umijics)^ lUN 27 191ft OfilCAL St^^ iV^V^ .A. L"v.sioa BLf550 SecMot .T45 MJM 27 191R JAINISM, ^"^QgiCAL %v^ OR THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA ; WITH ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE ANCIENT RELIGIONS OF THE EAST, FROM THE PANTHEON OF THE INDO-SCYTHIANS. {Bead at the Meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society, Feb. 26, 1877.) TO "WHICH IS PREFIXED A NOTICE ON BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. BY EDWARD THOMAS, F.R.S., CORRESPONDANT DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE; CORRESPONDING MEMBER GERMAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY ; HON. MEMBER ASIATIC SOCIETY BENGAL ; VICE-PRESIDENT NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. LONDON : TRTJBNER & CO., 57 and 59, LTJDGATE HILL. 1877. HERTFORD : STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SONS, PRINTKI'S. PREFATORY NOTICE. The publishers of tlie Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society — under the impression that there are many points of unusual interest in the articles named on the title-page — have resolved to issue a small edition, as a separate brochure, which maj'' be available to Orientalists at large, who do not happen to be Members of the Society, to the pages of whose Journal these essays would otherwise be confined. CONTENTS. ARTICLE I. (From J.R.A.S. Vol. IX. pp. 1-21.) PAGE Greek Monograms on Bactrian Coins, representing dates - 3 The rejection of the figure for hundreds by the Bactrian Greeks, in accordance with the conceptions of the Indian system ------- 3-5 Illustrative coin of the Bactrian King Plato, dated in Seleucidan^^wr(?s 147= B.C. 165 - - - - 5_6 Spread of the Seleucidan method of computation in India - 7 Indo-Scythian Inscriptions in Indian-Pali and Bactrian- Pali - - - 9-11 Historical traces of the leading Indo-Scythian Kings Hushka, Jushka, and KanisJika ------ 12 General recapitulation of the various schemes of dates, and their apparent relative importance - - - - 14 Contrast of optional data available under the three systems of Seleucidae, Yikramaditya, and Saka - - - 15 Difficulties attendant upon the irregular omission of hundreds 1 5-1 6 Coin of the Saka- Scythian King Heraiis - - - - 17 Identification of the Saka-Scythian capital - - - 19-20 The relative employment of the terms TvpavvovvTO'^ and BaaiXevovTO^; - - - - - - - 21 Practical application of the latter term, under the Su- zerainties of Antiochus, Diodotus, and Euthydemus - 21 Obverse dies of old Mint-issues, lettered aneiv, to meet the changed political positions of the Kings who furnished the original portraits 22 TvpavvovvTo^;, its appearance and acceptance in Western India - 23 vi CONTENTS. ARTICLE II. (J.R.A.S. Yol. IX. pp. 155-234.) PAGE The theoretic differences of Jainism and Buddhism - - 3 Jaina discoveries at Mathura ------ 3 General spread of Jaina edifices and precedence in the selection of sites _------4 Colebrooke's opinions regarding the priority of the Jainas - 5 Additional evidence to the same effect . _ . - 6 Documentary evidence from the Mahawanso' - - - 7 The testimony of Fali-JEian, the Chinese pilgrim - - 8 Indications furnished by the Lalita-vistara - - - 8 List of the Jaina Tirthankaras, with their several cog- nizances, etc. - - - -- - - 9 Opinions of Colonel Low on the associate symbols of Jaiuism and Buddhism .-_---. H Dr. Stevenson's researches, — the Kalpa Sutra, etc. - - 12 His inferences identical with those of Colebrooke - - 13 The Ante-Brahmanical worship of the Hindus - - - 13 The original claim of the Jainas to the shrine of Jagganath 15 The Jaina Mahavira and his disciple Gautama, Sahja Muni, from the Bhagavati - - - - - - -16 Further notices from Chinese writers and the travels of Uiouen Thsang - - -- - - - 18 Mr. Brian Hodgson's denial of the claims of the literature of Buddhism to any antiquity - - - - - 19 Colonel Tod's information regarding the Jainas - - 20 General Malcolm's personal observations on the sect - - 21 M. Roussclet's contributions to the general subject - - 21 Data regarding Jainism to be gathered from Brahmanical sources - - - - - - -.- -22 The FAITH of Chandra Gupta ----- 23 The succession of the Maurya Kings ----- 24 Brahmans and Sramans ------- 25 Caste ---.--.._. 26 Aryan influence on Indian Caste - _ - . _ 27 The FAITH of Yindusara 29 CONTEXTS. Vil PAGE The Early FAITH of Asoka 30 The testimony of Abul Fazl 30 Asoka mtrocluces JAII^ISM into Kashmir - - - 31 Confirmation of the fact from the E,aja Tarangini - - 32 Resume of the Edicts of Asoka - - - - - 33 Dr. Kern's new translations - - - - - -33 Professor Wilson's opinion as to the total absence of any reference to Buddhism in the Eock and Pillar edicts - 35 The gradations of belief to be detected between the periods of the Rock and Pillar edicts -37 Facsimile of the alphabetical characters of the Inscriptions 39 The edicts dating from the tenth and twelfth years of Asoka' s reign 41 Mention of Antiochus, the Greek king - - - - 41 (Plate I. to face p. 42.) The Pillar Edicts of the twenty-seventh year - - - 46 Reference to the Five Greek Kings (j^ote) - - - - 46 The aim and purpose of the Inscriptions - - - - 51 POSITIVE BUDDHISM (the Bhabra Edict) - - - 52 The disuse of the title of Devanampiya, '' the beloved of the Gods," as incompatible with Buddhism - - - 54 The later FAITH of the Maurya Dynasty - - - - 55 Saiidsm ___-_---- 57 Saivism under the Kanerki Kings - - - - - 57 Saivism under Kadphises - - - - - - 58 The newly-discovered hoard of gold coins at Peshawar - 59 General Legends on the Kanerki coins - - - - 60 Description of the Coins inserted in Plate II. - - - 61 (Plate 11. to face p. 61.) The large amount of Roman influence to be detected in the types of the Peshawar /'wf? __._.- 65 Roman coins found in a Tumulus at Manikyala - - 65 The causes which may have led to the introduction of so much Roman Art and so many Roman Gods into the coinages of the Indo-Scythians 68 viii CONTENTS. PAGE Suggestion of the domestication of the prisoners of the army of Crassus at and around Merv-ul-rud - - - 69 Mechanical Mint-processes of adaptation - - - - 7o Introduction of Grseco-E-oman Science - - - - 70 Alphabetical influence of Latin upon later Zend - - - 71 Comparative weight of standards 71 The Gods admitted into the Indo- Scythian Pantheon - - 73 Identification of some of the Zend and other names - - 74 I. Yedic 74 II. Iranian ,- -- - - -75 III. Persian 77 lY. Eoman 78 V. Brahmanical - - -' - - -78 YI. Buddhist 79 The Mathura Archceological Remains - - - - - 79 Dated Jaina Inscriptions incised during the reign of Yasudeva -- 81 BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. BY EDWAED THOMAS, F.R.S. A SHORT time ago, a casual reference to the complicated Greek monograms stamped on the earlier Bactrian coins suggested to me an explanation of some of their less involved combinations by the test of simple Greek letter dates, which was followed by the curious discovery that the Bactrian kings were in the habit of recognizing and employing curtailed dates to the optional omission of the figure for hundreds, which seems to have been the immemorial custom in many parts of India. My chief authority for this con- clusion was derived from a chance passage in Albiruni,^ whose statement, however, has since been independently supported by the interpretation of an inscription of the ninth century a.d. from Kashmir,^ which illustrates the provincial use of a cycle of one hundred years, and has now ^ Albiriani, -writing in India in 1031 a.d., tells us, " Le vulgaire, dans I'lnde, compte par siecles, et les siecles se placent I'un apres I'autre. On appelle cela le Samvatsara du cent. Quand un cent est ecoule, on le laisse et Ton en com- mence un autre. On appelle cela Loka-kala, c'est-a-dire comput du peuple." — Reinaud's Translation, Fragments Arabes, Paris, 1845, p. 145. ^ This second inscription ends with the words Saka Kdlagatavdah 726 — that is, *' Saka K&,la years elapsed 726," equivalent to a.d. 804, which is therefore the date of the temple. This date also corresponds with the year 80 of the local cycle, which is the Loka-kdla of Kashmir or cycle of 2,700 years, counted by centuries named after the twenty-seven nakshatras, or lunar mansions. The reckoning, therefore, never goes beyond 100 years, and as each century begins in the 25th year of the Christian century, the 80th year of the local cycle is equivalent to the 4th year of the Christian century. — General A. Cunningham, Archceological Report, 1875, vol. v. p. 181. 4 BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES, « been definitively confirmed by information obtained by Br. Biihler ^ as to the origin of the Kashmiri era and the cor- roboration of the practice of the omission of ^^ihe hundreds in stating dates " still prevailing in that conservative kingdom.^ Since Bayer's premature attempt to interpret the mint- monogram hp, on a piece of Eucratides, as 108,^ Numismatists have not lost sight of the possible discrimination of dates as opposed to the preferential mint-marks so abundant on the surfaces of these issues, though the general impression has been adverse to the possibility of their fulfilling any such functions.* 1 " Dr. Biihler tas found out the key to the Kashmirean era : it begins in the year of the Kaliyug 25, or 3076 B.C., when the Saptarshis are said to have gone to heaven. The Kashmir people often omit the hundreds in stating dates. Thus the year 24 (Kashmir era) in which Kalhana wrote his Rajatarangini, and which corresponded with Saka 1070, stands for 4,224." — Athenceum, Nov. 20, 1875, p. 675. 2 Since this was "written, General Cunningham's letter of the 30th March, 1876, has appeared in the Athenceum (April 29th, 1876), from the text of which I extract the following passages. These seem to establish the fact that the optional omission of the hundi-eds was a common and well-understood rule so early as about the age of Asoka. " The passage in which the figures occur runs as follows in the Sahasaram text : — iyam cha savane vivuthena dutesa paimalati satavivuthati 252. The corresponding passage in the Riipnath text is somewhat different: — ahale sava vivasetavaya ati vyathena savane katesu 52 satavivasata. The corresponding portion of the Bairat text is lost. My reason for looking upon these figures as expressing a date is that they are preceded in the Eiipnath text by the word katesu, which I take to be the equivalent of the Sanskrit Jcranteshu = {^o many years) 'having elapsed.' " I do not stop to follow General Cunningham's arguments with regard to the value of the figures which he interprets as 252. The sign for 50, in its horizontal form, has hitherto been received as 80, but that the same symbol came, sooner or later, to represent 50, when placed perpendicularly, is sufficiently shown by Prof. Eggeling's Plate, p. 52, in Vol. YIII. of our Journal. I should, how- ever, take great exception to the rendering of the unit as 2, which, to judge by Mr. Bayley's letter, in the same number of the Athenceum, Gen. Cunningham and Dr. Biihler had at first rightly concurred in reading as 6. 3 Hist. Reg. Graxorum Bactriam., St. Petersburg, 1738, p. 92: "Numus Eucratidis, quem postea copiosius explicabo, annum 108. habet, sine dubio epochae Bactrianae, qui annus ex nostris rationibus a.v.c. 606. Septembri mense iniit. Igitiu' cum hoc in numo victoriae ejus Indicae celebrautur, quibus ut Justinus ait, Indiam in potcstatem reclegit." See also pp. 38, 56, 134. ^ II. II. "Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, pp. 235, 238. General A. Cimningham, Numismatic Chronicle, vol. viii. o.s. p. 175; and vol. viii. n.s. 1868, p. 183 ; vol. ix. N.s. 1869, p. 230. BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. 5 In 1858 I puhlished, in my edition of '' Prinsep's Essays on Indian Antiquities ^^ a notice of the detached letters OV as occurring on a coin of Eucratides (No, 3, p. 184, vol. ii.), and UP as found on the money of Heliocles (No. 1, p. 182), which letters, in their simple form, would severally represent the figures 73 and 83 ; but the difficulty obtruded itself that these numbers were too low to afibrd any satisfactory eluci- dation of the question involved in their application as dynastic dates. Among the later acquisitions of Bactrian coins in the British Museum is a piece of Heliocles bearing the full tri- literal date, after the manner of the Syrian mints, of PUT or 183, which, when tested by the Seleucidan era {i.e. 311 — 183), brings his reign under the convenient date of B.C. 128, authorizing us to use the coincident abbreviated figures, under the same terms, as OP =73 for 173 of the Seleucidan era= B.C. 138 for Eucratides, and the repeated TIT = 83 for 183 Seleucidan = B.C. 128, for Heliocles,^ a date which is further supported by the appearance of the exceptionally combined open monogram 17^ {TIA), or 81 for 181 = B.C. 130 on his other pieces. The last fully-dated piece, in the Bactrian series, is the unique example of the money of Plato (bearing the figured letter date PMZ — U7 of the Seleucida3, or B.C. 165). We have two doubtful dates H = 60 and aE — 65, on the coins of Apollodotus ; but if these letters were intended for dates, they will scarcely fit-in with the Seleucidan scheme. Menander dates his coins in regnal years. I can trace extant examples from 1 to 8. But this practice by no means necessitates the disuse of the Seleucidan era in ordinary reckonings, still less its abandon- ment in State documents where more formal precision was ^ General Cunningham was cognizant of tlie date nr = 83 as found on the coins of Heliocles, which he associated with the year b.c. 164, under the assumption that he had detected the true initial date of the Bactrian era, which he had settled to his own satisfaction, " as beginning in b.c. 246." — Num. Chron. N.s. vol: viii. 1868, p. 266; n s. vol. ix. 1869, pp. 35, 230. See also Mr. Vaux's note, N.C. 1875, vol. xv. p. 3. 6 BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. required. Subjoined is a rough facsimile and technical de- scription of the coin of Plato.^ Silver. Size 1'2. Wt. 258 grains. Obv. Head of king to the right, with helmet ornamented with the peculiar ear and horn of a bull, so marked on the coins of Eucratides. Eev. Apollo driving the horses of the Sun. Monogram ^o. 46^5^ Prinsep's Essays. Legend, basiaehs ehi^anots nAATHNOX Date at foot, pmz=147 Selucidae (or b.c. 165). My first impression on noticing the near identity of the obverse head with the standard Numismatic portraits of Eucratides, and the coincidence of the date with that assumed, by our latest authority,^ as the year of the decease of that monarch, was that Plato must have succeeded him ; but the advanced interpretation of the dates, above given, puts any such assignment altogether out of court, and necessitates a critical reconstruction of all previous specu- lative epochal or serial lists of the Bactrian succession. In the present instance the adoption of the helmet of the Chabylians^ by Eucratides and Plato may merely imply that ^ The woodcut here given was prepared for Mr. Vaux's original article on this unique coin of Plato, in the Numismatic Chronicle, vol. xv. p. 1. ' Gen. Cunningham, N.C.vol.viii.o.s. 1843, p. 175, and vol. ix. n s. 1869, p. 175. ' " The Chabylians had small shields made of raw hides, and each had two javelins used for hunting wolves. Brazen helmets protected their heads, and above these they Avore the ears and horns of an ox fashioned in brass. They had also crests oa their helms." — Herodotus vii. 76; Rawlinson, vol. iv. p. 72 ; Xenophon Anab. v. BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. 7 they both claimed kindred with that tribe, or at some time held command in their national contingent — and Plato may, with equal possibility, have introduced the device, in the first instance, as have copied the more abundant obverses of similar character from the coins of Eucratides. On the other ^^ hand, the identity of the helmet may indicate an absolute borrowing of a ready prepared device. The singular and eccentric combination of Bactrian Mint dies has from the first constituted a difficulty and a danger to modern inter- preters. I have for long past looked suspiciously upon the too facile adaptations of otherwise conscientious mint masters, leading them to utilize, for reasons of their own, the available die- devices in stock for purposes foreign to the original intent under which they were executed. However, in the present instance, the imperfect preservation of the single coin of Plato available does not permit of our pronouncing with any certainty upon the identity of the features with those of the profile of Eucratides. To revert to our leading subject. In addition to the value of the data quoted above as fixing definitively, though within fairly anticipated limits, the epochs of three prominent Bactrian kings, their conventional use of the system of abbreviated definitions points, directly, to the assimilation of local customs, to which the Greeks so readily lent themselves, in adopting the method of reckoning by the Indian Loka Kdla, which simplified the expression of dates, even as we do now, in the civilized year of our Lord, when we write 76 for 1876. The extension of the Seleucidan era eastwards, and its amalgamation of Indian methods of definition within its own mechanism, leads further to the consideration of how lonsr this exotic era maintained its ground in Upper India, and how much influence it exerted upon the chronological records of succeeding dynasties. I have always been under the im- pression that this influence was more wide-spread and abiding than my fellow- antiquaries have been ready to admit,^ but ^ Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XII. p. 41 ; Journal Asiatic Society Bengal, 1855, p. 565, and 1872, p. 175 ; Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 86; Jomnal Asiatique, 1863, p. 388. 8 BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. I am now prepared to carry my inferences into broader channels, and to suggest that the Indo-Scythian "Kanishka" group of kings continued to use the Seleucidan era, even as they retained the minor sub-divisions of the Greek months, '*which formed an essential part of its system : and under this view to propose that we should treat the entire circle of dates of the *' Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka " family, mentioned in the Raja Tarangini, which their inscriptions expand from ix. to xcviii., as pertaining to the fourth century of the Seleucidan era, an arrangement which will bring them into' concert with our Christian reckoning from 2 B.C. to 87 a.d. A scheme which would, moreover, provide for their full possession of power up to the crucial '' Saka " date of 78-79 A.D., and allow for the subsequent continuance of a con- siderable breadth of sway outside the limited geographical range of Indian cognizance. There are further considerations which add weight to the conclusion that the Kanerki Scythians adopted, for public purposes, the Seleucidan era; they may be supposed, like the Parthians and other Nomads, to have achieved but scant culture till conquest made them masters of civilized sections of the earth. In the present instance, these new invaders are seen to have ignored or rejected the Semitic-Bactrian writing employed by the Kadphises horde in parallel concert with the traditional monumental Greek, and to have relied exclusivel}'' on the Greek language in their official records ^ till the later domestication of some of the members of the family, at Mathura, led to an exceptional use of the Devanagari alphabet, in subordination to the dominant Greek, on the coins of Vasudeva. In no case do we find them recognizing the Semitic type of character, though the inscriptions quoted ^ Prof. "Wilson's Plates, in his Ariana Antiqiia, arranged 35 years ago, and altogether independently of the present argument, will suffice to place this con- trast before the reader. The Kadphises group extend from figs. 5 to 21 of plate x. AU these coins are bilingual^ Greek and Semitic-Bactrian. The Kanerki series commence with No. 15, plate xi., having nothing but Greek legends, either on the obverse or on the 'reverse, and follow on continuously through plates xii. xiii. and xiv. down to fig. 11.- After that, the Greek characters become more or less chaotic, till we reach No. 19. BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. ^ below will show how largely that alphabet had spread in some portions of their dominion. But beyond this, their adherence, or perhaps that of their successors, to Greek, continues mechanically till its characters merge into utter incoherence on the later mintages.^ All of these indications lead to the inference that, as far as the Court influences were concerned, the tendency to rely upon Greek speech would have carried with it what remained in situ of the manners and customs of their Western instructors.^ There are two groups or varieties of Indo-Scythian In- scriptions of the Kanishka famil}^ The one in the Indian proper or Lat alphabet, all of which are located at Mathura. The published Mathura inscriptions of this group (exclud- ing the two quotations placed within brackets) number 20 in all ; as a rule they are merely records of votive offerings on the part of " pious founders," and contain only casual references to the ruling powers. Twelve of these make no mention of any monarch, though they are clearly contemporaneous with the other dedicatory inscriptions. Throughout the whole 1 Ariana Antiqua, pi. xiv. Nos. 12, 13, 14, 16, 17. • 2 The circumstances bearing upon the battle of Karor {or j)'^) are of so much importance in the history of this epoch, that I reproduce Albiruni's account of that event : "On emploie ordinairement les eres de Sri-Harcha, de Vikrama- ditya, de Saka, de Ballaba, et des Gouptas. . . . L'ere de Vikrama- ditya est employee dans les provinces me'ridionales et occideutalesdel'Inde. . . L'ere de Saka, nommee par les Indiens ' Saka-kala,' est posterieure a celle de Vikramaditya de 135 ans. Saka est le nom d'un prince qui a regne sm- les contrees situees entre V hidus et la mer. Sa residence etait placee au centre de I'empire, dans la contree nommee Aryavartha. Les Indiens le font naitre dans une classe autre que celle des Sakya; quelques-uns pretendent qu'il etait Soudra et origiiiaire de la ville de Mansoura ; il y en a meme qui disent qu'il n' etait pas de race indienne, et qu'il tirait son engine des regions occidentales. Les peuples eurent beaucoup a souffrir de son despotisme, jusqu'a ce qu'il leur vint du secours de 1" Orient. Vikramaditya marcha contre lui, mit son arme'e en deroute, et le tua sur le territoire de Korour, situe entre Moultan et le chateau de Louny. Cette epoque devint celebre, a cause de la joie que les peuples ressentirent de la mort de Saka, et on la choisit pour ere principalement chez les astronomes." — Reinaud's translation. General Cunningham has attempted to identify the site of Karor with a position "50 miles S.E. of Multan and 20 miles N.E. of Bahawalpilr," making the " castle of Loni " into " Ludhan, an ancient to^ni situated near tlie old bed of the Sutlej river, 44 miles E.N.E. of Kahror and 70 miles E.S.E. of Multan." — Ayicient Geography of India (Triibner, 1871), p. 241. These assign- ments, are, however, seriously shaken by the fact that Albiruni himself invariably places these two sites far north of Multun, i.e. according to his latitudes and longitudes, Multan is 91°— 29'' 30' N., while Kador, as he writes it, is 92°— 31" N., and Loni (variant Loi) is 32" N. — Sprenger's Maps, No. 12, etc. 10 BACTEIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. series of twenty records the dates are confined to numbers below one hundred : they approach and nearly touch the end of a given century, in the 90 and 98 ; but do not reach or surpass the crucial hundred discarded in the local cycle. The two inscriptions, Nos. 22, 23, from the same locality, dated, severalty, Samvat 135 with the Indian month of Paushya, and Samvat 281, clearly belong to a difierent age, and vary from their associates in dedicatory phraseology, forms of letters, and many minor characteristics, which General Cunningham readily discriminated.^ Indo-Scythian Inscriptions. In the Indo-Pdli Alphabet. Kanishka. Maharaja KanishJca. Samvat 9. [Kanishka. Samvat 28.] \_Kuvishka. Samvat 33.]- HuviSHKA. Maharaja Devaputra Huvishka. Hemanta, S. 39. Maharaja Eajatiraja Devaputra Huvishka. Grislima, « / S. 47.3 Maharaja Huvishka. Hemanta, S. 48. Vasudeva. Mahcir dja Edjdtirdja Dbyawtra Vdsii{deva). Yarslia, ^S. 44. Mahdrdja Vdsudeva. Grishma, S. 83. Ilahdrdja Rdjatirdja, Shahi, Vdsudeva. Hemanta, S. 87. Rdja Vdsudeva. Varslia, S. 98.^ ^ v. ^ Arch. Eep. vol. iii. p. 38. 2 These two dates are quoted from Gen. Cunnin,2;ham's letter to the Athenceum of 29 April, 1876, as having been lately discovered by Mr. Growse, B.C.S. 3 The 47th year of the Monastery of Huvishka. * I was at first disposed to infer that the use of the Indian months in their full development indicated a period subsequent to the employment of the primitive three seasons, but I find from the Western Inscriptions, lately published by Prof. Bhandarkar, that they were clearly in contemporaneous acceptance. While a passage in Hiouen Thsang suggests that the retention of the normal terms was in a measure typical of Buddhist belief, and so that, in another sense, the months had a confessed conventional significance. " Suivant la sainte doctrine de Jou-lai (duTathagata), une annee se compose de trois saisons. Depuis le 16 du premier niois, jusqu'au 15 du cinquieme mois, c'est la saison chaude. Depuis le 16 du cinquieme mois, jusqu'au 15 du neuvieme mois, c'est la saison pluvieuse (Yarchas). Depuis le 16 de neuvieme mois, jusqu'au 15 du premier mois, c'est la saison froide. Quelquefois on divise I'annce en quatre saisons, savoir: le printemps, I'ete, I'automne et I'hiver." — Hiouen Thsang, vol. ii. p. 63. The division into three seasons is distinctly non-Vedic. — Muir, vol. i. p. 13 ; Elliot, Glossary, vol. ii. p. 47. " There are two summers in the year and two harvests, while the winter intervenes between them." — Pliny vi. 21 ; Diod. Sic. I. c. i. BACTEIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. H The parallel series are more scattered, and crop up in less direct consecutive association, these are indorsed in the Bactrian or Aryan adaptation of the Ancient Phoenician alphabet. Indo-Scythian Inscriptions, In the Bactrian-Pdli Alphabet. Bali§.walpur. Maharaja Rajadiraja Deyaputra Kanishka. Samvat 11, on the 28th of the (Greek) month of Dtesius. Manikyala Tope. Maharaja Kaneshka, Gushana vasa samvardhaka. " Increaser of the dominion of the Gushans " (Kushans). Samvat 18. Wardak Vase. Maharaja rajatiraja Ruveshka. Samvat 5 1 , 1 5th of Artemisius . ^ ^ Besides these inscriptions, there is a record of the name of Kanishka designated as Eoja Gandharya, on "a rough block of quartz," from Zeda, near Ohind, now in the Lahore Museum. This legend is embodied in very small Bactrian letters, and is preceded by a single line in large characters, which reads as follows: Sa^i 10 -|- 1 ( = 11) Ashadasa masasa di 20, JJdeyana gu. 1, Isachhu nami." I do not quote or definitively adopt this date, as the two in- scriptions appear to me to be of different periods, and vary in a marked degree in the forms as well as in the size of their letters. — Lowenthal, J.A.S.B. 1863, p. 5 ; Gen. Cunningham, Arch. Eeport, vol. v. p. 57- In addition to the above Bactrian Pali Inscriptions, we have a record from Taxila, by the " Satrap Liako Kusuluko," in "the 78th year of the great king, the Great Moga, on the 5th day of the month Panfemus " (J.R.A.S. xx. o.s. p. 227; J.A.S.B. 1862, p. 40). And an inscription from Takht-i-Bahi of the Indo- Parthian king Gondophares, well known to us from his coins (Ariana Antiqua, p. 340, Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 214), and doubtfully associated with the Gondofertis of the Legenda Aiu-ea, to the following tenor : " Maharayasa Gudu- pharasa Vasha 20-)-4 + 2 ( = 26) San . . . Satimae lOO + S (=-103) Vesakhasa masasa divase 4." (Cunningham, Arch. Eep. vol. v. p. 59.) And to complete the series of regal quotations, I add the heading of the inscription from Panjtar of a king of the Kushans: '■'Sam 1004-204-2 ( = 122) Sravanasa masasa di prathame 1, Maha rayasa Gushanasa Ra ..." (Professor Dowson, J.R.A.S. Vol. XX. o.s. p. 223 ; Cunningham, Arch. Rep. vol. v. p. 61.) This is an inscription which, in the exceptional character of its framework, suggests and even necessitates reconstructive interpretations. The stone upon which it is engrossed was obviously fissured and imperfectly prepared for its pur- pose in the first instance ; so that, in the opening line, Gondophares' name has to be taken over a broken gap with space for two letters, which divides the d from the ph. The surface of the stone has likewise suffered from abrasion of some kind or other, so that material letters have in certain cases been reduced to mere shadowy outlines. But enough remains intact to establish the name of the Indo- Parthian King, and to exhilDit a double record of dates, giving his regnal year and the counterpart in an era the determination of which is of the highest possible importance. The vasha or year of the king, expressed in figures alone, as 26, is not contested. T\\ejigured date of the leading era presents no difiiculty whatever to those who are conversant with Phoenician notation, or who may hereafter choose to consult the ancient coins of Aradus. The symbol for hundreds y/\ is incontestable. The preliminary stroke i, to the right of the sign, in 12 BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. The above collection of names and dates covers, in the latter sense, a period of from An. 9 to An. 98, or eighty-nine years in all. The names, as I interpret them, apply to two individuals, only, out of the triple brotherhood mentioned in the Raja Tarangim. After enumerating the reigns of (1) Asoka, (2) Jaloka, and (3) Damodhara, Professor Wilson's translation of that chronicle continues : — "Damodhara was succeeded by three princes who divided the country, and severally founded capital cities named after themselves. These princes were called Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka,^ of Turushka or Tatar extraction. . . . They are considered synchronous, but may possibly be all that are pre- served of some series of Tatar princes who, it is very likely, at various periods, established themselves in Kashmir."^ I the "Western system, marks the simple number of hundreds ; in India an ad- ditional prolongation duplicates the value of the normal symbol. Under these terms the adoptive Bactrian figures are positive as 103. Before the figured date there is to be found, in letters^ the word satimae "in one himdred" or "hundredth," in the reading of which all concur. It is possible that the exceptional use of the figure for 100, which has not previously been met with, may have led to its definition and repetition in writing in the body of the inscription, in order that future interpreters should feel no hesitation about the value of the exotic symbol. There was not the same necessity for repeating the 3, the three fingers of which must always have been obvious to the meanest capacity. I have no difficulty about the existence and free currency of the Yikramaditya era per se in its own proper time, which some archaeologists are inclined to regard as of later adaptation. But I am unable to concur in the reading of Sanwatsara, or to admit, if such should prove the correct interpreta- tion, that the word Samvatsara involved or necessitated a preferential association with the Yikramaditya era, any more than the Samvatsara (J.R.A.S., Vol. IV. p. 500) and Samvatsaraye {ibid. p. 222), or the abbreviated San or xS'a;;«, which is so constant in these Bactrian Pali Inscriptions, and so frequent on Indo-Parthian coins (Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 205, Coins of Azas, Nos. 1, 2, 6, 7, 12; Azilisas, Nos. 1, etc. ; Gondophares, p. 215, No. 4. ' Abulfazl says " brothers." Gladwin's Translation, vol. ii. p. 171 ; Calcutta Text, p. 574. j,-^b ^Jy ijl!^'^ J'^'^y. ^^j^ tJJ^ A:^ _ Lli^-ij _ Ll^-^ib . General Cunningham considers that he has succeeded in identifying all the three capitals, the sites of which are placed within the limits of the valley of Kashmir, i.e., " Kanishka-pura (Kanikhpur) hod, Kampur, is ten miles south of Sirinagar, known as Kampur Sarai. " HusJika-pura, the Hu-se-kia-lo of Hiuen Thsang — the Ushkar of Albiruni — now surviving in the village of Uskara, two miles south-east of Barahmula. " Jushka-pura is identified by the Brahmans Avith Zukru or Zukur, a consider- able village four miles north of the capital, the Schecroh of Troyer and "Wilson." — Ancient Geography of India (London, 1871), p. 99. 2 Prof. II. II. "NVilson, " An Essay on the Hindu History of Kashmir," Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. p. 23 ; and Troyer's Histoire des Rois du Kachmir (Paris, 1840-52), vol. i. p. 19. See also Hioucn-Thsang (Paris, 1858), vol. ii. pp. 42, 106, etc. BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. 13 assume Vdsu Leva (Krishna's title) to have been the titular designation of Kanishka/ while Devaputm was common to both brothers, and the ShdJii"^ was perhaps optional, or de- voted to the senior in the joint brotherhood'^ or head of the more extensive tribal community of the Kanerki. The Mathura inscriptions, as we have seen, distinguish the subdivisions of the year by the old triple seasons of Grishma, Varsha, and Hemanta, while the Bactrian Pali inscriptions ordinarily define the months by their Macedonian designa- tions ; ^ the question thus arises as to whether this latter 1 Coin of Vasu Deva struck in his Eastern dominions. Tresor de Numis- matique. Gold. PL Ixxx., figs. 10, 11. , Obverse. — Scytliian figure, standing to the front, casting incense into the typical small Mithraic altar. To the right, a trident with flowing pennons : to the left, a standard with streamers. Legend, around the main device, in obscure Greek, the vague reproduction of the conventional titles of FAO NANO PAO KOPANO. Below the left arm ^ ^^'' V =Vasu, in the exact style of character found in \» his MathurS, Inscriptions. Reverse. — The Indian Goddess Parvati seated on an open chair or imitation of a Greek throne, extending in her right hand the classic regal fillet ; Mithraic monogram to the left. Legend, APAOXPO, Ard-Ugra = " half Siva," i.e. Parvati. Those who wish to examine nearly exact counterparts of these tj-pes in English, publications may consult the coins engraved in plate xiv., Ariana Antiqua, figs. 19, 20. The latter seems to have an imperfect rendering of the ^ va on the obverse, with ^ su (formed like pu) on the reverse. [For corresponding types see also Journ. As. Soc. Beng. vol. v. pi. 36, and Prinsep's Essays, pi. 4. General Cunningham, Numismatic Chronicle, vol. vi. o.s. pi. i. fig. 2.] The u is not curved, but formed by a mere elongation of the downstroke of the ^ s, which in itself constitutes the vowel. The omission of the consecutive Deva on the coins is of no more import than the parallel rejection of the Gupta, wdiere the king's name is written downwards, Chinese fashion, in the confined space below the arm. See also General Cunningham's remarks on Yasudeva, J.R.A.S. Vol. Y. pp. 193, 195. Gen. Cunningham proposes to amend Prof. "Wilson's tenta- tive reading of Baraono on the two gold coins, Ariana Antiqua, pi. xiv. figs. 14,18 (p. 378), into PAO NANO PAO BAZOAHO KOPANO. The engraving of No. 14 certainly suggests an initial B in the name, and the AZ and O are sufficiently clear. We have only to angidarize the succeeding O into A to complete the identification. These coins have a reverse of Siva and the Bull.— Arch. Rep. vol. iii. p. 42. Dr. Kern does not seem to have been aware of these identifica- tions when he proposed, in 1873 (Revue Critique, 1874, p. 291), to associate the Mathura Yasudeva with the Indo-Sassanian Fehlvi coin figured in Prinsep, pi. vii. fig. 6. Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc. Yol. XII. pi. 3 ; Arian^a Antiqua, pi. xvii. fig. 9. 2 The full Devaputi-a Shahan Shahi occurs in the Samudra Gupta inscription on the Allahabad Lat. It may possibly refer to some of the extra Indian suc- cessors of these Indo-Scythians. 3 Troyer translates paragraph 171, "Pendant le long regnc de ces rois," vol. i. p. 19. * " The Macedonian months, which were adopted by the SjTO-Macedonian 14 BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. practice does not imply a continued use of the Seleucidan era, in association with which the names of these months must first have reached India ? ^ and which must have been altogether out of place in any indigenous scheme of reckon- ing. Tested by this system, the years 9-98 of the fourth century of the Seleucidan era (b.c. 311-12) produce, as I have elsewhere remarked, the singularly suitable return of B.C. 2 to A.D. 87. And a similar process applied to the third century of the newly-discovered Parthian era (b.c. 248) ^ would represent b.c. 39 and a.d. 50. But this last method of computation seems to have secured a mere local and exceptional currency, and the probabilities of its extension to India are as zero compared with the wide-spread and endur- ing date ^ of the Seleucidse, which the Parthians themselves continued to use on their coinage in conjunction with the old cities, and generally by the Greek cities of Asia, after tlie time of Alexander, were lunar till the reformation of the Eoman calendar of Ccesar (by inserting 67+23 = 90 days in this year). After that reformation the Greek cities of Asia, which had then become subject to the Roman Empire, gradually adopted the Julian year. But although they foUowed the Eomans in computing by the solar Julian year of 365d. 6h. instead of the lunar, yet they made no alteration in the season at which their year began (AIO5 = 0ct. Nov.), or in the order of the months." —Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. iii. pp. 202, 347. ^ Some importance will be seen to have attached to the use of the contrasted terms for national months in olden time, as we find Letronne observing : " Dans tons les exemples de doubles ou triples dates que nous offrent les inscriptions redigees en Grece, le mois qui est enonce le premier est toujours celui dont fait usage la nation a laquelle appartient celui quiparle." — Letronne, Inscriptions de I'Egypte (Paris, 1852), p. 263. 2 Assyrian Discoveries, by George Smith, London, 1875, p. 389. From the time of the Parthian conquest it appears that the tablets were dated according to the Parthian style. There has always been a doubt as to the date of this revolt, and consequently of the Parthian monarchy, as the classical authorities have left no evidence as to the exact date of the rise of the Parthian power. I, however, obtained three Parthian tablets from Babylon ; two of them contained double dates, one of which, being found perfect, supplied the required evidence, as it was dated according to the Seleucidan era, and according also to the Parthian era, the 144th year of the Parthians being equal to the 208th year of the Seleucidso, thus making the Parthian era to have commenced b.c. 248. This date is written : " Month .... 23rd day 144th year, which is called the 208th year, Arsaces, King of kings." Clinton, follomng Justin and Eusebius, etc., 250 b.c. Fasti Eomani, vol. ii. p. 243, and Fasti Hellenici, vol. iii. p. 311 ; Moses Chorenensis, 251 or 252 b.c. ; Suidas, 246 b.c. ^ " Antiochus, snrnamed Epiphanes, son of Antiochus the king, . . . reigned in the 137th year of the kingdom of the Greeks." — Maccabees I. i. 10 — ii. 70, et. seq. " In the 143rd year of the kingdom of the Seleucidee." — Josephus, Ant. xii. 3. "It came to pass . . in the 145th year on the 25th of that month which is by us called Chasleu, and by the Macedonians ApelUus, BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. 15 Macedonian juonths,^ whose importance in their bearing upon the leading era I have enlarged upon in the parallel Indo-Scythic instance immediately under review. So that, as at present advised, I hold to a preference for the Seleucidan test, which places the Indo- Scythians in so satisfactory a position both relatively to their predecessors and successors. I have at the same time no reserve in acknowledging the many difficulties surrounding the leading question; but if we can but get a second "pied a terre," a fixed date-point, after the classical testimony to the epoch of the great Chandra Gupta, we may check the doubts and difficulties surrounding many generations both before and after any established date that we may chance to elicit from the pre- sent and more mature inquiries. The comparative estimates by the three methods of compu- tation immediately available stand roughly as follows : — Seleucidan . [1st Sept., 312 B.C.] B.C. 2 to a.d. 87. Yikramaditya . . [57 b.c.^] . . B.C. 48 to a.d. 41. Saka . . [14th March, 78 a.d.^] a.d. 88 to a.d. 177. Before taking leave of the general subject of Indian methods of defining dates, I wish to point out how much the conventional practice of the suppression of the hundreds must have impaired the ordinary continuity of record and in the 153rcl Olympiad, etc." — xii. 4. " Seleucus cognominatus Nicator regnum Babelis, totiusque Eraki, et Chorasanfe, Indiam usque, Ab initio imperii ipsius orditur sera, quse Alexandri audit, ea nempe qua tempora computant Syri et Hebrffii." — Bar-Hebrseus, Pococke, p. 63. " The Jews still style it the JEra of Contracts, because they were obliged, when subject to the Syro-Macedonian princes, to express it in all their contracts and civil writings." — Gough's Seleucidse, p. 3. The Syria c text of the inscription at Singanfu is dated "in 1093d year of the Greeks" (a.d. 782). — A. Kircher, La Chine, p. 43; Yule, Marco Polo, vol. ii. p. 22 ; see also Mure's History of Greece, vol. iv. pp. 74-79. 1 The dates begin to appear on the Syro-Macedonian coins under Seleucus IV. , Tresor de Numismatique, sAP= 136 ; Mionnet, vol. v. p. 30, FAZ = 137. Cleopatra and Antiochus VIII. also date their coins in the Seleucidan era. See Mionnet, vol. V. pp. 86, 87. The Parthian coin dates commence with a.s. TVS, = 280 (b.c. 31), APTE, Arteniisius, and continue to A.s. 539, Tres. de Num. Rois Grecs, pp. 143-147 ; Lindsay, Coinage of the Parthians (Cork, 1852), pp. 175-179. 2 Limi-solar year. 3 Solar or Sidereal year. Prinsep, Useful Tables, pp. 153-7. 16 BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. affected the resulting value of many of the fragmentary data that have been preserved to our time. The existence of such a system of disregarding or blotting- out of centuries — persevered in for ages — must naturally have led to endless uncertainties among subsequent home or foreign inquirers, whose errors and misunderstandings were occasion- ally superadded to the normal imperfections of their leading authorities. Something of this kind may be detected in the illustrative works both of Hiuen Thsang and Albiruni, wherever the quotation refers to hundreds in the gross. Apart from the improbabilities of events adapting them- selves to even numbers in liundrech^ it is clear that, where hundreds alone are given, the date itself must be looked upon as more or less vague and conjectural, elicited, in short, out of uncertain and undefined numbers, and alike incapable of correction from minor totals ; such a test must now be applied to Hiuen Thsang's oft- quoted open number of 400 as marking the interval between Buddha and Kanishka.^ So also one of Albiruni's less-con sistently worked-out dates is liable to parallel objection, such, for instance, as the even ''400 before Yikramaditya, " which constitutes his era of " Sri Harsha," and which he is frank enough to confess may perchance pertain to the other Sri Harsha of 664 after Yikramaditya (or 57-f 664 = 607-8 a.d.). His clear 400 of the era of Yezdegird is, however, a veritable conjuncture, a singular and unforced combination of independent epochs,^ 1 " Daus les quatre cents ans qui suivront mon Nirvana, il y aura iin roi qui s'illustrera dans le monde sous le nom de Kia-ni-se-kia (Kanishka)."— Memoires surles Conti-ees < ccidentales (Paris, 1857), i. p. 106. "Dans la 400e annee apres le Nirvana" (p. 172). This 400 is the sum given in the Lalita Yistara, but the Mongol authorities have 300. Foe-koue Ki, chapter xxv., and Bnrnouf's lutr. Hist. Bud., vol. i. p. 568, "trois cent ans," p. 579, " un peu plus de quatre cent ans apres Cakya, an temps de Kanichka." Hiuen Thsang confines himself to obscure hundi'e'ds in other places. " Dans la centieme annee apres le Nirvana de Jou-lai, Asoka, roi de Magadha," p. 170. " La six centieme annee apres le Nirvana," p. 179. Nagarjuna is equally dated 400 years after Buddha. "Nagar- juna is generally supposed to have flourished 400 years after the death of Buddha." — As. Res. vol. XX. pp. 400, 5 1 3. Csoma de Koros, Analysis of the Gyut. See also As. Res. vol. ix. p. 83 ; xv. p. 115; and Burnouf, vol. i. p. 447, and J.A.S.B. vol. vii. p. 143. M. Foucaux, in his Tibetan version of the Lalita Yistara, speaks of Nagarjuna as flourishing " cent ans apres le mort de (^lakya Mouni, p. 392, note. 2 Reinaud, Joe. cit. pp. 137, 139. Albiruni here rejoices, that " cette epoque s'exprirae par un nombrc rond et n'est embarrassee ni de dizaines ni d'unites," which seems to show how .rarely, in his large experience, such a phenomenon had been met with. BAOTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. 17 approximately marked by the date of the death of Mahmiid of Ghazni/ in an era that had not yet been superseded in the East by the Muhammadan Hijrah. I conclude this paper with a reproduction of the unique coin of the Saka King Heraiis, which, on more mature ex- amination, has been found to throw unexpected light on the chief seat of Saka-Scythian power,^ and to supply incidentally an approximate date, which may prove of considerable value in elucidating the contemporaneous history of the border lands of India. I have recently had occasion to investigate the probable age of this piece by a comparison of its reverse device with the leading types of the Imperial Parthian mintages, with which it has much in common, and the deduction I arrived at, from the purely Numismatic aspect of the evidence, was ^ The era of Yezdegird commenced 16th June, 632 ad. The date on Mahmud's tomb is 23rd Eabi' the second, a.h. 421 (30th April, a.d. 1030). 2 Albiruni was naturally perplexed with the identities of Viki-amaditya and Salivahana, and unable to reconcile the similarity of the acts attributed alike to one and the other. He concludes the passage quoted in note 2, p. 9, in the following terms : — " D'un auti-e cote, Vikramaditya, requt le titre de Sri (gi-and) a cause de I'honneur qu'il s'etait acquis. Du reste, I'intervalle qui s'est 6coule entre I'ere de Vikramaditya et la mort de Saka, prouve que le vainqueiu- n'etait pas le celebre Vikramaditya, mais un autre prince du memo nom." — Eeinaud, p. 142. Major "WUford, in like manner, while discussing the individualities of his *' 8 or 9 Viki-am^ityas," admitted that " the two periods of Vikramaditya and Salivahana are intimately connected^ and the accounts we have of these two extraordinary personages are much confused, teeming with contradictions and absurdities to a surprising degree." — As. Res., vol. ix. p. 117; see also vol. x. p. 93. A passage lately brought to notice by Dr. Biihler throws new light upon this question, for, in addition to supplying chronological data of much importance in regard to the interval of 470 years which is said to have elapsed between the great Jaina Mahdvira (the 24th Tirthankara) and the first Vikramaditya of B.C. 57, it teaches us that there were Saka kings holding sway in India in B.C. 61-57, which indirectly confirms the epoch of the family of Heraiis, and explains how both Vikraniadityas, at intervals of 135 years, came to have Saka enemies to encounter, and consequently equal claims to titular Sakdri honours. " 1. Palaka, the lord of Avanti, was anointed in that night in which the Arhat and Tirthankara Mahavira entered Nirv&na. 2. 60 are (the years of King Palaka, but 155 are (the years) of the Nandas; 108 those of the Mauryas, and 30 those of Piisamitta (Pushyamitra) . 3. 60 (years) ruled Balamitra and Bhanumitra, 40 Nabhovahana. 13 years likewise (lasted) the rule of Garda- bhilla, and 4 are (the years) of Saka."— From the Prakrit Gathas of Meru- tunga, etc. " These verses, which are quoted in a very large number of Jaina commen- taries and chronological works, but the origin of Avhich is not clear, give the adjustment between the eras of Vira and Vikrama, and form the basis of the earlier Jaina chronology."— Dr. Biihler, Indian Antiquary, vol. ii. p. 363. 2 18 BACTPJAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. tliat, recognizing tlie imitative adoption of certain details of the main devices of the suzerain rulers, and supposing such adoption to have been immediate and contemporaneous, the dates B.C. 37 to a.d. 4 would "mark the age of Heraiis."^ This epoch singularly accords with the date of Isidore of Charax,^ from whose text of the ' Stathmi Parthici ' we like- wise gather that the recognized seat of the Saka- Scythians, then feudatories of the Parthian Empire, was located in the valley of the Helmund,^ and was known by the optional ^ Eecords of tlie Gupta Dynasty (Tiiibuer, 1876), p. 37. " It is in regard to the tj-pical (letails, however, that the contrast between the pieces of Manas and Heraiis is most apparent. Manas has no coins with his own bnst among the infinite variety of his mint devices, nor has Azas, who imitates sa many of his emblems. But, in the Gondophares group, we meet again with busts and uncovered heads, the hair being simply bound by a fillet, in which arrangement of the head-dress Pakores, with his bushy curls, follows suit. But the crucial typical test is furnished by the small figure of victory crowning the horseman on the reverse, which is so special a characteristic of the Parthian die illustration. "We have frequent examples of Angels or tj'pes of victory extending regal fillets in the Bactrian series, but these figures constitute as a rule the main device of the reverse, and are not subordinated into a corner, as in the Parthian system. The first appearance of the fillet in direct connexion with the king's head in the Imperial series, occurs on the coins of Arsaces XIV., Orodes (b.c. 54-37), where the crown is borne by an eagle (Lindsay, History of the Parthiansj Cork, 1852, pi. iii. fig. 2, pp. 146-170; Tresor de Ntimismaiiqiie, pi. Ixviii. fig. 17) ; but on the reverses of the copper coinage this duty is already confided to the winged figure of Victory (Lindsay, pi. v. fig. 2, p. 181). Arsaces XV., Phrahates IV. (37 b.c. -4 a.d.), continues the eagles for a time, but progresses into single {Ibid.,^\. iii. fig. 60; v. fig. 4, pp. 148, 170 ; Tresor de JSfumismatique, pi. Ixviii. fig. 18; pi. Ixix. fig. 5), and finally into double figm-es of Victory eager to crowm him {Ibid., pi. iii. figs. 61-63), as indicating his successes against Antony and the annexation of the kingdom of Media (Lindsay, p. 46 ; Pawlinson, The Sixth Monarchy, p. 182). " Henceforth these winged adjuncts are discontinued, so that, if we are to seek for the prototj^e of the Heraiis coin amid Imperial Arsacidan models, we are closely limited in point of antiquity, though the possibly deferred adoption may be less susceptible of proof " 2 The period of Isidore of Charax has been the subject of much controversy. The writer of the notice in Smith's Dictionary contents himself with saying, "He seems to have lived under the early Koman Emperors." C. Miiller, the special authority for all Greek geographical questions, sums up his critical examination of the evidence to the point : " Probant scriptorem nostrum Augusti temporibus debere fuisse pniximum." — Geog. Grec. Mm. vol. i. p. Ixxxv. ^17. 'Ej/TeC^ev ZapayyiavT], axo'iuoi Ka. "EvOa TroAiS Udpiv koI KophK iroXis. 18. ^EvT^vOev 'S.aKacTTavr] "XaKcvu 'ZkvQcov, t] koI UapaLraKiqvri, axoivoi I7 . "EvQa BapSa -noXis koL MXv irSXis Ka\ TlaXaKiVjl 'n-6\is Kol 2i7aA tt6\ls' euda ^ariXeia ^aKoow ical irXriaiou 'AXe^du?>peia 7r6\is {koI TrArjaiov 'AKe^avSpo-rroXis TroAt?)- Kw/xai 56 e'|. Isidore of Charax, " Stathmi Parthici," ed. C. Miiller, Paris, pp. 253, Ixxxv. and xciii., map No. x. The text goes on to emmierate the stages up to AlexandropoUs ix7]Tp6noXis 'Apaxcoaias, and concludes : "Axpi tovtov i(TTiv 7} tS>v UdpOcDU i-KiKpaTiia. I annex for the sake of comparison Ptolemy's list of the cities of Drangia, after the century and a half Avhich is roughly esti- mated as the interval between the two geographers. Sigal and Sakastane seem BACTRIAX COINS AND INDIAN DATES. 19 names of Sakasfane or Pamitakene with a capital city en- titled Sigal. The ancient Sigal may perhaps be identified with the modern site of Selcooha, the metropolis of a district of that name, which, in virtue of its position, its walls, and its wells, still claims pre-eminence among the cities of Seistan.^ And to complete the data, I now find on the surface of the 3. Ivva. 4. ApiKdba. 0. Aara. o. p,api;Lapr]. /. i\oaTav( 9. Biyis. 10. 'Apidffir-n. 11. 'Apaj/a. —Ptolemy, lib. vi. ca vol. iii. p. 44; Journ. R A.S. Vol. X. p. 21, and Vol. XV. p Darius' Inscription, Persian "Saka," Scytliic "Sakka." 'I alike to tave disappeared from the local map. 1. Upo(p9aaia. 2. 'PoCSa. 3. "Ivva. 4. "ApiKada. 5. "Aara. 6. aap^Ldpr]. 7. Noa-rdva. 8. ^apaCdva. " ' " ' lib. vi. cap. 19; Hudson, pp. 97, 150, 206 ; The old term of [C^ is preserved in all the intelligent Persian and Arabian writers. Majmal Al Taw§irikh, Journ. Asiatique, 1839 ^\j^ ^IC ; Hamza Isfahan! ^l^ ^^Lj n 50 ■ 1" <--*^5 .\ l^ .. p. 51. And the Armenians adhere to the Sakasdan. —Moses of Khorene, French edition, vol. ii. p. 143; Whiston, pp. 301, 364; St. -Martin, L'Armenie, vol. ii. p. 18. ''[::,^s^, Les villes principales sont : Zaleky KerJcouyah, Rissoum, Zaranj) et Ijosf, ou Ton voit les mines de I'ecurie de Roustam, le iteros." — 13. de MejTiard, La Perse, p. 303. Other references to the geography of this locality will be found in Pliny vi. 21 ; Ouseley's Oriental Geography, p. 205; Anderson's Western Afghanistan, J.A.S. Bengal, 1849, p. 586; Leech {Sekwa), J.A.S.B., 1844, p. 117; Khanikolf, 'Asie Centrale,' Paris, 1861, p. 162 {Sekouhe) ; Ferrier's Travels, p. 430; Malcolm's Persia, vol. i. p. 67; Pottinger's Beloochistan, pp. 407-9; Burnouf's Yaqna, p. xcix. 1 " This fortress is the strongest and most important in Seistan, because, being at 5 parasangs from the lake, water is to be obtained only in wells which have been dug -svithin its enceinte. The intermediate and surrounding country being an arid parched waste, devoid not only of water, but of everything else, the besiegers could not subsist themselves, and would, even if provisioned, inevitably die of thii-st. It contains about 1200 houses. ... I have called it the capital of Seistan, but it is impossible to say how long it may enjoy that title." — Caravan Journeys of J. P. Ferrier, edited by H. D. Seymour, Esq., Murray, 1857, p. 419'. " On the 1st February, 1872, made a 30 mile march to Sekuha, the more modern capital of Seistan . .; hnally we found Sekuha itself amid utter desolation." — SirF. J.Goldsmid. FromR.Geog. Soc.l873,p. 70. See also Sir H.Rawlinson's elaborate notes on Seistan, p. 282, " Si-koheh " [three hills], in the same volume. I may add in support of this reading of the name of the capital, that it very nearly reproduces the synonym of the obscure Greek :$cyd\, in the counterpart Pehlvi 3a.5 JS := C^^ Sf gar or gal, which stands equally for " three hills." Tabari tells us that in the old language, '•'■ guer a le sens de montagne" (Zotenberg, vol. i p. 5), and Hamza Isfahani equally recognizes the ger as " colles etmontes" (p. 37). The interchange of the rs and Is did not disturb the Iranian mind any more than the indeterminate use oi gs and ks. See Journ. R.A.S. Vol. XII. pp. 265, 268, and Vol. XIII. p. 377. We need not carry on these comparisons fiu'ther, but those who wish to trace identities more completely may consult Pictet, vol. i. p. 122, and follow out the Sanskrit giri. Slave gora, etc. Since the body of this note was set up in type. Sir F. Goldsmid's ofhcial report upon "Eastern Persia" has been published, and supplies the following additional 20 BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. original coin, after the final a in 2Aka, the Greek monogram U, which apparently represents the ancient province, or pro- vincial capital, of Drangia} Heeaus, Saka King. Silver. British Museum. Unique. Obv. "Bust of a king, right, diademed and draped; border of reels and beads. Rev. TTIANN0YNT02 HIAOT 2AKA KOIIANOT. (TvpavvovfTos 'Hpdov 2a/ca Koipavov.) A king, right, on horseback; behind, Nike, crowning him.^'' details as to the characteristics of Sikoha : — " The town, . . , which derives its name from three clay or mud hills in its midst, is built in an ii-regiilar circular form around the base of the two principal hills. The southernmost of these hills is surmounted by the arh or citadel, an ancient structure known as the citadel of Mir Kuchak Kh&n. . . . Adjoining this, and connected with it, is the second hill, called the Burj-i-Falaksar, on which stands the present Governor's house; and about 150 yards to the west is the third hill, not so high as the other two, undefended. . . . The two principal hills thus completely command the town lying at their hase, and are connected with one another by a covered Avay." " Sekuha is quite independent of an extra-mural water supply, as water is always obtainable by digging a few feet below the surface anywhere inside the walls, which are twenty-five feet in height, strongly built." — Major E. Smith, vol. i. p. 258. ^ The progressive stages of this Monogram are curious. "We have the normal J\. — Mionnet, pi. i. No. 12; Lindsay, Coins of the Parthians, pi. xi. No. 7. Next we have the Bactrian varieties j<^, k^ , and K, entered in Prinsep's Essays, pi. xi. c. No, 53 ; Num. Chron. vol. xix. o.s. Nos. 48, 52, and vol. viii. N.s. pi. vii. Nos. 71, 72, and 76; and likewise Mionnet's varieties, Nos. 156, 299 : Ariana Antiqua, pi. xxii. No. 118. 2 I am indebted to Mr. P. Gardner for this woodcut. I retain his description of the coin as it appeared in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1874, vol. xiv. n.s. p. 161. It will be seen that Mr. Gardner failed to detect the worn outline of the Monogram. BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. 21 Colonel Pearse, E,.A., retains a single example of an ex- ceptionally common class of small silver coins displaying the obverse head in identical form with the outline in the wood- cut. The reverse type discloses an ill-defined, erect figure, to the left, similar in disjointed treatment to some of the reverses in the Antiochus-Kodes class,^ accompanied by two parallel legends in obscure Grreek. The leading line, giving the title^ is altogether unintelligible ; but its central letters range xDiAiiNx or xDiAiiKx. The second line gives a nearer ap- proach to "Moas" in a possible initial M, followed by the letters 1niiAHL=/xottS7;9, /xoTT/a?;?, yuQiia'r]'^^ etc. All these speci- mens, in addition to other Kodes associations, give outward signs of debased metal, or the Nickel, which was perchance, in those days, estimated as of equal value with silver.^ The interest in this remarkable coin is not confined to the approximate identifications of time and place, but ex- tends itself to the tenor of the legend, which presents us with the unusual titular prefix of Tvpavvovvro<;, which, as a synonym of BaaCKevovro^f and here employed by an obvious subordinate, may be held to set at rest the dis- puted purport of the latter term, in opposition to the simple Bac7t\eu9, which has such an important bearing upon the relative positions of the earlier Bactrian Kings. The examples of the use of the term BaaCKevovro^ in the pre- liminary Bactrian series are as follows ^ : — 1. Agathocles in subordi- ) Obv. AIOAOTOY 2nTHP05. nation to Diodotus j Rev. BA2IAETONT05 ArA0OKAEOY5 AIKAIOY. 2. Agathocles in subordi- \ Obv. EY0TAHMOT ©EOT. nation to Euthydemus j Rev. BA2IAETONT02 ArA0OKAEOY5 AIKAIOT. 3. Agathocles in subordi- \ Obv. ANTIOXOY NIKATOP02. nation to Antiochus ] Eev. BA2IAETONT02 ArA0OKAEOT5 AIKAIOY. 4. Antimacbus Theus in ) ^^^^ ^lOAOTO. SnTHPOS. " ditus ^^^- BA2IAEYONT02 ANTIMAXOY 0EOY. ^ Num. Cbron. vol. iv. n.s. p. 209, pi. viii. fig. 7. 2 J.fl.A.S., Vol. IV. N.s. p. 504 ; Records of the Gupta Dynasty, p. 38. '^ M. de Bartholomgei, Koehne's Zeitschrift, 1843, p. 67, pi. iii. fig. 2; Reply to M. Droysen, Zeitschrift fiir Miinz, 1846 ; my papers in Prinsep's Essays (1858), vol. i. p. xvi., vol. ii. pp. 178-183; in the Numismatic Chronicle, vol. ii. 1862, p. 186; and Journ. R. A. S., Vol. XX. 1863, p. 126; M. Raoul Rochette, Journal des Savants, 1844, p. 117; Droysen, Geschichte des Ilellenismus, Hamburg, 22 BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. The whole question as to the relative rank of the princes, whose names figure conjointly in the above legends, reduces itself concisely to this contrast, that the sub-king invariably calls himself (Baaikev^ on his own proper coins, but on these exceptional tributary pieces, where he prefixes the image and superscription of a superior, he describes himself as Baat\€vovTo<;. These alien Satraps were efi'ective kings within their own domains, but clearly bowed to some ac- knowledged head of the Bactro-Greek confederation, after the manner of their Indian neighbours, or perchance included subjects, who so especially regarded the gradational import of the supreme Mahdrajad/urdja, in contradistinction to the lesser degrees of regal state implied in the various stages of rdja, mahdrdja, rdjddhirdja, etc. These binominal pieces are rare, and, numismatically speaking, " occasional,'' i.e. coined expressly to mark some public event or political in- cident, like our modern medals ; coincident facts, which led me long ago to suggest^ that they might have been struck as nominal tribute money or fealty pieces, in limited numbers, for submission with the annual nazardud, or presentation at high State receptions, to the most powerful chief or general of the Grseco-Bactrian oligarchy for the time being. There is a curious feature in these binominal coins, which, as far as I am aware of, has not hitherto been noticed. It is, that the obverse head, representing the portrait of the superior king, seems to have been adopted directly from his own ordinary mint-dies,^ which in their normal form presented 1843; Lassen, Ind. Alt., 1847; Gen. Cunningliam, Numismatic Chronicle, vol. viii. N.s. 1868, p. 278, et seq., ix. 1869, p. 29 ; Mr. Vaux, Numismatic Chronicle, vol. xv. n.s. p. 15. ^ Journal Eoyal Asiatic Society, Vol. XX. p. 127; Numismatic Chronicle, N.s. vol. ii. p. 186. '^ I have long imagined that I could trace the likeness of Antiochus Theos on the obverse of the early gold coins of Diodotus (Prinsep's Essays, pi. xlii. 1 ; Num. Chron. vol. ii. n.s. pi. iv. figs. 1-3). I suppose, however, that in this case the latter monarch used his suzerain's ready-prepared die for the one face of his precipitate and perhaps hesitating coinage, conjoined with a new reverse device bearing his own name, which might have afforded him a loophole of escape on his " right to coin" being challenged. Apart from the similarity of the profile, the contrast between the high Greek art and perfect execution of the obverse head, and the coarse design and superficial tooling of the imitative reverse device, greatly favom-s the conclusion of an adaptation, though the motive may have been merely to utilize the obverses of existing mint appliances of such high merit. BACTRIAN COINS AND INDIAN DATES. 23 the profile of the monarch without any surrounding legend, his name and titles being properly reserved for their conven- tional position on the reverse surface of his current coins. In the novel application of the head of the suzerain to a place on the obverse of a coin bearing the device and designations of • his confessed subordinate on the reverse, it became necessary to add to the established obverse-device a specification of the name and titles of the superior, whose identification would otherwise have remained dependent upon the fidelity and the public recognition of the likeness itself. Hence, under the new adaptation, it likewise became requisite to engrave on the old die, around the standard Mint head, the suzerain's superscription in the odd corners and spaces in ^the field, no provision having been made, in the first in- stance, for any legend at all, and no room being left for the ordinary circular or perpendicular arrangement of the words, such as would have been spaced out under ordinary circum- stances. In the majority of the instances we are able to cite, the Greek letters on the adapted obverse vary materially in their forms and outlines from those of the associated legends on the reverse, which still further proves the independent manipulation applied to the obverses of the compound pieces. In addition to these indications as bearing upon the Bactrian proper coinage, the title of TvpavvovpTo<; is highly suggestive in its partial reappearance on the coins of the leading Sah Kings JN^ahapana and Chastana, connecting the Scythic element geographically to the southward with the province of Guzerat, for a full resume of which I must refer my readers to the Archaeological Report of Western India,^ for 1875. ' See also the short copies of my Essay on the Records of the Gupta Dynasty, London, 1876, p. 31. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. BY E. THOMAS, F.R.S. In most of tlie modern discussions on ttie ancient religions of India, the point at issue has been confined to the relative claims to priority of Buddhism and Brahmanism, a limitation which has led to a comparative ignoring of the existence of the exceptionally archaic creed of the Jainas. This third competitor for the honours of precedence has lately been restored to a very prominent position, in its archaeological status^ by the discovery of numerous specimens of the sculptures and inscriptions of its votaries on the sacred site of Mathura, the MoBovpa rj tmv Oecov of the Greeks,^ that admit of no controversy, either as to the normal date or the typical import of the exhumed remains. This said Mathura on the Jumna constituted, from the earliest period, a '' high place " of the Jainas, and its memory ^ is preserved in the southern capital of the same name, the MoSovpa, Paaikeiov Tlavhiovo^ of Ptolemy, whence the sect, in after-times, disseminated their treasured knowledge, under the peaceful shelter of their Matams (colleges)^ in aid of ^ Ptolemy, M^dopa, Arrian (quoting Megastlienes) , Indica viii. Methora, Pliny, vi. 22. , 2 F, Buchanan, Mysore, iii. 81, " Uttara Madura, on the Jumna." 3 The modern version of the name of the city on the Jumna is ^^T^T Mathura. Babu Rajendi'alala has pointed out that the old Sanskrit form was ^T^TJ Madhurd (J.A.S. Bengal, 1874, p. 259), but both transcriptions seem to have missed the true derivative meaning of T{Z MatJia (hodie ,^'>»),"a, monaster)', a convent or college, a temple," etc., from the root TI'3^" to dwell,' 4 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. local learning and the reviving literature of the Penin- sula.^ The extended geographical spread of Jaina edifices has lately been contrasted, and compactly exhibited, in Mr. Fergusson's Map of the architectural creeds of India ; ^ but a more important question regarding the primary origin of their buildings is involved in the sites chosen by their founders : whence it would appear that the Jainas must have exercised the first right of selection, for the purposes of their primitive worship, of the most striking and appropriate positions, on hill-tops and imperishable rocks,^ whose lower sections were honey-combed with their excavated shrines — from which vantage-ground and dependent caves they were readily displaced, in after-days, by appropriating Buddhists on the as a hermit miglit abide in liis cave. The southern revenue terms have preserved many of the subordinate forms, in the shape of taxes for " Maths." Eajputana and the N."W. Provinces exhibit extant examples in abundance of the still con- ventional term, while the distant Himalayas retain the word in Joshi-Mat/i, Bhairava-Jf«i!A, etc. The Vishnu Purana pretends to derive the name from Madliu, a local demon (i. 164), while the later votaries of Krishna associate it with the Gopi's "churn" math. — Growse, Mathura Settlement Eeport, 1874, vol. i. p. 50. ^ " The period of the predominance of the Jainas (a predominance in intellect and learning — rarely a predominance in political power) was the Augustan age of Tamil literature, the period when the Madura College, a celebrated literary association, appears to have flourished, and when the Kural, the Chintamani, and the classical vocabularies and grammars were written." — Caldwell, p. 86. See also p. 122. "The Jaina cycle. I might perhaps have called this instead the cycle of the Madura Smigam or College'' — p. 128. Dr. Caldwell, Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, London, 1875. 2 Histoi7 of Indian and Eastern Architecture; Murray, London, 1876, Map, p. 47. 3 The late Mr. G. "W. Traill has preserved an illustration of the innate tendency of the aboriginal mind to revert to primitive forms of worship, which almost re- minds us of theparty-coloured Pigeons of Norfolk Island, which, when left to their own devices, reverted to the normal tj'pe of Blue Rock. He observes : " The sanctity of the Himalaya in Hindu mythology by no means necessarily implies the pre-existence of the Hindu religion in this province (Kumaon), as the enormous height and grandeur of that range, visible from the plains, would have been sufficient to recommend it as a scene for the penances of gods and heroes The great bulk of the population are now Hindus in prejudices and customs, rather than in religion. Every remarkable mountain, peak, cave, forest, foimtain and rock has its presiding demon or spirit, to which frequent sacrifices are offered, and religious ceremonies continually performed by the surrounding in- habitants at small temples erected on the spot. These temples are extremely numerous throughout the country, and new ones are daily being erected ; while the temples dedicated to Hindu deities, in the interior, are, with few exceptions, deserted and decayed." — G. "W. Traill, As. Res., xvi. p. 161. See also J.R.A.S. Vol. VIII. p. 397; Vol. XIII. "Khond Gods," pp. 233-6; "Aboriginal Gods," p. 285. Hunter's Rural Bengal, pp. 130, 182, etc. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 5 one part, or ousted and excluded by the more arrogant and combative Brahmans on the other. The introductory phase in the consecutive order of the present inquiry involves the consideration of the conflicting claims to priority of the Jainas and the Buddhists. Some half a century ago, Colebrooke, echoing the opinions of previous commentators, seems to have been fully prepared to admit that Buddhism was virtually an emanation from anterior Jainism. We have now to examine how far subsequent evidence confirms this once bold deduction. Unquestionably, by all the laws of religious development, of which we have lately heard so much, the more simple faith, per se,^ must be primarily accepted as the precursor of the more complicated and philosophical system,^ confessing a common origin. Colebrooke summarized his conclusions to the following efiect : "It is certainly probable, as remarked by Dr. Hamilton and Major Delamaine,^ that the Gautama of the Jainas and of the Bauddhas is the same personage : and this leads to the further surmise, that both sects are branches of one stock. According to the Jainas, only one of Mahavira's eleven disciples left spiritual successors : that is, the entire succession of Jaina priests is derived ^ " The ritual of the Jainas is as simple as their moral code. The Yati, or devotee, dispenses -with acts of worship at his pleasure, and the lay votary is only bound to visit daily a temple where some of the images of the Tirthan?caras are erected, walk round it three times, and make an obeisance to the images, with an offering of some trifle, usually fruit or flowers, and pronounce some such Mantra or prayer as the following : '' Namo Arihantdnam, Namo Siddhdnam,' . . 'Salu- tation to the Arhats,' etc. A morning prayer is also repeated : . . ' I beg forgiveness, Lord, for your slave, whatever evil thoughts the night may have produced— I bow with my head.' . . The reader in a Jaina temple is a Yati, or religious character ; but the ministrant priest, the attendant on the images, the receiver of offerings, and conductor of all usual ceremonies, is a BrahmdnJ' — Wilson's Essays, vol i. p. 319. "I may remark, parenthetically, with a view to what is still to be established — that the Khandagiri Inscription opens with the self-same invocation, ' Namo akahantAnam, namo sava sidhanam,' ' Salutation to the arhantas, glory to all the saints' (or those who have attained final emancipation!)."— Prinsep, J.A.S.B. vol. vi. p. 1080. - " Buddhism (to hazard a character in a few words) is monastic asceticism in morals, philosophical scepticism in religion ; and whilst ecclesiastical history all over the world affords abundant instances of such a state of things resulting from gross abuse of the religious sanction, that ample chronicle gives us no one instance of it as an original system of beUef. Here is a legitimate inference from sound premises ; but that Buddhism was, in very truth, a reform or heresy, and 7tot an original system, can be proved by the most abundant direct testimony of friends and enemies."— B. H. Hodgson, J.R.A.S. (1835), Vol. II. p. 290, 3 Major J. Delamaine, Trans. R.A.S. Vol. I. pp. 413-438. 6 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. from one individual, Sudharma-swami. Two only out of eleven survived Mahavira, viz. Indrabhuti and Sudharma : the first, identified with Gautama- swami, has no spiritual successors in the Jaina sect. The proper inference seems to be, that the followers of this surviving disciple are not of the sect of Jina, rather than that there have been none "I take Parswanatha to have been the founder of the sect of Jainas, which was confirmed and thoroughly established by Maha- Tira and his disciple Sudharma A schism, however, seems to have taken place, after Mahavira, whose elder disciple, Indra- bhuti, also named Gautama- swami, was by some of his followers raised to the rank of a deified saint, under the synonymous designa- tion of Buddha (for Jina and Buddha bear the same meaning, accord- ing to both Buddhists and Jainas)." — Transactions of the R.A.S. (1826), Vol. I. p. 520; and Prof. Cowell's edition of Colebrooke's collected Essays, vol. ii. p. 278.^ At the time when Colebrooke wrote, the knowledge of the inner history of Buddhism was limited in the extreme. Our later authorities contribute many curious items and suggestive coincidences, tending more fully to establish the fact that Buddhism was substantially an offshoot of Jainism. For ex- ample, Ananda is found, in some passages of recognized authority, directly addressing Gotama himself in his own ^ Professor Wilson, writing in 1832 on the " Religious Sects of the Hindus," objected to this inference of Colebrooke's, on the ground of the supposed con- trast of the castes of the two families. It is, however, a question, now that we know more of the gradual developments of caste in India, whether the divisions and subdivisions, relied upon by Prof. "Wilson, had assumed anything like so definite a form, as his argument would imply, at so early a period as the date of the birth of Sakya Muni. Professor Wilson's observations are as follows : — " When Mahavira' s fame began to be widely dilfused,it attracted the notice of the Brahmans of Magadha, and several of their most eminent teachers undertook to refute his doctrines. Instead of effecting their purpose, however, they became converts, and constituted his Ganadharas, heads of schools, the disciples of Mahavira and teachers of his doctrines, both orally and scripturally. It is of some interest to notice them in detail, as the epithets given to them are liable to be misunderstood, and to lead to erroneous notions respecting their character and history. This is particularly the case with the first Indrabhuti, or Gautama, who has been considered as the same with the Gautama of the Bauddhas, the son of Mayadevi, and author of the Indian metaphysics. That any connexion exists between the Jain and the Brahmana Sage is, at least, very doubtful ; but the Gautama of the Bauddhas, the son of Suddhodana and Maya, was a Kshat- triya, a prince of the royal or warrior caste. All the Jain traditions make their Gautama a Brahman originally of the gotra, or tribe of Gotama Rishi, a division of the Brahmans well known and still existing in the South of India. These two persons therefore cannot be identified, whether they be historical or fictitious personages." — H. H. Wilson's Essays, vol. i. p. 298 ; Asiatic Res. vol. xvii. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 7 proper person, and speaking of the "twenty-four Buddhas, who had immediately preceded him."^ On other occasions the twenty-four Jaina Tirthankaras are reduced in the sacred texts of their supplanters to the six authorized antecedent Buddhas, or expanded at will into 120 Tathdgatas or Buddhas, with their more deliberately fabulous multiplications.^ The Mahawanso, in like manner, has not only allowed the reference to the ''twenty-four supreme Buddhos" to remain in its text,^ but has given their conventional names — which however have little in common with the Jaina list — in the order of succession. Mahanamo's Tika * has preserved the cata- logue, in its more complete form, specifying the parentage, place of birth and distinctive '' Bo-trees^' ^ of each of the "twenty-four BuddhoSy' and concluding, after a reference to Kassapo (born at Benares), with Gotamo (a Brahman named Jotipalo at Wappula), " the Biiddho of the present system, and Metteyo [who] is still to appear." This amplification and elaborate discrimination of sacred trees has also a suspicious air of imitation about it, as we know that Ward was only able to discover six varieties of Indian trees nominally sacred to the gods,^ and Mr. Fergusson's exami- 1 Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, pp. 88, 94, 311. 2 B. Hodgson, Asiatic Eesearches, jol. xvi. p. 444, " Sarvarthasiddha observes, he lias given so many [120] names exempli gratia, but bis instructors were really no less in number than 80 crores." In other places Mr. Hodgson expresses bis doubts " as to the historical existence of Sakya's six predecessors." — Works, p. 135, and J.R. A.S. Vol. II. p. 289. See also Csoma de Koros, J.A.S.B. vol. vii. p. 143. " Immense is the number of such Buddhas that have appeared in former ages in several parts of the universe." 3 Cap. i. p. 1. * Mahawanso, Tumour's Introduction, Ceylon, 1837, p. xxxii. 5 The "Bo-trees of the twenty-four Buddhos" are given in the following order (Mahawanso, p. xxxii) : 9. Sonaka. 10. Salala. 11. Nipa. 12. Welu. 13. Kakudha. 14. Champ §1. 15. Bimbajala. 16. Kanih&,ni. As this list is quoted merely to contrast the numbers 24 against 7, it would be futile to follow out the botanical names of the various Bo-trees ; but it may be remarked en passant, that No. 3 is a tree of the wet forests of Assam, Concan, Malabar, and Ceylon, while No. 11 is a palm-like plant Avhich is entirely maritime, and abounds in the Sundarbands, wherein we have no record of Buddhist " sittings." 6 Vol. i. p. 263. 1. Pippala. 2. Salakalyana. 3. Naga. 4. Do. 6. Do. 6. Do. 7. Ajjuna. 8. Sonaka. 17. Assana. 18. Amalaka. 19. Patali. 20. Pundariko. 21. Sala. 22. Sirlsa. 23. Udumbara. 24. Nigrodha. 8 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. nation of all the extant Buddhist representations of their Bo-trees does not carry the extreme total beyond the legiti- mate " six or seven species altogether." ^ Another indication which may prove of some import in this inquiry is to be gleaned from the Chinese text of the Travels of the Buddhist Pilgrim Fah-Hian (400 — 415 a.d.), which, in describing the town of Sravasti, proceeds to advert to ''the ninety-six heretical sects of mid-India," who "build hospices " {Punyasdlds) etc., concluding with the remark, " Devadatta also has a body of disciples still existing ; they pay religious reverence to the three past Buddhas, but not to Sakya Muni." ^ Again, an instructive passage is preserved in the Tibetan text of the Lalita-vistara, where, under the French version, "Le jeune Sarvarthasiddha," ^ the baby Buddha, is repre- sented as wearing in his hair the Srivatsa, the Swastika, the Nandydvarta and the Vardliamdna, the three symbols severally of the 10th, 7th and 18th Jaina Tirthankaras, and t\iQ fourth constituting the alternative designation of Mahavira, and indicating his mystic device, which differed from his ordinary cognizance in the form of a lion.^ Further on, the merits ^ Tree and Serpent Worship, p. 116. Among the sculptures lately discovered at Barahat, are to he found " representations of five separate Bodhi-trees of as many different Buddhas, which are distinctly lahelled as follows : — (1). Bhagavato Vipnsino Bodhi, that is, the Tree of Vipasyin or Yipaswi, the first of the seven Buddhas. (2). Bhagavato Kakumdhasa Bodhi. (3). Bhagavato Konagama)ia Bodhi. (4). Bhagavato Kasapasa Bodhi. (5). Bhagavato Sakamunino Bodhi. These last are the four well-known Buddhists named Krakuchhanda, Kondgamani, Kdsyapa, and Sdki/amuni." It is scarcely necessary for me to add, that I hy no means concur in the early date attributed by General Cunningham to these sculptures. 2 Rev. S. Beal, Travels of Fah-Hian, p. 82. Foe kone ki, cap. xx. Remusat's Note 35. Laidlay, pp. 168, 179. Spence Hardy, alluding to these sectaries, says, " they are called in general Tirthakars." — Manual of Buddhism, p. 290. 2 " Grand roi, le jeune Sarvarthasiddha a an milieu de la chevelure un C'ri- vatsa, un Svastika, un Nandyavarta et un Vardhamana. Grand roi, ce sent la les quati-e-Aingts marques secondairesdu jeune Sarvarthasiddha." . . . Foucaux, p. 110. "Pendant qu'elle le preparait ces signes precurseurs apparurent; Au milieu de ce lait, un (^rivatsa, un Svastika, un Nandyavarta, un lotus, un Vardha- mana (Diagrarame particulier dont la forme n'est pas indiquee), et d'autres signes de benediction se montrerent."— Cap. viii. p. 258 (see also pp. 305, 390). * Colebrooke's Essays, vol. ii. p. 188. Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. p. 304. J.R.A.S. Vol. I. N.s. pp. 475-481. J.A.S. Bengal, vol. vii. p. 143. Burnouf, Lotus, pp. 624-645. Col. Low, Transactions R.A.S. Vol. III. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 9 of the young Buddha are adverted to as, "qui est apparu par I'effet de la racine de la vertu des precedents Djinas." The importance of these indications will be better appre- ciated, when it is understood that the twenty-four statues of the Jaina saints were all formed upon a single model, being indistinguishable, the one from the other, except by the chinas or subordinate marks on the pedestals, which constituted the discriminating lakshanas or mudrds of each individual Tirthan- kara. These crypto-devices were, in other cases, exhibited as frontal marks, or delegated to convenient positions on the breast and other parts of the nude statue. In this sense, Jainism may be said to have been a religion of signs and symbols, comprehending many simple objects furnished by nature and further associated with enigmatical and Tantric devices, the import of which is a mystery to modern in- telligence.^ The following is a list of the twenty-four Jaina TIrthankaras, with their Parentage and Discriminating Symbols.^ Names. 1. Rishabha, of the race of Ikshicdku, Prathama Jina, '^ the first Jina " 2. Ajita, son of Jitasatru . 3. Sambhava, son of Jitdri . 4. Abhinandana, son of Samhara . 5. Sumati, son of Megha . . . 6. Padmaprabha, son of Srklhara 7. Suparswa, son of Pratishtha . 8. Chandraprabha, son of Mahdsena 9. Pushpadanta, or Suvidhi, son of Supr 10. Sitala, son of Dridharatha . lya Symbols. a Bull an Elephant a Horse an Ape a Curlew a Lotus a Swastika the Moon an Alligator a Snvatsa ^ In modern times, Mr. Hodgson tells us, he was able to discriminate statues, which passed with the vulgar for any god their priests chose to name, by the crucial test of their " minute accompaniments " and " frontal appendages." — J.R.A.S. Vol, XVIII. p. 395. See, also, the Chinese-Buddhist inscription from Keu-Yung Kwan, with its mudrds, and Mr. Wylie's remarks upon dhdranis. — J.R.A.S. Vol. V. N.s. p. 22. * Colebrooke's Essays, vol. ii. p. 187 ; As. Res. vol. ix. p. 305. Mr. Burgess, Indian Antiquary, 1873, vol. i. p. 134. 10 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. Names. Symbols. 11. Sreyan (or Sriyansa), son of Vishnu. . a Rhinoceros 12. Yasupujya, son of Vasupiijya .... a Buffalo 13. Yimala, son of Kritavarman .... a Boar 14. Ananta (Anantajit), son of Sinhasena . a Falcon 15. Dharma, son of Bhdnu a Thunderbolt 16. Santi, son of Viswasena an Antelope 17. Kunthu, son of Sura a Gfoat 18. Ara, son of Siidarsana a Namlydvarta 19. Malli, son of Kumbha a Jar 20. Munisuvrata (Suvrata), son of Smnitra . a Tortoise 21. Nimi, son of Vijaya blue Water-lily 22. Nemi (or Arishtanemi), s. of Samudrajaya a Conch 23. Parswa (Parswanatha), son of. Aswasena a hooded Snake 24. Yardhamana, also named Vtray Mahd- i'ira, etc., surnamed Charama-Urthakrit, or ''last of the Jinas," ''emphatically called Sramana or the saint," son of Siddhartha a Lion.^ In addition to these discriminating s3^mbols, the different Tirthankaras are distinguished by the tint of their com- plexions. No. 1 is described as of a yello\y or golden complexion, which seems to have been the favourite colour, 1 Dr. Stevenson has tabulated some further details of the Jaina symbolic devices in " Trisala's Dreams" : Elephant. Bull. Lion -Tiger. Lakshmi. A Garland. Moon. Sun. Standard. Jar. Lotus Lake. The Sea. Heavenly Mansion. Trisala. Heap of Pearls. Flameless Fire. Lucky figures, ^ Srivatsa, ^Satvika, ^ Throne, * Flower-pot, ^ couple of Fishes, * Mirror, '^ Nandiyavarta, ^Yardhamana. — Kalpa Sutra, page i. Dr. Stevenson has an instructive note upon Jaina emblems, which I append to his Table : — " In the prefixed scheme of the emblems of the different Tirthan- karas, it may sti'ike the reader that there is no vestige of anything like this Buddhist Chaitya in any of them. This arises from one remarkable feature of dissimilarity between the Jains and Buddhists. The Dagoba, or Buddhist THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 11 Nos. 6 and 12 rejoice in a ''red" complexion, Nos. 8 and 9 are designated as " fair," No. 19 is described as " blue," and No. 20 as *' black." Parswanatha is likewise '* blue," while Mabavira reverts to the typical " golden " hue, the ^^t§ '^^ Suvarna chhavi, '' the golden form " claimed alike for Sakya Muni.'i In illustration of this tendency to faith in emblems among the Jainas, I quote the independent opinion of Captain J. Low regarding the origin of the celebrated Phrahdt, or ornamental impress of the feet of Buddha,^ and his demon- stration of the inconsistent and inappropriate assimilation of the worship of symbols with the higher pretensions of the creed of Sakya Muni : — ** As the Phrabat is an object claiming from the Indo-Chinese nations a degree of veneration scarcely yielding to that which they pay to Buddha himself, we are naturally led to inquire why the emblems it exhibits are not all adored individually as well as in the aggregate. It seems to be one of those inconsistencies which mark the character of Buddhist schismatics ; and it may enable us more readily to reach the real source of their religion, from which so many superstitions have ramified to cross our path in eastern re- search. To whatever country or people we may choose to assign Chaitya, was a place originally appropriated to the preservation of relics, a practice as abhorrent to the feelings of the Jainas as it is to those of the Brahmans. The word Chaitya, when used by the Jainas, means any image or temple dedicated to the memory of a Tirthankara." — Kalpa Sutra, p. xxvi. From quasi- Buddhist sources we derive independent Symbols of the Four Divisions of the Vaibhdshika School. FOUR CLASSES, Rahula Sakya s. SUBDIVISIONS. sects, using the Sanskrit tongue DISTINCTIVE MARKS. Utpala padma (water-lily) jewel, and tree-leaf put together in the form of a nosegay. Kasyapa 6 sects, entitled " the great Brahman's. community," using a cor- rupt dialect , Upali 3 sects, styled " the class which Sudra's. is honored by many," using the language of the Fisci- chikas Katyayana 3 sects, entitled " the class that Vaisya's. have a fixed habitation," using the vulgar dialect Csoma de Koros, J.A.S.B. vol. vii. p. 143. ^ Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. p. 84. * Examples of Jaina-Buddhist Foot-prints may be seen in Vol. III. n.s. of our Journal, p. 159. Shell or conch. A sortsika flower. The figure of a wheel. 12 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. the original invention of the Phrahdt, it exhibits too many un doubted Hindu symbols to admit of our fixing its fabrication upon the worshippers of the latter Buddha ; of whose positive dogmas it is rather subversive than otherwise, by encouraging polytheism. And further, the intent with which it was originally framed — namely, to embody in one grand symbol a complete system of theology and theogony — should seem to have been gradually forgotten, or per- verted by succeeding ages to the purposes of a ridiculous superstition." — Capt. J. Low, " The Phrabat, or Divine Foot of Buddha from Bali and Siamese Books," Transactions B.A.S. Yol. II. p. 64.^ The existing traditions of the Jainas, on the other hand, consistently adhere to the reverence of nature's forms or the more elaborated diagrams and curious devices of their ancient creed,^ which is here shown to have been incompatible with the advanced tenets of Buddhism. The Yaishnavas, equally in their turn, had their Vishnu-pad ', but when we meet with the symbolical impression of the feet under their adaptative treatment, we find it decorated and adorned with a totallv difierent series of minor emblems to those afiected by the early Jainas.^ Dr. Stevenson, in editing the text of the leading Jaina authority, the Kalpa Siitra, in 1848/ arrived independentli/ at ^ A pertinent inquiry is made by R. FriederictL in the last Number of our Journal (Vol. IX. n.s. p. 65) : " Were the Buddhists of Java Jainas ? " 2 Col. "W. Franklin, in his account of the Temple of Parswauatha at Samet- Sikhar, describes the statues as having the " head fashioned like a turban, ^dth seven expanded heads of serpents, Coluber Naga, or hooded snake, the invariable symbol of Parswanatha. " The summit of the hill, emphatically termed by the Jainas Samet Sikhar, comprises a table-land flanked by " twenty small Jaina temples. In them are to be found the Vasn-Pddikas or ' sacred feet,' similar to ■what are to be seen in the Jaina Temple at Champanagar. On. the south side of the mountain is a very large and handsome flat-roofed temple, containing several figures of this deity, which exhibit the never-failing attributes of Parswanatha and the Jaina religion, viz. the crowned serpent and cross-legged figures of Jineswara or Jina, the ruler and guardian of mankind." — Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. pp. 528, 530. " In their temples, the Swetambaras have images of all these persons (the twenty-four Jinas), which they w^orship ; but their de- votions are more usually addressed to what are called representations of their feet."— Dr. B. Hamilton, Mysore, p. 538. 3 General Cunningham has published a fac-simile of the Gaya V ishnn-pad, ■which, however, he designates in the Plate, " Buddha-pad," executed in a.d. 1308: in this, although many symbols of Indian origin and local currency are displayed, ■we miss the leading Swadika^ and the other mystic diagrams more immediately associated with the Jaina and secondary Buddhist systems.— Arch. Eep., 1871, vol. i. p. 9, pi. vii. * The extant MS. text of the Kalpa Sutra contains a record that " 900 years after MAHAvfaA, and in the 80th year of the currency of the tenth hundred, THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 13 a similar conclusion with Colebrooke as to the relative posi- tions of Jainism and Buddhism, in reference to their common source and the more recent innovations and arrogant assump- tions of the latter creed. He sums up his remarks in the subjoined passage : " There are, however, yet one or two other points in the accounts the Jains give us, which seem to have a historic hearing. The first is the relation said to have subsisted between the last Buddha and the last Tirthankara, the Jains making Mahavira Gautama's preceptor, and him the favourite pupil of his master. .... In favour of the Jain theory (of priority), however, it may be noticed, that Buddha is said to have seen 24 of his predecessors (Mahavanso, I. c. i.), while in the present Kappo he had but four. The Jains, consistently with their theory, make Mahavira to have seen 23 of his predecessors, all that existed before him in the present age. This part of Buddhism evidently implies the know- ledge of the 24 Tirthankaras of the Jains. Gautama, however, by the force of natural genius, threw their system entirely into the shade, till the waning light of Buddhism permitted its fainter radiance to re-appear on the western horizon."^ — Kalpa Sutra, London, 1848, p. xii. Dr. Stevenson was peculiarly competent to express an opinion on this and collateral questions, as he had made the "ante-Brahmanical worship of the Hindus"^ a subject of his especial study, during his lengthened career, as a mis- sionary in the Dekhan, in direct association with the people of the land. Among other matters bearing upon Jainism, he gives an instructive account of the process of making a god, as traced in the instance of Yittal or Yithoba, com- mencing with the "rough unhewn stone of a pyramidical or triangular shape," ^ which formed the centre of the druidical this Book was written and pubHcly read in the currency of the 93rd year." Hence, taking Mahavira's period at 503 B.C., its date is fixed at "454 a.d. and its pubUcation at 466 a.d." — Stevenson's Kalpa Sutra, p. 95. Colebrooke's Essays, vol. ii. p. 193. ^ " After writing the above I found ray conclusion anticipated by Mr. Cole- brooke, and I am happy that it now goes abroad with the suffrage of so learned an Orientalist— Trans. R.A.S. Vol. I. p. 522." ■^ J.R.A.S. Vol. V. pp. 189, 264; Vol. VI. p. 239; Vol. VIII. p. 330. See also J.A.S. Bengal, articles on cognate subjects, vol. iii. (1834), p. 495 ; vol. vi. p. 498. 3 J.R.A.S. (1839),Vol. V. p. IdSetseq. Among other questions adverted to, Dr. Stevenson remarks : — " Vettal is generally, in the Dekhan, said to be an Avatar of 14 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. circle of similarly- shaped blocks — proceeding, in the second stage, to their adornment with red- ochre tipped with white, to imitate fire, the further development of the central block into '' a human figure," " with two arms,'* and its coincident promotion to the shelter of a temple with more complicated rites and ceremonies ; and, finally, in other cases, to the transformation of " the form of a man, but without arms or legs,*' into ''a fierce and gigantic man, perfect in all his parts." ^ Dr. Stevenson, in a subsequent article,^ followed up his comparison of the later images of VitJioha^ with the normal ideals of the Jaina nude statues. One of his grounds for these identifications is stated in the following terms : " The want of suitable costume in the images (of Yithoba and Rakhami), as originally carved, in this agreeing exactly with the images the Jainas at present worship, and disagree- ing with all others adored by the Hindus " — who, " with all their faults, had always sense of propriety enough to carve their images so as to represent the gods to the eye arrayed in a way not to give ofience to modesty." The author then goes on to relate how the Brahmanists of Siva, and wonderful exploits performed by him are related in a book called the Yettal Pachisi ; but which composition has not had the good fortune to gain the voice of the Brahmans and be placed among the Mahatmyas. On the contrary, they look upon it merely as a parcel of fables, and dispute the claims of Vettal to any divine honours whatever." — Dr. Stevenson, J.R.A.S. Vol. V. p. 192. i Dr. John Wilson, J.R.A.S. Vol. V. p. 197. "The temple of Vetal at Arawali, near Sawant Wadi." '^ J.R.A.S. Vol. VII. p. 5. 2 The legend of the creation of Jagganatha, accepted by his votaries, points to an equally simple origin, which, in this instance, took the form of a drift log of Nim-wood. This ddra or '* branch " having been pronounced on examination to be adorned with the emblems of the SauJca, Gadcl, Padma and Chakra, was afterwards, by divine intervention, split " into the four-fold image of Chatur Murti. A little colouring was necessary to complete them, and they then became recognized as Sri Krishna or Jagannath, distinguished by its black hue, Baldeo, a form of Siva, of a white colour, Subhadi'a, the sister, . . of the colour of saffron." In this case the Brahmans seem to have surpassed themselves in their theatrical adaptations, for they are said to have adopted a practice of dressing-up the figure of Sri Jiu, in a costume appropriate to the occasion, to represent the principal deities of the ruling creeds. " Thus at the Ram Navami, the great image assumes the dress and character of Rama ; at the Janam Ashtamf, that of Krishna; at the Kali Puja, that of Kuli," with two other alternative green-room trans- formations, which we need not reproduce. — Stirling's Orissa, Asiatic Researches, vol. XV. p. 318. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 15 later days appropriated the sacred sites and adapted the very images of the local gods to their own purposes. His de- scription is most graphic of the way in which the nude statues of Yithoba and Makhami, at Pandarpur, were clothed in appropriate Hindu garments and made to do duty for the Brahmanical Krishna and Rukmini, Not less caustic is the completion of the tale in the account of the '"image-dresser's" appearance over night at feasts, in the borrowed habiliments of his patron god, to be restored for the benefit of the ad- miring multitude on the following morning.^ Among other suggestive inquiries. Dr. Stevenson has in- stituted a comparison between the equality of all men before their god — indicative of pre-cade periods — at the several shrines of Yithoba and Jaggannatha,^ and the inferential claims of the Jainas to the origination of the ever-popular pilgrimage to the latter sanctuary. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that the title of '* Jaggannatha is an appellation given by the modern Jainas to their Tirthanhara Parswanatha in particular."^ General Cunningham, in his work on the Bhilsa Topes,* long ago pointed out the absolute identity of the outline of the modern figures of Jagganatha with the trisiil or curved -trident ornament so frequent in the early Buddhist sculptures,^ and, in like manner, Burnouf had detected the coincidence of the form of the Vardhamdncikyay or mystic symbol of Mahavira above adverted to, with the outKne of the Bactro-Greek Monogram so common on the ^ No less acute is Dr. Stevenson's analysis, in another volume of our Journal (Vol. VIII. p. 330), of the position traditionally held by Siva in India — his absence " from the original Brahmanical theogony," his imperfect assimilation with the later forms of their ritual— and the conclusion " that the worship of Siva is nothing more than a superstition of the aboriginal Indians, modified by the Brahmans, and adopted into their system," for their own ends. An opinion which has been fully confirmed by later investigations. 2 Journal R.A. S. Vol. VII. p. 7, and Vol. VIII. p. 331. See also Col. Sykes, Vol. VI. p. 420, note 3. 3 Journ. A.S., p. 423. * " The triple emblem, represented in fig. 22, pi. xxxii., is one of the most valuable of the Sanchi sculptures, as it shows in the clearest and most im- equivocal manner the absolute identity of the holy Brahmanical Jaggannath with the ancient Buddhist triad."— Bhilsa Topes (London, 1854), p. 358. Fac-similes of these figures may be seen at p. 450, Journ. R.A.S., Vol. VI. o.s. See also Laidlay's translation of Fo-kwe-ki, pp. 21-26, 261. 5 The symbol forms a distinct object of worship at Amravati.— Fergusson's "Tree and Serpent Worship," pi. Ixx, etc. 16 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. local coins. ^ This last identification opens out a very wide field of speculation, inasmuch as this particular mark has now been found in all its integrity, on the person of a Jaina statue in the Indian Museum. Another coincidence which may prove to have some bearing upon the relative claims of Jainas and Buddhists to the Lion pillars,^ and the frequent repre- sentations of that animal upon the sculptures on the Topes, etc., is that the Lion proves to have been a special emblem of Mahdvira, as the mystic trident in its turn answered to his second title of Vardhamdna, Before taking leave of the question of the relations once existing between Mahavira and Buddha, it remains for me to cite a most curious passage, furnishing a vivid outline of the intercourse between Guru and Chela, and foreshadow- ing the nascent doubts of the disciple — which occurs in the Bhagavati,^ a work recently published by Prof. Weber, of the existence of which neither Colebrooke nor "Wilson were cognizant. I may add in further support of the identity of Gautama and Sakya Muni — so freely admitted 1 Burnouf, in noticing the 65 names of the figures traced on the supposed Dharma pradipikd or imprint of the foot of Buddha in Ceylon, remarks under the sixth or Vardhamdnakya head : " C'est la encore une sorte de diagramme mystique egalement familier aux Br&,hmanes et au Buddhistes ; son nom signifie " le prospere." *' Quant a la figure suivante, on trouvera peut-etre qu'elle doit etre le Yardha- mana ; je remarquerai seulement sur la seconde, t-O, qu'elle est ancienne, et on la remarque frequemment au revers des medailles de Kadphises et de quel- ques autres medailles indo-scythiques au tj-pe du roi cavalier et vainqueur (A.A. pi. X. 5, 9«), et sur le troisieme, qu'elle parait n'etre qu'une variante de la seconde." — Lotus, p. 627. " Waddhamanah kumarikah." Mahavanso, 1. c. xi. p. 70. Col. Sykes, J.R.A.S. YI. o.s. p. 456, No. 34, etc. 2 The Kuhaon pillar is manifestly Jaina, though there is this to he said, that it is more fully wrought than the ordinary round monoliths, some of which Asoka may have found ready to his hand. It bears the inscription of Skanda Gupta (219 A.D.), but this need no more detract from its true age than the modern inscription of Yisala deva of a.d. 1164 would disturb the prior record of Asoka on the Dehli (Khizrabad) lat. " The bell (of the capital) itself is reeded, after the fashion of the Asoka pillars. Above this the capital is square, with a small niche on each side holding a naked standing figure, surmounted by a low circular band, in which is fixed the metal spike already described, as supporting a statue of a lion, or some other animal rampant On the western face of the square base there is a niche holding a naked standing figure, with very long arms reaching to his knees. Behind, there is a large snake folded in horizontal coils, one above the other, and with its seven heads forming a canopy over the idol." — General Cunningham, Arch. Rep. i. p. 93. 3 Fragment der Bhagavati. Ein beitrag zur kenntuiss der heiligen litteratur und sprache der Jaina. Yon A. Weber, Berlin, 1867, p. 315. The author, a Jaina writer named Malayagiri, flourished in the thirteenth century a.d. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 17 in previous quotations^ — that the Iranian texts equally- designate him by the former epithet. ^ And it is to be remembered that Buddhism very early made its way in force over parts of Bactria — as the construction of the Nau Bihar at Balkh, lately identified by Sir H. E,awlinson,3 suf- fices to prove. An edifice which Hiouen Thsang commemo- rates as " qui a ete construit par le premier roi de ce royaume." * *' At that time, then, at that juncture, the holy Mahavira's eldest pupil, Indrabhuti, — houseless, of Gautama's Gotra, seven (cubits) high, of even and regular proportions, with joints as of diamond, bull and arrow, fair like the streak on a touchstone or like lotus pollen, of mighty, shining, burning, powerful penance, pre-eminent, mighty, of mighty qualities, a mighty ascetic, of mighty abstinence, of dried-up body, of compact mighty resplendency, possessed of the fourteen preliminary steps, endowed with the four kinds of know- ledge, acquainted with all the ways of joining syllables, in moderate proximity to the holy ^ramana Mahavira, with knees erect and lowered head, endowed with a treasury of meditation, — lived edify- ing himself by asceticism and the bridling of his senses. " Thereupon that holy Gautama, in whom faith, doubt, and curiosity arose, grew and increased, rose up. Having arisen he went to the place where the sacred ^ramana Mahavira was. After going there, he honours him by three pradakshina circumambula- tions. After performing these, he praises him and bows to him. After so doing, not too close, not too distant, listening to him, bowing to him, with his face towards him, humbly waiting on him with folded hands, he thus spoke." .... I have already adverted to Fah-Hian's mention of a sect, in India, who declined to accept Sakya Muni as their ^ This has not, however, always been conceded. Prof. "Wilson, in his remarks upon " Two Tracts from Nip^l," says Dr. Buchanan " has only specified two names, Gautama and S^kya, of which the first does not occur in the Nipal list, whilst, in another place, he observes that S&kya is considered by the Burmese Buddhists as an impostor. . . The omission of the name of Gautama proves that he is not acknowledged as a distinct Buddha by the Nip&lese, and he can be identified with no other in the list than Sakya Sinha." — Essays, vol. ii. p. 9. At p. 10 Prof. "Wilson contests Buchanan's assertion, and adds that in the Pali version of the Amara Kosha Gautama and Sakya Sinha and Adityabandhu are given as s}Tionyms of the son of Suudhodana." 2 Fravardin Yasht {circa " 350-450 B.C."), quoted by Dr. Haug, Essay on the Sacred Language of the Parsees, Bombay, 1862, p. 188. 3 Quarterly Review, 1866, and his " Central Asia," Murray, 1875, p. 246. * Memoires, vol. i. p. 30. *' Navn saiighdrdmo.'''' See also "S^oyages, p. 65. 2 18 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. prophet, but who avowedly confessed their faith in one or more of his predecessors. Some very instructive passages in this direction have been collected by the Rev. S. Beal, in his revised edition of the Travels of Fah-Hian.^ Among the rest, referring to the Chinese aspects of Buddhism, shortly after a.d. 458, he goes on to say : *' The rapid progress of Buddhism excited much opposition from the Literati and followers of Lao-tse u. The latter affirmed that Sakya Buddha was but an incarnation of their own master, who had died 517 b.c, shortly after which date (it was said) Buddha was born. This slander was resented by the Buddhists, and they put back the date of their founder's birth in consequence — first, to 687 B.C., and afterwards to still earlier periods." — p. xxvi. A coincident assertion of priority of evolution seems to have been claimed, in situ, at the period of the visit to India of the second representative Chinese pilgrim, Hiouen Thsang (a.i). 629-645). His references to the Jainas, their practices, and their supposed appropriation of the leading theory, and consequent modification of portions of the Buddhist creed, are set forth, at length, in the following quotation : — In describing the town of Sinha^nira, Hiouen Thsang proceeds : *'A cote et a une petite distance du Stoupa, on voit I'endroit ou le fondateur de la secte heretique qui porte des vetements blancs {Qvetavdsa ?), comprit les principes sublimes qu'il cherchait, et commen9a a expliquer la loi. Aujourd'hui, on y voit une inscription. A cote de cet endroit, on a construit un temple des dieux. Les sectaires qui le frequentent se livrent a des dures austerites. La loi qu'a exposee le fondateur de cette secte, a ete pillee en grande partie dans les livres du Bouddha, sur lesquels il s'est guide pour etablir ses preceptes et ses regies. . . Dans leurs observances et leurs exercices religieux, ils suivent presque entierement la r^gle des Qramanas, seulement, ils conservent un peu de cheveux sur leur tete, et, de plus, ils vont nus. Si par hazard, ils portent des vete- ments, ils se distinguent par la couleur blanche. Yoila les diffe- rences, d'ailleurs fort legeres, qui les separent des autres. La statue de leur maitre divin ressemble, par une sorte d' usurpation, a celle 1 Loudon, Triibner, 1869. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 19 de Jou-lai (du Tathagata) ; elle n'en differe que par le costume ; ses signes de beaute (mahapouroucha lakchanani) sout absolument les memes."* — Memoires sur les contrees occidentales, Paris, 1857, vol. i. p. 163. In this conflict of periods, the pretensions of the Northern Buddhists may be reduced, by the internal testimony of their own books, to severely approximate proportions ; and here Mr. Brian Hodgson's preliminary researches present them- selves, with an authority hitherto denied them ; perchance, because they were so definitively in advance of the ordinary knowledge of Buddhism, as derived from extra -national sources. In this case Mr. Hodgson was able to appeal to data, contributed from the very nidm of Buddhism in Magadha — whose passage, into the ready refuge of the Yalley of Nipal, would prima facie have secured an un- adulterated version of the ancient formulae, and have supplied a crucial test for the comparison of the southern developments, as contrasted with the northern expansions and assimilations of the Faith. Mr. Hodgson observes : — " I can trace something very like Euddhism into far ages and realms : but I am sure that that Buddhism which has come down to us, in the Sanskrit, Pali, and Tibetan books of the sect, and which only we do or can knoWy is neither old nor exotic." — J.A.S.B. 1837, p. 685.2 ^ One of Hiouen Thsang's contributions to the place and position of the Jainas in reference to the Buddhists proper, upon whom he has been supposed ex- clusively to rely, is exhibited in his faith in a native magician of the former creed, the truth of whose predictions he frankly acknowledges in the fol- lowing terms : — " Avant I'arrivee du messager du roi Kumdra, il y eut un heretique nu {Ni-kien-Nirgrantha) , nomm6 Fa-che-lo [Vadjra), qui entra tout k coup dans sa chambre. Le Maitre de la loi, qui avait entendu dire, depuis long- temps, que les Ni-kien excellaient a tirer I'horoscope, le pria aussitot de s'asseoir et I'interrogea ainsi, afin d' eclair cir ses doutes: ' Moi Hiouen- Thsang, religieux du royaume de Tchi-na, je suis venu dans ce pays, il y a bien des annees, pour me livrer a I'etude et a de pieuses recherches. Maintenant, je desire m'en retourner dans ma patrie; j'ignore si j'y parviendrai ou non.' " He then goes on to relate : " Le Ni-kien prit un morceau de craie, tra9a des lignes sur la terre, tira les sorts et lui repondit en ces termes." — Hiouen-Thsang, vol. i. (Voyages), p. 228. See also vol. i. p. 224; and (Memoires) vol. i. (ii.), pp. 42, 93, 354 ; vol. ii. (iii.), p. 406. 2 In the same sense, another distinguished writer on Buddhism remarks : *' There is no life of Gotama Buddha, by any native author, yet discovered, that is free from the extravagant pretensions with which his history has been so largely invested ; from which we may infer that the records now in existence were all prepared long after his appearance in the world."— Spence Hardy, J.R.A.S. Vol. XX. p. 135. 20 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. Col. Tod's observations were not designed to extend to the question of the relative age of the Jaina and Buddhist creeds, but they serve to show the permanence and immuta- bility of the former faith in a portion of the continent of India, where the people, beyond all other sectional nation- alities, have preserved their individuality and reverence for local traditions. They explain, moreover, how the leading tenet of Jainism — which was shared in a subdued form by Buddhism ^ — came under its exaggerated aspect to leave their best kings at the mercy of less humane adversaries.^ Col. Tod proceeds to speak of the Jainas in the following terms : — "The Yediavan (the man of secrets or knowledge, magician), or Magi of E,ajasthan. The numbers and power of these sectarians are little known to Europeans, who take it for granted they * "The practical part of the Jain reHgion consists in the performance of five duties and the avoidance of five sins. *' The duties are — 1. Mercy to all animated beings ; 2. Almsgiving; 3. Vene- rating the sages while living, and worshipping their images when deceased ; 4. Confession of faults ; 5. Religious fasting. " The sins are— 1. Killing; 2. Lying; 3. Stealing; 4. Adidtery; 6. "Worldly- mindedness." — Kalpa Sutra, p. xxii. The Jainas '^ believe that not to kill any sentient being is the greatest virtue." — The Chintamani, ed. Rev. H. Bower, Madras, 1868, p. xxi. The leading contrast between the simple duties of the Jainas and the later de- velopments introduced by the various schools of Buddhists may be traced in the following extracts : " 1. From the meanest insect up to man, thou shalt kill no animal whatever ; 2. Thou shalt not steal ; 3. Thou shalt not violate the wife or concubine of another."— Giitzlaff, " China Opened," London, 1838, p. 216. " There are three sins of the body : 1. The taking of life, Murder (1) ; 2. The taking that which is not given, Theft (2) ; 3. The holding of carnal intercourse with the female that belongs to another, Adultery (3)." — Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 461. " The ten obligations" commence with " 1. Not to kill; 2. Not to steal; 3, Not to marry; 4. Not to lie, etc." — The Rev. S. Beal, Fah-hian, p. 59. Mr. Beal goes on to expound the four principles involved in the existence of Buddhism, which are defined as these : — '' 1. That man may become superior to the Gods; 2. That Nirvana is the Supreme good; 3. That religion consists in a right preparation of heart (suppression of evil desire, practice of self-denial, active benevolence) ; 4. That men of all castes, and women, may enjoy the benefits of a religious life." — p. i. 2 "To this leading feature in their religion (the prohibition of the shedding of blood) they owe their political debasement : for Komarpal, the last King of An- hulwara, of the Jain faith, would not march his armies in the rains, from the unavoidable sacrifice of animal life that must have ensued. The strict Jain does not even maintain a lamp during that season, lest it should attract moths to their destruction." — i. p. 519. The oil-mill and the potter's wheel are stopped for four months in the year, when insects most abound." — i. p. 521. At p. 520 Col. Tod enlarges upon the mines of knowledge (of the Jaina) books by the thousand, etc. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 21 are few and dispersed. To prove the extent of their religious and political power, it will suffice to remark, that the pontiff of the Khartra-gatcha (true branch), one of the many branches of this faith, has 11,000 clerical disciples scattered over India; that a single community, the Ossi or Oswal (Ossa in Mar war), numbers 100,000 families; and that more than half the mercantile wealth of India passes through the hands of the Jain laity." — Tod, under Me war, vol. i. p. 518. Col. Tod's contemporary, and superior oJ05cer, Gen. Malcolm, gives us an equally striking insight into the active aggressive- ness of the Brahmans and the helpless submissiveness of the Jainas in his current narrative : — *' Six years ago, the Jains built a handsome temple at Ujjain; a Juttee, or priest of high character, arrived from Guzerat to con- secrate it, and to place within the shrine the image of their favourite deity (Parswanath) ; but on the morning of the day fixed for this purpose, after the ceremony had commenced and the Jains had filled the temple expecting the arrival of their idol, a Brahman appeared conveying an oval stone from the river Seepra, which he proclaimed as the emblem of Mahadeva, (and his following) soon drove the unarmed bankers and shopkeepers from their temple, and proclaimed * Mahadeva as the overthrower of Jains.' " — Malcolm, Central India, vol. ii. p. 160. See also Edward Conolly, in J.A.S.B., 1837, p. 834. In addition to the personal experiences and graphic narra- tives of Col. Tod, as detailed in his " Rajasthan," a new class of testimony, from indigenous sources, has lately reached us, in the contributions of an independent visitor to the courts of the Chiefs of the Rajput states, whose careful exami- nation and reproduction of the monuments existing in situ has been associated with the acquisition of an amount of ancient lore, as preserved among the people themselves, which has not always been accessible under the necessarily reserved attitude of English officials. I cite M. Rousselet's own words reorardinor the nature of the documents in the possession of the Jainas, and the reiterated charges they advance against the heretical Buddhists : " Les livres religieux des Jainas, dont la traduction jetterait un grand jour sur les ages recules de I'histoire de I'Inde, ont ete de- 22 THE EARLY FAITH OF AS OKA. laisses jusqu'a present par nos savants orientalistes. Si I'on en croit les traditions conservees par les pretres de cette secte, I'origine du jainisme remonterait a des centaines de siecles avant Jesus-Christ ; il parait, en tout cas, etabli qu'il existait bien avant I'apparition de ^akya Mouni, et il est meme possible que les doctrines de ce dernier ne soient qu'une transformation des doctrines jainas. Les Bouddhistes reconnaissent du reste Mahavira, le dernier Tirthankar jaina, comme le precepteur de ^akya. Les Jainas considerent, de leur cote, les Bouddhistes comme des heretiques, et les ont poursuivis de tout temps de leur haine." — p. 373. AVe could scarcely have expected any contributory evidence towards the antiquity of the Jaina creed from Brahmanical sources, and, yet, an undesigned item of testimony to that end is found to be embalmed in the '' Padma Purana," where, in adverting to the deeds of Vrihaspati and his antagonism to Indra, Jainism is freely admitted to a contemporaneous ex- istence with the great Gods of the Brahmans, and though duly designated as "heretic," is confessed, in the terms of the text, to have been a potent competitor for royal and other converts, in very early times. ^ I am by no means desirous of claiming either high antiquity or undue authority for the Hindu Purdnas, but their minor admissions are at times instructive, and this may chance to prove so.^ ^ *' The Asnras are described as enjoying the ascendancy over the Devatas, when Vrihaspati, taking advantage of their leader Sukra's being enamoured of a nymph of heaven, sent by Indra to interrupt his penance, comes among the former as Sukro, and misleads them into irreligion by preaching heretical doctrines ; the doctrines and practices he teaches are Jain, and in a preceding passage it is said that the sons of Raji embraced the Jina Dharmma." — Padma Pm-ana, Wilson, J.K.A.S. Vol. V p. 282. See also pp. 287, 310-11. ' Professor Wilson, arguing upon the supposed priority of the Buddhists, at- tempted to account for the frequent allusions to the Jainas in the_ Brahmanical ■writings by concluding that " since the Banddhas disappeared from India, and the Jainas only have been known, it will be found that the Hindu writers, when- ever they speak of Bauddhas, show, by the phraseology and practices ascribed to them, that they really mean Jainas. The older writers do not make the same mistake, and the usages and expressions they give to Bauddha personages are not Jaina, but Bauddha^ — Essays, vol. i. p. 329. It is to be added, however, that Prof. Wilson, when he put this opinion on record in 1 832, had to rely upon the limited knowledge of the day, which pre- supposed that the Jainas had nothing definite to show prior to the ninth century (p. 333). He was not then aware of the ver}' early indicatipns of their unobtrusive power in Southern India in Saka 411 (a.d. 489), if not earlier, as proved by Sir W. Elliofs Inscriptions (J.R.A.S. 1837, Vol. IV. pp. 8, 9, 10, 17, 19) : and still less could he have foreseen the new i-evelations from Mathura, which, of course, would have materially modified his conclusions. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 23 The Pancha Tantra — the Indian original of ^sop's Fables — which has preserved intact so many of the ancient traditions of the land — also retains among the network of its ordinary- homespun tales and local stories, a very significant admission of the position once held by the Jaina sect amid the social relations of the people. The fable, in question, appears in the authorized Sanskrit text, which, under some circumstances, might have caught the eye of Brahmanical revisers ; neverthe- less we find in its context " the chief of the (Jaina) con- vent" expressing himself, "How now, son; what is it you say ? Are we Brahmans, think you, to be at any one's beck and call ? No, no ; at the hour we go forth to gather alms, we enter the mansions of those votaries only who, we know, are of approved faith." ^ That Chandra Gupta was a member of the Jaina commu- nity is taken by their writers as a matter of course, and treated as a known fact, which needed neither argument nor demonstration.^ The documentary evidence to this efiect is ^ This is Prof. "Wilson's oivn rendering of the text. As we have seen, his leading tendencies were altogether against the notion of the antiquity or ante-Buddhistical development of the Jaina creed (Essays, vol. iii. p. 227) ; and yet he was forced on many occasions, like the present, to admit that the terms were Buddhist, but the tenor was Jaina. In a note on the Pancha Tantra (p. 20, vol. ii.) he remarks, *' From subsequent passages, however, it appears that the usual confusion of Bauddha and Jaina occurs in the Pancha Tantra ; and that the latter alone is intended, whichever be named. " And "^^dth regard to the quotation given above he goes an to say : " The chief peculiarity, however, of this story is its correct delineation of Jain customs ; a thing very unusual in Brahmanical books. The address of the barber, and the benediction of the Superior of the Vihdra^ are conformable to Jain usages. The whole is indeed a faithful picture. . . . The accuracy of the description is an argument for some antiquity ; as the more modern any work is, the more incorrect the description of the Jainas and Bauddhas, and the confounding of one with the other." — 1840, vol. ii. p. 76. 2 Book No. 20. Countermark 774, Mackenzie MSS., J. A.S. Bengal, vol. vii. p. 411. " Section 8. Chronological tables of Hindu rajas (termed Jaina kings of the Dravida country in the table of contents of book No. 20). *' In the 4th age a mixture of names, one or two of them being Jaina; Chandra Gupta is termed a Jaina. Cliola rajas. Himasila a Jaina king." The reporter, the Kev. William Taylor, adds the remark, " These lists, though imperfect, may have some use for occasional reference." '' The extinction of the Brahman and Kshatriya classes was predicted by Bhadra-Bahu Muni, in his interpretation of the 14 dreams of Chandra Gupta, whom they, the Srawak Yati's, make out in the Buddha-vildsa, a Digam- bar work, to have been the monarch of Ujjayani." — Trans. R A.S. Yol. I. p. 413. " And Chandra Gupta, the king of Pataliputra, on the night of the full moon 24 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA, of comparatively early date, and, apparently, absolved from all suspicion, by the omission from their lists of the name of Asoka, a far more powerful monarch than his grandfather, and one whom they would reasonably have claimed as a potent upholder of their faith, had he not become a pervert. The testimony of Megasthenes would likewise seem to imply that Chandra Gupta submitted to the devotional teaching of the sermdnas, as opposed to the doctrines of the Brahmans. The passage in Strabo runs as follows : — Tofc9 8e ^aaCkeixTi avvelvai Bt' dyjiXcov irvvOavofjievoL'^ irepl rcav alrlcov, Kol 8t' eKeivcov depairevovcn, koI "kiTavevovcn to Oelov. — Strabo, XV. i. 60. We must now turn to the authoritative account of the succession of the Mauryas, as presented by the Brahmanical texts, which had so many chances of revision, both in time and substance, in their antagonism to all ancient creeds, and less-freely elaborated delusions, than their own more modern system professed to teach the Indian world. The most approved of their Puranas, under the chrono- logical and genealogical aspects — the Vishnu Piirdna — intro- duces the succession of the Mauryas in the following terms : *' Upon the cessation of the race of Nanda, the Mauryas will pos- sess the earth ; for Kautilya will place Chandragupta on the throne. His son will be Bindusara ; his son will be Asokavardhana ; his son will be Suyasas ; his son will be Dasaratha ; his son will be Sangata ; his son will be Salisuka ; his son will be Somasarman ; ia the month of Kartika, had 16 dreams "—Mr. Lewis Rice, Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 155. Mr. Rice adds the " Chronology of the Rajavali Kathe," as given hy Deva Chandra, to the following effect : " After the death of Yira Varddhamana Gautama and other Kevalis, 62 years. Then Nandi Mitra and other Sruta Kevalis, 100 years. Then Visakha and other Dasa purvis, 183. Then Nakshatra and other Ekadas&,ngadhara, 233. Then was horn Yikramaditya in Ujjayini ; . . . . and he estahlished his own era from the year of Rudirodgari, the 605th year after the death of Varddhamana." " Intepretation of the 16 dreams of Chandra Gupta. "1. All knowledge will be darkened. "2. The Jaina religion will decline, and your successors to the throne take dikshe. "3. The heavenly beings will not henceforth visit the Bharata Kshetra. " 4. The Jainas will be split into sects. "5. The clouds will not give seasonable rain, and the crops will be poor. "6. True knowledge being lost, a few sparks will glimmer with a feeble light. *' 7. Aryakhanda will be destitute of Jaina doctrine. *' 8. The evil will prevail and goodness be hidden " 16. Twelve years of dearth and famine will come upon this land." XV. Mahanandin.2 xvi. Nanda, Mahdpadma? XVll. SuMALYA & 7 Brothers ("the Brahman Kautilya will root out the 9 Nandas "). xviii. Chandra gupta. xix. BINDUSARA. XX. ASOKAVAEDHANA. ^ xxi. SUYASAS. xxii. Dasaratha. xxiii. Sangata. xxiv. Salisuka. XXV. SOMASARMAN. xxvi. Satadhanwan. xxvii. Brihadratha. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASORA. 25 his son will be Satadhanwan ; and his successor will be Brihadratha. These are the ten Mauryas, who will reign over the earth for 137 years." — Vishnu Purana, book iv. cap. xxiv. The full list of the Kings of Magadha, obtained from these sources, runs as follows : i. Pradyotana. ii. Palaka. iii. YlSAKHAYUPA. iv. Janaka. V. Nandivardhana.^ vi. SiSUNAGA. vii. Kakavarna. Viii. KSHEMADHARMAN. ix. KSHATTRAUJAS. X. YlDMISARA (BiMBISARA). xi. Ajatasatru. xii. Darbhaka. xiii. Udayaswa. xiv. Nandivardhana. The inquiry might here be reasonably raised, as to how a Brahman^ like Kautilya^ came to select, for sovereignty, a man of a supposedly adverse faith. But though our King- maker was a Brahman^ he was not necessarily, in tbe modern acceptation of the term, a '* Brdhmanist.'^ The fact of the Brahmanas being bracketed in equal gradation with the Sramanas of the Jainas and Buddhists, in the formal versions of Asoka's edicts, clearly demonstrates that the first-named class had not, as yet, succeeded to the exclusive charge of kings' consciences, or attained the leading place in the hier- archy of the land which they subsequently claimed. Moreover, in the full development of their power, the Brahmans, as a rule, recognized their proper metier of guiding and governing from within the palace, and but seldom sought to become ostensibly reigning kings. Thus, supposing Kautilya to have been, as is affirmed in some passages, an hereditary minister,* he might well have sought to secure a submissive 1 " 5 Pradyota kings, 138 years." 2 u iq Saisunaga kings, 362 years." 3 " He will be the annihilator of the Kshatrya race ; for, after him, the kings of the earth will be Siidras.'' * Hindu Theatre, p. 145. "Vishnu Gupta," son of Chanaka (hence Chanakya). He is described in the Vrihat-Kathd as a "Brahman of mean appearance, digging in a meadow." — H.T.p. 140,and"Wilson's Works, vol. iii. p. 177; see also vol. iii. p. 354, and the Mahawanso, p. 21, with the full list of references, pp. Ixxvi, et seq. 26 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. prince, without regard to his crude ideas of faith, and one unlikely to trench upon the growing pretensions of the Brah- manical class. But, among other things, it is to be kept in view that, hitherto, there had been no overt antagonism of creeds, regarding which, as will be seen hereafter, Asoka so wisely counsels sufferance and consideration. The leading question of caste, also, has a very important, though seemingly indirect, bearing upon the subject under discussion. It is clear that the whole theory of Indian castes originated in a simple natural division of labour associated with heredity of occupations, constituting, as civilization ad- vanced, ipso fadii, a system of social class discrimination ; each section of the community having its defined rights and being subject to its corresponding responsibilities.^ In the initiatory stage this simple distribution of duties clearly had no concern with creeds or forms of religious belief. But beyond this, we have already seen (p. 3) that it was not incompatible with their obligations to their own faith, that Brahmans should officiate in Jaina temples — and, as almost a case in point, we find very early instances of Jaina Kings entertaining Brahman TuroUits^ but it need not for a moment be supposed that these "spiritual guides" taught their sovereigns either theYedic or Brahmanical S3"stem of religion.^ The conception of caste itself was obviously indigenous, and clearly an institution of home growth, which flourished and ^ In the South and Central India the term caste seems still to represent class. *' The Hindus, as in all parts of India, are divided into four great castes ; but it will he preferable to speak of the inhabitants of this country as nations and classes ; for it is in this manner they divide themselves and keep alive those attachments and prejudices which distinguish them from each other. — Malcolm's "Central India," vol. ii. p. 114. 2 " "While Padmapara was reigning in the city of Kotikapura. . . His Queen being Padmasri, and \l\^ purohita Soma Somarsi, a Brahman." — Eajavali Kathe, Ind. Antiquary, 1874, p. 154. 3 Govinda Raya makes a grant of land to a " Jaina Brahman." — Journal Royal Asiatic Societ}', Vol. VIII. p. 2; see also Colonel Sykes, J.R.A.S., Vol. VI. pp. 301, 305, and F. Buchanan, Mysore, vol. iii. p. 77. It has elsewhere been remarked by other commentators: — "We see from the history of the Buddhist patriarchs, that the distinction of castes in no way interfered with the selection of the chiefs of religion. Sakya Muni was a Kshatrya ; Maha Kasyapa, his successor, was a Brahman; Shang nu ho sieou, the third patriarch, was a Vaisya', and his successor, Yeou pho Khieouto, was a Sudra." — Remusat, note, cap xx. Foe koi ki, Laidlay's Translation, p. 178. " Saugata books treating on the subject of caste never call in question the antique fact of a fourfold division of the Hindu people, but only give a more THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 27 engrafted itself more deeply as the nation progressed in its own independent self-development. In this sense we need not seek to discover any reference to its machinery in the authentic texts of the Yedas.^ The Aryan pastoral races, who reached India from distant geographical centres, how- ever intellectually endowed, were, in their very tribal com- munities and migratory habits, unfitted and unprepared for such matured social conditions. The intrusion of a foreign race, in considerable numbers, would tend to fix the local distribution, and add a new division of its own to those already existing among people of the land. It might be suggested that the Yedic Aryans thus constituted, in their new home, the fifth of the " five classes of men '* to whom they so frequently refer in the text of the Rig Veda} But there are decided objections to any such conclusion, as in one instance the five classes are distinctly alluded to as within the Aryan pale, in opposition to the local Dasyus? liberal interpretation to it than the current Brahmanical one of their day." — B. H. Hodgson, J.E.A.S. Vol. II. p. 289. And to conclude these references, I may point to the fact that Sakya Muni, in one instance, is represented as having promised a ' ' young Brahman that he shall become a perfect i/z^(^f//i«." — Ksoma de Koros, Asiatic Researches, vol. xx. p. 453. 1 Muir, J.R.A.S. n.s. Vol. I. p. 356 ; Sanskrit Texts, vol. i. pp. 7, 15, etc. ; vol. V. p. 371. Colebrooke, As. Res, vol. vii. p. 251 ; Essays, vol. i. pp. 161, 309. Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 570. "Wilson, Rig Veda, vol. i. p. xliv. 2 " Over the five men, or classes of men" {pancJia kshitvidm). — Rig Veda, Wilson's translation, vol. i. pp. 20, 230, 314; ii. p. xv., "The five classes of beings," p. 170 ; iii. p. xxii., " The five races of men" {pdnchajanydsu krishtishu) 87 ; " The five classes of men," pp. 468, 506, etc. " The commentator explains this term to denote the four castes. Brahman^ Kshatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra, and the barbarian or Nishdda; but S^j, cli^AJb j MishJca, JushJca, Kanish' j^^iU^ Ahhimanyu. Calcutta Text, p. cvf , Gladwin, vol. ii. p. 171. Prinsep's Essays, Use- ful Tables, p. 243. 32 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. In brief, this extraneous evidence, from possibly secondary Jaina sources, is fully consistent with what Asoka has still to disclose in the texts of his own inscriptions ; but it conveys, indirectly, even more than those formal and largely-dis- tributed official documents — which merely allow us to infer that Asoka's conversion to Buddhism occurred late in his life or reign. But the annals of Kashmir, on the other hand, more emphatically imply that either he did not seek to spread, or had not the chance or opportunity of propagating his new faith in the outlying sections of his dominions ; and that, in this valley of Kashmir, at least, Buddhism came after him, as a consequence of his southern surrender rather than as a deliberate promulgation of a well-matured belief on his part. The leading fact of Asoka's introduction or recognition of the Jaina creed in Kashmir, above stated, does not, however, rest upon the sole testimony of the Muhammadan author, but is freely acknowledged in the Brahmanical pages of the Raja Tarangini — a work which, though finally compiled and put together onl}^ in 1148 a.d., relies, in this section of its history, upon the more archaic writings of Padma Mihlra and Sri Clihavilldkdra. Professor Wilson's recapitulation of the context of this passage is somewhat obscure, as, while hesitat- in<> to admit that Asoka *' introduced " into Kashmir " the Jina Sdsana," he, inconsistently, affirms that " he invented or originated " it. If so, we must suppose that Jainisni had its germ and infantile birth in an outlying valley of the Himalaj^a in 250 B.C. — a conclusion which is beyond measure improbable.^ ^ Professor "Wilson's paraphrase runs : " The last of these princes being child- less, the crown of Kashmir reverted to the family of its former rulers, and devolved on Asoka, who was descended from the paternal great uncle of Kha- GENDRA. This prince, it is said in the Ain i-Akbari, abolished the Brahmanical rites, and substituted those of Jiim: from the original (text of the Raja Taran- gini), however, it appears that he by no means attempted the fonner of these heinous acts, and that, on the contrary, he was a pious worshipper of Siva, an ancient temple of whom in the character of Vijayesa he repaired. With respect to the second charge, there is better foundation for it, although it appears that this prince did not introduce, but invented or originated the Jina Sdsana." — As. Res. vol. XV. p. 19. The text and purport of the original are subjoined ; the latter runs: " Then the prince Asoka, the lover of truth, obtained the earth; who sinning in subdued afifections produced the Jina Sdsana. Jaloka, the son and successor of Asoka, THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 33 I had outlined and transcribed tlie subjoined sketcb of tlie contrasted stages of Asoka's edicts, before the Indian Anti- quary containing Dr. Kern's revision of the translations of his predecessors came under my notice. As I understand the position of the inquiry at this moment, Dr. Kern is aided by no novel data or materials beyond the reach of those who came to the front before him, and it may chance to prove that he has been precipitate in closing his case, while a new and very perfect version of the same series of inscriptions, at Khalsi, is still awaiting General Cunningham's final imprimatur — a counterpart engrossed in more fully-defined characters, which Dr. Kern does not appear to have heard of. Dr. Kern's method of dealing with his materials might not commend itself to some inter- preters. He confesses that the original, or Palace copy, forming the basis of all other variants, was cast in the dialect of Magadha, and he then goes through the curious process of reducing the Girnar text — which he takes as his representative test — into classical or Brahmanic Sanskrit, on which he relies for his competitive translation. At the same time he admits, without reserve, that the geographi- cally distributed versions of the guiding scripture were systematically adapted to the various dialects of " Gujarat! was a prince of great prowess; he overcame the assertors of the ^a?^i(f/ia heresies, and quickly expelled the Mlechhas from the country "The conquest of Kanauj by this prince is connected with an event not improb- able in itself, and which possibly marks the introduction of the Brahmauical creed, in its more perfect form, into this kingdom, and Jaloka is said to have adopted thence the distinction of castes, and the practices which were at that time established in the neighbouring kingdoms. ... He forbore in the latter part of his reign from molesting the followers of the Bauddha schism, and even bestowed on them some endowments." — As. Res. vol. xv. p. 21. Troyer's translation of 102 runs : " Ce monarque (Asoka) ayant eteint en lui tout pencbant vicieux, embrassa la religion de Djina, et etendit sa domination par des enclos d'elevations sacrees de terre dans le pays de Cuchkala, ou est situee la montagne de Vitasta. 103. La Vitasta passait dans la ville au milieu des bois sacres et des Viharas; c'etait la ou s'elevait, bati par lui, un sanctuaire de Buddha, d'une hauteur dont I'oeil ne pouvait atteindre les limites." — vol. ii. p. 12. A notice which may have some bearing upon these events is to be found in the Dulva. It purports to declare : "100 years after the disappearance of Sakya, his religion is carried into Kashmir. 110 years after the same event, in the reign of Asoka, King of Pataliputra, a new compilation of the laws . . . was prepared at' Allahabad."— J. A. S. Bengal, vol. i. p. 6. 34 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. or Marathi — Magadhi, and Gandhari " [the Semitic version of Kapurdigiri]. I should have had more confidence in this rectification of the translations of all previous masters of the craft, if the modern critic had proceeded upon diametrically opposite principles, and had recognized the confessed necessity of the variation and distribution of dialects, site by site, as a fact making against the pretended supremacy of classical Sanskrit at this early date.^ Singular to say, with all these reservations, I am fully pre^Dared to accept so much of Dr. Kern's general conclu- sions as, without concert, chances opportunely to support and confirm my leading argument, with regard to the predominance of Jainism in the first and second series of Asoka's Inscriptions. Dr. Kern, elsewhere, relies on a short indorsement of, or supplementary addition to, the framework of the Girnar Inscription, as satisfactorily proving, to his perception, the Buddhistical import of the whole set of Edicts which precede it on the same rock.^ I am under the impression that this incised scroll is of later date than the body of the epigraph. It is larger in size, does not range with the rest of the writing, and does not, in terms, fit-in with the previous context. Of course should it prove to be authentic and synchronous in execution with the other chiselled letters, and, at the same time, of exclusively Buddhist tendency, I might regard its tenor as * The pretence of the universality of the Sanskrit language in India at this period has often been contested in respect to the method of reconstruction of these ancient monuments. Mr. Turnour was the first to protest against James Prinsep's submission to th'e Sanskritic tendencies of his Pandits. Mr. B. Hodgson, in like manner, consistently upheld the local claims and prior currency of the various forms of the vernaculars, and, most unquestionably. Professor "Wilson's own perception and faculty of interpreting this class of inter-provincial records was damaged and obscured by his obstinate demands for good dictionary Sanskrit. ^ " In one place only — I mean the signature of the Girnar inscription — the following words have reference to Buddha. Of this signature there remains, . . . va sveto hasti savalolcasiikhuharo ndma. "What has to be supplied at the beginning I leave to the ingenuity of others to determine, but what is left means ' the white elephant' whose name is * Bringer of THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 35 of more importance ; but, even accepting all Dr. Kern's arguments in favour of '* White Elephants," which I distrust altogether, how are we to reconcile the repeated arrays of elephants, (the special symbol of the second Jina), upon ac- knowledged Jaina sculptures, with anything but the general identity of symbols of both sects, and a possible derivation on the part of the Buddhists ? Dr. Kern thus concludes his final resume : — *' The Edicts give an idea of what the King did for his subjects in his wide empire, which extended from Behar to Gandhara, from the Himalaya to the coast of Cororaandel and Pandya. They are not unimportant for the criticism of the Buddhistic traditions, though they give us exceedingly little concerning the condition of the doctrine and its adherents. . . . "At fitting time and place, [Asoka] makes mention, in a modest and becoming manner, of the doctrine he had embraced; but nothing of a Buddhist spirit can be discovered in his State policy. From the very beginning of his reign he was a good prince. His ordinances concerning the sparing of animal life agree much more closely with the ideas of the heretical Jainas than those of the Buddhists." (p. 275.) The Edicts of Asoka. Prof. Wilson, when revising the scattered texts of Asoka's Edicts within the reach of the commentators of 1849, declared, and, as we may now see, rightly maintained, that there was nothing demonstrahly " Buddhist " in any of the preliminary or Hock Inscriptions of that monarch, though, then and since, he has been so prominently put happiness to the whole world.' That by this term Sakya is implied, there can be no doubt (he entered his mother's womb as a white elephant, — Lalita Vistara, p. 63) Even if the signature is not to be attributed to the scribe, the custom evidently even then prevalent, and still in use at the present day, of naming at the end of the inscription the divinity worshipped by the writer or scribe, can offer no serious difficulty." — I. A. p. 2o8. [If Sakya Muni was the seed of the white elephant, how came he to be so disrespectful to his deceased relatives as to speak of his dead friend '■'• the lohite elephant '" Devadatta killed, as " cet etre qui a un grand corps, en se decomposant, remplirait toute la ville d'une mauvaise odeur" ?] 36 TEE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. forward as the special patron and promoter of the Creed of Sakya Muni.^ In the single-handed contest between Buddhism and Brah- manism, Prof. Wilson made no pretence to discover any status — throughout the whole range of these formal records — for the latter religion ; except in the vague way of a notice of the Brahmans and Sramans mentioned in the corresponding palaeographic texts, which were, in a measure, associated with the coeval references of the Greek authors to these identical designations. But no suggestion seems to have presented itself to him, as an alternative, of old-world Jainism progress- ing into a facile introduction to philosophic Buddhism. We have now to compare the divergencies exhibited between the incidental records of the tenth, twelfth, and pos- sibly following years, with the advanced declarations of the twenty-seventh year of Asoka's reign. We find the earlier proclamations advocating Dharma,^ which certainly does not come up to our ideal of "religion," represented in its simplest phase of duty to others, which, among these untutored peoples, ^ " In the first place, then, with respect to the supposed main purport of the inscription, proselytisni to the Buddhist religion, it may not unreasonably he doubted if they were made public with any such design, and whether they have any connexion with Buddhism at all."— J.E.A.S. Vol. XII. p. 236. " There is nothing in the injunctions promulgated or sentiments expressed in the inscrip- tions, in the sense in which I have suggested their interpretation, that is decidedly and exclusively characteristic of Buddhism. The main object of the first appears, it is true, to be a prohibition of destroying animal life, but it is a mistake to ascribe the doctrine to the Buddhists alone." p. 238. " From these considerations, I have been compelled to withhold my unqualified assent to the confident opinions that have been entertained respecting the object and origin of the inscriptions. Without denying the possibility of their being intended to disseminate Buddhism, . . . there are difficulties in the way, . . . which, to say the least, render any such an attribution extremely uncertain." p. 250. - The four Bharmas, in their simplicity, are defined by the Northern Jainas as *' merits," as consequent upon the five Mahdvratas or " great duties.'" — Wilson's Essays, vol. i. p. 317. This idea progressed, in aftertimes, into a classification of the separate duties of each rank in life, or the " prescribed course of duty." Thus " giving alms," etc., is the dharma of the householder, " administering jus- tice" of a king, "piety " of a Brahman, " courage" of a Kshatriya. — M. Williams, sub voce. "Later Jaina interpretations of the term Dharmam Southern India ex- tend to * vii-tue, duty, justice, righteousness, rectitude, religion.' It is said to be the quality of the individual self which arises from action, and leads to happi- ness and final beatitude. It also means Law, and has for its object Bharma, things to be done, and Adharma, things ' to be avoided. ' This Bharma is said by the Jainas to be eternal. Bharma, as well as Veda, if they are true Virtue and Law, are attributes or perfections of the Divine Being, and as such are eternal." — Chintamani, Rev. II. Bower, p. xl. See also Max Mtiller's "Sanskrit Literature," p. 101 : "In our Sutra Bharma means Law," etc. The intuitive THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 37 assumed the leading form of futile mercy to tlie lower animals, extending into the devices of " Hospitals '' for the suffering members of the brute creation, and ultimately, in after-times, progressing into the absurdity of the wearing of respirators and the perpetual waving of fans, to avoid the destruction of minute insect life. An infatuation, which eventually led to the surrendering thrones and kingdoms, to avoid a chance step which should crush a worm, or anything that crept upon, the face of the earth ; and more detrimental stilly a regal interference with the every- day life of the people at large,, and the subjecting of human labour to an enforced three months' cessation in the year, in order that a moth should not approach a lighted lamp, and the revolving wheel should not crush a living atom in the mill. I have arranged, in the subjoined full remm6 of the three phases or gradations " of Asoka's faith," as much of a con- trast as the original texts, under their modern reproductions, admit of; exhibiting, in the first period, his feelings and inspirations from the tenth to the twelfth year after his in- auguration ; following on to the second, or advanced phase of thought, which pervades the manifestos of his twenty-seventh year; and exhibiting, as a climax of the whole series of utterances, his free and outspoken profession of faith in the- hitherto unrecognized *^ Buddha.'* The difference between the first and second series of decla- rations or definitions of Dharma is not so striking as the interval in point of time, and the opportunities of fifteen years of quasi- religious meditation, might have led us to ex- pect ; but still, there is palpable change in the scope of thought — " a marked advance in faith " ; only the faith is indefinite, and the morals still continue supreme. Happily, for the present inquiry, there is nothing in these authentic documents which has any pretence to be either Yedic or feeling that " laborare est orare " seems to have preyailecl largely in the land, and would undoubtedly have been fostered and encouraged under the gi-adual develop- ment of caste. The great Akbar appears to have participated in the impressions of his Hindu subjects ; for we find him, in the words of his modern biographer, described as one "who looks upon the performance of his duties as an act of divine worship." — Dr. Blochmann's translation of the Ain-i-Akbari, p. iii. 38 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. Bralimamcal, and therefore we can pass by, for the moment, all needless comparisons between the terms "Brabmans and Sramans " — the latter of whom equally represented Jainas and Buddhists — a controversy to which undue emphasis and importance has been hitherto assigned, and confine ourselves to Asoka's aims in departing from the silence of the past, and covering the continent of India with his written procla- mations. His ideas and aspirations, as exhibited in his early declarations, are tentative and modest in the extreme : in fact, he confesses, in his later summaries, that these inscribed edicts represent occasional thoughts and suggestive inspira- tions ; indeed, that they were put forth, from time to time, and often, we must conclude, ostentatiously dated, without re- ference to their period of acceptance or their ultimate place on the very stones on which we find them. When closel}^ examined, the two sets of edicts, contrasted by their positions as Rock and Pillar Inscriptions, covering, more or less, a national movement of fifteen years, resolve themselves into a change in the Dharma or religious law advocated by the ruling power of very limited and natural extent. The second series of manifestos are marked, on the one hand, by a deliberate rejection of some of the minor delusions of the earlier documents, and show an advance to a distinction and discrimination between good and evil animals, a more definite scale of apportionment of crimes and their appropriate punishments, completed by an outline of the ruling moral polity, reading like a passage from Megas- thenes,^ in regard to the duties of inspectors, and forming a consistent advance upon Chandra Gupta's moral code. ^ Arrian xii. ; Strabo xv. 48 ; Diod. Sic. ii. 3. There are several points in the Greek accounts of Indian creeds which have hitherto been misunderstood, and which have tended to complicate and involve the triie state of things existing in the land at the periods referred to. Among the rest is the grand question, in the present inquii-y, of Jaina versus Buddhist, of which the follo-\\ing is an illustration : — Fah Hian, chap. xxx. " The honottrahle of the age (Buddha) has established a law that no one should destroy his own life." Mr. Laidlay adds, as a commentary upon this passage : — " The law here alluded to is mentioned in tlie Dulva (p. 162 to 239); where, in consequence of several instances of suicide among the monks, . . . Sakya prohibits discourses upon that subject. So that the practice of self-immolation ascribed by the Greek historians to the Buddliists was, like that of going naked, a departure from orthodox principles."— p. 278. The Ecv. S. Beal, in his revised translation of Fah Hian, in confirming this THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 39 All these indications, and many more significant items, may, percliance, be traced by those, who care to follow the divergencies presented in the subjoined extracts ; but no ingenuity can shake the import of the fact, that, up to the twenty-seventh year of his reign, Asoka had no definite idea of or leaning towards Buddhism, as represented in its after-development. His final confession and free and frank recognition of the name and teaching of Buddha in the Babhra proclamation, form a crucial contrast to all he had so elaborately advocated and indorsed upon stone, through- out his dominions, during the nearly full generation of his fellow-men, amid whom he had occupied the supreme throne of India. As my readers may be curious to see the absolute form in which this remarkable series of Palseographic monuments were presented to the intelligent public of India, or to their authorized interpreters, in the third century B.C., I have, at at the last moment,^ taken advantage of Mr. Burgess's very successful paper-impressions, or squeezes, of the counterpart inscription on the Girnar rock, to secure an autotype re- production of the opening tablets of that version of the closely parallel texts of Asoka' s Edicts. Those who are not conversant with ancient palaeographies may also be glad of conclusion of Mr. Laidlay, emphatically declares, " I doubt very much whether there is any reference to Buddhists in the Greek accounts." — pp. xlii, 119. See also J.E.A.S. Vol. XIX. p. 420, and Vol. VIII. n.s. p. 100. " A long series of the rock inscriptions at Sravana Belgola, in the same old characters, consist of what may he termed epitaphs to Jaina saints and ascetics, both male and female, or memorials of their emancipation from the body. ... It is painful to imagine the pangs of slow starvation, by which these pitiable beings gave themselves up to death and put an end to their own existence, that by virtue of such extreme penance they might acquire merit for the life to come. . . . The irony is complete when we remember that avoidance of the destruction of life in whatever form is a fundamental doctrine of the sect." . . . The inscriptions before us are in the oldest dialect of the Kanarese. The expression mud/ppidar, with which most of them terminate, is one which seems peculiar to the Jainas." — Mr. Lewis Eice, Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 322. The passages regarding suicidal philosophers will be found in Megasthenes (Strabo xv. i. 64, 73) ; Q. Curtius viii. ix. sec. 33; Pliny, vi. c. 22, sec. 19; Arrian xi. The naked saints figure in Megasthenes (Strabo xv. 60), Cleitarchus (Strabo xv. 70), Q. Curtius, viii. ix. 33. ^ Mr. Burgess's Report for 1874-5 reached me on the 15th February, 1877, a few days only before the Meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society at which this paper was read. These paper-impressions are now deposited in the Library of the India Office. 40 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. the opportunity of examining the nature of the alphabetical system here in force — which constituted, in effect, the Alphabet Mere of India at large. These inscriptions, of about 250 b.c, contribute the earliest specimens of indi- genous writing we are able to cite, their preservation and multiplication being apparently due to a newly-awakened royal inspiration of engraving edicts and moral admonitions on stone. This alphabetical system must clearly have passed through long ages of minority before it could have attained the full maturity in which it, so to say, suddenly presents itself over the whole face of the land. And which from that moment, unimproved to this day, asserts its claim to the title of the most perfect alphabet extant. The Sanskrit- speaking Aryans discarded, in its favour, the old Phoenician character they had learnt, laboriously transformed, and finally adapted to the requirements of their own tongue, during their passage through the narrow valleys of the Himalaya, and their subsequent residence on the southern slopes of the range, in the Sapta Sindhu or Punjab, which scheme of writing would appear to have answered to the term of the Yavandn'i lij^i of Panini and the earlier Indian grammarians. In this second process of adaptation, the Aryans had to repudiate the normal ethnographic sequence of the short and long vowels, to add two consonants of their own (^, "q) utterly foreign to the local alphabet, and to accept from that alpha- bet a class of letters, unneeded for the definition of Arj^an tongues ; an inference which is tested and proved by the fact that accomplished linguists of our age and nationality are seldom competent to pronounce or orally define the current Indian cerebrals.^ 1 Prinsep's Essays (Murray, 1858), pp. ii. 43, 144, 151, etc. Burnoiif, Yasna, p. cxlv. Bopp's Grammar (Eastwick), i. 14. Lassen, " Essai sur le Pali," p. 15. J.R.A.S., o.s. X. 63; XII. 236; XIII. 108; XV. 19; n.s. L 467; V.423. J.A.S. Beng., 1863, p. 158; 1867, p. 33. Journ. Bom. Branch R.A.S., 1858, p. 41. Ancient Indian Weights (Xumismata Orientalia, Part i. Triibner, 1874), pp. 3, 6, 21, 48. Numismatic Chronicle, 1863, p. 226. Caldwell, Dravidian Grammar (edit. 1875), pp. 13, 45, 64, 69, 82, 92, etc. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, ii. xxiv, and 34?^, 440», 468, 488, etc. \Yeber, "Greek and Indian Letters," lud. Ant. 1873, p. 143. " On the Dravidian Element in Sanskrit THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 41 Plate I. exhibits a facsimile of Tablets 1, 2, of the Girnar rock. Of the former I have merely transliterated the first sentence. But as I have had occasion to extract the full translation of Tablet 2, I have now added the type-text, in the old character, together with an interlineation in E-oman letters,^ which will admit alike of preliminary readings, and suggest further crucial comparisons by more advanced students. The contrasted tenor of the Three Periods of Asoka's Edicts. — Period I., 10th and 12th Years after his ahhishek or anointment. The first sentence of the E,ock-cut Edicts, of the twelfth year of Asoka's reign, commences textually : ^ :-jL- DB-j'b't'ir bJLi djLf>^i r"h ;jbA' lyam datmnaUpi Devdnam piyena piyaclasind rdfid lepitd. "■ This is the edict of the beloved of the gods. Raja Priya-. dasi — the putting to death of animals is to be entirely dis- continued." The second tablet, after referring to the subject races of India and to "Antiochus by name, the Yona (or Yavana) E-aja," goes on to say: "(two designs have been cherished Dictionaries," by the Rev. F. Kittel, Mercara, Indian Antiquary, 1872, p. 235. F. Miiller, '* Academy," 1872, p. 319. ^ This type was originally cut under James Prinsep's own supervision. I am indebted to the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 'C^q font now employed, which is in the possession of Messrs. Austin. Some slight modifications of the original will be noticed, especially in regard to the attachment of the vowels ; but otherwise the type reproduces the normal letters in close facsimile. The most marked departure from the old model is to be seen in the vowel o, which in the original scheme was formed out of the a" and "e, thus ~\^ ; whereas, in the tj-pe, for sim- plicity of junction, the e and the a have been ranged on one level, in this form X- It will be seen that the Sanskrit ^.s has not yet put in an appearance, the local ^» having to do duty for its coming associate. A full table of the alphabet itself will be found in Vol. V. n.s. of our Journal, p. 422. 2 I quote as my leading authority Professor Wilson's revised translation of the combined texts embodied in the Journ. R.A.S. Vol. XII. p. 164, et seq., as his materials were necessarily more ample and exact than Prinsep's original transcripts, which were unaided by the highly important counterpart and most efficient corrective in Semitic letters from Kapurdigiri, the decipherment of which was only achieved by Mr, Norris in 1845. 42 THE EAELY FAITH OF ASOKA. by Priyadasi : one design) regarding men, and one relating to animals." ^iA i S'^A 8 !■ i r U JL rb bJl!>All fT LT Savata vijitamhi Devdiianipiyasci Piyadasino rano >iBb \j d-Arb J.0 dybt'"rbA''l,bA"+A-JbA'H"A-D I I I evamapi pd chaihtesu yathd Chodd Pddd Satiyaputo Ketaleputo d Tamba- b-l'"H-AJL+ II TE iAb Afb M-A''jL + rb rbH'b- parhni, Antiyako Yonardja yevdpi taaa Antiyakasd sdmipam m rb i A' > i 1- b J. rb b J. > rb I I'T '> dVdT + A" O rdjdno savntd Bevdnampiyasa Fiyadasitio rdno dvs chikichhd katd 8irb d'^+cbd brbd''+cbd Lfb[jhL ^'~ -r.\ - ■ ^1^^^ ' y " ^ , --^ -' -^ - - ' I ^. — . - ■ . - - ' ^ '' ^ ~ , - ' '■ ■ - ~",. ■■ ■' ^ -^ " - _ J. -- ■ ' ^ — ■■ - - - - — c, *' " J ' ' s /■ ASOKAS INSCRIPTION at Cirnar, THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 43 places where roots and fruits were wanting he has caused them to be brought and planted; also he has caused wells to be dug and trees to be planted, on the roads for the benefit of cattle." — Indian Anti- quary, p. 272 ; Arch. Rep. 1874-5, p. 99. The 3rd section adverts to *' expiation," and the 4th con- tinues : " During a past period of many centuries, there have prevailed, destruction of life, injury to living beings, dis- respect towards kindred, and irreverence towards Sramans and Brahmans." ^ The 5th edict, after a suitable preamble, proceeds : *' Therefore in the tenth year of the inauguration have ministers of morality been made,^ who are appointed for the purpose of pre- siding over morals among persons of all the religions, for the sake of the augmentation of virtue and for the happiness of the virtuous among the people of Kamboja, Gandhara, ISTaristaka and Pitenika. They shall also be spread among the warriors, the Brahmans, the mendicants, the destitute and others." ... The 6th edict declares : — " An unprecedently long time has passed since it has been the custom at all times and in all affairs, to submit representations. Now it is established by me that . . the officers appointed to make reports shall convey to me the objects of the people " — and goes on to define the duties of supervisors of morals, and explain their duties as *' informers," etc., continuing : — . '* There is nothing more essential to the good of the world, for which I am always labouring. On the many beings over whom ^ Dr. Kei-n's elaborate criticism of Burnouf's revision of Prof. "Wilson's trans- lation of this passage (Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 731) scarcely alters the material sense quoted above. His version runs : " In past times, during many centuries, attacking animal life and inflicting suffering on the creatures, want of respect for Brahmans and monks." Dr. Kern, in the course of his remarks upon his new rendering, observes, ** Apart from the style, there is so little exclusively Buddhistic in this document, that we might equally well conclude from it that the King, satiated with war, had become the president of a peace society and an association for the protection of the lower animals, as that he had embraced the doctrine of Sakya Muni." — I. A., p. 262. 2 The Cuttack version of the Edicts differs from the associate texts, saying, " who shall be intermingled with all the hundred grades of unbelievers for the establishment among them of the faith, for the increase of religion ... in Kambocha and Gandhara, in Surastrika and Pitenika, . . . and even to the furthest (limits) of the barbarian (countries). Who shall mix with the Brah- mans and Bhi/cshtis, with the poor and with the rich." — p. 190; Prinsep, J.A S. Bengal. 44 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. I rule I confer happiness in this world, — in the next they may- obtain Swarga (heaven)."^ Tablet 7 does not seem to call for any remark. Tablet 8 refers to some change that came over the royal mind in the tenth year of his reign. " Piyadasi, the beloved of the gods, having been ten years inaugurated, by him easily awakened, that moral festival is adopted (which consists) in seeing and bestowing gifts on Brahmanas and Sramanas, . . . overseeing the country and the people; the institution of moral laws," etc. Burnouf *s amended translation differs from this materially. He writes : ** \_Mais] Piyadasi, le roi cheri des Devas, parvenu ^ la dixieme annee depuis son sacre, obtient la science parfaite que donne la Buddha. C'est pourquoi la promenade de la roi est cette qu'il faut faire, ce sont la visite et I'aumone faites aux Brahmanes et aux Samanas." . . . I see that Dr. Kern now proposes to interpret this con- tested passage as, *'But King Devanampriya Priyadarsin, ten years after his in- auguration, came to the true insight. Therefore he began a walk of righteousness, which consists in this, that he sees at his house and bestows gifts upon Brahmans and monks. . . . Since then^this is the greatest pleasure of King Devanampriya Priyadarsin in the period after his conversion" [to what?]. — I. A. p. 263. In his remarks upon the tenor of this brief tablet Dr. Kern continues, "It is distinguished by a certain simplicity and sentiment of tone, which makes it touch a chord in the human breast. There is a tenderness in it, so vividly different from the insensibility of the later monkish literature of Buddhism, of which Th. Pavie observes, with 80 much justice, * Tout reste done glace dans ce monde bouddhique.'" Tablet 9, speaking of festivities in general, declares : **Such festivities are fruitless and vain, but the festivity that bears great fruit is the festival of duty, such as the respect of the servant to his master ; reverence for holy teachers is good, tender- 1 Lassen renders this, "my whole endeavour is to be blameless towards all creatures, to make them happy here below and enable them hereafter to obtain Svarga." — Indian Antiquary, p. 270. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 45 ness for living creatures is good, liberality to Brahmans and Sra- manas is good. These and other such acts constitute verily the festival of duty. . . With these means let a man seek BwargaP^ Tablet 10 contrasts the emptiness of earthly fame as compared with the '^ observance of moral duty," and section 11 equally discourses on " virtue," which is defined as '' the cherishing of slaves and dependents, pious devotion to mother and father, generous gifts to friends and kinsmen, Brahmanas and Sramanas, and the non-injury of living beings." Tablet 12 commences : *' The beloved of the gods, King Priyadasi, honours all forms of religious faith," ^ . . . and enjoins ''reverence for one's own faith, and no reviling nor injury of that of others. Let the reverence be shown in such and such a manner, as is suited to the difference of belief,"^ . . "for he who in some way honours his own re- ligion and reviles that of others, saying, having extended to all our own belief, let us make it famous, he, who does this, throws difficulties in the way of his own religion : this, his conduct cannot be right." .... The Edict goes on to say, " And as this is the object of all religions, with a view to its dissemination, superintendents of moral duty, as well as over women, and officers of compassion, as well as other officers" (are appointed).'^ The 13th Tablet, which Professor Wilson declined to translate, as the Kapur di Giri text afforded no trustworthy corrective, seems, from Mr. Prinsep's version, to recapitulate much that has been said before, with a reiterated " injunction for the non-injury of animals and content of living creatures," sentiments in which he appears to seek the sympathy of the "Greek King Antiochus," together (as we now know^) with that of the ^'four kings Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas and ^ Dr. Kern's conclusion of Tablet 9 runs as follows, ** By doing all this, a man can merit heaven ; therefore let him who wishes to gain heaven for himself fulfil, above all things, these his duties." — I. A., p. 271. 2 Dr. Kern's rendering says "honour all sects and orders of monks." ' " so that no man may praise his own sect or contemn another sect." * " For this end, shenflfs over legal proceedings, magistrates entrusted with the superintendence of the women, hospice-masters (?) and other bodies have been appointed." — I. A., p. 268. * Gen. Cunningham, Arch. Report, vol. i. p. 247, and vol. v. p. 20. See also my " Dynasty of the Guptas in India," p. 34. I append the tentative trans- 46 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. Alexander." The postscript in. larger letters outside the square of this tablet adds, according to Prinsep, " And this place is named the White Elephant, conferring pleasure on all the world." Prof. Wilson, in conclusion of his review of the purport of these palseographic documents, adverts to the Tablet numbered 14 in the original list, but he does not seem to have had sufficient confidence in his materials to have ventured upon a continuous translation.^ Period II. The Advanced Stage. The contrasted Lat or Monolithic Inscriptions,^ as opposed literation of the several versions of tliis tablet, whicli I had prepared for the latter work. My learned friends are unwilling as yet to compromise themselves by a transla- tion of the still imperfect text. Transliterations of Tablet XIII. of the Asoka Inscriptions at (1) Kapur-di-Giri, (2) Khalsi, and (3) Girnar. 1 , Ka. Antiyoka nam&. Yona raja paran cha tenan Antiyokena chatura | { 1 1 rajano 2. i'/i. AntiyoganamaYona . . lanchatena Antiyo . na chatali -\- lajane Z. Gir Yona raj a paran cha tena .... chaptena[«eV] rajano \. Ka. Traramaye nama Antikina nama Maka nama Alikasandaro nam& 2. Kh. Tulamaye n&ma Antekina nama Maka nama Alikyasadale nama 3. Gir. Turamayo cha Antakana cha Maga cha .... \. Ka. nicham Choda, Panda, Avam Tambupanniya hevammevarahena raja 2. Kh. nicham Choda, Pandiya, Avam Tambapaniya hevamevahevameva . . laj^ Z. Gir. . . ' 1. Ka. Yishatidi Yonam Kamboyeshu Xibha Kanabhatina Bhojam Piti 2. Kh. Yishmavasi Yona Kambojasu Xubha Kanabha Pantisa Bhoja Piti 3. Gir 1 . Ka. Nikeshii, Andrapiilideshu savatam .... 2. Kh. Nikesa Adhapiladesa savata .... 3. Gir. . . ndhepirandesu savata . . . . Under the Elephant at Khalsi, Gajatemre ? At Girnar, Sveto hasti, as above, p. 34. ^ The 14th Edict at Girnar is more curious, in respect to the preparation of the Edicts, than instructive in the religious sense. Dr. Kern's revision produces, *' King Devanampriya Priyadarsin has caused this righteousness edict to be written, here concisely, there in a moderate compass, and in a third place again at full length, so that it is not found altogether everywhere worked out ; (P) for the kingdom is great, and what I have caused to be written much. Repetitions occur also, in a certain measure, on account of the sweetness of certain points, in order that the people should in that way (the more willingly) receive it. If sometimes the one or other is written incompletely or not in order, it is because care has not been taken to make a good transcript [chhdtjd) or by the fault of the copyist {i.e. the stone-cutter)." — I. A., p. 275. •-' J. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. vi. 1837, p. 566. The text on the Dehli lat has been taken as the standard; these edicts are repeated verbatim on the three other lats of Allahabad, Betiah and Radhia. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 47 to the E/OCK edicts already examined, open, in the text of the Tablet on the northern face of the Dehli pillar, with these words : ** lu the 27th year of my anointment, I have caused this religious edict to be published in writing.^ I acknowledge and confess the faults that have been cherished in my heart. Erom the love of virtue, by the side of which all other things are as sins — from the strict scrutiny of sin, etc., ... by these may my eyes be strengthened and confirmed (in rectitude)." . . . In the 10th line the King continues : '' In religion {dhammd) is the chief excellence : but religion con- sists in good works : — in the non-omission of many acts : mercy and charity, purity and chastity; — (these are) to me the anointment of consecration. Towards the poor and the afflicted, towards bipeds and quadrupeds, towards the fowls of the air and things that move on the waters, manifold have been the benevolent acts performed by me." .... The concluding section of this tablet is devoted to a definition of the '' nine minor transgressions,'* of which the following five alone are specified : " mischief, hard-hear ted- ness, anger, pride, envy." B • The text of the western compartment of the Dehli lat begins : *'In the 27th year of my anointment, I have caused to be promulgated the following religious edict. My devotees in very many hundred thousand souls, having (now) attained unto know- ledge ;- I have ordained (the following) fines and punishments for their transgressions. Prinsep's half- admitted impression, that these inscriptions ^ Burnouf renders this opening, "La 26^^^^ annee depuis mon sacre j'ai fait ecrire cet edit de la loi. Le bonheur dans ce monde et dans 1' autre est difficile a obtenir sans un amour extreme pour la loi, sans une extreme attention, sans una extreme obeissance," etc.— Lotus, p. 655. * Dr. Kern's translation departs from this meaning in a striking manner, and substitutes : " I have appointed sheriffs over many hundred thousands of souls in the land, I have granted them free power of instituting legal prosecution and inflicting punishment." 48 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. were necessarily of a Buddhist tendency, led him into the awkward mistake of interpreting VT'^ dhdtri as " the mj^ro- balan tree," instead of ^' a nurse," and the associate aswaUha as '' the holy fig-tree," in which, he was followed by Lassen (Ind. Alt. vol. ii. p. 256), instead of the asvatha ahhitd "consoles et sans crainte" of Burnouf, who corrected the translation in the following words: "De meme qu'un homme, ayant confie son enfant a une nourrice experimentee, est sans inquietude [et se dit :] une nourrice experimentee garde mon enfant, ainsi ai-je institue des ofiiciers royaux pour le bien et le bonheur du pays." — Lotus de la bonne Loi, p. 741. Prinsep's text here resumes the subject of transgressions, and "according to the measure of the oflfence shall be the measure of punishment, but (the ofi*ender) shall not be put to death by me." ^ "Banishment (shall be) the punishment of those malefactors deserving of imprisonment and execu- tion." The text proceeds with a very remarkable passage : " Of those who commit murder on the high road, even none, whether of the poor or of the rich, shall be injured on my three especial days." ^ If we could rely upon the finality of this translation, we might cite, in favour of the Jaina tendency of the edict, the curious parallel of the Jainas under Akbar, who obtained a Firman to a somewhat similar tenor in favour of the life ^ It is curious to trace the extent to which these Jaina ideas developed them- selves in after-times, and to learn from official sources how the simple tenets of mercy, in the ahstract, progressed into the demands and rights of m)LCtuary claimed by and conceded to the sect. " Maharana Sri Eaj Sing, commanding. To the Xobles, Ministers, Patels, etc., of Mewar. From remote times, the temples and dwellings of the Jainas have been authorized ; let none therefore within their boundaries carry animals to slaughter. This is their ancient privilege. " 2. Whatever life, whether man or animal, passes their abode for the purpose of being killed, is saved [anira). " 3. Traitors to the state, robbers, felons escaped confinement, who may fly for sanctuary {sirnd) to the dwellings {upasrci) of the Yatis, shall not be seized by the se;:vants of the court. . . By command, Sah Dyal, Minister. Samvat 1749 (a.d. 1693)."— Tod. vol i. p. 553. 2 Singular to say, with all this excellent mercy to animals, there is a reference to injuring {torturing?), and later even to '■'"mutilation" of the human offender ! — J.A.S.B. vol. vi. p. 588. See also Foe-koue-ki, cap. xvi. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 49 of animals, and their exemption from slaughter on certain days peculiarly sacred in their Rubric} C The tablet, on the southern compartment, gives a list of the "animals which shall not be put to death," enumerating many species of birds, the specific object of whose immunity it is difficult to comprehend — and especially exempting the females of the goat, sheep, and pig, . . . concluding with the declaration that " animals that prey on life shall not be cherished." The Edict goes on to specify the days of fasts and cere- monies, closing with the words, "Furthermore, in the twenty -seventh year of my reign, at this present time, twenty-five prisoners are set at Kberty." D The Monolithic Inscriptions are continued in the eastern compartment, the text of which Prinsep translated in the following terms : "Thus spake King DevIistampiya Pitadasi: In the twelfth year of my anointment, a religious edict (was) published for the pleasure and profit of the world; having destroyed that (document) and regarding my former religion as sin, I now for the benefit of the world proclaim the fact. And this ... I therefore cause to be destroyed ; and I proclaim the same in all the congregations ; while I pray with every variety of prayer for those who difi'er from me in creed, that they following after my proper example may with me attain unto eternal salvation : wherefore the present ^ Firman of Akbar. " Be it known to the Muttasuddies of Malwa, that the whole of our desires consists in the performance of good actions, and our virtuous intentions are constantly du-ected to one object, that of delighting and gaining the hearts of our subjects. "We, on hearing mention made of persons of any religious faith whatever, who pass their lives in sanctity, etc., . . . shut our eyes on the external forms of their worship, and considering only the intention of their hearts, we feel a power- ful inclination to admit them to our association, from a wish to do what may be acceptable to the Deity." The prayer of the petitioners was: " That the Padishah should issue orders that during the twelve days of the month of Bhadra called Putchoossur (which are held by the Jainas to be particularly holy), no cattle should be slaughtered in the cities where their tribe reside." — Ordered accordingly, 7th Jumad-us-Sani, 992 Hij. Era.— Malcolm, Central India. 50 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. edict of religion is promulgated in this twenty-seventh year of my anointment." ''Thus spake King Devanampiya Piyadasi. Kings of the olden time have gone to heaven under these very desires. How then among mankind may religion (or growth in grace) be increased, yea through the conversion of the humbly-born shall religion increase. . . . Through the conversion of the lowly-born if religion thus increaseth, by how much (more) through the conviction of the high-born and their conversion shall religion increase." Prinsep concludes his version of this division of the In- scription : — "Thus spake King Devanampiya Piyadasi: — Wherefore from this very hour I have caused religious discourses to be preached, I have appointed religious observances — that mankind having listened thereto shall be brought to follow in the right path and give glory unto God." If Dr Kern's amended reading of the opening paragraphs of this tablet is to be accepted as final, we must abandon any arguments based upon a supposed cancelment of previous manifestos.^ But the reconstruction in question — whether right or wrong — will not in the least degree affect my main argument of the pervading Jaina tendencies of the Monolithic edicts. Dr. Kern's translation runs as follows : ** King Devanampiya Priyadarsin speaks thus: — 12 years after my coronation, I caused a righteousness-edict to be written for the benefit and happiness of the public. Every one who leaves that unassailed shall obtain increase of merit in more than one respect. I direct attention to what is useful and pleasant for the public, and take such measures as I think will further happiness, while I pro- vide satisfaction to my nearest relatives and to (my subjects) who are near as well as to them who dwell far off." ^ Prof. Wilson, -wliile criticizing and coi-recting nmcli of Prinsep's work upon these documents, remarked, " If the translation (of the text of the eastern com- partment) is correct, and in substance it seems to he so, there are two sets _ of opposing doctrines in the inscriptions, and of course both cannot he Buddhist. Mr. Prinsep comes to the conclusion that the Buddhist account of the date of Asoka's conversion, the fourth year of his reign, is erroneous, and that he could not have changed his creed until after his twelfth year. Then it follows that most, if not all the Sock inscriptions are not Buddhist, for the only dates specified are the tenth and twelfth years. Those on the Lats appear to be all of the twenty- seventh year. If, however, those of the earlier dates are not Buddhist, neither are those of the later, for there is no essential difference in their purport. They all en- force the preference of moral to ceremonial observances" (J.K..A.S. vol. xii. p. 250). THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 51 II. a. The Aim and Purpose of the Inscriptions. The DeUi pillar, in addition to the four edicts inclosed within square tablets, has a supplementary inscription en- circling the base of the column. In this proclamation Asoka, after enumerating his own efforts for the good of his people after the truly Indian ideal of planting trees and excavating wells along the high roads, goes on to arrange for the mis- sionary spread of his religion, in these terms : **Let the priests deeply versed in the faith (or let my doctrines?) penetrate among the multitudes of the rich capable of granting favours, and let them penetrate alike among all the unbelievers whether of ascetics or of householders. . . . Moreover let them for my sake find their way among the brahmans (Idhhaneshu) and the most destitute." ... The text proceeds : "Let these (priests) and others most skilful in the sacred offices penetrate among" . . . "my Queens, and among all my secluded women," ..." acting on the heart and on the eyes of the children, ... for the purpose (of imparting) religious enthusiasm and thorough religious instruction." After much more of similar import, the Edict concludes : "Let stone pillars be prepared, and let this edict of religion be engraven thereon, that it may endure unto the remotest ages." The separate Edicts of the Aswastama Inscription at Bhauli ^ continue these exhortations in the subjoined terms : " My desire is that in this very manner, these (ordinances) shall be pronounced aloud by the person appointed to the stupa; and adverting to nothing else but precisely according to the command- ment of DEvi-NAMPivA, let him (further) declare and explain them."^ .... "And this edict is to be read at (the time of) the » " The Aswastama is situated on a rocky eminence forming one of a cluster of hills, three in number, on the south bank of the Dyah river near to the village of Dhauli. The hills alluded to rise abruptly from the plains, . . . and have a singular appearance, no other hills being nearer than eight or ten miles." — Major Kittoe, J.A.S.B. vol. vii. p. 435. 2 Burnouf revised this translation, with his usual critical acumen, in 1852. The following quotation gives his varied version : — " Aussi est-ce la ce qui doit etre proclame par le gardien du stupa qui ne regardera rien autre chose, (ou bien, aussi cet edit a du etre exprime au moyen du Prdkrita et iion dans un autre idiome). Et ainsi veut ici le commandement du roi Cheri des Devas. J'eu confie I'execution au grand ministre. . . . " Et cet edit doit etre entendu au Nakhata Tisa (Nakchatra Tichya) et a la fin 52 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. lunar mansion Tisa, at the end of the month of Bhdtun : it is to be made heard (even if) by a single listener. And thus (has been founded) the Kalanta stupa for the spiritual instruction of the con- gregation.^ For this reason is this edict here inscribed, whereby the inhabitants of the town may be guided in their devotions for ages to come."— J.A.S. Bengal, May, 1837, pp. 444-5. Period III. Positive IBuddhism. The Bhabra Edict.^ Professor Wilson's translation of the Bhabra Edict — unlike liis previous renderings of Asoka's rock inscriptions, where he was at the mercy of succeeding commentators — was under- taken at a time when he, in his turn, had the advantage of the revised interpretations of Lassen and Burnouf. It may be taken, therefore, as a crucial trial of strength on his part. But the most curious coincidence in connexion with the present inquir}?" is that, in default of critical Sanskrit aids, he was obliged to have recourse to the vulgar tongue of the Jaina Scriptures for an explanation of the obscure opening terms, in the word hhante " I declare, confess," etc., etc., which proved, to his surprise, to constitute the ordinary Jaina preliminary form of prayer or conventional declaration of faith. ^ I prefix Burnouf 's translation, as exhibiting the inevitable divergences in the individual treatment of these obscure writings : dii mois Tisa (4 letters) au NaJchata, meme par im seule personne il doit etre entendu. Et c'est ainsi que ce stupa doit etre honore jusqu'a la fin des temps, pour le bien de I'assemblee." — Burnouf, B. L. 673. See also my article in tlie J.H.A.S. Vol. I. n.s. p. 466 ; and tke Kalpa Sutra, pp. 16, 17. ^ As a possible commentary upon this, the avowedly Buddhist Lalita- Vistara says : " Tlie reliearsal of religious discourse satiateth not the godly." — Preface, p. 24, Sanskrit Version, Rajeiidralala. 2 At Bairath, three marches N.E. of Jaipur. ^ "But in turning over the leaves of a Jaina work (the Parikramanavidhi) , ■which, according to Dr. Stevenson, means the Rules of Confession to a Guru, I found the word Bhante . . . repeated fourteen times, and in every instance with the pronoun ahnm — ahmn hhante — preceding apparently some promise or ad- mission; 'I declare, I promise, or acknowledge.' The book is written in the Magadhi of the Jainas, mixed with provincial Hindi, and is full of technicalities, which it would require a learned Yati to expound." — J.R.A.S., Vol. XVI. p. 361. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 53 **Le roi Pij-adasa, d I'Asseniblee du Magadha qu'il fait saluer, a souhaite et peu de peines et une existence agreable. II est bien connii, seigneurs, jusqu'ou vont et mon respect et ma foi pour le Buddha, pour la Loi, pour I'Assemblee. Tout ce qui, seigneurs, a ete dit par le bienheureux Buddha, tout cela seulement est bien dit. II faut done montrer, seigneurs, quelles [en] sont les autorites; de cette maniere, la bonne loi sera de longue duree : voila ce que moi je crois necessaire. En attendant, voici, seigneurs, les sujets qu'embrasse la loi : les bornes marquees par la Vinaya (ou la disci- pline), les facultes surnaturelles des Ariyas, les dangers de I'avenir, les stances du solitaire, le Suta {sutra) du solitaire, la speculation d'TJpatisa (Cariputtra) seulement, I'instruction de Lagula (Rahula), en rejetant les doctrines fausses: [voila] ce qui a ete dit par le bien- heureux (Buddha). Ces sujets qu'embrasse la loi, seigneurs, je desire, et o'est la gloire d laquelle je tiens le plus, que les Beligieux et les Heligieuses les ecoutent et les meditent constamment, aussi bien que les fideles des deux sexes. C'est pour cela, seigneurs, que je [vous] fais ecrire ceci ; telle est ma volunte et ma declaration." — Lotus, p. 725. Prof. Wilson^s translation is as follows : ^'Piyadasi, the King, to the general Assembly of Magadha, commands the infliction of little pain and indulgence to animals. "It is verily known, I proclaim, to what extent my respect and favour (are placed) in Buddha, and in the Law, and in the Assembly. ''Whatsoever (words) have been spoken by the divine Buddha, they have all been well said, and in them, verily I declare that capability of proof is to be discerned : so that the pure law (which they teach) will be of long duration, as far as I am worthy (of being obeyed). For these, I declare, are the principal discipline (Vinaya), having overcome the oppressions of the Aryas, and future perils, (and refuted) the songs of the Munis, the sutras of the Munis, (the practices) of inferior ascetics, the censure of a light world, and (all) false doctrines. These things, as declared by the divine Buddha, I proclaim, and I desire them to be regarded as the precepts of the Law. . . . These things I affirm, and have caused to be written (to make known to you) that such will be my intention." — Journ. B.A.S. Yol. XVI. (1851), p. 357. See also Translation, Journ. A.S. Bengal, vol. ix. I subjoin Dr. Kern's newly-published translation, for the double purpose of comparison with the redactions of his pre- decessors, and to satisfy the modern world, that whatever 64 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. diversities may have existed in the spirit or method of inter- pretation of the difficult passages of the 1st and 2iid series of Asoka's Edicts, our international savants are fully in accord as to the first appearance in monumental tcHting of the name of Buddha^ that is, some time in or after the 27tli year of Asoka. *' King Priyadarsin (that is, the Humane) of Magadha greets the Assembly (of Clerics) aud wishes them welfare and happiness. Ye know, sirs, how great is our reverence and affection for the triad which is called Buddha (the master), Faith, and Assembly. All that our Lord Buddha has spoken, my Lords, is well spoken: wherefore, Sirs, it must indeed be regarded as having indisputable authority; so the true Faith shall last long. Thus, my Lords, I honour (?) in the first place these religious works . . . [seven in number] uttered by our Lord Buddha . . . For this end, my Lords, I cause this to be written, and have made my wish evident." — Indian Antiquary, Sept. 1876, p. 257. In concluding this section of the inquiry, I am anxious to advert to a point of considerable importance, the true bearing of which has, hitherto, scarcely been recognized. Under the old view of the necessary Buddhistic aim and tendency of both the Kock and Pillar Edicts, a subdued anomaly might have been detected in Asoka's designating himself as Devdnampiya, *'the beloved of the gods." We have seen at page 41 in what terms the rock inscriptions are phrased ; the pillar edicts, in like manner, commence with the same title of Devd- nampiye Piyadasi laja,^ while the Bhabra Inscription uncon- ditionally rejects the Devdnampiya^ which we may infer would have been inconsistent with Asoka's sudden profession of Buddhism, and opens with the restricted entry of jj JL, 1^ rb -J £ Piyadasa laja. Now, it involves a more than remarkable coincidence, that this same term of Devdnampiya, or " Beloved of the gods," should prove to have been an established and conventional title among the Jainas,^ equally, as, in a less important sense, was ' J.A.S. Bengal, vol. vi. p. 577. 2 In Stevenson's translation of the Kalpa Sutra Eishahha datta is thus ad- dressed by Bevanandi, the mother of Mahavira (pp. 26, 30), and he, in return, salutes her as " beloved of the gods " (pp. 27, 29, etc.). At p. 54 King Sidd- THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 55 tlie associate Piyadasane^ " lovely to behold." " Siddliartha " is represented in the text of the Kalpa Sutra, as "issued forth the king and lord of men, the bull and lion among men, lovely to behold," etc. Dr. Stevenson adds, in a note : " This is the famous epithet fq"?T^^% Piyadasane that occurs so frequently in the ancient inscriptions, and which we have met with several times before." Piyadassi is further given as the name of one of the 24 {Jaina ?) Buddhos in the opening passage of the Mahavanso. ^ Mr. Turnour con- tributes the following additional quotation from the Pali annals: "Hereafter the prince Piyadaso, having raised the clihatta, will assume the title of Asoko the Dhanma Paja, or righteous monarch." ^ Thus, while we can comprehend that the retention of the simple title of "Pyadasi," by an avowed Buddhist, was harm- less enough, the rejection of the designation of "Beloved of the gods " became a clear necessity for any convert to a religion which ipso facto repudiated all gods. The title of Devanampiya does not seem to have been ad- mitted into the scriptures of the Northern Buddhists,^ who were deferred converts ; but it was carried down with the earliest spread of the faith to Ceylon, in B.C. 246, by " Deva- nampiya Tissa,"* together with, as we have seen, many of the other elements and symbols of the Jaina creed. Amid the varied indirect sources of information bearing upon the " faith of the Mauryas," now available, we should scarcely have looked for any contributions from the formal hartha, in explaining Trisala's dream, commences, " beloved of the gods." At pp. 56, 61, speaking to the royal messengers, he addresses them as "0 beloved of the gods," and at p. 64 the "interpreters of dreams" are received with the same complimentary greeting. ^ Mahavanso, vol. i. p. 75. 2 J.A.S. Bengal, vol. vi. p. 1056. See also Wilson, J.R.A.S. Vol. XII. p. 244. ' The objection to the term Devanampiya of conrse does not extend to the inevitable Bevaputra of the Lalita-vistara — the " heaven -born " need not have been compromised by his later apostacy. — See Eajendi-a Lala's (Sanski-it text), Freface, pp. 14, 15, 21, etc. * Mahawanso, pp. 4, 68, 62, etc. Indian Antiquary, 1872, p. 139. Rhys Davids, Inscription of Gamini Tissa, son of Devanampiya Tissa, at Dambula, Ceylon. 56 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. pages of dictionaries or grammars. Nevertlieless, amid the odd words cited, for other purposes, we discover, in Patan- jali's commentary on the Sidras of Panini, a most suggestive record by the annotator, who is supposed to date somewhere about B.C. 160-60, ^ regarding the gods of the Mauryas. Prof. Goldstiicker's translation of Panini's leading text, with the illustration added by Patanjali, is subjoined: ** 'If a thing,' says Pdnini, ' serves for a livelihood, but is not for sale' (it has the affix ha). This rule Fatanjali illustrates with the words * Siva, Skanda, Yisakha,' meaning the idols that represent these divinities, and at the same time give a living to the men who possess them — while they are not for sale. And ' why ? ' he asks. * The Mauryas wanted gold, and therefore established religious festivities.' Good; (Panini's rule) may apply to such (idols as they sold) ; but as to idols, which are hawked about (by common people) for the sake of such worship as brings an immediate profit, their names will have the affix Z;^." ^ That there are many difficulties in the translation, and still more in the practical interpretation of this passage, need not be reiterated.^ The first impression the context conveys ^ This is Prof. "Weber's date; Prof. Goldstiicker assigned Patanjali to 140-120 B.C. ; and Prof. Bliaudarkar fixes the date of his chapter iii. at 144-142 b.c. — lud. Ant. 1872, p. 302. 2 Goldstiicker' s Panini, p. 228. Prof. Goldstiicker goes on to add: ""Wliether or not this interesting bit of history was given by Patanjali ironically, to show that even affixes are the obedient servants of kings, and must vanish before the idols which they sell, because they do not take the money at the same time that the bargain is made — as poor people do — I know not. ... I believe, too, if we are to give a natural interpretation to his (Patanjali' s) words, . . . that he lived after the last king of this (Maurya) dpiasty." — p. 229. Prof. Weber's critical commentary upon Goldstiicker' s rendering of this passage, amid other argumentative questions as to the period of Panini himself, proceeds : " Patanjali, in commenting on rule v. 3, 99, of Panini, ... in the case of a life sustenance-serving (object, which is an image, the affix ka is not used), except when the object is valuable In the case of a saleable, e.g. Siva, Skanda, Vis^ikha, the rule does not apply." . . . *' The gold-coveting Maurya had caused images of the gods to be prepared. To these the rule does not apply, but only to such as serve for immediate worship {i.e. with which theu' possessors go about from house to house) [in order to exhibit them for immediate worship, and thereby to earn money]." — Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 61. ^ Prof. AVeber's opinion on the bearing of this passage is to the following effect: *' In the passage about the Mauryas I must leave it to others to decide if Patahj all's words do really imply it as his opinion that Panini himself , in referring to images that were saleable, had in his eye such as those that had come down from the Mauryas. I never said more than this. And Bhandarkar goes too far when he says : ' Prof. Weber wfers that Panini in making his rule had in his eye,' etc. My words are: 'According to the view of Patafijali;' 'Patanjali is undoubtedly of THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 57 seems to refer to tlie m-altitudinous images of the Jaina Mauryas, which were so easily reproduced in their absolute repetitive identity, and so largely distributed as part and parcel of the creed itself, of which we have had so many practical exemplifications in the preceding pages.^ But Patanjali's direct reference to the Maurya gods of his day — that is to say, during the reign of that staunch adherent of the Brahmans, the Suhga Fmlipamitra ^ — under the definite names of Siva, Skanda, Visdkha, opens out a new line of inquiry as to the concurrent state and progress of Brah- manism, and his evidence undoubtedly indicates that their branch of the local religion was in a very crude and inchoate stage at the period referred to — an inference which is more fully confirmed by the testimony of numismatic remains.^ Among the extant examples of the mintages of Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka, we meet with the self-same designa- tions of the three Brahmanical gods, under the counterpart Greek transcription of okpo, :skanao, and bizafo. The only opinion;' 'Be this as it may, the notice is in itself an exceedingly curious one.' Now with regard to this very curious and odd statement itself, I venture to throw it out as a mere suggestion, whether it may not perhaps refer to Kjirst attempt at gold coinage made by the Mauryas (in imitation of the Greek coins). It is true no Maurya coin has been discovered as yet, so far as I know, but this may be mere chance: the real difficulty is how to bring Patanjali's words into har- mony with such an interpretation, the more so as in his time no doubt gold coins were already rather common," — Indian Antiquary, July, 1873, pp. 208, 209. ^ " As these twenty-four Tirthankaras are incarnations of wisdom, and are divine personages who appeared in the world and attained the enjoyment of heavenly bliss, the Jainas consider them to be Stvdnns, equal to the divine- natured Arugan. . . . And accordingly they build temples in honour of these Tirthankaras, and make images like them, of stone, wood, gold, and precious gems, and considering these idols as the god Arugan himself, they perform daily and special pujas, and observe fasts and celebrate festivals in their honour." — p. xix. Notice on Jainism, by Sastram Aiyar, from " The Chintamani," edited by the Rev. H. Bower, Madras, 1868. 2 Pushpamitra is the king who ofPered 100 dhtdrs for the head of every Sramana, and hence obtained the title of Mtoiihaia, " Muni-killer." — Burnouf, vol. i. p. 431. 2 I must add that in otner portions of the " Mahabhashya" reference is made to " the Brahmanical deities of the Epic period, Siva, Vishnu, etc. ; to Vasudeva or Krishna as a god or demi-god, and to his having slain Kansa and bound Bali." Mr. Muir, from whose analysis of Prof. Weber's Indische Studien (1873) I take this information, adds: "The genuineness of the whole of Patanjali's work itself, as we now have it, is not. Prof. Weber considers, beyond the reach of doubt, as some grounds exist for supposing that the Avork, after having been mutilated or corrupted, was subsequently reconstructed, and at the same time perhaps received various additions from the pen of the compiler." See also Academy, 8th August, 1874:, p. 156. 58 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. other Bralimanical gods tliat apparently attained any pro- minence, at the epocli of these three Indo-Scythian kings, which, for the moment, we may accept as at or about the commencement of our era, would seem to have been Siva's supposed consort, APAOXPO, smdMa/idsend, which latter embodi- ment is elsewhere understood as a mere counterpart of Siva.^ In the same manner, Skanda constitutes the title of a "son of Siva," and Visdkha is the conventional name of Kdrttikeya or Skanda, " the god of war," and finally, Kimidra is simply a synonym of Skanda, In fact we have here nothing but the multiform Sica personally, or the various members of his family. So that the combined testimony of the grammarian and the material proofs exhibited by the coins would almost necessitate the conclusion that, at the commencement of our era, Brahmanism had not yet emerged from Saivism, whose Indian origin is now freely admitted by the leading authorities. In testing the position of Saivism, at approximate periods, we are able to appeal to the independent testimony of the coins of a collateral division of the Indo-Scythic race, whose leading designation follows the term of oohmo kaa*ichc. It has hitherto been usual to place this branch of the Scythic intruders considerably earlier, in point of time, than their fellow and more permanently-domiciled brotherhood; but the question as it is presented, under later lights, seems to resolve itself into a geographical rather than an epochal severance. The Kadphises horde settled themselves in lands where the Bactrian Pali alphabet and quasi- Aryan speech were still current. The Kanerki group, wherever their first Indian location may have been, clearly followed Iranian traditions in the classification and designations of their adopted gods, in the regions of their abundant mintages. The Kadphises forms of Saivism may be followed in detail in Plate X. of Prof. Wilson's Ariana Antiqua. The 1 Mahd-send, "a great army," an epithet of Kdrttikeya or Skajida; of Siva. So also Sendpati, " army chief ," name of Kdrttikeya; of Siva, etc. — M. "Williams, in vocibus. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 59 conjoint legends appertaining to wliicli are couclied in tlie following terms : Latin-Greek — baciaetc oohmo kaa*icic. Bactrian-Pali — Maharajasa Rajadhirajasa Sarva-loga-iswarasa Mahiswarasa Kapisasa. Of the Great King, King of Kings, ruler of the whole world, the Great Lord (of) Kapisa.^ "We have here, again, Siva very mucli under the guise of a God of War (Nos. 9, 13), though the trident is suggestive of Neptune and the ill-defined drooping garment, in the left hand, is reminiscent of the lion's skin of Hercules. But the Saivism is complete in No. 5, even to the spiral shell-shaped hair 2 (less apparent in No. 13), with the conventional Yahana or Bull, which now becomes constant and immut- able ; following on in Nos. 12-21 the leading type exhibits various gradations of the gross hermaphrodite outline of half man, half woman, with " the necklace of skulls," possibly disclosing the first definite introduction to caste threads, out of which so many religious conflicts grew in later days. Under any circumstances, the present coincidences must be accepted as beyond measure, critical, when we find Patanjali, a native of Oudh, speaking of things on the banks of the Soane, at Patna, and Scythian intruders on the Kabul river, responding in practical terms, as to the ruling Saivism which covered, with so little change, a range of country represented in the divergent paths of a continuous highway, starting from the extreme geographical points here named. , For the purposes of the illustration of the international associations, and the accepted religions of the period, we are beyond measure indebted to the recent numismatic contribu- tions of the Peshawar find. These coins, comprising the large total of 360 gold pieces, all belong to the combined Kanishka brotherhood, or tribal communities, to which reference has been made in my previous article in the Journal,^ and in ^ Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 213. Ariana Antiqua, p. 354. J.R.A.S. Vol. XX. p. 239. Solinus tells us : Qiiidam libri Caphusam. In alii : Caphisam. Plinius Capissara vocat. cap. liv. p. 827. '^ Rudra and Pnshan are said to wear their hair wound or braided spirally upwards into the form of a shell called " Kapardin." — Muir, vol. v. p. 462. ^ Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX. p. S vt scq. 60 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. the earlier pages of this paper. The triple series of obverse legends are restricted to the following repetitive Greek transcriptions : Greek Legends on the Kanerki Coins. 1. PAO NANO PAO KANHPKI KOPANO. 2. PAO NANO PAO OOHPKI KOPANO. 3. PAO NANO PAO BAZOAHO KOPANO. These titles seem to have been more or less sectional and eventually to have become hereditary, like Arsaces, Csesar, etc., and though probably applicable in the first instance severally to the three brothers, they appear, in process of time, to have become dynastic as the conventional titular designation of the head of the family or tribe, for the time being, and to have continued in imitative use, especially in the instance of bazoaho,^ for many centuries. Until, indeed, as I have previously remarked, the Greek characters become altogether unintelligible,^ though the mint types are still mechanically reproduced. 1 have now to describe, as briefly as the subject will admit of, the coins I have selected for insertion in the accompanying Plate II., which were primarily arranged to illustrate the objects of worship admitted into the Indo-Scythian Pantheon; but, which, under subsequent discoveries, have assumed a more important mission in the general range of inquiry. CONTENTS OF PLATE IL KANERKI. No. 1. {Obverse. King standing to the front, in the conventional form represented in Ariana Antiqua, pi. xi. fig. 16, worn die. Legend. Constant, pao nano pao kanhpki kopano) Reverse. Pigure as in the Plate. Legend nana pao, Nanaia. ^ The identity of Bazdeo as one of the three brothers, and as the person alluded to in the Mathura inscriptions under the title of Vdsudeva, in conjunction with Kanislika and Huvishka, seems to be now placed beyond doubt ; but the new coins teach us to discriminate Bazdeo as the third king, in opposition to my sugges- tion (Vol. IX. p. 11, supra.) that Vdsudeva might have been "the titular designation of Kanishka." 2 Prinsep's Essays, pi. xxii. 4, 5, 6-11, 13. J.R.A.S. o.s. Vol. XII. PI. IV. the same figures. Ariana Antiqua, pi. xiv. figs. 12, 13, 16, 17. PI n .] u A s IX :X^:x ^>K /^7* (2 13 l'^ IS iy. 17 18 19 23 ,3 P^ < O 1 o t-. < N PQ « , . • • . . pq r— I cq CO -rt* id CO "cT i=i • »-H 1—1 o • -H P, ^ • r-l o on 'cT O PL, ^^ 1 w o O 'S Q ® o H < •5 ^ •2 ex 1^ O ft ^ ac o.. < O »D «u o 1— 1 < MM -^ ' sun the King,' the second to the moon called muo)ih = ^Vs.^* " Je celebre, j'invoque Ahura et Mithra, eleves, imniortels, purs; et les astres, creations saiutes et celestes; et I'astre Taschter (Tistrya), luniineus, resplen- dissant; et la lune, qui garde le germe du taureau ; et le soleil, souverain, coursier rapide, ceil d' Ahura Mazda ; Mithra, chef des provinces." — Burnouf, Yasna, p. 375. * Creutzer, p. xxiv, fig. 330, etc.; Maury, Hist, des Eeligions, Paris, 1859, vol. iii. p. 127, '^Sin ou Lune des Assyriens . . avait une caractere hermaphro- dite. Cette premiere explication nous donne deux diviuites, placees, pour le dire en passant, dans I'ordre hierarchique, Ahura et Mithra. Mais la separation nieme de ces deux mots, nlmroeihya et mithraeilnja, pourrait faire soup^onner qu'il est question en cet eudroit de deux Mithras, et que aJiura doit etre regarde corame un titre : ' j'invoque, je celebre les deux seigneurs Mithras.' Ces deux Mithras seraient sans doute Mithra male et Mithra femelle, dont le culte etait, pelon les (^refs, anciennement celebre dans la Perse." — Burnouf, Ya^-ua, p. 351 ; Zend-Ave&tu, vol. i. p. 87. 3 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol. v. p. 155, " The two sun gods celebrated in the hymns of the Pig Veda," " Shriia and Savitri.'" ^ " Thou, Surya, outstrippest all in speed.'" — "Wilson, Pig-Yeda, vol. i. p. 131. ^ As in note 1, INIr. Muir also considers that some passages in the Rig- Veda symbolize the Sun under the form of a horse.— Texts, vol. v. p. 158. Prof. Goldstucker has further traced the derivation of the name of the Aswins from " asiva, meaning literally the pervader, then the quick ; then the horse, which becomes the symbol of the sun " — J.R.A.S. Vol. II. n.s. p. 14; Mrs. Manning, Ancient India, vol. i. p. 9. I am fully aware that a coin is extant bearing the letters APOOAcnO {ApOoaa-Ko ?), but the use of the aspa " horse " in this case is not necessarily conclusive against the interpretation of the independent transcript above suggested. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 77 The *APO or *appo is equally obvious in its iutention and in the pictured outline given to the central figure. The name, of course, is derived from the Latin fero^ as embodied in Lucifer and Diana Lucifera. The early Greeks only knew the designation as that of a light-house, without being able to supply a root for the word, or, indeed, to interpret it otherwise than as ''an island in the bay of Alexandria." The term is constant in ancient Persian combinations, as Ataphernes, etc., — which eventually settled into the Aturparn or Fire Priest of the Sassanian period.^ III. Persian Gods. I have repeated the name of miqpo in the Persian column, more out of regard to the early Persian worship of the god, than because I can trace the direct descent of the Mithra of Cyrus to the same Iranian deity in his Eastern home. The simple enumeration of the various forms of the worship of Nanaia would fill volumes. Under its Persian aspect it may be sufficient to refer to Artaxerxes Mnemon's inscription at Susa, which specifies " Ormazd, Tanaitis, and Mithra," ^ as the gods who "help" him. The thirty chapters of the Aban Yasht are devoted to Ardvi Sura AndhUcf, ''sublime, ex- cellent, spotless," whom " Ahuramazda himself is said to have worshipped." ^ And, for the traditions of her worship in the lands with which these coins are indirectly associated, we may cite the many sacred places that still bear her name.^ The Oanindo, Anandates, is a new discovery ; but I con- clude there will be no difficulty in admitting her identity with the Anandates of Strabo.^ 1 See J.E.A.S. Yol. XIII. o.s, p. 415, etc. "We have now new and clear examples of the true ijMj\^Si -diurparn. See also Haug, p. 250. "Soshyantos and Angiras = Atharvans.'" 2 J.kA.S. Yol. XY. p. 159. 3 Haug, pp. 178, 179. * J.A.S. Bengal, vol. iii. 449; v. 266. Masson, "Travels in Balfichist&n." London, 1844, vol. iv. p. 391. Ariana Antiqua, p. 362. 5 Strabo xi. viii. 4 : " They (the Persians) erected there a temple to Anaitis, and the gods Omanus ('fl^aai/oG koX 'AvaSdrov) and Anandatus, Persian deities who have a common altar." xv. iii. 15 : " The same customs are observed in the 78 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. TV. EoMAN Gods. In the identification of the whole list of the Roman and Grseco-Roman gods, I have been guided more by the forms and figures stamped on the coins than by the legends which are supposed to define the names and attributes of each divinity, which must often be accepted as simply independent versions of the original nomenclature. I am uncertain about the decipherment of pi ah, but there can be little doubt for whom the figure is intended. In the same way the type of Mars is manifest ; his title of phopo may be referred to the Zend Aj(3^7ju erefha ^Tf '* great," etc.,^ and though epvOpla^ might find some advocates, Anquetil's Verethre '' victorious " seems to be conclusive as to the derivation. It will be remembered that the nearly similar term of opahopot is to be found on the coins of Kodes? Y. Brahmanical Gods. These several deities, their nomenclatures and attributes, have already been fully adverted to, under their Saivic aspect, in the preceding pages. I have only to add, in addition to what has already been said about apaoxpo, a reference to the fact which seems to have been hitherto lost sight of, that the second portion of this name does not coincide with the legitimate orthography of the OKPO of Siva. Indeed, as far as direct numismatic evidence may furnish a test, Siva is more directly associated with Nana, the Pdrvati of later belief,^ than with the Ardokro, or the Homan definition of '* abundance " on coin No. 16, Plate II. temples of Anaitis and of Oraanus. Belonging to these temples are shrines, and a wooden statue of Omanus is carried in procession. These we have seen ourselves." ^ Burnouf, Yasna, pp. 323, 377, 473. 3 J.R.A.S. Vol. IV. N.s. p. 518. TPKHAOT, OPAH0POY, MAKAPOY. See also Num. Chron. n.s. vol. xiii. p. 229. 3 See coin No. 7, J.R.A.S. Vol. XII. o.s. Plate IV., and J.A.S. Bengal, vol. iv. fig. 7, pi. xxxviii., and Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. pi. xxii. fig. 7, wherein OKPO Saa appears upon the reverse in company with Nana. THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 79 VI. Buddhist. Although I have felt bound to insert the words boaa 2AMana in my Table, on the authority of Gen. Cunningham, I have only been induced to admit any such possible reading by the coincident appearance of definite figures of Buddha, under the double aspect of the conventional standing and seated statues of the saint. I am not myself prepared to follow the present interpre- tation of the legends, though better examples may modify my views.^ But the point I have now more especially to insist upon is, that the appearance of these Buddhist figures is confined to inferior copper pieces of very imperfect execu- tion, whose legends are absolutely chaotic in the forms and arrangement of the Greek letters. So that I should be disposed to assign the limited group of these Buddha-device coins to a comparatively late date in the general series of imitations : which, though still bearing the name and typical devices of Kanerki^ would seem to consist of mere reproduc- tions of old types by later occupants of the localities in which the earlier coins were struck. The Mathura ArchtEOLggical Remains. I adverted, at the commencement of this article, to the importance of the late archaeological discoveries in and around the ancient city of Mathura^ — which so definitely ^ The coin most relied on to prove the intention of the terms " OM BOA or perhaps OAI BOA; either Aum Buddha or Adi Buddha,'' published by General Cunningham in 1845 (J.A.S. Bengal, p. 435, plate 2, fig. S^i, presents a central figure on the reverse exactly like the outline of the APAEIXPO of the present plate. His Nos. 6 and 7, as I have remarked, though clear in the definition of the figures of Buddha, are of coarse fabric, of far later date than the associate OAAO of the same plate, and finally, the letters of the legends are so badly formed and so straggling as to be utterly untrustworthy in establishing any definite reading. The other limited examples of this class of coins will be found in Ariana Antiqua, pi. xiii. figs. 1, 2, 3. Here, again, the figures are incontest- able, but Prof, Wilson did not pretend to interpret the broken legends. Prinsep figured a coin of this description in fig. 11, pi. xxv. J.A.S. Bengal, vol. iii.; Prinsep's Essays, pi. vii. This coin was noticed, but left uninterpreted by Lassea in his paper in the J.A.S. Bengal, 1840, p. 456. ' Amid the cities which were supposed to have claims to the honour of becoming the birthplace of Sakya Muni, Mathura is rejected because its kinga had hereditary ideas inconsistent with the new faith, i.e. adhered to the old, 80 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. establlsli the prominence of the Jaina religion, in the full developments of its sacred statues and associate inscriptions, at or about the commencement of our era.^ The Mathura sculptured monuments have preserved for modern examination the mule images of the saints of the Jainas,- with the devotional dedications of the votaries of the faith appended in all contemporary formality. Jtunism ? " D'autres dirent : La ville de Mathoura, riclie, entendue, florissante, et animee par une population norabreuse, toute remplie d'liommes ; ce palais du roi Soiibahou. . . D'autres dirent : Elle ne convient pas non plus ; pourquoi ? Parce que ce roi est ne dans une famille oti les vues fausses sont hereditaires, et qu'il regiie sur des hommes pareils aux barbares." — Lalita Yistara, Foucaux, p. 25. ^ General Cunningham Tvas fully aware of tbe value of these discoveries, in their bearing upon the associate creeds of Jainism and Buddhism. That he should have ventured so far independently in the direction of the leading argument of this paper is highly encouraging. His remarks are to the following effect : " This is perhaps one of the most startling and important revelations that has been made by recent researches in Indi-". It is true i.uat, according to Jaina books, their faith had continuously flouiished, under a succession of teachers, fi-om the death of Mahavira in B.C. 527 down to the present time. Hitherto, however, there was no tangible evidence to vouch for the truth of this statement. But the Kankali mound at Mathui-&, has now given us the most complete and satisfactory testimony that the Jaina rtl'^-ion, even before the beginning of the Christian era, must have been in a condition almost as rich and flourishing as that of Buddha. " The Kankali mound is a very extensive one, and the number of statues of all sizes, from the colossal downwards, which it has yielded, has scarcely been sur- passed by the prolific returns of Buddhist sculpture from the Jail mound. But, as not more than one-third of the K?nkali mound has yet been thoroughly searched, it may be confidently expected that its complete exploration -^ ill amply repay all the cost and trouble of the experiment." — General Cmiuingham, Arch. Eep. vol. iii. p. 46. 2 Albiruni (a.d. 1030) has furnished us with a description of the forms of many of the Indian idols, derived from the text of Yaraha-Mihira (sixth cent. a.d.). He defines the contrast between the statues of Buddha and those of the Arhats or Jaina saints in the following terms : " Si tu fais la statue de Ljiua, c'est-a-dire Bouddha, tache de lui donner ime figure ao:reable et des membres bien faits. II doit avoir les paumes de la main et le dessous des pieds en forme de uenufar. Tu le representeras assis, ayant des cheveux gris, et respirant un air de bonte, comme s'il etait le pere des creatures. S"il s'agit de donner a Bouddha la figure d'un arhanta, il faut en faire un jeune homme nu,beau de figure, et d'une physionomie agreable. It aura les deux mains appuyees sur les genoux," etc. — Reinaud, Memoires sur I'lnde, p. 121. Dr. Kern's translation, direct from the original Sanskrit text, gives : " The god of the Jainas is figui-ed naked, young, handsome, with a calm coimtenance, and arms reaching down to the knees ; his breast is marked with the Crivatsa figure." — J.E.A.S. Yol. YI. n.s. p. 328. See also Wilson, J.A.S. Bengal, vol. i. p. 4 ; Burnouf, vol. i. p. 312. I omitted to notice in my previous references to nude statues (pp. 14, 18, 19, etc.), the remarkable ex- pressions made use of by Calanus to Onesicritus ; after "bidding him to strip himself naked, if he desired to hear any of his doctrine," he adds, " you should not hear me on any other condition though you came from Jupiter himself." Plutarch in Alexander. The exaction of these conditions seems to point to the tenets of Jainism. While on the subject of discriminating points, I add to the information, outlined THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. 31 These nude statues of the Jaina Tirthankaras teach us, like so many other subordinate indications of the remote antiquit}^ of the creed, in its normal form, to look for parallels amid other forms of worship in their initiatory stage — and here we are inevitably reminded of the time when men made idols after their own images,^ and while those men, in the sim- plicity of nature, stood up, without shame, as the Creator had fashioned them. The value of the dedicatory inscriptions towards the elucidation of my leading question is, however, still more precise and irrecusable, in respect to the age of the monu- ments themselves, in the conjoint record of the name of the great Saint Mahdmra and that of Vdsudeva, — the bazoaho of the Indo-Scythian coins above described, — the third brother, or, as the case may be, the nominal head of the third tribe of the ^'Sushka, Jiishka, and Kanishka " once nomad community. Of the twenty-four dated inscriptions given by General Cunningham in his Archaeological Report for 1871-2, no less than seven refer either directly, or indirectly, in the forms of the pedestals and the statues to which they are attached, to the Jaina creed. Nos. 2 and 3, dated Sam. 5 ; 4, dated Samvat 9, bear the name of Kanishka. No. 6, dated Sam. 20, is remarkable, as it specifies "the gift of one statue of Vm^dhamana" or Mahdvira. at p. 9, a curioUvS account of tlie modern Jaina reverence for the Footprints of their saints : " Shading the temple (of Yasinghji — one of the five snake Brethren, at Th^n) is a large Bdyana tree — the close foliage of small dark green oval leaves, which makes the shade so grateful, apparently having had to do with its being consecrated as a sacred tree in Western India, where it is specially dedicated by the Jainas to their first Tirthankara— Rishabhanatha — the patron saint of Satrufi- jaya — no shrine to him being complete without a Rayana tree overshadowing his charana or footprints." — Mr. Burgess, Arch. Rep. 1875, p. 5. ^ Xenophanes, colo"; tionii Carminura Reliquite, by Simon Karsten (Brussels, 1830), p. vi. His int' i-pretation of one of the leading passages of the Greek text runs : — " v. At mortal^s opinantm- natos esse Deos, mortalique habitu et forma et figura pra?ditos." And vi. continues : " Si vero manus haberent boves vel leones, aut pingere mpnibus et fabricari eadem qua3 homines possent, ipsi quoque Deorum formas pingerent figurasque formarent tales, quali ipsorum quisque praeditus sit, equi equis, boves autem bobus similes." — p. 41. Pliny, xxxiv. p. 9, under iconiccn, adds the Greek practice is, not to cover any part of the "body" of their statues. Max Miiller, Sanskrit Literature, vol. ii. p. 388. 82 THE EARLY FAITH OF ASOKA. No. 16, with the date of Sam. 83, and the name of Mahd- raja Yasu-deva, records, on the pedestal of a naked statue, ''the gift of an image." No. 18, in like manner, preserves, at the foot of "a naked figure," the entry of Sam. 87, and the titles of Maharaja Rdjatirdja Shdhi Vdsu-deva. No. 20, which is, perhaps, the most important of the whole series of inscriptions, is appended to a *' Naked standing figure," and commences with the following words : " Siddham Aiim ? Namo Arahate Mahdvirasya Devandsasya Rdjnya Vdsu Devasya Samvatsare 98, Varsha Mase^ 4 divase^ 11 etasyaJ^ " Glory to the Arhat Mahavira, the destroyer of the Devas ! (In the reign) of King Yasu-deva, in the Samvat year 98, in Yarsha (the rainy season), the 4th month, the 11th day," etc. Without doubt this list might be largely extended from concurrent palaeolithic documents, which do not so definitely declare themselves as of Jaina import; but enough has been adduced to establish the fact of the full and free usage of the Jaina religion in Mathura so early as the epoch of the Indo-Scythian Kanerkis. LII^GUISTIC PUBLICATIONS OP TRUBNER & CO., 57 AND 59, LUDGATE HILL, LONDON, E.G. Ahlwardt. — The Dirlisrs of the Six Ancient Arabic Poets, Ennabiga, 'Antara, Tarafa, Zuhair, 'Algama, and Imruolgais ; chiefly according to the MSS. of Paris, Gotha, and Leyden, and the collection of their Fragments : with a complete list of the various readings of the Text. Edited by W. Ahlwardt, 8vo. pp. XXX. 340, sewed. 1870. 12s. Aitareya Brahmanam of the Rig Veda. 2 vols. See under Haug. Alabaster. — The Wheel of the Law : Euddhism illustrated from Siamese Sources by the Modern Buddhist, a Life of Buddha, and an account of H.M. Consulate-General in Siam ; M.R.A.S. Demy 8vo. pp. Iviii. and 324'. ^ 1871. 14*. Alif Lailat wa Lailat. — The Aeabian Nights. 4 vols. 4to. pp. 495, 493,442,434. Cairo, a.h. 1279 (1862). £3 Ss. This celebrated Edition of the Arabian Nights is now, for the first time, offered at a price ■which makes it accessible to Scholars of limited means. 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Yajra-chhedika, the "Kin Kong King," or Diamond Sutra. Translated from the Chinese by the Rev. S. Beal, Chaplain, R.N. — II. The Paramita-hridaya Sutra, or, in Chinese, " Mo ho-po-j'e-po-lo-mih-to-sin-king," i.e. "The Great Paramita Heart Sutra." Translated from the Chinese by the Rev. S. Beal, Chaplain, R.N. — III. On the Pi'eservation of National Literature in the East. By Colonel F. J. Goldsmid. — IV. On the Agricultural, Commercial, Financial, and Military Statistics of Ceylon. By E. R. Power, Esq. — V. Contributions t(.- a Knowledge of the Yedic Theogony and Mythology. By J. Muir, D.C.L., LL.D. — YI. A Tabular List of Original Works and Translations, published by the late Dutch Government of Ceylon at their Printing Press at Colombo. Compiled by Mr. Mat. P. J. Ondaatje, of Colombo. — YIl. Assyrian and Hebrew Chronology compared, with a \iew of showing the extent to which the Hebrew Chronology of Ussher must be modified, in conformity with the Assyrian Canon. By J. Vs . 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INIuir, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D. — XIY. Brief Notes on the Age and Authenticity of the Work of Aryabhata, Varahamihira, Brahmagupta, Bhattotpala, and Bhaskaracharya. By Dr. Bhau Daji, Hono- rary Member R.A.S.— XY. Outlines of a Grammar of the Malagasy Language. By H. N. Van der" Tuuk. — XYI. On the Identity of Xandrames and Krananda. By Edward Thomas, Esq. Vol.11. In Two Parts, pp. 522, sewed. 16s. Contents. — I. Contributions to a Knowledge of Yedic Theogony and Mythology. No. 2. By J. Muir, Esq. —II. Miscellaneous Hymns from the Rig- and Atharva-Yedas. By J. Muir, Esq. — III. Five hundred questions on the Social Condition of the Natives of Bengal. By the Rev. J. Long.— I v. ^hort account of the Malay Manuscripts belonging to the Royal Asiatic Society. By Dr. H. N. van der Tuuk. — Y. Translation of the Amitabha Sutra from the Chinese. By the Rev. S. Beal, Chaplain Royal Navy. — YI. The initial coinage of Bengal. By Edward Thomas, Esq. — YH. Specimens of an Assyi'ian Dictionary. By Edwin Norris, Esq.— YIII. On the Relations of the Priests to the other classes of Indian Society in the Yedic age By J. Muir, Esq.— IX. On the Interpretation of the Veda. By the same. — X. An attempt to 'Translate from the Chinese a work known as the Confessional Services of the great compassionate Kwan Yin, possessing 1000 hands and 1000 ej-es. By the Rev. S. Beal, Chaplain Royal Navy. XI. The Hymns of the Gaupayanas and the Legend of King Asamati. By Professor Max Miiller, M. A., Honorary Member Royal Asiatic Society. — XIL Specimen Chapters of an Assyrian Grammar. By the Rev. E. Uincks, D. D., Honorary Member Royal Asiatic Society. 5y and 59, Lud^aie Hill, London, E.C. 3 Vol. III. In Two Parts, pp. 516, sewed. With Photograph. 22s. Contents. — I. Contributions towards a Glossary of the Assyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot. —II. Kemarks on the Indo-Chinese Alphabets. By Dr. A. Bastian.— III. The poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, Arragonese. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— IV. Catalogue of the Oriental Manuscripts in the Library of King's College, Cambridge. By Edward Henry Palmer, 15. A , Scholar of St. John's College, Cambridge ; Member of the Royal Asiatic Society , Membre de la Societe Asiatique de Paris. — V. Description of the Ami-avati Tope in Guntur. By J. Fergusson, Esq., F.R.S. — VI. Remarks on Pi'of. Brockhaus' edition of the Kathasarit-sagara, Lambaka IX. XV'IIl. By Dr. H. Kern, Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Leyden. — VII. The source of Colebrooke's Essay " On the Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow." By Fitzedward Hall, Esq., M.A., D.C.L. Oxon. Supplement : Further detail of proofs that Colebrooke's Essay, " On the Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow," was not indebted to the Vivadabhangarnava. By Fitz- edward Hall, Esq.— VIII. The Sixth Hymn of the First Book of the Rig Veda. By Professor Max Muller, M.A. Hon. M.R.A.S.— IX. Sassanian Inscriptions. By E. Thomas, Esq.— X. Ac- count of an Embassy from Morocco to Spain in 1690 and 1691. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— XI. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— XII. Materials for the History of India for the Six Hundred Years of Mohammadan rule, previou.s to the Foundation of the British Indian Empire. By Major W. Nassau Lees, LL.D., Ph.D.— XIII. A Few Words concei-ning the Hill people inhabiting the Forests of the Cochin State. Bv Captain G. E. Fryer, Madras Staff Corps, M.R.A.S.-XIV. Notes on the Bhojpuri Dialect of Hindi, spoken in Western Behar. By John Beames, Esq., B.C.S., Magistrate of Chumparun. Vol. IV. In Two Parts, pp. 521, sewed. 16s. Contents.— I. Contribution towards a Glossary of the Assyrian Language. By H.F.Talbot. Part II.— II. On Indian Chronology. By J. Fergusson, Esq., F.R.S.— III. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan of Arragon. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— IV. On the Magar Language of Nepal. By John Beames, Esq., B.C.S. — V. Contributions to the Knowledge of Parsee Lite- rature. By Edward Sachau, Ph.D.— VI. Illustrations of the Lamaist System in Tibet, drawn from Chinese Sources. By Wm. Frederick Mayers, Esq., of H.B.M. Consular Service, China. — VII. Khuddaka Patha, a Pali Text, with a Translation and Notes. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service. — VIII. An Endeavour to elucidate Rashiduddin's Geographical Notices of India. By Col. H. Yule, C.B.— IX. Sassanian Inscriptions explained by the Pahlavi of the Parsis. By E. W. West, Esq.— X. Some Account of the Senbyu Pagoda at Mengiin, near the Burmese Capital, in a Memorandum by Capt. E. H. Sladan, Political Agent at Mandale ; with Remarks on the Subject by Col. Henry Yule, C.B. — XI. The Brhat-Sanhita ; or. Complete System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-Mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern. -XII. The Mohammedan Law of Evidence, and its influence on the Administration of Justice in India. By N. B. E. Baillie, Esq.— XIII. The Mohammedan Law of Evidence in con- nection with the Administration of Justice to Foreigners. By N. B. E. Baillie, Esq.— XIV. A Translation of a Bactrian Pali Inscription. By Prof. J. Dowson.— XV. Indo-Parthian Coins. By E. Thomas, Esq. Vol. V. In Two Parts, pp. 463, sewed. 18s. Qd. With 10 full-page and folding Plates. Contents.— I. Two Jatakas. The original Pali Text, with an English Translation. By V. Fausboll.— II. On an Ancient Buddhist Inscription at Keu-yung kwan, in North China. By A. Wylie. — III. The Brhat Sanhita; or. Complete System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-Mihira Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— IV. The Pongol Festival in Southern India. By Charles E. Gover.— V. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon, By the Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley.— VI. Essay on the Creed and Customs of the Jangams. By Charles P. Brown.— VII. On Malabar, Coromandel, Quilon, etc. By C. P. Brown.— VIII. On the Treatment of the Nexus in the Neo-Aryan Languages of India. By John Beames, B.C.S. — IX. Some Remarks on the Great Tope at Sanchi. By the Rev. S. Beal.— X. Ancient Inscriptions from Mathura. Translated by Professor J. Dowson. — Note to the Mathura Inscriptions. By Major-General A. Cunningham.— XI. Specimen of a Translation of the Adi Granth. By Dr. Ernest Trumpp.— XII. Notes on Dhammapada, with Special Preference to the Question of Nir- vana. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— XIII. The Brhat-Sanhita ; or, Complete System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H.Kern.— XIV. On the Origin of the Buddhist Arthakathas. By the Mudliar L. Comrilla Vijasinha, Government Interpreter to the Ratiiapura Court, Ceylon. With an Introduction by R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service. — XV. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By the Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley.— XVI. Proverbia Communia Syriaca. By Captain R. F. Burton. XVII. Notes on an Ancient Indian Vase, with an Account of the En- graving thereupon. By Charles Home, M. R. A. S., late of the Bengal Civil Service.— XV III. The Bhar Tribe. By the Rev. M. A. Sherring, LL.D., Benares. Communicated by C. Home, M.R.A.S., late B.C.S. — XIX. Of Jihad in Mohammedan Law, and its application to British India. By N. B. E. Baillie. — XX. Comments on Recent Pehlvi Decipherments. With an Inci- dental Sketch of the Derivation of Aryan Alphabets. And Contributions to the Early History and Geography of Tabai'istan. Illustrated by Coins. By E. Thomas, F.R.S. Vol. VI., Part 1, pp. 212, sewed, with two plates and a map. 8*. Contents.— The Ishmaelites, and the Arabic Tribes who Conquered their Country. By A- Sprenger.— A Brief Account of Four Arabic Works on the History and Geography of Arabia- By Captain S. B. Miles.— On the Methods of Disposing of the Dead at Llassa, Thibet, etc. By Charles Home, late B.C.S, The Brhat-Sanhita; or. Complete System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-mihira, Translated from Sanskrit into Ensjlish by Dr. H. Kern.— Notes on Hwen Thsang's Account of the Principalities of Tokharistan, in which some Previous Geographical Identifications are Reconsidered. By Colonel Yule, C.B.— The Campaign of JJlius Gallus in 4 Linguistic Publications of Trubner 8^ Co., Arabia. By A. Sprenger. — An Account of Jerusalem, Translated for the late Sir H.M.Elliott from the Persian Text of Nasir ibn Khusru's Safanamah by the late Major A. R. Fuller. — The Poetry of Mohamed Kabadan, of Arragon. By the Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley. Vol. YI., Part II., pp. 213 to 400 and Ixxxiv., sewed. Illustrated with a Map, Plates, and Woodcuts. 8*. Contexts. - On Hiouen-Thsang's Journey from Patna to Ballabhi. By James Fergusson, D.C.L., F.R.S. -Northern Buddhism. [Note from Colonel H. Yule, addressed to the Seci'etary.] — Hwen Thsang's Account of the Principalities of Tokharistan, etc. By Colonel H. Yule, C.B. — The Brhat-Sanhita ; or, Complete System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Ur. H. Kern. — The Initial Coinage of Bengal, under the Early Muhammadan Conqueroi-s. Part II. Embracing the preliminary period between a.h. 614-634 (A.D. 1217-1236-7). By Edward Thomas, F.R.S.— The Legend of Dipaiikara Buddha. Translated from the Chinese (and" intended to ilhisti-ate Plates xxtx. and c, 'Tree and Serpent Worship '). By S. Beal. — Note on Art. IX., ante pp. 213-274, on Hiouen-Thsang's Journey from Patna to Ballabhi. By James Fergusson. D.C.L., F.R.S.— Contributions towards a Glossary of the Assyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot. Vol. VTI., Part I., pp. 170 and 24, sewed. With a plate. 8s. Contents. — The Upasampnda-Ka?)imavacd, being the Buddhist Manual of the Form and Manner of Ordering of Priests and Deacons. The Pali Text, with a Translation and Notes. By J. F. Dickson, B.A., sometime Student of Christ Church, Oxford, now of the Ceylon Civil Service.— Notes on the Megalithic Monuments of the Coimbatore District, Madras. By M. J. Walhouse, late Madras C.S. — Notes on the Sinhalese Langimge. No. L On the Formation of the Plural of Neuter Nouns. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— The Pali Text of the 3Iahaparinibhdna Siitta and Commentary, with a Translation. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service — The Brihat-Sanhita ; or, Complete System of Natural Astrology of Yaraha-mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern. — Note on the Valley of Choombi. By Dr. A. Campbell, late Superintendent of Darjeeling. — The Name of the Twelfth Imam on the Coinage of Egypt. By H. Sauvaire and Stanley Lane Poole. — Three Inscriptions of Parakrama Bahu the Great from Pulastipui-a, Ceylon (date circa 1180 a. n.). By T. ^V. 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The Prologue and Knight's Tale, in 6 parallel Texts (from the 6 MSS. named below), together with Tables, showing the Groups of the Tales, and their varying order in 38 MSS. of the Tales, and in the old printed editions, and also Specimens from several MSS. of the " Moveable Prologues" of the Canterbury Tales, — The Shipman's Prologue, and Franklin's Prologue, — when moved from their right places, and of the substitutes for them. II. The Prologue and Knight's Tale from the Ellesmere MS. III. „ „ ., „ „ „ „ Hengwrt ,, 154. IV. „ „ „ ,, „ „ „ Cambridge „ Gg. 4. 27. V. „ „ „ „ „ „ „ Corpus „ Oxford. VI. ,, „ y, ,, ,, „ ,, ir^etwortn, ,, VII. „ „ ,, „ ,, ,, „ Lansdowne ,, 851. Nos. II. to VII. are sej)arate Texts of the 6-Text edition of the Canterbury Tales, Part I. 1868. Second Series. 1 . On Eauly English Pronunciation, with especial reference to Shak- spere and Chaucer, containing an investigation of the Correspondence of Writing with Speech in England, from the Anglo-Saxon period to the present day,preceded by a systematic notation of all spoken sounds, by means of the ordinary print- ing types. Including a re-arrangement of Prof. F. J. Child's IMemoirs on the Language of Chaucer and Gower, and Reprints of the Rare Tracts by Salesbury on English, 1547, and Welsh, 1567, and by Barcley on French, 1521. By Alexander J. Ellis, F.R.S., etc., etc. Part I. On the Pronunciation of the xivth, xvith, xvuth, and xviiith centuries. 2. Essays on Chatjcee; His Words and Works. Part I. 1. Ebert's Review of Sandras's E'tude sur Chaucer, considerecomme Imitateur des Trouveres, translated by J. W. Van Rees Hoets, M.A., 1 rinity Hall, Cambridge, and revised by the Author. — II. A Thirteenth Century Latin Treatise on the Chilindre: "For by my chilindre it is prime of day " [Shipmannes Tale). Edited, with a Trans- lation, by Mr. Edmund Broc-k, and illustrated by a Woodcut of the Instrument from the Ashmole MS. 1522. 3. A Temporaey Preface to the Six-Text Edition of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. Part I. Attempting to show the true order of the Tales, and the Days and Stages of the Pilgrimage, etc., etc. By F. J. Furnivall, Esq., M.A., Trinity Hall, Cambridge. ±JS.. X. >» )> » )> >J It >« J> XI. 5» >» »> >> XII. ?» >• » )» XIII. 5> 5> >J 1' 57 a?2(i 59, Ludgate Hilly London, E.C. 13 Chaucer Society's Publications — continued. 1869. i^/rs^ Series. VIII. The Miller's, Eeeve's, Cook's, and GameljTi's Tales : Ellesraere MS. ■"■^ Hengwrt „ Cambridge „ Corpus „ Pet worth „ Lansdowne ,, These are separate issues of the 6-Text Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, Part II. 1869. Second Series. 4. English PEO]sr[jNCiATioN", with especial reference to Shakspere and Chaucer. By Alexander J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part II. 1870. First Series. XIY. Canterbury Tales. Part II. The Miller's, Reeve's, and Cook's Tales, with an Appendix of the Spurious Tale of Gamelyn, in Six parallel Texts. 1870. Second Series. 5. On Eaely English Peontjnciation, with especial reference to Shak- spere and Chaucer. By A. J. Ellis, F.R.S., F.S.A. Part III. Illustrations on the Pronunciation of xivth and xvith Centuries. Chaucer, Gower, WyclifFe, Spenser, Shakespere, Salesbury, Barcley, Hart, Bullokar, Gill. Pronouncing Vocabulary. 1871. First Series. XV. The Man of Law's, Shipraan's, and Prioress's Tales, with Chaucer's own Tale of Sir Thopas, in 6 parallel Texts from the MSS. above named, and 10 coloured drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the originals in the Ellesmere MS. XVI. The Man of Law's Tale, &c., &c. : Ellesmere xMS. XVII. „ „ „ „ Cambridge „ XVIII. ,, ,, ,, ,, Corpus „ XIX. The Shipraan's, Prioress's, and Man of Law's Tales, from the Petworth MS. XX. The Man of Law's Tales, from the Lansdowne MS. (each with woodcuts of fourteen drawings of Tellers of Tales in the Ellesmere ISIS.) XXI. A Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer's Minor Poems, Part I.:— 'The Dethe of Blaunche the Duchesse,' from Thynne's ed. of 1532, the Fairfax MS. 16, and Tanner MS. 346; 'the compleynt to Pite,' 'the Parlamentof Foules,' and 'the Compleynt of Mars,' each from six MSS. XXII. Supplementary Parallel-Texts of Chaucer's Minor Poems, Part I., con- taining ' The Parlament of Foules,' from three MSS. XXIII. Odd Texts of Chaucer's Minor Poems, Part I,, containing 1. two MS. fragments of ' The Parlament of Foules ; ' 2. the two differing versions of * The Prologue to the Legende of Good Women,' arranged so as to show their differences ; 3. an Appendix of Poems attributed to Chaucer, I. 'The Balade of Pitee by Chauciers;' ii. 'The Cronycle made by Chaucer,' both from 1\1 SS. written by Shirley, Chaucer's contemporary. XXIV. A One- I ext Print of Chaucer "s Minor Poems, being the best Text from the Parallel-Text Edition, Part I., containing: 1. The Dethe of Blaunche the Duchesse ; 2. The Compleynt to Pite ; 3. The Parlament of Foules; 4. The Compleynt of Mars; 5. The ABC, with its original from De Guileville's Peler'uiuye de la Vie humaine (edited from the best Paris MSS, by M. Paul Meyer). 1871. Second Series. 6. Teial Eohe-woeds to my Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer's Minor 14 Linguistic Publications of Trilbner ^ Co.., Chaucer Society's Publications — continued. Poems for the Chaucer Society (with a try to set Chaucer's "Works in their right order of Time). By Fredk. J. Fuknivall, Parti. (This Part brings out, for the first time, Chaucer's long early but hopeless love.) 1872. First Series. XXV. Chaucer's Tale of Melibe, the Monk's, Nun's Priest's, Doctor's, Par- doner's, "Wife of Bath's, Friar's, and Summoner's Tales, in 6 parallel Texts from the MSS. above named, and with the remaining 13 coloured drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the originals in the EUesmere MS. XXV I. The Wife's, Friar's, and Summoner's Tales, from the EUesmere MS., with 9 woodcuts of Tale-Tellers. (Part IV.) XXVII. The Wife's, Friar's, Summoner's, Monk's, and Nun's Priest's Tales, from the Hengwrt MS., with 23 woodcuts of the Tellers of the Tales. (Part III.) XXVIII. The Wife's, Friar's, and Summoner's Tales, from the Cambridge MS., with 9 woodcuts of Tale-Tellers. (Part IV''.) XXIX. A Treatise on the Astrolabe; otherwise called Bred and Mylk for Children, addressed to his Son Lowys by Geoffrey Chaucer. Edited by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat, M.A. 1872. Second Series. 7. Oeiginals akd Analogues of some of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. Part 1. 1. The original of the Man of Law's Tale of Constance, from the French Chronicle of Nicholas Trivet, Arundel MS. 5Q, ab. 1340 a.d., collated with the later copy,ab. 1400, in the National Library at Stockholm ; copied and edited with a trnslation, by Mr. Edmund Brock. 2. The Tale of " Mercians the Emperor," from the Early- English version of the Gesta Romanoricm in Harl. MS. 7333; and 3 Part of Matthew Paris's Vita Offce Primi, both stories, illustrating incidents in the Man of Law's Tale. 4. Two French Fabliaux like the Reeve's Tale. 5. Two Latin Stories like the Friar's Tale. 1873. First Series. XXX. The Sis-Text Canterbury Tales, Part V., containing the Clerk's and Merchant's Tales. 1873. Second Series. 8. Albertano of Brescia's Liber Consilii et Cojisolationis, a.d. 1246 (the Latin source of the French original of Chaucer's Melibe), edited from the MSS. bv Dr. Thor Sundby. 1874. First Series. XXXI. The Six-Text, Part VI., containing the Squire's and Franklin's Tales. XXXII. to XXXVI. Large Parts of the separate issues of the Six MSS. 1874. Second Series. 9. Essays on Chaucer, his Words and "Works, Part II. : 3. John of Hoveden's Praetica Chilindri, edited from the MS. with a translation, by Mr. E. Brock. 4. Chaucer's use of the final -i> Lithograph Plates. 4to. half-calf, pp. 340. £6 6s. D'Alwis. — Buddhist Nievana ; a Review of Max Muller's Dhamma- pade. By James D'Alwis, Member of the Royal Asiatic Society. 8vo. sewed, pp. X. and 140. Qs. D'Alwis. — Pali Translations. Part Pirst. By James D'Alwis, Member of the Royal Asiatic Society. 8vo. sewed, pp. 24. \s. D'Alwis. — A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit, Pali, and Sinhalese Literary Works of Ceylon. By James D'Alwis, M.R.A.S., Advocate of the Supreme Court, &c., &c. In Three Volumes. Vol. L, pp. xxxii. and 214, sewed. 1870. 8s. 6f/. [J^ols. II. and III. i/i 2^reparation. Davids. — Three Inscriptions of PARaKRAMA Banu the Great, from Pulastipura, Ceylon. By T. W. Rhys Davids. 8vo. pp. 20. ls.6d. 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Simple in its design, it ■will be consulted with advantage by the philological student, the amateur linguist, the bookseller, the corrector of the press, and the diligent compositor. ALPHABETICAL INDEX. Afghan (or Pushto). Czechian(or Bohemian). Hebrew (current hand). Polish. Amharic. Danish. Hebrew (Judaso-Ger- Pushto (or Afghan). Anglo-Saxon. Demotic. Hungarian, [man). Eomaic(Modern Greek Arabic. Estrangelo. Illyi'ian. Russian. Arabic Ligatures. Ethiopic. Irish. Eimes. Aramaic. Etruscan. Italian (Old). Samaritan. Archaic Characters. Georgian. Japanese. Sanscrit. Armenian. German. Javanese. Sei'vian. AssTiian Cuneiform. Glagolitic. Lettish. Slavonic (Old). Bengali. Gothic. Mantshu. Sorbian (or Wendish). Bohemian (Czechian). Greek. Median Cuneiform. Swedish. Biigis. Greek Ligatures. Modern Greek (Romaic) Syriac. Burmese. Greek (Archaic). Mongolian. Tamil. Canarese (or Carnataca). Gujerati(orGuzzeratte). Numidian. Telugu. Chinese. Hieratic. OldSlavonic(orCyrillic). Tibetan. Coptic. Hieroglyphics. Palmyrenian. Turkish. Croato-Glagolitic. Hebrew. Persian. Wallachian. Cutic. Hebrew (Archaic). Persian Cuneiform. "Wendish (or Sorbian), Cyrillic (or Old Slavonic). Hebrew (Rabbinical). Phoenician. Zend. Grassmann. — Woeteebuch zum Eig-Veda. Yon Heemann Geassmann, Professor am Marienstifts- Gymnasium zu Stettin. Svo. pp. 1775. £1 10s. Green. — Shakespeaee and the Emblem-AVeitees : an Exposition of their Similarities of Thought and Expression, Preceded by a View of the Emblem-Book Literature down to a.d. 1616. By Henry Greex, M.A. In one volume, pp. xvi. 572, profusely illustrated with Woodcuts and Photolith. Plates, elegantly bound in cloth gilt, large medium Svo. £l lis. 6d ; large imperial Svo. 1S70. £2 12s. 6d. Grey. — Handbook of Afeican, Atjstealian, and Polynesian Phi- lology, as represented in the Library of His Excellency Sir George Grey, K.C.B., Her Majesty's High Commissioner of the Cape Colony. Classed, Annotated, and Edited by Sir George Grey and Dr. H. 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Grey. — Maoei Mementos: being a Series of Addresses presented by the Native People to His Excellency Sir George Grey, K.C.B., F.R.S. With Introductory Remarks and Kxplanatory Notes ; to which is added a small Collec- tion of Laments, etc. By Ch. Oliver B. Davis. Svo. pp. iv. and 22b, cloth. 126-. Griffin. — The Rajas of the Punjab. Being the History of the Prin- cipal States in the Punjab, and their Political Relations vpiththe British Govern- ment. By Lepel H . Griffin, Bengal Civil Service ; Under Secretary to the Government of the Punjab, Author of '* The Punjab Chiefs," etc. Second edition. Ptoyal 8vo., pp. xiv. and 630. 216-. Griffith. — ScEXEs eeom the Eamatana, Meghadtjta, etc. Translated by Ralph T. H. Griffith, M.A., Principal of the Benares College. Second Edition. Crown Svo. pp. xviii., 244, cloth. 6s. Contents.— Preface— Ayodhya—Ravan Doomed— The Birth of Rama— The Heir apparent— Manthara's Guile— Dasaratha's Oath— The Step-mother -Mother and Son— The Triumph of Love— Farewell? -The Hermit's Son— The Trial of Truth— The Forest— The Rape of Sita— Rama's Despair— The Messenger Cloud— Khumbakarna— The Suppliant Dove— True Glory- Feed the Poor— The Wise Scholar. Griffith. — The EImIyai^ of Valmiki. Translated into English verse. By Ralph T. H. Griffith, M.A., Principal of the Benares College. 5 vols. Vol. I., containing Books I. and II. Demy Svo. pp. xxxii. 440, cloth. 1870. IBs. Vol. XL, containing Book II.. with additional Notes and Index of Names. Demy Svo. pp. 504, cloth. ISs. Vol. III. Demy Svo. pp. v. and 371, cloth. 1872. 15s. Vol. IV. Demy Svo. pp. viii. and 432. 1873. 18«. Vol. V. Demy Svo. pp. 368, cloth. 1875. 15s. Grout. — The Isizultj : a Grammar of the Zulu Language ; accompanied with an Historical Introduction, also with an Appendix. By Rev. Lewis Grout. 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Hang". — The Book of Arda Yiraf. The Pahlavi text prepared by Destur Hoshangji Jamaspji Asa. Revised and collated with further MSS., with an English translation and Introduction, and an Appendix containing the Texts and Translations of the Gosht-i Fryano and Hadokht Nask. By Martix Haug, Ph.D., Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Philology at the Uni- versity of Munich. Assisted by E. W. West, Ph.D. Published by order of the Bombay Government. 8vo. sewed, pp. Ixxx., v., and 316. £\ 5s. Haug. — A Lecture on an Original Speech of Zoroaster (Yasna 45), with remarks on his age. By Martin Haug, Ph.D. Svo. pp. 28, sewed. Bombay, 1865. 2s. Haug". — The Aitarkya Brah:mana:m of the Eig Yeda : containing the Earliest Speculations of the Brahmans on the meaning of the Sacrificial Prayers, and on the Origin, Performance, and Sense of the Rites of the Vedic Religion. 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Wilson. — Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus. Trans- lated from the Original Sanskrit. By the late Horace Hayman Wilson, M A.,F.R.S. Third corrected edition. 2 vols. 8vo., pp. Ixxi. and 384; iv. and 418, cloth. 21^. CONTENTS. Vol. I. — Preface — Treatise on the Dramatic System of the Hindus— Dramas translated from the Original Sanskrit — The Mrichchakati, or the Toy Cart — Vikram aand Urvasi, or the Hero and the Nymph — Uttara Rama Chantra, or continuation of the History of Rama. Vol. II.— Dramas translated from the Original Sanskrit— Malati and Madhava, or the Stolen Marriage — Miidril Rakshasa, or the Signet of the Minister — Ratnavali, or the Necklace — Appendix, containing short accounts of different Dramas. Wilson. — TnE Present State of the Cultivation of Oriental Litki