3)i3375 ./1 5(59 A5G-S Court of Common plca^. The Chorch of the United Brethren in Christ vs. The Seceders from Said Church. BRIEF OF GUNCKEL & ROWE, IN BEHALF OF PLAINTIFFS. U. B. Publitihiug House, Dayton, O. i IJhraty -^1925 Ho J RT.OF Common pleas. The Church of the United Brethren ^) IN Christ ( vs. I The Seceders from Said Church. ) Memoranda of facSts, law, etc., in behalf of Plaintiffs in the several cases brought to quiet title, etc. Justice Davis, in U. 8. vs. U. P. Railway Co., 91 U. S., 72-9, said: "Courts in construing a statute may, with propriety, recur to the history of the time when it was passed, and this is frequently necessary in order to ascertain the reason, as w^ell as the meaning, of particular provisions in it." For the reason stated, and because it will throw light upon the questions here in controversy, let us in the beginning- look at A LITTLE CHURCH HISTORY. Historians of the Church seek to trace its history back to the Waldenses and United Brethren in Bohemia; however this may be, the movement in the United States began about 1789, and was cotemporaneous with that of Whitefield and Wesley in Old England and Jonathan Edwards in New England. It was an oif'-shoot from the German Reformed and Mennonite churches. Otterbein, Boehm, and Guething, who preached in German only, were the leaders, and may be regarded as the founders of the Church. For a time no definite name was assumed, but they were known sometimes as Die FrelheUs Lente (The Liberty People), Die Briider (The Brethren), 1 b/ etc, but finally they adopted the name held ever since, " Tlic United Brefln-cii in C/irisf."'' They looked to the Bible alone for doctrine and disci])line, and tried to follow in practice the primitive church. The proncninced features were freedom, unsectarianism, greater spirituality, what w^as called experi- mental religion, and plain living. Preachers received no pay and accounted for and turned over all collections, and even presents, to the C'hurch for cliarital)le work. The first annual conference was held at Peter Kemp's farm house, near Frederick, Maryland, in September, 1780, and for ten or more years the conferences were held at farm houses, and the church meetings, for the most i)art, in barns or the open air, showing the plain habits of both preachers and peo- ple. During the first fifteen years of its work, the Church had no constitution, no confession of faith, no discipline, not even a roll of members. See Spayth's History U. B. Church, pp. 82, 157: Lawrence's History U. B. Church, pp. 287, 288, 301. :U9; Drury's Life of Otterbein. p. 272, ef seq. The first General Conference was held in a humble house near Mt. Pleasant, Pennsylvania, on the 6th of June, 1815. The proceedings were conducted in German and i>rinted in German only. Although comjjosed of oidy fourteen members, all i)reacliers, it assumed and seemed authorized to repre- sent and legislate for the whole Church in the United States. Among other things, it agreed upon a confession of faith and discipline and modestly presented them to the Church for ob- servance. In the earliest Discipline preserved is this statement: "These (members of Conference 1815), after mature deliberation, found it to be necessary, good, and beneficial to deliver the following doctrines and rules of discipline to the society in love and humility, with the sincere desire tliat tliey, with the word of God, might be attended to and strictly observed." See Discipline, 1819, Hist. Soc. Doc. 198, p. 15. In a later one the statement is modified thus: "The Confer- ence met and, after mature deliberation, presented to the breth- ren the following doctrine and discipline, with the sincere desire that these doctrines and rules, with the word of God, should be observed." See Doc. 201 U. B. Historical Soc, p. 7. From the beginning, all the laws of the Church, including confession, rules of conduct for both preachers and members, etc., were included in one book, marked "Discipline." In some of them the discijjline proper is put as section 2 of the confes- sion of faith, and in the later books the confession and disci- pline are j^laced together and numbered as chapters 1, 2, and 3, etc., and apjDarently as matters of equal authority. Even the Discipline of 1885 uses the word "discipline" as comprehend- ing both the doctrines and rules of the Church. There is not a word in the confession of faith and discipline then adopted about slavery, secret societies, or the manufacture and sale of spirituous licpiors. See Doc's 198, 2Ul, etc., U. B. Historical Soc. Also Lawrence's History of U. B. Church, pp. 41, 42 and 43. This Conference provided for annual and quarterly confer- ences, and for a General Conference, to be held every four years, composed of representatives from the several annual conferences, and made tlie highest judicatory of the Church and empowered to suj)ervise the whole denomination, review the action of the annual conferences, elect superintendents (bishops), and make such rules and regulations as the prog- ress of the cause iin'(//ii re(jKire. See Lawrence's History U. B. Church, p. 56. In the third General Conference, held in 1821, the anti- slavery clause was added to the discipline, and another clause prohibiting both preachers and members from carrying on distilleries, and recommending them all to labor against the evils of intemperance. See record, beiny the first Conference of which the proceedings are preserved, p. 17. The proceedings of the General Conference were first printed in 1865. For those between 1821 and 1865, we must dejjend on 'the original records. The fourth General Conference changed the discipline and polity of the Ohnrch wynm the subjects of baptism, itineracy, admission of candidates to the ministry, communion, etc., and for the first time ])rovided for an English secretary and Eng- lish printing. See proceeding's Conference of 1825. pp. 11), '20 and '22. The tifth (k'lieral Conference, which met in 1829, adopted the first declaration against oaths in court, or elsewhere, and favoring affirmations in their stead. This was aimed at Free Masonry. The Morgan e})isode was in 18'26, and the anti- Masonic excitement which followed resulted in making it not only a social, but a political question. The action of the Gen- eral Conference was manifestly the result of this temporary excitement. See Conference proceedings 1821), p. 25. As showing the absolute power of the General Conference over the Church, the following resolution, adopted at this Con- ference, is given: "Resolved, That hereafter none of our breth- ren, whether preacher or member, shall l)e allowed to publish a book or pamphlet without permission from an ainiual confer- ence." See Conference proceedings, p. 26. We venture the assertion that a more arbitrary rule was never, before or since, adopted by any church authority. In Conference of 1833 the question was raised: "Does the General Conference possess any power which an annual con- ference does not?" To this the following answer was given: "Yes; it is alone in the jjower of the General Conference to elect, from among the elders, one or more lushops, and to make such provisions as may be conducive to the good of the whole (Church. Provided, however, that none of her acts shall be so construed as to (iHci- flic ronfcssion of faifh, ov in (iiitj wdnncv chdiKjc Ihc iticliiic )is llicij iioir .s7rn/J." Proceedings of Conference 1833, pp. 29 and ;^0. It is worth noting that the restriction as to the disci})line is more strict and rigid than that as to the confession of faith. Neither were to he altered, "but the discipline is not to be in "any manner changed" — "neither its rnles nor regulations;" nor even its "meaning or spirit as it now stands." And yet this very Conference changed the discipline and made, as we have seen, a new rule against secret societies, one of the most important ever adopted in the Church, and out of which has grown most of its troubles and the secession that led to the present litigation. Each Conference following made further changes and additions — some of them radical— so that the Discipline has itself grown from twenty-eight pages in 1819 to one hundred and forty-four pages in 1885. Indeed every General Conference from the first has adapted itself to the exigencies of the time, and made such changes in discipline and jjolity as seemed necessary and proper. From the beginning, the United Brethren Church has been an aggres- sive and progressive one, and to this is largely due its wonder- ful growth and prosperity. Conetitution of 1837. For nearly forty years and up to 1837 the Church had no constitution. In the seventh General Conference, which met in Germantown, in this county, Eev. William Ehinehart, al- though not a member, but only secretary of the Conference, presented a draft of one, which was considered, amended and adopted, all in one day. See particularly prot-eedinj^s of this Conference, p. 66. original record of proceedings. There was no mention of slavery or secret societies in it, and it provided for amendment as follows: "No General Con- ference shall have power to alter or amend the foregoing Con- stitution, except it be by a roic of tiro thirds of f/iaf hod >/.''' See Discipline of 1837, being No. 262 of U. B. Historical Society, p. 14. But this action seems to have been regarded at the time as only a recommendation, and conditioned upon final adoption by the Church itself. Ill the iiiinutes of the proceedings of this Conference we find the following authorized statement: "In the adoption of this constitution the Conference were well ai)prised that they had transcended the right allowed them l)y discipline, in view of which a motion was presented by Bishoj) Heistand that a committee of two be appointed to write and present to Confer- ence now in session a circular in relation to the constitution just adopted, informing the constituents of this body that a memorial will be presented to the next General Conference praying for the ratification of the same according to article 4 section 2." (Journal of General Conference of 1837. ) See Conference proceedings, p. 06. See Driiry's Life of Glossbrenner, p. 88, etc. It will be noticed that here again the discipline is regarded as the highest law of the Church. Says Lawrence, page 323, volume 2: "The Conference, how- ever, did not regard its action as final or as at all binding on the Church. The delegates had not l)eeii instructed to make a constitution; and recognizing themselves as only the repre- sentatives and servants of the Church, they caused the instru- ment to be printed, accompanied by a circular, calling the attention of the Church to the same, asking that the dele- gates to the General Conference of 1841 be instructed to adopt, amend, or reject the same." The circular was as follows: CIRCULAR. To tin' Mi'inhcru (if the Cliiirch of tlie United Brethren in Vlirist thronyli- ont these I 'n ited States: Dear bretliren, by whose Huthority we, as a General Conference, liave been autiiorized to legislate on matters pertaining to the government of our ohur(;h, and having long since been convinced of the great necessity of a constitution for the better regulation thereof, have, by unanimous consent, Traniod and established the foregoing: — We are well aware tluit we have transcended the bounds given us by our discipline, which will be found in the constitution, article IV, section 2, declaring that the said constitution can neither be altered nor amended without a majority of two tliirds of a Cieneral Conference. If there had been a general notice given to the Church i)revi()us to the election of delegates that there would be a memorial offered to General Conference, praying them to adopt a consti- tution, and to ratify it agreeably to article IV., section 2, then the General Conference would have had full power to have done so. The object of this circular is (feeling that the government of our church is not as firm as it ought to be) to give notice to our church throughout the Union that we intend to present a memorial to the next General Conference, praying them to RATIFY THE CONSTITUTION NOW ADOPTED, according to article IV., section 2, in testimony of our ardent desire *for the welfare of our church, and the general spread of the gospel. Written by order of General Conference. Germantown, Ohio, May 12, 1837. Signed in behalf of the same by William R. Rhinehart, Sec'y- The loose statement and nneertain language of this circular left the Church in doubt as to what, if anything, was submitted, some claiming it was only article IV.; others, the whole con- stitution. Again, some claimed the constitution took effect after its adoption by the Conference; others urged it w^as not valid until ratified, and was to be regarded as a mere recom- mendation, or at best a statute only. Many, both of the clergy and membershiio, were opjjosed to any Constitution. They claimed it had never been asked for, never authorized, and as a matter of fact, was not wanted. Certainly it was never voted upon; never ratified; never really submitted for ratifi- cation. And so the four years passed, and the delegates were elected to the next Conference irif/ionf (iiii/ rcfcrciire fo flic roii- sfifiifioii (nid in'flioiif iiish'iicfioii>^ (jr aiiihoritij as fo ifs (lifopfloii or (nit<'U(t))i<'iif, much less to the formation and adoption of a new constitution. See Spayth and Liawrence, as also Drury's Lives of Otterbein and Glossbrenner on conferences of 1837 and 1841. But in the meantime this constitution of 1837 was printed and placed in the Discipline as "the constitution," and obeyed by the Church as strictly and fully as that which superseded it. ^be Conetitution of 1841, When the General Conference of 1841 met it did not ratify or even consider the question of ratifying the constitution of 1837. No memorial, as contemplated by the circular, was re- ceived from the former or any conference, or from any person 8 in l)elialf of eitlier. But of its own motion the Conference took lip the (question. It debated for two days whether it would have any constitution, and finally decided by a vote of yeas 15, nays 7, to make one, referring the whole subject to a committee, which reported a neic constitution. While it largely followed the constitution of 1837, it changed it in sev- eral important respects and added the sections upon slavery and secret societies and changed the clause jn'oviding for amendments, so that instead of permitting amendments by a vote of the General Conference, it declared that "there shall be no alteration unless by request of two thirds of the wdiole society." // icds fcdllij (I iicir coiisfifnlioii, but the remarkable and undisputed fact is that // iras ncrcr i-afijicd hij the Cliiircli: iicrcr subiiiHtcd to the nicii/hcrs for coiisidcrofioii or rafificdiioii. We are surprised to find that Judge Lawrence, in his "Pro- fessional Opinion," repeats the claim that the delegates to the Conference of 1841 were "elected in view of the fact that they were to adopt, amend, or reject the constitution of 1837, or make a new one;" and again that "they were elected for the purpose, among other things, of making a constitution." We beg the court to note the proof of these astounding statements, to-wit: That Dr. Davis says that some laymen, who happened in the Conference, heard a delegate make such a statement! Soiiichodi/ sfrijs soiiichod// heard soiiichodij soij so! And this upon a grave (^[uestion of the validity of a constitution. With all deference to our learned friend, we must say that flic osscr- lioii is innrorraidcd oiid irliolli/ iiidriic. Ecpially unfounded are several statements as to lioir the constitution was adopted, which are fully answered by a ver- batim report of the whole official record as found in the Cow- ference proceedings, as follows: "A motion was offered by E. Vundemark that a constitution for the better ref,'uhition of the Chnn.-h be adopted. Much dis(Uission ensued. After prayer. Conference adjourned. * * * 'ri,e motion for a consti- tution was called uj). A si)irited discussion ensued. The vote being taken, it carried in favf)r of a constitution yeas 15, nays 7." "On motion of J. Owns, a (X)mmittee of nine was appointed to draft a constitution, whereupon, J. Russell, J. J. Glossbrenner, George Miller, 9 Alexander Biddle, H. G. Spayth, J. Montgomery, Wm. Davis, H. Bone- brake, and H. Kumler were appointed (one from each conference) by ballot. Conference adjourned till the committee should be prepared to report." AFTERNOON SESSION. "Conference met at four o'clock; committee on constitution made a report, which, being distinctly read twice, on motion was laid on the table until to-morrow morning." MAY 13th. "Conference met. After prayer the constitution was read the third time by sections, and adopted in the words following: " [Here followed the con- stitution.] See Conference proceedings, pp. 80, 81. Tills Is the whole record. It sliows the Conference claimed no special power; did not take up the subject as unfinished business or pretend to adoj^t or ratify a former constitution, but took up the subject dc iioro and assumed the responsibility without any pretence of any specially delegated power. This Conference, which assumed to make an unalterable law for the Church, was composed of only ficenfy-f/ircc dele- (jafcs, ALL PREACHERS. The membership had neither voice nor vote in this Conference, nor opportunity to vote in approval or disapproval of its work. It had sent no petitions, had made no request for a constitution, given no authority to the members of the Conference to make an organic, much less an iinaJicrdhlc, Idir for the Church. This leads us to inquire: What is (I cotisfifufioii? Avxl lioir rwc consiifiifioiis iikkIc? And irlwrciii (liffcrciif from sfatufcs? These questions were asked and answered in Vanhorne vs. Dorrance, 2 Dall (U. S. ), 308: "It is the form of government deli ii<'(t fed />// f/ic iiii// fJic aidJiorifij flird )ii(ide //. TJie lif('-(/ti'i)ig princij)J(' and flu- dcafli-doing stroke must proceed from flie same hand. What are legislatures? Crea- tures of the constitution; they owe their existence to the con- 10 stitutiou; tliey derive their powers from the constitution. It is their commission, and therefore all their acts mnst be con- formable to it, or else they will be void. The constitution is their original, sovereign, and unlimited capacity. Law is the n'orlx or irill of the Icj/isUifiirc in their derivative and subordi- nate capacity. T/ic otic is f/ir trork of flic crcofor, ami flic of her of flic crcofiircy "According to the American iisage, the word 'constitution' is used to designate the written instrument ai/rccd upon hij flic jx'opic of ffic Union Of of (i jxniiciifdr Sfofc as the absolute rule of action and decision for all departments and officers of the government in res]3ect to all the points covered by it, which must control until // s/ioll l)c c/iaiii/cd hfj ftic inifliorifij ir/iicli cslohlislicil if.'" 1 Story on Cons., 338, et seq. Cooley on Constitutional Limitations, 3. People vs. N. Y. Central R. R., 24 N. Y.. 48G. "A constitution is not operative iiiifil ils (i(loj)fion hif flic people." Parker vs. Smith, 3 Minn,, 240. State vs. New Orleans, 29 La., Ann 863. Cooley on Constitutional Limitations, 32. We ask the especial attention of the court to two important cases covering this question, decided by the supreme court of Pennsylvania. The legislature in 1871-2 authorized a vote for the call of a convention to revise the constitution, and the peo- ple not only voted to call the convention, but elected the dele- gates therefor. The (question was raised as to the validity of the constitution afterward framed by this convention, and the court saj's: "The convention called under the acts of 1871-2 could not take from the peoi)le tlieir sovereign right to ratify or reject the con.stituti(m or ordinance formed by it, and could not in- fuse life or vigor into the work before ratification by the people." See learned oinuioii in these cases rendered by Chief Justice Agnew. Wells vs. Bain, 75 Pa., St. 40. Woods' Appeal, 75 Pa., St. 59. 11 But it is urged by Counsel for defendants, that in several of the States the constitutions were never ratified by the people. Judge Jameson, in his valuable work on "Constitutional Con- ventions," says that since the foundation of our government one hundred and fifty-seven conventions have framed constitutions, of which number one hundred and thirteen were submitted to the people for ratification and forty-four were not. But he shows that of the latter many were adopted during the Revolu- tionary period, when submission was either impossible or im- practicable; that some were merely revising conventions and acting under authority of law; that in others the constitutions, although not formally, were substantially submitted and rati- fied; and that in all of them the conventions which formed the constitutions were specially called for that jjurpose, and the delegates were elected by the people with special reference thereto. Among the non-submitting conventions is that of 1802 in Ohio, but it is worthy of note that both the later con- stitutions were submitted and ratified by the people. Since the Kansas trouble, in 1855-9, Congress has provided in its enabling acts that the territories must submit their constitu- tions to the people for ratification. "All this," says Jameson, "makes it evident that the pre- vailing sentiment of the country -from the earliest times has favored the submission of constitutions to the people, even in cases when the conventions were authorized by law to frame constitutions and specially called and elected for that purpose." See Jameson's Cons. Conv., pp. 494, 505. But it is said, if not actually ratified by the membership, it became ralid hi/ f/ic iiin'rcrsril nrquicsccncr of flic CJinrcli flicrclo, and that all who have joined the Church since 1841 have tacitly, if not expressly, assented thereto, and so the Constitution of 1841 is founded upon a compact. Jameson says, that as a matter of fact "no ronsiiiiiiloii crer so origiiiafcd,'' and adds : "To say that the constitution is based upon consent is, in my view, as absurd as to attribute to the consent of its component particles the structure and functions of a plant. 12 Doubtless those particles acquiesce, antl if they were sentient beings, with conscience and will, that acquiescence, without ceasing to be determined by natural laws and forces, might be denominated consent. So the acquiescence of great societies or races in the founding of government and dynasties is only by a figure of speech to be called their consent; it is rather resignation to the action of forces which they have neither ability nor desire to countervail. The human race have always acquiesced in the revolution of the earth about the sun; they have sat down to study its causes, and recognized with thank- fulness its accruing advantages; no faction, so for as history shows— the church, perhaps, in Galileo's time excepted — ever even protested against it; but it does not follow, therefore, that the system of planetary motion, of which that revolution is a part, was founded on the consent of the earth or its inhab- itants or on a comj^act between them and the residue of the universe. * * * "Hisfori/ records no 'nisioiicc in irlu'cit such a coiiipacf, as the theory supposes, iras crcr ukkIc; and to imagine it except for the purpose of exposition or illustration, is as puerile as to trace the social union of a swarm of bees to a compact made at some imaginary congress, when each bee was in a 'state of nature.'" But as a matter of fact there has been no such accpiiescence in the Church, nor even in the General Conference. It has always been an unsettled and a disputed question. The valid- ity of the constitution was stoutly disputed in Conference of 1845; and in tlu^ General Ccmference of 1849 there was a motion io sfnkc llic coiisfifiilioii from ihc I)isc{j)liii(' Imtohsc if iras iiirolid, and flic niofion iros cnicrfoincd, (felxdcd (nint llieiii in jtrojier sIki/x'. Judge Lawrence, in his "Professional Opinion," page 6, ad- mits that a "few changes" to the confession were made between 1815 and 1883, but that they were "immaterial," and that those made after 1888 related not "to belief but to discipline," and one of them merely to correct a typograi)hical error. It is enough to know that what he says was to remain "forever uiiclwinged," iriiiit to il. But it would be a vain 27 consent and would lead to the total subversion of such religious bodies if any one aggrieved by one of their decisions could appeal to the secular courts and have them reversed." We ask the special attention of the court to this case, as also to the following authorities upon the same qiiestions: Watson vs. Jones, 13 Wallace, 679, 733. Harrison vs. Hoyle, 21 Ohio State, 294. GaiT vs. Greet, 88 Ind., 122. Potter on Corporations, vol. 2, 709, etc., 719, 720. Walker vs. Wainwright, 16 Barb., 486. State vs. Farris, 45 Mo., 183. Robertson vs. Bullions, 9 Barb., 64. German Ch. vs. Seibert, 3 Pa. St., 282. Shannon vs. Frost, 3 B. Mon., 253. Gibson vs. Armstrong, 7 B. Mon., 481. Hale vs. Everett, 53 N. H., 2. Terraria vs. Vasconce., 23 111., 403. Harmon vs. Dreher, 1 Speer Equity, 87. German Ref. Ch. vs. Seibert, 3 Barr., 282. McGinnis vs. Watson, 41 Pa. St., 1. Chase vs. Cheney, 58 111., 509. " The civil courts act upon the theory that the ecclesiastical courts are the best judges of merely ecclesiastical questions and of all matters which concern the doctrines and discipline of the respective denominations to which they belong. " Where a schism occurs in an ecclesiastical organization, which leads to a separation into distinct and confiicting bodies, the respective claims of such bodies to the control of the property belonging to the organization must be determined by the ecclesiastical laws, usages, customs, principles, and practices which were accejjted and adopted by the organization before the division took place." The White Lick Quaker case, 89 Indiana, 1.36. " The ijrinciple may now be regarded as too well established to admit of controversy, that in case of a religious congregation or ecclesiastical body, which is in itself but a subordinate member of some general church organ- ization, having a supreme ecclesiastical judicatory over the entire member- ship of the organization, the civil tribunals must accept the decisions of such judicatory as final and conclusive upon all questions of faith, disci- pline, and ecclesiastical rule." High on Injunctions, vol. 1, sec. 310; 314. In the recent case of Maiini.r vs. PkitHI, cf a], in our own supreme court, Chief- Justice Owen says: "The contention is that to resort to the law of the cliurch as proof upon which to 28 qualify the absolute terms of the grant, is to permit the law of the church to sujjersede or dominate the civil law, and much sensitiveness is shown by eminent counsel upon this subject. There is here no ground for alarm. It is no innovation on the law of evidence in determining questions like the one at bar, to call in aid of the civil tribunal upon the law of the particular church involved for the purpose of determining the title to church property. * * * "It is but a form of establishing, by convenient and very convincing proof, what entered into the contemplation of the parties to the grant at the time the title vested. It has been held that where a religious body becomes divided, and the right to the property is in conflict, the civil courts will con- sider and determine which of the divisions submits to the church, local and general. This division is entitled to the property. In determining which of the divisions has main- tained the correct doctrine, ihc Jiii(liii iq% Rr'K 1 < 1 DEMCO 38-297 PHOTOMOUNT PAMPHLET BINDER ; 6AY4.0RD BROS. In*. ; SyT* , BX9875.A5G9 ,%-v Court of Common Pleas : The church of » \ Princeton Theological Semmary-Speer Library >''. Illllll lllllllllll IMIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIllliiiliiiiiiiiiiiiiii