea. Ixviil. 22. 
 ‘44 vors, 23-24. eee Hab. i. δ. { Deut. xxviii. 66. eee Zech. xii. 10. 
 
 bhb xiv, 8 itt Tea. Ivii. 1. &kk vers, 1-2, 
 
73 
 
 δὲ λέγει ὅτε Πιλᾶτος μετ᾽ εἰρήνης παρέδωπεν τὸ σῶμα 
 τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τῷ Ἰωσήφ. ὁμοίως 
 δὲ nal Aafid περὶ τῇ ταφῆς αὐτοῦ λέγει ἐν τῷ 16 
 φαλμῷ, ὡς ἐκ προσώπου Χριστοῦ, “ ἐϑεντό μὲ ἐν Nan- 
 κμῷ κατωτάτῳ EV σποτεινοῖς καὶ EV σπιᾷ Savatov:”™ 
 καὶ πάλιν ““ καὶ ἐγενήθην ὡσεὶ ἄνθρωπος αἀβοήϑητος 
 ἐν venpois ἐλεύθερος, ha or γοῦν ἀναμάρτητος. γέ- 
 γραπται δὲ καὶ ἐν τῷ Ἰὼβ οὕτως, “ς ἀνοἰγωνταί σοι 
 φόβῳ πύλαι ϑανάτου, πυλωροὶ δὲ adov ἰδόντες σὲ 
 ἔπτηξαν, πη δῆλον ὅτι AL ἐναντίαι TOV δαιμόνων δυ- 
 γάμεις. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ἐν τῷ Ee φαλμῷ οὕτως γέγραπ- 
 σα, Ὁ ἐξάγων πεπεδημένους ἐν ἀνδρίᾳ, ὁμοίως τοὺς 
 παραπιπκραίνοντας τοὺς κατοικοῦντας EV τάφοις. ee 
 ὅτι δὲ ὁ χριστὸς ἕν τῷ aon ἀπομένειν οὐκ ἔμελλεν ἀλλὰ 
 τριήμερος ἀνίστασϑαι, ψαλμοῦ 1ξ᾽ ἀπούσομεν λέγον- 
 τὸς ὅτι “οὐκ ἐγηαταλεύρεις τὴν ψυχήν aed εἰς ἄδην, 
 οὐδὲ δώσεις τὸν ὅσιόν σου ἰδεῖν διαφϑοράν." ἘρΡ καὶ ὃ 
 προφήτης δὲ Ὡσηὲ οὕτως EDN, MG TOPEVI@ MEY καὶ ἕπισ- 
 τρέψωμεν πρὸς πύριον τὸν ϑεὸν ἡμῶν, ὅτι αὐτὸς πέπαι- 
 HEV ἡμᾶς καὶ ἰάσεται ἡμᾶς μετὰ δίο ἡμέρας" καὶ ἕν τῇ 
 τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀναστησόμεθα nat δησόμεθα 4 Ἰδοὺ 
 περὶ τῆς ἀναστάσεωϑβ. περὶ δὲ τῶν μυροφορων a 
 ναιϊικῶν ‘Hoaias ὁ προφήτης, εἶπεν “Ἢ γυναῖπες ἐρχόμε- 
 ναι ἀπὸ ϑέας δεῦτε: οὐ yap λαὸς ἔστιν ἔχων σύνε- 
 δέν χερὶ δὲ THS ἀναλήψεως Χριστοῦ ἐν 12 ihe or 
 γέγραπται “< καὶ ἐπέβη ἐπὶ χερουβὶμ, καὶ ἐπετάσϑη ἐπὶ 
 πτερύγῶν ἀνέμων. 7988 γχαὶ παλιν ἐν Ue ψαλμῷ { ἀνέβη 
 ὁ ϑεὸς ἐν ἀλαλαγμῷ, κύριος ἐν φωνῇ σαλπιγγος." * 
 καὶ EV τῷ προφήτῃ Ζαχαρίᾳ γέγραπται “ἕν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ 
 ἐκείνῃ στήσονται οὗ πόδες κυρίου εἰς τὸ ὄρος τῶν 
 ἐλαιὼν τὸ κατέναντι Ἱερουσαλὴμ ἐξ ἀνατολῶν ἡλί- 
 po | 
 
 13. Tis λοιπὸν ἐκ τῶν προφητῶν ταῦτα anovwv 
 περὶ Χριστοῦ, οὐχ ὁμολογεῖ αὐτὸν ϑεὸν ἀληϑινόν; 
 
 10 
 
 1ὅ 
 
 20 
 
 25 
 
 30 
 
 1ris λοιπὸν ἐξ τῶν π.τ.λ. V, ris τῶν περὶ αὐτοῦ ῥηθπθέντων P, Aor- 
 s ~ , , , 9 ~ Η͂ , - » , > “ὦ 
 OUV ταῦτα πάντα ἀπούων ἐπ τῶν MOV τίς ταῦτα ἀκούων EX τῶν προ- 
 
 ϑείων προφητῶν περὶ Χριστοῦ, καὶ φητῶν περὶ τοῦ χριότοῦ An, 
 
 Il Psa, Ixxxvii. 7. mmm Psa, Ixxxvii. 5-6. non Job xxxviii. 17. ooo Pga. Ixvii. 7 
 ΡΡΡ Psa. xv. 10. 444 Hos. vi 1-2. mr Tsa, xxvii. 11. sss Pga, xvii. 11. 
 
 ttt Psa, xvi. 6. uuu ‘Zech, xiv. 4. 
 
74 
 
 ἡμεῖς yap ovK ἄνθρωπον ψιλὸν αὐτὸν" λέγομεν, ἀλλὰ" 
 Seov' ἐνανθϑρωπήσαντα, καὶ" εἰδωλα " καταργήσαντα, 
 ϑυσίας Saimovinas’ παύσαντα, βωμοὺς" καταστρέ- 
 ψαντα. ποῦ εἰσὶν αἱ ϑυσίαι Αἰγύπτου; ποῦ αἱ μαν- 
 5 τεῖαι Μέμφεως ;" ποῦ εἰσὶ σήμερον οἱ τὸν Νεῖλον" σε- 
 βόμενοι; ποῦ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ὁ ναός; ποῦ τοῦ ναοῦ Κυ- 
 Ginov" at μαντεῖαι καὶ Svoiar;” ἀπώλοντο πάντα "ἢ 
 τὰ τῶν δαιμόνων πράγματα τοῦ Χριστοῦ" φανέντος, 
 σταυροῦ" παγέντος. Χριστὸς" πανταχοῦ προσπυνεῖ- 
 10 raz καὶ δοξ ἄδεται, καὶ οὐκ αἰσχύνονται ot" Ἰουδαῖοι εἰ- 
 δωλοϑύτας ἡμᾶς καὶ εἰδωλολάτρας " ὀνομάξοντες. ὅμως 
 οὐδὲν ξένον" πᾶσα yap γυνὴ πόρνη τὸ ίδιον ὄνομα 
 τῇ ἐλευθέρᾳ γυναιπὲ περιτίϑησιν," μραδουσα πόρνην 
 Ἡσαΐου " καὶ Ἱεριμίου καὶ αὐτοῦ, τοῦ δεσπότου οὐκ 
 15 ἐφείσασϑε, nal πῶς ἡμῶν éyete™ φείσασϑαι:; ἐγὼ" 
 μὲν προσκυνῶν εἰκόνα λέγω δόξα σοι ὁ ϑεὸς τῶν 
 ἁγίων, καὶ ov ae Si δόξα σοι ξύλον ἢ δωγραφία" gy 
 δὲ mpoonvv@v™ τὴν εἰκόνα, λέγειν δόξα σοι Na- 
 βουχοδονόσορ. ἐγὼ προσκυνῶν" τὸν σταυρὸν, οὐ 
 20 λέγω δόξα σοι" ξύλον -" μὴ γένοιτο: adda λέγω δόξα 
 
 "αὐτὸν ψιλὸν P. λωνος καὶ παντων τῶν δαι- 
 " ἀλλὰ καὶ Ῥ, μόνων ; τοῦ γὰρ Χριστοῦ An, 
 4“ ἡμεὶς γὰρ οὐκ κιτ.λος .... ϑεὸν "5 καὶ σταυροῦ PAN. 
 m. An, 6 ϑεὸς An. 
 " καὶ om, PAn. ” oi om. PAn. 
 5 εἰδωλα re An. ΟΝ καὶ εἰδωλολάτρας Huds P. 
 * δαιμονῶν An. ® περιτίϑῃ P. 
 *ravoavra, βωμοὺς om, An. ” πόρνῃ P, memopvevuévy An, 
 
 " ποῦ Σεβέννυτος ἡ τὸν Σίμωνα 3: πλὴν Ἡσαΐου Ῥ. 
 , ~ © ΄ ‘ ᾿ - ν bad ~ 
 
 δεβομένῃ; ποῦ Ὧνουφις ἡ τὸν ὄνον 2 ἡμῶν ἔχετε V, ἔχετε ἡμῶν P 
 
 , ; Pts ἢ 7 x ’ 
 προόσκυνούσα; διὰ yap τοῦτο Ta ἡμὶν Tos χριότιαν οἷς ἔχετε AN, 
 
 ~ αν ἢ ~ - ‘ ᾿ , 
 τοιαῦτα ονόματα add. P, ποῦ Σε- 33 καὶ ἐγὼ Ῥ, καγ ὦ An. 
 βήνυτος ἡ τὸν Σίμωνα δεβομένη; τὴν εἰκόνα Ῥ. 
 mow Νούφις ἡ τὸν otvov κροόκυ- ™ ξύλου 7 ζωγραφίας An. 
 
 vovoa add, An. * καὶ An, 
 δ ἥλιον An. * προδεκύνησας An, 
 " γαοῦ Κυζίκου VAn., KvOixnov ™ εἶπας An, 
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 τοῦ Χριστοῦ VP, αἱ μαντεῖαι ᾿Απὸλ- κιτ.λ. ον νος ὅοι ξύλον om, P. 
 
ri) 
 
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 δὲ προσπυνῶν τὸν μόσχον λέγεις "' 
 Ἰσραὴλ οἵ ἐξαγαγόντες σὲ én γῆς Αἰγύπτου."" 
 τυπτόμενος 
 καταπονούμενος, TOV ϑεὸν μου οὐκ ap 
 τινὲς γριστιαν οὶ “᾽ 
 φονευϑέντες * 
 ἡἠρνήσασϑε. 
 
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 οὐ τοσοῦτοι" υμεῖς " δὲ μὴ 
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 41 
 
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 14. Καὶ ἕπειδὴ εἴπατε διὰ τί οὐ» εἶπον “)υμγῶς οἵ 
 
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 προεῖπον ὑμῖν περὶ τοῦ χριστοῦ," 
 
 μέλλει * 
 αὐτῷ ὅτι πλάνος ἐστιν ;" 
 ξστέ." 
 
 15. Καὶ μηδέν" 
 διὰ τί" τὰς εἰκόνας" 
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 μοι εἴπῃς 
 
 καίτοι 
 
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 4 ἀλλὰ λέγω δόξα... .. τοῦ Χριόδ- 
 τοῦ om. An. 
 
 S eleves P. 
 
 35 ἐφαξόμενος P (sic). 
 
 37 αἱ τυπτόμενος καὶ OMACOMEVOS 
 καὶ οἵη. An. 
 
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 ΞΟ ὁ xai PAn. 
 
  yep1ot1avoi om. P. 
 
 41 60) τοσοῦτοι V, ov TOGOUTOL WS 
 An., οὕτως OVK ἠἡρνήσαντο WS P. 
 
 5 ἐν Βαβυλῶνι, μήτε TUMSEVTES 
 μήτε add. PAn. 
 
 πο wy om. PAn. 
 
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 pévres An. 
 
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 τὸν Seov 
 
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 προσκυνῶ. 
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 τὴν εἴπονα TOV Ναβουχοδονοσορ ἕν Βαβυλῶνι 
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 ye ἔχων éenési τον 
 
 10 
 ὅτι βλέπετε," ἐλϑεῖν 
 μὴ πιστεύσητε" 
 
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 τῇ καρδίᾳ πλάνον nat οὐ Χριστὸν" 
 
 προσδεχόμενοι" 
 
 1ὅ 
 λοιπὸν μηδὲ ἐγπαλέσῃς " 
 ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνό μοι εἰπὲ 
 
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 3 καὶ Seov ἡμῶν add. P. 
 
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 > dpare add P. 
 
 6 πιόστεύδσειτε P, πιότεύσατε An, 
 
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 AY ὧν KAKIGTOV διανοίας καὶ AV ατό- 
 χυντίας καὶ παραπλῃξίας λέγετε 
 add. P. ἀλλ᾽ οὕτως τὸν ἀληϑινὸν 
 Χριότὸν καὶ ϑεὸν, ὃν οἱ προφῆται 
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 συ om. P. 
 
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 a Ex, xxxii. 4. 
 
76 
 
 καὶ Ἱερεμίαν καὶ Ἰεξεπκιὴλ " καὶ ἄλλους προφήτας διδάσ- 
 
 κοντάς σε; 
 εἰ μὴ" 
 ἐφύλαξαν," 
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 τῷ ὄρει τῷ Diva, 
 
 καίτοι 
 
 πότε ὁ ϑεὸς τοιαῦτα ἐποίησε τινί: 
 οὕτως 
 καὶ πυρὸς, καὶ φωνῶν, καὶ σημείων τοιούτων, 
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 “ἀλλοφύλους " 
 τὴν σκηνὴν ὑμῶν αὐτὸς διατυπώ- 
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 ἄνω ἕν τῷ ὄρει Μιωῦσης "' 
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 ξ ? \ 37 
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 καταστήσας; 
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 καὶ 
 τῷ ϑεῷ " 
 καὶ τέρατα 
 
 μόνοι" miota' 
 
 év τῇ ἐρήμῳ, ἐν 
 
 * πότε ὁ Seos τινι 
 
 * διὰ νόμου, καὶ σαλπίγ- 
 
 ἐξολοθρεύσας, τὰς 
 
 ὑμῖν " 
 
 ὦ τῆς 
 ς A 
 ὑπὲρ 
 
 35 
 
 σὺ τὸν μόσχον 
 
 λέγει γὰρ ὁ Aafid*  &r1 ae Bpwoew@s οὔσης ἐν τῷ 
 
 στόματι αὐτῶν καὶ 
 
 "Ἰεζεκιὴλ Ῥ, Ἐζεκίαν V. καὶ Ἶε- 
 ρεμίαν καὶ Ἰεζερειγη)λ om. An. 
 
 " ἀνϑρώπου προσεκυνήσατε Ῥ. 
 
 19 καὶ εἰ μὴ VAn., εἰ καὶ Ῥ. 
 
 " καὶ οιπ. P. " καὶ μὸνοι om, An. 
 
 BramoraP. τῷ Sew om. P. 
 
 δ ποῦ ὑμεὶς τῶ Se@ πιστὰ ἐφυ- 
 λαξατε; add. Ῥ, ποῦ εἰπὲ μοι πιστὰ 
 ἐφυλάξατε τῷ Sew; add. An. 
 
 5 Sempnoavres VAn., ϑεωρή- 
 oasV. 
 
 " Μωσέως PV, 
 
 “tv τῇ ϑαλασόῃ τῇ ipvSpa P. 
 
 " τῷ Σινὰ om. P, ἐν τῷ ὄρει τῷ 
 Siva om. An, 
 
 Ὁ fy τῷ oper Σινά add, PAn. 
 
 Ἢ πότε ὁ ϑεὸς τοιαῦτα ἀγαϑὰ 
 ἐποίηδε, πότε τινί; P. πότε ὁ 
 Seds τοιαῦτα ἀγαϑα τινι ἐποίη- 
 όεν; An, 
 
 ὀργὴ δ 
 
 τοῦ ϑεοῦ ἀνέβη ἐπ᾽ av- 
 
 2 gy S1va om. PAn. 
 
 3 οὕτω P. 
 
 * ἐγγελικῶν add, PAn, 
 
 % ὑμὶν PAn., ἡμῖν V. 
 
 * ἀλλοφύλους PAn., 
 λους V. 
 
  ἐπιδεδωκωῶς V, ém1dwoas An, 
 
 * Μωσέα PV. 
 
 39. ὡς ὁπ. An, 
 
 3 roxomotovrvra PAn, 
 
 " ὑμὶν P, αὐτοῦ πρὸς ὑμᾶς P, 
 αὐτὸν πρὸς ὑμᾶς An, 
 
 "3 κακίστης P. 
 
 3 Δ] σῆς V. 
 
 “ γωνιζητοῦ. 
 
 3. κάτω add. PAn. 
 
 * ὅτι add. An., καὶ τοῦ “αβὶὲδ 
 ἄκουσον λέγοντος pro λέγει γὰρ 
 ὁ “αβὲδ P. 
 
 7) ὀργὴ P. 
 
 ἀλλοφυύλ.- 
 
77 
 
 τοὺς" 5 καὶ Ὁ μή μοι εἴπῃς *° 
 
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 δια τί tov" υἱὸν τοῦ “ 
 
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 ϑεοῦ προσκυνῶ add εἰπέ μοι συ," δια τί ὑμεῖς υἱοὺς “ 
 
 nat ΞΘ ΑΈΕΡΩΝ a 
 δαιμονίοις," nat* 
 
 τιν ἔγετε " μὴ γένοιτο. 
 λαὸν λέγοντος," 
 
 “ὡς λέγει Aa fio, 
 ᾿ Beehpey wp ; μὴ yap ὑμεῖς πίσ- 
 ἄκουσον * Μωύῦσέως" 
 καίτοι γε τότε φησὶ 
 
 és υσατὲ τοῖς 
 
 πρὸς τὸν 5 
 * δεοσεβὴς ἣν ὁ 
 
 λαὸς τῶν Ἑβραίων --αλλ᾽ ἄκουσον τί λέγει Μιωῦσῆς," 
 
 τῶ yeved ἐδξεστραμμένη " 
 ἕν αὐτοῖς" AR 
 
 ce ‘leu κυρίῳ ἀνταποδίδοτε. 
 ὑμῶν " 
 
 ἐστίν, υἱοὶ" 
 καὶ πάλιν “ οὗτος ὁ λαὸς μῶρος καὶ οὐχὶ 
 σοφός" "5 nat πάλιν “ γενεὰ σπολιὰ καὶ διεστραμμένη, 
 
 22 ἃ 
 
 ὁ ἐν τοῖς προφήταις " &u ϑεοῦ δ᾽ 
 
 οἷς οὐ ἔστι πίστις 
 
 10 
 nat αλλα μυρία περὶ 
 
 « g \ . 
 εἔρηνται" it aOuES 
 
 yap ΡΟΝ τῇ “ ἐγέννησα καὶ ὕψωσα, αὐτοὶ δέ μὲ ἡϑέτη- 
 
 a καὶ" 
 φάτνην τοῦ κυρίου αὐτοῦ: 
 
 καὶ ὁ λαός μὲ οὐ συνῆπεν. 
 λαὸς πλήρης ἀνομιῶν." "5 
 
 eyv@ βοῦς τὸν HTN A MEV OV καὶ ὄνος τὴν 
 Ἰσραὴλ δὲν" 
 
 μὲ οὐπ ἔγνω 15 
 
 οὐαὶ ἔϑνος ἁμαρτωλὸν, 
 
 καὶ πάλιν ὁ αὐτὸς προφήτης 
 
 ¢ fe \ t ~ A 63 δέ 
 Hoaias προς υμᾶς φησῖν ἀπούσατε λόγον κυρίου, 
 
 88 αἱ πάλιν ἐν πᾶσιν τούτοις 
 
 ἥμαρτον ἔτι λέγοντες “ἐπεὶ ἐπα- 
 ταξε πέτραν, καὶ ἐῤῥύησαν ὕδατα, 
 καὶ χείμαῤῥοι κατεκλυόδϑηόσαν" μὴ 
 καὶ ἄρτον δύναται δοῦναι, ἢ ἑτοι- 
 μάδαι τράπεζαν τῷ λαῷ αὐτοῦ 3” f 
 οὐ διὰ τοῦτο λέγει ὅτι “ἤκουσε 
 κύριος παὶ ἀνεβάλετο, καὶ πῦρ 
 “ne ee : Mi ee eles 
 ανηφϑῃ ἐν Ἰαπωῶβ, καὶ opyn ἀνέβη 
 ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰόραηλ᾽; 8 add. P. 
 
 39 vaicm. P. * οὖν λοιπὸν ad. P. 
 
 ‘ rov om. P. “rou omy;.P. 
 
 “ov om; P, 
 
 “4 rous vious P. 
 
 4“ ὑμῶν καὶ τὰς ϑυγατέρας PAn. 
 
 δ ὡς λέγει AaPid, ἐϑύόδατε τοὶς 
 δαιμονίοις, VAn,, ἐϑύσατε τοῖς bat- 
 μονίοις, ὡς λέγει ὁ 4 αβὶδ Ῥ. 
 
 7 ἔϑυσαν add. P. 
 
 * yAvar@ add. P. 
 
 4. καὶ axov6ov P. © Μωσέως V. 
 
 1 λέγοντος πρὸς τὸν λαὸν PAn. 
 
 * φησὲὴ om. PAn, 
 
 8. Psa, Ixxvii. 30-31. 
 ¢ Isa. i. 2-4. 
 
 Ὁ Deut. xxxii. 20. 
 f Psa. Ixxvii. 20. 
 
 3 ροδεβηὴς ἦν ὁ λαὸς κ.τ.λ. .... 
 ΜΜωύσῆς VAn., πρὸς καιρὸν 5ὲο- 
 δσεβοῦντος τοῦ λαοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ ὁμῶς τὴν 
 εἰς ὕστερον ὑμῶν ἀσέβειαν προλέἕ- 
 γοντος καὶ ἐλέγχοντος καὶ Ῥ. 
 
 4 vevedy ἐξεόστραμμένην P. 
 
 8 ἐστιν, υἱοὶ om. P. υἱοὶ om. et Ez6iv 
 ΡΙῸ ἐότεν An, ἀποκπαλοῦντος καὶ ἐν 
 add. P. 
 
 56. ἄλλαι μυρίαι μαρτυρίαι πονη- 
 ραὶ περὶ ὑμῶν εἰσὶν Ῥ, ἄλλαι μυ- 
 ρίαι μαρτυρίαι περὶ ὑμῶν πονηραὶ 
 εἰσὶν An. 
 
 7 ἐν ταῖς mpopytinais βίβλοις Ῥ, 
 ἐν ταῖς προφητείαις ὑμῶν AN, 
 
 δ᾽ rov Seov PAn. 
 
 ὅν εὐρημέναι PAn. 
 
 ° 4ai om. PAn. 
 
 % ὑμαρτιῶν PAn, 
 
 δ ρηδὶν om. An. ‘H6aias πρὸς 
 ὑμᾶς φησὶν om. et ἁμαρτίας ὑμῶν 
 ἐοιαλύπτων πονηρας οὕτω στη- 
 λιτεύων λέγει add. P. 
 
 *! μου PAn. 
 
 © Tbhid. vers. 6. 4 bid. 5-6. 
 
 € Ibid. vers, 21. 
 
10 
 
 15 
 
 25 
 
 78 
 
 ἄρχοντες Σοδόμων" προσέχετε λόγον “ κυρίου, λαὸς 
 Τομόῤῥας."" ὁρᾶτε ὅτι Σοδομίτας καὶ ἀπίστους, καὶ 
 λαὸν μῶρον λέγει τοὺς Ἰουδαίους" ὁ Βεὸς, καὶ εἰδωλοθύ- 
 ταῦ," καὶ τεκνοθύτας, καὶ einovoraT pas, καὶ ἀπίστους, 
 καὶ " " ἀχαρίστους, νὴ ee £0 XOTLO MEV OUS, καὶ ἀγνώμονας," 
 καὶ γενεὰν movnpav nat διεστραμμένην, καὶ τέκνα μω- 
 μητά" “ “καὶ ἔϑυσαν" δαιμονίοις καὶ οὐ seg” “ἐ καὶ ἐγ- 
 κατέλιπον ™ Seov τὸν ποιήσαντα αὐτοὺς, καὶ ἀπέστησαν" ib 
 ἀπὸ ϑεοῦ ae i ede αὐτῶν. ΝΣ ἐρευνήσωμεν οὖν καὶ 
 τὰς γραφὰς," éav”™ περὶ ἄλλου οἱουδήποτε ἔϑνους ἢ 
 γένους" τοιαῦτα καὶ " τοσαῦτα nana” ὁ Seos κατήγ- 
 γειλεν, ἢ ἐμαρτύρησε δικαίως." 
 
 10. Καὶ γὰρ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πεντήκοντα καὶ; δύο 
 ἔτῃ ἐποίησαν ϑύοντες ἐν τῷ ναῷ" τοῖς εἰδώλοις" nad τῷ 
 διαβόλῳ ἐπὶ Μανασση τοῦ βασιλέως βεβηλωσάντες τὸν 
 ναὸν καὶ τὴν πόλιν τοῦ ϑεοῦ." dia τοῦτο ἐν Βαβυλῶνι 
 καὶ ἅπαξ καὶ δεύτερον παρέδωπεν ὑμᾶς" τοῖς Χαλδαίοις 
 εἰς αἰχμαλωσίαν" εἶτα πάλιν ὑμᾶς μετὰ ἑβδομήκοντα " 
 etn ἀνεκαλέσατο. ἄρτι οὖν ϑέλω μαϑεῖν ἐξ᾽ ὑμῶν 
 μετὰ τὸ ἀνελθεῖν ὑμᾶς ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος καὶ πτισϑῆναι 
 τὸν ναὸν ὑμῶν ἐμ δευτέρου" ἐϊ “ Ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ EV 
 αὐτῷ ὑμᾶς προσκυνεῖν τῷ Se@ καὶ οὐχὶ εἰδώλοις" ποίαν 
 ἁμαρτίαν ἐποιήσατε ἐνώπιον τοῦ ϑεοῦ; ὅτι ἰδοὺ ἐξα- 
 κόσια én” ἐψ πάσῃ τῇ γῆ ἐσκόρπισεν ὑμᾶς," καὶ 
 ἤγαγε Τῖτον καὶ Οὐεσπασιανὸν ἀπὸ ‘Pons, καὶ διέφ.- 
 
 “ γόμον PAn. * καὶ om. PAn. 
 δ᾽ rovs Ἰουδαίους λέγει pro λέγει " τοῦ Seov add. PAn. 
 
 τοὺς Ἰουδαίους PAn. 3 rois δαίμοόιν P. 
 06 
 
 6s 
 
 70 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 δ 
 
 77 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 καὶ οἵη. P. ” re add Ῥ, * τοῦ Seov καὶ τὴν πόλιν P, 
 
 τε υἱοὺς add, Ῥ, * ὁ Seos add. PAn. 
 
 ἵππους τε ϑηλυμαν εἰς add, P. 5.9» 
 
 ϑύοντας P. ' παρ᾽ P. 
 
 ἐγκαταλιπόντας Ῥ, "ἐκ. δευτέρου τὸν ναὸν ὑμῶν 
 ἀποστάντας Ῥ. 3 αὐτοῦ Ρ. PAn. 
 
 οὖν καὶ V, δὴ Ῥ, οὖν An, » οὐ τοῖς εἰδώλοις Ῥ, οὐκέτι τοὶς 
 λοιπὸν add. An. © eizep Ῥ. εἰδώλοις An. 
 
 ἡ γένους om, PAn., ὁ ἑξακόσια om. P. ὀκτακόσια καὶ 
 τοιαῦτα καὶ om. An, πλείονα pro ἐξανύσια An. 
 
 κακὰ om, An, " χίλια add, P. 
 
 “tvdinws P. ἢ ἐμαρτύρησε δι. “lonopmidev ὑμᾶς ἐν πασῃ τῇ 
 καίως om, An, yy P. 
 
 δ Isa. i, 10. ' Deut, xxxii. 17, * Ibid. 15. 
 
79 
 
 Sezpe™ καὶ ἐσφαξεν ἐν Ἱερουσαλὴμ περί που" ἑκατὸν 
 nat δέκα μυριάδας" ὡς Ἰώσηπος " συνεγράψατο" καὶ 
 ἐνεπύρισαν τὸν ναὸν, καὶ ἐρήμωσαν τὸ ϑυσιαστήριον, 
 καὶ τὰ ἅγια, καὶ τὴν πόλιν πᾶσαν, καὶ τὴν Div, nar 
 ἠχμαλώτευσαν " ὑμᾶς" καὶ ἔστε ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῇ ὝΕΣ 
 παρμένοι καὶ" cay ΒΕ ΕΠ ables ἕως τῆς σήμερον. καὶ 
 ἰδοὺ ἑξακόσια ἑβδομήκοντα" ἔτη οὐ ϑυσιαστήριον, οὐ 
 κιβωτὸς, οὐ προφήτης, οὐ τόπος, οὐ τοῦ " πάσχα φυλα- 
 κῇ" eine γὰρ ἐὲ ὑμῖν ὁ ϑεὸς μηδαμοῦ ** ποιῆσαιτο πάσχα 
 ES @ Ἱεροσολύμων, μήτε EV Αἰγύπτῳ εἰσελθεῖν." idov™ οἱ 
 πατέρες ὑμῶν ἁμαρτήσαντες ἀπέλαβον" δεύτερον ALY Ha 
 λετεσσευτες, καὶ ὁ ναὸς δὲ ἠρημώϑη, καὶ διηλλάγη ὑμῖν ὁ 
 Geos: * ἘΌΝ "dé ποίαν apapriay ἐποιήσατε, καὶ τοιαύτην 
 
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 8 διέφϑειρε οἵα. An. épnuwoar P. 
 
 4 ἔόσφαξαν ἐξ ὑμῶν PAn. 
 
 % περί που om. P. pro eodem xav 
 An. 
 
 16 ἑματὸν καὶ δέπα μυριάδας V, 
 μυριάδας pt P, ἑκατὸν μυριάδας 
 An. 
 
 7 Ἰώσηπος ὁ ὑμῶν συγγραφεὺς 
 μόνος ταῦτα éuSéuevos An., Ἰώ- 
 ὅηππος ὁ δοφὸς ὑμῶν συγγρα- 
 φεὺς Ρ. 
 
 δ ηχμαλωώτησαν P (sic). 
 
 ° xxi om. P, 
 
 9 ξξακόδσια ἑβδομήκοντα V, Aot- 
 mov χίλια Ῥ, ὀκτακόσια καὶ πλείο- 
 va An. * rou om, P, 
 
 2 φρυλαττοντὲς P. 
 
 38 εἶπε yap V, καὶ yap εἶπεν P. 
 
 4 μηδαμῶς ἀλλαχοῦ Ρ. 
 
 tt Ay, ΤῸ εἰσελϑεῖν V, εἰ μὴ) 
 ἐν Ἱερουόδαλήμ P, εἰ un ἐν ‘lepov- 
 δαλήμ. μηδὲ εἰς Αἴγυπτον εἰδελ- 
 ϑεὶν An. °° καὶ ἰδοὺ λοιπὸν Ῥ. 
 
 " ἀπέλαβον An., ἀπέλανον V, 
 om, ἋΣ. 
 
 " Μανασσῆς; 
 
 *Sevrepov αἰχμαλωτιδϑέντες 
 σελ πὸ μὲν O E05 V, Sevrepov 
 ἐν Βαβυλῶνι αἰχμαλωτευϑέντες 
 éx δευτέρου, καὶ δευτέρου τοῦ 
 γαοῦ ἐρημωϑέντος, καὶ διαλλαγῆς- 
 vat αὐτους τὸν ϑεὸν καὶ οζεοδομη- 
 ϑήναι tov vaov An., év Αἰγύπτῳ 
 πρότερον, εἶτα ELS ΠΑΡΑ 23 ἐπ- 
 ἤλϑον αἰχμαλωτισϑέντες, καὶ τὴν 
 πόλιν πάλιν ἀπέλαβον καταλλα- 
 γέντος ὑμῖν τοῦ ϑεοῦ, καὶ wxodo- 
 μήϑηῃ ὁ vaos Ῥ. 
 
  γὺν δὲ V, ὑμεὶς δὲ Ῥ, ὑμεὶς καὶ 
 An, 8 ἀνήγειρεν P. 
 
 31 ὑμῖν om. P. 
 
 8. οὐκέτι VAN., ὑμῶν, οὔτε Ῥ. 
 
 88 ὑμᾶς ἐκ τῶν ἔϑνων συνήγα- 
 γεν; P. ἀνήγαγεν ὑμᾶς ἐκ τῶν 
 ἐχϑρῶν ; An. 
 
 "ἡ ξξο add. P. 
 
 86 ὑμεὶς add. An. 
 
 86 rors δαιμονίοις add, Ρ, 
 
 7 ὡς PAn. 
 
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 39. ὁ om. P, 
 
80 
 
 5 ’ 9 “ b ~ 
 apa προφητας ἀπεκτείνατε; ουδαμῶς. “δ 
 
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 HEV οὐτῶς ὑπο ϑεοῦ 
 
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 éynarereipsyre ; ἀληϑῶς κἂν 
 
 ὑμεῖς μὴ εἴπητε τὴν αἰτίαν, κᾶν ὑμεῖς σιγήσητε, ot λίϑοι 
 
 κεκράξονται, 
 
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 μοσχοποιήσαντες, 
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 δαιμονίοις 
 
 47 
 
 60 
 
 10 
 
 ἐδιώχϑητε, τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ τῆς Σιὼν" 
 τοῦ νόμου λατρείας. ; 
 καὶ εν τῷ ναῷ τοῦ ϑεοῦ ἁμαρτήσαν- 
 καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτῶν Kal τὰς ϑυγατέρας " 
 θύσαντες, ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτη καὶ ἑκατὸν " 
 
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 ol yap πατέρες υμῶν οἱ ΜΝ 
 
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 Μμῇ ΡΠ 7 p 
 
 58 
 
 15 ἐπαιδεύϑητε, 
 
 ~ 3, ς ‘ 
 βλήϑητε" ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰ ἔϑνη ὑπο" 
 καὶ αὐτῷ δουλεύομεν, καὶ αὐτὸν 
 πνεύματι 
 
 ad ah καὶ 
 
 ἀμήν." 
 
 [17.᾽ 
 
 τῷ ἁγίῳ" 
 
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 αλλ᾽ ἕως τῆς ἡὐφο φρλιτοὶν τοῦ αἰῶνος ἐξε- 
 
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 “ὁ δοξάξομεν ἅμα τῷ 
 εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας" “" 
 
 “ ᾽ ~ ‘ ~ 3 
 Iva δὲ ἐκ πολλῆς περιουσίας, καὶ τὰ τῶν Iov- 
 
 δαίων ἀναίσχυντα στόματα καὶ βλάσφημα ἐμφράξω- 
 
 “ οὐδαμῶς om. et apa μὴ καὶ 
 ὑμεὶς ὡς οἱ πατέρες ὑμῶν τὸν χαλ.- 
 χοῦν ὄφιν, τὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Μωύΐύδέως 
 πεποιημένον, προδεκυνήσατε, καὶ 
 ἐσεβασϑητε ὡς οἱ πατέρες ὑμῶν ; 
 καὶ yap καὶ τοῦτο εἰς ἔλεγχον 
 ὑμῶν γέγραπται add, P. 
 
 4 τοῦ Seov P. 
 
 “ καὶ add, Ῥ, 
 
 4“ Σιὼν VAn., πόλεως P. 
 
 “ πάντων τῶν P, 
 
 “ λατρειῶν P. 
 
 “4 oi VAn., καὶ P, 
 “xai πολλὰ 
 add. P, πολλὰ παρανομήσαν τες add. 
 
 An, 
 
 “ ἀσεβήσαντες P, 
 
 “ καὶ τὰς ϑυγατέρας om, P, 
 
 " σῷ διαβόλω PAn, 
 
 "“ ἑβδομήκοντα ἕτῃ καὶ ἑκατὸν 
 VAn., ο΄ &r7 ἢ καὶ πλεῖον P. 
 
 παρανομήσαντες 
 
 - " ὅλα ῬΡ͵ 
 "τὰ ἁμαρτήματα ἐκεῖνα Ῥ. 
 
 “a aera sete PAn., avexdArSn- 
 Gav V. 
 
 * of om. P. 
 
 “els τὸν Χριστὸν P, ἐν Χριστῷ 
 An, 
 
 δ᾽ οὐχ PAn. 
 
 8 ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτῃ κ.ιτιλ. ..... 
 ἐπαιδειίϑητεῦ, ἑβδομήκοντα οὐδὲ 
 ἑκατὸν ἕτῃ μόνα An., ἑβδομήκον- 
 τα ἔτῃ Ῥ. 
 
 9 υἱοὶ An, 
 
 εχ αὐτῷ An, 
 
 "' σὺν An, 
 
 53 αὐτοῦ add, An, 
 
 "τῶν αἰώνων add, An. 
 
 “ ἡμεὶς δὲ τὰ ἔϑνη ὑπὸ Χρισ- 
 τοῦ ἐκλήϑημεν κιτιλι ..... ἀμὴν 
 om. P, 
 
 ‘ad finem P. totum om, V. 
 
81 
 
 μὲν, καὶ ἡμῖν τοῖς ὑπὸ Χριστοῦ σεσωσμένοις πλείονα 
 τὰ νικητήρια ὑπαάρδῃ ἀναγπαίως αὐτά. καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν 
 τοῦ Δανιὴλ λόγων, μᾶλλον δὲ τῶν τοῦ ϑεοῦ τῶν ὑπὸ 
 τοῦ ἀγγέλου πρὸς αὐτὸν ῥηθέντων, ποιησώμεθα τὴν 
 ἐξέτασιν, ἀποδειμνύντες ὅτι λοιπὸν τοῦ ϑεοῦ τέλεον 
 ἀποστραφέντος τὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, οὐκέτι λοιπὸν παρ᾽ 
 αὐτοῖς οὔτε ἱερωσύνη, οὔτε ναὸς, οὔτε αὐτὰ τὰ τῆς πό- 
 Aews ἤϑη καὶ πράγματα ἐπανήξει: nat δῆλον ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν 
 τῶν τοῦ ἀγγέλου ῥημάτων, ““Δαντὴλ᾽ γὰρ φησὶν ““ ἀνὴρ 
 ἐπιδϑυμιῶν, σύνες ἐν τοῖς λόγοις οἷς éy@ ἦλθον λαλῆσαι 
 πρὸς σε, ὅτι εἷς καιροῦ πέρας οἵ ἑβδομάδες, φησὶ, συνετ- 
 μηϑησαν ἐπὶ τὸν λαόν Gov, καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν τοῦ oino- 
 SounShvar:”* “4 καὶ οἰκοδομηϑήσεται πλατεία nal περί- 
 τεῖχος, καὶ ἐμμενωθήσονται ot καιροί: "Ὁ" καὶ “ano 
 ἐξόδου λόγων τοῦ οἰκοδομηϑῆναι Ἱερουσαλὴμ ἕως 
 Χριστοῦ ἡγουμένου ἑβδομάδες ἑπτὰ παὶ ἑβδομάδες 
 ἑξηπκονταδύο, ἢν ὅπερ εἰσὶν ἕτη τετραπόσια ay * ““ καὶ 
 ἀρϑήσεται ϑυσία καὶ σπονδὴ καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ ἱερὸν βδέλυγμα 
 τῆς ἐρημώσεως. ew πότε οὖν ἤρϑη ἡ ϑυσία, καὶ ἡ σπον- 
 δὴ), καὶ ἡ ϑυσία τοῦ νόμου; : οὐχὶ τοῦ χριστοῦ ἐλθόντος: 
 τίς ἐστιν ὁ χρισϑεὶς ἅγιος ἁγίων εἰ μὴ ὁ χριστὸς; περὶ 
 οὗ καὶ τῆς ἐνδόξου αὐτοῦ παρουσίας λέγει ὁ αὐτὸς Δανιὴλ 
 “<< ἐθεώρουν ἐν ὁράματι τῆς νυκτὸς, καὶ ἰδοὺ μετὰ τῶν 
 γε σελ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ὡς υἱὸς ἀνθρώπου ἐρχόμενος, 
 καὶ ἕως τοῦ παλαιοῦ τῶν ἡμερῶν ἔφϑασεν, καὶ προσ. 
 νέχϑη αὐτῷ" καὶ αὐτῷ ἐδοϑη ἡ ἀρχὴ, καὶ ἡ τιμὴ, καὶ ἡ 
 βασιλεία, καὶ παντες οἵ λαοὶ, φυλαὶ, γλῶσσαι αὐτῷ δου- 
 λεύσουσιν" ἡ ἐδουσία αὐτοῦ ἐξουσία αἰώνιος ἥτις οὐ 
 παρελεύσεται; nat ἡ βασιλεία αὐτοῦ εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας 
 οὐ διαφϑαρήσεται."" ἰδοὺ σαφῶς διὰ τῶν εἰρημένων 
 ἐμάϑομεν ὃ ὅτι αὐτός ἔστιν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ Seov, ὁ σαρκωϑεὶς 
 nat παϑὼν δι ἡμᾶς, καὶ ἀναστὰς En hae καὶ ἀναλη- 
 φϑεὶς ἕν δόξῃ πρὸς τὸν αὐτοῦ πατέρα, καὶ μέλλων ἔρ- 
 χεσϑαι μετὰ τῶν νεφελῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καὶ δόξης οὐρα- 
 νίου κρῖναι δῶντας καὶ νεμρούς. ὅμως καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν 
 ἀκούσωμεν, “2 ἐθεώρουν " vap φησὶν “ ἕως οὗ ϑρόνοι 
 ἐτέθησαν, nat ὁ παλαιὸς τῶν ἡμερῶν ἐκαάϑισεν " τὸ 
 ἔνδυμα αὐτοῦ λευκὸν ὡσεὶ χιῶν, καὶ ἡ ϑρὶξ THS κεφαλῆς 
 αὐτοῦ ὡσεὶ ἔριον naSapov: ὁ ϑρόνος αὐτοῦ φλοξ πυρὸς, 
 
 Δ Dan. ix. 23-24. Ὁ Tbid.' vers. 25. © Thid. 4 vers, 27 © Dan. vii. 13-14. 
 6 
 
 Or 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 25 
 
 30 
 
 35 
 
10 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 25 
 
 30 
 
 35 
 
 82 
 
 ot τροχοὶ αὐτοῦ πῦρ φλέγον" ποταμὸς πυρὸς εἷλκεν 
 ἕμπροσϑεν αὐτοῦ" χίλιαι χιλιάδες ἐλειτούργουν αὐτῷ, 
 καὶ μύριαι μυριάδες παρειστήπεισαν αὐτῷ Ἐριτήριον 
 ἐκάϑισεν, καὶ βίβλοι ἡνἐῴχϑησαν ἘΣ ἔφριξεν τὸ πνεῦ- 
 μά μου, ἐγὼ Δανιήλ." λοιπὸν δεῖ πιστώσασϑαι τὰ 
 εἰρημένα ἐκτῶν τοῦ Σὰ ῥημάτων, ὅτι παρὰ Ἰουδαί- 
 ous οὐκέτι ἔσται οὔτε ναὸς, οὔτε πόλις, OUTE τι τῶν παρ᾽ 
 αὐτοῖς νομίμων. εἰ καὶ ἐξ ἄπρας ἀνοίας ταῦτα προσδο- 
 κῶσιν ἄκουσον οὖν τί ὁ ἄγγελος εἴρηκεν, ὅτι φησὶν “¢ ἕως 
 συντελείας καιρῶν συντέλεια δωθήσεται ἐπὶ τὴν ἐρήμω- 
 σιν, ity τουτέστιν ἕως συντελείας τῶν αἰώνων καὶ τοῦ 
 κόσμου παντὸς συντέλεια δωθήσεται ἐπὶ τὴν ἐρήμω- 
 σιν τῆς τὲ πόλεως καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ ἰουδαϊκοῦ" ἕως, 
 φησὶ, συντελείας καιρῶν Kal αἰώνων ἐρήμωσις τελείως 
 καϑέξει τὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων: ὅταν δὲ ἀπούσεις, ὦ Ἰου- 
 δαῖε, συντέλειαν, τί λοιπὸν προσδοκᾷς; τί νοῦν δεῖ 
 προσέχειν τῷ λέγοντι; ἕως συντελείας συντέλειαν ἔσεσ. 
 
 Sait nai ἐρήμωσιν, ἢ τοῖς ληρωδοῦσιν ῥήμασιν ἀναπο- 
 δείνιτοις ; ἵνα δὲ μὴ ἐπιμείκιστον καὶ πέρα τῆς διηγήσεως 
 Sexalveaier TOV λόγον, ὅπερ μικροῦ δεῖν ἡμᾶς παρέ- 
 δραμε, τοῦτο προσϑέντες τοῖς εἰρημένοις καταπαύσω- 
 μὲν τὸν λόγον - διὸ φησὶν ὁ λέγων τὰ ἐθεώρουν τότε ἀπὸ 
 φωνῆς τῶν λόγων τῶν μεγάλων ὧν τὸ κέρας ἐκεῖνο 
 ἐλάλει, ἕως ἀνῃρέϑη τὸ ϑηρίον " ἊΣ πρόδηλον δὲ ὅτι τὸ 9η- 
 ρίον ὁ ἀντίχριστός ἐστιν" ὁ γὰρ υἱὸς τοῦ ϑεοῦ" * ἐρχό- 
 μενος ἐπὶ τῶν νεφελῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ," " xaSas γέγραπ- 
 Tal, ὧν ἀνελεῖ αὐτὸν τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦ re 
 αὐτῷ yap πρέπει ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων. 
 
 ἀμήν. 
 
 18. Ταῦτα ἐπ πολλῶν ὀλίγα ἐκ τῶν ἁγίων προφητῶν 
 παρεϑέμεϑα πρὸς μὲν ἡμετέραν τῶν χριστιανῶν μείξονα 
 πίστωσιν, πρὸς ἔλεγχον δὲ τῆς ἰουδαϊκῆς σπληροκαρδίας 
 καὶ φρενοβλαβίας, ὅτι ὁ εἷς τῆς ἀγίας καὶ φωοποιοῦ τριά- 
 δος ϑεὸς, λόγος καὶ ϑεοῦ υἱὸς, ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χρισ- 
 τὸς, αὐτὸς διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν. σωτηρίαν ἐπ᾿ ἐσχάτων τῶν 
 ἡμερῶν ἐνηνθρώπισεν EM τῆς γον ας ἀχράντου δεσ- 
 ποίνης ἡμῶν ϑεοτόκου καὶ ἀεὶ παρϑένου Mapias, καὶ 
 πάντα ϑεοπρεπῶς ἀπεργασάμενος, nal@s καὶ οἱ ἅγιοι 
 
 Γ δια. vers. 9-10. ® vers. 15. » Dan. ix. 27. ‘ vii. 11. 
 * of. Dan, vii. 13; Matt. xxiv. 30, of. Isa. xi. 4 
 
83 
 
 mpopyrat προεῖπον, ἔσωσεν En τῆς τοῦ ἐχϑροῦ πλάνης 
 καὶ δουλείας τὸ γένος ἡμῶν" ὑπὲρ οὖν τῶν τοσούτων 
 εὐεργεσιῶν, ὧν τυχεῖν παρὰ 7S | αὐτοῦ ἀγαϑότητος 
 ἡἠξιώϑημεν, σπουδάσωμεν αὐτῷ εὐάρεστοι ἀναδειχϑῆς- 
 ναι διὰ τῆς τῶν ἁγίων, αὐτοῦ ἐντολῶν ἐγτληρώσεως, 
 ὅπως τῶν αἰωνίων nal ἀτελευτήτων ἀγαθῶν ἐπιτύχω- 
 μὲν EV αὐτῷ Χριστῷ τῷ ϑεῷ ἡμῶν" ᾧ ἡ δόξα καὶ τὸ 
 πράτος εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων" ἀμήν. | 
 
NOTES. 
 
 Tue TiTLE.—Fora full discussion of the title see p. 37 ff. It is there 
 shown that the word ‘Avaéraéiov, which occurs in V, did not originally 
 form a part of the title, and it is therefore omitted in our edition. 
 
 P. 51, 1. 9 ff. The incident here referred to by the Christian consti- 
 tuted a favorite argument for those who wrotein support of image worship. 
 The passage in Genesis reads, in the A. V., ‘‘Israel bowed himself upon 
 the bed’s head.” The Hebrew word translated bed is ΠΟ, which means 
 bed or staff, according as it is pointed mr) or NY. The LXX. chose 
 
 the latter meaning, and translated προσεκύνησεν Ἰόραὴλ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄκρον 
 τῆς ῥάβδου αὐτοῦ, which was followed exactly by the author of the Epis- 
 tle to the Hebrews, xi. 21. In this form the passage was frequently quoted 
 in support of image-worship, as, 6. g., by Psuedo-Athanasius in the extract 
 quoted just below, and.by Leontius in his discourse mentioned on p. 17. 
 The Vulgate, meanwhile, translated the passage in the Epistle to the He- 
 brews adoravit fastigium virge ejus, giving quite a different turn to the sen- 
 tence, and furnishing a still stronger argument for the worship of images, 
 which Latin writers were not slow to take advantage of. Our dialogue 
 likewise follows the Vulgate in making the wxpov τῆς ῥάβδου the direct 
 object of zpoGexvvyee. 
 
 P. 51, 1. 14 ff. Compare the words of Pseudo-Athanasius in the Quas- 
 tiones ad Antiochum ducem, xxxix. (Migne, Patr. Grec., xxviii. 621). The 
 same line of argument is there presented. The incident in regard to Jacob, 
 mentioned above, is reproduced in the following form: “ai ὥσπερ Ἰακὼβ 
 μέλλων τελευτὰν ἐπὶ τὸ ἄκρον τῆς ῥάβδου τῷ Ἰωσὴφ προδερύνησεν, 
 οὐ τὴν ῥάβδον τιμῶν, ἀλλὰ τὸν ταύτην κατέχοντα x.t.A. Compare 
 also the discourse of Leontius mentioned in the previous note, also John of 
 Damascus, De jide orthodoxa, iv. 11, and Gilbert’s Tractatus de incarnatione 
 ὁ. Judeos (described on p. 23). The same argument occurs very frequently. 
 Another still more common method was to show that even under the Jew- 
 ish dispensation images were used and sanctioned by God, as, 6. g., the 
 brazen serpent, the cherubim, etc. Still another way of meeting the Jews 
 upon this subject appears in our dialogue, p. 75 ff. This introductory sec- 
 tion upon image worship occurs in An., not at the beginning, but in the 
 second treatise, in connection with the other passage just mentioned. The 
 first tract of An. contains no reference to images. 
 
86 
 
 P. 51, 1. 23 ff. This shows the long standing of the practice. The pas- 
 sage from Pseudo-Athanasius referred to above makes the same statement. 
 
 P. 52, 1. 8. The original dialogue begins at this point. In regard to 
 the addition of the opening paragraph, see p. 37 ff. 
 
 P. 52, 1. 6. This is a favorite passage with the authors of works against 
 the Jews, but it is commonly employed in a different way; cf., 6. g., the use 
 of the same text in the Dialogue of Simon and Theophilus, p. 19 (Harnack’s 
 Texte und Untersuchungen, Bd. 1. Heft 3). 
 
 P. 52, 1. 8. According to Theodoret (in his commentary on Daniel) this 
 passage was applied by the Jews to Zerubbabel. 
 
 P. 52, 1.9. The agreement of An. with our dialogue commences at this 
 point. It has two opening pages which are entirely wanting in P and Y. 
 It begins the present passage with the words εἰπὲ δὲ δυὸ x.7.A. Its mixed 
 construction, sometimes direct discourse as in the present instance, some- 
 times indirect, clearly shows it to be a compilation, at whose basis lies an 
 original of dialogistic form. 
 
 P. 52, 1.11. The form of the Jew’s answer is significant. A real Jew 
 would certainly have responded: ‘At least the half,” ete., putting the 
 emphasis upon the. greatness of Solomon’s kingdom, and not upon the 
 smallness of it, as he is here represented as doing. This is but one of many 
 marks of the artificial character of the dialogue. 
 
 P. 53, 1. 1. The abrupt way in which the Jew passes on to a new sub- 
 ject, apparently quite satisfied with the Christian’s answer, however meagre 
 that answer may be, is a characteristic feature of the majority of these 
 dialogues, and another mark of their artificial nature. The. present dia- 
 logue is, however, extreme in this respect, for neither assent nor dissent is 
 ever expressed by the Jew, who occupies, in fact, quite a passive position, 
 and drops more and more into the background as the dialogue proceeds. 
 Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho, and Evagrius’ Dialogue of Simon and The- 
 ophilus, are a deviation from the common rule, for in them the conclusions 
 of the Christian are often disputed, and he is then obliged to ground 
 them more firmly. This is a significant fact, for at the time when these 
 dialogues were written (the Dial. of Simon and Theophilus being regarded 
 as a reproduction of the Dial. of Papiscus and Jason) the Jew was an 
 active factor who had to be reckoned with by Christian writers, and 
 not a mere lay figure as he afterward became, It is natural, therefore, to 
 find in the earlier works an honest effort to meet real objections which 
 must have been raised by all Jews, as Jews. It would not be out of place 
 to urge the fact, that the Dial. of Simon and Theophilus exhibits this char- 
 acteristic, as an additional argument for Harnack’s theory, that it is a 
 reproduction of a much more ancient dialogue. 
 
 P. 53, 1. 13. The epithet Seoroxos was very frequently applied to 
 Mary by the Fathers of the fourth century (Eusebius, Athanasius, the two 
 Gregories, etc.), and it was perhaps current in Alexandria in the third, 
 
87 
 
 though no absolute proof of this is at hand. It was officially adopted as an 
 appellation of Mary at the Council of Ephesus (431), in opposition to Nes- 
 torius. 
 
 ἀεὶ tapSévov. The doctrine of the continued virginity of Mary is not 
 older than Jerome. It appears in the Orient about as early as in the Occident. 
 The same doctrine is discussed in the Dial. of Simon and Theoph., in Gil- 
 bert’s Disputatio Judwi cum Christiano (see p. 24), and in the anonymous 
 Tractatus adv. Judwos (see p. 27). In the present instance, the words 
 appear simply as part of a technical phrase long in current use, 
 
 It is possible, though only a possibility, that the words did not occur in 
 the original Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo. They exist, to be sure, in all 
 the extant witnesses, but they may have crept into the text through the 
 unconscious error of a copyist, to whom the phrase had become so natural, 
 in connection with the name of Mary, that he could scarcely avoid using it 
 when writing the latter word, It is noticeable that in the present instance 
 no emphasis is laid upon the virginity of Mary ; the point is simply that 
 Christ was born of Mary, and the Jew takes it thus, and reveals no knowl- 
 edge of the theological phrase introduced by the Christian, in which the 
 miraculousness of the Saviour’s birth is assumed. The Jew, it might 
 seem, could hardly have passed such a claim. by unnoticed, and indeed 
 we tind him objecting to it in the Dialogue of Theophilus and Simon, and 
 in many of the later dialogues. Were our work the account of an actual 
 dialogue between a Jew and a Christian, we should, therefore, be war- 
 ranted in rejecting the words; but the artificial character of this and of 
 other similar dialogues deprives the silence of the Jew of the significance 
 which it would otherwise have. It remains therefore not a probability, 
 but only a possibility, that these words were not a part of the original 
 dialogue. The difference between the simple formula used here and the 
 much fuller one used in P on p. 82 is very significant. 
 
 The passage, which occurs at this point in P, is omitted by V and An., 
 and is clearly a later insertion of RP. It breaks the connection, and the 
 answer of the Jew has relevancy only when taken in direct connection with 
 Μαρίας, as it stands in V. 
 
 P. 54, 1. 11. αὐτὸς τὸν υἱὸν κύριον ὁμολογ εἴ. An. enlarges upon 
 this subject, inserting almost half a page found neither in RV nor in RP. 
 
 5, 1. 14. Cf. Justin’s Dial. c. Trypho, c. 34. 
 
 1, 3. Cf. οὗν: c. 49. 
 
 56, 1.6. This external setting of the dialogue is, of course, omitted 
 56, 1.17 ff. This also. 
 
 56, 1. 22. The plural form, οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι, of P seems to have been 
 caused by the reference to the crowd of Jews which has just preceded. 
 The writer of RP apparently thinks of the audience as taking part in the 
 discussion at this point, while RV confines it-still to the single Jew. 
 
88 
 
 P. 57, 1. 10. This passage from Isaiah is quoted also on p. 66 in the 
 section peculiar to P. It is given there in a somewhat different form, 
 which shows clearly a different hand. In the 7estimonia of Pseudo-Gregory 
 the passage occurs in the form found here. It differs from Tischendorf’s 
 text of the LXX., in which ϑαυμαόστὸς and the following words are omitted. 
 The Codex Alexandrinus, however, contains all except the word Seds, and 
 the Codex Sinaiticus contains the whole. 
 
 P. 57, 1. 14. It is very significant that, in the passage inserted here by 
 P, the phrase ϑαυμαστὸς GUufovdos is omitted, in agreement with the 
 form of the quotation given on p. 66, and over against the form contained 
 in Vand An. The difference of authorship mentioned in the previous note 
 is thus further confirmed. 
 
 P. 57, 1. 15. The passage attributed here to Jeremiah is taken from 
 the book of Baruch, The citation of this book under the name of Jere- 
 miah was quite common. This same passage is referred to Jeremiah, for 
 instance, by Cyprian in his Testimonia, by the Pseudo-Gregorian Testimonia, 
 by Gregentius in his Dialogue with Herbanus, by Evagrius in the Dialogue 
 of Simon and Theophilus, ete. In the work of Gilbert of Westminster (see 
 above, p. 24) the passage is attributed by the Christian to Jeremiah, but 
 the Jew denies Jeremiah’s authorship, and calls the book of Baruch apoc- 
 ryphal. The Christian contends, on the other side, that the words were 
 spoken by Jeremiah, and that Baruch took them down from his mouth. 
 
 P. 58, 1. 6. Τὸ is noteworthy that Justin, in quoting this passage from 
 the Psalms (Ps. χον. 10), adds the apocryphal words ἀπὸ τοῦ ξύλου, and 
 that Tertullian and Evagrius add the corresponding words a ligno. 
 
 P. 58, 1. 7. .The passage inserted here by P occurs neither in V nor in 
 An. and is undoubtedly a later addition (cf. p. 31). The quotation from Mala- 
 chi, however, occurs in a different part of An. in quite another connection, 
 and there under the name of Isaiah. 
 
 P. 58. 1. 12 ff. This passage (Gen xlix. 10) is very frequently quoted 
 in works against the Jews, especially at a later period, when great stress 
 was laid upon the misfortunes of the Jews over against the prosperity of 
 the Christians. . 
 
 P, 59, 1. 10. These were the words of the High Priest, not of Christ. 
 
 P. 60, 1. 5. According to tradition, St. Helena built a Christian church 
 upon Mt, Sinai, and Justinian founded a monastery there two centuries 
 later, 
 
 P. 60, 1. 9 ff. Compare Theodoretus’ Comment. in Ezech., x\viii.: “at 
 iva τὰ ἄλια ἀντιλίπω μυρία ὄντα, ἔτι νῦν ἐν roils Ἱεροσολύμοις, ἧτε 
 τοῦ σταυροῦ txxAnota, καὶ ἡ ἀνάστασις, καὶ ἡ ἀνάληψις, καὶ ἡὶ ἐν τῇ 
 Ζιὼν ἐκκλησία, καὶ ἡ ἱερὰ Βηϑλεὲμ, καὶ ἕτεροι δὲ εὐκτήριοι τόποι 
 μυρίοι." Compare also Gregentius’ Dialogue with Herbanus, p. 602 (ed. 
 Galland.). 
 
 P. 61, 1. 9, note 84. The χιλίους χρόνους of P must be taken us a 
 
89 
 
 round number, for below (pp. 78 and 79) the author indicates that he is 
 writing 1,000 years after the destruction of Jerusalem (see p. 42 ff.). 
 
 P. 61, 1. 16. Upon the insertion of P at this point, as indicating the 
 date of RP, see p. 43. 
 
 P. 61, 1.18. σφραγ ἐξ is used as signum crucis by Athanasius, Gregory 
 Naz., and others. Cf. Chrysostom’s Homilia de adorat. S. crucis, where the 
 reason for this use of the word is given. 
 
 P. 62, 1. 10. χρυσοῦν Gravpov. Whether these words refer to a specific 
 golden cross, or whether the term is used to indicate any cross which might 
 be used in worship, I do not know. I have not found a parallel expression 
 in any other work. 
 
 P. 64, 1.11. Such statements as this in regard to the Christians, when 
 thrown into the present tense, seem to imply a hostile attitude of the 
 surrounding world toward them; and this coincides with their actual posi- 
 tion among the Mohammedans from the eighth century on. The statement 
 cannot be insisted on in the present case as indicating peculiar hostility 
 against the Christians in the home or at the period of the author, for the 
 words may be used of the position of the Christians in general, or they may 
 even be purely rhetorical and have reference only to the condition of the 
 Christians in ancient times. 
 
 P. 65, 1. 1. Upon the significance of these dates of V and An., see 
 p. 42. 
 
 P. 65, 1.6. This is the only place in the dialogue where V has the 
 plural Ἰουδαῖοι, and here P has the singular, which undoubtedly stood 
 in the oldest form of the text. It is difficult to account for the plural form 
 in this one place, when it occurs nowhere else; but it is possible that the 
 long passage upon the affairs of the Jews in general, in which the Jews are 
 addressed over and over again in the plural number, may have influenced 
 the copyist of V, as the mention of the crowd of Jewish spectators influ- 
 enced in one passage the copyist of P (see p. 87). 
 
 At this point begins the second tract of An. 
 
 P. 65, 1. 17. At this point begin the greatest divergencies between RP 
 and RV (see §§ 4 and 5 of the Introduction). Paragraph 12 is printed 
 entire in the form given by V, and the same paragraph is then printed entire 
 in the form given by P, the differences between the two forms being so great 
 as to render any other method impracticable. The paragraph, which in V 
 fills but sixteen lines, in P fills more than seven pages, beginning at p. 66, 1. 
 8. An. contains only a part of the matter peculiar to P, and the form and 
 arrangement of that common part is so different in the two works that it is 
 impossible satisfactorily to indicate the parallels. The text of P is there- 
 fore given without variations. 
 
 P. 66, 1.14. Cf. the note upon this passage (Isa. ix. 6) on p. 88. 
 
 P. 66, 1. 17. The use made of this passage (Isa. ix. 1-2) by our author 
 is quite peculiar (cf. the interpretation of it given in Matt. iv. 14-16). He 
 
90 
 
 seems to have no idea of Palestinian geography, for he represents Christ as 
 born in Bethlehem, and yet refers to the lands of Zebulun and Naphtali 
 as the place of his birth. How he came to commit such a blunder, I do 
 not know. The use made of the text in Matt. iv. 14-16, is quite different; 
 so also in Cyprian’s Testimonia. The text does not occur in Justin's 
 Dialogue with Trypho, in Tertuliian’s Adv. Judeos, nor in the Dialogue of 
 Simon and Theophilus. 
 
 P. 67, 1.27 ff. This passage is closely connected in subject with 1, 12. 
 The intervening sentences look like an insertion by a different hand. The 
 passage moreover is omitted by An., which is another mark of the originality 
 of the latter over against RP. 
 
 P. 68, 1. 31. The passage quoted here (Ps. xl. 10) is referred to by 
 almost all works of this kind as foretelling the betrayal of Christ by Judas, 
 and is as a rule the only passage quoted as a prophecy of that act. But An. 
 quite peculiarly omits it and quotes instead Ps. ii. 1-2, and interprets it as 
 referring to the betrayal. The latter passage in P follows the other one, 
 but is referred, not to the betrayal, but, as by all other writers, to the plots 
 of the Jews, of Herod and of Pilate, against Christ. 
 
 P. 68, 1. 34. Cf. Isidore’s Contra Judwos (see p. 22), i. 19, 1: ‘* Quare 
 fremuerunt gentes, id est Romani, et populi meditati sunt inania, hoc est 
 Judi? Astiterunt reges terre, hoc est Herodes et Pilatus, et principes 
 convenerunt in unum, scilicet principes Sacerdotum et seniores Judworum, 
 adversus dominum et adversus Christum ejus.” 
 
 P. 69, 1. 8. The sudden change of construction here is peculiar (cf. the 
 remarks on p. 37). It is the same form that occurs frequently in An., but 
 happens to be omitted by itin this particular passage. It is probable there- 
 fore that the writer of RP had become familiar with the expression in using 
 An., and inserted it here, in introducing a new subject, without thinking 
 of its inconsistency with the dialogistie form of the rest of his work. 
 
 P. 69, 1. 30. It is peculiar that this same form of appeal occurs in the 
 Demonstratio of Hippolytus (see p. 14), chap. vii., but there in quite a different 
 connection, as follows: διὰ ri, ὦ προφῆτα, εἰπὲ ἡμῖν, τίνος χάριν 6 ναὸς 
 ἠρημώθη; apa διὰ τὴν πάλαι μοσχοποιίαν; apa διὰ τὴν τοῦ λαοῦ 
 εἰδωλολατρείαν ; εἐρα διὰ τὸ τῶν προφητῶν αἷμα; Apa διὰ τῆς μοιχείας 
 καὶ πορνείας Ιόραήλ; οὐδαμῶς φησὶν " x.r.A, Aside from the opening 
 phrase, this passage reminds us of p. 79 ff. of our dialogue. But there exist 
 no other resemblances between our dialogue and the brief fragment of the 
 Demonstratio known to us, 
 
 P. 70, 1. 18. This quotation is from Zechariah and not from Jeremiah. 
 Matthew also gives it as from Jeremiah, and that accounts for the error here, 
 for the writer reproduces Matthew’s text exactly at this point, and does not 
 follow the LXX. The same error is committed by the author of the Dialogue 
 of Gregentius with Herbanus, but the Pseudo-Greg. Testimonia correctly 
 attribute the words to Zechariah. 
 
91 
 
 P. 70, 1. 17. The pretended site of the Potter’s field is still shown (see 
 Smith’s Bible Dict., art. Aceldama). 
 
 P. 70, 1. 20. It is peculiar that here the quotation, which is in the 
 original prophecy in close connection with the preceding, should be correctly 
 attributed to Zechariah. The ascription of the previous words to J eremiah 
 by Matthew was enough to make our author and others ascribe them to him, 
 although they could not have quoted these words from Zechariah, as they do 
 quote them, without seeing that the other words were but a part of the same 
 passage. The incident shows how slavishly the New Testament was followed. 
 
 P. 70, 1. 27 ff. The writer here takes liberties with the text in omitting 
 the word “Solomon,” which occurs in the original. 
 
 P. 70, 1. 88 ff. Cf. John Dam., de fide orthod. ἵν. 14; 
 
 P. 72, 1. 27. P quotes this passage (Zech. xii. 10) exactly in the form 
 given in Theodotion’s version of the Old Testament, which differs from the 
 form given in the LXX., and also from that given in John xix. 37, where 
 the passage is quoted. 
 
 P. 74,1. 4. For the bearing of these sentences upon the question as to 
 the home of our dialogue, see p. 43 ff. All the cults mentioned point to 
 Egypt, except those of Cyzicus and of Artemis, which point to Asia Minor 
 (cf. Pliny, xxxvi. 15, where the temple of Cyzicus is mentioned). 
 
 P. 75, 1. 16. This passage occurs in An. in the same connection, but 
 has joined with it the opening paragraph of our dialogue. The combina- 
 tion in An. is clearly later than the separation in P and Y. For the com- 
 bination of the two detached passages, the reason is plain enough, but their 
 separation, if they were originally one, would be inexplicable. 
 
 P. 76, 1. 8 ff. This section is very similar to passages in many later 
 works against the Jews, nearly all of which devote considerable space to 
 the blindness and wickedness of the Jews in the face of all God's provi- 
 dences. Compare also Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho, Ὁ. 131. 
 
 P. 76, 1.12 ff. See Ex. iv. 16; vii. 1; xvi. 19. 
 
 P. 78,113 ff. Of. If. Kings, xx1. 
 
 P. 78, 1. 24. On this date see p. 42. 
 
 P. 79, 1. 7. As was shown on p. 42, it is probable that πενταπόσια 
 should be read here instead of ἑξακόσια. I have not, however, cared to 
 introduce a conjectural emendation into the text, and have therefore 
 allowed the suspected word to stand. 
 
 P. 79, 1.134%. Cf. the quotation from the work of Hippolytus given on 
 p. 90. 
 
 P. 80, 1. 2 ff. In the work of Thaddeus Pelysiota against the Jews 
 (see p. 18), this sentence occurs word for word, and the whole line of 
 thought of the context is similar. The resemblance is so great as to neces- 
 sitate some sort of literary relationship, but what that may be I am not 
 prepared to state, Ihave noticed no other striking resemblance between 
 the two works. 
 
92 
 
 P. 80, 1. 20. The dialogue as given in V comes to an end at this point, 
 as also the second tract of An. The third tract of An. contains scattering 
 points of resemblance to P in connection with the prophetic details of 
 Christ’s life, as mentioned on p. 36. Otherwise it is quite different from P, 
 containing a mass of material not found in the latter. 
 
 P. 81, 1. 30 ff. The simplicity of this confession of faith is noteworthy 
 at so late a date. Compare what is said on the subject in§1. Cf. also 
 Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho, c. 34, 85, 126, 132. 
 
 P. 82, 1. 25. The quotation resembles the text of Matthew more closely 
 than that of Daniel, but differs from both, and from all the parallel passages 
 in the Gospels, in substituting θεοῦ for ἀνθρώπου. 
 
 P. 82, 1. 27. The author allows himself some license here in substitut- 
 ing for the ἐσεβῃ of Isaiah an αὐτὸν referring to the Antichrist. He 
 evidently quotes from memory, and as a consequence quotes the passage 
 from Isaiah (if this is the passage he intends to quote, and I can refer his 
 words to no other) inexactly. 
 
 P. 82, 1. 30 ff. These words are very significant, as showing that the 
 intention of the work was to confirm the faith of the Christians rather than 
 to refute the Jews (see p. 8). | 
 
 P. 82, 1. 36 ff. Compare the heaped-up epithets of Mary with the much 
 simpler formula on p. 53. 
 
SCRIPTURE REFERENCES. 
 
 PAGE PAGE 
 Εἰ ΕΠ ESM. hates sles ΠΣ ΠῚ πα, Dorin Mopeds ote ee eee 55 
 EME, yak aes eke Dees 51 ELSI te γα ΡΣ ae 67 
 SEA. Ae wens caters 58 Sats | i pee Ae Aes Shh ere 55, 67 
 Or NE a cos ds! al ew tase ae 75 [eed ar tt ee ae 71 
 emi Sewinl 60. τ λυ τε ἐπ ἐς 72 ἐν i Ξ A A Aer ΣῊ ak © ἐν τ 67 
 MOOREA TIP eae. Sh een ihe 77 5. 1 ag | ga eee se Say 7 
 ΣΥΝ is ape ae eee a i of ad Eee oe Pre fare ars 77 
 EDs "CRO Aeaet Atle hag: eee 18 Ae DSO =P εν ease ahs 7 
 eee ee Sakis Air cer eee ete 78 serve Pt) Προ oe 66, 68 
 SC, | Para ae a ee Se oleae th τ P1025. eee ae es oe 58 
 Mean ee es vie snc lee 67 | IRSA St el ees ore ee 67 
 πῖνε 69 [exxvit. G6 τ ceeee. eae i 
 MOEN VIED Up a ek ook ee Saree 73 i y PANE Tree one 73 
 ye diy HE I, NERS See yl ane 68 χον πον 58 
 Se Er AUER ΟΣ Sacre 52 BEV Αι owes aera oe 58 
 See ak Bs ΠΣ ohne 52 ΙΕ τ eee Are 54 
 ἀρ ΘΑ ΠΡ σεν ΟΣ Sete ae 66 ger” Mere ek ee ee 54 
 ΜΠ Στ Oo roe me 68 EE Fate eh ER Re 54 
 Ἐν Ae Septet nah cece Sates S 73 ὌΧ ρθε, τες dale a urn eee 56, 57 
 rg) | IR Sn na το κι τ" 65, 66 ΣΟ Εν: δθ 
 SMD (x. <i eee Ή where γ8 ΣΙ τ τ ee τς ΤΥ Ν᾿ τς 09 
 aa 8] ee Rs ge a Pe δ Prove Wo 94-26) das cack gay 53, 55 
 δὴν. 1 CE 8 OE a eee FE ORD DP ALE Bins ia caw οι 7 
 aley | San ne rar en eer es rer Gy 7h sat BAS 2s ciemsiae os cote πο: 77 
 ἘΠ VEE Sh Se hs eh teers 67 || SOR ΤΟΥΣ ome Rpt 78 
 Ἐπ πῖνε 1 A ae ee 69 1 C00 cs rave dah alten 69 
 BERV OG Lise occ gee te wean 70 casa || πο στ, Spurn A epee ἢ νῸν 68 
 Ὁ ΠΑΡ Τρ, ΡΥ ana ein a SA 68 Wik: ἢ. ΦΥΤΟΥ͂ 65, 66 
 Ne ΣΎ αν ΣΝ 58. 66 ἘΣ 51 en ere eae pe ES Be eee A 66 
 a Paes a eee δ δ᾽ ἢ 73 a | RE RRC ee ee Pree ee 57, 66, 70 
 ἐν NI ρον tiles oe sre! weet 58, 66 ye SE oe CoP ny eR σα ΟΝ ἀφ. 82 
 OE doses Ne ΤΩΣ 6a te Ne & a πότον 73 Sie. hy. ΠΥ eae 67 
 jn ee 65, 72 Revit. 112. τὸ ρον ΠΟΘΕΝ 73 
 ἜΣ ΞΟ ee ne 72 ΗΝ ΒΕΘῪΥ macs rn ve ated en 70 
 i ay ΣΝ προ ee 55 rt Sa eee tier Roy kw Pte on oh, τ 68 
 Og EE eS eee 55 MN. AT εξ τ ERE σαν στον, 67 
 Paced a elu ee Sik <i e wes 66 OT Τὰ ον bn eeu hee τον 69 
 
94 
 
 PAGE PAGE 
 
 BOA TE. OD. cowie Δ ce erro ree GO) Zeon. xii, 10. τ ς fee eee 72 
 
 AG ee eon γι] ἘΝ ΠΕ oe 7 
 
 LTS ER τ stants eure 72 SVs ὙΜῚ ΑΙ ΤΟΥ τ 4. ek 
 
 oS" - case axts cielwVesees 72 eo OT cd accbeees ΤΣ 72 
 
 πᾶ κυ Sk wise nace 66 ΤΕ cites Pee 72 
 
 WOE, ον ΣΝ ΤΟΣ Ger mal, 1, 10-11 ρον νὰς τιν τ ΚΕ Ὶ 58 
 
 Pad Fas Bala sir win o's co oa ούτε 82 Baruch iii. 86-38 ............... 57 
 nis RE Pe gee dr 89. Hymn of the Three Holy Children, 
 
 we CEOs Wh ans vida bi inataaeee 82 | iS Se ee eg 60 
 
 PS ROR Oh ak aoa 0’ CD Ol | Mate ὙΣ, Δ ewe se A cancer cee 64 
 
 Ὁ} ἩΡΚΥ ΤΥ 7 ἐν 82. ἊΝ, | ey ME απο τ, 66 
 
 ἔχ ΡΟΝ aa cc csabectescaew’ 81 ἐς ΡΝ ΥΎ ΤΥ ΡΥ ἢ Ὁ ΤΊ Χ 1 Ὁ 03 
 
 Praca vs ΤΕ ΜῊ 81 SEW. ἶς οὐ ήτο τ λον 59, 63 
 
 ME hoe eke hho ated Ob 0 81, 82 ime ἀρ αν ἜΡΓ ΡΣ. 89 
 
 OS θολὸς δος 58 Savi. 18S Pees de avesieek 64 
 
 μον μευ Ἢ 66, 73 ΡΟ Meas ee 64 
 
 MES ἢ ΠΥ om Sid idinice Wawa 9D | Maver παν BB ised on ks hoes 64 
 
 πα Tgp | ee eae en a 72 | SVL AOS. cs he ΡΤ: 63 
 
 MEMS eS a SA dein a bie Ok hk wads OO.) Luke xiv: 201.42... τοι 64 
 
 τ ΟΣ δ 72 ἜΧΟΥ 63 
 
 le Bh necal wee kas shee OT} done 4.80 οι 5. aot vse 70 
 
 SUNN: RRS co dos a ky ΠΥ ΤῸ; ae: oy ee ἀπ wae ong era ie 59 
 
 Res eee wicca coe cases Ψ}11. ὙΠ: 31 ep τ ον 63 
 
 SRE τον ΣΡ ΟΣ 70, 
 
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