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 Vreeland, Hamilton, 18 
 Hugo Grotius 
 
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 Princeton Theological Seminary Library 
 
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Hugo Grotius 
 

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Clrotius at the age of forty-eight 
 
Hugo 
 
 Grotius 
 
 the Father of the Modern Science 
 of International Law 
 
 HAMILTON VREELAND, Jr., LL.B., Ph.D. 
 of the New York Bar 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 AMERICAN BRANCH : 35 West 32nd Street 
 LONDON. TORONTO, MELBOURNE AND BOMBAY 
 
 1917 
 
Copyright, 1917, by 
 Hamilton Vreeland, Jr. 
 
TO THE MEN AND WOMEN OF AMERICA 
 
 whose combined Thought creates Public Opinion, the Ruler of 
 our Nation, this book is dedicated, with the hope that it may 
 turn their mental and physical energy toward that great move- 
 ment of the world which will substitute scales weighing Justice 
 for scales weighing Might in the settlement of International 
 Disputes. 
 
 “Maxime autem Christian! reges et civitates 
 tenentur hanc inire viam ad arma vitanda.” 
 
PREFACE 
 
 When this book was begun the world was little 
 interested in the work of the Hollander, Hugo 
 Grotius. To-day, his writings in the field of Inter- 
 national Law are once more in the glare of public 
 scrutiny. I say once more, for, during the three 
 hundred years that have run their course since 
 Grotius lived and wrote, his work as a jurist has 
 from time to time been subjected to the severest of 
 tests, occasioned by armed conflicts between nations. 
 Yet the principles which this man laid down to 
 govern the conduct of nations with one another 
 have remained intact to a remarkable degree up to 
 the present day. They have stood the test of time. 
 
 The mind of Grotius was projected simulta- 
 neously into so many fields, was productive of the 
 finest work in so many subjects, that it is almost im- 
 possible to discuss fully and minutely his many 
 phases. His work as a theologian, poet, and his- 
 torian I have attempted briefly to set forth, but it 
 is his work as a jurist, international lawyer, states- 
 man, and diplomatist that has claimed most of my 
 attention. It is Grotius, the father of the modern 
 science of International Law, who lives to-day, and 
 it is this Grotius whose life I have endeavored to 
 write. 
 
 vii 
 
via 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 There is exceedingly little published in English 
 on this great man. As one scans the record of his- 
 tory and international politics he comes, from time 
 to time, upon the name, but it is seldom more than 
 a name. The books I have most relied upon are 
 Caspar Brandt’s “Historie van het leven des heeren 
 Huig de Groot,” with Adriaan van Cattenburgh’s 
 “Vervolg der Historie van het leven des heeren 
 Huig de Groot,” and De Burigny’s “Vie de 
 Grotius.” 
 
 Caspar Brandt is one of the greatest of Dutch 
 historians. He died before he had completed the 
 life of Grotius, having carried it to the year 1632. 
 An attempt by his son to finish the work was 
 abandoned, and Cattenburgh, also a prolific and 
 exhaustive writer, completed the undertaking. The 
 first edition of the work of Brandt and Cattenburgh 
 appeared at Dordrecht and Amsterdam in 1727, the 
 second edition at the same places in 1732. It will 
 thus be seen that these men wrote at a time most 
 advantageous to their work. Enough years had 
 passed to enable them to obtain the proper per- 
 spective as well as to secure access to important 
 letters. 
 
 During my research work at the University of 
 Leiden, I was able to verify many of Brandt’s and 
 Cattenburgh’s references. From this investigation 
 it is evident that their work is all most accurate, 
 and that they justly deserve the reputation they 
 enjoy in Holland. I may further add that I have 
 
PREFACE 
 
 IX 
 
 seen letters from Pieter and Hugo de Groot, son 
 and grandson of Grotius, to Brandt, offering docu- 
 ments and letters in their possession to the historian 
 for use in his work. 
 
 The first edition of De Burigny was published in 
 1752 at Paris, the second in 1754 at Amsterdam. 
 The references to this work are to the second edi- 
 tion. Burigny’s work I have also investigated and 
 found most trustworthy. 
 
 In addition to these sources, I have read many 
 of the Latin letters of Grotius. The references to 
 these epistles are to the collection of the year 1687, 
 “H. Grotii Epistolae quotquot reperiri potuerunt. 
 Amstelodami, 1687.” The other works mentioned 
 in the foot-notes, being more recent publications, 
 speak for themselves. 
 
 Grateful thanks I wish to express to Dr. Leonard 
 C. van Noppen, Queen Wilhelmina Professor of 
 Dutch Literature at Columbia University, and the 
 translator of Vondel’s “Lucifer.” To him I owe 
 the stimulus that led me to undertake this book, and 
 it was under his instruction that I learned my first 
 Dutch. Throughout the time of research and writ- 
 ing his interest and encouragement have been a con- 
 stant aid. 
 
 I wish also to thank most heartily Messrs. 
 Wouter Nijhoff and August Heyting of The Hague, 
 and Professors Kalff, van Eysinga, and van Vollen- 
 hoven of the University of Leiden for references I 
 should probably never have found alone, and for 
 
X 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 kindly aid along the paths of rather difficult old 
 Dutch. 
 
 To Dr. John Bassett Moore, Professor of Inter- 
 national Law and Diplomacy at Columbia Univer- 
 sity; and to Dr. George M. Priest of Princeton 
 University, I am also greatly indebted for very 
 helpful criticism of this work. 
 
 Finally I wish to make public expression of my 
 deep gratitude to my father and mother for their 
 assistance, without which this undertaking would 
 have been impossible. 
 
 New York, April, 1917. 
 
 H. V., Jr. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Birth, Ancestry and Boyhood 1 
 
 Grotius’ birth — His ancestry — His boyhood and early stud- 
 ies — Enters the University of Leiden — His work there 
 — Reputation as a youth — Grotius goes to France with 
 a special embassy. 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 Youthful Activities 21 
 
 The journey of the envoys — Grotius meets King Henry of 
 France — His stay in that country — Returns to Holland 
 and registers as a lawyer — Early writings — The 
 “Adamus Exul,” “Christus Patiens,” “Sophomphaneas” 
 
 — Friendship of Grotius and Vondel. 
 
 CHAPTER HI 
 
 The “De Jure Praedae” 39 
 
 Grotius is chosen to write a history of his country — His 
 method of pleading — Dissatisfaction with the practice 
 of law — The “De Jure Praedae” — Chosen for office of 
 Attorney General — Marries Maria van Reigersbergen — 
 Grotius publishes “The Free Sea” — England attempts 
 to refute his teachings — “History of Old Holland” 
 published — “History of the Netherlands 1560-1609” 
 completed — Grotius becomes Pensionary of Rotter- 
 dam — The Dutch-English fisheries dispute, over which 
 Grotius is sent to England — Grotius’ directions for 
 study. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 Theological and Political Controversy 68 
 
 The Arminius-Gomar theological controversy — Maurice 
 favors the Gomarists, Grotius the Arminians — Grotius 
 draws up an Edict to restore tranquillity — The polit- 
 ical breach — Grotius is a member of a deputation to 
 Amsterdam — The Prince resorts to force — The 25th 
 of July in Utrecht — Arrest of Grotius. 
 
 xi 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 xii 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Arrest and Trial 85 
 
 National Synod held — Intervention of Louis XIII in behalf 
 of the prisoners — Grotius writes to Prince Maurice — 
 Letters to and from his wife — His first examination — 
 Ledenberg kills himself — Barneveld’s sentence and 
 death — Grotius condemned to perpetual imprisonment. 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 Imprisonment and Escape 121 
 
 Grotius is transported to Loevestein — His literary work 
 there — His escape. 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 Residence in Paris and Literary Products ISO 
 
 Grotius takes up his residence in Paris — His reception there 
 — Madame de Groot arrives in Paris — Grotius is grant- 
 ed a pension — “The Truth of the Christian Religion” 
 ready for the press — Other literary products — The 
 “Justification of the Lawful Government of Holland 
 and West Friesland,” and its effect — Grotius moves 
 to Balagni — Begins the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” — His 
 services sought by the Prince of Holstein and the King 
 of Denmark — The death of Hoogerbeets. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 The “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” 164 
 
 The “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” published — Placed upon the 
 Papal Index — Grotius’ indebtedness to forerunners — 
 
 The development of the modern science of Interna- 
 tional Law. 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 Financial Difficulties and Appointment as Ambassador . 178 
 Grotius’ financial difficulties — He returns to Holland — But 
 is forced to leave for Hamburg — The Thirty Years’ 
 War — Grotius is appointed Ambassador from Sweden 
 to France. 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 Diplomatic Activities 193 
 
 Grotius journeys to Paris — His reception — Official duties — 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 xiii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Oxenstiern conies to France — Diplomatic activities of 
 Grotius — His difficulties — Efforts for peace — A diplo- 
 matic quarrel. 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 Diplomatic Activities and Death 211 
 
 Further negotiations — The conduct of Schmalz — Death of 
 the Duke of Weimar, and the scheme of Charles Louis 
 — His arrest and release — The exchange of Horn and 
 de Vert — Renewal of the French-Swedish treaty — 
 Arrival of Cerisante — Grotius is recalled — His death. 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 As A Living Force 235 
 
 Literary products of Grotius’ last years — Praise of the 
 statesman — The United States decorates the tomb of 
 Grotius — Grotius as a living force. 
 
Hugo Grotius 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 BIRTH, ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD 
 
 Grotius’ birth — His ancestry — His boyhood and early studies — 
 Enters the University of Leiden — His work there — Reputation as 
 a youth — Grotius goes to France with a special embassy. 
 
 The heroic siege of Leiden had been history for 
 eight years, ^ and the world-famous University of 
 that name, given to the burghers of the town by 
 William the Silent, Prince of Orange, as an undying 
 manifestation of his gratitude for, and appreciation 
 of, their heroism and bravery, was still in its infancy, 
 when there came into the world the man who was 
 destined to become the foremost scholar, theologian, 
 lawyer, statesman, and diplomatist of his age, and 
 a poet and historian by no means insignificant. 
 
 Huig or Hugo de Groot, named after his grand- 
 father, and better known by the Latinized form of 
 the name, Grotius, was born in Delft at seven 
 o’clock in the evening of Easter Sunday, the tenth of 
 
 1 The Siege of Leiden lasted from November, 1573, to October 
 
2 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 April, 1583," the same year in which the Count of 
 Anjou had undertaken his “rash assault against the 
 Netherlands.” ® It was at the very crisis of the 
 great struggle between Spain and the Netherlands 
 begun by Charles V twenty years before and carried 
 on after his death by his son Philip II, and in the 
 very town where, one year later, William of Orange 
 was struck down by the hand of Balthazar Gerard, 
 the agent of Philip II of Spain. 
 
 All Europe was then overshadowed with black 
 clouds of massacre, assassination, and war. Fifteen 
 years before, the Holy Inquisition had sent forth 
 the Edict condemning all Hollanders to death as 
 heretics; eleven years before, the Massacre of St. 
 Bartholomew had furnished the precedent for the 
 murder of peoples and assassination of rulers which 
 was followed in 1575 in Antwerp, and which was 
 made more easy of repetition by the frenzied tenden- 
 cies of the time. The Thirty Years’ War, the 
 greatest of the so-called religious wars of Europe, 
 was approaching with the sureness of Fate. 
 
 Does it not seem fitting that the man whom pos- 
 
 2 For a time there was some controversy over the date of 
 Grotius’ birth ; some, among them Bouhier, claiming that he was 
 born in 1582. However, an examination of the letters of Grotius 
 has left no doubt in the matter, for, on Easter Sunday, 1615, 
 Grotius wrote (Ep. 55, p. 18) to Vossius that, on that day, he was 
 32; on March 25th, 1617 (Ep. 95, p. 41) to the same friend, 
 “Easter Eve, which begins my thirty-fifth year” ; on Easter Day, 
 1644 (Ep. 697, p. 965), that he was 61 years old. He also 
 informs us that he was 15 when he first went to France (Poems, 
 p. 213), which was in 1598, and that he was 31 on Easter Day, 
 1614 (Poems, p. 217). The hour of Grotius’ birth is given by 
 Brandt, “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 5. 
 
 3 This was in January, 1583 — Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig 
 de Groot,” Bk. I, pp. 5, 6. 
 
BIRTH, ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD 3 
 
 terity was to call the Father of International Law, 
 whose “Rights of War and Peace” was destined to 
 serve humanity more effectively than any work not 
 attributed to divine inspiration, should have first 
 seen the troubled skies of these terrible years in the 
 waning light of an Easter eve ? Each year through- 
 out his life he celebrated the day of his birth on 
 Easter Sunday.* 
 
 That Grotius was well born there is not a particle 
 of doubt. Brandt, the old Dutch historian, tells us 
 that “De Groot was born of an ancient and impor- 
 tant family,” ® and then speaks of the origin of the 
 great lawyer in these words — “It is clear from old 
 memoirs, that there were for several centuries in 
 the Province of Delft many castles and strongholds 
 of noble ancestral houses, among which the castle of 
 Kraeyenburg excelled, lying between Delft and The 
 Hague, to the East of the canal, which, in the gen- 
 eral opinion, was dug by order of the Roman Gen- 
 eral Corbulo, and runs to Leiden, in the place which 
 (though this is not certain) one, in his walking, still ® 
 sees the house called ‘Crows-Nest’ — occupied by the 
 gentleman Herbert van Beaumont, Secretary of the 
 States of Holland and West Friesland. Further it 
 is gathered from no dark sources, that this house of 
 Kraeyenburg has been one and the same house or 
 race with that from which the family of the ‘Great’ 
 
 * Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 7 ; Ep. 490, p. 895. 
 
 “Pascha enim pro Natali, ut scis, observo.” 
 
 ® Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 2. 
 
 ® The first edition of Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot” 
 was published in 1727. 
 
 J 
 
 /- 
 
4 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 (Grooten), taken from the Dutch given name de 
 Groot, has taken its origin, this given name of 
 ‘Great’ having existed in this family for more than 
 four hundred years and in all probability having 
 been given to them for some great and excellent ser- 
 vice to the Fatherland. For, from the public regis- 
 ters it is ascertained that the descendant offspring of 
 this stock have been born not only very great lovers 
 of their land, but also brave maintainers of the laws 
 of the land, without giving any thought to their own 
 danger. These men, now that among many others, 
 the castle of Kraeyenburg was annihilated and ruined 
 by civil and foreign wars, betook themselves at last 
 within the adjacent town of Delft, and being re- 
 ceived there as lords and being admitted to the most 
 ancient offices of dignity of the State, have held the 
 honorable positions under the same title of de Groot, 
 up to our time, keeping always the coat of arms of 
 the family of Kraeyenburg, which still belongs to the 
 house of de Groot and are even her very own, as the 
 most certain proof of their origin.” ^ 
 
 As for the parentage of Hugo de Groot, we 
 know that in the beginning of the sixteenth century 
 there traveled into the low countries a gentleman 
 from France. This man, stopping at Delft, became 
 acquainted with the only daughter of the Burgo- 
 master there, and, falling in love with her, finally 
 obtained her hand in marriage. The name of the 
 bridegroom was Cornelius Cornets, who “held his 
 
 ^ Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 3. 
 
BIRTH, ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD 5 
 
 origin from the family of Cornets, which had come 
 from France to the Netherlands with the Counts of 
 Borgonje.” ® The bride was Ermgardt de Groot, 
 whose grandfather, Hugo de Groot, in 1485, at the 
 age of forty had come to Delft, and whose father 
 Dirk Huigen de Groot had continually filled the of- 
 fices of Alderman, Treasurer, Burgomaster, and Re- 
 ceiver there, from the year 1491 to the time of his 
 death in 1523. 
 
 But the young lady appears to have had a mind 
 of her own about some things, and was not to be 
 won without certain concessions on the part of her 
 prospective husband. It seems that about 1530 the 
 male descendants of the dead Burgomaster had dis- 
 appeared and that Ermgardt de Groot, finding her- 
 self the “head of a house of very great means,” ® re- 
 fused to marry Cornets unless “the sons, which 
 should be born, should have no other name than 
 that of de Groot.” Cornets consented, how read- 
 ily we do not know, and so it was that the son of this 
 marriage, the grandfather of the great statesman, 
 was named Hugo Cornelius de Groot. Brandt de- 
 scribes the grandfather of Grotius as a man who 
 “reached a high summit of learning in the Hebrew, 
 Greek, and Latin languages,” who “combined the 
 names, coats of arms, means and titles of both 
 houses, namely of de Groot and Cornets, and the old 
 dignities of the house of de Groot, which had been 
 
 ^ Ibid., Bk. I, p. 4. 
 
 9 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 4. 
 
 10 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 4. 
 
6 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 inheritable in the family for three centuries, and 
 which could not be filled by his father, Cornelius 
 Cornets, since he had been born outside of Holland, 
 being renewed, took the offices of Towncouncilman 
 and Burgomaster amid the great applause of the 
 people.” “ 
 
 Hugo Cornelius chose for his wife Maria Stef- 
 fens, and after her death, married Elseling van 
 Heemskerk, a daughter of the house of Heemskerk 
 “which has been reckoned of old among the noblest 
 families of Holland,” and which gave to her coun- 
 try, among others, the sea-hero Jacob van Heems- 
 kerk, who died in battle before Gibraltar and who 
 has been honored by the Poet of Muiden with a fit- 
 ting epitaph.^® 
 
 When Hugo Cornelius de Groot died in Delft, 
 April 1 2th, 1567, in his fifth Burgomastership, he 
 left two sons, Cornelius and John, who, it seems, 
 inherited his ability as well as his possessions, for 
 they both held honorable positions in the service of 
 their country before they died. Cornelius, the elder 
 son and the uncle of Grotius, born July 25th, 1544, 
 having learned Latin in Delft (the town of his 
 birth) under the Rector Henry Junius along with 
 John van der Does, “Heer van Nordwijk,” and 
 Jacob van Egmondt, “Heer van Kenenburg,” went 
 
 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 4. 
 
 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 4. 
 
 The Poet of Muiden was Hooft, a contemporary and friend 
 of Grotius. The verse runs : 
 
 “Heemskerk, die dwers door’t ijs en ijser darde streven, 
 
 Liet d’eer aan’t Landt, hier’t lijf, voor Gibralter het leven,” 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 4. 
 
BIRTH, ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD 7 
 
 from there to Leuven to learn the Greek and 
 Hebrew languages, and to study Philosophy, and in 
 his twentieth year to Paris “where he exercised him- 
 self diligently in the study of law, and, within a little 
 time, obtained at Orleans the title of ‘Licentiaet’ of 
 Law.” Returning to his native country he served 
 in the Town Council of Delft in the year 1573, as 
 Master of Requests of Prince William of Orange 
 in 1575, and at the same time, the University of 
 Leiden having just been founded, as Professor first 
 of Philosophy (it is said that he knew the philoso- 
 phic works of Plato almost by heart) and then of 
 Law there. These duties, says Brandt, “he fol- 
 lowed and fulfilled with such great zeal and enjoy- 
 ment that when, in his later years, he was more than 
 once sought as a member of the High Council, he 
 thus heartily refused,” only to have them come to 
 him on numerous occasions for advice on questions 
 of importance. He was elected Rector of the Uni- 
 versity six times and in this capacity sat as judge for 
 all members of the University in matters both civil 
 and criminal. * This remarkable man died on the 
 25th of July, 1610, the day of his birth, leaving no 
 children. 
 
 Jan de Groot, the second son, and the father of 
 Grotius, seems to have possessed the qualities of a 
 student which were so bountifully revealed in his son. 
 As a youth he studied under the famous Justus Lip- 
 sius, who “called him ‘his intimate friend and pupil,’ 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 4. 
 
 *5 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 5. 
 
8 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 and did not cease, after his departure from Leiden, 
 to exchange letters with him and thus to maintain 
 their friendship.” While still in his early years 
 he translated some Greek verses of Palladas, wrote 
 a paraphrase of the Epistle of St. John,^^ and pro- 
 duced some original Latin verses which were “full of 
 fine incidents and thought.” As a young man he 
 took at Douay the degrees of Master of Arts and 
 Philosophy and then of Doctor of Laws. The in- 
 timate friendships which he retained through life, 
 with the most learned men of the country, show that 
 he was truly “a great lover and protector of learn- 
 ing.” In 1589 he was intrusted with the offices 
 of Alderman and Town Councilman in his native 
 city, and from 1591 to 1596 held the Burgomaster- 
 ship; but of more honor than any of these was his 
 appointment as one of the three Directors of the 
 University of Leiden, who chose the professors and 
 had charge of the finances and direction of the Uni- 
 versity. The honor attached to this office was 
 doubly great, since, of the three men chosen, one 
 was selected from the nobility and the remaining 
 two by the States of the Province from among the 
 cities of Holland or the Courts of Justice. 
 
 In 1582 John de Groot had married Alida van 
 Overschie, of illustrious family, and, as the first child 
 of this union, Hugo Grotius was born April loth, 
 
 18 Ihid., Bk. I, p. 5. 
 
 11 Ep. 22, p. 761, Grotius’ letters. 
 
 18 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 5. 
 
 19 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 5. 
 
BIRTH, ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD 9 
 
 1583. Of the other children we know little, beyond 
 the fact that before May 16, 1640, when the father 
 died (being survived three years by his wife) there 
 were born two more sons and one daughter. 
 
 Hugo Grotius was fortunate in having a father 
 who, in the desire to make him a good as well as a 
 learned man, taught him in his youth the value of 
 the even development and discipline of mind and 
 body. In consequence, one of the most impressive 
 attributes of the famous man was the fine sense of 
 proportion which, throughout his life, always led 
 him to give to his body the care that would enable 
 him to obtain the maximum result from his brain. 
 That Grotius realized and appreciated the value of 
 his home training we have no reason to doubt, for he 
 often declared,^® in later life, that he could never re- 
 pay his father and mother for the principles they had 
 instilled in him as a boy. 
 
 In speaking of the boy, Brandt says : “In his 
 
 earliest youth, he gave clear proof of his brilliant 
 wit, noble character and untiring diligence, being as 
 quick of body as of mind. Therefore his father, a 
 man learned in letters, and who could well enough 
 judge what knowledge best could adorn this noble 
 intellect and become useful in the future service of 
 his country, gave him over, before his seventh year, 
 to the care of competent teachers that he might lay 
 the foundations of the Latin and Greek languages. 
 In his eighth year he wrote some Latin verses among 
 
 20 Ep. 490, p. 895. 
 
 21 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 6. 
 
lO 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 which I find two written with his own hand.” The 
 first piece, composed on hearing the glad tidings that 
 the state of Nijmwegen was freed from the Spanish 
 power, was presented in the form given below,** to 
 Prince Maurice in October, 1591; in the second, 
 which was written about the same time upon the 
 death of his deceased brother, Jan de Groot, the boy 
 of eight addresses his bereaved father with words of 
 comfort ! ** 
 
 In the pursuit of his early studies, under his pre- 
 ceptor Lusson *^ and others, Grotius was so absorbed 
 that he spent a great part of the night with his books. 
 We are told by the old Dutch historian that “when 
 his mother, preferring that he enjoy his proper rest 
 at night, refused to give him candles, he used his 
 Sunday money secretly to buy them.” *® Also, he 
 tells *® us that “being rebuked by his parents on a 
 certain occasion about his careless writing (because 
 he, thinking about greater matters, would give him- 
 self no time to write slowly and correctly) Grotius 
 gave them the answer ‘that writing was only a trade, 
 but needle making was an art,’ wishing to learn the 
 
 *2 “Plaudite Mauritio victori quotquot adestis ; 
 
 Namque is Caesaream Neomagum venit in urbem, 
 
 Vel potius Domino Victori plaudite Christo, 
 
 Namque is Mauritio Neomagum tradidit urbem.” 
 
 — Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 6. 
 
 ** “Solve precor tristes gemitus. Pater o reverende, 
 
 Namque is Joannes, quern tristia fata tulerunt. 
 
 Solvit magna suo, quamquam aegre, debita letho.” 
 
 — Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 7. 
 
 2 * Ep. 556, p. 884. 
 
 2 ® Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 7. 
 
 26 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 7. Brandt obtained these anecdotes, 25 and 26, 
 from the conversation of the friends of Grotius. 
 
BIRTH, ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD ii 
 
 last rather than the first” (if he had to learn some 
 trade) . 
 
 When he had scarcely reached the age of eleven 
 he entered the University of Leiden, then in its nine- 
 teenth year. In the Poems of Grotius we have 
 preserved to us some Latin verses, written by J. van 
 der Does, Heer van Nordwijk, who wrote under the 
 name of Janus Dousa. In these verses the poet, 
 who had been very prominent in the siege of Leiden, 
 addressed the young student in words expressive of 
 delight at the precocious start in university educa- 
 tion which Grotius had made.*® Nature had indeed 
 lavished her gifts upon him, for, when still very 
 young, he exhibited a soundness of judgment, a 
 power of memory, and a boundless energy which 
 proclaimed him a genius. 
 
 At the university the young de Groot seems not 
 to have limited himself to any particular field but 
 2T p. 447. 
 
 Van der Does thus addresses the young student: 
 
 “Magne puer, Magni dignissima cura parentis : 
 
 Nomine sis, dubito, major an ingenio. 
 
 Grande quidem, sed enim debes majoribus illud: 
 
 Major ab ingenio laurea parta tibi. 
 
 Omnia principiis certe tarn grandibus insunt. 
 
 Pallor? an et talis noster Erasmus erat? 
 
 Credo equidem : neque me fallunt praesagia : nam nil 
 Vel puerile satis corde vel ore sonas, 
 
 Quodque aliis aetas, per taedia mille laborum. 
 
 Hoc natura ultro gratificata tibi est, 
 
 Undecimae vixdum egresso confinia brumae: 
 
 Una in te leges ausa migrare suas. 
 
 Quid dignum tanta precer indole? perge juventae 
 Exemplo et genii luce praeire tui. 
 
 Et Lugdunensi jam nunc assuesce theatro, 
 
 Et patriae in laudes crescere perge tuae. 
 
 Tempus erit, quum te mox mirabuntur adultum 
 Certare antiquis, exsuperare novos.” 
 
 — Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 7. 
 
12 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 to have “exercised himself in all sorts of knowl- 
 edge,” delving into Greek and Roman history, 
 Philosophy, Astronomy, Mathematics, Religion and 
 Law, with a thoroughness that enabled him before he 
 was twenty-two to produce the “De Jure Praedae,” 
 a work which was to become a masterpiece in the 
 realm of International Law. We have It from 
 Brandt’s own hand that “he was very intimate with 
 the famous Scaliger, into whose home as a temple of 
 wisdom, he had the freedom daily to come and go, 
 with his intimate companions and comrades Peter 
 Scriverius, Dominicus Baudius, Daniel Helnslus and 
 others.” 
 
 While a student, Grotius dwelt in the home of 
 Franciscus Junius,®^ author of “The Peaceful Chris- 
 tian,” who has become famous In history for the 
 burning zeal he displayed in favor of the reforma- 
 tion In Holland and France, and for the longing he 
 held for religious peace and toleration In the con- 
 troversies which ran riot in those troublous times. 
 From him Grotius Imbibed the tranquil religious 
 spirit which remained with him through life and 
 which enabled him later to distinguish so clearly be- 
 tween serious religious controversy and the point- 
 less theological quibblings in which the times 
 abounded and which he thoroughly despised. Many 
 years after, he wrote “that this man’s (Junius’) de- 
 voutness was always in his memory and that he hlm- 
 
 29 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 8. 
 
 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 8. 
 
 3^ Grot. Verantw., p. 295. 
 
BIRTH, ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD 13 
 
 self felt far more advanced in the exercise of true 
 Righteousness by his example than by all the books 
 he ever had read.” 
 
 Of Grotius’ work at the University we know very 
 little, but there are preserved to us three poems 
 which he wrote during his first year there, and which 
 marked him as a youth mature beyond his years. 
 The first, written upon the marriage of Georgius 
 Melissus and Maria van Almonde, and the second, 
 praising Professor Joannes Kuchlinus, were in 
 Latin, while the third, which was addressed to the 
 young Prince Frederick Henry upon the arrival of 
 his mother, Louise de Coligny, from France, was 
 in Greek.®® In these and other early poems he 
 usually signed himself “Hugeianus Grotius,” com- 
 bining his own name of Hugo with that of his father, 
 Janus or Joannes. However, three or four years 
 later he discontinued the compounding of the two 
 names, and thereafter we find his writings signed 
 simply Hugo Grotius. 
 
 As a proof of his intellectual force and power, we 
 have an anecdote which comes through Brandt ®* 
 from the mouths of Grotius’ friends. His mother, 
 who had been reared in the Popish faith (Brandt 
 uses the expression “Popish misunderstandings”) 
 had remained loyal to her church until her son 
 
 32 “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 8. 
 
 33 The title of this poem is “Ode Pindarica ad illustrissimum 
 Comitem Henr. Fredericum Nassovium Guilielmi Fil., pro ad- 
 ventu Matris,” Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, 
 p. 9. 
 
 3^ “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 9. 
 
14 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 reached the age of twelve. This seems to have dis- 
 turbed the youth, and forthwith he undertook her 
 conversion. The story is told by Brandt as fol- 
 lows : “His father, a man of exceptional modesty, 
 
 who up to this time had been able to influence little 
 of the mind of his wife, had now and then argued 
 with her before, ‘that he did not wish to trouble her 
 further, but that he foresaw, that her son would yet 
 convert her.’ Following this prediction the young 
 de Groot did not neglect with loving words to show 
 his mother her blindness, saying many times that 
 she had too much intellect to remain a Papist and 
 exhorted her to read zealously the Holy Scriptures, 
 the best torch which could enlighten her eyes. 
 Through this means, accompanied by the healthy 
 conversation of her son, was her sight daily cleared 
 and she was finally stirred to embrace the teachings 
 of the purified Religion with a confession of her pre- 
 vious errors.” This incident, coming to Brandt 
 from very good sources, shows that there was little 
 justification for those who, in later years scornfully 
 said of Grotius “that he was educated in the Popish 
 Religion and had sucked in the longing for the Ro- 
 man Church with the motherly milk and even had 
 had a Catholic Priest for a teacher.” 
 
 That the boy made great strides in his work there 
 can be little doubt, for in his fourteenth year (1597) 
 he took part in two public debates upon philosophi- 
 
 3 = Ibid., Bk. I, p. 9. 
 
 39 See the remarks on the letter of N. Reigersberg, printed 
 1627, p. 5 ; also letter of H. Grotius to J. Laurent, p. 31. 
 
BIRTH, ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD 15 
 
 cal questions, and wrote in praise of King Henry IV 
 his poem “Triumphus Gallicus, parodia Catulliana,” 
 a witty song of triumph, after the style of the poet 
 Catullus, and sung to his Majesty upon his fortunate 
 victory at Amiens. It is interesting to note that this 
 song was dedicated to Paulus Choartus Buzenval, the 
 Ambassador from France, showing that the mind of 
 the boy of fourteen had already turned toward 
 kings, ambassadors and great public events. In 
 the same year, having delivered his public theses in 
 Mathematics, Philosophy, and Law, he left the Uni- 
 versity. The device which he then adopted, and 
 which he retained as his motto through life, “horav/' 
 ruit,” shows that when still very young he realized 
 the fleeting nature of time. 
 
 The reputation of the precocious youth had gone 
 before him, and learned men everywhere spoke of 
 him as a prodigy. As early as 1597 Isaac Pontanus 
 called him “a youth of greatest hopes” ; Meursius 
 in 1599 pronounced him to be “a youth without an 
 equal”; Jaques Gilot, in a letter written from Paris 
 to Meursius in 1601, remarked that “he was a 
 youth of extraordinary genius,” while Daniel Hein- 
 sius declared that Grotius was a man from the in- 
 stant of his birth and never had any childhood. 
 Certainly his childhood, if Heinsius was in a literal 
 
 “Summae spei adolescentem.” 
 
 “Adolescentem sine exemplo.” 
 
 “Portentosi juvenem ingenii.” 
 
 “Ille dum puer fuit, 
 
 Vir esse caepit : namque reliqui viri 
 Tandem fuere, Grotius vir natus est.” 
 
i6 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 sense wrong, was passed, just as were the other 
 stages of his development and preparation, with a 
 power and celerity of attainment almost unknown to 
 the world before or since. 
 
 Coming from the University, Grotius ventured to 
 form plans which required great foresight, plans 
 which he executed with such precision, with such per- 
 fection, and with such a minimum of lost effort, that 
 the whole Republic was struck with astonishment. 
 He had come into the world at a time when the af- 
 fairs of the United Provinces were in the greatest 
 disorder. The small territorial divisions had been 
 ripped from end to end by the mighty armies of 
 Philip but still had not been conquered. The Seven 
 United Provinces, still holding to the Protestant Re- 
 ligion (Holland, Utrecht, Friesland, Zeeland, Gel- 
 derland, Groningen and Overijssel) had valiantly 
 withstood the terrific onslaughts of Spain. William 
 of Orange, the great hope of the young Republic, 
 deprived of French aid by the Massacre of St. 
 Bartholomew (August 24th, 1572), but fighting 
 valiantly to the last, had fallen July loth, 1584, by 
 the bullet of the assassin, Balthazar Gerard, a 
 fanatic in the pay of Philip. The previous year 
 had seen the quarrel of Anjou and the Flemish, 
 fanned into a blaze by religious intolerance, give 
 rise to an attempted coup d’ etat by the rash and 
 impetous lover of Elizabeth, Queen of England, and 
 a quavering in the ranks of the great lords of Hol- 
 land who were beginning to despair. 
 
BIRTH, ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD 17 
 
 When William died, uttering as his last words the 
 prayer, “Lord, have pity on this poor land,” every- 
 thing was prepared for proclaiming him hereditary 
 monarch of the United Netherlands; a deputation 
 had in fact been sent to the only outstanding cities 
 of Amsterdam and Gouda to tell them that the ahair 
 would be consummated in spite of their opposition, 
 when the Intended recipient of the position was 
 struck down. With the death of their leader went 
 Holland’s hope, which William had no doubt, fos- 
 tered, of an alliance with Henry of Navarre, heir to 
 the French crown upon the death of Anjou — a hope 
 which explains William’s marriage with Louisa de 
 Coligny, daughter of the Admiral. 
 
 In the weakened position in which the States now 
 found themselves they appealed to Henry III, In 
 October, 1584, to receive them as his subjects, but 
 the Catholic League under Henry of Guise was caus- 
 ing the King of France too much discomfort, and 
 their offer was declined. Queen Elizabeth, how- 
 ever, concluded an agreement with the Provinces by 
 which she promised to send five thousand foot, and 
 one thousand horse, under an English general, these 
 men to be paid by her until the war was over, when 
 she was to be reimbursed for their services. The se- 
 curity for this loan was the putting of several Dutch 
 towns, particularly Flushing in Zeeland and Brille In 
 Holland, into her hands temporarily. 
 
 But being rather fearful that this convention be- 
 tween her and Holland might offend the King of 
 
i8 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Spain, and be regarded in the latter’s country as a 
 violation of the then existing Spanish-English alli- 
 ance, Elizabeth published a manifesto stating that 
 the treaty between England and Holland was one be- 
 tween the respective states rather than between per- 
 sons. Having thus smoothed the waters of national 
 feeling she sent forth her favorite, the Earl of Lei- 
 cester, as commander of her forces. 
 
 The States, anxious to express their gratitude to 
 England, elected Leicester Governor General of the 
 United Provinces with almost absolute powers, only 
 to find that he was to abuse the freedom they had 
 given him. The displeasure of the Queen with the 
 conduct of her favorite in this office was two months 
 later appeased by a most secret letter from her 
 “Sweet Robin,” but the plans which he formed to 
 destroy the liberty of the country he had come to de- 
 fend, and his unpardonable blunders, were not so 
 easily forgotten by the Dutch; and the Earl, know- 
 ing that the majority of the Council were against 
 him, returned to England for an eight months’ stay, 
 from November, 1586, to July, 1587. 
 
 In his absence the States elected a boy of eighteen 
 to the command of their army. Count Maurice of 
 Nassau, son of the Prince of Orange. The Earl 
 of Leicester, returning to Holland, was resolved to 
 secure possession of more towns, but his attempts to 
 revolutionize the government of Amsterdam and 
 Leiden were frustrated, and, all correspondence be- 
 ing broken off between him and the States, there was 
 
BIRTH, ANCESTRY AND BOYHOOD 19 
 
 nothing left for Elizabeth to do but to recall him. 
 It is interesting to note that Elizabeth would tolerate 
 no word against her favorite and even went so far 
 as to imprison some who dared to criticize “poor 
 Will,” the man whom she sheltered under her royal 
 plumage. 
 
 With Maurice of Nassau as their Governor Gen- 
 eral, the United Provinces successfully defended 
 their liberty for the following ten years; and when 
 Henry IV, having triumphed over the Catholic 
 League (1594), wished to restore peace by a treaty 
 with Spain, he communicated these intentions to the 
 Dutch. Truly the matter was of vital importance 
 to the brave little country in the north. Up to this 
 time France, through the war which she was carry- 
 ing on against Spain, had protected the Netherlands. 
 The proposal of peace between France and Spain 
 changed the aspect of affairs altogether. Such a 
 peace seemed to hold out to the war-worn and weary 
 Dutch people only a promise of the renewal by Spain 
 of her hostile attacks and religious persecutions. 
 To save them from this disaster two possible ways 
 lay open, either the peace must be prevented or a 
 treaty must be made with Philip. The States, how- 
 ever, being disinclined to accept the terms which 
 Spain dictated, and yet realizing Henry’s determina- 
 tion to treat, resolved, in 1598, to send Count Justin 
 of Nassau, natural son of William the Silent and 
 
 De Burigny, Bk. I, p. IS, Memoirs de Bellievre and de Silleri, 
 T. 2, p. 348. 
 
20 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Admiral of Zeeland, and Grand Pensionary Barne- 
 veld to the Court of France in order to beseech 
 Henry not to make a separate peace, but to continue 
 the war with Spain. 
 
 An attempt on the part of Henry to bring about 
 a four months’ truce between Holland and Spain, 
 in the hope that it might result in a peaceful settle- 
 ment, having failed, the representatives of Holland 
 set out for France on March i8th, 1598. With 
 them, accompanying the great statesman Barneveld, 
 went Hugo Grotius, a lad of fifteen years. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 YOUTHFUL ACTIVITIES 
 
 The journey of the envoys — Grotius meets King Henry of 
 France — His stay in that country — Returns to Holland and reg- 
 isters as a lawyer — Early writings — The “Adamus Exul,” 
 “Christus Patiens,” “Sophomphaneas” — Friendship of Grotius and 
 Vondel. 
 
 The instructions of the envoys were simply to ask 
 the King to fulfill his covenants with the league, to 
 continue the war with the aid of Holland against 
 their common enemy. As a proof of their readiness 
 to assist, the States-General offered, in addition to 
 the four hundred and fifty thousand gulden ($i8o,- 
 000 ) promised by them for the support of the four 
 thousand infantry for 1598, to bring all their mili- 
 tary forces to the support of Henry in the war.^ 
 
 As was the practice with legations of those times, 
 the envoys took with them all the things they would 
 need on the journey — horses, carriages, beds and 
 scores of servants, using for their trip between Brill 
 and Dieppe, three ships of war. 
 
 Landing at Dieppe on the morning of the 20th of 
 March, 1598, the envoys were met at the city gates 
 by the governor of the place, but declined the invita- 
 tion to occupy the “King’s Mansion,” which was de- 
 
 1 Motley’s “History of the United Netherlands,” vol. Ill, p. 475. 
 
 21 
 
22 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 void of furniture, and instead rested for three days 
 at the Inn. On the fourth day, the twenty-third of 
 March, the party made the trip to Rouen, arriving 
 in the evening.^ The next morning they pressed on, 
 stopping only for the night at Evreux, Dreux, Char- 
 tres, and Chateaudun, and reached Blois, a tired and 
 exhausted party, on the evening of March 30th. 
 Again taking a day’s rest, they pushed onward on the 
 morning of April ist to Tours and thence to Lan- 
 geais and Saumur. Finally, on the evening of April 
 4th, the envoys appeared before Angiers, where they 
 were met outside the gates by the governor of the 
 castle, attended by the young Prince Frederick Henry 
 of Nassau and followed by a long train of nobles 
 and mounted troops. 
 
 The details of the negotiations little concern us 
 here. Suffice it to say, that the peace was almost 
 concluded before the envoys had set foot in France. 
 Indeed the southwest wind which had delayed the de- 
 parture of the legation from the Brill from January 
 31st to March i8th — forty-six days — had been an 
 ill wind (for, while the party was eagerly waiting 
 an opportunity to sail, Henry, anxious to recover all 
 the cities and forts which the Spanish had taken from 
 him, and to relieve the country of the burden of war, 
 had arranged all the details of the proposed treaty. 
 
 2 The journey and negotiations of the legation are fully de- 
 scribed by Barneveld in his report to the States-General, June S, 
 1598: “Verhaal van ons Justinus ende Johan van Olden-Barnevelt 
 van het besoigne gevallen in onse Legatie aan de Con. Mat. van 
 Vranckrijck gedaen in den jaere 1598.” Also in the Annals of 
 Grotius, Bk. VII. 
 
YOUTHFUL ACTIVITIES 
 
 23 
 
 The success of their mission to France having thus 
 been forestalled, the discouraged diplomatists 
 crossed over to England ® to seek the aid of the Eng- 
 lish Queen in the extremely perilous predicament in 
 which their country then stood. But here, as in 
 France, they were again doomed to disappointment, 
 finding an irritated and ill-humored Monarch who 
 turned a deaf ear to their entreaties. Not only did 
 she refuse to consider the possession of Brill and 
 Flushing a sufficient security for the offer the envoys 
 made to repay the debt due by Holland to England 
 — a matter of fourteen hundred thousand pounds — 
 in fourteen years, but, troubled by the Irish difficul- 
 ties and the Ulster rising under Hugh O’Neill, and 
 realizing that her people could never supply by tax- 
 ation what the mines of Spain brought to the King, 
 she resolved to conclude peace. And so, on May 
 31st, 1598, the envoys took leave of England from 
 Gravesend, having accomplished nothing of impor- 
 tance in their mission. 
 
 On the morning of the 5th of April, Barneveld 
 had introduced the young Grotius to King Henry at 
 an interview in the gardens of the Castle of Anglers. 
 The fame of the youth had gone before him, and his 
 personality seems to have made a strong impression 
 upon King Henry. Brandt describes the visit of 
 Grotius to the Court of France as follows: * “The 
 fairness of his judgment, the sharpness of his intel- 
 
 3 They embarked May 19th, at Dieppe. 
 
 ♦Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 11. 
 
24 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 lect, the charm of his reasoning, and his matchless 
 understanding which manifested itself so early, 
 pleased the King’s heart so much, that he presented 
 the youth with a gold chain, on which his Kingly por- 
 trait hung. Also people say that his Majesty on this 
 occasion, pointing at him with his finger, remarked, 
 in the hearing of the various courtiers : ‘Behold the 
 miracle of Holland! Look you upon the marvel of 
 Holland!’ ” ® “Upon the proposal of his Majesty 
 to knight and ennoble him, the young de Groot gave, 
 to the person who came to announce this to him, the 
 answer, ‘that he did not wish to do his own race 
 this wrong and thanked the King’ ’’ ® — meaning no 
 doubt, that he considered democracy and equality the 
 essence of just government. 
 
 In France Grotius found an open path to the fa- 
 vor of the counsellors of the Empire and of the ad- 
 vocates and promoters of knowledge and science, 
 and formed many friendships. One with Petrus 
 Jeannin lasted throughout his life and stood him in 
 good stead in later years. “Great enjoyment he also 
 found in the society of the young Prince of Conde, 
 Henry of Bourbon, first Prince of the Royal blood, 
 then only ten years old, who earnestly sought to keep 
 him at the Court under the name of his own private 
 secretary.” ’’ And although Barneveld, in whose 
 care Grotius was, said he could not take the position 
 
 ® “Voy la le miracle d’Hollandel Ziet daer het Wonder van 
 Hollandt!” Ibid., p. 11. 
 
 ® “dat hy zyn eigen geslacht dat ongelyk niet wilde hebben 
 aengedaen, en den Koning bedankte,” ibid., p. 11. 
 
 Ubid., p. 11. 
 
YOUTHFUL ACTIVITIES 
 
 25 
 
 without the consent of his parents, “since these, 
 when this came to their knowledge, would neither 
 give their stamp of approval or consent,” ® yet Gro- 
 tius retained the honorable title of Private Secretary 
 to the young Prince even after his departure from 
 France. This is proved by the addresses of many 
 letters written to him after this time. 
 
 Grotius seems not to have followed the legation 
 to England but to have remained behind in France, 
 for Brandt tells us that “he spent about a year in 
 France.” ® However, before he departed, at the de- 
 sire of his parents, from the country which had re- 
 ceived him so hospitably, he received the degree of 
 Doctor of Laws from the University of Orleans, his 
 diploma (promotiebrief ) bearing high testimony to 
 his abilities and attainments.^® 
 
 With a thorough knowledge of French, a Doc- 
 tor’s degree, and a portrait of the King of the coun- 
 try he had visited, Grotius returned to the land of 
 his birth to register himself in the following year 
 upon the roll of lawyers. Although he had “had the 
 honor to kiss the hand of that hero who owed his 
 kingdom only to his valor,” “ the maturity of his 
 ^Ihid., p. 11. 
 
 p. 11. 
 
 18 Promotiebrief van de Universiteit te Orleans^ — Brandt’s “Het 
 Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, pp. 11, 12, “and we ourselves 
 because of his honest behaviour, pious life, literature and famous 
 name (which is wide-spread here and through other places and 
 which he has won himself by his praiseworthy diligence) through 
 the testimony of the many who know him are fully assured,” etc. 
 11 Poems of Grotius — In Pascha, anni 1612, p. 213 : 
 
 “Contigimus dextram, qua nulla potentior armis. 
 
 Qua, quod regnavit, debuit ipsa sibi.” 
 
 — De Burigny, Bk. I, p. 17. 
 
26 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 judgment enabled him to withstand the temptations 
 which the luxuries of the French Court offered to a 
 life of intellectual idleness, and, with the strong sense 
 of duty that always characterized him, he threw his 
 splendid intellect and energy into the solution of the 
 problems of his own country. 
 
 On the 13th of December, 1599, he took as a 
 lawyer, the oath of fidelity before the Court of Hol- 
 land, presided over by Nicolaes van Valkestein, and 
 two days later before the High Council, presided 
 over by the Councillor Cornelius van der Nieu- 
 stadt.^^ Since he wished to practice law at The 
 Hague, his father placed him in the home of the 
 Honorable Joannes Uitenbogaerdt,^® who was then 
 Court Minister of Prince Maurits, and “on account 
 of his fluent eloquence, great intellect and singular 
 gifts, with which God had blessed him, was held in 
 the highest honor and respect by great and small.” 
 
 In later years, when Grotius was harrassed with a 
 criticism by his enemies which bordered upon slan- 
 der, for living in his youth with this Arminian clergy- 
 man, he replied that “he had to thank him (Uiten- 
 bogaerdt) most highly for his Christian admonitions 
 and edifying example,” and in another place said 
 to his teacher, “I pray God for your health with the 
 same zeal as I pray for that of my father, taking 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 13. 
 
 De Burigny in his “Vie de Grotius” states, Bk. I, p. 9, that 
 Grotius went to live with Mr. “Uytembogard” before he entered 
 the University of Leiden. I have been able to find no authority 
 for this statement. 
 
 1 * Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 13. 
 
 1 ® Grot. Verantw., p. 295. 
 
YOUTHFUL ACTIVITIES 
 
 27 
 
 you for my other father on account of your instruc- 
 tion and affection.” 
 
 It was not long before the young lawyer was plead- 
 ing before the highest tribunal of the land. It is 
 related of him at this time “that in arguing a cer- 
 tain case, being heated by a youthful passion against 
 his opponent, who was an old and aged lawyer, he 
 spoke so ardently, that the latter admonished him ‘to 
 think that he still was young and spoke against an old 
 practitioner,’ whereupon de Groot had ready this in- 
 genious answer, ‘that I know well, therefore have I 
 first advised with practitioners who are in my office 
 and who have thus instructed me.’ ” 
 
 Shortly after his return from France he published 
 in 1599 his “Martianus Capella” with brief, clear 
 notes, dedicated to the Prince of Conde in grateful 
 acknowledgment of the friendship and honor the lat- 
 ter had conferred upon him. In this dedication he 
 praises most highly all such princes and crowned 
 heads as had given their time and intellect to the 
 fostering of knowledge, the men who had encour- 
 aged him to go on with the work he had begun ; and 
 in the preface he begs the reader to overlook the 
 faults and mistakes of the book because of his youth. 
 The book had been finished in his fourteenth year 
 but its publication had been neglected because of his 
 journey to France. 
 
 Brief van den 26 September, 1637, Brandt’s “Het Leven van 
 Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 13. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 13. 
 
 18 December 29, 1598 — De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, 
 
 p. 23. 
 
28 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 In precociousness as an author Grotius now stood 
 with the famous men of history who had made them- 
 selves known through their writings in the early years 
 of their youth. The young Plinius had written a 
 Greek tragedy in his fourteenth year; the Italian 
 Philippus Beroaldus, when still a boy, had pointed 
 out the errors in the notes of Servius on Virgil; Lu- 
 dovicus Stella in his fifteenth year had taught Greek 
 Philosophy at Orleans; and now Grotius at fourteen 
 had produced the “Martianus Capella” with notes 
 distinguished by learning and scholarship. 
 
 Before these notes stood the portrait of the au- 
 thor, here reproduced from an etching by Jacob de 
 Gein. Above the portrait we find the year, the au- 
 thor’s age, and his motto “Ruit Hora” — and below 
 it the Latin inscription: 
 
 “Quern sibi quindenis Astraea sacravit ab annis, 
 
 Talis Hugeianus Grotius ora fero.” 
 
 Not long before the “Martianus Capella” was 
 brought before the world, Grotius sent to the Prince 
 of Conde a Latin verse of praise which was later 
 printed among his Latin poems under the title of 
 “Elegia ad Henricum Borbonium primeum Galliae 
 Principem.” Also, at this time, he wrote some 
 notes upon “Papinianus and Isidorus,” as well as a 
 broad interpretation of six important laws which 
 bore the title “Afgeschafte Wetten” (Smoothed 
 
 Beginning; 
 
 “Regia progenies, quern Francica gentis origo 
 Borboniis veteri stemmate nectit avis;” 
 
 — Grot. Poem, p. 149. 
 
Grotius at the age of fifteen. 
 
YOUTHFUL ACTIVITIES 
 
 29 
 
 Laws) ; but neither of these writings was published, 
 so far as I can discover, unless they later appeared 
 under other titles, after revision by his more mature 
 intellect. 
 
 In the same year in which the “Martianus Ca- 
 pella” was published (1599) Grotius brought out 
 a Latin translation of Stevin’s treatise on naviga- 
 tion by compass. The accomplishment of this task, 
 which could not have been performed without a 
 knowledge of mathematics, shows that Grotius was 
 as well informed In the sciences as his “Capella” 
 proved him to be in philosophy, logic and rhetoric. 
 Following a resolve which he had made in France 
 the year before, when comparing (with Signor Con- 
 tarini. Ambassador of Venice) the Republics of Hol- 
 land and Venice, he dedicated this work on April ist, 
 1599, to the latter Republic, which, like Holland, 
 had fostered and cultivated navigation so constantly. 
 
 In the early part of the following year, 1600, he 
 wrote his “Epithalamium Reglum” on the occasion 
 of the marriage of Henry IV with Marie de Medi- 
 cis, the divorce between the King and Marguerite of 
 Valois having been granted. This poem, containing 
 the highest praise of the King, a vivid picture of the 
 Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and an explanation 
 of the causes of the civil wars of France before 
 Henry IV obtained the crown, was shown to Scaliger 
 and on July 4th, 1600,^^* was sent to the learned 
 
 Academiae Lugunno, Batavae Typographum, 1599. 
 
 21 Stevin was Mathematician to Prince Maurice of Nassau. 
 
 Grot. Epist. 2, p. 1. 
 
30 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 President de Thou, in France, in order to obtain 
 their advice as to its publication. Thou, formerly 
 Maitre des Requetes, and now President a Mortier, 
 Grotius had not met in France, but upon his return 
 to Holland we find that he sent to the famous 
 Frenchman a copy of the “Martianus Capella,” with 
 a letter lamenting the fact that he had not met him 
 — a letter which was the beginning of a correspond- 
 ence that lasted until the death of M. de Thou.** 
 Whether it was on the advice of these two friends 
 or was his own decision, we do not know, but the 
 “Epithalamium Regium” is not to be found among 
 his published poems. It is not unreasonable to sup- 
 pose that M. de Thou, the man whom Grotius called 
 “Vir nostro celsior aevo,” *® who sent material to 
 him for his history,** who later advised him as a 
 father when he was about to enter into graver con- 
 troversies, would not have hesitated to tell him that 
 the poem contained passages which might not be 
 pleasing to all of France, or historical statements 
 which might be disputed. 
 
 These early writings of Grotius, especially his 
 “Martianus Capella,” took the learned world by 
 storm and caused such scholars as Scaliger,*® de 
 Thou,*® Casaubon,*^ and Vossius publicly to avow 
 
 “ Ep. 1, p. 1, April 1, 1599. 
 
 Ep. 3, p. 1, “The more eminent man of our time.” 
 
 2* Ep. 3, p. 1 ; Ep. 4, p. 1. 
 
 See Latin verse of Scaliger, De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius," 
 Bk. I, p. 24. 
 
 Grot. Epist. 3, p. 1. 
 
 Epist. Casaubon, 1030. 
 
YOUTHFUL ACTIVITIES 
 
 31 
 
 their surprise and admiration. Vossius,^® indeed, 
 comparing the youth to Erasmus, declared that the 
 whole world could not produce a more learned man 
 than Grotius. 
 
 From this time until the end of his life every year 
 was productive of writings upon the many subjects 
 in which Grotius was interested. The same year,®® 
 1600, saw the publication of the “Aratea,” the 
 treatise on astronomy which Aratus of Sola, in Cil- 
 icia, had written in Greek over two hundred years 
 before Christ. The work, under the title “Phaen- 
 omena of Aratus,” contains, besides the Phaenomena 
 of Aratus in Greek with Cicero’s Latin translation 
 and also one ascribed to Germanicus, the fragment 
 of the Prognostics of Aratus, the forms of the con- 
 stellations as found in a manuscript, and a para- 
 phrase of Festus Avienus, “Cum notis brevibus in 
 margine appositis.” Grotius dedicated the book to 
 the States of Holland and West Friesland, promis- 
 ing something better in the future. Perhaps even 
 then he was laying the plans for the great works 
 which were to make him the most famous scholar 
 of his age. The book is an excellent treatise of sci- 
 ence and art, and the Latin verses made by Grotius 
 to replace some of those of Cicero which had been 
 
 28 “Martianum Cappellam felicissime passim restituit adhuc 
 annorum XIV, annoque uno altero post divulgavit, quo Batavo 
 altero eius terrae cum magno Erasmo lumine nihil nunc undique 
 eruditius vel sol videt, vel solum sustinet,” De Hist. Latinis, Lib. 
 3, and Burig^y’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 24. 
 
 *8 Academiae Lugduno, Batavae Typographum, 1600. 
 
32 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 lost, are, in the opinion of the Abbe d’ Olivet, equal 
 to the work of the great Roman. Again Scali- 
 ger,^^ de Thou, Lipsius,®^ Casaubon,®® and Vul- 
 canus voiced their praise of the boy who at seven- 
 teen had published such a book. 
 
 His “Prosopopoeia,” in which he makes the city 
 of Ostend, which had been besieged by the Spaniards 
 for three years, speak, was, at the time of its publi- 
 cation, so well thought of that it was ascribed to 
 Scaliger, the greatest poet of that time. Peyresc,®® 
 upon hinting this to Scaliger, was told that he was 
 too old to be liked by the Virgins of Helicon and that 
 the verses were really written by the most accom- 
 plished youth,®® Hugo de Groot. Notwithstanding 
 this statement, Mathieu, in his “Life of Henry IV,” 
 ascribes them to Scaliger, while du Vair, later Keeper 
 of the Seals, Rapin, Grand Provost of the Constab- 
 ulary, Pasquier and Malherbe, “the oracle of the 
 French Parnassus,” translated the work into French, 
 and Casaubon put it into Greek. 
 
 In i6oi Grotius published at Leiden his first trag- 
 
 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 28, “Voyez le 
 Ciceron de Mr. I’Abbe d’Olivet, Tome 9.” 
 
 Ep. Seal. 375 ; Ep. Grot. 2, p. 1. 
 
 88 Letter of 16th of November, 1600, from Lipsius to Grotius : 
 “May God take you, worthy de Groot, in his protection, and aug- 
 ment your modesty, virtue and fame.” 
 
 88 Epist. 1030, “Mirari omnes, et stupere ad hoc novum ingenii 
 tui portentum.” 
 
 8* “Nil mirum ; Delphis nutritus in ipsis 
 
 Plenum Phoebo numine pectus habes. 
 
 Tota patet cortina tibi, et sacraria Phoebi: 
 
 Perge ita, Groti ; ipsus sic mihi Phoebus eris.” 
 
 35 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 30; authority, “Vie 
 de Peyresc,” by Gassendi, Bk. II, p. 79. 
 
 86 “Adolescentem lectissimum.” 
 
YOUTHFUL ACTIVITIES 
 
 33 
 
 edy, “Adamus Exul,” dedicated to the Prince of 
 Conde, a work from which the great poet Vondel ob- 
 tained materials for his “Lucifer,” which Professor 
 Leonard C. van Noppen has translated into English 
 so masterfully. Yet in spite of the fact that the 
 greatest of all Dutch poets, writing in his mature 
 
 age, resorted for matter to the work of the boy 
 of eighteen, we find that Grotius, in a letter to Vos- 
 sius, July 17th, 1616, expressed his dissatisfaction 
 with this first effort at tragedy, and refused to allow 
 it to appear in the collection of his poems published 
 by his brother. It evoked, however, universal 
 praise from the learned men of the time, a letter 
 from Lipsius saying: “I have seen your ‘Adamus,’ 
 have read it in part and from that part have judged 
 all to be good. Easily can I presume that you are 
 the same in all. I should say that I was astonished 
 if your former writings had not taken away from me 
 the reason for my astonishment (to use this word). 
 You have already given many evidences of your in- 
 tellect and still continue to give them, so that we not 
 only expect, but demand, of you nothing but what is 
 good and great. The subject especially has pleased 
 me greatly and that you give yourself to the serious 
 occupations and the study of the true wisdom. 
 Those are small intellects, which alone seek the pleas- 
 
 “Adam in Banishment.” 
 
 Ep. 77, p. 34, “Adami exsulis poema juvenilius est, quam ut 
 ausim addere.” 
 
 3® Ep. Lip. 99, Centuria Miscellanea, p. 108, Feb. 3, 1602. Also 
 published in Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, 
 
 pp. 17-18. 
 
34 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 ure of their mind and apply themselves to elegant 
 words. Let us come to the point and take nothing 
 more to heart than the treating of such subjects as 
 greatly adorn our souls and lead to the true salva- 
 tion. The intellectual philosophy is a large part of 
 this study, knowledge of which you have very happily 
 given proof of in your tragedy. Go forth to love 
 those things, to stand for knowledge without vanity, 
 for learning without novelty. He who deviates 
 from the common path and seeks circuitous ways, 
 seeks errors and confusions. Keep away from that. 
 So shall God, who is honored here, afterward bless 
 you.” 
 
 Grotius’ second tragedy appeared at Leiden seven 
 years later, in 1608, dedicated to the Knight Petrus 
 Jeannin, Privy Counsellor of the Kings of France, 
 and Ambassador to the States of Holland. The 
 tragedy bore the name of “Christus Patiens” and 
 was very highly praised as a model of perfect trag- 
 edy. It was lauded by Casaubon and translated 
 into English, with a dedication to Charles I, by 
 Sandes.^^ That Petrus Jeannin was a peace-loving 
 Christian there is little doubt, for Grotius in his dedi- 
 cation addresses him in these words: “One can find 
 no subject, more in concord with your heart, which 
 so long has lamented and grieved over the sad quar- 
 to Casaubon. Epist. 597, p. 313, “Eo viro dignissima, cuius olim 
 pueri, et adhuc sub alis matris, rudimenta doctos omnes stupore 
 perculerunt; ut magnum non videri debeat, si quae hac aetate 
 adultiore scribis, nemo sanus et intelligens, sine admiratione tui 
 possit legere.” De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 31-32. 
 
 Epist. Grot. 1285, p. 582 ; Ep. 473, p. 889. 
 
YOUTHFUL ACTIVITIES 
 
 35 
 
 reling of this age, and has endeavored to care for the 
 peace of the Church (which we all wish for) with 
 such great diligence.” 
 
 The third tragedy of Grotius, “Sophomphaneas” 
 or “Joseph,” the title signifying in Egyptian the 
 “Savior of the world,” was published in 1635, 
 shortly before he was called upon to serve as Swedish 
 Ambassador to France. The opinion of the great 
 Vossius with respect to this tragedy is intimated in 
 his remark to Meursius, that it was the most perfect 
 production of its kind the age had produced.*® Von- 
 del, one of the greatest poets the world has ever 
 known, translated this piece of work, “in all parts so 
 perfect that it might be compared with the best plays 
 of the ancients,” ** into the Dutch language without 
 the knowledge of Grotius. Upon hearing of the 
 translation, the latter wrote to Vossius from Paris, 
 where he now resided as Ambassador from Sweden, 
 “I understand that Vondel has done my tragedy the 
 honor of putting it in Dutch clothes with his own 
 hand, which is a very happy one. I owe him many 
 thanks because he, who by himself can produce bet- 
 ter things, has bestowed his labor on the translation 
 of mine, as a proof of his friendship.” 
 
 This translation by Vondel of Grotius’ “Sophom- 
 phaneas” forms, with two tragedies of his own, a 
 Joseph Trilogy — the first and third parts being writ- 
 
 *2 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 27. 
 
 Voss. Ep. 313, p. 317 ; De Burigny, Bk. I, p. 32. 
 
 ** Brandt’s “Leven van Vondel,’’ p. SI. 
 
 *5 Grot. Ep. 527, p. 204. 
 
36 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 ten by Vondel himself, the middle part being the 
 translation. 
 
 It may be well here to say something of the friend- 
 ship of these two men, which, in spite of the great 
 difference in their stations (Vondel keeping a stock- 
 ing store which his wife, having more of a head for 
 business than for poetry, often tended) lasted 
 throughout their lives. On many occasions the great 
 poet turned to the man he respected as the Phoenix 
 of learning for help and advice, and, as has already 
 been remarked, he actually took from the “Adamus 
 Exul” material for his greatest poem, “Lucifer.” 
 To be sure, the poetry of Vondel surpasses that of 
 Grotius as the work of a great poet of mature age 
 would surpass the creations of a youth of eighteen, 
 who, besides being a poet, was also pre-eminent as 
 an historian, a theologian, a diplomatist, a lawyer, 
 and a statesman. Because of differences in birth 
 and station, and the profound respect and admiration 
 the poet had for the statesman, Vondel’s letters, 
 dedications and poems to Grotius have the tone of an 
 inferior speaking to a superior. For instance, in his 
 poem on the escape of Grotius from Loevestein, 
 Vondel speaks of Grotius’ wife as “gemalin” or 
 “consort,” a word which would only be used to-day 
 to designate a titled lady. Nevertheless, of their 
 close friendship, we fortunately have many proofs.*® 
 In 1628, Vondel dedicated his translation of Sen- 
 
 See G. Brandt’s “Leven van Vondel,” edited by Dr. Eelco 
 Verwijs, 1866, p. 46 and following. 
 
YOUTHFUL ACTIVITIES 
 
 37 
 
 eca’s tragedy, “Hippolytus,” to Grotius, then in ban- 
 ishment, but the printer hesitated to publish the ded- 
 ication, which consisted of a poem declaring and sup- 
 porting the innocence of Grotius and Olden Barne- 
 veldt, and thus it was that the first edition appeared 
 with the dedication cut out. In 1631, when Grotius 
 arrived in Amsterdam after his long banishment (he 
 had come secretly to Rotterdam in October, 1631, 
 but, followed by the law, which had placed a reward 
 of two thousand gulden on his head, he betook him- 
 self to Amsterdam, where he arrived December 9th, 
 and remained in hiding until April 17th, 1632, when 
 he departed for Hamburg) Vondel wrote his “Wel- 
 come to Grotius in Amsterdam,” speaking without 
 reserve from his innermost heart. The poem was 
 published anonymously owing to the fear of the au- 
 thor that such a defense of a man banished by the 
 government, might bring punishment upon his own 
 head as well. 
 
 Again, in 1632, when Grotius found it impossible 
 to remain longer in Holland, and was forced to 
 leave for Hamburg, Vondel wrote a poem on his 
 departure, which, however, he later decided not to 
 publish because he feared it might be too strong in 
 the defense of his friend to please the taste of those 
 in power. Vondel sent a copy of the poem to Gro- 
 tius, which the latter acknowledged in these lines : " 
 “Your reflections in the poem on my departure, I ap- 
 prove of. With great difficulty should one (mean- 
 
 Brandt’s “Leven van Vondel,” p. 46, edition of 1866. 
 
38 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 ing the officials) have avoided taking offense, and 
 easily could one (meaning Vondel) have done him- 
 self harm without doing me good.” Thus we see 
 the extremely guarded and cautious language the fu- 
 ture diplomatist was obliged to use. 
 
 The subjects of his two first tragedies attest that, 
 as a youth, Grotius was already meditating upon 
 those religious subjects which later he was to discuss 
 as an authority without a peer. 
 
 William Grotius, brother of Hugo, upon noticing 
 the many mistakes present in the German edition of 
 his brother’s poems, brought out in September, i6i6, 
 a collection dedicated to van der Myle, son-in-law of 
 the Grand Pensionary Barneveld, Deputy to the 
 States-General, Director of the University of Lei- 
 den, and a warm friend of Grotius. In a letter writ- 
 ten December 14th, 1615, the preceding year, Gro- 
 tius shows his disapproval of the project of his 
 brother, anticipating, no doubt, the criticism which 
 actually came when later he attempted to reconcile 
 the two religious factions of his country. That 
 these reproofs cut deeply into his nature is evident 
 from the wish of his later life, that only his sacred 
 poems had been preserved.^® 
 
 ^8 Ep. 736, p. 974, Dec. 10, 1644, De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius," 
 Bk. I, p. 36. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 Grotius is chosen to write a history of his country — His method 
 of pleading — Dissatisfaction with the practice of law — The “De 
 Jure Praedae” — Chosen for office of Attorney General — Marries 
 Maria van Reigersbergen — Grotius publishes “The Free Sea” — 
 England attempts to refute his teachings — “History of Old Hol- 
 land” published — “History of the Netherlands, 1560-1609,” com- 
 pleted — Grotius becomes Pensionary of Rotterdam — The Dutch- 
 English fisheries dispute, over which Grotius is sent to England — 
 Grotius’ directions for study. 
 
 During the years of his “Adams Exul” and 
 “Christus Patiens” Grotius was also working with 
 characteristic energy on subjects, if not more im- 
 portant, surely of more worldly significance. 
 Throughout his life, one of his most astonishing 
 characteristics was his ability to project his intellect, 
 with equal success, simultaneously along the lines 
 of poetry, religion, history, and law. 
 
 In the year i6oi the United Provinces resolved 
 to choose an historian who should write, for the 
 benefit of posterity, a history of the exploits of 
 marvelous courage displayed by the people of these 
 tiny Provinces of the north, in the war to maintain 
 their liberty against the tremendous attack of Spain, 
 then the mightiest power of Europe. Over Baudius, 
 then Professor of Rhetoric in the University of 
 
40 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Leiden, Grotius, then a youth of eighteen, was 
 chosen by the States-General ^ for the task. 
 
 As a lawyer in later life we find Grotius writing ^ 
 to his son Peter, giving him his method of pleading 
 and advising him to employ it. “Lest you be 
 worsted by the lack of order observed by those 
 against whom you speak, I will give you advice, 
 which I have found advantageous. Put in place 
 all that can be said by both sides, keeping it strongly 
 in your memory, and, whatever your adversary 
 says, refer to it not under his, but under your classi- 
 fication.” Yet to the man now occupied in the ser- 
 vice of his country and considered by King Henry 
 IV of France for the position of Royal Librarian,® 
 the practice of the law seems to have been an 
 irksome task. In a letter of July 21st, 1603,^ Gro- 
 tius complained to his friend Daniel Heinsius, who, 
 although only three years his senior was professor 
 at Leiden, about the insignificance and ingloriousness 
 of the practice with which he fatigued himself. 
 “You know not, my worthy Heinsius,” he writes,® 
 “how much time the ungrateful practice robs me 
 
 of . In no case has the fruit repaid the cost 
 
 of the work done . How sad I become when 
 
 I hereon think you can understand, who know how 
 my heart longs for study and how a profession must 
 
 1 See Resolution of the States of Holland, Nov. 9th, 1601. 
 
 2 Ep. 1134, p. 512, De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 40. 
 
 3 The post was finally given to Casaubon, a Protestant. 
 
 * Burman. Sylloge. Epist. II, p. 391. 
 
 ® Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 367 : 
 
 “Een onuitgegeven werk van Hugo de Groot.” 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 41 
 
 disgust me which has the name of being only a bare 
 livelihood. Comfort me as you can in my sorrow, 
 that increases with the day. You can not believe 
 how very earnest my complaint is.” 
 
 Having the instincts and accomplishments of a 
 scholar, Grotius found it difficult to resist the inclina- 
 tion to give himself completely to the pursuit of his 
 favorite studies. In later years ® Grotius, who, as 
 a youth had lamented that “the lawyer only gets 
 hatred from those against whom he pleads, small 
 rewards from his clients, and little honor from the 
 public,” declared that his friends by urging him too 
 early to the study of law, retarded the progress he 
 might have made in other directions. Between the 
 years 1601 and 1603, however, he worked with 
 such diligence and productiveness that he advanced 
 by great strides in wisdom and judgment. His 
 published writings are a proof of this, for what in 
 1601 he was willing to publish, he withheld in 1603 
 as no longer worthy.'^ 
 
 In 1602 his two professors, Francis Junius and 
 Lucas Trelcatius, succumbed to the plague in 
 Leiden,® and Grotius helped Professor Gomar with 
 two elegies to them, the funeral song of Junius be- 
 ing a splendid comparison of the scholar just de- 
 ceased with the two great Romans of the same name 
 who had done so much for their country. 
 
 ® In a letter of June 24th, 1621; Ep. 150. 
 
 ^ See Fruin’s “Een onuitgegeven werk van Hugo de Groot,” p. 
 406. 
 
 ® Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 19. 
 
42 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Also, in the same year, Grotius lost his younger 
 brother Franciscus Grotius who “was taken away 
 from this world in his seventeenth year, in the midst 
 of his studies in the law, a youth of great hope and 
 expectation, whose death cost his old father salt 
 tears, to dry up which the vigilant Hugo sent to his 
 father a moving funeral poem with many consoling 
 notes, from which all bereaved fathers in like cir- 
 cumstances, of the losing of their children, still, at 
 this time, can draw some relief.” ® 
 
 The year 1604 saw the production of a Latin 
 poem on the siege of Ostend. In this poem the city 
 which had been besieged for three years, a siege 
 which came to an end in September of the following 
 year, spoke in solemn, impressive words of the fight 
 she had fought against famine, the winter, and the 
 plague. 
 
 In spite of his impatience with his profession, 
 Grotius seems to have become a very successful 
 lawyer, for, in the same year he was called upon by 
 no less a personage than Prince Maurice for advice 
 and assistance in a controversy with the Bishop of 
 Munster, over the seignorage of Kloppenburg. In 
 1605 Professor Dominicus Baudius, who called 
 Grotius “the ornament and gem of Holland 
 youth,” requested the young lawyer to protect 
 in court his friend Scriverius in a case considered 
 
 ^Ibid, Bk. I, p. 20. 
 
 10 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 22. 
 
 Letter of March 6th, 1605. Brandt, ibid., p. 22. 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 43 
 
 to be wholly lost, writing: — “We must not command 
 such doctors or excellent physicians until the sick 
 lay dying; further, however despairing this matter 
 may be, there is still hope of restoration if the whole 
 Grotius is given to it.” 
 
 It almost seems as though the learned men of 
 Holland were afraid of the tremendous Intellect 
 of the young scholar. Baudius, Brandt tells us,^^ 
 in a letter of September, 1606, relates how Grotius 
 unexpectedly had come into one of his lectures “and 
 had driven such terror into him by his extraordinary 
 presence that he had got lockjaw,” causing him, 
 though he had taken a rich subject, to cover it so 
 scantily that he found it necessary, at the end of the 
 lecture, to seek Grotius’ pardon ! 
 
 The winter of 1604 and the spring of 1605 
 witnessed the composition of a treatise or argument 
 far more substantial tlian anything the pen of Gro- 
 tius had theretofore undertaken in the law — the 
 “De Jure Praedae” or “The Law of Spoils.” In 
 November, 1864, there was discovered In a sale 
 at Martinus Nijhoff’s, in the Hague, a manuscript 
 of Grotius, consisting of two hundred and eighty 
 pages, and inscribed “H. Grotii opus de jure 
 praedae In XVI capita divisum.” The manuscript 
 was purchased by the Law Faculty of the University 
 of Leiden, who desired to have it In an open library, 
 and was placed among their collections where it 
 
 12 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 23. 
 
44 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 remains to-day. This manuscript, which is clearly 
 a transcript or second copy,^® is written In Latin 
 script in the neat hand of the author upon rough, 
 unruled paper. In some places words and sentences 
 are scratched out to be replaced, and perhaps en- 
 larged, with other phrases. Along the broad 
 margin at the left appear the references of the 
 author, the anchors which the student of Grotius 
 soon learns to expect. From what time the altera- 
 tions date it cannot be accurately said, but certainly 
 not later than the end of 1608,^* when the twelfth 
 chapter of the manuscript was published under the 
 title of “Mare Liberum.” Ink and writing go to 
 prove that none of the alterations are later than 
 those which were in it when it was divided for 
 printing.^'’ 
 
 After the manuscript was safely secured. Pro- 
 fessor Vissering, a member of the faculty through 
 which the work was bought, set himself to the task 
 of examining the work, and gave the result of his 
 study to the Royal Academy of learning, in whose 
 report of 1865 his investigation Is published. 
 Later, Professor Fruin, also of the Leiden faculty, 
 read the manuscript through and decided to publish 
 the treatise that the world might benefit by it. 
 After consulting Mr. Nijhoff upon the cost of such 
 an undertaking, he conferred with Dr. Hamaker, 
 
 Fruin, who has examined the manuscript very carefully, 
 says this is undoubtedly so, in his “Verspreide Geschriften,” 
 vol. Ill, p. 408. 
 
 11 Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 408. 
 
 1 ® Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 408. 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 45 
 
 who, as an experienced man of letters was particu- 
 larly fitted for such a philological task, and who 
 took the care of the printing upon himself. So, 
 in 1868 the “De Jure Praedae” was edited in Latin 
 by these two men. Professor Fruin contributing an 
 article on the origin and history of the book. 
 
 The “De Jure Praedae” is a pleading In the 
 great struggle which the Dutch East India Company, 
 for which Grotius was counsel, was waging with 
 arms against the Portuguese, and is thus an argu- 
 ment against the claims of the Portuguese nation 
 under the Papal decree of Alexander VI, May 4th, 
 1493, dividing the then recognized world into two 
 parts by the “Papal line of demarcation” and giv- 
 ing all discovered and explored lands west of it to 
 the Spanish, all east of it to the Portuguese. 
 
 In order to understand the work it is necessary 
 to go back a little way Into the history of the times. 
 In 1598, twenty-two ships of five different Holland 
 and Zeeland Companies, had sailed to trade In the 
 East Indies. The Dutch government was appre- 
 hensive lest the war waging with Spain should be 
 carried Into the Indian Ocean against the Portu- 
 
 This line ran from pole to pole, one hundred leagues 
 west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, approximately 
 through the now 13th west meridian. Portugal protested to the 
 position of this line, and a conference between Spain and Por- 
 tugal was held the next year, 1494, at which, by common con- 
 sent, the line was shifted to a position three hundred and sev- 
 enty leagues west of the islands, approximately where the 
 SOth west meridian now runs. Fish locates it between 41° and 
 44° west longitude. After Columbus had returned to demonstrate 
 that the world was round, the line meant nothing, since west was 
 east and east was west if one but sailed west and east, respec- 
 tively, long enough. 
 
46 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 guese, and consequently the captains of these trading 
 ships were advised and warned not to use their 
 cannon and arms except in self defense. The order 
 was : “Seize or damage no ships, whatever nation 
 
 they belong to, in the journey out and the return 
 voyage.’’ 
 
 But the Portuguese regarded the Dutch merchants 
 as sea rovers, and each ship that came home from 
 her voyage brought fresh news of maltreatment by 
 the nation which founded her right to trade with 
 the colonies upon the decree of the father of Caesar 
 Borgia. Consequently the Dutch, whose foreign 
 policy was even then one of commercial instead of 
 political supremacy, became more and more aroused, 
 and finally the many small and independent trading 
 companies met and in self defense formed one com- 
 pany, the Dutch East India Company, in order that, 
 thus united, they might trade with the Indies and 
 protect their interests there. 
 
 The East India Company, now fortified within 
 itself, soon proceeded to carry on the war against 
 the enemy of Holland, and to enrich itself with the 
 spoils. In 1604 Heemskerck brought in as a spoil 
 of war, the Catharina. “Still her right to do this 
 was disputed and the mental objections which were 
 raised against it were used by her enemies as a 
 pretext to call to life a dangerous rival next to her. 
 It seemed fitting, not only for the benefit of fellow 
 
 Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 372 : “geen 
 schepen, wat natien die oock toebehoorden, in’t gaen ende weder- 
 keeren aen te grypen of te beschadigen.” 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 47 
 
 countrymen, but also for all of Europe to prove the 
 right of the Company to act as it formerly had and 
 to lay a defense for these false excuses, behind 
 which the jealously of commerce held itself 
 hidden.” 
 
 It was the writing of such a defense that Grotius 
 took upon himself. Whether he was requested to 
 do so by the directors of the Company it is dif- 
 ficult to say. Certainly no proof is easily discover- 
 able to this effect. However, in a letter of later 
 date he tells his brother that, “he stood in a new 
 relation to the Company,” and that he used the 
 archives of the “United Company” in the writing 
 of his argument is almost certain. Since Grotius 
 was serving the Company as counsel in the adjudi- 
 cation of her case, it is fair to suppose that he was 
 at least encouraged by them to bring forth the 
 “De Jure Praedae.” 
 
 When the Catharina was brought in, Grotius 
 had reached his twentieth year and was practicing 
 law in the Hague, it would seem, rather successfully. 
 That the book was written during the last part of 
 1604 and the first part of 1605 is proved by the con- 
 tents, for the author deals with the affairs of 1604, 
 including the capture of Sluis by Prince Maurice,^® 
 on August 20th of that year, while he makes no men- 
 tion of the Proclamation of Lisbon, April 9th, 1605 
 
 Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 403. 
 
 Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 403; quoting Ep. App., 450, 507. 
 
 *°“De Jure Praedae,” p. 170; Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” 
 vol. Ill, p. 407. 
 
48 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 (whereby the trade to the Indies was most positively 
 forbidden to all who did not belong to the Portu- 
 guese nation) nor to other events of 1605. It 
 seems extremely probable that the affairs of 1605 
 would have been mentioned had the book been still 
 unwritten at that time. 
 
 As to why the book was never published we can 
 only guess. Perhaps the Dutch-Engllsh situation 
 a quarter of a century later will throw some light 
 upon the subject. When Selden published, in 
 December, 1635, his “Mare Clausum” in answer to 
 the “Mare Liberum” of Grotius, setting forth the 
 rights of the English over the seas about their is- 
 land, he worked the Dutch governors and burghers 
 into a state of excitement. Grotius, at that time, 
 wrote to his brother William: — “I am wondering 
 whether the Dutch will protect themselves silently, 
 and so retain what they have (by force), or do so 
 through a defensive publication.” That he had 
 judged the situation correctly is shown by what sub- 
 sequently happened. At first the States had favored 
 an answer to Selden, and Cunaeus and later Gras- 
 wlnckel were chosen to write it, but when the latter 
 had prepared the defense, the States decided not to 
 publish it, on the advice of Aerssens van Som- 
 melsdijck, who remarked, that the freedom of the 
 sea must be protected not with the pen, but with 
 the sword.^^ What in 1635 was true with respect 
 
 21 Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 408. 
 
 22 Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 408. 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 49 
 
 to the English, was very probably also true with 
 regard to the Portuguese and Spaniards in 1604 
 and later. The people of Holland who had been 
 fighting for almost forty years had become imbued 
 with the spirit of war, and quite naturally relied 
 more upon the force of arms than of argument. 
 
 In 1607 the “Advokaet Fiscael,” or Attorney 
 General of Holland, Zeeland, and West Friesland, 
 Simon van Veen, was promoted to the High Council, 
 and it became necessary to select a new man to fill 
 the vacant position. Accordingly, Grotius, together 
 with Nicolaes Bakker, and Quiryn van Stryen, was 
 nominated for the office by the States on September 
 4th, 1607,^^ and on the twelfth of November of the 
 same year he was chosen by Prince Maurice, with 
 a salary of one thousand gulden a year.^* The 
 letter from Prince Maurice to the States, appointing 
 this young man of twenty-four years to one of the 
 most honorable positions of the land, is interesting. 
 Translated from the old Dutch, literally, it runs: — 
 
 “Noble, firm-in-honor, most learned, wise, modest, 
 particularly good friends: — 
 
 “We have received Your Excellencies’ letters con- 
 taining the nominations of three persons, from which 
 Your Excellencies have sought that one be chosen 
 by us to the services of the rank or office of Attorney 
 General of the Court of Holland, Zeeland, and 
 
 23 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 23. 
 
 Ihid., Bk. I, p. 24. 
 
 25 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 24. 
 
50 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Friesland, and, having attended to that, we have, 
 after mature deliberation, found it wise to choose the 
 person of Mr. Hugo de Groot to the function of the 
 forementioned office, requesting you to dispatch to 
 him a proper commission to that effect. And here- 
 with, etc. 
 
 Your Excellencies’ good-willing Friend, 
 M. de Nassau.” 
 
 The Hague, 
 
 Nov. 12, 1607. 
 
 The acceptance of this appointment was Grotius’ 
 farewell to the practice of the law, and it is certain 
 that, as he felt his professional practice had been a 
 drag upon him, he left it with no sense of regret. 
 Being now in a position to marry, Brandt tells us 
 that Grotius began “to seek for a quiet wife, who 
 should be able to help him in the many and various 
 happenings and disappointments of this changing 
 life.” His father and he decided upon Maria van 
 Reigersbergen, a daughter of an illustrious family of 
 Zeeland, whose father Pieter, Burgomaster of 
 Veere, had served the house of Nassau well, and 
 therefore during the rule of Leicester, had been ex- 
 pelled from the country.^® The willing Mary was 
 led to the altar and the marriage was solemnized 
 in the middle of July, 1608. Perhaps the finest 
 tribute that can be paid to this lady “who surpassed 
 the conceptions of her sex in sagacity and clever- 
 
 ** Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 27. 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 51 
 
 ness,” is that, throughout her life, she was always 
 worthy of her husband. 
 
 After “the applause and congratulations of the 
 most high-flying spirits, who had made his marriage 
 hall noisy with songs,” were over, and the honey- 
 moon weeks were passed, Grotius again turned his 
 mind to the question of the trade to the Indies. 
 The year 1608 had seen a renewal of negotiations 
 for peace between Spain and Holland, the Marquis 
 Spinola and other Spanish representatives coming 
 to the Hague in order to confer with the delegates 
 of the States. The Spaniards were willing to recog- 
 nize the independence of the United Provinces, pro- 
 vided the other conditions were met, but of these the 
 question of the trade to the Indies formed a barrier. 
 The Dutch obstinately refused to relinquish the right 
 they claimed to this commerce, while the Spanish 
 would sanction it at no price, arguing that neither 
 the French by the Peace of Vervins, nor the English 
 by the Treaty of London, were allowed to navigate 
 the coasts which the Spaniards and Portuguese alone 
 had used for a very long time.^^ The Ambassadors 
 of France and England contended that that which 
 was permitted by the law of nature and was not for- 
 bidden by any treaty, was regarded with justice as 
 something granted. And while the negotiations on 
 this point remained at a standstill, men concerned 
 over the matter wrote treatises arguing how un- 
 
 2 ^ Ibid., Bk. I, p. 28. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 28. 
 
52 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 reasonable the claims of the Spaniards were, being 
 not only injurious to the welfare of the country, but 
 also contrary to all human and divine laws, since 
 every one had as much right to navigate and to trade 
 as they had to the free use of air and earth. If 
 they had not traded in the Indies before the war, 
 this was not from want of right. No possession, 
 however long it might be, could serve to thwart the 
 law of nations. Those who closed the sea and pre- 
 tended to have the monopoly conducted themselves 
 as real pirates and vampires, who, by engrossing, 
 brought a high price in corn. Peace without a 
 free commerce was no peace, but rather a continual 
 enmity, because the right to protect oneself was 
 taken away.^®* 
 
 The whole of the summer of 1608 passed with 
 no settlement in sight. Grotius at that time must 
 have often thought of the treatise on this subject 
 which he had put aside unpublished, the “De Jure 
 Praedae,” especially of the chapter in which he re- 
 futes the claims of the Portuguese to the trade in 
 question by basing his arguments upon the law of 
 nature and of nations. 
 
 Not long after his marriage, while his wife was 
 visiting her family in Zeeland, and he was alone in 
 the Hague, he took out his manuscript of the “De 
 Jure Praedae,” and came to the conclusion that he 
 would publish it in part — namely the twelfth chapter 
 
 28a Ibid., Bk. I, p. 28. 
 
 2 ® Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 410. 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 53 
 
 upon “The Free Sea.” There was not much to 
 alter, a new beginning or introduction, and the one 
 detailed conclusion in place of the two parts of the 
 original chapter, was all there was to do. 
 
 Speedily it was prepared and sent to Heinsius, 
 Grotius’ friend, in Leiden, in November of that 
 year (1608), under the title of “Mare Liberum,” 
 with the request that it be published without the name 
 of the author. But it seems to have been difficult to 
 obtain a printer, for it was January, 1609, before 
 Elzevier began the printing,®^ and the first traces of 
 spring must have appeared in Leiden before the 
 “Mare Liberum” came before the world. 
 
 The “De Jure Praedae” is divided into three 
 parts. The first part, entitled “Dogmatica de jure 
 praedae” is given to a discussion of war, the right 
 to wage it and to take spoils, under the law of nature 
 and of nations. The second part bears the inscrip- 
 tion “Historica” and relates first, to the tyranny of 
 Alva which drove the Dutch to war against Spain 
 and her allies; second, to the stand of the Dutch 
 against Prince Philip II (who had received control 
 of the Netherlands and the Italian Provinces from 
 his father in 1555) ; third, to the wrongs the Nether- 
 land East India navigators had had to endure from 
 the Portuguese from their coming to India in 1596 
 
 Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 410. 
 
 Grotius thought he would have the book translated into 
 French, and asked Heinsius to see one or another French student 
 at Leiden as to the cost, but the plan was dropped. 
 
 Fruin thinks the book could not have appeared before the 
 first days of March — “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 412. 
 
54 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 to the capture of the Catharina by Heemskerck 
 in February, 1603; and finally to the armed conflict 
 between the two countries. Part three begins with 
 the “Mare Liberum” and deals with the rights of 
 the East India Company to trade in the Indies as 
 they had always done, proving that the Portuguese 
 had no confirmed right to the trade to the Indies 
 and therefore had no just cause to regard the peace- 
 ful coming of the Dutch merchants to India as an 
 act of injustice and enmity. 
 
 After the war was over, the third part, of course, 
 lost its practical importance as an argument, but the 
 first and second parts are still of value. 
 
 Professor Fruin declares,®* regarding this work, 
 “I do not doubt but that de Groot has, by the publi- 
 cation of the ‘Mare Liberum,’ adopted the plan of 
 later publishing the other two parts of his com- 
 mentaries as separate works.” 
 
 The “Mare Liberum” to elaborate upon what has 
 been said of the third part of the “De Jure 
 Praedae,” declares that, according to the principles 
 of Jus Gentium, it is lawful for any people to trade 
 with any other. The denial of this right had led 
 to wars, such as the Spaniards waged against the 
 inhabitants of America, the Israelites against the 
 Amorites, the Greeks against the Mysians, the peo- 
 ple of Christendom against the Saracens. The 
 Portuguese had no title to the Indies and therefore 
 could not be owners of the lands. Java and the 
 
 *3 Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 415. 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 55 
 
 larger part of the Moluccas, they had never pos- 
 sessed, these islands still retaining their own kings 
 and native laws. They had no title by discovery, 
 since to get title in this way there must be both dis- 
 covery and occupation. As for discovery, the Indies 
 had been known of for centuries before the Portu- 
 guese came to them, the inhabitants were capable of 
 holding title and did actually do so. The Pope 
 could give them no title by decree (Papal Bull of 
 Alexander VI in 1493) since his powers were only ^ 
 spiritual. By conquest the Portuguese held no title 
 since they were not at war with many of the peoples 
 with whom the Dutch started to trade. The Portu- 
 guese had not occupied the Indies, and they could 
 not occupy the sea. They could acquire no title to 
 it by prescription since prescription is a part of the 
 Civil Law which cannot operate against the Law of 
 Nature, by which navigation is free to all to fit the 
 needs of humanity, and since prescription could 
 give no title to things incorporeal. The air and the 
 ocean were so made by Nature that they might be 
 used by all, time after time, and they ought to be as 
 they were made, free. It is absurd to assert that 
 the sea belongs to the country whose navigators 
 first sail it, for the law takes no more cognizance of 
 the cutting of the sea by a vessel than the sea does, 
 which immediately closes again. As for trade, be- 
 ing incorporeal, it cannot be held by title. Jus 
 Gentium establishes free trade. 
 
 Thus the Spaniards who, realizing their claims to 
 
56 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 be invalid under the Roman law, since this required 
 both discovery and occupation for ownership, had 
 fallen back upon the grants of the church, par- 
 ticularly the Bull of Alexander VI giving to the 
 Portuguese and Spaniards title to newly discovered 
 and explored lands east or west, respectively, of the 
 Line of Demarcation, only to be refuted in argu- 
 ment. 
 
 On May i6th, 1609, only a few weeks after the 
 “Mare Liberum” was published, there appeared a 
 proclamation of James I of England, forbidding any 
 person, not a natural-born subject of the British 
 King, to fish upon any of the coasts of Great Britain 
 and Ireland without a license from the Royal Com- 
 missioners at London or Edinburgh. Since the al- 
 liance between Elizabeth and the States, the Dutch 
 fishermen had been building up a large fishing indus- 
 try off the British coasts. All went well until the 
 Dutch refused to pay the duties, which had been 
 levied for many years within these seas, and also the 
 “vail” to the English flag.®^ 
 
 The Proclamation of James failed to bring their 
 good manners back to the Dutch, and in 1617, a 
 Dutch ship not only refused to pay the “size 
 herring” duty, but its two convoying ships carried 
 off John Browne, the man who demanded the pay- 
 
 “From the days of Norman John to those of Scottish James 
 the omission on the part of a foreigner to ‘vail,’ that is, to strike 
 his flag and lower his topsail, on meeting a British man-of-war in 
 the ‘Quatuor Maria’ or ‘four British seas,’ would have infallibly 
 been deemed an act of war or of piracy.” Walker’s “A History 
 of the Law of Nations,” vol. I, p. 163; p. 169, note 2. 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 57 
 
 ment and an officer of the Admiral of Scotland, to 
 Holland/® James, now aroused, ordered reprisals 
 on Dutchmen in London, the instant release of the 
 prisoner, and the punishment of the offenders. In 
 the negotiations that followed, Grotius was em- 
 ployed to represent the States-General, as we shall 
 later see. Finally the captors were sent to England 
 for punishment, but the States disavowed the action 
 of the two commanders, declaring that it was not 
 authorized or approved.®® So the struggle over the 
 fisheries went on until the English fleet became 
 powerful enough to put a stop to the Dutch Industry 
 of free fishing in these waters. 
 
 However, this Proclamation of James I of 1609, 
 renewed by Charles I In 1636, dealt with an entirely 
 different question from that which Grotius had 
 argued in his “Mare Liberum.” Now It was not a 
 question of navigation, but of fisheries, not the ex- 
 pansive ocean but a definite part of the sea, of cir- 
 cumscribed and comparatively small area, over which 
 possession was disputed. 
 
 England, considering the book of Grotius an argu- 
 ment against her rights, attempted to refute his 
 teachings by counter-writings, and so it was that, in 
 1613, the “Abridgment of all the Sea-laws” of 
 William Welwood appeared, the first book launched 
 at the “Mare Liberum.” Grotius wrote a rather 
 disappointing and unconvincing answer to this, 
 
 3 ® Walker’s “A History of the Law of Nations,” vol. I, p. 
 167. 
 
 33 Ibid., vol. I, p. 168. 
 
58 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 which, however, he did not publish, and it remains 
 to-day in the library of the University of Leiden. 
 
 Of more weight than the work of Welwood was 
 the book of John Selden in i6i8, presented to King 
 James, but first published in 1635, at the command 
 of Charles I, under the title of “Mare Clausum.” 
 
 As was the custom of the time, Selden based his 
 argument upon the Scriptures, contending that God 
 had given dominion over the fish of the sea to 
 Adam (Genesis I), and that where dominion over 
 the fish is given, it is likewise given over the sea 
 itself. How the English became the sole descend- 
 ents of Adam and therefore the inheritors of his 
 rights, he does not prove. He declares that if 
 land can be owned, water can be owned, a state- 
 ment which no less an authority than Blackstone 
 denied.®^ History shows that England followed 
 this doctrine of Selden’s until the pressure of the 
 international opinion of the world forced her to 
 abandon it. Upon the principles of “Mare Clau- 
 sum” the Embargo Acts, which were instrumental 
 in precipitating a war, were founded, and the rights 
 she claimed over vessels and men even in Long Is- 
 land Sound were the result of this doctrine. In 
 1803 England was still unwilling to recognize the 
 rights of others on the seas and to surrender the 
 claim, which she insisted was hers, to impressment; 
 
 37 2 Bl. Com., § 18; “For water is a movable, wandering thing, 
 and must of necessity continue common by the law of nature ; 
 so that I can only have a temporary, transient, usufructuary 
 property therein ; wherefore, if a body of water ruris ^out of my 
 pond into another man’s, I have no right to reclaim it.” 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 59 
 
 an attempted treaty of that year between the United 
 States and England failing on that point. 
 
 But circumstances had changed the position of 
 Grotius by the time the “Mare Clausum” appeared. 
 In 1635 he was a man, exiled from the country he 
 had labored to serve, for the stand he had taken 
 in the religious and political controversies of which 
 the time was rife. Regarding the criticisms of his 
 “Mare Liberum,” he thought that, since it has been 
 written for his country, the judges who had banished 
 him might now more appropriately defend Holland’s 
 claims.®® In one of his letters of this time he de- 
 clares : “I do not remember what I have been when 
 I see those to whom I have rendered such great 
 service, remember me only to hurt me.” 
 
 In March, 1610, the year after the “Mare 
 Liberum” had been brought out, Grotius published 
 his history of old Holland, in Latin, under the title 
 “De Antiquitate Reipublicae Batavicae.” Shortly 
 after this he translated the work into Dutch, “his 
 father faithfully assisting him therein” ; and later 
 he enriched the book with short notes, which, how- 
 ever, did not come to light until many years had 
 passed. 
 
 In this history the author defines an aristocratic 
 government, gives an historical outline of the aristo- 
 
 38 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 46, note c. “Sunt 
 qui me incitant; ego dico quaerendum ex judicibus nostris ali- 
 quem, cui id muneris delegatur,” Ep. Gr. 144, p. 796. 
 
 39 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 46, quoting from 
 Ep. 383, p. 864. 
 
 *9 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 32. 
 
6o 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 cratic government of ancient Batavia, traces its ex- 
 istence under the Roman Empire, in its height and 
 decline, claiming, from Tacitus, that the Dutch were 
 the allies and not the subjects of Rome, Through 
 the time the Counts of Holland flourished, the first 
 of whom had been Diederic of Friesland, supreme 
 head of his locality and Count of the whole nation, 
 Grotius traces the history. Although these Counts 
 usually followed the rule of primo-geniture, he really 
 reigned by the will of the people rather than by right 
 of succession. Finally, Grotius shows how the war, 
 brought on by the determination of Philip II to en- 
 force his policy, had brought Holland her freedom. 
 
 In the dedication of this history to the States of 
 Holland and West Friesland, he placed the 
 sovereignty of these States on the highest level, say- 
 ing: “This power of the States has been the foun- 
 dation of the Republic, the refuge and the protection 
 of equal right, the curb of Princely grandeur.” “ 
 
 From the year i6oi Grotius had worked steadily 
 in his leisure hours upon the then modern history of 
 Holland, and, in 1612, he completed his task. It 
 was in September of that year that he delivered the 
 “History of the Netherlands” into the hands of the 
 Chief-Counsellor of the Land, Barneveld, who pre- 
 sented it to the Council at the meeting held October 
 4th.*^ Messrs, van Asperen and Bas were ap- 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 32. 
 
 ^2 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 33; from 
 the Resolution of the Council of Oct. 4th, 1612. This Council 
 also paid Grotius the last six hundred gulden due him for his 
 work. 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 6i 
 
 pointed to investigate the book, and to decide 
 whether or not it would be advisable to publish it. 
 That they decided this question in the negative 
 (probably because of the conditions of affairs at this 
 time) is certain, for the book which recounted the 
 events of Dutch history from 1560 to the beginning 
 of the Twelve Years’ Truce in 1609, remained un- 
 published until, after the death of Grotius, his sons 
 Cornelius and Peter brought it before the world in 
 1657.“ The publication was dedicated to the States, 
 whose ancestors had urged their father to undertake 
 the work. A few years before his death Grotius 
 himself had decided to publish the History, now re- 
 vised and corrected, and had even written a dedica- 
 tion to Queen Christina of Sweden,^^ whose Ambas- 
 sador he then was. 
 
 The style of the book is clear and concise, and 
 modeled on that of the great Latin historian Tacitus. 
 The reasoning is logical and strong, supported by 
 quotations, aphorisms and notes — indicative of great 
 familiarity with history, politics, and literature. 
 Brandt, whose opinion in such matters is surely to be 
 respected, declares that: “Grotius showed in this 
 (work) that he was truly great, yes, the greatest and 
 most perfect historian that Holland had ever pro- 
 duced.” 
 
 In November, 1612, only two months after Gro- 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 34. 
 
 ** Ibid., Bk. I, p. 34. Brandt declares that he has seen a copy of 
 this dedication. 
 
 <5 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 34. 
 
62 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 tius had delivered his completed History into their 
 hands, the High Council proposed that he be elected 
 to clothe the senatorial office of their tribunal. But 
 the States of Holland and West Friesland, to whom 
 his name was presented by the Council, considering 
 how faithfully he had filled the office of Attorney- 
 General, and how important he was to them in that 
 position, resolved rather to increase his salary in 
 that office, promising him that he should be placed 
 in the High Council when the country needed him 
 more there.*® 
 
 The honor paid to Grotius by the High Council 
 in nominating him as a member proves, beyond 
 doubt, that his “History of Holland,” did not re- 
 main unpublished by them because they thought it 
 inadequate or erroneous. 
 
 On the twentieth of July, 1612, Elias Barneveld, 
 Pensionary of Rotterdam and brother of the Grand 
 Pensionary of Holland, died,*^ and the Rotterdam 
 Town Council found it necessary to find a new man 
 for the office. At a meeting of this body held on 
 January 14th, 1613, Counsellor Hogerbeets was 
 chosen, but he declined the office, and one month 
 later,*® February 14th, Hugo de Groot was selected. 
 On March 4th, 1613, he accepted the office, with a 
 compensation of “two thousand gulden a year, above 
 
 Resolutions of the States of Holland, November 26th to 
 December 21st, 1612. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. II, p. 42. 
 
 Ibid., Bk. II, p. 43 ; “Vergadering gehouden den 14 February, 
 
 1613.” 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 63 
 
 the house rent, and the other usual emoluments” ; ** 
 and with the position came a promise from Rotter- 
 dam that he should never be removed from his of- 
 fice, also of a seat in the Assembly of the States of 
 Holland and later in the States-GeneraL®° The of- 
 fice was also the means of drawing Grotius and 
 Grand Pensionary Barneveld into a closer friend- 
 ship, which was broken only by the death of the 
 latter. 
 
 About this time there arose a dispute between the 
 English and the Dutch in which Grotius was one of 
 the principal actors, the dispute over the fisheries al- 
 ready mentioned. Two Dutch vessels had sailed 
 from Amsterdam to the shores of Greenland to hunt 
 walrus,®^ and, having obtained twenty-two, fell in 
 with some English vessels bound for Russia. Upon 
 being asked by the English whether they had permis- 
 sion of the King of England to capture the sea ani- 
 mals of Greenland, the Dutch answered that the sea 
 was free and they were provided with passports from 
 Count Maurice. But the English, not being satis- 
 fied with this, demanded and obtained, since their 
 
 49 “Vergadering gehouden den 4 Maert, 1613”; Brandt’s “Het 
 Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. II, p. 45. 
 
 50 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 50; Grotius’ Apol- 
 ogy, ch. 19, p. 384, quoted. 
 
 51 It is interesting to note the description De Burigny gives 
 of this animal, lest his readers may not know of what he talks : 
 “C’est un animal marin qui est plus gros qu’un boeuf ; il a le 
 mufle d’un lion, la peau chargee de poil, quartre pieds, et deux 
 grandes dents qui lui sortent de la machoire d’en haut, descendant 
 en has, plates, dures et si blanches qu’elles ne cedent ni en blan- 
 cheur ni en valeur a celles de I’Elephant.” Burigny’s “Vie de 
 Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 51-52. 
 
64 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 vessels greatly outnumbered the Dutch, the walrus 
 the Dutch had killed.®^ 
 
 When the two Dutch vessels reached home and 
 placed their complaint before the States, it was re- 
 solved by the States-General on March 15th, 1613,®® 
 to send Grotius to England, accompanied by Reinier 
 Pauw, Ex-Burgomaster of Amsterdam, Jacob Bor- 
 eel, Ex-Burgomaster of Middelburg, and Dirk 
 Meerman, Alderman and Councillor of Delft, to de- 
 mand justice, the “Mare Liberum” of Grotius prob- 
 ably making him better fitted to discuss this question 
 than anyone else in Holland. 
 
 Accordingly a conference was held in 1613 be- 
 tween the delegates of the two countries, at which 
 the principal bone of contention was the right of 
 whale and walrus hunting. Burigny states that 
 the Dutch proved to the English that neither the land 
 nor the sea of Greenland belonged to them, since the 
 land had been discovered and named by the Dutch 
 in 1596, that Hugh Willoughby (on whose discov- 
 ery the English based their claim) had not touched 
 on Greenland in 1 553, but had discovered the island, 
 a part of Finland, which then bore his name,®® and 
 
 This account comes from de Burigny, Bk. I, pp. 51-52, of the 
 “Vie de Grotius.” Burigny quotes Mercure Frangois as author- 
 ity. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. II, p. 45. 
 
 Burigny, Bk. I, p. 53, fixed this date the year 1615. Brandt, 
 Bk. II, p. 50, says Grotius was back in Holland in 1613. 
 
 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 53. 
 
 The Century Atlas (1897) records the name “Willoughby, 
 1553,” on the island of Nova Zembla, situated off the coast of 
 Finland and Russia. If Willoughby was in Nova Zembla in 
 1553, he could hardly have touched upon Greenland that same 
 year, as the former place is approximately 75 N. Lat., 60 E. Long., 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 65 
 
 had died of cold and hunger on the coast of Lap- 
 land.” But the old proverb that the strongest are 
 masters of the sea and such never desire to make 
 restitution, held in this case too, and the conference, 
 from the viewpoint of the Dutch, was very unsatis- 
 factory. 
 
 The trip to England did much to bring Grotius 
 and Isaac Casaubon close together in a deep and last- 
 ing sympathy and friendship. The latter had, since 
 the murder of Henry IV, taken up his abode in Lon- 
 don, finding great favor at Court,®® and in that city 
 Grotius saw him daily. There also, the representa- 
 tive of Holland was intimate with Mr. Caron, the 
 Minister from the Netherlands; the Bishop of Ely; 
 and Joannes Overallus, Dean of St. Paul’s Cathe- 
 dral; and was the recipient of honors from James I, 
 who, according to Casaubon, was charmed with his 
 conversation. On April 13, 1613, the latter 
 
 wrote to Daniel Heinsius : “I am very well and 
 cannot express my great pleasure in the conversation 
 of so great a man as Grotius. Oh, that wonderful 
 man ! I knew him before, but to fully comprehend 
 his excellency and his divine genius, one must see and 
 hear him. His countenance speaks honesty and his 
 speech reveals the profoundest learning and the most 
 sincere piety. Do not think I am his only admirer 
 
 and the latter, at its nearest point, 75 N. Lat., 20 W. Long. 
 (Greenwich). 
 
 In a letter of June Sth, 1615 (Ep. 59, p. 19), to du Maurier, 
 Grotius gives an account of this conference. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. II, p. 47. 
 
 Ep. Casaub., p. 965. 
 
66 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 for all learned and good men think the same as I, 
 particularly the King.” 
 
 Soon after Grotius’ return from England, another 
 question of International Law arose in Holland. 
 The States had granted commissions to some priva- 
 teers, after the custom of the time, who had made 
 depredations on the people of Pomerania, and, after 
 leaving their native country, had refused to return. 
 The injured people applied to the States for redress 
 of their grievances, and Grotius was consulted to de- 
 cide the question involved, namely, whether the 
 States were answerable for the acts of the privateers 
 because the States had employed bad men in their ser- 
 vice or because they had neglected to require security 
 from the privateers upon granting them their com- 
 missions. His opinion was that the States were only 
 bound to punish the offenders, or deliver them to the 
 sufferers, if taken, and satisfy the losses of the Pom- 
 eranian complainants out of the goods of the pi- 
 rates.®^ 
 
 It may be interesting to note here the substance of 
 a letter ®^ written by Grotius to M. du Maurier from 
 Rotterdam, May 12th, 1615, of which the latter had 
 a few copies printed, and which was published by 
 Elzevier in 1637 under the title “De omni genere 
 studiorum recte instituendo.” Du Maurier, the 
 French Ambassador to Holland, had asked Grotius 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. II, p. 47, and 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 56. 
 
 See “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,” Liber II, Caput XVII, § XX. 
 
 ®2 Ep. Grot. 54, p. 17. 
 
THE “DE JURE PRAEDAE” 
 
 67 
 
 to direct him in a course of study, and the Dutch 
 scholar had replied in words which give us an in- 
 sight into the methods of education of that period. 
 Grotius’ advice was to begin with logic, though not 
 with Aristotle, which is too long ; then physics, meta- 
 physics and moral philosophy from Aristotle and 
 Nicomachus, Euripides’ Tragedies, Terence’s Come- 
 dies, and Horace’s Epistles. These were to be fol- 
 lowed with Cicero’s Offices, Seneca’s Epistles and 
 Tragedies, Plutarch’s shorter works and Aristotle’s 
 Rhetoric. For a knowledge of law and government 
 he advised the reading of the works of Plato and 
 Cicero on Laws, St. Thomas Aquinas, the first and 
 last three books of Justinian’s Code, and Vasques, 
 Hotoman, and Gentilis on the Law of Nations. For 
 history, one should begin with an abridgment of uni- 
 versal history, going on with whatever is interesting, 
 something modern, and working up Livy later. 
 Grotius also advised the use of a reader as an as- 
 sistant in study who could read more exhaustively 
 than the one desirous of knowledge, and communi- 
 cate the most important matter to the latter.®® 
 
 Grotius realized truly that “Ruit Hora,” that only 
 the man with a keen sense of values has time to suc- 
 ceed, but that the man of sharp intellect properly 
 directed at the heart of a matter may do in hours 
 that to which a man of less judgment would devote 
 days. 
 
 «3 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 60. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL CON- 
 TROVERSY 
 
 The Arminius-Gomar theological controversy — Maurice favors 
 the Gomarists, Grotius the Arminians — Grotius draws up an 
 Edict to restore tranquillity — The political breach — Grotius is a 
 member of a deputation to Amsterdam — The Prince resorts to 
 force — The 2Sth of July in Utrecht — Arrest of Grotius. 
 
 When Prince Maurice, the second son of William 
 of Orange, was proclaimed Stadtholder in 1585, 
 chiefly by the influence of Barneveld, the people 
 found at their head a man who had all of his father’s 
 talents but likewise all of his father’s ambition. I 
 That they were jealous of his great powers there is 
 little doubt, but they had been forced to throw them- 
 selves under his protection because of the scheming 
 misconduct of the Earl of Leicester. 
 
 In 1598 the war between Spain and France had 
 been terminated by the Peace of Vervins, and in the 
 same year, at the death of his father, Philip III had 
 taken the throne of Spain, now bankrupt in royal 
 blood and ability, as well as in industry and re- 
 sources. The naval victories of Holland and the 
 extension of her trade now became conspicuous, and 
 when, in 1608, Spain proposed a truce. Prince Mau- 
 rice objected to it. However, the Republican party, 
 
 68 
 
THEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL 69 
 
 led by Barneveld, thinking that a non-acceptance of 
 the offer of Spain would mean the strengthening of 
 the House of Orange to the extinction of the coun- 
 try’s liberty, for which the gallant burghers had so 
 bravely shed their blood, urged the peace, and the 
 Twelve Years’ Truce was signed in 1609. 
 
 While the truce was being negotiated in 1608, Ar- ^ 
 minius. Professor of Theology in the University of 
 - LeidenI publicly advanced a doctrine which consti- 
 tuted a bold departure from the doctrines of Calvin. 
 
 It was indeed directly contradictory to the Calvin- 
 istic principle which had predominated in the Neth- 
 erlands, namely, that God consigns one portion of 
 mankind to torment and the other to everlasting 
 happiness without considering their acts, that the 
 grace given to the Elect is so all-powerful that it can- 
 not be resisted, and that Christ did not die for sin- ^ 
 ners. 
 
 Armlnlus declared that God had sent His only 
 Son into the world to redeem mankind; that he had 
 ordained Grace to all to whom the Law should be . 
 preached, so that they might believe If they would; 
 that this Grace was offered to all men In such man- 
 ner that It could be and was resisted, and that God 
 had only chosen and condemned those who, he fore- 
 saw, would embrace or reject his Grace. 
 
 Gomar, another professor at Leiden, defended 
 the teachings of Calvin and the controversy soon be- 
 came so heated, that, after being censured by the 
 Synod of Rotterdam, Arminius petitioned the High 
 
70 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Council of Holland and West Friesland to hear the 
 dispute. The Council granted the petition and re- 
 ported to the States that the whole controversy w'as 
 over some obscure questions of Grace and Predes- 
 tination, Barneveld remarking that he thanked God 
 the fundamental points of religion were not in dis- 
 pute. No question is, however, too insignificant to 
 cause hatred, if only people will quibble over it. 
 
 In i6ii the States of Holland, after hearing both 
 sides, advised the contestants to go home and live 
 in peace, but the matter was not to be settled so sim- 
 ply. Men’s minds were becoming inflamed, and 
 what at first was merely a controversy of religious 
 factions found its way into the politics of the coun- 
 try, acting as a wedge thrust into the narrow breach 
 already there. Maurice saw his opportunity to use 
 this religious quarrel as an instrument to strengthen 
 his position as leader in the Netherlands, and so to 
 fortify the country against the commercial, religious, 
 and political foes that surrounded her, England, 
 Spain, and France. A greater ruler than he might 
 have seen the wisdom of reconciling the factions into 
 a solid force ^ whose only enmity would be projected 
 beyond the national borders, but Maurice was too 
 short sighted to perceive such an opportunity and 
 chose to side with the Gomarists, the faction of the 
 majority of the people. 
 
 When Arminius died on October 19th, 1609,^ at 
 
 1 This was later done in England and Prussia by combining 
 Catholic ritual, Calvinist articles, and Arminian Clergy. 
 
 2 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 29. 
 
THEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL 71 
 
 the age of forty-nine, Grotius wrote a beautiful elegy 
 to him as one who, in succumbing to a lingering ill- 
 ness, had been freed from the troubles of those schis- 
 matical years. At that time Grotius was not ac- 
 tively concerned with the controversy; he had no de- 
 sire to offend Gomar in commending Armlnlus, and 
 did not even declare where his sympathies lay. The 
 poem to Arminius was written more to the dead pro- 
 fessor of his university, as the poem to Franciscus 
 Junius, whose place Arminius had taken, had been 
 written in 1602, than to the author of the Arminian 
 doctrines. Later, however, on entering more deeply 
 into the matter, Grotius became convinced that the 
 Idea that should be entertained of God’s goodness 
 and justness was more compatible with the doctrines 
 of Arminius than with those of Gomar, and this con- 
 viction lasted with him till death. 
 
 Arminius being dead, the overseers of the Uni- 
 versity of Leiden appointed Conrad Vorstius, a dis- 
 ciple of Arminius, as professor of theology In his 
 place. King James was greatly incensed. He or- 
 dered the Professor’s books to be publicly burned 
 in St. Paul’s Church yard and at the universities, 
 and demanded that the States eject the new professor 
 from the chair and expel him from the country if 
 they wished to keep his friendship.® The orthodox 
 clergy took up the cry In Holland, and succeeded in 
 raising such a din that the newly appointed profes- 
 sor was never allowed to preach or to teach. 
 
 3 Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. I, p. 335. 
 
72 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Meanwhile, immediately after the death of their 
 leader, the Arminians, as the followers of Arminius 
 were called, drew up a Remonstrance dated January 
 14th, 1610,^ addressed to the States of Holland and 
 setting forth their doctrines under their famous Five 
 Points.® Briefly, they declared that there is no ab- 
 solute election by which God grants to a chosen few 
 the infallible means of bringing them into eternal 
 happiness, but that he offers to all sufficient means 
 to convert themselves; that election is conditional 
 and that there is no preassurance of salvation. 
 
 This Remonstrance was followed almost immedi- 
 ately by an answer from the Gomarist party in the 
 form of the Contra-Remonstrance of Seven Points, 
 and the country found itself becoming more and 
 
 * De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 68. 
 
 ® These Five Points were : 
 
 1. God has from eternity resolved to choose to eternal life 
 those who through his grace believe in Jesus Christ, and in faith 
 and obedience so continue to the end, and to condemn the unbe- 
 lieving and unconverted to eternal damnation. 
 
 2. Jesus Christ died for all; so, nevertheless, that no one 
 actually except believers is redeemed by His death. 
 
 3. Man has not the saving belief from himself, nor out of his 
 free will, but he needs thereto God’s grace in Christ. 
 
 4. This grace is the beginning, continuation, and completion 
 of man’s salvation ; all good deeds must be ascribed to it, but it 
 does not work irresistibly. 
 
 5. God’s grace gives sufficient strength to the true believers 
 to overcome evil ; but whether they cannot lose grace should be 
 more closely examined before it should be taught in full security. 
 
 Afterwards they expressed themselves more distinctly on this 
 point, and declared that a true believer, through his own fault, 
 can fall away from God and lose faith. 
 
 Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. I, p. 336, taken from : 
 Wagenaar, vol. X, pp. 36, 37 ; “Haagsche Conferentie,” vol. I, 
 p. 425; Brandt, “Hist, der Ref.,’’ vol. H, p. 128; Uytenbogaert, 
 pp. 524, 525. 
 
 Burigny, in his “Vie de Grotius,’’ Bk. I, pp. 69, 70, 71, says the 
 same in substance. 
 
THEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL 73 
 
 more divided by the wedge of theological squab- 
 bling.® 
 
 The controversy, now fanned into a flame, raged 
 on. The children of the people who with one mind 
 had withstood the might of Spain and the Holy In- 
 quisition, were now all-absorbed In fighting each 
 other. From mansion to fisherman’s hut they were 
 split by the Invisible axe into factions bearing only 
 hatred for the other. The Provinces of Holland 
 
 ® The Seven Points were : 
 
 1. God has chosen from eternity certain persons out of the 
 human race, which in and with Adam fell into sin and has no 
 more power to believe and convert itself than a dead man to 
 restore himself to life, in order to make them blessed through 
 Christ; while He passes by the rest through His righteous judg- 
 ment, and leaves them lying in their sins. 
 
 2. Children of believing parents, as well as full-grown believ- 
 ers, are to be considered as elect so long as they with action 
 do not prove the contrary. 
 
 3. God in His election has not looked at the belief and the 
 repentance of the elect; but, on the contrary, in His eternal and 
 unchangeable design, has resolved to give to the elect faith and 
 steadfastness, and thus to make them blessed. 
 
 4. He, to this end, in the first place, presented to them His 
 only begotten Son, whose sufiferings, although sufficient for the 
 expiation of all men’s sins, nevertheless, according to God’s de- 
 cree, serves alone to the reconciliation of the elect. 
 
 5. God causes the Gospel to be preached to them, making the 
 same, through the Holy Ghost, of strength upon their minds ; so 
 that they not merely obtain power to repent and to believe, but 
 also actually and voluntarily do repent and believe. 
 
 6. Such elect, through the same power of the Holy Ghost 
 through which they have once become repentant and believing, 
 are kept in such wise that they indeed through weakness fall 
 into heavy sins ; but can never wholly and for always lose the 
 true faith. 
 
 7. True believers from this, however, draw no reason for 
 fleshly quiet, it being impossible that they, who, through a true 
 faith were planted in Christ, should bring forth no fruits of 
 thankfulness ; the promises of God’s help and the warnings of 
 Scripture tending to make their salvation work in them in fear 
 and trembling, and to cause them more earnestly to desire help 
 from that spirit without which they can do nothing. 
 
 Motley’s “John of Barneveld,’’ vol. I, p. 337, from the same 
 sources as the Remonstrance. 
 
74 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 and Utrecht were Remonstrant but the five other 
 Provinces were decidedly Contra-Remonstrant. 
 
 Henry Rosaeus, a Gomarist preacher, having 
 broken with Uytenbogaert, who had written the Re- 
 monstrance, was excluded from his Church, called 
 the Great Church at The Hague. Undaunted, the 
 divine preached every Sunday at Ryswyk, a few miles 
 distant from The Hague, whither seven hundred de- 
 voted Contra-Remonstrants followed him on foot, 
 winning for themselves the name of “Mud Beg- 
 gars” on account of the condition of the winter 
 roads.'' 
 
 Having returned in 1613 from his mission to 
 England, whither he had gone to argue the fishing 
 and whaling rights in northern waters, Grotius was 
 appointed to draw up an edict ® which should restore 
 tranquillity, a rather difficult task even for so great 
 a man. A majority of the preachers and of the 
 lower classes, being Contra-Remonstrants, were op- 
 posed to the magistrates and patricians, who were 
 Remonstrants, the Gomarists maintaining that ec- 
 clesiastics should regulate ecclesiastical matters, 
 while the Arminians held that the state should de- 
 cide these things for the church. 
 
 The Edict was drawn and published, but it only 
 made matters worse. It was regarded as too favor- 
 able to the Remonstrants, and therefore gave offense 
 to the Gomarists or Contra-Remonstrants. Riots 
 
 ^ Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. I, p. 343. 
 
 ® Printed in full in Appendix. 
 
THEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL 75 
 
 broke out, causing Barneveld to propose to the 
 States-Assembly of Holland that the magistrates of 
 the cities of that Province should be impowered to 
 raise troops for the suppression of the disorders. 
 Amsterdam, Dordrecht, and three other towns fa- 
 voring the Contra-Remonstrants protested against 
 this step, which they regarded as a hostile military 
 move; but, as the Remonstrants were in majority, 
 the motion was agreed to, and, on August 4th, 1617, 
 the act was duly published. 
 
 This measure was the death warrant of the Grand 
 Pensionary, and the ruin of Grotius in the Nether- 
 lands, for it aroused against them the enmity of 
 Prince Maurice, who had cast his lot with the Go- 
 marists and had the majority of the States-General 
 on his side. Maurice looked upon the action of the 
 States, without his consent, as derogatory to his dig- 
 nity as Governor and military head of the Provinces. 
 He had cherished a deep dislike for Barneveld since 
 1609, when the latter was instrumental in concluding 
 the Twelve Years’ Truce without his approval. He 
 accordingly condemned the Edict of Grotius, de- 
 clared himself in favor of the Gomarists, and fore- 
 bade the soldiers to obey the order of the States- 
 Assembly to put down the riots; while the Contra- 
 Remonstrants, strengthened by the powerful back- 
 ing of the Prince, separated from the communion of 
 the Arminians. 
 
 All the while Grotius, although he undoubtedly 
 favored the Arminian cause, was truly desirous of 
 
76 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 bringing about a reconciliation of the warring fac- 
 tions into a solid national unit. He declared that 
 “religious differences in kingdoms were injurious, 
 but in free states most destructive.” ® He realized 
 that “the Reformation was not brought about by 
 synods but by kings, princes and magistrates,” and 
 that it represented a struggle between state and 
 church for political supremacy. 
 
 Meanwhile the States resolved to send a deputa- 
 tion to the city of Amsterdam, which was almost as 
 powerful as the rest of the Province, in the hope of 
 turning her sympathy and support from the Go- 
 marist cause to the side of the Remonstrants. Ac- 
 cordingly, on April 22nd, 1616, Grotius, Adrian 
 Mathenes, Hugo Musius, and Gerard van Eych, 
 chosen by the States for this mission, set out from 
 The Hague for Amsterdam.^” At a meeting of 
 the Town Council the next afternoon, at three 
 o’clock, Grotius, as spokesman, made an heroic ef- 
 fort for peace, declaring that the States desired and 
 earnestly requested the cooperation of Amsterdam 
 in the attempt they were making to bring about tol- 
 eration and peace, this being the only way in which 
 the matter could be settled, and tranquillity and 
 union restored to the states. 
 
 ® Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. I, p. 343, from Wagenaar, 
 X, 137. 
 
 10 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 81 ; and Brandt’s 
 “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. II, p. 71. 
 
 Grotius delivered his speech in Dutch. It was translated 
 into Latin by Theodore Schrevelius, and printed in his theolog- 
 ical works. 
 
THEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL 77 
 
 The Council promised to consider the proposal, 
 but on April 25th, the twenty-fourth being Sun- 
 day, they dismissed the legation with the statement 
 that they could not accept the Edict of 1614 without 
 detriment to the commerce of the city. Though 
 Amsterdam, and the other four cities holding to the 
 Contra-Remonstrant doctrines, formed only a small 
 minority in the States-Assembly of Holland, they 
 were supported by a large majority in the States- 
 General, and so it is not strange that they should 
 have felt strong enough to refuse the requests 
 of the delegation of which Grotius was spokes- 
 man. 
 
 Soon after the departure of the delegates from 
 Amsterdam, Grotius was seized with a fever, which 
 De Burigny states was caused by agitation over the 
 failure of the mission, but he recovered completely 
 after a rest at Delft, and was soon occupied, on the 
 advice of the States of Holland, in the preparation 
 of a petition to Prince Maurice, asking that the Five 
 Points of the Remonstrants be examined and passed 
 upon by a Synod of Holland, the decision to be car- 
 ried to a Synod of all the Provinces. This plan did 
 not please the Prince, who desired a National Synod 
 in which the Contra-Remonstrants were sure to tri- 
 umph, and the States-General, devoted to Maurice, 
 decided to hold a National Synod in Holland itself, 
 at Dordrecht — the Provinces of Holland, Utrecht 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. II, p. 78. 
 
 13 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 86. 
 
78 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 and Overijssel protesting. Action, however, of a 
 much more decisive nature was soon to be taken. 
 Prince Maurice, seeing that in the cities of his coun- 
 try forces of militia were being raised without his 
 consent, ordered that they be disbanded, and, when 
 this demand was refused, resolved to place himself 
 at the head of his army of religious fanatics to put 
 down what he regarded as acts of rebellion. 
 
 Setting out in i6i8 forcibly to remove all minis- 
 ters and officials suspected of favoring Arminianism, 
 he encountered little opposition in Overijssel, and 
 was successful against the cities of Arnhem and Nim- 
 wegen. The States of Holland, now realizing that 
 the Prince would strike Utrecht next, arranged a 
 meeting between the Utrecht Commissioners (one 
 of whom was Gillis van Ledenberg, Secretary of the 
 Assembly of Utrecht) , who had come to The Hague 
 to confer secretly with Maurice, and Grotius, Pen- 
 sionary of Rotterdam; Hoogerbeets, Pensionary of 
 Leiden; de Haan, Pensionary of Haarlem; and de 
 Lange, Burgomaster of Gouda, at the house of 
 Daniel Tresel, first clerk of the States-General.^* 
 At this meeting, Grotius, as spokesman, urged the 
 town of Utrecht to maintain her troops which were 
 to defend the sovereignty of the state against those 
 who, under the guise of religion, wished to subject 
 them to a foreign power. 
 
 The commissioners of Utrecht pleaded the great 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. Ill, pp. 121, 
 
 122 . 
 
THEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL 79 
 
 expense which the maintenance of mercenaries laid 
 upon that Province, and the displeasure of the 
 Prince, from which they were sure to suffer. And 
 since those opposed to maintaining the Waartgelders 
 were very strong, the States of Utrecht were re- 
 solved to ask the Prince to remove the bodies of 
 mercenaries and to substitute the old native militia, 
 to be paid by the episcopate, the States agreeing to 
 disband the new levies.^® A deputation from Hol- 
 land to Maurice, presenting this proposition to the 
 latter in behalf of Holland and Utrecht, was only 
 ignored. 
 
 On July 25th (1618), at eight o’clock in the 
 morning, Grotius, Pensionary of Rotterdam and 
 Councillor; van Torenvliet, Burgomaster of Leiden; 
 Hoogerbeets, Pensionary of Leiden; and Schoon- 
 hoven. Councillor, arrived in Utrecht to urge them 
 to maintain their Waartgelders, and to promise them 
 the support of Holland in their opposition to the 
 Stadtholder. Here they were met by Gillis van Led- 
 enberg. Secretary of the Assembly of Utrecht, who 
 introduced them to the latter body.^^ But the af- 
 fairs of the Provinces were coming rapidly to a crisis, 
 and the quaint and beautiful town of Utrecht, situ- 
 ated on the quiet waters of the old Rhine was to be 
 the principal scene of the drama. Into the midst of 
 this secret council walked the Stadtholder himself 
 
 Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” Bk. II, p. 225. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot/’ Bk. Ill, pp. 123- 
 
 126. 
 
 Ibid., Bk. Ill, p. 124. 
 
8o 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 that very evening,^® an extremely unwelcome guest 
 to Grotius. Sir John Ogle, commander of the 
 troops paid by Holland, knew well to whom he owed 
 obedience, but he obstinately refused to act against 
 the wishes and plans of Maurice, and it was in vain 
 that Grotius urged the Province to protect its rights, 
 to maintain its Waartgelders which had been law- 
 fully enlisted under the Union of Utrecht of 1579/^ 
 Under the insistance of Maurice, who declared 
 that “he had five provinces and six cities of Holland 
 on his side,” that “the Waartgelders were worse 
 than Spanish fortresses” and that “they must go,” 
 Utrecht was powerless, and early in the morning of 
 July 31st, the Prince with characteristic skill quietly 
 took military occupation of the town.^^ Utrecht 
 awoke to find the Waartgelders only a memory of 
 yesterday. 
 
 Maurice was quick to follow up his sudden victory 
 with changes of lasting effect, and, four days after 
 his soldiers had taken possession of the town, a new 
 body of magistrates was substituted for the old, to 
 
 18 Ibid., Bk. Ill, p. 126. 
 
 18 Formed January 29th, 1579. This document was originally 
 signed by only Holland, Utrecht, Gelderland, Zeeland and Fries- 
 land, but Groningen and Overijssel, as well as the towns of 
 Ghent, Bruges, Ypres, and Antwerp, later joined. By this Union 
 each province, though it renounced its right to make separate 
 treaties, was to retain its special liberties and privileges, and to 
 decide upon the religion it should adopt, individual freedom of 
 conscience being allowed. The Confederacy was to be ruled by a 
 General Assembly formed of deputies from each provincial as- 
 sembly. Johnson’s “Europe in the Sixteenth Century — 1494- 
 1598,” p. 358. 
 
 20 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. Ill, p. 126; 
 from manuscript notes of Grotius. 
 
 21 Ibid., Bk. Ill, p. 130. 
 
THEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL 8i 
 
 hold office for life, although their predecessors had 
 only remained from year to year. Needless to say, 
 these new magistrates, and those appointed in like 
 manner throughout the provinces of Holland and 
 Utrecht, had little Arminian sympathy, and looked 
 upon the Stadtholder as supreme head, although he 
 formally acknowledged the States-General as his 
 sovereign. 
 
 It now looked as though the Province of Holland 
 was too weak to oppose the holding of the Synod at 
 Dordrecht, and Grotius, who had escaped in safety 
 from Utrecht, and Barneveld were busy working for 
 a compromise, to the effect that the decisions of the 
 Synod should not be regarded as binding until ratified 
 by the separate states, when Maurice played his 
 last and strongest card. 
 
 In spite of the warnings of their friends that they 
 were in danger of arrest, Barneveld, Grotius, and 
 Hoogerbeets, who believed that they had done noth- 
 ing but actively defend the constitutional rights of 
 their country, chose to remain at The Hague rather 
 than seek refuge in a fortified town in sympathy with 
 their cause. On the morning of the twenty-ninth of 
 August, i6i8,^® Grotius started to a meeting of the 
 States of Holland within the ancient Binnenhof or 
 Inner Court. Passing through the parts of the 
 
 22 Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. II, pp. 236, 237. 
 
 23 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IV, p. 135 ; 
 from the manuscript notes of Grotius. De Burigny’s “Vie de 
 Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 92, note a — Ep. 104, p. 785 ; “Scribebam die 29 
 Augusti, 1625, quo captivitatis nostrae inchoatae memoriam cele- 
 bramus.” 
 
82 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 buildings composing the apartments of Maurice, he 
 was stopped by the Chamberlain of the Prince who 
 said that “his Excellency wished to speak with him 
 and that the Chief-Counsellor (Barneveld) was also 
 there.” He had hardly mounted the stairs when 
 he was met by Peter van der Meulen, Captain of 
 the Guards, who announced that he had orders from 
 the States-General to arrest him. Forthwith he was 
 taken to a room in these apartments, where he was 
 guarded by two halberdmen. Later he was trans- 
 ferred to another room facing upon the Binnenhof, 
 and in the evening was removed to a third chamber 
 where he remained three days and nights with the 
 window shutters barred. 
 
 Barneveld and Hoogerbeets had each been ar- 
 rested in the same way, while Secretary Ledenberg 
 was taken prisoner in Utrecht, later to be confined 
 at The Hague. Thus the three statesmen were 
 quietly but effectively silenced. Truly the Prince’s 
 last card had swept the table. 
 
 The same day, the following unsigned notice ap- 
 peared at The Hague: 
 
 “Whereas, by the changes, brought about within 
 the city of Utrecht and elsewhere by the High and 
 Mighty Lords, the States-Gerteral of the United 
 Netherlands, through his Excellency and their Lord- 
 ships’ committee joined with him, various things 
 have been uncovered, of which there had previously 
 been great suspicion, serving to the great injury and 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IV, p. 135. 
 
THEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL 83 
 
 prejudice of the Provinces in general and of each 
 Province in particular, not without apparent danger 
 and peril to the State of the Country, and that 
 thereby not only the forementioned city of Utrecht, 
 but various other cities of the United Provinces 
 would have fallen into a blood-bath and that the 
 greatest offenders thereof are considered John of 
 Barneveld, Chief-Counsellor of Holland; Rombout 
 Hoogerbeets; and Hugo Grotius; whereof hereafter 
 announcement and declaration will be made. So 
 have the High-Mentioned Lords, the States-General 
 in order to prevent these and similar inconveniences, 
 to place the State of the Land in security, and to 
 bring the burghers of the towns again into civil unity, 
 relationship and friendship, found it good and re- 
 solved to arrest the forementioned three persons, in 
 order that out of their imprisonment they may be 
 held to answer for their actions and offenses. Exe- 
 cuted in The Hague the twenty-ninth of August, 
 1618.” 
 
 A committee representing a majority of the States 
 of Holland, going to the Prince to protest against 
 the arrest, received little satisfaction, for its mem- 
 bers were informed that he, Maurice, had nothing to 
 say in the matter, the States-General having taken the 
 action. True, on the twenty-eighth, the day before 
 the arrest, eight members of the States-General, in a 
 secret meeting, had authorized the arrest, and now, 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IV, pp. 13S, 
 
84 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 by the proclamation of the twenty-ninth, the States- 
 General took all the responsibility. A clever man 
 was Maurice of Nassau, now called Prince of Or- 
 ange, since the death of his brother, Philip William, 
 at Brussels on February twenty-first, of this year. 
 Supreme head of the Netherlands in fact, though not 
 in name, he had quickly triumphed; the Gomarist 
 cause now had a clear field before it, for the men who 
 had defended the sovereign rights of the Provinces 
 were in prison.^® 
 
 26 Maurice had never been appointed Captain-General of all the 
 United Provinces. After the departure of the Earl of Leicester 
 from Holland, November 24th, 1586, he had been made Captain- 
 General of Holland and Zeeland. In 1590 he was appointed 
 Stadtholder and Captain-General of Gelderland, Utrecht, and 
 Overijssel. Johnson’s “Europe in the Sixteenth Century, 1494- 
 1598,” pp. 371-378. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 National Synod held — Intervention of Louis XIII in behalf of 
 the prisoners — Grotius writes to Prince Maurice — Letters to and 
 from his wife — His first examination — Ledenberg kills himself — 
 Barneveld’s sentence and death — Grotius condemned to perpetual 
 imprisonment. 
 
 As Maurice had acted one month before at Ut- 
 recht, so he acted now. He had struck at the heart 
 of the opposition, and now it was necessary to wipe 
 out the effects of his opponents’ work. Accordingly, 
 without losing valuable time, he started, a few days 
 after the arrest of the three Remonstrants, upon a 
 tour of the country, the purpose of which was to con- 
 solidate his cause by the complete elimination of the 
 Arminians from church and civil offices. 
 
 It is almost superfluous to say that he met with 
 little or no resistance as he traveled, for the people 
 had not yet recovered from the blow his military 
 forces had struck, and in Rotterdam, where Grotius 
 had served as Pensionary, he took the great church 
 away from the Remonstrants, placing a garrison of 
 one hundred men in the town to insure himself 
 against a further uprising, while Vorstius, Uytenbo- 
 
 85 
 
86 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 gaert, and Episcopius, the most enthusiastic Armin- 
 ians, were deposed.^ 
 
 All effective opposition to the National Synod hav- 
 ing been quashed, the States-General proceeded to 
 open it on the 13th of November, 1618.* It was 
 composed of seventy Contra-Remonstrants and four- 
 teen Remonstrants,® with John Bogerman, Minister 
 of Leewarden in Friesland, as President. On the 
 loth of December the Remonstrants presented a dec- 
 laration stating that they would not recognize the 
 Synod since it was an illegal assembly in which the 
 men were their own judges, and proposing twelve 
 conditions under which, and only under which, they 
 would recognize it. 
 
 For this bit of impertinence the Arminians were 
 duly censured, and, although desirous to leave the as- 
 sembly, were ordered to remain, only to hear their 
 articles condemned, the Arminian ministers declared 
 guilty of corrupting religion, and deposed. The de- 
 cision of the Synod was approved by the States-Gen- 
 eral, July 2nd, 1619,* and on the same day the Ar- 
 minian ministers who had been detained at Dord- 
 recht were banished or imprisoned, while the prop- 
 erty of some was confiscated. 
 
 In the meantime mischief had been at work against 
 the three imprisoned statesmen. Reports were cir- 
 
 1 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 95. 
 
 2 De Burigny, ibid., Bk. I, p. 95. 
 
 ^ Ibid., Bk. I, p. 96, quoting Grotii manes, p. 132. 
 
 * Ibid., Bk. I, p. 97. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 87 
 
 culated widely by their enemies that Barneveld and 
 Grotius had been bribed by Spain to betray the Prov- 
 inces, that they had taken money from the Spaniards 
 in 1609 to conclude the Truce, that they had in- 
 stigated disputes and uprisings purely to disunite the 
 Provinces and to introduce into Holland the Roman 
 Catholic religion of Spain. No insinuation was too 
 false or disreputable to be scattered among the mad 
 people in libelous verses or caricatures. 
 
 But one ray of hope shone upon these dark scenes 
 in the form of the intervention of Louis XIII of 
 France. In July, 1618, Grotius, before his arrest, 
 had received a letter from the King, offering his aid 
 in holding the discordant provinces together. It 
 read as follows: 
 
 “Mr. de Groot: 
 
 “I send with this letter my Ambassador Extraordi- 
 nary, M. de Boissise, my Counsellor of State, to help 
 contrive means to decide the quarrels which have 
 arisen in your land, the consequences of which could 
 draw after them very dangerous events to the distur- 
 bance of the tranquillity of your Republic, whose 
 salvation and advantage are most highly taken to 
 heart by me. I wish to give to the country by this 
 means a clear testimony of good friendship and alli- 
 ance, and I wish to assure your Highness through 
 the same M. de Boissise of my good inclination to- 
 wards you. Moreover, Mr. de Groot, I pray God 
 
88 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 that he take you in His holy protection. Written 
 in Paris the twelfth of July, i6i8. 
 
 “Louis.® 
 (and below) 
 
 “Brulart.” 
 
 According to his instructions, the Ambassador 
 Extraordinary, before affairs had reached a crisis, 
 appeared before the States-General on August 14th, 
 1618. Speaking in the cause of unity and peace, he 
 entreated them to do all in their power to preserve 
 the State, “that State” he declared, “which lifts its 
 head so high that it equals or surpasses the mightiest 
 Republics that ever existed, and which could not have 
 risen to such a height of honor and grandeur in so 
 short a time, but through harmony and union of all 
 the provinces, through the valor of his Excellency 
 and through your own wise counsels, both sustained 
 by our great King, whose aid is continued by his 
 son. The King, my master, knows not the cause of 
 your disturbances. You have not communicated 
 them to him, but their most apparent cause is a dif- 
 ference of opinion, born in the schools, thence 
 brought before the public, upon a point of theology. 
 That point has long been deemed by many to be so 
 hard and so high that the best advice to give about 
 it is to follow what God’s Word teaches touching 
 
 ® Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. Ill, p. 131. 
 Long after this, though as soon as he was able, Grotius thanked 
 King Louis and du Maurier, his Ambassador Ordinary, for their 
 interest and trouble in his behalf. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 89 
 
 God’s secrets, to wit, that one should use moderation 
 and modesty therein and should not rashly press too 
 far into that which he wishes to be covered with the 
 veil of reverence and wonder. That is a wise ignor- 
 ance to keep one’s eyes from that which God chooses 
 to conceal. He calls us not to eternal life through 
 subtle and perplexing questions.” ® Picturing their 
 dissentions, then, as having an effect beyond the bor- 
 ders of the country, he added; “What joy, what rap- 
 ture you are preparing for your neighbors by your 
 quarrels ! How they will scorn you ! How they 
 will laugh ! What a hope do you give them of re- 
 venging themselves upon you without danger to 
 themselves ! Let me implore you to baffle their 
 malice, to turn their joy into mourning, to unite 
 yourselves to confound them.” ^ 
 
 Again on the twelfth of December, de Boissise 
 and du Maurier, Ambassador Ordinary to the Neth- 
 erlands from France, urged the States-General to 
 heed the words of their King, declaring that the lat- 
 ter would take great offense at the slight regard they 
 paid his counsels, prayers and friendship, and prom- 
 ising them that a continuation of their attitude would 
 cause a corresponding change in the King.® But the 
 representatives of Louis might as well have tried to 
 stem the tide of the ocean as attempted to secure 
 
 ® Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. II, p. 254, quoting Baudar- 
 tius, X, 60, 61 ; and Brandt, “Hist. Ref.,” II, 821. 
 
 ^ Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. II, pp. 254, 255, quoting 
 Brandt, “Hist. Ref.,” H, 821. 
 
 ® De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 101. 
 
90 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 impartial judges to try the prisoners. Except a 
 promise that the States would act with the leniency 
 and clemency which justice and the safety of the State 
 would permit,® which, of course, meant nothing at 
 all, the Ambassadors met with no success. 
 
 To make matters worse for the prisoners, Fran- 
 cis Aerssens, former Ambassador of the States to 
 France, opened an old quarrel. For the past few 
 months a bitter controversy had been waging be- 
 tween the latter and Cornells van der Myle, son-in- 
 law of Barneveld, a diplomatist, who had been the 
 first Ambassador to the Venetian Republic, and the 
 head of the special embassy to France in i6io, re- 
 lating to the recall of Aerssens from the French Em- 
 bassy.^® Van der Myle had proved by letters of the 
 Queen-Dowager and her counsellors, that the Am- 
 bassador had left his post at the express wish of the 
 French government. On September 2nd, i6i8, four 
 days after the arrest of the three Remonstrants, 
 Aerssens threw the whole matter before the States- 
 General, and the affair, opening as it did the old 
 trouble with France in 1612 regarding the Spanish 
 marriages, brought about an estrangement between 
 Holland and France, most useful to the mischief- 
 maker.“ 
 
 The trouble grew. James I of England and 
 Baron Langerac, Ambassador at Paris from Hol- 
 land, did all in their power to oppose, for political or 
 
 ® Ibid., Bk. I, p. 101. This answer came on December 19th. 
 
 10 1611 . 
 
 11 Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. II, pp. 257-259. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 91 
 
 private reasons, the honest efforts of the French Am- 
 bassadors in behalf of Barneveld, Grotius, and 
 Hoogerbeets. It is said that, during this time, the 
 British Ambassador at The Hague entered a com- 
 plaint against Grotius’ book “The Free Sea,” urging 
 that Holland make an example of the author in order 
 to discourage others from putting forth works which 
 might lead to a misunderstanding between the na- 
 tions. If this story be true, the States-General evi- 
 dently paid no attention to the petition, for nothing 
 was done. 
 
 Finally, on November 19th, 1618,^^ the States- 
 General chose twenty-four commissioners,^® selected 
 from the nobility and magistrates of the seven prov- 
 inces, to sit as a court of judgment at The Hague. 
 Grotius had been removed from the room in the 
 Prince’s apartments a few days after his arrest, and 
 had since then been confined in a two-storied build- 
 ing just behind the ancient hall of the old Counts 
 in the Binnenhof. The first floor of this building 
 was used as a courtroom, while the floor above was 
 divided into three parts. The first room was to be 
 the scene of the trial, while in the second and third 
 chambers were confined, respectively, Grotius and 
 Barneveld. 
 
 In this room, where the Admiral of Arragon had 
 
 12 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 99. 
 
 Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. II, p. 314. De Burigny, 
 “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 99, says the board was composed of 
 twenty-six commissioners. 
 
 Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. II, p. 298 ; Brandt’s “Het 
 Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IV, p. 140. 
 
92 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 been lodged after the victory at Nieuwpoort, in 
 1600/® Grotius remained, with only his faithful ser- 
 vant William van der Velde for company, for al- 
 most three months, pondering the rapid events, now 
 an important part of the history of his country, 
 which had led up to his arrest, and weighing the pros 
 and cons of his case and of those of his fellow pris- 
 oners. From this chamber he wrote various letters, 
 among which was one to Prince Maurice. This was 
 written on the suggestion of Lieutenant Nythof, who, 
 while informing Grotius that many charges had been 
 brought against the Chief-Counsellor, advised him 
 to send a defense to Prince Maurice which would 
 show his innocence. The letter which Grotius, fol- 
 lowing this advice, wrote, is translated in full as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 “Nohle-born, Serene Prince, Gracious Lord: 
 
 “In these, my troubles, which utterly disturb me 
 and my relatives, my sole hope, next to God Al- 
 mighty is your Excellency’s great grace, and (if I 
 am permitted to say this) the special good will al- 
 ways shown to me by your Excellency. I am most 
 of all worried over the principal parties, which I 
 have not created, but found. How quietly I have 
 acted, having my appointment as Attorney General 
 through your Excellency’s favor, all the Counsellors 
 
 15 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IV, p. 140. 
 
 18 Ibid, Bk. IV, p. 140. 
 
 11 This letter is given in full in Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig 
 de Groot,” Bk. IV, pp. 141-148. It is translated above from the 
 original Dutch. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 93 
 
 know, who can bear witness also of my sincerity 
 of service. When the office in the service of the 
 city of Rotterdam was offered to me I doubted for a 
 long time whether I would accept it, as I was well 
 contented in the service of the County (Holland). 
 But, advised by wiser men, I have finally accepted 
 that office. Your Excellency knows the conditions 
 of affairs in the City of Rotterdam at that time. All 
 the Magistrates, with the exception of one person, 
 showed themselves to be of one mind. The Clergy 
 was undivided, and the majority and best part of the 
 citizens was on its side. As far as I was concerned, 
 my real feeling was such, that, of the two factions 
 which were disputing in the church, I could neither 
 unconditionally agree with the one nor the other,- but 
 had an opinion of my own. It would have been 
 folly for me to oppose such a large section of the 
 city. I was a Servant and had to regulate myself, 
 within the limits of honesty, to the will of my Mas- 
 ters, to whom I had taken oath. As their Servant, 
 I have tried to uphold their authority. However 
 ungrateful this task might be, I have not neglected to 
 try all means to obtain harmony. Therefore I have 
 attempted in all possible ways to harmonize the 
 Clergy and to unite both parties in our city, however 
 different. Part of my endeavors in this respect is 
 known to your Excellency, but not all. I would not 
 dare to bother your Excellency with the narrative of 
 all I have done in this matter. But many persons 
 are still alive, who can testify to this. Seeing this 
 
94 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 would not succeed, I have, at the knowledge of your 
 Excellency, worked to re-admit at least the private 
 militia, which had been abolished many years before 
 I came Into office. It would hold us too long to re- 
 late with how much trouble and ingratitude this was 
 done. But the people themselves, who have bene- 
 fited by this, will bear witness for me if requested. 
 As to public affairs, the Conference had been held, 
 the Resolutions of the years i6i i and 1613 had been 
 adopted and that of the year ’14 was in discussion, 
 when I took office. How I was inclined the Propo- 
 sition to Amsterdam shows, which then did not at all 
 displease Mr. Muis.^® But seeing that In our Meet- 
 ing we could take no uniform Resolution toward har- 
 mony, I was, with difficulty, able to persuade the 
 municipality of Rotterdam to follow every good 
 proposition of the municipality of Dordrecht. 
 Finally, seeing that those proposals also did not suc- 
 ceed, I was the very first (to wit, among the Cities 
 of that opinion) to urge, In the name of Rotter- 
 dam, that the matter should be settled by Synods, 
 and that the question of Church government should 
 be postponed until the doctrinal question was set- 
 tled. The Pensionary Pauw can testify that I, after 
 having notified the municipality of Amsterdam, went 
 with him to the Chief-Counsellor of Holland, and 
 that I there explained my reasons for the holding 
 of a Synod, although the Chief-Counsellor found 
 many objections to them. It was then hoped, even 
 
 Later to be one of the judges to hear the prisoners. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 95 
 
 by some persons of Amsterdam, that the matter 
 could be honorably settled by a Provincial Synod, if 
 properly arranged, of the States of Holland. But, 
 as there became a great demand for a National 
 Synod, and I found that many Ministers and also 
 some Magistrates did not agree with this, fearing 
 that matters would thus be made more complicated, 
 instead of harmonized, I gained the advice of some 
 learned Ministers in Holland as well as in Zeeland, 
 to ascertain in what manner mutual satisfaction 
 could be obtained. I heard two kinds of advice. 
 First, to arrange for a Provincial Synod without the 
 National, with the possibility that the latter should 
 follow; second, to provide for a General Synod along 
 with the National, as being less partial and possessed 
 with more authority, whereas the matter was of such 
 importance, that the other churches were also con- 
 cerned. To the last I felt most of all inclined, as I 
 had wished for it for a long time, and as I had un- 
 derstood from His Majesty of Great Britain that he 
 also favored the same. Also, I had seen many ad- 
 vices from foreign Theologians similarly inclined. 
 I have tried to direct everything toward this end, 
 and done my best that the proposal for a National 
 as well as a General Synod should be included in the 
 Declaration of the Nobility and most of the Cities 
 of Holland, for I never have thought that the con- 
 vocation of a General Synod would be as difficult as 
 some people think, especially if the States-General 
 would make efforts for it. For I knew well that in 
 
96 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 France, England, and Germany, many inclinations 
 existed toward the same. My communications first 
 with Clergyman Walaeus and then with your Excel- 
 lency had the tendency to arrange for a National 
 Synod, with the promise to encourage the General 
 Synod, in case, by the National, matters might not be 
 uniformly settled. The written proposal lately 
 made by me to your Excellency, unknown to the 
 Chief-Counsellor of Holland, through the Treas- 
 urer-General de Bye, had the same tendency, and 
 could, in my judgment, be made to conform with the 
 plans of the Lords of the States-General without loss 
 of time. But what displeased me was that the Rep- 
 resentatives of the other Provinces never consented 
 to remove the objections of the Lords of the States 
 of Holland, or even the majority of them, by inter- 
 locutions, but always subjected the same to vote, 
 which I thought to violate the honor of Holland, for 
 there were means enough to come to an understand- 
 ing. All the Cities of Holland are my witnesses that 
 I have never objected to the National Synod as such, 
 but that I have wished that it might be uniformly 
 adopted, and that it might lead to Christian harmony 
 according to the word of God. This has been my 
 purpose, against which I have never acted, but to 
 reach it I have now and then given slight conces- 
 sions, as I knew the tempers of the cities and es- 
 pecially of Rotterdam, which I thought ought to be 
 treated gently rather than harshly. Of the letter to 
 the Arch-bishop of Spalaten I have given an account 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 97 
 
 in an epistle recently sent by me to Counsellor Vos- 
 bergen with your Excellency’s consent, to which I 
 make reference here: declaring never to have had 
 the intention to solicit a substitution for Mr. Carle- 
 ton,^® but only to ascertain whether it would please 
 His Majesty to send hither a good Theologian, able 
 to understand the nature of the dispute, so that His 
 Majesty, having received report thereof, might con- 
 sider the remedies and more especially the convoca- 
 tion of a General Synod. Not without reason have 
 I taken this step, not only after the example of many 
 Clergymen who stand in similar communication with 
 England, but also because His Majesty, when I was 
 in England, personally requested me to inform him 
 of the ecclesiastical affairs here, as I have done for a 
 long time through Mr. Casaubon while he lived, to 
 the knowledge of the Chief-Counsellor of the Land. 
 This, Gracious Lord, has been my view on the ec- 
 clesiastical affairs; having wished that, during the 
 presence of the Lords of Holland at the meeting of 
 the States-General, some proposals might have been 
 made in behalf of a National Synod, in some har- 
 monious way, which I thought not to be impossible. 
 My opinion has always been, that anything accom- 
 plished in such matters uniformly and willingly, is 
 better than results obtained by force. 
 
 “Furthermore, I can truly state, that I have al- 
 
 Sir Dudley Carleton, who was appointed Ambassador from 
 England to Holland in January, 1615. There he had entered into 
 the political and religious disputes against Grotius and Barneveld 
 with little qualification to do so. 
 
98 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 ways tried to moderate the opinion of the Lords of 
 Rotterdam as much as possible, even though they 
 have often rebuked me for it. The Resolution of 
 the fourth of August, as well as the Power of At- 
 torney (which I have not helped to establish nor in- 
 fluenced without the express command of the Muni- 
 cipality of Rotterdam) have originated from the 
 fear, which magistrates in office usually have of be- 
 ing degraded on account of opinions. The princi- 
 pal person, who promoted the acceptance of the 
 ‘Waartgelders’ there, was a Burgomaster, now de- 
 ceased, whose intention was that the City of Rotter- 
 dam then would have an occupying force required 
 by time and circumstances, since the city was en- 
 larged and open.^^ The Municipality was often ad- 
 vised to have them paid out of the Land’s treas- 
 ury. I have always disadvised this and have done 
 my best that the means of the Land should not be 
 shortened by the City; which has brought me ingrati- 
 tude. 
 
 “With regard to my Utrecht journey, I was or- 
 dered to do this against my will and advice. The 
 Lords of Utrecht have never shown me any special 
 favor. I therefore am not in the least obligated to 
 them. The truth is that Mr. Haan, Mr. Hooger- 
 beets and I (having learned from Secretary Leden- 
 berg of the inclination to dismiss the ‘Waartgelders’ 
 on condition, and how, after communication with the 
 
 20 The mercenaries. 
 
 21 “open lagh” = without sufficient walls. 
 
 22 1 . e., Holland’s. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 99 
 
 Chief-Counsellor of Holland, some difficulties re- 
 garding the old and the new soldiers had arisen) saw 
 the Chief-Counsellor of Holland, who gave us his 
 consent to visit the Deputation from Utrecht and 
 tell them in a friendly manner what was happening 
 here. I understand that two of the gentlemen 
 visited them first without me, on a later visit taking 
 Burgomaster de Lange and me with them. The 
 Representatives of Utrecht most of all insisted upon 
 money, which we could not give without instructions, 
 but it was our opinion that they should wait until the 
 Resolution was passed in Holland, on the assurance 
 of the Magistrates, and concerning which the No- 
 bility and some of the Cities have been correspond- 
 ing with your Excellency. I have always felt sure, 
 that if, postponing the ecclesiastical affairs, it would 
 have pleased the Lords of the States-General and 
 your Excellency to reassure the Magistrates against 
 all active measures, the disbandment of the ‘Waart- 
 gelders’ would have taken place with common satis- 
 faction. The Deputation from Utrecht left The 
 Hague without my knowledge, so I do not know with 
 whom they may have talked. But, arriving from 
 Rotterdam the next Tuesday in the Assembly of Hol- 
 land, I found the matter of Utrecht being discussed 
 there. With other persons I was sent to the Lords 
 of the States-General to ask for a respite. On my 
 initiative I added a request to hear proposals con- 
 cerning the re-assurance of the Magistrates, but this 
 was not considered and twice we were called upon to 
 
lOO 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 report, which we did. Then followed my appoint- 
 ment as commissioner, from which I asked to be ex- 
 cused by the Chief-Counsellor of the Land and also 
 by the Burgomasters of Rotterdam, but in vain. In 
 the afternoon I complained about this before the 
 Chief-Counsellor of the Land, and, through him, 
 made my complaint to the Treasurer-General de 
 Bye, also to my wife by letter. Through the Lord 
 Chief-Counsellor’s skill I have had several commis- 
 sions, which were never connected with honor or 
 profit, but have always been unpleasant, hateful, and 
 painful. Never, however, has one of them been 
 more reluctantly accepted by me than this one. It 
 seems that people thereby tried to frustrate my hope 
 of ever enjoying your Excellency’s favor. Never- 
 theless, having letters of instruction sealed with the 
 seal of the States and signed by their Secretary, and 
 ordered to do so by the Burgomasters of Rotter- 
 dam, I had to be faithful to my oath, which says that 
 we must accept and carry out all commissions en- 
 trusted to us. For my oath bound me to no one but 
 the States of Holland and the City of Rotterdam, 
 and, I have always regarded that which was signed 
 by their Secretary as the will of the States of Hol- 
 land. During the journey, looking over the dis- 
 patches to the heads of the army, I was astonished 
 to notice therein the clause ordering obedience to 
 the deputies from Holland, and, as I did not remem- 
 ber this to have been agreed upon, I was very much 
 dissatisfied. Arriving at Utrecht we made our Pro- 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 lOI 
 
 posal in general terms, including what had passed. 
 Not once, but several times, I declared before our 
 Representatives, as well as those of Utrecht, that, 
 according to my opinion, our presence there could do 
 no good, and that it would be better if we departed. 
 After the Proposal of the Deputies from the Lords 
 of the States-General had been made. Secretary Led- 
 enberg approached me and orally communicated to 
 me the intention of the States of Utrecht, request- 
 ing me to write the same down, as he said he had 
 no time. This I did after some excuses, with the 
 knowledge of the other Commissioners from Hol- 
 land, after which I sent it to Ledenberg, who, as he 
 said, would communicate the same to Hamel, and 
 afterwards report to the States of Utrecht. Then 
 we attended the Meeting of the States of Utrecht 
 and advised them to make some arrangement re- 
 garding the garrison of the City and to communicate 
 the same to your Excellency. Thereafter I found 
 to my great regret that the Assembly of the States of 
 Utrecht was suddenly discontinued, without our 
 knowledge. For I was always hoping that some un- 
 derstanding would be reached concerning the Synod 
 as well as the re-assurance of the Magistrates. In 
 regard to these matters I also had some friendly 
 communications with Burgomaster van de Pol. Still 
 we wished that this had happened with the consent 
 of the States of Holland, in which case I offered my 
 service, to proceed to Holland. Many members of 
 the States of Utrecht visited us from time to time 
 
102 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 and no one was barred by us. Your Excellency 
 knows how long the letters entrusted to us to the 
 heads of the army were delayed, before we, after 
 the reinforcement of our committee and after hav- 
 ing received further instructions, could communicate 
 with your Excellency again. It was rumored that 
 your Excellency wished to excuse yourself, and that 
 the Deputies from the States-General would employ 
 someone else to perform certain functions; and, not 
 knowing what these functions would be, nor how they 
 would end, we thought that the delivery of the let- 
 ters (for several Lords of Utrecht insisted thereon) 
 would postpone matters and prevent troubles, until 
 the States of Holland should be notified thereof. In 
 the delivery of the letters and the documents (which 
 Mr. Hoogerbeets had possession of) I advised the 
 military commanders, that, disregarding the full ex- 
 tent of the letter, we did not wish to take them under 
 our command, but simply told them not to under- 
 take anything against the States of Utrecht adding 
 to it that we had nothing against your Excellency, 
 but that we only were following our instructions. 
 
 “What I did afterward. Gracious Lord, to dis- 
 band first a section and then all the ‘Waartgelders’ 
 of Rotterdam, to your Excellency’s satisfaction, but 
 to the dissatisfaction of many Magistrates and citi- 
 zens and even to the discomfort of the City, your 
 Excellency partly knows. I went around and urged 
 that the City of Rotterdam should be the first to 
 please your Excellency in this respect. My open at- 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 103 
 
 titude pleased your Excellency. Every one has since 
 then believed that your Excellency forgetting all pre- 
 vious misunderstandings, would look favorably upon 
 me. I also believed it, and I do believe it still. 
 
 “Heretofore it has been alleged as if I had made 
 up or helped to make up ‘de Weegschael.’ But I 
 am totally innocent of that work, knowing nothing 
 of it before it was printed, and without having con- 
 tributed to it in the least. It is true, however, that 
 years ago, I caused a copy of a letter written to me 
 by Mr. Casaubon to be handed to Taurinus, as he 
 said that it would help him in the writing of a book 
 concerning mutual Toleration. This letter was in- 
 serted in ‘de Weegschael’ without my knowledge. 
 ‘De Reukappel’ and other pamphlets, following 
 later, were also written and printed without my In- 
 stigation, help, or knowledge. 
 
 “It Is true. Gracious Lord, that I and many others 
 with me, entrusted much to the knowledge of a cer- 
 tain person, but a person who undoubtedly has gov- 
 erned well for a long time and who has been greatly 
 honored by your Excellency and others. My years 
 do not allow me much experience. I have always 
 acted innocently, following the majority vote of Hol- 
 land. Had these been otherwise, as apparently 
 might have happened, I would, as far as possible, 
 have followed them obediently. Never have I re- 
 ceived any profits from the Chief-Counsellor. Use- 
 
 23 “De Weegschael” = ’’The Scales.” 
 
 “De Reukappel” = “The Smelling Apple.” 
 
104 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 ful commissions have fallen to others, disagreeable 
 ones have been my share. I hope that not only the 
 citizens of Rotterdam, but also others who have 
 known me, will bear witness as to my honest conduct. 
 The service of the Country has not made me richer. 
 It would have been more profitable for me if I had 
 followed the practice before the Court. My in- 
 comes are small and it is easy to give account of 
 them. 
 
 “The admiration. Gracious Lord, which I feel for 
 the far-renowned honor and reputation of your Ex- 
 cellency has always shown itself in my Writings, in 
 print as well as in manuscript. I have omitted no oc- 
 casion to show it, for my heart was full of it. Those 
 who have read my Writings, or will read them in 
 times to come, must confess that I speak sincerely 
 in this matter. From boyhood I have tried to enter 
 the personal service of your Excellency as you will 
 apparently know. Therefore I was sorry that the 
 direction of affairs in Holland did not agree with 
 your Excellency’s views. If the Chief-Counsellor of 
 Holland had remained with your Excellency on the 
 same terms and in the same favor, how happy I and 
 all my relatives should have been ! 
 
 “My inclination to serve the Country is shown in 
 my Writings, which are read in many places, and also 
 in my deeds, which reflect honor upon the Country. 
 It has been my misfortune that my Lords and Mas- 
 ters, the States of Holland (at least the majority of 
 its members) have been in discord with others. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 105 
 
 What else was I, but a poor Servant of the Lords, 
 the States of Holland, and the City of Rotterdam? 
 God grant that I may yet see that which is now in 
 dispute within the Union, clarified, so that everyone’s 
 heart may be at rest; that the matters of Religion 
 may become firm through the wisdom and modera- 
 tion of foreigners ( from whom I have high expecta- 
 tions) ; that the East India Company may be con- 
 tinued and united with the English; that the West 
 India Company may be formed; that, in case there is 
 within the Land any correspondence with the enemy, 
 the same may be discovered and punished. This I 
 wish with all my heart. 
 
 “Noble-born, Serene Prince, Gracious Lord, may 
 it please your Excellency, to consider graciously all 
 these matters and whatsoever it may please your 
 Princely goodness to add to it. Undoubtedly many 
 private considerations are included in this. There- 
 fore I pray your Excellency to forget graciously 
 whatever I, at the order of superiors, at the advice 
 of wiser persons, in blind zeal for duty, may have 
 done wrongly or against the interests of the Country, 
 or your Excellency, and to free me from all shameful 
 and detrimental proceedings. Undoubtedly your 
 Excellency will be moved to this not only by my 
 youth and honest conduct, acting unselfishly amidst 
 these factions, but also by my dear Wife, a daughter 
 of an old and well known Servant of your Excellency, 
 and also by many honest persons, closely related to 
 her and to me, from whom the Land and your Ex- 
 
io6 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 cellency may yet receive good services, and who, with 
 me, will acknowledge this in gratitude throughout 
 their lives. Concerning my person, residence, posi- 
 tions and offices I gladly place them at your Excel- 
 lency’s determination, to act in this matter as your 
 Excellency will find most expedient for the service of 
 the Country. I will continue to pray God for the 
 welfare of the Country, the preservation of the Re- 
 ligion, and the long life, health, and prosperous reign 
 of your Princely Excellency. 
 
 “Your Excellency’s 
 
 “Very humble Servant 
 
 “Hugo de Groot. 
 
 “13 Sept, 1618. 
 
 “I pray your Excellency very humbly, in case you 
 may not be completely satisfied with this letter, to 
 grant me the favor of an interview, be it personal or 
 through a trustworthy person, as I hope to com- 
 pletely satisfy your Excellency.’’ 
 
 To this letter, Grotius received no reply, nor was 
 a similar request sent to the States-General, asking 
 for an interview with some of its members, any more 
 successful. 
 
 Also, from the chamber of imprisonment where 
 he had become weak and sickly from want of air, the 
 lower windows being nailed up with boards while 
 the upper ones were of stationary glass, he had 
 
 25 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IV, p. 140. 
 Later a window frame was made to open, that the air might be 
 freshened. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 107 
 
 written to his wife. The first letter she received is 
 translated thus : 
 
 ‘‘Most Beloved: 
 
 “That I have not written to you before, was be- 
 cause it was better so. Next to God nothing con- 
 soles me more than to receive tidings from you fre- 
 quently. I am worried about your health, especially 
 over the pain in your side. I long to see if every- 
 thing is well with the children, also with my Father 
 and Mother, your Mother and other friends. My 
 sleep is satisfactory, praise God. My stomach is a 
 little better than before. God Almighty, who has 
 helped us with His grace so far, will not forget to 
 help and to console us. Trust in Him and pray and 
 give my regards to all our friends. The 21st Sept., 
 1618. 
 
 “Yours always faithfully, 
 
 “H. DE Groot.” 
 
 And the noble woman who had not been allowed 
 to go to him in his trouble and sickness,*^ and who 
 was later to give him his freedom, answered her dis- 
 tressed husband with these words of comfort : 
 
 “Most Beloved: 
 
 “I have not written to you for some time as I did 
 not know your address. From William you will 
 
 This letter is given in the original Dutch in Brandt’s “Het 
 Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IV, p. 148. 
 
 27 Ibid., Bk. IV, p. 140. 
 
 28 These two letters which follow came together. Ibid., Bk. 
 IV, pp. 149-150. They are given there in the original Dutch. 
 
 22 Probably William de Groot, brother of Grotius. 
 
io8 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 have heard the state of my good health and from de 
 Vries, since he has visited you, as I requested him 
 twice a day to do. Never have I lost courage in 
 your and my case. I know your character. I know 
 the conscience which you have always shown in this 
 and other matters. If you had tried to gain profit 
 or honor from it, these trifles happening to us, 
 might possibly depress me. Now I am sure that 
 nothing will harm you. Your public spirit for the 
 service of the Country, I think, is so well known to 
 his Excellency, that he would not like to see any in- 
 jury come to you. It has made me uneasy not to 
 have been allowed to see you and not to have heard 
 from you. But I understand it. I knew it would 
 not be allowed before the examination. Now I 
 know that to-morrow or the next day you will be 
 heard. I am longing for this, firmly trusting that 
 your deeds can be defended with good reasons. I 
 also do not doubt but that better attention will be 
 paid to your affairs. Mine could also be better at- 
 tended to. All I wish is, that God may grant you 
 health. Your good conscience gives you calmness. 
 Do not worry about me. I am very calm and well. 
 So are also all our friends and children. The words 
 you spoke to me a few days before we parted, I 
 often remember and I find consolation in the fact 
 that those who act well, do not always fare well, but 
 that adversity is often necessary to draw their hearts 
 from earthly matters up to Heaven, and the thought 
 of that gives me great comfort. I also pray you 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 109 
 
 to remember the good resolution and determina- 
 tion to bear troubles, which you always have found 
 that I possess. Firmly believe that this is now un- 
 diminished, Do not worry, for lack of sleep might 
 impair your health. I have wished to write this let- 
 ter to you. I would have done so before and also 
 expected the same from you, but I hear that letters 
 which you and others write fall into other hands and 
 circulate there. Therefore I gladly excuse you. 
 Only this I request, that, by means of an open note, 
 you will let me know from time to time how you are. 
 Farewell and do not worry about me. Be undis- 
 turbed under all circumstances and, herewith, good- 
 night.” 
 
 With this letter came a second, which is trans- 
 lated as follows: 
 
 “Most Beloved: 
 
 “His Excellency travels to Leiden, Haarlem, 
 Gouda and Rotterdam to change there also the mem- 
 bers of the Town-Councils and the Magistrates. As 
 soon as the redress shall have taken place there, I 
 think it certain that your case will proceed. You 
 must have patience for two weeks. I need not rec- 
 ommend calmness to you, for you know your own 
 affairs better than I do, but, like all others who are 
 familiar with you and your deeds, I know that we 
 need not fear on your behalf. I have always been 
 sure of that, and, from the beginning, even before 
 
I lO 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 the matters had been cleared up by time, I have 
 shown it in all my words and deeds. Your good 
 conscience, and the talks we lately had together, give 
 me full assurance. Everyone will, at the proper 
 time, bear witness to my determination. I write 
 about that now myself, so that you, knowing it, may 
 be completely calm; for I^know that worry about 
 me is your only trouble. Only one thing surprises 
 me, namely, that some persons seem inclined to say 
 that you have intimated to one of the gentlemen, an 
 inclination to uncover an important matter of great 
 consequence to the Country, but that you first wish 
 to be taken under the protection of his Excellency. 
 I would not believe it, nor do I believe it now, for 
 surely I know, as you have often told me, that you 
 had no secrets, and I see no reason why you should 
 need anyone’s protection. Nobody, therefore, will 
 believe it. Nevertheless, I wish to write this to you 
 so that I may have firmer foundation to contradict 
 such talk. Let me have a simple ‘yes’ or ‘no’ by 
 this messenger. Study quietly and be careful of 
 your health. Have still a few days patience for the 
 Chief-Counsellor has not yet been heard. This 
 19th October, at eleven o’clock at night, 1618. 
 
 “Maria van Reigersbergen.” 
 
 Soon after the appointment of the judges, Gro- 
 tius’ first examination took place. Brandt declares 
 that this was conducted “without evidence from any- 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 III 
 
 one from the Province of Holland.” The injus- 
 tice of the proceedings disturbed the fair mind of 
 Grotius, who declared, “that, since he had been born 
 in Holland, had been a servant of the Province of 
 Holland, and had been taken prisoner within Hol- 
 land he knew no judges than of Holland.” But 
 the proceedings went on, unchecked by any pressure 
 the prisoners could bring to bear from within or 
 without their prison. 
 
 Early in the morning of September 29th, Leden- 
 berg, the Secretary of Utrecht, who had met Grotius 
 and the others of the deputation from Holland to 
 Utrecht on the 25th of July, and had been arrested 
 soon after Grotius, stabbed himself in the abdomen 
 and cut his throat, leaving with his eighteen year old 
 son, Joost, a French paper, which the boy could not 
 read, containing the following: “I know that there 
 is an inclination to set an example in my person, to 
 confront me with my best friends, to torture me, 
 afterwards to convict me of contradictions and false- 
 hoods as they say, and then to found an ignominious 
 sentence upon points and trifles, for this it will be 
 necessary to do in order to justify the arrest and im- 
 prisonment. To escape all this I am going to God 
 by the shortest road. Against a dead man there can 
 be pronounced no sentence of confiscation of prop- 
 erty. Done 17th September (o. s.) 1618.” Lit- 
 
 30 “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IV, p. 151. 
 
 31 Ihid., Bk. IV, p. 151. 
 
 33 Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. II, p. 302. 
 
I 12 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 tie had the Secretary thought that, while he was 
 acting as a means of communication between the As- 
 semblies of Holland and Utrecht, he was commit- 
 ting acts which would later be construed as high 
 treason. 
 
 “The corpse of Gillis van Ledenberg, Secretary 
 of the States of Utrecht (who had committed suicide 
 from melancholy in the dungeon) was condemned 
 by sentence to be drawn on a car of infamy to the 
 place of execution outside The Hague and hung up 
 with the coffin on a half gibbet.” The judges 
 were certainly in a delightful frame of mind to re- 
 ceive the other prisoners ! 
 
 During the winter of 1618-19 Grotius spent many 
 hours at his writing, thereby deriving pleasure and 
 withdrawing himself to some extent from his grim 
 surroundings. Among other Dutch poems which he 
 produced in the spring of 1619, were some verses 
 entitled, “A short instruction for the baptised chil- 
 dren,” consisting of one hundred and eighty-five 
 questions and answers in rhyme, each one not longer 
 than one line, which he sent to his wife with the fol- 
 lowing letter : 
 
 “Dearest: 
 
 “I send you the Dutch verses for our Cornelia. 
 They resemble my imprisonment. They have be- 
 come longer than I first thought. You and Grand- 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, p. 197, foot- 
 note. The sentence was not pronounced until May ISth, 1619, 
 seven and a half months later. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 113 
 
 father must explain them to Cornelia, as I cannot do 
 it. Be herewith recommended to God. 
 
 “Your loving ever faithful, 
 
 “H. DE Groot.” 
 
 But great events were soon to happen. On the 
 7th of March, 1619, Barneveld’s trial began.®® 
 The old man, now seventy-two years of age, bent 
 with the cares of the Republic, had been confined for 
 six months, during which he had constructed from 
 his own brain the defense with which he was to meet 
 the judges, judges who had access to papers, docu- 
 ments and libraries. The trial was a violation of 
 the laws of Holland which required that accusation 
 should follow within six weeks of arrest or the pris- 
 oner should be freed.®® No charge had been 
 brought against him in the six months of elapsed 
 time, yet the trial went on. For the seventeenth of 
 April, the States-General proclaimed a public fast 
 and humiliation,®^ and on a Sunday afternoon, the 
 1 2th of May, 1619, the prosecuting officers of the 
 government, Sylla and van Leeuwen, accompanied 
 by provost-marshal de Nijs, entered his chamber to 
 inform him that he was to appear before the judges 
 the next morning to hear his sentence of death.^^ 
 During the night he was unable to sleep, and he 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IV, p. 192. 
 
 35 Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. II, p. 311. 
 
 3® Motley’s “John of Barneveld,” vol. II, p. 313, quoting Char- 
 ter of Holland of the year 1346. 
 
 37 Ibid., vol. II, p. 351. 
 
 33 Ibid., vol. II, pp. 360, 361, 362. 
 
HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 114 
 
 asked the clergyman Hugo Bayerus, who had been 
 summoned, “whether his Grotius was to die and 
 Hoogerbeets also.” When the minister replied 
 that he knew nothing, the aged advocate continued, 
 “I should most deeply grieve that these men must 
 go. They may yet live to do the land great service. 
 That great rising light, de Groot, is still young, but 
 a very learned and wise gentleman, devoted to his 
 Fatherland with all zeal, heart, and soul, and ready 
 to protect her privileges, laws, and rights. I know 
 well that these gentlemen have not done other than 
 their commissions which they have received from 
 their Lords and Masters, the Magistrates of Leiden 
 and Rotterdam. As for myself, I am old and ex- 
 hausted, and can do no more. I have already done 
 more than I was really able to do. I have worked 
 so zealously in public matters that I have neglected 
 my private business. I had expressly ordered my 
 house at Loosduinen to be got ready, that I might 
 establish myself there and put my affairs in order. 
 I have repeatedly asked the States of Holland for 
 my discharge, but could never obtain it. It seems 
 that the Almighty had otherwise disposed of me.” 
 
 Boissise had left the country, but the French Am- 
 bassador, du Maurier, had heard early on the morn- 
 ing of Monday the 13th, that sentence of death was 
 to be passed that day. He immediately hurried to 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, pp. 195, 
 196; “Het Leven van Oldenbarneveldt,” pp. 567, 415; De Burig- 
 n/s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 102, 103 ; Motle/s “John of Bar- 
 neveld,” vol. II, pp. 373, 374. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 115 
 
 the Assembly of the States-General to get execution 
 suspended, but he was refused an audience, and a 
 letter of earnest appeal had no more effect/® 
 
 In front of the ancient hall, within the Binnenhof 
 and opposite the Prince’s apartments, the scaffold 
 was erected. The court to-day Is never crowded 
 except on state occasions, but on that May morning 
 of 1619 more than three thousand persons filled its 
 confines. The last words of the great statesman 
 fell upon this multitude — “Burghers, I have been 
 throughout my life your compatriot, believe not that 
 I die for treason, but for the maintenance of the lib- 
 erty and the laws of the Country.” “ The execu- 
 tioner then struck off his head. 
 
 The white swans still swim on the beautiful minia- 
 ture lake beside the Binnenhof, unmindful of the 
 tragedy enacted there nearly three hundred years 
 ago, but the memory of the event has not grown dim. 
 If ever a crime was committed by a state. It was the 
 execution of John of Barneveld on that bright May 
 morning, after he had given his whole life to the 
 faithful service of his country. 
 
 On the day of the execution, the following procla- 
 mation of the States appeared : 
 
 ‘^The XIII May, 1619. 
 
 “Here in The Hague on a scaffold, erected for 
 that purpose in the Inner court before the steps of the 
 
 *0 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 102. 
 
 « Ibid., Bk. 1, p. 103. 
 
HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 1 16 
 
 great room, was executed with the sword John of 
 Barneveld, in his life, Knight, Lord of Berkel, Rod- 
 enrys, etc., Chief-Counsellor of the Land of Holland 
 and West Friesland for the reasons expressed in the 
 sentence and others, with confiscation of goods, after 
 he had served the same State for thirty-three years, 
 two months and five days, being commissioned 
 thereto March 8th, 1586. A man of great deeds, 
 industry, memory and administrative ability, yea 
 singular In all. 
 
 “He who stands, see to It that he does not fall. 
 And may the Lord be gracious to his soul. 
 Amen.” 
 
 Grotius himself tells us that, on the morning 
 of the 13th of May, while still In bed, he heard the 
 sentence pronounced against the Chief-Counsellor, 
 and though he understood that It meant condemna- 
 tion to death, still he could not think that it would 
 be carried out. But the great dejection of Captain 
 van der Meulen, who at that hour came to his room, 
 made him fearful of consequences. 
 
 The boy whom Barneveld had taken to France 
 with him must have made a deep impression on the 
 Advocate’s heart, for, a few hours before his deaths 
 he instructed the clergymen Bayerus and La Motte, 
 “Say good-bye to the good Grotius for me and tell 
 him I must die.” 
 
 *2 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, p. 195, 
 from the resolutions of the States of Holland, May 13th, 1619. 
 
 In some memoirs, Brandt, ibid., Bk. V, p. 195. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,’’ Bk. V, p. 196. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 117 
 
 Meanwhile, Grotius lingered in anxiety, hearing 
 also the sentence passed against the dead body of 
 Ledenberg/® At this time, his wife sent him a 
 short, open note, exhorting him “not to be troubled 
 with such things, but to trust in God and his con- 
 science.” A little later he received from van der 
 Meulen, a pen, ink, and a little paper, with the mes- 
 sage that his wife desired an answer to her letter; 
 whereupon he hastily wrote a few lines, “that he had 
 resolved himself with God’s help to all things, that 
 for eight months he had longed to see her, and he 
 should be overjoyed when it should happen.” 
 
 The scaffold on which Barneveld was executed 
 was allowed to stand for six days after his death, 
 and the three executioners were kept in the Hague, 
 for the express purpose, in the opinion of many, of 
 moving the prisoners’ wives and friends to ask for 
 pardon. “In particular men of authority tried to 
 counsel the wife of Grotius to do this, and chose 
 various friends for this purpose, among others Mr. 
 Vosbergen, who accosted her with all kinds of pleas- 
 ing advices, and assured her of the favor of his Ex- 
 cellency in this case. But she, being of a quiet na- 
 ture, threw this advice aside, with these words, ‘I 
 shall not do it; and if he has deserved it, let them 
 behead him.’ Yet she did not sit still, but went her- 
 self, on the 1 6th of this month to speak with his Ex- 
 
 This occurred two days after the execution of Barneveld, 
 ibid., Bk. V, p. 196. Ledenberg’s scheme to preserve his property 
 for his children was thwarted by this judgment, for he was sen- 
 tenced to be hanged and his property confiscated. 
 
 « Ibid., Bk. V, p. 196. 
 
ii8 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 cellency. However, he gave her no hope, answer- 
 ing, ‘that one must take the way of pardon or of 
 law.’ ” 
 
 Yet, as events will show, no woman could have 
 been more devoted to her husband than Maria van 
 Reigersbergen was to Grotius. She was a woman 
 cast in Spartan mold. 
 
 Early on the morning of Saturday the i8th of 
 May, 1619,^® Fiscal Sylla entered the chamber of 
 Grotius. Standing before the prisoner he informed 
 him, “that he was sorry, because of the old acquaint- 
 ance, that he had to bring him such news, but he 
 would have to come before the judges, and there 
 hear what should be read to him: that he had no 
 order to say what his sentence contained,’’ adding, 
 “I suppose you have well understood that of the 
 Chief-Counsellor.” To which Grotius answered, 
 “I have heard the sentence pronounced upon the 
 Advocate, as well as upon Ledenberg, and have pa- 
 tience to bear whatever may befall me.” 
 
 About ten o’clock he was led before the judges 
 by Provost Nijs, where his sentence was read to him 
 by the Master of Rolls, Pots. It is unnecessary 
 here to give the judgment in full. It occupies nine 
 
 Ibid., Bk. V, p. 196. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, p. 197 ; 
 Motley, p. 398 of “John of Barneveld,” vol. II, falls into the same 
 mistake that Brandt, Bk. V, p. 197, made, when he says, “the 
 18th May, 1619, on the fifty-first anniversary, as Grotius re- 
 marked, of the condemnation of Egmont and Hoorn by the Blood 
 Tribunal '.of Alva.” Egmont and Hoorn were sentenced on the 
 2nd of June, 1568, and executed three days later, June Sth. 
 Johnson’s “Europe of the Sixteenth Century, 1494-1598,” p. 335. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, p. 197. 
 
ARREST AND TRIAL 
 
 119 
 
 very large, closely printed pages,®® and condemned 
 Grotius and Hoogerbeets to perpetual imprison- 
 ment, declaring their estates forfeited. 
 
 It has been said that the defense of Grotius was 
 a betrayal of Barneveld. I can find no foundation 
 for this statement, but if he shows more selfishness 
 than Barneveld in his defense, it is well to remember 
 that the accusations against the Advocate must have 
 been much distorted before they reached Grotius, 
 and also that Barneveld was an old man whose life 
 had run, while Grotius’ greatest work remained to 
 be done. The fact that he had refused to publish 
 his “De Jure Praedae” as unworthy, shows perhaps 
 that he was then thinking of and forming in his mind 
 the great masterpiece of International Law still to 
 be written. 
 
 To say that the judgment against Grotius had no 
 legal value would be much too mild. There had 
 been no indictment, no witnesses, no counsel, no ar- 
 gument. After the first examination, paper and ink 
 were taken from him, and when he asked permission 
 to write his defense, he was allowed five hours and 
 one sheet of paper.®^ The arrest itself was illegal. 
 Grotius, an officer of the States of Holland had been 
 arrested on his way to a meeting of the States of 
 Holland, in the discharge of his official duty. He 
 was within the house of the States of Holland. In 
 no way did he come under the jurisdiction of the 
 so Ibid., Bk. V, pp. 197-206. 
 
 SI De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 107 ; authority, 
 Apologium, c. 13. 
 
120 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 States-General, yet eight persons, calling themselves 
 the States-General, had ordered the arrest. Born 
 in Holland, a Servant of the State of Holland, ar- 
 rested in Holland, he was entitled to a trial by Hol- 
 land judges, not by men of all the Provinces, many 
 of them ignorant of the law. 
 
 When the dreadful sentence of life imprisonment 
 with confiscation of goods was imposed upon him, 
 Grotius, although his fame as a genius had spread 
 throughout Europe, was only thirty-six years of age. 
 At this time, as throughout his life, he was in appear- 
 ance singularly handsome. His features were finely 
 chiseled, his nose slightly aquiline, his eyes blue and 
 sparkling, his hair brown. His person was tall and 
 well formed. Active both in mind and in body, his 
 career seemed to be prematurely and suddenly 
 ended. The judges, while omitting to state that he 
 was to be tried for high treason, found him guilty 
 of all the things that constituted the crime, and then, 
 discovering their mistake a year later, declared, 
 without a retrial, that they had intended to try him 
 for high treason also. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 
 
 Grotius is transported to Loevestein — His literary work there 
 — His escape. 
 
 On the 5th of June (1619), Grotius rendered 
 into Dutch verse an enlargement of the Lord’s 
 Prayer. On the evening of the same day he received 
 information that he was to be transported to Loeve- 
 stein that very night.^ 
 
 The journey began between eleven and twelve 
 o’clock. His faithful and loving wife, ready to 
 share her husband’s misfortunes as she had shared 
 his prosperity, asked permission to accompany her 
 husband, but was refused. Also his brother, who 
 sought to accompany him in place of his servant, 
 was denied the privilege; and he set out for the 
 prison alone. 
 
 The midnight procession proceeded, with de 
 Groot and Hoogerbeets “seated on separate 
 wagons,’’ under the escort of Captain van der Meu- 
 len and many soldiers of the guard, to Delfshaven. 
 
 1 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, p. 210. 
 
 Note — This date, June Sth, 1619, was undoubtedly that which 
 Brandt and Motley had in mind when they spoke of the fifty-first 
 anniversary of the condemnation of Egmont and Hoorn. As be- 
 fore noted, they were executed June Sth, 1568. 
 
122 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Arriving at this town, and the tide not yet being 
 suitable, it was thought advisable to rest there, the 
 prisoners meanwhile being placed aboard the ship 
 which was to convey them to their prison. There 
 they sat together, the soldiers round about them. 
 
 Setting sail, the party proceeded slowly under the 
 early morning breeze to Dordrecht, where Captain 
 van der Meulen went ashore; and, upon his return 
 to the boat, they set out for Gorcum, only a short 
 way from the fortress of Loevestein. The people 
 of the towns along the route were evidently inter- 
 ested in the men who had played such prominent 
 parts in the country’s history, for, “at Papendrecht, 
 the prisoners had many curious spectators, but at 
 Gorcum and from there to Loevestein many more.” * 
 Thus Grotius and Hoogerbeets came, on the evening 
 of the 6th of June, to the grim structure decreed to 
 be their only home as long as they should live. 
 
 Situated on the narrow point of land “where 
 Meuse and Waal meet” to flow on together to the 
 sea, this fortress must truly have been a tower of 
 strength in the days of its youth. Surrounded by 
 water on three sides, and strong walls on the fourth, 
 the castle is further protected by inner walls and a 
 double moat. 
 
 I first saw Loevestein late in the afternoon of a 
 windy, cloudy day. The tall trees which line the 
 inside of the fortress walls all bent as one under the 
 force of the wind; only Loevestein stood impassive, 
 
 2 Ibid., Bk. V, p. 210. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 123 
 
 defying man and nature as it has for over a thousand 
 years. The clouds raced across the skies, giving to 
 the whole place a sad and desolate aspect. 
 
 Outside the walls, which are of brick and mortar 
 with earthen embankments, runs the outer moat, a 
 wide, deep ditch; and by means of a bridge, which 
 was originally a draw-bridge, one enters the fortress 
 through an arched tower. 
 
 Inside the outer walls, two rows of low buildings 
 extend themselves ; those on the left now unoccupied 
 except by the sergeant-major and his family, and the 
 woman who exhibits the castle and guards it from 
 artists’ sketch books ; those on the right plainly bar- 
 racks, long unused and unoccupied. Curving to the 
 right the broad street between these buildings leads 
 over another bridge to the entrance gate of the 
 castle, said to have been built by the Normans about 
 A. D. 836, when this adventurous band passed 
 through the Low Countries and up the Rhine, burn- 
 ing towns and building castles, better to enable them 
 to exact the tribute they demanded from the inhabi- 
 tants of these districts. The style of architecture 
 goes far to support this theory of the building of 
 Loevestein.® 
 
 After the Normans had passed on into another 
 history, the castle came into the hands of Gerard van 
 Hoorn, one of the Lords of Altona, who called the 
 fortress Loevestein after his wife, Johanna van Leu- 
 ven or Louvain. However, some authors contend 
 
 3 See “Loevestein,” by P. J. Verlee. 
 
124 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 that the name came from “loeven,” that is, to luff, 
 since vessels had to luff there to pay toll, while others 
 declare the name originally to have been “Leeuwen- 
 stein” or Lionstone, since this name was chiseled in 
 the huge tombstone which formerly laid in the mid- 
 dle of the front court, and on which the persons con- 
 demned to death were executed. 
 
 Across the inner moat and through the massive 
 gate tower, one passes into the inner court, where 
 he becomes distinctly aware of the firing slits of the 
 castle which center upon him. The walls here are 
 two yards in thickness, and two secret stairways, 
 within the walls, are still preserved. On the right 
 and left of the gate, two towers with octagonal spires 
 rise, respectively called the “Waaltoren” and the 
 “Maastoren.” 
 
 Up a few steps and through a doorway, one finds 
 himself in a huge hall, used in the different centuries 
 for feasts, festivals, and the more serious pronun- 
 ciation of sentences. On up a stone staircase we 
 reach the second floor and the rooms, already pre- 
 pared for him, to which Grotius was led on the eve- 
 ning of June 6th, 1619.^ 
 
 The States-General now permitted the wives of 
 the two prisoners to follow their husbands, and ac- 
 cordingly, Madame de Groot and her children ® 
 came to Loevestein, where the family was allowed 
 * Apologium, c. 18. 
 
 ® Cornells, born Feb. 2nd. 1613, at The Hague ; Diederik, born 
 Oct. 10th, 1618, at Rotterdam; and their daughter, Cornelia, were 
 with their parents. Perhaps Pieter, born March 28th, 1615, was 
 also there. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 125 
 
 two rooms, which faced west and north, overlook- 
 ing the Waal. 
 
 The plan of the quarters of the de Groot family, 
 roughly drawn, was this: 
 
 Arrow indicates concealed stairway in wall. 
 
 B — Fire place. 
 
 C — Door. 
 
 D — Steps leading down from larger room to smaller. 
 
 W — Windows. 
 
 From the center of the larger room, one can see, through window W', 
 to Gorcum, almost due west. The Waal can be seen from window 
 W*. which faces the north. 
 
 Two days after the arrival of Grotius at Loeve- 
 stein, the States-General passed the following reso- 
 lution ® instructing the commander of the fortress 
 upon the care and treatment of the prisoners : 
 
 “The fore-mentioned Commander shall take care 
 that both the prisoners shall not have communica- 
 tion with each other, but that they remain in their 
 respective rooms, as it is ordered. 
 
 ® From the resolutions of the States-General of June 8th, 1619. 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot, Bk. V, p. 211. 
 
126 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 “The wives may cook in the kitchen which shall 
 be shown to them by the Commander. 
 
 “The maid is permitted to take the food upstairs 
 and remove the dishes, on condition that she shall 
 be let in and out by the Commander. 
 
 “The wives may travel to Worcum or Gorcum, 
 in order to buy all necessities for housekeeping, and 
 returning, the Commander shall allow them to go 
 again to their husbands, provided the doors are 
 locked after them. 
 
 “No other person shall be allowed near these pris- 
 oners as is commanded. 
 
 “To each of the fore-named prisoners is allowed 
 to their wives for these things twenty-four stuivers 
 a day [forty-eight cents American money]. 
 
 “This is done in the Assembly of the high-men- 
 tioned Lords, the States-General, in the Hague, on 
 the 8th of June, 1619. 
 
 “By order of the States-General, 
 
 “C. Aerssens.” 
 
 However, the promised liberty which Madame de 
 Groot had hoped to enjoy was destined to be short- 
 lived, for on the 22nd of the same month the States- 
 General sent a letter to the Commander of the 
 prison, wherein they forbade the wives of the pris- 
 oners the right freely to come and go saying, “that 
 they might remain shut up with their husbands as 
 long as they wished, but could not leave them with- 
 out express consent.” 
 
 ’ Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, p. 212. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 127 
 
 From the outset the Commander of Loevestein, 
 Lieutenant Jacob Prounink, called Deventer,® seems 
 to have made a special effort to be as disagreeable 
 to the prisoners as possible. The reason for this 
 attitude of Deventer is quite evident. Had he not 
 sworn revenge against those who had caused the 
 downfall of his father in his support of the Earl of 
 Leicester? Was not Grotius a member now of the 
 party which had brought this about? Yet the at- 
 tempt of the Commander to make the family live 
 upon their daily allowance of forty-eight cents was 
 unsuccessful, Madame de Groot declaring that she 
 had enough money of her own to support her hus- 
 band. 
 
 The body of Grotius was now immured within 
 stone and iron, but his mind knew no such limita- 
 tions. This could not be so confined. Here in 
 prison, where his own father was denied permission 
 to see him, he continued his development. Realiz- 
 ing that the mind cannot reach its highest efficiency 
 without bodily health, he dally whipped a huge top -f 
 for exercise, “a custom which he later often pre- 
 served.” ® An old print of the study of Grotius at 
 Loevestein shows this top and whip lying in the mid- 
 dle of the floor. 
 
 The intellectual activity of Grotius went steadily 
 on. Imprisonment indeed brought to him a tran- 
 
 From a letter of the States-General to the Commander, the 22nd 
 of June, 1619. 
 
 8 Ibid., Bk. V, p. 212. 
 
 8 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, p. 235. 
 
128 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 quillity which he had not known for many years, and 
 study and writing became both pastime and conso- 
 lation. From his pen at Loevestein came a Latin 
 essay, begun in The Hague, on the means of ending 
 the disputes then raging, arguing for mutual tolera- 
 tion on unessential points. He also devoted much 
 time to the study of law and moral philosophy, and 
 to the translation of Greek and Latin tragic authors 
 in the original metre. On the 15th of December, 
 1619, he wrote to Vossius that the Muses were the 
 gratification and consolation of his life,^“ but he soon 
 fell ill and was forced to discontinue his work for 
 a time. It was not long however, before he re- 
 sumed his labors, working now on that great master- 
 piece, “The Truth of the Christian Religion,” which 
 was first written in Dutch but was later rewritten in 
 Latin. Many years have passed since Grotius, from 
 the ancient fortress of Loevestein, gave to the world 
 this message. But the world has not forgotten it, 
 for this work has been translated into English, 
 French, German, Swedish, Danish, Flemish, Greek, 
 Chinese, Malay, Persian, and Arabic. 
 
 In the field of law, Grotius produced the “Intro- 
 duction to the Jurisprudence of Holland,” a book 
 which immediately became an authority; while in 
 the realm of philosophy and poetry, he enriched an 
 edition of Seneca’s tragedies by Vossius with valu- 
 able notes, translated the “Phoenissae” of Euri- 
 pides, composed a catechism for his son and daugh- 
 
 10 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 119. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 129 
 
 ter, respectively in Latin and Dutch verses, and 
 wrote a dialogue between a father and son on the 
 necessity of silenced^ In this way two summers and 
 two winters passed by. The genius of Grotius had 
 laughed at iron bars, and had thwarted the evil in- 
 tentions of States and judges, who had been guilty 
 of a far greater crime than he had ever committed 
 when they sent this “miracle of Holland” to per- 
 petual imprisonment in Loevestein. 
 
 Meanwhile, the wife of Hoogerbeets, declining 
 under the closeness of her imprisonment, had died 
 in Loevestein after a sickness of twenty weeks. Her 
 death occurred on the 19th of October, 1620, and 
 imposed the care of six children upon her husband.^^ 
 Grotius’ wife asked permission to attend the dying 
 woman, but this was refused her, as was also the care 
 of the children after their mother’s death. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1621, Francis Aers- 
 sens. Lord of Sommelsdyk, and Gideon van Boetse- 
 laer. Lord of Langerak, were appointed as special 
 Ambassadors to Paris. The appointment of Aers- 
 sens, a bitter enemy of Grotius and Barneveld, 
 caused Grotius much apprehension, lest Aerssens 
 might take advantage of the opportunity to injure 
 the former’s reputation in France. In consequence 
 we find Grotius writing to the French Ambassador, 
 du Maurier, and to his brother-in-law Nicholas 
 Reigersberg, in an effort to counteract the influence 
 
 De Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 119-122. 
 
 12 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, p. 231. 
 
130 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 of Aerssens by defensive arguments. “ Nor was this 
 the only incident that disturbed the monotony of 
 prison life. On the iith of January, 1621, at a 
 meeting of the States-General, Hugo Muis van 
 Holy, who had been one of Grotius’ judges, inti- 
 mated that the prisoner had attempted to escape by 
 means of some rope which Madame de Groot was 
 declared to have bought and brought to Loevestein. 
 A search of the castle, however, established nothing 
 but the malice of the judge whose accusation caused 
 Grotius to write a remonstrance, which was pre- 
 sented in the name of his friends to the States-Gen- 
 eral on the sixth of March, condemning these false 
 reports as malicious lies.^* 
 
 In the town of Gorcum, approximately a mile and 
 three quarters down the Waal from Loevestein, 
 there lived at this time a merchant, Adrian Daatse- 
 laer, who had married the sister of Thomas Erpen- 
 ius, a specialist in Oriental languages. When Gro- 
 tius was permitted to use the books of his friends, 
 the house of Daatselaer had always been used as the 
 place to and from which they were sent to the for- 
 tress, for Erpenius had, with Vossius and Scriverius 
 and other friends, placed his library at Grotius’ dis- 
 posal. Here in the house of the ribbon and thread 
 merchant, Daatselaer, who exported goods to Eng- 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, p. 239. 
 These letters were written by Grotius, January 15th, 1621. Du 
 Maurier had lost his wife on the 12th of November of the past 
 year, in her 35th year. Ibid., Bk. V, p. 241. 
 
 ^*Ibid., Bk. V, pp. 240-241. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 13 1 
 
 land, the wives of Grotius and Hoogerbeets on their 
 visits to Gorcum, which they were now allowed to 
 make twice a week,^® formed with Madame Daatse- 
 laer an intimate friendship. 
 
 The books which thus passed through Gorcum 
 were sent in a large chest or trunk which Madame 
 de Groot was accustomed to accompany to and from 
 Loevestein. Little did the States opine that this 
 chest was soon to bear an even more precious bur- 
 den to freedom. For a long while Grotius had 
 sought a means of escape from the fortress, but the 
 double moat, and the many guards, doors and walls, 
 were enough to discourage every effort. The ele- 
 ment of time was important. If, as seemed to be 
 probable, the war with Spain should be renewed, the 
 guard of the castle would be increased, and access 
 to Brabant, the only refuge for Grotius, would be 
 cut off. Action would have to be taken soon if it 
 was to be successful. 
 
 The chest had at first been regularly opened by 
 the Commander as it went in and out of Loevestein. 
 Later, however, the Lieutenant’s vigilance relaxed, 
 and he became accustomed to allow the chest to pass 
 unexamined. The wife of Grotius saw in this laxity 
 the opportunity of escape for her husband. He 
 was to be locked in the chest in place of the books 
 and to be carried to freedom by the very men whose 
 duty it was to detain him. 
 
 The scheme was carefully contrived. Every de- 
 ls Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. V, p. 217. 
 
132 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 tail must be thoughtfully arranged, nothing could 
 be overlooked, for the smallest mishap would mean 
 disaster. “The chest was two thumbbreadths 
 shorter than four feet,” and Grotius was a man 
 of more than middle height, but it was found that, by 
 doubling up, he could get within it. In order to see 
 whether he could breathe so enclosed, and how long 
 it would be possible for him to remain there in case 
 of a head wind or calm on the journey to Gorcum, 
 he would enter the chest and remain there while “an 
 hour-glass rah out twice.” Also the faithful wife 
 would sit upon the chest while he was within, in or- 
 der to ascertain whether he would still be able to get 
 air if someone on the journey used his coffinlike re- 
 ceptacle as a seat. 
 
 So Grotius and his wife pre-produced, as far as 
 possible, the conditions under which he would have 
 to exist in his attempt to regain his freedom. Notic- 
 ing that he stirred at times within the chest, Madame 
 de Groot would warn her husband, and again he 
 would try to remain perfectly still for hours. 
 
 Moreover the good people in Gorcum had to be 
 prepared for the reception of their unexpected guest. 
 Accordingly, about two weeks before the escape took 
 place, Madame de Groot came to the house of Daat- 
 selaer in Gorcum, and there began to prepare 
 Madame Daatselaer for the sudden appearance of 
 Grotius, which she prayed would take place. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 243. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, pp. 243- 
 255. The conversation which follows, as well as the facts, are 
 
Grotius preparing' for his escape from Loevestein. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 133 
 
 “Madame Daatselaer,” said the woman whose 
 one thought was to free her husband, “if you re- 
 ceived my husband here one day, would you not 
 be very perplexed with him?” 
 
 The wife of the merchant answered, laughing: 
 “No, only let him come.” 
 
 Arriving again in Gorcum, this time on Saturday 
 the 20th of March, 1621, two days before the es- 
 cape, Madame de Groot, upon hearing the bells 
 ringing in the afternoon, asked Madame Daatselaer 
 what it signified. Whereupon the latter answered: 
 “To-morrow will be our yearly fair.” 
 
 “May not all exiles come to Gorcum then?” 
 laughingly asked the visitor. 
 
 “Yes, I believe so,” returned her hostess. 
 
 “But if I should bring my husband, would you 
 fail to take him in?” Madame de Groot proceeded. 
 
 “We may take that for granted,” replied her 
 friend. 
 
 With these words Madame de Groot tapped on 
 Madame Daatselaer’s shoulders and said with a 
 smile as she left : “What a good woman you are : but 
 you know well that he is so closely guarded that, if 
 he were a bird, he would not be able to fly away.” 
 
 translated by the author from the original Dutch of Brandt. He, 
 in turn, has got the conversation from many notes and letters to 
 which he, when he wrote, was able to obtain access, since it was 
 then only 50 years after the death of Grotius. 
 
 It is difficult to doubt the veracity of the great Dutch historian, 
 for the letters I have run down are truly quoted by Brandt. 
 
 Also, I have seen letters from Pieter de Groot and Hugo de 
 Groot to Brandt, offering him the documents in their possession 
 relative, respectively, to their illustrious father and grandfather. 
 
134 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Now for a propitious opportunity and all would 
 be risked for the goal of freedom. Early next 
 morning, which was Sunday the 21st of March, lit- 
 tle Cornelia de Groot, only nine years of age, and 
 knowing nothing of the scheme, exclaimed: 
 “Mother, mother, tomorrow father must go, what- 
 ever the weather may be” — words which were re- 
 ceived by the father with astonishment, as an ad- 
 monition from Heaven. 
 
 As though Destiny had now taken the prisoner 
 under her special protection, the plans developed. 
 Lieutenant Deventer had just been promoted to a 
 captaincy by Prince Maurice, and it was necessary 
 for him to go to Heusden the following day to re- 
 ceive his company. That very Sunday evening he 
 left the fortress. 
 
 Madame de Groot lost no time in seeking the wife 
 of the Commander, to whom she had made various 
 gifts and had sent only a few days before a present 
 of venison and other dainties. 
 
 “I should like very much to send away a trunk 
 of Arminian books: my husband exhausts himself 
 so with study, that I can bear it no longer,” said 
 Madame de Groot, and the wife of Deventer, more 
 friendly than her soldier husband, readily assented. 
 
 The plan of escape was now unfolded to the maid- 
 servant of the de Groots, Elsje van Houwening, a 
 girl of twenty,^® trustworthy and courageous. Upon 
 
 18 From the narrative of H. de Groot annotated by Ed. Pop- 
 pius, I, 44. 
 
 18 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 244. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 135 
 
 being asked whether she would go with the chest 
 and its human contents to deliver it in Gorcum, she 
 said: “Yes,” and then asked: “Could they do me 
 any harm, if I did this?” 
 
 And Grotius answered: “Not according to law, 
 but I am also innocent, and you see how they have 
 dealt with me.” 
 
 Whereupon the brave girl replied: “Neverthe- 
 less I shall risk it, come thereof what will.” 
 
 Dawn of Monday, the 22nd of March, found 
 Grotius upon his knees where he prayed for an hour 
 that God might bless his attempt. Between eight 
 and nine o’clock he entered the chest which was to 
 carry him to freedom or disaster, clothed only in 
 linen underclothes and silk stockings, lying so 
 tightly wedged that not even a pair of shoes could 
 be inserted between him and the side of the chest.^° 
 The New Testament, which he had borrowed from 
 Erpenius, with some “spun thread,” served for a 
 pillow, while under his knees lay some other books 
 to make him more comfortable. To protect his 
 head against movement and blows, it was made as 
 stationary as possible. 
 
 After Madame de Groot had said farewell to her 
 husband, she locked the chest, kissing the fastening 
 after she had turned the key.^^ Then she gave the 
 faithful maid the key, entered the bed and drew the 
 curtains to. Grotius’ outer garments laid upon a 
 
 *0 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 245. 
 
 21 Ihid., Bk. VI, p. 246. 
 
136 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 chair, his slippers before the bed as though he still 
 were in his slumbers. Everything was now ready 
 for the final act, and Madame de Groot pulled the 
 bell which rang outside the room. 
 
 The servant who was accustomed to lock and un- 
 lock tlje rooms of the prisoners, answered the call 
 and asked Madame de Groot what she wished. 
 The latter answered: “I had intended to go to 
 Gorcum myself, yet on account of the turbulent 
 weather, and because I do not feel well, I shall not 
 make the journey, but will send my maid who shall 
 take the chest. Call a soldier, who will help you 
 carry it down.” 
 
 Forthwith several soldiers came up, and, seeing 
 the clothes of the prisoner hanging by the bed, sus- 
 pected nothing. 
 
 When they lifted the chest, however, one re- 
 marked to the others : “How is it that this chest is so 
 heavy, the Arminian might well be in it.” And 
 Madame de Groot responded from within the bed: 
 “They are Arminian books.” 
 
 Having examined the chest well to see whether 
 any holes had been bored in it to give air, and find- 
 ing none, for there was no means of ventilation but 
 the lock, the soldiers began to remove the trunk with 
 its precious burden. 
 
 Half carrying, half dragging, with great labor 
 they finally succeeded in getting the chest down the 
 stairs and through the thirteen doors, securely 
 
 22 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 245. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 137 
 
 bolted.^^ Four times, one or another soldier de- 
 clared that Grotius himself must be hidden within 
 the box, and the wife of one of the soldiers, hearing 
 these remarks, suggested that she knew of a swin- 
 dler having, some years before, been carried out 
 of the town in a chest, “and why not the Arminian 
 now?” 
 
 One of the soldiers even declared: “I will get a 
 drill and bore a hole in him so that the excrement 
 runs out.” But the quick-witted maid, Elsje, an- 
 swered him, saying : “Then you must have a drill to 
 reach from here to his room.” 
 
 But the talk of the soldiers was not serious. Had 
 Grotius not been abed with his clothes upon a chair? 
 And was not the chest free from holes which would 
 be necessary in order to make the trunk livable? 
 
 Having grumbled their way out of the fortress, 
 they asked the Commander’s wife whether they 
 should open the chest to examine the contents. She 
 inquired what the practice of her husband had been, 
 and, upon being told that he had discontinued the 
 opening of the chest as it came in and out, said: 
 “Madame de Groot has told me that Arminian 
 books are in it; carry it to the vessel.” 
 
 But the faithful Elsje was not yet free from 
 trouble. The captain, John Wouterszoon, had 
 placed a rather thin plank from shore to ship, on 
 which to slide the trunk aboard, but the vigilant 
 
 23 Ibid., Bk. VI, p. 245. 
 
 24 “Bergverkooper” is literally “one who sells mountains.” 
 
138 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 maid was most apprehensive lest it should break un- 
 der the weight, and all the costly books be ruined. 
 She therefore demanded that a stronger plank be 
 placed on the other, and when this was done the chest 
 was put aboard without mishap, and the journey to 
 Gorcum begun. 
 
 It had previously been arranged between Madame 
 de Groot and the maid, that, if all went well, the lat- 
 ter was to wave her handkerchief over her head, 
 while if the contrary were true she would sit with 
 her head in her hands. 
 
 After the soldiers had left the rooms which had 
 been Grotius’ only home for nearly two years, his 
 wife fell upon her knees and fervently prayed for 
 the safety of her husband. Rising she turned to the 
 western window looking down the Waal and saw the 
 handkerchief of Elsje fluttering in the wind above 
 her head. Thus far her husband was safe, and she 
 uttered these brave words to herself: “Go on, my 
 husband, and may I never see you again unless in 
 freedom.” 
 
 In the meantime, one of the crew who had noticed 
 Elsje displaying the handkerchief, asked her what it 
 signified, and she answered that “the servant had 
 teased her that she would not dare to travel in such 
 weather and she was now showing him that he was 
 wrong.” Whereupon she again flung the hand- 
 kerchief above her head. 
 
 The stiff breeze had caused the boat to heel con- 
 
 25 From the narrative of Elsje van Houwening. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 139 
 
 siderably, whereupon the maid said to the captain: 
 “Lash the chest fast, else it may slide overboard, 
 and then the books would not only be ruined but 
 lost.” But when this was done she was not yet to 
 have rest, for an officer of the garrison, who was 
 aboard, thinking the chest a comfortable seat, sat 
 down upon it and began to drum upon it with his 
 heels. At this, the watchful Elsje, realizing how 
 this must annoy her master, locked within a chest 
 bobbing on a rough sea, and seeing that it made the 
 cover fit tighter, thus cutting off some of the already 
 scant supply of air penetrating to him, politely asked 
 him if he would not sit elsewhere, or at least stop 
 pounding the chest with his feet since the box also 
 contained porcelain which might easily be broken. 
 
 So the boat approached Gorcum. The suspense 
 and anxiety of Grotius must truly have been terrible. 
 A cough, a sneeze, a movement of his cramped body, 
 would have meant detection, yet, under this terrific 
 strain, the great mind of the man ruled supreme over 
 his body, and nothing had gone amiss when the boat 
 docked at the end of its trip of almost two miles. 
 
 There the skipper was set upon landing some 
 other goods first, but Elsje insisted that the chest be 
 put ashore, arguing that the poultry-boat might 
 leave for Delft and she be left with the chest. 
 
 At length he consented to follow her wishes, but 
 decided that he wanted to carry the trunk on a 
 wheel-barrow. To this the maid of course objected, 
 saying: “Get an aleporter’s yoke and carry it be- 
 
140 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 tween you. There are costly things within it which 
 may break. I would rather give ten stuivers to have 
 it carried than two to have it dragged or conveyed 
 on a wheel-barrow.” 
 
 So skipper and son started off with the chest upon 
 a hand-barrow, but they had not proceeded far when 
 the son remarked: “Father something living is in 
 the chest.” 
 
 “Do you hear what my son says?” said the father 
 turning to Elsje, who had pretended not to notice the 
 remark of the son. “He says something alive is in 
 the trunk.” 
 
 But Elsje was ready for them and returned: 
 “Yes, books have both life and spirit.” So they ar- 
 rived at the house of Daatselaer, going in through 
 the rear door, since they could not penetrate the 
 crowd which had gathered before the front door 
 on this day of the fair without arousing curiosity 
 and excitement. 
 
 Having paid the captain his ten stuivers, Elsje 
 hastened to the front of the shop. There she found 
 the merchant and his wife busy with strangers and 
 goods, but, going up to Madame Daatselaer, she 
 whispered softly: “I have my Master in the rear 
 in a chest, you must see how you can get him away.” 
 
 The strain was beginning to tell on Elsje, and 
 now, so near success, she had nearly ruined all, for 
 Madame Daatselaer turned “as white as a sheet,” 
 
 26 “Zoo wit als een dock” — Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de 
 Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 247. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 141 
 
 Together, the merchant’s wife and Elsje went to 
 the rear of the shop where the chest had been 
 left. 
 
 “Master,” cried the maid, before she opened the 
 box, but there was no answer. Then louder : “Oh, 
 my Master is dead.” 
 
 “Your Mistress has not done wisely; before she 
 had a living husband, now she has a dead one,” re- 
 marked Madame Daatselaer. 
 
 But Grotius, who had heard the conversation, 
 knocked on the cover, saying: “No, I am not dead. 
 I did not recognize the voice.” 
 
 Immediately the chest was opened and Grotius 
 arose from the place where he had lain for almost 
 two hours, as a dead man from his grave. Through 
 a “stairway-door” to a room above, Madame Daat- 
 selaer ushered the statesman, and the faithful maid 
 followed with her. Seeing his hostess so ghastly 
 pale and livid, Grotius asked her “if she always had 
 such an appearance and color?” 
 
 “No, but I am frightened to see you here. My 
 lord is no common person. The whole world talks 
 of him. I fear this will cost me all my property, and 
 perhaps my husband will be taken and put in your 
 place,” answered Madame Daatselaer. 
 
 Grotius replied : “I have prayed to God, before 
 this much was accomplished, and now I have fer- 
 vently thanked God for my deliverance thus far. 
 But if it should result as you fear, I am ready at once 
 
 27 From the narrative of Madame Daatselaer. 
 
142 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 to go back into the chest and be carried back to 
 prison.” 
 
 But the true friend answered: “No, we have you 
 here now, and, let come what may, we will help you 
 get away,” and, seeing that he was faint and weak, 
 gave him a glass of Spanish wine. As for clothes, 
 she seemed, in her confusion, to have no thought, 
 but left Grotius sitting without cloak or covering in 
 his linen underclothing. 
 
 Madame Daatselaer now went to the front of the 
 house to summon her husband, but he wisely de- 
 clined to come, foreseeing that it would be better 
 for all concerned, if, when he was examined on the 
 escape, he could truthfully say he had seen nothing 
 of it; an answer of which Grotius thoroughly ap- 
 proved. 
 
 The plan of escape now fell upon Madame Daat- 
 selaer, but Grotius assured her by saying: “I place 
 myself into your hands, but there is no need to has- 
 ten, for I have arranged it with my wife that I shall 
 not be missed until to-morrow or the next day.” 
 
 Thinking that immediate action was best, how- 
 ever, the merchant’s wife went to the house of her 
 brother-in-law Kornelis van der Veen, a clothier by 
 trade and a Baptist, whom she found in his shop sell- 
 ing some goods to an officer of Loevestein. She 
 whispered to him; and the clothier, forgetting his 
 trade, hurried off to Daatselaer’s house leaving the 
 officer waiting. 
 
 When they arrived there, they found Grotius sit- 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 143 
 
 ting as they had left him. Van der Veen gave him 
 his hand saying: “Sir, you are welcome. Are you 
 the man of whom the whole country talks?” 
 
 And Grotius answered: “Yes, here I am. I 
 place myself in your hands.” 
 
 “You must not remain here long. We must help 
 you away,” replied the clothier, and he hastened 
 away to find Jan Lambertszoon, a mason by trade 
 and a Lutheran, whom he knew he could trust. He 
 found him on a scaffold where he was working at 
 his trade on the front of a house, and, calling him 
 down, told him there was something to be done 
 which none must know of, that he could do it with 
 a clear conscience and not without reward. 
 
 The mason showing himself ready, van der Veen 
 now instructed him to get a complete extra outfit of 
 mason’s clothes, including a hat, stockings, shoes, and 
 a drill or measuring-rod, and to come to Daatselaer’s 
 house. 
 
 As soon as he arrived, Grotius proceeded to don 
 these clothes. The jacket did not reach the 
 trousers, and the trousers ended somewhat above the 
 knees. The costume was decidedly a misfit, and, to 
 make matters worse, the conspicious hands of the 
 statesman were hardly those of a mason; but 
 Madame Daatselaer rectified this by covering his 
 hands with plaster, and further, supplied him with 
 money. 
 
 With measuring-rod in hand, Grotius, accompan- 
 ied by the real mason, walked out of the house about 
 
144 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 eleven o’clock In the morning and through the 
 crowded town to the Hansepoort. Van der Veen 
 was to take a different route, meeting them at the 
 ferry. The most dangerous part of this walk was 
 the start from the house, for right next door to the 
 Daatselaer’s lived a bookseller, van de Kapelle by 
 name, at whose shop many men of literary taste had 
 gathered on this day. But the two masons passed 
 without anyone recognizing Grotius in his ludicrous 
 costume, and came to the ferry. Here the ferry- 
 man refused to make the crossing of the Merwede 
 in such boisterous weather for only two such ordi- 
 nary passengers. The mason insisted that he had 
 to cross In order to purchase some stone in Altona, 
 and when van der Veen also arrived, interested In 
 the stone too, the ferry-man acquiesced and the 
 party was taken over. 
 
 From the landing, Grotius and Lambertszoon set 
 out for Waalwyk, leaving van der Veen to return to 
 Gorcum. After many mistakes had been made as to 
 the road, the two masons arrived at Waalwyk at 
 four o’clock in the afternoon. There Grotius knew 
 one of the expelled Remonstrant ministers, and there 
 he rested for two hours. 
 
 At Waalwyk a carriage was hired to convey Gro- 
 tius to Antwerp, where he would be safe, and, to 
 allay the suspicions of the driver, Grotius had the 
 mason tell him that his passenger was a disguised 
 bankrupt fleeing from the country. First taking 
 leave of Jan Lambertszoon, who had indeed proved 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 145 
 
 a true friend, Grotius left Waalwyk at six o’clock in 
 the evening, accompanied by a friend he had found 
 in the town. 
 
 On the way to Antwerp the fugitive displayed 
 such ignorance of the value of his coins, that the 
 driver, upon being asked who his passenger was, an- 
 swered: “I do not know myself. They tell me 
 that he is a bankrupt, but I believe he is a fool, for 
 he knows no money.” 
 
 Having ridden the whole night, and being still 
 some distance from Antwerp, they were stopped next 
 morning by a body of soldiers from the Spanish ter- 
 ritory, who demanded Grotius’ passport. Upon in- 
 quiring of them who and where their officer was, he 
 discovered that they were the men of Red Rod, the 
 sheriff of Antwerp, who was not far distant. A re- 
 quest to speak to the leader was granted, and when 
 Red Rod asked him where his passport was, Grotius 
 answered : “I have my passport under my feet.” 
 
 The sheriff, learning who the fugitive was, did all 
 in his power to aid him, offering him a horse and a 
 trooper to enable him to complete his escape more 
 quickly. 
 
 So, between twelve and one o’clock in the after- 
 noon of the 23rd of March, 1621, Grotius arrived 
 safely and without mishap within the friendly walls 
 of Antwerp, and immediately went to the house of 
 the former Rotterdam minister, Nicholas Grevink- 
 hoven. 
 
 Being admitted by the minister’s daughter, Gro- 
 
146 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 tius asked to see her father. Not recognizing the 
 great man, the daughter told her father that “two 
 masons asked for him,” and he, in turn, sent out the 
 message that he was busy giving medicine to his sick 
 wife just then, but requested them to wait. How- 
 ever, when Grotius made himself known, and the 
 minister heard the name, he dropped the medicine 
 and flew to the front of the house, followed by his 
 sick wife herself, who came from her bed with bare 
 feet to meet the man all had thought of as though 
 he were dead, and to throw herself upon his neck. 
 
 That same evening Professor Episcopius came to 
 see Grotius, who was still in his mason’s garb, and 
 “there they ate together and thanked God for his 
 singular mercy.” 
 
 Meanwhile Madame de Groot had done her best 
 to allay the suspicion of the garrison at Loevestein. 
 When the servant brought in the midday meal, she 
 told him that her husband, as was often the case, 
 was shut up in his study writing, and all went well. 
 However, when Commander Deventer arrived from 
 Heusden that same evening, the 22nd of March, and 
 inquired about the prisoners, the servant informed 
 him that he had not seen Grotius at noon, since he 
 was writing in his study, but that as he was going 
 over the bridge that evening he had seen that there 
 was no light in this room.^® 
 
 Captain Deventer now rushed to the rooms which 
 
 28 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 251. 
 
 29 Ibid., Bk. VI, p. 251. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 147 
 
 had confined his prisoners for nearly two years, and 
 there demanded of Madame de Groot : “Where is 
 your husband?” 
 
 “The cage is still here but the bird has flown,” an- 
 swered the wife. 
 
 In a rage he flew about the fortress, and learning 
 that the chest had been sent to Gorcum that day, pro- 
 ceeded thither in haste that very night, with his 
 soldiers. Surrounding the house of Daatselaer with 
 his men, he got the merchant and his wife out of 
 bed to search the house; but the Commander and the 
 sheriff of Gorcum, Jacob van Paffenrode, found 
 nothing. Van der Veen was most surprised at hear- 
 ing of the escape and assured the sheriff that his 
 brother-in-law, Daatselaer, knew nothing of it. 
 
 The chest now was sought. Madame Daatse- 
 laer informed them that it had been sent to the boat 
 going to Delft. There the thoroughly angry Com- 
 mander flew, and dragged the trunk from the vessel, 
 only to find it filled with thread and cloth. 
 
 Deventer, seeing that he had been outwitted, and 
 guessing that his prisoner had escaped by way of 
 Waalwyk, dispatched twenty troopers and some 
 soldiers thither, but with no success. The wings had 
 strengthened in the free air and the bird had flown 
 too far. 
 
 The escape was followed by an examination of 
 Daatselaer, Madame de Groot, and the maid Elsje, 
 but nothing could be proven against them. The mer- 
 chant answered with truthfulness that he had not 
 
148 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 seen or spoken with Grotius, and the two women 
 who had done so much to give the prisoner his free- 
 dom, were no more enlightening. “The chest had 
 been taken to the house of Daatselaer to remove the 
 contents and to put in again the linen which it con- 
 tained, before sending it on,” said the maid. As for 
 accomplices, “there were none other than I alone,” 
 declared Madame de Groot; “it was my own idea.” 
 
 From Antwerp, Grotius wrote a short note tak- 
 ing all the censure for the escape upon himself, and 
 declaring that, in his flight from Loevestein, he had 
 neither seen nor spoken to Daatselaer.^® Moreover, 
 from this city of refuge Grotius sent to Prince Mau- 
 rice and Prince Henry, on the 26th of March, 1621, 
 two letters which afford ample refutation of any ac- 
 cusation against Grotius to the effect that he was a 
 disloyal deserter of his country. “I hope that God 
 Almighty will make the true aim of your Excellency 
 the preservation of the honor, the freedom, and the 
 tranquillity of the land.” Disloyal indeed! The 
 scales were balanced the other way. 
 
 And again, on the 30th of March, Grotius wrote 
 from Antwerp to the States-General a letter which 
 gives us a clear insight into the character of the great 
 man : “But all the wrong which has been done me 
 and still may be inflicted, shall never sever me from 
 the love which I have always borne for my Father- 
 land, for whose freedom, tranquillity and prosperity 
 
 30 Ibid., Bk. VI, p. 253. 
 
 31 Letter to Prince Henry, ibid., Bk. VI, p. 256. 
 
IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE 149 
 
 I shall always pray.” In this, as in his other letters, 
 there is no desire for retribution, but only a desire 
 to serve. Grotius had devoted his life thus far to 
 the protection of the constitutional rights of his coun- 
 try, and as a reward had been condemned to lifelong 
 imprisonment. The remainder of his life will speak 
 for itself more eloquently than I can hope to do. 
 Deprived of all his earthly goods, Grotius was to 
 start his life anew, yet not one word of malice was 
 uttered towards the country which had cast him out. 
 
 On Thursday, the 25th of March, Madame de 
 Groot received on her table a wheat-cake in which 
 was concealed a note of glad tidings, saying that her 
 husband was safe in Antwerp,®* and on the 7th of 
 April she was released from Loevestein.®* 
 
 Of the brave, devoted girl, Elsje van Houwening, 
 it only remains to be said that she later married Gro- 
 tius’ faithful servant, Willem van den Velden, whom, 
 during the imprisonment, Grotius had instructed In 
 Latin and the rudiments of law, and who later be- 
 came a very capable advocate before the courts of 
 Holland.®® 
 
 It is said that, when Prince Maurice heard of the 
 escape of Grotius, he remarked: “I thought that 
 they could never keep him in prison, for he was wiser 
 than all his judges.” ®® 
 
 ^^Ibid., Bk. VI, pp. 257, 258. 
 
 33 Ibid., Bk. VI, p. 255. 
 
 ^*Ibid., Bk. VI, p. 270. 
 
 35 7i)jrf., Bk. V, p. 238; Bk. VI, p. 280. 
 
 3« Ibid., Bk. VI, p. 258. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 RESIDENCE IN PARIS AND LITERARY 
 PRODUCTS 
 
 Grotius takes up his residence in Paris — His reception there — 
 Madame de Groot arrives in Paris — Grotius is granted a pension 
 — “The Truth of the Christian Religion” ready for the press — 
 Other literary products — The “Justification of the Lawful Gov- 
 ernment of Holland and West Friesland,” and its effect — 
 Grotius moves to Balagni — Begins the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” — 
 His services sought by the Prince of Holstein and the King of 
 Denmark — The death of Hoogerbeets. 
 
 Grotius’ escape set in motion the pens of the most 
 famous poets of the time, Barlaeus, Rutgersius and 
 others composing Latin verses to celebrate the event 
 and his wife’s loyalty and devotion. Even Grotius 
 himself wrote some Latin verses, which Vondel after- 
 wards translated into Dutch, on the subject of his for- 
 tunate escape and the chest that had borne him to 
 freedom.^ Later Grotius went to much trouble to 
 recover this chest.^ 
 
 The world was too much in need of Grotius to 
 allow him to remain undisturbed in Antwerp. 
 Henry Dupuis, a friend living in Louvain, offered 
 
 ^ Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 127, 128. Grotius’ ad- 
 dress to the chest is given in full in Brandt’s “Het Leven van 
 Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 259. 
 
 2 “De area nihil? Nolim perire tantum monumentum divinae 
 in me bonitatis,” Ep. 720, p. 971, August 27th, 1644. 
 
 150 
 
LITERARY PRODUCTS 
 
 151 
 
 him his house, but Grotius declined it, being resolved, 
 on the advice of du Maurier and President Jeannin, 
 to go to Paris. Accordingly, with letters of intro- 
 duction from Ambassador du Maurier to some of the 
 important personages in France, and with an assur- 
 ance from Jeannin of the protection of the King,® 
 Grotius set out for Paris on the 3rd of April, accom- 
 panied by his brother, William, and two men who 
 were to guide him part of the way. Through Ghent 
 and Calais, Grotius traveled to Paris incognito. He 
 arrived late in the night of the 13th, and was re- 
 ceived most enthusiastically by all his friends, and 
 especially by the minister Uitenbogaert, who, since 
 his banishment from Holland, had lived in Paris.* 
 
 At this time the King happened to be at Fontaine- 
 bleau, but Boissise, who had been Louis’ Ambassa- 
 dor Extraordinary to Holland during the trial of 
 Grotius and Barneveld, was left in Paris to receive 
 their guest, to assure him of the King’s good will, 
 and to see to his comfort. 
 
 Everyone in Paris was enthusiastically hospitable 
 to the fugitive, except the Dutch Ambassadors, who 
 were instructed by the States-General to treat Gro- 
 tius with a frigidity which would destroy his stand- 
 ing. This order was fully obeyed, but the calm- 
 ness with which Grotius took their insults, and the 
 manner in which he returned good for evil by doing 
 all in his power to serve his country, only helped to 
 
 3 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 270, Let- 
 ter of Jeannin. 
 
 * Ibid., Bk. VI, pp. 270, 271 ; Apologium, c. 18. 
 
152 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 strengthen his position in France, and actually 
 brought him praise from the King. 
 
 On the 30th of April, van Langerak, Ambassador 
 from the States to France, wrote to the States-Gen- 
 eral,^ that Grotius had asked the French Ministry to 
 use their influence with the States-General to secure 
 his pardon. The injustice of this statement was 
 more than Grotius could bear In silence, and we find 
 him writing to du Maurier: “It is declared that I, 
 now being free, have asked for pardon, which I re- 
 fused to do, even when it would have saved me from 
 shame. Imprisonment, and the confiscation of my 
 estate.” ® 
 
 Apart from these annoyances, Grotius seems to 
 have been happy in Paris. The hospitality origi- 
 nally accorded him did not wane, and his only anxiety 
 was for his wife whom he had left behind in Loe- 
 vestein to the mercy of the States-General. On May 
 14th, 1621, he wrote again to du Maurier that all 
 Paris was very kind to him, that he was being re- 
 ceived by the great men of the city, and that the only 
 cause for concern was the thought of his wife being 
 still In prison.^ Evidently he had not yet received 
 the good news of his wife’s liberation on April 7th, 
 just past. 
 
 5 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 271. 
 Francois Aerssen, Lord of Sommelsdyk, and Gideon van Boetse- 
 laer, Lord of Langerak, had been appointed Ambassadors to 
 France in the beginning of the year 1621. Ibid., Bk. V, pp. 238, 
 239 
 
 e'Ep. 147, p. 57. 
 
 ’’ Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 140. 
 
LITERARY PRODUCTS 
 
 153 
 
 The famous Peyresc declared that, in the arrival 
 of Grotius at Paris, Holland had made amends to 
 France for taking away the illustrious Scaliger from 
 her, in former years, and two Latin epigrams were 
 written expressing this sentiment, as follows: 
 
 “Gallia, Scaligerum dederas male sana Batavis : 
 
 Grotiadem reddit terra Batava tibi. 
 
 Ingratam expertus patriam venerandus uterque est: 
 
 Felix mutato erit uterque solo.” ® 
 
 And 
 
 “Gallia magnanimis dedit exorata Batavis 
 Dis geniti aeternum Scaligeri ingenium : 
 
 Fallor an humanis male dura Batavia Gallis 
 Scaligerum magno reddidit in Grotio.” ® 
 
 Du Vair, Keeper of the Seals, actively interested 
 himself in an effort to obtain from the King a pres- 
 ent for Grotius, pending the grant of a pension, but, 
 while thus engaged, he died at Tonneins on the 3rd 
 of August, 1621.^“ This was a great loss to Grotius, 
 for expenses were increasing. Late in September, 
 1621,^^ Madame de Groot arrived in Paris, to re- 
 main with her husband in banishment as she had done 
 in his imprisonment. The time subsequent to her 
 liberation from Loevestein she had spent in Holland 
 and Zeeland, putting her affairs in order, before her 
 
 ® Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 141 ; Ep. Grotii, 401, p. 
 868 . 
 
 ® Ibid., Bk. I, p. 141 ; Buchner. Vind. Grot, p. 237. 
 
 10 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 143. 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 278. 
 Burigny, in his “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 145, says that Madame 
 de Groot arrived in Paris in October, 1621. 
 
154 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 departure for France by sead^ After her arrival in 
 Paris, Grotius hired a house, in spite of the drain 
 upon his scanty resources. There they lived, mak- 
 ing many friends. No less a personage than the 
 Princess of Conde exhibited an interest in Madame 
 de Groot to the extent of expressing admiration for 
 the means employed by her for Grotius’ escape, re- 
 marking that “she (the Princess of Conde) was 
 sorry that she had not so freed her husband, the 
 Prince, when he had been confined in the Bastille.” 
 The great Vondel sang the praises of Madame de 
 Groot in a felicitous poem, dedicated to her, in which 
 he speaks of her as “Gemalin” or “Consort,” a word 
 showing the great respect in which the poet held the 
 statesman and his wife.^* 
 
 Meanwhile, his expenses were growing so heavy 
 that Grotius was troubled over the means where- 
 with to live, and on December 3rd, 1621, we find 
 him writing to du Maurier that if nothing could be 
 done for him he would have to retreat to Germany 
 or some corner of France. The King, however, 
 returned to Paris on the 30th of January, 1622,^® 
 and early in March Grotius was presented to him by 
 Chancellor de Silleri, and the Keeper of the Seals de 
 Vic, who had received this office after the death of 
 
 12 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 278. 
 
 13 Ibid., Bk. VI, p. 278. 
 
 1 * This poem can be found among Vondel’s lyric poems, or in 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, pp. 279, 280. 
 
 13 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 145. 
 
 1 ® Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 145. 
 
LITERARY PRODUCTS 
 
 155 
 
 du Vair/^ Louis received him graciously, and not 
 only granted him a pension of three thousand livres 
 to be paid quarterly, but also, by means of letters- 
 patent signed at Nantes on the 22nd of April, 1622,^® 
 extended protection to all persons persecuted by the 
 States. By these letters, the King declared that he 
 regarded all those condemned in Holland and seek- 
 ing refuge in France as his own subjects, whose heirs 
 might succeed to their estates, which would not be 
 liable to escheat to the Crown. 
 
 Being now assured of the protection of the King, 
 Grotius rented a more pretentious house on the Rue 
 de Conde, opposite the mansion of the Prince, and 
 shared it with a man named Tilenus.®® But pay- 
 ments of the pension were slow in coming in, and 
 Grotius’ financial affairs were little better than be- 
 fore. That they were anything but prosperous may 
 be inferred from the letter which his friend Vossius 
 wrote to him, in some alarm, lest Grotius might 
 change his religious views in order to secure his pen- 
 sion more promptly, in answer to which Grotius 
 assured his friend that he had no such intention.®^ 
 The death of the friendly de Vic, September 2nd, 
 1622,®® was a great loss to Grotius and the other 
 
 -^Uhid., Bk. I, p. 145; Ep. 29, p. 763, and Ep. 319, p. 114. 
 
 Ep. 30, p. 764. Brandt declares this pension was 3,600 gulden 
 a year, “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, pp. 284, 285. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 146; Mercure Francois, 
 1625, p. 185; Ep. Grotii, 32, p. 764, and 34, p. 765. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 146. 
 
 21 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 147. 
 
 22 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 146. 
 
156 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 refugees from Holland, for now de Caumartin, a 
 man very much out of sympathy with the Protestant 
 cause, was made Keeper of the Seals. But this was 
 not all, for President Jeannin, the man who had 
 aided Holland in bringing about the Twelve Years’ 
 Truce of 1609, the friend of that country, and of 
 Grotius, died in April, 1623.^® That Grotius felt 
 the loss keenly, we have as proof a letter of April 
 23rd, 1623,^^ to his brother William, lamenting the 
 death of his faithful friend and mentor. 
 
 While these things were taking place, Grotius was 
 not idle in the field of literature, for, in a letter to 
 Vossius of September 29th, 1621,®® he stated that 
 his six books in Dutch verse on “The Truth of the 
 Christian Religion,” as well as “An Investigation of 
 Pelagianism,” were ready for the press, while an 
 edition of Strobaeus was in preparation. Since his 
 arrival in Paris, Grotius had devoted much time to 
 reading on theology, worshipping at home with his 
 family, since the ministers of Charenton had refused 
 to receive him in communion unless he renounced 
 his religious beliefs. 
 
 Early in the year 1622, Grotius finished his “Jus- 
 tification of the Lawful Government of Holland and 
 West Friesland,” in the Dutch language.^^ This 
 
 23 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 148. 
 
 2 * Ep. 53, p. 770. 
 
 25 Ep. 163, p. 61. 
 
 26 The title of this work is “Disquisitio, an Pelagiana sint ea 
 dogmata, quae nunc sub eo nomine traducuntur.” 
 
 27 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VII, p. 287; 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 152. 
 
LITERARY PRODUCTS 
 
 157 
 
 work, which was designed to show his innocence to 
 the world, was begun the year before,^® on the advice 
 of President Jeannin, who had counseled Grotius to 
 write his vindication while the facts and events were 
 still fresh in his mind. Accordingly, he sent to his 
 brother-in-law, Nicolaas Reigersbergen, for various 
 letters and documents which would enable him to au- 
 thenticate his facts and strengthen his argument.^® 
 With these materials, and others furnished by 
 Hoogerbeets and by de Haan, now Counsellor of the 
 Prince of Holstein, the vindication was written. 
 
 While he was still busy translating the “Justi- 
 fication” into Latin, Grotius sent a copy of it to the 
 French Ambassador in Holland, du Maurier,®® in 
 order that he might obtain the opinions of his friends 
 on the advisability of publishing it. On this question 
 there was some dispute among them. But the work 
 was printed in Amsterdam under the direction of 
 some Remonstrants, and published in Dutch (after 
 some interference) at Hoorn, in November, 1622, 
 the Latin translation having appeared in Paris more 
 than a month before, with the permission of the King. 
 
 In this way the wrath of the States-General was 
 once more aroused against Grotius;®^ and on the 
 24th of November, 1622, they published a proclama- 
 tion,®® denouncing Grotius as having committed 
 
 2 ® Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VI, p. 280. 
 
 29 Ibid., Bk. VI, p. 280. 
 
 30 Ibid., Bk. VII, p. 287. 
 
 31 Ibid., Bk. VII, p. 293. 
 
 32 Ibid., Bk. VII, pp. 302, 303. The proclamation in full is 
 printed here in the original Dutch. 
 
158 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 “Crimen laesae Majestatis,” describing the book as 
 “a notorious, seditious and scandalous Libel,” and 
 making it a penal offence for any one to possess or to 
 read it, or to give it to others to read. But, worst 
 of all, the proclamation declared that the author of 
 the “Libel” should be taken into custody, wherever 
 and whenever found, “no lapse of time exempting 
 him from this.” 
 
 It is needless to say that this clause caused Grotius 
 much anxiety. He was undecided whether to write 
 a letter of defense to a friend for publication, to pre- 
 pare a new apology upholding his former one, to 
 complain to the States-General, or to appeal to the 
 Parlement of Paris and King Louis of France for 
 protection. Finally, he decided to do the last of 
 these, and as a result was favored with a special 
 protection against the Edict, in the form of a royal 
 decree issued at Paris, February 26th, 1623.®® 
 
 Yet, throughout all this added persecution, Gro- 
 tius’ loyalty to his country never wavered. In the 
 height of the trouble, he wrote to his brother that 
 he was still anxious to work in the interest of Hol- 
 land; that, if the United Provinces were desirous of 
 entering into a closer union with France, he would 
 assist them with all his power; that the public inter- 
 
 33 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 157, from Mercure 
 Francois; Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VII, pp. 
 310, 311. The declaration, translated into Dutch, appears there. 
 
 3* Ep. 50, p. 769, April 7th, 1623, “Ego pro patria laborare non 
 desino. Et si nostri foedus arctius cum Gallo inire cupiunt, non 
 deero adjutor. Neque enim ob paucorum injurias publica utilitas 
 deserenda esL” 
 
LITERARY PRODUCTS 
 
 159 
 
 est was not to be sacrificed to the resentment of 
 injuries received by a few, and that private ad- 
 vantage must be subordinate to public good. 
 
 In this year of 1623, Grotius’ translations of and 
 additions to Strobaeus’ collection of the maxims of 
 the Greek poets were published by Nicolas Buon in 
 Paris. Indeed, when a boy, he began to translate 
 these maxims into Latin verse, and was still working 
 upon them during his imprisonment at The Hague. 
 He tells us that, when he was deprived of pen and 
 ink there, he was at the forty-ninth title, which is an 
 invective against tyranny. The work, being re- 
 sumed at Loevestein, was completed at Paris, where 
 it was published for the first time. In the library 
 of the University of Leiden there is a copy of the 
 Geneva edition of Strobaeus, of the year 1609, with 
 some notes in Grotius’ own hand. 
 
 During the spring of 1623, the death rate in Paris 
 was markedly increased by an infectious disease 
 which seemed to be in the air,^® and Grotius decided 
 to move into the country for a time. In May, 
 President de Meme having offered him his country- 
 seat at Balagni, near Senlis, Grotius moved thither, 
 to remain during June and July. There he walked 
 and studied, being visited by three Hollanders; the 
 son of Elias Barneveld, who, we remember, had been 
 Pensionary of Rotterdam and had died in July, 
 1612; the son of his fellow-prisoner Hoogerbeets; 
 
 35 Ep. 200, p. 72. 
 
 38 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VII, p. 314, 
 “door een besmettelyke lucht veroorzaekt wierdt.” 
 
i6o HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 and Adriaen Daatselaer, to whose house Grotius had 
 come in the chest. There he also received two sons 
 of Mr. Meerman, Director of the East India Com- 
 pany, and his cousin Graswinkel.®^ 
 
 In this house in the country Grotius began the 
 work, which above all has made his name immortal, 
 the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” or “The Rights of War 
 and Peace.” During this time he enjoyed, 
 through the courtesy of Francis, son of the late 
 President de Thou, the use of the latter’s library, 
 one of the best in Europe, so that he was enabled 
 to carry on his work without feeling the need of his 
 own lost books.®® 
 
 Out of deference to the religious beliefs of 
 President de Meme, Grotius was careful not to do 
 anything which might offend the very zealous Catho- 
 lic whose house he occupied, and we find that while 
 there he served no meat on Fridays or Saturdays, 
 received no refugee clergymen from Holland, and 
 held no public services of the Protestant religion. 
 All too quickly the summer must have passed, and 
 early in August Grotius left Balagni to reside in 
 Senlis until October, when he returned to Paris. 
 
 The next year, that of 1624, gives abundant proof 
 of the value of Grotius in the eyes of Europe of 
 that day, for this year brought forth requests from 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VII, p. 314; 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 163. 
 
 38 Ep. 56, p. 770, and 57, p. 771. 
 
 39 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 164. 
 
 Ibid., Bk. I, pp. 164, 165. 
 
LITERARY PRODUCTS 
 
 i6i 
 
 the Prince of Holstein and the King of Denmark, 
 to the man Holland had discarded, to enter their 
 service. To the offer from Holstein, Grotius 
 seems to have given little thought, but he decided to 
 obtain the counsel of his friends regarding the op- 
 portunity presented in Denmark. 
 
 With this end in view, and in order to attend 
 to what was left of her property, Madame de Groot 
 departed from Paris in the beginning of June, 1624, 
 for Holland, traveling by way of Antwerp and Zee- 
 land.^* On the 1 2th of July she arrived In Rotter- 
 dam, whence she proceeded leisurely to Delft, 
 Leiden, and Amsterdam, consulting with her hus- 
 band’s friends In each place. At Delft she saw Mr. 
 Meerman; at Leiden, Vosslus and Erpenlus; at 
 Amsterdam, Burgomaster Cornells Hooft and his 
 son, the historian of Mulden,^® whose ancient castle, 
 which was Hooft’s home, still stands, its walls 
 washed by the waves of the Zuider Zee, not far 
 from Amsterdam. The general advice of these and 
 other friends was adverse to the acceptance of the 
 offer of the King of Denmark. Their faith in Gro- 
 tius had never wavered, and they believed that the 
 future held better things in store for him. 
 
 Having completed her business in Holland, 
 Madame de Groot arrived In MIddelburg the last 
 of September to spend some time with her brothers 
 and sisters, when she received a letter from Gro- 
 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VII, p. 318. 
 
 « Ibid., Bk. VII, pp. 318, 319. 
 
 « Ibid., Bk. VII, pp. 319, 320. 
 
i 62 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 tius’ servant, Willem van den Velden, saying that her 
 husband was very ill/* Grotius had indeed been 
 seized with a high fever and dysentery; and, as he 
 wrote to his brother,*® the attack confined him to 
 his bed for three weeks and necessitated his being 
 bled four times. Madame de Groot herself also 
 was ill at this time. Brandt says that her indis- 
 position was caused by the news of her husband’s 
 sickness; and as soon as she was able to travel, she 
 returned to Paris, but only to find her husband much 
 better and about once more. 
 
 While recuperating, Grotius rewrote parts of his 
 translation of the “Phoenissae” of Euripides, which 
 had been lost during his Imprisonment at The 
 Hague, and completed the task, though the book 
 was not published until 1630.*® The preface states 
 that the work was done in. prison as a relaxation and 
 consolation, for he agreed with Timocles, that 
 tragedies may serve to alleviate troubles by turning 
 our thoughts to the vicissitude of human affairs. 
 The translation is in Latin verse, the three rules of 
 Greek tragedy being strictly adhered to. 
 
 But we must turn once more to Holland. On 
 April 23rd, 1625, Prince Maurice died, at the age 
 of fifty-eight, after an illness of six months,*^ his 
 brother Frederick Henry succeeding him as Stadt- 
 
 « Ibid., Bk. VII, pp. 323, 324. 
 
 October 18th, 1624 ; Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 165. 
 
 It is dedicated to President de Meme ; Burigny’s “Vie de 
 Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 166. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 166; from Mercure 
 Francois. 
 
LITERARY PRODUCTS 163 
 
 holder. This change raised the hopes of Grotius 
 and caused him to think that the return to his coun- 
 try would not now be opposed, for the new Prince 
 had never manifested an antagonism to the Armin- 
 ians, and had even been thought secretly to favor 
 them and their cause. However, his hopes were 
 vain, for both his own efforts and those of his 
 friends to obtain permission for his return were 
 futile. 
 
 To Hoogerbeets, on the contrary, still confined in 
 Loevestein, the death of Maurice brought almost in- 
 stant relief, for, on the 30th of July, 1625, the 
 States-General passed a resolution giving him at 
 least partial freedom. After some delay he was 
 removed from his prison, to a house at Weer, near 
 Wassenaer, under surety from his friends, of twenty 
 thousand gulden, or eight thousand dollars, “not to 
 depart from there or do anything to the detriment of 
 the land.” However, this liberty, given to 
 Hoogerbeets after a confinement of almost seven 
 years, did the poor man little good, for he died and 
 found a greater freedom, on the 27th of September, 
 1625, five weeks after he was released from Loeve- 
 stein.*® The year of his death has been indelibly 
 fixed upon the mind of the world by the publication 
 of Grotius’ great masterpiece in the realm of Inter- 
 national Law, “The Rights of War and Peace.” 
 
 <8 For resolution of States-General of July 30th, 1625, see 
 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VII, p. 338. 
 
 « Ibid., Bk. VII, p. 339. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE “DE JURE BELLI AC PACIS” 
 
 The “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” published — Placed upon the 
 Papal Index — Grotius’ indebtedness to forerunners — The devel- 
 opment of the modern science of International Law. 
 
 It was summer in Paris when the “De Jure Belli 
 ac Pacis” first appeared. This book, dedicated to 
 the “Most Christian King,” Louis XIII of France, 
 and destined to shine through succeeding centuries 
 as a star of the first magnitude in the realm of Inter- 
 V national Law, was published in June, 1625.^ 
 
 In November, 1622, Grotius had begun to compile 
 the book which he headed “ad aliquid de jure com- 
 mentandum,” this “aliquid” or “something” being 
 nothing other than the plan of his masterpiece. Yet 
 the winter of 1622 had passed and the spring of 
 1623 was come, before he took the text well in 
 hand.^ But, so steadily and intensely did he work 
 at it, that by June, 1624, it was almost completed, 
 and Graswinkel, who was then staying with him, 
 helped him with the transcription.® In a little more 
 than one year, therefore, the text of the work which 
 
 1 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VII, p. 327. 
 
 2 Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 424. 
 
 3 Ihid., vol. Ill, p. 424. 
 
 164 
 
“DE JURE BELLI AC PACIS” 
 
 165 
 
 is generally regarded as the foundation of the 
 modern science of International Law, was begun and 
 completed. 
 
 This statement would be almost unbelievable, if 
 we did not know that the author had long meditated 
 over the undertaking, and had read exhaustively the 
 writings of others upon the same subject. Although 
 Grotius nowhere informs us that his “Jus Praedae” 
 or “The Law of Spoils” helped him in the writing 
 of “The Rights of War and Peace,” it is most prob-*^ 
 able that he made use of this work of his youth in 
 the preparation of his later book. Of course there 
 was no reason to mention the earlier work, for both 
 were products of his own mind, and the author owed 
 no acknowledgment to the public for whatever part 
 the “Jus Praedae” played in the production of the 
 “De Jure Belli ac Pacis.” Also, we must remember 
 that the former work was unknown to the world 
 until 1864, when the manuscript was discovered at 
 The Hague, for only in his defense of the “Mare 
 Liberum” or “Free Sea” against Welwood, had 
 Grotius mentioned the “Jus Praedae.” 
 
 The title of the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,” the 
 author took from Cicero’s “Oratio pro Balbo” (cap. 
 6) where a summary of all the subjects of the Law 
 of Nations is concluded in these words, “universum 
 denique belli jus ac pacis.” * As for his motives for 
 writing this book, we have Grotius’ own words. 
 “Men should do me a great injustice,” so he writes 
 
 * Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 425. 
 
i66 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 in his Prolegomena, “if they supposed that I wish 
 to allude to a single question of law, which is now 
 being contested or would soon be controverted. As 
 the mathematicians look upon figures, differentiated 
 from all existing matter, so I have discussed the 
 substance of the law, separated from all practical 
 deeds.” In his letters to his friends, he gives no 
 other reasons for his writing, than the desire which 
 animated him to soften and to check the ever in- 
 creasing desire of princes and people for the waging 
 of arbitrary and capricious wars.® 
 
 It is unnecessary here to give at any length a 
 synopsis of the book. It has been translated In full 
 Into English as well as into many other languages, 
 and In various works on International Law an 
 analysis of it may be found.® In form, “The Rights 
 of War and Peace” is divided into three parts or 
 books. The first part deals with “the right of war” 
 (jus belli), and treats of the different kinds of wars; 
 the second part treats of the causes of war, or the 
 violation of the public or private right which justi- 
 fies the taking up of arms; while the third part deals 
 with the course of war, considers what is permissible 
 
 5 Ihid., vol. Ill, p. 372. 
 
 ® The “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” has been translated from the 
 original Latin into Dutch, Swedish, English, German, and French. 
 In a catalogue entitled “Le Droit International Public dans les 
 Pays-Bas, 1596-1913,” issued by Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, a 
 list of the 53 editions of the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,” in Latin, 
 French, German, English, and Dutch, is given. 
 
 Campbell’s translation of the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” is very 
 good. Also, in Walker’s “History of the Law of Nations,” vol. 
 I, pp. 285-329, there is a rather full analysis of the work. 
 
“DE JURE BELLI AC PACTS” 167 
 
 in war, and discusses the conventions or treaties 
 which end it. 
 
 When the book appeared in Paris it was read by 
 Cardinal Francis Barberin, who was residing there 
 as legate from his uncle, Pope Urban VIIL 
 Though he was otherwise pleased with the work. It 
 shocked the Cardinal because It did not refer to the 
 Popes by the Roman Catholic titles. At Rome, also, 
 the “De Jure Belli ac Pads” received censure on the 
 same grounds, and, on the 4th of February, 1627, 
 it was placed upon the Papal Index, and, with the 
 author’s Apology and Poems, was forbidden to all 
 Catholics.^ This ban was not lifted until 1901, 
 when Leo XIII, responding to the weight of public 
 opinion, caused the Inhibition to be removed. Dr. 
 Andrew D. White, President of the American Dele- 
 gation to The Hague Peace Conference of 1899, tells 
 us ® that Pope Leo XIII applied for the admission 
 of a delegation to that conference, but that the appli- 
 cation was refused, among other reasons, because the 
 “De Jure Belli ac Pads,” the book which contained 
 the foundational principles of International arbitra- 
 tion, was still prohibited by the church. 
 
 The natural question to ask, the very question that 
 came to Vissering and Fruin In dealing with the “De 
 Jure Praedae,” Is, what is the connection between 
 
 ^ Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 177, 178 ; Brandt’s “Het 
 Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. VII, pp. 330, 331. For Grotius’ 
 remarks on religion and heretics in the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,” 
 see Bk. II, c. XX, §§ 49, 50. 
 
 ® A. D. White’s “Seven Great Statesmen,” p. 102. 
 
i68 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 these two books of Grotius, written with a gap of 
 twenty years between them? The “Jus Praedae” 
 was written to justify the war in the Indies, the “De 
 Jure Belli ac Pacis” to check the lust for the waging 
 of wars. As Grotius had grown older his desire 
 for peace had increased and he later declared the 
 wish that he might be able to annihilate all of his 
 war-poems, “ista belli incitamenta.” ® 
 
 During the twenty years which separated the “Jus 
 Praedae” and the “Jus Belli ac Pacis,” Grotius’ opin- 
 ion regarding the Law of Nature had remained al- 
 most unchanged. In this time, only once, five years 
 before the publication of the later book, in his “In- 
 troduction to the Dutch Law,” which had been com- 
 posed in Loevestein, had Grotius thus declared him- 
 self on this subject.^® In general, it seems that the 
 “Jus Praedae” constitutes a large part of the 
 “Jus Belli,” to which the “Jus Pacis” was added, 
 making the arrangement and order a little con- 
 fused. 
 
 Grotius has been criticized many times for taking 
 his material from other authors, rephrasing their 
 sentences but saying essentially the same thing. In 
 defense of the author of the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,” 
 it is only necessary to say that Grotius himself 
 realized this and acknowledged it. The answer is 
 to be found in the Prolegomena, the words of 
 Grotius reading as follows, “Artis formam ei (juris- 
 
 ®Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 429. 
 
 Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 434. 
 
“DE JURE BELLI AC PACIS” 169 
 
 prudentiae) imponere multi antehac destinarunt: 
 perfecit nemo.” 
 
 Albericus Gentilis, an Italian Protestant, who died 
 as Professor at Oxford in 1608,^^ is the author of a 
 “De Jure Belli,” and it has been said that Grotius 
 obtained much of his material from him. No doubt 
 the arrangement of the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” of 
 Grotius is somewhat similar to that of the “De Jure 
 Belli” of Gentilis, yet the order and reasoning of 
 Grotius are better than those of Gentilis. The 
 Dutch publicist stood with relation to Gentilis just 
 as he stood to many authors who had written on the 
 same subject; he certainly knew their works and used 
 them, but he brought order out of chaos, light where 
 darkness was. 
 
 To Franciscus Victoria, who wrote between 1530 
 and 1 540, Grotius also is indebted, for among Vic- 
 toria’s “Relectiones” are found two treatises, the 
 “De Indis noviter inventis,” and the “De Jure 
 Belli.” “For Protestant theology,” writes Fruin, 
 “the theological proofs of the Dominican Monk 
 naturally were not satisfying. But the theologian 
 had a noble and peace loving heart, a mind for truth 
 and right, and his deductions were just throughout.” 
 
 Grotius is also indebted to Covarruvias and Vas- 
 quius, the Spanish jurists, a debt which he gratefully 
 
 Prolegomena, § 30, p. xxii, of the edition of “De Jure Belli 
 ac Pacis,” 1773. 
 
 12 Walker’s “History of the Law of Nations,” vol. I, p. 274, 
 note 1. 
 
 12 Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 431 ; Walker’s 
 “History of the Law of Nations,” vol. I, pp. 214^230. 
 
HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 170 
 
 acknowledged. The first, who died as Counsellor 
 In the Court of Grenada in 1577, was the author of 
 a work concerning governmental authority, deter- 
 mining the latter’s right to wage war.^* The second 
 of these men, Fernandus Vasquius, also a counsellor 
 in the Spanish court of law, died in 1566, and left, 
 as proof of his greatness, the “Illustrlum Contro- 
 verslarum aliorumque usu frequentium Libri tres.” 
 From both these writers Grotius has taken some 
 material, but in his “Rights of War and Peace,” he 
 speaks of the lawyer and philosopher Vasquius with 
 respect, and in his “Law of Spoils” with admiration. 
 “Vasquius,” he says there, “the jewel of Spain, in 
 whom we never lose sagaciousness in the acknowl- 
 edgment of the law, nor frankness in the teaching of 
 truth.” 
 
 As for Winkler’s “Principia juris,” which had ap- 
 peared ten years before the “De Jure Belli ac Pads,” 
 “it must be recognized that Grotius knew nothing 
 of Winkler, or any other of the German writers, and 
 that he has borrowed nothing from them.” 
 
 So we see that the masterpiece of Grotius was 
 something more than a mere compilation of the 
 thoughts of men who had lived and written before 
 him. From the poets, historians, theologians, and 
 jurists of all the ages which preceded him, Grotius 
 had taken the best, discarded the rest, and had 
 
 Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 432. 
 
 For the editions and analysis of this work, see Walker’s 
 “History of the Law of Nations,” vol. I, p. 245. 
 
 Fruin’s “Verspreide Geschriften,” vol. Ill, p. 432. 
 
 Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 434. 
 
“DE JURE BELLI AC PACIS” 
 
 171 
 
 woven, with his great mind, these varied teachings 
 into an harmonious whole — a working system of 
 International Law. 
 
 That the author of the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” 
 went back to the ancients, through history sacred and 
 profane, is not at all strange. These were the only 
 authorities which would carry any weight, for the 
 system of reporting cases was not yet in extensive 
 use, and an “international mind” had not yet been 
 developed which would cause the conclusions of a 
 question involving, say, two countries, to be recog- 
 nized by a third, not interested therein. The 
 ancients, in 1600, always carried conviction with 
 them, and the logical deductions from them were 
 authoritative. 
 
 “Modern International Law may date its begin- 
 nings as a distinct branch of scientific study from the 
 labors of Hugo Grotius.” Does Grotius, then, 
 deserve the title of “Father of International Law,” 
 a name which has many times been given to the great 
 statesman and jurist? Although one looks upon 
 Grotius, the man who lived three hundred years 
 ago, the man who still lives in his works to the 
 present day, with profoundest admiration, he cer- 
 tainly cannot truthfully be said to have created the 
 Law of Nature. But he combined with it and to 
 a great extent founded upon it the law of nations, 
 and in that manner constructed principles which re- 
 main remarkably true to-day. In this sense he may 
 
 Walker’s “History of the Law of Nations,” vol. I, p. 336. 
 
172 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 be called the Father of International Law, although 
 some have preferred to speak of him as its Dis- 
 covererd® 
 
 A very imperfect “law between nations” had been 
 left as an heritage by the Hebrew Tribes; by the 
 Greeks, the Romans, the Popes, and the merchants 
 of the Middle Ages, and by Machiavelli. But the 
 Hebrews had disregarded all rules of humanity in 
 their warfare against their neighbors. Conquest 
 was followed by the burning of cities, and the 
 massacre and enslaving of men, women, and children, 
 with a justification no less than the laws of Moses 
 and the Psalms and Prophecies of the Old Testa- 
 ment. The warfare of the Greeks against foreign 
 nations had been no less barbarous, although among 
 themselves principles of justice and humanity had 
 begun to creep in, by the substitution of slavery and 
 ransom for the murder of prisoners. 
 
 The Roman Republic, fighting for existence 
 against hostile tribes of barbarians, was in no posi- 
 tion to change these methods of warfare, but the 
 Empire sought to extend its system of Civil Law to 
 the conquered. The barbarous tribes of those days, 
 however, were not easily absorbed in the conquer- 
 ing civilization. A system of law had to be devised 
 for them; and although the Roman lawyers “refused 
 to decide the new cases by pure Roman Civil Law,” 
 
 H. J. Hamaker, in his “Verspreide Geschriften,” part VI, on 
 “International Private Law” (“Beschouwingen over en naar 
 aanleiding van Hugo de Groot’s ‘Jus Belli ac Pacis,’ 1883”), uses 
 the word with reference to Grotius. 
 
“DE JURE BELLI AC PACIS” 
 
 173 
 
 they constructed a code of rules common both to 
 Rome and to the various Italian tribes into which 
 the alien elements were brought, a “jus gentium,” a 
 law common to all nations the Romans were con- 
 cerned with.^° The Roman jurist no doubt looked 
 upon the “jus gentium” with the same contempt with 
 which he gazed upon the foreigner. It was some- 
 thing forced upon him by political necessity, foreign 
 to his system of law, and therefore little to be re- 
 spected. But an evolution was to take place, as 
 a result of which this disdained “jus gentium” was 
 to become a model, imperfectly developed, but to 
 which all law ought as far as possible, to conform. 
 The real “crisis arrived when the Greek theory of 
 a Law of Nature, ‘Jus Naturale,’ was applied to the 
 practical Roman administration of the Law common 
 to all Nations.” 
 
 The word Nature, in the Greek sense, at first 
 meant “the physical world regarded as the result of 
 some primordial element or law,” but later it in- 
 cluded both physical and moral considerations. To 
 live according to nature was, to the Greek mind, to 
 live above “disorderly habits and the vulgar,” in a 
 higher stratum of society, where self-denial and self- 
 command should dominate, the very essence of the 
 Stoic philosophy. And after this conception of Na- 
 ture became thoroughly assimilated in the Roman 
 life, the lawyers began to think “that the old ‘Jus 
 
 20 Pollock’s “Maine’s Ancient Law,” p. 47. 
 
 21 Ibid., pp. 49, SO. 
 
 22 Ibid., p. 51. 
 
174 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Gentium’ was in fact the lost code of Nature, and 
 that the Praetor in framing an Edictal jurisprudence 
 on the principles of the ‘Jus Gentium’ was gradually 
 restoring a type from which law had only departed 
 to deteriorate.” So the “Jus Naturale” or Law 
 of Nature is simply the “Jus Gentium” or Law of 
 Nations, revealed in a peculiar light. Their point of 
 contact seems to be through “Aequitas” or Equity 
 in its original sense. The difference between the 
 two is entirely historical, and no fundamental distinc- 
 tion can be established between them. But the Law 
 of Nations began to take on the aspect of a law be- 
 tween nations and the “Jus Gentium,” “Jus Na- 
 turale,” and the “Jus Feciale” (the law of negotia- 
 tion) became much confused, in which state they 
 remain, in a measure, to this day. 
 
 If the Mediaeval Empire in Northern Europe had 
 proved as strong as its founder, we might to-day 
 have preserved to us a Germanic Code as strong 
 as the Roman Code has been. But the Empire of 
 Charlemagne was a huge anachronism, and, when it 
 fell, it carried down with it the increment of progress 
 in International Law. Though it called itself the 
 Holy Roman Empire, it was neither Holy, Roman, 
 nor Empire, so decayed was it; and when, in 1806, 
 it fell, no one heard the sound.^® 
 
 Ibid., p. 54. 
 
 2 ^ For a discussion of this see Pollock’s “Maine’s Ancient Law," 
 pp. 55-69. 
 
 25 See Ford’s “Rise and Growth of American Politics,” p. 19; 
 also Ford’s “The Cost of Our National Government,” p. 79, 
 note 1. 
 
“DE JURE BELLI AC PACIS” 
 
 175 
 
 During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the 
 Church took up the burden of carrying forward the 
 more humane law to govern warfare. The “Truce 
 of God” was a result of the untiring effort of the 
 Church to secure peace, forbidding, as it did, all 
 hostilities from Thursday night until Monday morn- 
 ing, as well as on the numerous fast days.^® 
 
 But the lust for earthly goods ate its way into the 
 heart of the Church, and the Popes were no longer 
 fit to administer peace, as the highest tribunal. In 
 1268 Conradin, a sixteen year old boy, the last of 
 the Hohenstaufen line, who had been captured at 
 Tagliacozzo, was beheaded at Naples virtually by 
 order of the Pope. Pope Pius V openly commanded 
 Catherine de Medici, Charles IX, and the Duke of 
 Anjou not only to persecute but also to massacre 
 every Huguenot in France, while Gregory XIII re- 
 joiced with thanksgiving in his Papal Palace at 
 Rome, upon hearing the good news, and caused a 
 medal commemorating the event to be struck off for 
 circulation through Europe. 
 
 The intolerance of the Popes had unfitted them to 
 hold the place of international arbiters^ Their 
 statement that “no faith is to be kept with heretics” 
 was the essence of their doctrine, and they held 
 tenaciously to the teaching that a peace between 
 Catholics and heretics was as impossible as an agree- 
 ment between light and darkness, or heat and cold. 
 
 26 Issued by the Archbishop of Cologne in 1083. See Robin- 
 son’s “Readings in European History,” ch. IX. 
 
176 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Moreover, the Popes exercised the power to absolve 
 treaty-makers from their oaths — exercised it by al- 
 most forcing Francis I of France to break his oath, 
 given in the treaty of Madrid, to Charles V in 1526; 
 exercised it, after Grotius’ death, by endeavoring in 
 all ways, fair and foul, to cause the signatories of the 
 Peace of Westphalia to break their oaths. Nor was 
 the Catholic Church solely at fault; for the breaking 
 of oaths was also countenanced and practiced by the 
 Reformed Church, which waged war over theolog- 
 ical quibbles, even against fellow Protestants. 
 Truly, there was no hope, after the Reformation, 
 for a religious international tribunal. 
 
 Nevertheless, there was a ray of light shining 
 through this wall of darkness; for, although the 
 Germanic Empire and the Church had failed to 
 bear their “white man’s burden,” a few merchants 
 had succeeded in establishing some maritime codes, 
 such as the “Rooles d’ Oleron,” the “Consolato del 
 Mare,” the “Laws of Wisby,” and the “Customs 
 of Amsterdam”; and the forerunners of Grotius, 
 heretofore mentioned, had contributed to the great 
 movement. Finally, Grotius heard the call and an- 
 swered it. Nor was his task a light one. The di- 
 plomacy of the time was the hideous, lying diplomacy 
 of Machiavelli’s “Prince,” having for its hero the 
 despicable Cesare Borgia, son of Pope Alex- 
 ander VI. Monstrous crimes were committed by 
 
 2'? The Laws of Wisby are sometimes called the “Gotland Sea 
 Laws,” since they were adopted by the town of Wisby, in the 
 island of Gotland, in the Baltic Sea. 
 
“DE JURE BELLI AC PACIS” 
 
 177 
 
 Catherine de Medici In France, by Philip II and the 
 Dutch in the Netherlands,^® and by Tilly and Wal- 
 lenstein in Germany. Truly the world was in need 
 of a Grotius. One has but to compare Machiavelll’s 
 “Prince” with Grotius’ “Rights of War and Peace” 
 to realize the great step the Dutch jurist took in the 
 very face of all Europe, the one book founded upon 
 deceit and trickery, the other on justice and truth. 
 
 Grotius has been criticized severely for basing his 
 arguments too much upon the Law of Nature and 
 not enough upon the Law of Nations. Freely ad- 
 mitting, as we must, that a proposition cannot be cor- 
 rect in theory and incorrect in practice, and con- 
 versely, it is submitted, nevertheless, that a proposi- 
 tion may be right in theory and yet inexpedient. 
 Human progress has most often been attained by 
 means of a compromise between what may have 
 been right and what was certainly expedient. But 
 the expedient is frequently easier of discernment and 
 of action than the right, and, in international rela- 
 tions it has been the Law of Nature, in which Grotius 
 sought support, that has prevented the law between 
 nations from deteriorating into mere rules of ex- 
 pediency. 
 
 28 The methods of the Spaniards are well known. For an ac- 
 count of Dutch atrocities, see Motley’s “History of the United 
 Netherlands,” vol. IV, pp. 229, 230. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES AND AP- 
 POINTMENT AS AMBASSADOR 
 
 Grotius’ financial difficulties — He returns to Holland — But is 
 forced to leave for Hamburg — The Thirty Years’ War — Grotius 
 is appointed Ambassador from Sweden to France. 
 
 Having wandered somewhat afield in our discus- 
 sions, let us now return to the course of our nar- 
 rative. 
 
 Long before the publication of his greatest work, 
 Grotius was growing tired of Paris, where his pen- 
 sion, if paid at all, was always late, and was at best 
 hardly enough to live upon. On July 12th, 1623, 
 he had written to his brother that he would accept 
 a good position elsewhere, if any were available, 
 and this thought had continued in his mind through 
 the years 1624 and 1625.^ Yet he had thought it 
 best to decline the offers of the Prince of Holstein 
 and the King of Denmark, in 1624, hoping no doubt, 
 that a greater opportunity would present itself else- 
 where. 
 
 When Cardinal Richelieu became the Principal 
 Minister of Louis XIII in 1624, he held out tempt- 
 ing offers to Grotius, if the latter would devote him- 
 1 Ep. 58, p. 771. 
 
 178 
 
FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES 
 
 179 
 
 self entirely to the interests of France and sever his 
 connection, which was now one of sentiment only, 
 with the country of his birth. But this Grotius re- 
 fused to do. “I am very sorry,” he writes to du 
 Maurier, “that I can be of no use to the Kingdom 
 of France where I have found refuge, but I must 
 adhere to my former way of thinking.” ^ 
 
 In these circumstances, life in Paris became less 
 and less endurable to Grotius and his family; and 
 their situation was not Improved when the Seals 
 were given to Marillac, an open enemy of all Prot- 
 estants. Accordingly, we find Grotius writing to 
 his brother on July 17th, 1626, and to du Maurier 
 on September 19th of the same year, that his pen- 
 sion had been unpaid for two years and that it had 
 become almost necessary to find a residence else- 
 where.® On the 4th of January, 1630, he wrote to 
 his brother, “I am seriously thinking of settling In 
 some place where I may live more commodlously 
 with my family,” and before December of that 
 year had passed, he was fully resolved to leave 
 France.^ 
 
 Before the death of Prince Maurice, Frederick 
 Henry of Nassau had displayed a very friendly atti- 
 tude toward Grotius, and had even expressed the 
 hope that time would bring about a change which 
 would result in the reestablishment of Grotius in 
 
 2 Ep. 249, p. 84. 
 
 2 Ep. 128, p. 792, and Ep. 67, p. 774 ; 219, p. 76 ; Burigny’s “Vie 
 de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 183. 
 
 * Ep. 226, p. 823 ; Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 184. 
 See letter of December 27th, 1630; Ep. 267, p. 836. 
 
i8o 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Holland, In the occupation of the honored position 
 he deserved there. But the results of a trip of 
 Madame Grotius to Holland In the spring of 1627 
 were not very promising, and on February 21st, 
 1630, his brother wrote that the efforts of his friends 
 to have him received again In Holland had been 
 fruitless.® The prospects seemed to be altogether 
 unpropitlous for an attempt to return to the country 
 he still loved; yet, encouraged by his wife, and by 
 the recovery of some of his confiscated estate, he 
 set out for Holland In October, 1631, on a French 
 ship which landed him In Zeeland, whence he 
 traveled to Rotterdam, where he arrived towards 
 the end of the month.® As the sentence against him 
 was still In force, he was obliged to restrict his 
 movements to the circle of friends. In Rotterdam 
 the Magistrates were afraid to call upon him openly, 
 and advised him not to appear in public, as there 
 might be someone, even in the town where he had 
 served the people so faithfully, who, for the sake 
 of the reward offered nine years before for his ar- 
 rest, would cause him to be apprehended. 
 
 It was at this time that the finest portrait we have 
 of Grotius was made. At the request of his friends, 
 he was painted by the artist Michiel Mierevelt, in 
 Delft; and it was from this painting that the artist’s 
 son-in-law, Willem Delf, jnade the etching which 
 
 ® Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 186, 187. 
 
 ® Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IX, p. 405 ; 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 188. 
 
FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES i8i 
 
 has become famous. Under the protrait was placed 
 a verse by the great Dutch poet, Vondel, a worthy 
 tribute to his friend.^ 
 
 But Grotius was not long to remain in even com- 
 parative peace, for, on the loth of December, 1631, 
 the States-General issued a proclamation ordering 
 all the bailiffs in the country to arrest the fugitive 
 from justice.® Again, however, the authorities were 
 outwitted, for the loth of December found him no 
 longer in Rotterdam. Early in the morning of the 
 9th he had quietly slipped out of the town, bound 
 for Amsterdam, having instructed his faithful ser- 
 vant to go to Delft in order to give the appearance 
 that his master had departed.® He arrived the 
 same day in Amsterdam and took lodging in the 
 house of Mr. Joost Brasser, receiving his friends 
 and relatives there. But conditions did not im- 
 prove. All efforts to secure his reestablishment in 
 his own country failed; and even Prince Frederick, 
 foreseeing in Grotius an obstacle in the path to 
 supreme power, turned against him in spite of the 
 fact that, on the 4th of August, 1622, he had signed 
 himself in a letter to Grotius, “I am yours most af- 
 fectionately to serve.” 
 
 On the 17th of April, 1632, Grotius left Amster- 
 
 ^ Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IX, p. 415. 
 
 ^ Ibid., Bk. IX, p. 419. This resolution was followed by many 
 others, all directed against Grotius. 
 
 9 Ibid., Bk. IX, p. 424. 
 
 10 Ibid., Bk. IX, p. 425. 
 
 Ecc. et Theo. Ep. 419, p. 683. 
 
HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 182 
 
 dam for Hamburg/^ He arrived at Hamburg 
 toward the end of the year, after having passed the 
 summer at the country seat, called Ockinhuyse, of 
 a friend, William Moor,^® where his wife, who had 
 been in Zeeland, rejoined him. On the 17th of 
 August, 1632, he wrote to his friend Vossius: “Op- 
 pressed by the violence of my enemies, to whom shall 
 I turn for refuge, if not to her who has always been 
 the faithful companion of my good and bad fortune, 
 and to you who have given me public token of your 
 friendship in my greatest misfortune?” 
 
 Before passing on to the remaining years of 
 Grotius’ life, I venture to insert here a translation 
 of a letter written by him to his brother-in-law, 
 which is worthy of reproduction in its entirety. It 
 was written on the 13th of December, 1631, just 
 three days after the order for his arrest had been 
 sent throughout the country. It reads as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 *‘fVorthy Brother: 
 
 “I wonder very much at the turbulence of so many 
 members of the Assembly and the great bitterness 
 shown against me. After so long an imprisonment, 
 after confiscation of my property, during an absence 
 
 12 Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IX, p. 442. 
 Burigny, in his “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 196, places the date 
 of departure as the 17th of March, 1632. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 196. 
 
 1 * Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 197, quoting Ep. 298, 
 
 p. 108. 
 
 13 This letter, in Dutch, may be found in Brandt’s “Het Leven 
 van Huig de Groot,” Bk. IX, pp. 422, 423. 
 
FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES 
 
 183 
 
 from my country of ten years, in the midst of many 
 wrongs and injuries, to me and all of mine, I have 
 sought all opportunities to serve the Land and all 
 classes of its inhabitants, as far as I was able. Is 
 it not fitting that all their hearts should have 
 softened? The labor I have spent in order to make 
 known to all our people their paternal laws to the 
 honor and glory of Holland, well deserves, I think, 
 that they had sent me a ship in which to come home, 
 even as the people of Athens, in former times, did 
 for Demosthenes for a lesser service. With much 
 more reason still must the Hollanders comprehend 
 that I, after the example of so many others, who 
 also were wrongly dealt with by resolutions and 
 proclamations, wish to enjoy the air of my Father- 
 land and the sight of my aged parents, who have so 
 long longed for me. God be praised, that He still 
 allows many opportunities for me to dwell in other 
 places with honor and profit, lest I continually need 
 to sorrow in the cruelty and ingratitude of my fellow 
 countrymen; and, if affairs go on like this, may He 
 justify me in saying with Scipio: ‘Oh, ungrateful 
 Fatherland, you shall not even have my bones.’ 
 To make any request, I now find much more un- 
 advisable than before, for it will appear to be ex- 
 torted by fear of the reward which they propose 
 to give to those who would harm me. A noble heart 
 must do nothing through fear. My life, my free- 
 dom, stand in God’s hands. More than He permits, 
 
 “O, ingrata patria, nec ossa quidem mea habebis.” 
 
184 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 the evil of men cannot do; and if He allows it, it is 
 for the best, if we only walk uprightly through life : 
 as, in this journey, I had no other purpose than to 
 discharge the duty I owed to my parents and to 
 give some evidence of my longing for the Father- 
 land. I trust firmly that his Princely Excellency, 
 for whose honor and good name I have wished from 
 my childhood and, as far as possible, have sought, 
 will perceive, with fairness and affection, my inno- 
 cent and sincere love for the Fatherland, and for 
 his illustrious house and person, and will not find 
 it good, that people, by retarding the common ad- 
 vantage, should urge the most reasonable members 
 of Holland to oppress me and to make me eternally 
 useless to my country and my friends. 
 
 “Your obedient brother, 
 
 “H. DE GrOOT. 
 
 “The 13th of December, 1631.” 
 
 The winter in Hamburg was spent at the house 
 of a merchant, named Leonard van Sorgen, whose 
 brother, Nicolas, was a lawyer at The Hague. 
 From Hamburg Grotius wrote to the Court of 
 France, saying that he could no longer justly accept 
 money from the King, but that he should never 
 forget the kindness of King Louis and of his many 
 friends. His wife had gone to Zeeland, he said, 
 “to collect the remains of our shipwreck, but I do 
 not know into what haven we shall bring it.” 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 198. 
 
FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES 
 
 185 
 
 Grotius’ life in Hamburg affords little that is of 
 interest. He seems to have occupied himself with 
 the education of his host’s two sons, and to have 
 supervised the studies of pupils in groups of ten 
 or twelve, so that he might learn their aptitudes and 
 enable them to learn from each other. However, 
 the death of his landlord on the 12th of August, 
 1633, made a change of residence necessary, and 
 he went to live with a Dutchman, Assuerus Mathis- 
 ius, formerly a clergyman at Deventer, who, having 
 left Holland during the theological turmoil, subse- 
 quently married a wealthy widow of Hamburg. 
 There Grotius passed his time in writing his 
 “Sophomphaneas,” or “Tragedy of Joseph,” which 
 he finished before he left the city.^® 
 
 During Grotius’ residence in Hamburg, influential 
 men over all of Europe endeavored to secure his 
 services for their respective countries; and it was in 
 Hamburg that he met and conversed with Salvius, 
 Vice-Chancellor of Sweden, a meeting which resulted 
 in the appointment of Grotius as Ambassador from 
 that country to the Court of Louis XIII of France.^® 
 
 The period into which the diplomatic activities of 
 Grotius fell was the latter part of the Thirty Years’ 
 War, commonly called the last religious war of 
 Europe; a war which, beginning in 1618 had in- 
 volved the greater part of the continent in ruin 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 201, 202; Brandt’s “Het 
 Leven van Huig de Groot, ” Bk. X, pp. 451, 452; Ep. 337, p. 122. 
 
 19 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 202, 203. 
 
i86 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 and desolation. In order to understand the work 
 of Grotlus as a diplomatist, it is necessary to review 
 briefly the events of this momentous struggle up to 
 the time of his entry into the diplomatic activities 
 to which it gave rise. 
 
 At the beginning of the 17th century the contest 
 between Protestants and Catholics had reached the 
 danger point, but the tension was greatly increased 
 when the Protestants, angered at the course of the 
 Emperor Rudolph in placing an armed force in the 
 free city of Donauwbrth for the support of Catholi- 
 cism, formed the Calvinist Union of 1608, and the 
 Duke of Bavaria retorted by associating himself 
 with bishops and abbots in a Catholic League in 
 1609.^° But the event which finally precipitated 
 the conflict took place in Bohemia. This Kingdom, 
 recently added to the dominions of the House of 
 Hapsburg, had heard the voice of Luther across 
 the border, in Saxony, and embraced in its popula- 
 tion many Protestants, to whom Rudolph, in 1609, 
 granted a limited toleration. This concession, how- 
 ever, was grudgingly carried out, and in 1618 the 
 Protestants, incensed at the duplicity of Rudolph’s 
 successor, Matthias, rose in revolt. The insur- 
 gents attacked the castle at Prague, in which the 
 governors representing the Emperor were sitting, 
 and threw two of them and their secretary out of 
 
 20 This outline is taken from Schwill’s “Political History of 
 Modern Europe.” For a fuller account, see Wakeman’s “Euro- 
 pean History, 1598-1715.” 
 
 21 Emperor Rudolph had died in 1612, and Matthias had been 
 elected in his place. 
 
FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES 
 
 187 
 
 the window. The fall was seventy feet, but no 
 one was killed, either because of the soft refuse 
 which had accumulated in the moat, or because, 
 as some alleged, of the intervention of the Virgin 
 Mary. However this may be, the insurgents set 
 up their own government, and, although the incident 
 was purely local, it proved to be the match which 
 lighted the fuse of the Thirty Years’ War. 
 
 This struggle, which was really an aggregation 
 of wars, falls naturally into five periods : 
 
 1 . The Bohemian Period, 1618—1620. 
 
 11 . The Palatine Period, 1621—1623. 
 
 III. The Danish Period, 1625—1629. 
 
 IV. The Swedish Period, 1630-1635. 
 
 V. The French Period, 1635—1648. 
 
 We can thus see how the struggle, beginning in 
 Bohemia, gradually involved all of continental Eu- 
 rope, spreading into Southern Germany and the 
 Palatinate, then into Northern Germany and its 
 Protestant neighbor, Denmark, and later into 
 Sweden, until the war, though still a German civil 
 struggle, became also an European conflict between 
 Protestantism and Catholicism, and, to a great ex- 
 tent, a struggle for supremacy between the two 
 great ruling houses of Europe, those of Hapsburg 
 and Bourbon. In the first period the Elector 
 Frederick, whom the revolutionists crowned King 
 at Prague on November 4th, 1619, attacked Em- 
 peror Ferdinand II, successor of Matthias and 
 
i88 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 leader of the Catholic cause. But Frederick was 
 a man of feeble mentality, whose acts, when they 
 exhibited any energy, seem to have been inspired 
 by his wife, and in 1620 he met at Prague with a 
 crushing defeat at the hands of Tilly, who was in 
 the employ of the Catholic League. The Emperor 
 Ferdinand, moreover, deprived Frederick of his 
 electoral title and authorized Maximilian, Duke of 
 Bavaria and head of the Catholic League, to take 
 possession of the Palatinate. The leadership of 
 the Protestant cause naturally fell to England, be- 
 cause of Elizabeth’s Protestant leanings and because 
 James I, the reigning King, was the father-in-law of 
 Frederick. But James was not anxious to fight, 
 and, with the promise of a subsidy, he finally induced 
 Christian IV of Denmark to head a Protestant at- 
 tack. In 1625 Christian took the field, only to be 
 crushed in one campaign by the forces of Tilly and 
 Wallenstein; and in 1629 he was thankful to sign 
 the Peace of Liibeck which gave him back his Danish 
 territories upon his promise to remain at home. 
 
 But in 1630 Emperor Ferdinand made the fatal 
 mistake of dismissing the ambitious Wallenstein, 
 just at the time when the Edict of Restitution of 
 March, 1629, “the high-water mark of Catholic suc- 
 cess,” had united all of Protestant Europe against 
 him. It was then that Gustavus Adolphus, the 
 greatest figure of the Thirty Years’ War, appeared 
 
 22 Matthias died in March, 1619, and Ferdinand II followed him 
 as Emperor. 
 
FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES 
 
 189 
 
 upon the scene at the head of an army. Richelieu, 
 having put down the Huguenots, was now free to ex- 
 tend his foreign policy, and, welcoming the forces 
 of Sweden which would weaken the Hapsburg power 
 in the East, he concluded the Treaty of Barwalde 
 with the Swedish King, January 23rd, 1631, by 
 which France was to pay the King two hundred 
 thousand dollars for six years on condition that 
 Gustavus maintain an army of thirty-six thousand 
 men."* 
 
 In September, 1631, Gustavus decisively defeated 
 Tilly at Breitenfeld, and, at Liitzen, November i6th, 
 1632, he defeated Wallenstein (once more fighting 
 for Ferdinand), but his bravery had carried him too 
 far into the enemy’s cavalry and he was surrounded 
 and slain. Two years later, in February, 1634, 
 Wallenstein was murdered for the treason of which 
 he had been guilty after Liitzen. With Gustavus 
 Adolphus there also died the moral and religious 
 ideals of the Thirty Years’ War, and the struggle 
 now became one for political supremacy. 
 
 The late Swedish King, who was a scholar as well 
 as a warrior, had looked upon Grotius as one of the 
 great men of the age. It is said that, at the time of 
 his death, he had with him a copy of the “De Jure 
 Belli ac Pacis,” which was found after the battle in 
 the royal tent."* Sometime before his death he gave 
 
 23 Wakeman’s “European History, 1598-1715,” p. 88. 
 
 2 * Gustavus Adolphus had also had the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” 
 translated into Swedish. Brandt’s “Het Leven van Huig de 
 Groot,” Bk. X, p. 448. 
 
190 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 orders that, in case he should die before his plans 
 were accomplished, Grotius should be employed in 
 the service of Sweden; and Oxenstiern, the Swedish 
 High Chancellor, who now exercised almost absolute 
 power, carried out the wishes of his dead master and 
 sent word to Grotius to meet him at Frankfort-on- 
 the-Main.^® Grotius arrived there in May, 1634.^® 
 His reception was most kind; and, although the High 
 Chancellor did not say what position he was to have, 
 he sent for his Avife and children, who reached 
 Frankfort early in August. They then accom- 
 panied Oxenstiern to Mainz, where he appointed 
 Grotius a Counsellor to the young Queen of Sweden, 
 Christina,"^ and also made him her Ambassador to 
 the Court of France.^® 
 
 Lest it may seem strange that the High Chancellor 
 of Sweden, acting in accordance with the direction 
 of the lately deceased King, chose Grotius, a Dutch- 
 man, to represent the Swedish Queen at the Court 
 of France, it may be well to note that much of the 
 culture of Sweden, during the 17th century, came 
 from Holland. In his book, written in Swedish but 
 translated into Dutch, “De letterkundige betrek- 
 kingen tusschen Zweden en Holland, vooral in de 
 lyde eeuw,” E. Wrangel has brought this out. 
 Stranger than the embassy of Grotius to France is 
 
 25 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 209-210. 
 
 2« Ep. 330, p. 849. 
 
 27 Daughter of Gustavus Adolphus. She was born at Stock- 
 holm, December 18, 1626. 
 
 28 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 211; Ep. 337, p. 851. 
 
FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES 
 
 191 
 
 that of Jakob van Dyke, “Ambassador of the King 
 of Sweden to the States of the United Netherlands 
 in the Hague, a Hollander, horn at Haarlem, a great 
 lover of poetry and a friend of Grotius.” Gro- 
 tius, however, decided to renounce his Dutch alle- 
 giance, and on the 13th of July, 1634, sent to the 
 Prince of Orange, through his brother, letters de- 
 claring his expatriation and his adoption of alle- 
 giance to the Queen of Sweden. He also sent in- 
 formation to the same effect to the City of Rotter- 
 dam, which had forborne to elect a Pensionary since 
 his sentence fifteen years before, and stated that the 
 position which he had held was to be considered as 
 vacant.^” 
 
 In the meantime, the aspect of the affairs of 
 Sweden was not favorable. The indomitable cour- 
 age and iron will of Oxenstiern had brought back 
 the wavering to the cause of Sweden and had broken 
 the attempts of the Duke of Brunswick and the 
 Elector of Saxony to create disunion, but the battle 
 of Nordlingen, in 1634, left Horn and sixteen thou- 
 sand Swedes as prisoners in the hands of Austria, and 
 by the Peace of Prague, in 1635, the Electors of 
 Saxony and Brandenburg united with Emperor 
 Ferdinand II. 
 
 The hope of the Protestant countries, and par- 
 ticularly of Sweden, lay in France, or, more exactly, 
 in Cardinal Richelieu, and their future was in a large 
 
 29 Brandt’s “Leven van Vondel,” ed. by Dr. Eelco Verwijs, 
 1866, p. 45. 
 
 30 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 212-213. 
 
192 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 sense entrusted to Hugo Grotius when he set out 
 from Mainz for Paris in the beginning of the year 
 1635, on the most important diplomatic mission 
 Europe had known in a hundred years. 
 
CHAPTER X ^ 
 
 DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES 
 
 Grotius journeys to Paris — His reception — Official duties — 
 Oxenstiern comes to France — Diplomatic activities of Grotius — 
 His difficulties — Efforts for peace — A diplomatic quarrel. 
 
 Setting out from Mainz on the eighth of Jan- 
 uary, 1635,^ when the roads were frozen and muddy 
 in turn, Grotius was forced to make extensive detours 
 in order to avoid encountering parties of the enemy. 
 His progress was therefore necessarily slow, and he 
 arrived at Metz on the twenty-fifth of January, much 
 later than he expected and suffering from a severe 
 cold. Five days later he wrote to Oxenstiern that 
 he hoped to be able to leave Metz in a few days, and 
 that he was suffering more in mind than in body, 
 because of his restless desire to be again on his 
 journey. His departure took place on the second 
 of February, and on the seventh he passed through 
 Meaux on the way to St. Denis. Arriving at this 
 place, where his friend, Francis de Thou, hearing of 
 his presence, hastened to meet him, he was compelled 
 
 1 This chapter and the one following, were presented as a 
 Master’s thesis in International Law and Diplomacy at Columbia 
 University. 
 
 2 Cattenburgh’s “Vervolg der Historic van het leven des heeren 
 Huig de Groot,” Bk. I, p. 10. 
 
 193 
 
194 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 to tarry for some time because of the delay of the 
 French Court in appointing a day for his formal 
 reception.* The cause of this delay is not altogether 
 certain; but, judging by the questions asked by 
 Count Brulon on February 23rd, as to who had sent 
 him into France and as to the nature of Oxenstiern’s 
 powers, it is to be inferred that the Court of France 
 hesitated to recognize an Ambassador not appointed 
 by the Queen. ^ In fact, it was not until the twenty- 
 eighth of January, 1636, that the appointment given 
 by Oxenstiern was ratified by the five Regents of the 
 Kingdom in the name of the young Queen Chris- 
 tina.* 
 
 Nevertheless, on Friday the second of March, 
 1635, Grotius made his public entry into Paris at- 
 tended by Marshal d’Estrees and Count Brulon, the 
 latter acting in the place of Marshal St. Luc, who 
 was ill. They came in the coaches of the King and 
 Queen to escort the Ambassador into the city, and 
 the coaches of the Venetian, Swiss and Mantuan 
 Ministers were also in the procession, together with 
 those of the German powers allied to Sweden. The 
 Princes of the Blood did not send their coaches since 
 they were not in Paris, Gaston, Duke of Orleans, 
 being at Angers, the Prince de Conde at Rouen, and 
 the Count de Soissons at Senlis with the Court.® 
 
 On the sixth of March, Grotius was conducted to 
 
 ® Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 217-218. 
 
 * Ep. 364, p. 132. 
 
 ® Cattenburgh’s “Vervolg,” Bk. II, pp. 60-61. 
 
 ® Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 221-222. 
 
DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES 
 
 195 
 
 the Court, sitting at Senlis, by the Duke de Mercoeur, 
 later Duke de Vendome and Cardinal, whom Grotius 
 calls the most learned of all Princes/ At the re- 
 ception the King’s guards were under arms, and the 
 King spoke so graciously to him that Grotius began 
 to hope that he might be successful in his mission. 
 By all the Princes and their wives the Ambassador 
 was equally well received, and, on March eighth, he 
 sent Queen Christina news of his entry and of his 
 audience with the King.® It seems, however, that 
 Paaw, the Ambassador of Holland to France, was 
 somewhat embarrassed, being in doubt as to how he 
 should treat his former countryman; but the instruc- 
 tions which were sent to him at his request, directed 
 him to act toward Grotius as he would toward any 
 other Minister of a Power friendly to Holland.® 
 With Richelieu the business was more serious. 
 There were undoubtedly occasions when the Cardi- 
 nal could ill afford to be over cordial, and, before he 
 granted Grotius an interview, he desired to learn the 
 nature of the latter’s instructions regarding the 
 treaty lately made between France and the German 
 Princes, with which the Swedes had been dissatisfied. 
 Following the battle of Nordlingen, in 1634, James 
 Laefler and Philip Street were sent by the Protestant 
 Princes and States of the Circles and the Electoral 
 Provinces of Franconia, Suabia and the Rhine, to 
 Paris to solicit the aid of France in the war against 
 
 ■' Ibid., p. 223 ; Ep. 339, p. 851. 
 
 8 Ep. 367, p. 134. 
 
 8 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 222. 
 
196 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Austria. They accepted an offer by the Cardinal of 
 500,000 livres and 6,000 foot in six weeks, the force 
 of foot to be increased to 12,000 when France 
 should, with the aid of the allies, have obtained pos- 
 session of Benfeld; but they failed to stipulate that 
 France should also continue to pay the subsidies 
 which she had already pledged to Gustavus by the 
 treaty renewed at Hailbron.^® After signing the 
 new treaty, Laefler and Street returned to Germany; 
 but, when a motion to ratify their act was made in 
 the Assembly of the Allies at Worms, the High 
 Chancellor of Sweden opposed it on the grounds that 
 it conflicted with the previous treaty, and declared 
 that he would send an Ambassador to France to set- 
 tle the matter. This burden was placed upon 
 Grotius, a burden which weighed more heavily be- 
 cause of the determination of the Cardinal that the 
 results of his negotiations with the envoys of the 
 German Princes should not be disturbed. 
 
 With this object in view, Richelieu decided to 
 leave the first discussion of the matter to Boutillier, 
 Superintendent of the Finances. Accordingly, Gro- 
 tius met Boutillier and a colleague of the latter, 
 Father Joseph, in the garden of the Thuilleries, 
 which he reached through the Convent of the Capu- 
 chins. Grotius not only maintained that the treaty 
 could not be regarded as being in force till it had 
 been ratified by Sweden, but he also declared that it 
 
 io Ibid., Bk. I, pp. 224-225. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 226. 
 
DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES 
 
 197 
 
 could not be ratified because it would render nuga- 
 tory the treaty of Hailbron. To this Father Joseph 
 replied that the Ministers of the German Princes 
 had been invested with full powers to treat and that 
 the agreement had been signed at Paris without any 
 stipulation concerning the necessity of ratification. 
 The Swedish Ambassador, however, answered that 
 the High Chancellor and even the towns which ap- 
 proved the treaty all insisted upon the necessity of 
 ratification.^^ 
 
 Finding that Grotius was immovable in the stand 
 he had taken, the French ministers became angry and 
 threatened not only to complain to Oxenstiern of his 
 conduct, but also to advise Louis XIII to cease to re- 
 gard him as an Ambassador, but all without effect. 
 They then said that the King would consent to the 
 Swedes having command of the forces of France in 
 Germany, although the treaty gave this command to 
 a Prince; and, when this concession was rejected. 
 Father Joseph left in a rage. Grotius then con- 
 tinued the negotiations with the calmer Superintend- 
 ent, and contended that while France might give 
 subsidies to the Germans if she chose, it was only 
 just and fair that those promised to Sweden, and on 
 the strength of which the latter was fighting partly 
 for France, should also be paid.^® 
 
 On the twenty-eighth of March, Richelieu sent for 
 Grotius. The fact that the latter immediately 
 
 12 Ibid., Bk. I, pp. 226-227. 
 
 13 Ibid., Bk. I, p. 229. 
 
198 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 waited upon him shows that the statement of du 
 Maurier , that Grotius, while Ambassador from 
 Sweden, never saw the Cardinal, is, to say the least, 
 inaccurate. At this conference, in which the unrati- 
 fied treaty was the chief subject of discussion, Riche- 
 lieu argued that the King had aided the Swedes 
 enough by supplying the Germans with men and 
 money, while Grotius maintained that Laefler and 
 Street were not authorized to make a treaty so con- 
 trary to the interests of Sweden. Father Joseph, 
 who was again present, stated that the King had been 
 informed that Grotius was the one who had per- 
 suaded the High Chancellor to refuse to ratify the 
 treaty, an accusation which Grotius denied. The 
 Cardinal hinted that Sweden could not expect the 
 subsidy of a million in the future, and Father Joseph, 
 pretending that Oxenstiern only objected to the com- 
 mand going out of Swedish hands into those of a 
 Prince, intimated that the King would consent to this 
 alteration. But Grotius insisted that the treaty of 
 Hailbron be strictly adhered to and the deadlock 
 continued.^® 
 
 At this point Oxenstiern announced that he was 
 coming to Paris to settle all difficulties in a confer- 
 ence. The King ordered the Hotel for Ambassa- 
 dors Extraordinary at Paris to be prepared for him, 
 and, all discussions being suspended, went to Com- 
 piegne to meet him. Grotius, however, in conse- 
 
 Ep. 380, p. 139. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 230-232. 
 
DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES 
 
 199 
 
 quence of a special message received by a courier, 
 joined the High Chancellor at Soissons, and accom- 
 panied him to Compiegne.^® Oxenstiern, who had 
 200 men in his retinue, was met by the Count d’Alais, 
 son of the Duke d’Angouleme, and Count Brulon in 
 the King’s coach, the Count de Soissons, who had 
 been first designated, being absent.^^ 
 
 It was the twenty-sixth of April, 1635, Oxen- 
 stiern arrived at Compiegne, and on the next day he 
 had an audience with the King which lasted half an 
 hour and at which Grotius was present. On the 
 twenty-ninth of the month the Cardinal returned 
 Oxenstiern’s visit, but the High Chancellor, foresee- 
 ing that a discussion of the Treaties of Paris and 
 Hailbron would produce bad feeling, did not men- 
 tion them and spoke only of the old treaty between 
 France and Sweden. He consented that this treaty 
 might be slightly altered, and induced Richelieu to 
 agree that no peace or truce should be concluded 
 with Austria without mutual consent.^® 
 
 The next day, Monday the thirtieth of April, Ox- 
 enstiern left Compiegne for Paris to reside incognito 
 with Grotius,^® but the crowds in Paris, clamoring 
 to see him, were so great that they could scarcely be 
 kept out of Grotius’ home. The High Chancellor 
 remained in Paris only two or three days, visiting the 
 Louvre, Notre-Dame, and the Palais du Luxem- 
 
 Ep. 393, p. 143, and Ep. 396, p. 144. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 232-233. 
 
 18 /bid.. Bk. I, pp. 234-235. 
 
 19 Ep. 400, p. 146. 
 
200 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 bourg, and then, after taking leave of the King, from 
 whom he received a diamond ring worth ten or 
 twelve thousand crowns and a miniature of the King 
 in a box set with diamonds, and after tactfully giving 
 Madame de Groot a present, he proceeded, accom- 
 panied part way by Grotius, to Dieppe, whence he 
 embarked for Holland.^® 
 
 The treaty of Compiegne gave rise to a dispute 
 between Oxenstiern and the Duke of Weimar, to 
 whom the Marquis de Feuquieres hinted that the 
 High Chancellor, in making his last agreement with 
 France, had shown no regard for the interests of 
 Germany. Although this insinuation had little or 
 no foundation, it is not at all unlikely that Feuquieres 
 made it at the instigation of the Cardinal, who de- 
 sired to gain the confidence of the Duke, while de- 
 priving the Chancellor of it. Meanwhile, Richelieu 
 was still clinging to the Treaty of Paris, and Avau- 
 gour, the French Ambassador to Sweden, was in- 
 structed to demand its ratification. The Swedish 
 government replied that Laefler and Street were not 
 sent out by Sweden, and referred the matter to Ox- 
 enstiern. Being thus thwarted in his attempts to se- 
 cure the ratification of the Treaty of Paris, the 
 French Ambassador was forced to confine his efforts 
 to the ratification of the agreement of Compiegne.^^ 
 The change in the fortunes of Grotius also 
 
 2® Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 235-236; Ep. 344, p. 
 853 
 
 21 Ep. 432, p. 159. 
 
 22 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 237. 
 
DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES 
 
 201 
 
 brought a change to the minds of the Ministers of 
 Charenton — Faucheur, Mestrezat and Daille — who 
 had refused to admit him to their communion when 
 he had resided in Paris as an exile from Holland. 
 The Ambassador from Sweden to the Court of Louis 
 XIII was, however, a different man in the eyes of the 
 church, and on the second of August, 1635, the Min- 
 isters came to ask Grotius to join their communion.*® 
 
 In so doing they expressed the hope that he looked 
 upon their confession of faith as consistent with 
 Christianity, since they had read his work on 
 “The Truth of the Christian Religion” and ap- 
 proved it. On the twenty-third of August, Grotius, 
 who had not yet gone to Charenton, writing to his 
 brother, said: “I deliberate in order that I may do 
 only what is agreeable to God, of service to the 
 Church and advantageous to my family.” ** But the 
 Ministers eventually relieved his perplexities by de- 
 ciding that, although they would be very glad to re- 
 ceive him as a citizen, they could not receive him as 
 Ambassador from Sweden, since they disagreed with 
 the religious doctrines adopted by that country. 
 Grotius therefore resolved to worship thereafter at 
 home, where his services were attended by Luther-^^ 
 ans, as though he had publicly professed their re- 
 ligion. On December 28th, 1635, he wrote to his 
 brother, “We celebrated the festival of Christmas 
 at home, the Duke of Wiirtemberg, the Count of 
 
 23 Ep. 350, p. 854. 
 
 2 * Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 240 ; Ep. 354, p. 856. 
 
202 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Swartzenbourg and several Swedish and German 
 noblemen being there.” Grotius at first had as 
 chaplain a Lutheran Minister, Brandanus, who, 
 despite instructions to the contrary, was prone to crit- 
 icize both the Catholic and the Reformed Churches, 
 so that Grotius at last, in the Autumn of 1637, 
 bade him the use of the chapel, although keeping him 
 in his home until the end of the following February. 
 After that Grotius secured the services of an Ar- 
 minian, Francis Dor, whose opinions in general very 
 happily coincided with his own.*® 
 
 In the diplomatic world important events were 
 taking place. Soon after Oxenstiern left France, 
 the Peace of Vervins was broken and the French and 
 Spaniards began the long war which was not to end 
 until the Peace of the Pyrenees in 1659. When war 
 was declared, the King of France and the Cardinal 
 went to Chateau-Thierry. Grotius arrived at the 
 court on the eve of Whitsuntide, 1635.** As the re- 
 sult of the victories of Marshals de Breze and de 
 Chatillon over Prince Thomas of Savoy, and of 
 Marshal de la Force in Lorraine, the hopes and 
 spirits of France were soaring high. Grotius, the 
 Cardinal being at the moment indisposed, spoke to 
 the Superintendent, Boutillier, and to the King about 
 the payment of the subsidies, but without result. A 
 little later he brought the matter to the attention of 
 Richelieu, but the latter put him off until the return of 
 
 25 Ep. 363, p. 858. 
 
 28 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 242-243. 
 
 27 Ihid., Bk. I, p. 243. 
 
DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES 
 
 203 
 
 Chavigny, the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and Gro- 
 tius returned to Paris. 
 
 The interview with Chavigny was difficult to ob- 
 tain, the latter advancing every possible excuse for 
 delay. However, Grotius pressed him constantly 
 and a meeting at length took place. Chavigny in- 
 sisted, in reply to Grotius’ demands, that he had only 
 promised to help Sweden as far as he could, and that 
 he intended to keep his word. Subsequently Servien, 
 the Secretary of War, and the Cardinal both re- 
 ceived Grotius most politely, but, while admitting the 
 obligation of France, pleaded that her expenses were 
 so great that delay was inevitable. Finally, al- 
 though Father Joseph promised to use his endeavors 
 to see that the money was paid, Grotius advised Ox- 
 enstiern to write to the King himself.’® In the mean- 
 time Bullion promised to pay 200,000 francs, but 
 never issued the order; and Richelieu, in September 
 1635, fearful lest the High Chancellor might con- 
 clude with the Elector of Saxony a treaty detrimental 
 to France, promised that the Marquis de St. Chau- 
 mont should be sent to Sweden with power to act 
 with Oxenstiern in the common cause, and referred 
 Grotius to Bullion in regard to the subsidies.®® Bul- 
 lion, who was at Ruel, promised to pay at once only 
 200,000 francs and to raise the amount to 500,000 
 as soon as the King’s affairs would permit. Mean- 
 while, St. Chaumont, a Catholic chosen to appease 
 
 28 Ibid., Bk. I, pp. 243-245. 
 
 29 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 245-248. 
 
 30 Ibid., Bk. I, pp. 248-251. 
 
204 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 the Pope, was sent to Sweden without consulting 
 Grotius, and on November 3rd, 1635, the latter 
 found Richelieu at Ruel in a very bad mood, accus- 
 ing Sweden of negotiating for a separate peace. On 
 November 5th, Grotius saw the King, and on Decem- 
 ber 14th went again to Ruel,®^ where he received, 
 through a courier sent by St. Chaumont, some letters 
 from Oxenstiern which he suspected had been 
 opened. Subsequently Bullion and Servien assured 
 him that 200,000 francs had already been ordered 
 to be paid and that the remaining 300,000, which 
 had been promised, should be turned over without 
 delay.®^ 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1636, the Cardinal 
 accused Grotius of circulating reports about the de- 
 plorable condition of affairs in France. Grotius re- 
 stored his composure by explaining that the circula- 
 tion of the reports was due not to any act of his, but 
 to the efforts of Paaw and Aersens and the news- 
 papers of Brussels. Moreover, the confirmation 
 of Grotius appointment to the Ambassadorship, the 
 confidence which Oxenstiern placed in him, and the 
 friendship of the Prince of Orange, gradually had 
 their effect on the attitude of the French Court and 
 of Cardinal Richelieu in particular, and in May, 
 1636, the change became very apparent. At that 
 time we find the Cardinal congratulating Grotius that 
 part of the subsidies had been paid and compliment- 
 
 si Ep. 528, p. 204. 
 
 ss Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 251-255. 
 
 33 Ibid., Bk. I, pp. 255-256. 
 
DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES 
 
 205 
 
 ing him and the High Chancellor upon the way in 
 which Sweden had prospered despite the desertion of 
 her friends and allies. Richelieu also spoke of the 
 gain that might be derived from an alliance with 
 England, suggesting that, with her aid, France and 
 Sweden might obtain the restoration of the Palati- 
 nate to Prince Charles Louis, the nephew of the Eng- 
 lish King.®^ This was the last interview Grotius 
 ever had with the great Cardinal, who did so much 
 to strengthen France internally and externally dur- 
 ing the reign of Louis XIIL 
 
 The Ambassadors from the Protestant countries 
 had for some time thought that it was beneath their 
 dignity to allow a Cardinal to take the upper hand of 
 them, since it might be interpreted as an acknowl- 
 edgment of the Pope’s authority. Lord Scuda- 
 more, the Ordinary Ambassador from England, and 
 the Earl of Leicester, Ambassador Extraordinary, 
 were the first to raise the issue, and we find Grotius 
 writing to the High Chancellor: “I commend those 
 who uphold their rights, yet I do not dare to imitate 
 them without orders.” Later, however, having 
 received no instructions to the contrary, Grotius also 
 broke off his visits to the Cardinal; and his course 
 met with the approval of the Queen’s Ministry, al- 
 though it was considered somewhat as a slight by 
 France. 
 
 That Grotius was unpopular in some quarters is 
 
 s*Ibid., Bk. I, pp. 258-260. 
 
 35 Ep. 598, p. 239. 
 
2o6 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 not to be denied, and at this time he was disturbed by 
 attempts to have him recalled. St. Chaumont, the 
 Minister to Sweden, Paaw, the Dutch Ambassador 
 at Paris, and Father Joseph, the most trusted diplo- 
 matist of Richelieu, were particularly active in this 
 direction, and the matter proceeded so far that a re- 
 quest for his recall was sent to Oxenstiern. But the 
 High Chancellor, realizing the worth of his Ambas- 
 sador, and the fact that his unpopularity was due to 
 his earnest work for the Queen, refused to listen to 
 the complaints. A public declaration by Father Jo- 
 seph that the French Ministers desired his removal 
 because he was opposing the success and welfare of 
 France, fared no better. The High Chancellor 
 wisely decided that Grotius should remain in Paris as 
 Ambassador, and not merely as an agent, as Grotius 
 had himself suggested.®® 
 
 The chief difficulty seems to have been that Gro- 
 tius was too honest to be popular in the world of 
 diplomacy of that day. The presents welcomed by 
 other diplomatists he refused to accept; the influences 
 that succeeded with other Ambassadors he firmly re- 
 pelled.®’’ This incorruptible attitude he steadfastly 
 maintained, even when he was most perplexed in re- 
 gard to his finances. On September 14th, 1635, he 
 wrote to Oxenstiern that the Treasurer of Sweden 
 had neglected to pay his salary for the last quarter, 
 and again, on November 8th, that he had received 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 263-266. 
 
 37 Ep. 958, p. 428. 
 
DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES 
 
 207 
 
 but one quarter’s salary, which was owing before his 
 arrival in Paris, and that two others were then due. 
 By the end of 1638 six quarters were in arrears, 
 while by the end of May, 1639, there was due him 
 40,000 francs, or $8,000, being two years’ full sal- 
 ary at 20,000 francs a year. Salvius now ordered 
 that half of this should be paid out of the subsidies 
 from France, but the money was slow in coming in, 
 and Grotius was forced to tell Salvius that he would 
 ask to be recalled if not paid.^® It was at this time 
 that Grotius was offered a pension by the French 
 Ministry, which he promptly refused. Finally, on 
 the twenty-first of January, 1640,®® he wrote to the 
 Queen of Sweden for permission to take his salary 
 from the subsidies he was obtaining, and, without 
 awaiting a reply, appropriated 16,000 thalers. 
 This, as he advised Oxenstiern,^® his necessities com- 
 pelled him to do. Besides he was only following the 
 precedent established by his predecessors. 
 
 Meanwhile, the first effort for peace in Europe 
 was made. In 1636, Pope Urban VIII, seeing that 
 the success of the Swedes in the war would prejudice 
 the Roman Catholic religion in Germany, made a 
 move for peace and called a conference at Cologne, 
 with Cardinal Ginetti as mediator. “ Grotius was 
 of the opinion that the Swedes ought not to accept the 
 Pope’s mediation or to send representatives to 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 272-273. 
 
 39 Ep. 1308, p. 592. 
 
 ^9 Ep. 1350, p. 612 ; April 14, 1640. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 275. 
 
2o8 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Cologne. In this view he had the support of Lord 
 Scudamore, the English Ambassador, who con- 
 curred with him in thinking that the Protestants 
 would suffer in a conference over which the Pope’s 
 delegate presided. Although the other diplomatists 
 at Paris, and particularly the French and Venetian, 
 realizing that the conference could not take place un- 
 less Sweden was represented, urged Grotius to at- 
 tend, the Swedes stood firm and the congress at 
 Cologne never took place. It is interesting to note 
 that Grotius was advised by Godefroy, one of the 
 legates of France to the conference, not to attend. 
 This act justifies a doubt whether Richelieu, under 
 whose orders Godefroy acted, really desired a peace 
 at that time."*® It is reasonable to suppose that the 
 Cardinal’s foreign policy had not progressed to the 
 point where he considered peace to be expedient. 
 Sometime later the Republic of Venice, acting in con- 
 junction with the Pope, sought to bring about a Euro- 
 pean peace. To this move the Queen of Sweden 
 yielded her sanction, on condition that the Republic 
 give her the honors due her as Queen and address 
 her as “Most Serene and Most Powerful” instead 
 of simply “Most Serene.” The negotiations pro- 
 ceeded very satisfactorily between Grotius and Cor- 
 naro, the Venetian Minister, after they had arranged 
 certain petty differences over their diplomatic posi- 
 tions and relations.^^ 
 
 Ep. 690, p. 284. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, p. 277. 
 
 **Ibid., Bk. I, pp. 279-281. 
 
DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES 
 
 209 
 
 In the era of which we write, questions of etiquette 
 and precedence were deemed to be matters of the 
 first importance; and, early in 1637, there occurred 
 in France a very pretty diplomatic quarrel. Paaw, 
 the Dutch Ambassador to France, having been re- 
 called, his place was taken by Oosterwyk, former 
 Ambassador of the United Provinces to Venice,*® 
 who, as he had been very intimate with Grotius, was 
 desirous of renewing their friendship now that they 
 were to be members of the diplomatic corps in the 
 same city. He accordingly asked Grotius to send 
 his coach to his public entry. This Grotius did, but 
 the Ambassadors Ordinary and Extraordinary of 
 England also sent their coaches, and a quarrel as to 
 precedence ensued, in which swords were drawn. 
 There seems indeed to have been a general confusion 
 of coaches, horses, servants and diplomatists until 
 Marshal de la Force, who was escorting the Dutch 
 Ambassador, and who seems to have felt the respon- 
 sibility of getting the Ministers safely back to Paris, 
 settled the dispute by declaring that the question had 
 been decided in the reign of Henry III in favor of 
 the English. To this decision the Swedes submitted, 
 and the coaches of the two Ambassadors Ordinary, 
 Grotius and Lord Scudamore, were withdrawn, thus 
 giving precedence to that of the Ambassador 
 Extraordinary of England, the Earl of Leicester. 
 The quarrel was, however, taken up by the Gazette 
 of France, with which Grotius found fault because it 
 
 Ibid., Bk. I, pp. 281-282. 
 
210 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 mentioned England before Sweden. On this ques- 
 tion a conference took place between Leicester and 
 Grotius, in which Leicester claimed that the prece- 
 dency of Sweden over England was unheard of, while 
 Grotius answered that his contention found support 
 in the proceedings of the Council of Basel (1431- 
 1449) . Leicester further insisted that England had 
 been converted to Christianity before Sweden, to 
 which Grotius cleverly replied that this was a very 
 bad reason whose employment might hinder the 
 Pagans and Mahometans from becoming Chris- 
 tians.^® The affair had no serious consequences, and 
 was dropped after the Ambassadors had exhausted 
 their stock of reasons and probably themselves. As 
 an evidence that the quarrel never became so serious 
 as to affect personal relations, we have the fact that 
 Madame de Groot stood as godmother at the chris- 
 tening of Lord Scudamore’s child in March, 1638, 
 which was during the height of the dispute.^^ 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. I, pp. 283-285. 
 
 *■< Ibid.. Bk. I, p. 287; Ep. 919, p. 406. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 Further negotiations — The conduct of Schmalz — Death of the 
 Duke of Weimar, and the scheme of Charles Louis — His arrest 
 and release — The exchange of Horn and de Vert — Renewal of 
 the French-Swedish treaty — Arrival of Cerisante — Grotius is 
 recalled — His death. 
 
 The last years of Grotius’ embassy were, with the 
 exception of a few incidents of importance, compara- 
 tively uneventful. As has been remarked, Grotius 
 had resolved not to confer with the Cardinal again, 
 but to treat instead directly with the King. Accord- 
 ingly, on the twenty-second of November, 1636, just 
 after His Majesty’s return from the campaign of 
 that year, the Swedish Ambassador called to con- 
 gratulate him on his success, and again on the twenty- 
 third of February, 1637, came to felicitate him on his 
 reconciliation with Gaston of France and the restora- 
 tion of union and peace in the Royal family.^ 
 
 When, in August, 1637, the King went to Chan- 
 tilly, Grotius went thither to suggest to the King that 
 he send a reinforcement to the Duke of Weimar, 
 who had crossed the Rhine and was attempting to 
 keep the German allies of France and Sweden from 
 
 ^ Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. H, pp. 1-2 ; Ep. 688, p. 281, 
 and Ep. 719, p. 303. 
 
 211 
 
212 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 joining the enemy.^ The King promised to send the 
 Duke as many men as he could spare. Again on Sep- 
 tember twenty-third,® Grotius sought the King in 
 order to deliver to him a letter from the Queen of 
 Sweden and to acquaint him with the gallant stand 
 Marshal Bannier was making against five armies in 
 the field. Grotius added, however, that the marshal 
 was incapable of holding out much longer without 
 assistance and urged that prompt reinforcements 
 would swing many towns, then wavering under the 
 pressure of Austria, back into the Protestant column.^ 
 At St. Germain on October ist, 1637, Grotius re- 
 newed his solicitation of aid from Louis, presenting a 
 letter from Christina, dated August 19th, 1637, 
 pointing out that, if the Austrians succeeded in de- 
 feating the Swedes, they would next overpower the 
 Duchess of Savoy, the King’s sister, and invade 
 France. To Grotius the King gave assurances that 
 he was then sending aid, and promised more in the 
 future.® 
 
 The Duke of Weimar on the 2nd of March bril- 
 liantly opened the campaign of 1638 by a signal vic- 
 tory over the Austrians, capturing all their generals, 
 Including the celebrated John de Vert whose name 
 had become a terror to the French. The King, upon 
 receiving this good news, immediately notified Gro- 
 tius, saying that he knew of no one to whose ears it 
 
 2 Ep. 813, p. 354. 
 
 2 Ep. 327, p. 363. 
 
 * Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 3-7. 
 
 Bk. II, pp. 7-8. 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 213 
 
 would be more welcome — for which honor Grotius 
 thanked Louis in an Audience of March sixteenth.® 
 On the nineteenth of April, 1638, Grotius again 
 besought the King for aid, and informed him that 
 Queen Christina would assent to the proposed medi- 
 ation of the Venetians if she were addressed prop- 
 erly, since a long truce might lead to peace. With 
 this in view, the Queen gave her Ambassador in 
 France full power to draw up a plan of a truce in 
 concert with the King’s Ministers. Louis told Gro- 
 tius that the Count de Guebriant was already on the 
 march to join the Duke of Weimar, that he would 
 send more troops in the near future, and that he 
 would nominate Chavigny to confer with Grotius on 
 the question of a truce.^ 
 
 In the beginning of June, 1638, Grotius again saw 
 the King at St. Germain, requesting him once more to 
 send reinforcements and to procure the release of 
 Marshal Horn, the Swedish Commander, who had 
 been captured in the battle of Nordlingen, by ex- 
 changing one of the enemy’s generals for him. The 
 King answered, however, that John de Vert was the 
 only man for whom the Austrians would make the 
 exchange and that de Vert was the prisoner of the 
 Duke of Weimar,® though Chavigny informed Gro- 
 tius several days later that de Vert was really the 
 prisoner of Louis.® 
 
 6 Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 8-9 ; Ep. 926, p. 410. 
 
 ^ Ep. 949, p. 421; Burigny^s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 9-11. 
 
 8 Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 14-15. 
 
 8 Ep. 971, p. 435. 
 
214 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Meanwhile, the Pope, perceiving that peace with- 
 out his intervention was still very much a matter of 
 the future, proposed a truce, and Grotius and 
 Chavigny met on April 27th, 1638, to discuss a plan 
 for itd® The latter said he had learned from 
 Schmalz, the Secretary of the High Chancellor, who 
 had just arrived from Sweden with instructions for 
 Grotius, that the Swedes expected the same subsidies 
 during the truce that they had received through the 
 war and that he thought this claim unreasonable. 
 To this Grotius answered that the truce could be 
 maintained only by keeping large armies in the field; 
 that this would be a great expense, and that, during 
 the Twelve Years’ Truce (1609-1621) between the 
 Spaniards and the Dutch, the King, following the ex- 
 ample of his father, Henry IV, gave the Dutch the 
 same assistance he had rendered during the war. 
 Finally it was decided that Chavigny should consult 
 with Richelieu, and Grotius with Schmalz, and that 
 they should confer again in the near future. 
 
 The next meeting took place at Chavigny’s house 
 on the first of May, when Chavigny informed Gro- 
 tius that he would lay any proposal of the Swedes 
 before the Cardinal. Two demands were then put 
 in writing by Grotius, first, that the subsidies should 
 remain the same during the truce as they had been 
 during the war, and, second, that the Swedes should 
 not only keep the part of Pomerania which they held, 
 
 10 Ep. 950, p. 421. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 17-19. 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 215 
 
 but that the rest should be ceded to them. These 
 proposals Chavigny promised to submit to the Cardi- 
 nal.^^ 
 
 On May eighteenth, Chavigny waited upon Gro- 
 tius in order to resume the discussion. The French 
 Minister declared that the King could not continue 
 the subsidies, but would give 300,000 florins a year 
 to the Swedes during the truce. Grotius declined to 
 consent to a diminution of the former subsidies. As 
 to Pomerania, Chavigny argued that the King could 
 not demand the rest of that country from the enemy, 
 and the conference ended by Chavigny promising to 
 communicate the King’s wishes to Grotius in writ- 
 ingd" 
 
 In the meantime Schmalz, jealous of Grotius’ posi- 
 tion, had done all that was possible to hurt him. He 
 wrote to the Court of Sweden that they could no 
 longer refuse to recall Grotius. To this act he was 
 moved by the flattery borne to him by Count de Feu- 
 quieres from the Cardinal, who, realizing that 
 France had found a tool, assured Schmalz that Paris 
 was extremely well pleased with him and that he 
 would solicit his stay in France. To Chavigny, 
 Schmalz declared that Sweden had resolved to be 
 content with much smaller subsidies, and offered to 
 prove this by letters.^® 
 
 Chavigny being indisposed, Desnoyers, Secretary 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 19-20. 
 
 13 Ep. 960, p. 428. 
 
 1 * Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 20-21. 
 
 15 Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 21-22. 
 
2i6 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 of War, was appointed to confer with Grotius; and 
 he informed the latter that, as regarded the truce, 
 everything had been settled between the Cardinal 
 and Schmalz. Grotius, before answering, insisted 
 upon seeing Schmalz, with whom he was willing to 
 work in the interest of Sweden. Schmalz declared 
 that he had settled nothing, but stated that he had 
 full powers to act independently of Grotius in every 
 affair of the embassy and advocated the acceptance 
 of a subsidy of 200,000 florins during the truce. 
 When Grotius doubted this statement, Schmalz be- 
 came so insolent that Grotius wrote to the High 
 Chancellor that one or the other should have ex- 
 clusive power; and he later said: “I beg your Sub- 
 limity, that, if I can be of any use to you, you would 
 be pleased to protect me, as you have done hereto- 
 fore. In all I have done I have had nothing in 
 view but the welfare of Sweden, and it has cost me 
 much labor to raise up, by deeds and words, a nation 
 little known in this country. If I cannot serve use- 
 fully, I would much rather return to the state of a 
 private man than be a burden to the Kingdom and 
 a dishonor to myself.” 
 
 Surely it was no easy task that Grotius had per- 
 formed for Sweden. To a sensitive nature, such as 
 his was, and with a delicate conscience, such as he 
 had, many moments of those years must have been 
 torture. His association with Schmalz was in every 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 22-23. 
 i’’ Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 23-24 ; Ep. 982, p. 444. 
 
Madame Grotius at the age of fifty 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 217 
 
 way burdensome. This worthy took up his resi- 
 dence with a Swede named Crusius, whom Grotius 
 had presented to the King in July, 1638.^® One day 
 the two friends appeared intoxicated at Grotius’ 
 house, and insulted Madame de Groot by fighting 
 and using offensive language before her. This and 
 other misconduct on the part of Schmalz Grotius for- 
 gave, in order that personal differences might not im- 
 pair their ability to cooperate for the good of Swe- 
 den; and he even used his influence to calm Baron 
 d’Erlach, attache to the Duke of Weimar, who was 
 enraged at Schmalz’s abuse of the Duke.^® In the 
 end Schmalz finally returned to Sweden, richer than 
 he had left, and embraced the Catholic religion. He 
 was soon imprisoned for his misdeeds, but had the 
 good fortune to escape, taking refuge in Germany 
 where he entered the service of the Emperor.^® 
 
 An incident connected with the introduction of 
 Crusius to Louis XIII is perhaps worth mentioning. 
 On their return from the audience, Grotius and Cru- 
 sius passed through a village where a large crowd 
 had assembled to witness the execution of some rob- 
 bers. One of the mounted servants of the Ambas- 
 sador, in order to make the throng give way for his 
 master’s coach, struck some of the people with his 
 whip. The alarm immediately went out that the oc- 
 cupants of the coach were friends of the prisoners 
 
 18 Ep. 988, p. 447. 
 
 1 ® Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 24-25. 
 
 20 Ep. 1046, p. 472 ; Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 
 25-26. 
 
2i8 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 who had come to rescue them, and in consequence 
 shots were fired at the coach with the result that the 
 coachman received wounds of which he died some 
 days later. Bullets passed within a few inches of 
 Grotius’ head, but he was unharmed, and the tumult 
 ceased when his presence became known. The 
 King, when informed of the incident, sent Counts 
 Brulon and Berlise, the Introducers of Ambassadors, 
 to apologize for it and to promise that the offenders 
 would be punished when caught. Seven or eight of 
 the inhabitants of the village where the crime was 
 committed were arrested, tried and convicted, but 
 Grotius obtained a pardon for them, thus preserving 
 to them not only their lives but also their goods, the 
 forfeiture of which had been decreed.^^ 
 
 But to return to the truce. The negotiations, 
 which had failed at Paris, were transferred to Ham- 
 burg to be carried on between the Count d’Avaux and 
 Salvius, but only to meet the same fate. A truce 
 was little desired by the French, the Swedes or even 
 the Imperialists, and mutually acceptable conditions 
 could not be arranged. Plainly the time was not yet 
 ripe for it.^® 
 
 On October first, 1638, Grotius had an audience 
 with the King, at which, after congratulating Louis 
 upon the recent birth of a son, he asked the King to 
 send aid to the Duke of Weimar who was about to 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 26-27 ; Ep. 988, p. 
 447; Ep. 991, p. 449. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 27-29. 
 
 23 Ibid., Bk. II, p. 26. 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 219 
 
 be attacked by a vastly superior force.^* Louis 
 promised to strengthen the Duke’s army as much as 
 he could, but we find Grotius asking the same aid at 
 another audience, on the tenth of November, 1638.^® 
 On the fourth of December, he waited upon the King 
 and Queen to felicitate them, by order of the Queen 
 of Sweden, upon the birth of the Dauphin. Grotius 
 excused his Queen, on this occasion, for not having 
 sent an Ambassador Extraordinary, on the ground 
 that all the first lords of the country were employed 
 in the army or in the Ministry, so that they could 
 not well be spared for the long journey to Paris.^® 
 Toward the end of 1638 the fortress of Brisac 
 surrendered to the Duke of Weimar, thus making 
 Burgundy and Champaign more secure and strength- 
 ening the position of Alsace, Lorraine and Switzer- 
 land. Grotius paid his compliments to the King and 
 asked that the money promised to Sweden might be 
 paid, so that Marshal Bannier should be enabled to 
 advance more strongly, and the King assured Grotius 
 that the money would be sent.^^ But in March, 
 1639, we find Grotius again before Louis, having ob- 
 tained an audience only after an argument with 
 Count Brulon.^® It is possible that the delay of the 
 King in sending aid to the Duke of Weimar was the 
 result of Richelieu’s influence. The great French 
 statesman undoubtedly regarded the Duke as a dan- 
 
 2 * Ep. 1038, p. 468. 
 
 25 Ep. 1064, p. 480. 
 
 26 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 29-32. 
 
 27 Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 33-34. 
 
 28 Ibid., Bk. II, p. 34. 
 
220 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 gerous factor and as a man who would bear watch- 
 ing. Moreover, the Cardinal had offered his niece 
 to Weimar in marriage, and the Duke’s refusal of 
 this offer, together, with his desire to keep Brisac, 
 which Richelieu wanted, quite enraged the Cardinal. 
 His resentment, however, was soon to be modified, 
 for a violent fever seized the Duke at Neuenburg, 
 and on July loth, 1639, after running a four days’ 
 course, consigned to the grave the Prince whom Gro- 
 tius called “the honor and the last resource of Ger- 
 many.”^® At the time of his death it was thought 
 by some that the Duke had died of poison, and that 
 Grotius was among this number we know from a let- 
 ter which he wrote to Chancellor Oxenstiern on Octo- 
 ber loth, 1639. “The more I reflect upon the death 
 of the Duke of Weimar,” said Grotius, “the more I 
 am persuaded that he had on his body no marks of 
 the plague, and that it was not in his house. So the 
 rumors that he was poisoned again prevail and the 
 suspicion falls upon the Geneva physician who was 
 summoned to relieve his colic.” 
 
 With the death of Weimar, Grotius lost a trusted 
 and trusting friend, and Sweden a commander of her 
 armies and a ruler of her towns. 
 
 As soon as the Duke’s death became known, 
 Charles Louis, Elector of Palatine and son of the un- 
 fortunate King of Bohemia, proposed to have him- 
 self recognized as head of the Weimarian army.®^ 
 
 29 Ep. 1217, p. 549; Ep. 1224, p. 553. 
 
 20 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, p. 36. 
 
 21 Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 38-51. 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 221 
 
 Needing funds, the Elector went to his uncle, King 
 Charles I, of England, from whom he obtained £25,- 
 000 Sterling with a promise of more if needed; and 
 he was also advised to work in concert with France, 
 without whose assistance his attempt would be use- 
 less. This Charles Louis agreed to do; but he was 
 too impatient to wait for the passport for which Bel- 
 lievre, the French Ambassador in London, had writ- 
 ten and which the Court of France, disliking his plan, 
 was in no hurry to grant, and set out for France in- 
 cognito. He was, however, too vain to keep his 
 identity unknown, and, after embarking publicly un- 
 der a salute, he landed at Boulogne, escorted by King 
 Charles’ ships which saluted him again as he disem- 
 barked. 
 
 Upon landing, the Elector started for Paris with 
 five servants, and, after changing his name, took the 
 road to Lyons, where the King was. His intention 
 was to turn off into Switzerland and thus join the 
 army, but the Cardinal, knowing his whereabouts, 
 allowed him to proceed as far as Moulins, where he 
 had him arrested and confined in the citadel.®^ 
 From thence Charles Louis was taken to Vincennes, 
 where he was not permitted to write to anyone or to 
 receive any visitors, although, after six days, he was 
 allowed to walk in the garden; and after a month his 
 two brothers, Maurice and Edward, were allowed to 
 see him, though only in the presence of witnesses.®® 
 
 32 Ep. 1271, p. 576. 
 
 33 Ep. 1283, p. 581. 
 
222 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 His imprisonment, as may be supposed, raised not 
 a little stir in Europe. The Earl of Leicester, as 
 English Ambassador to France, demanded his re- 
 lease and the King of England wrote to the French 
 King that he had sent his nephew into France to con- 
 fer with the King, and that, if the latter would not 
 give him an audience, he ought to send him back to 
 England.^* These requests, however, had no effect, 
 and Charles I applied to the Queen of Sweden to in- 
 tercede for his nephew. Accordingly, Grotius was 
 permitted to confer with the French Ministers, and 
 he drew up a plan of compromise, by which the Elec- 
 tor was to declare, in writing, that he never had in- 
 tended to obtain control of the Weimarian army 
 without the consent of the Queen of Sweden, and was 
 then to receive the freedom of Paris on his own and 
 the Earl of Leicester’s promise that he would not 
 leave the city without the King’s consent. In this 
 affair the French Ministry had need of Grotius’ ser- 
 vices, and treated him with a deference hardly shown 
 before. In January, 1640, Chavigny, by order of 
 the King, assured him that the past acts of which he 
 had had reason to complain were the work of the de- 
 ceased Father Joseph. 
 
 France was willing to agree to the terms of Gro- 
 tius’ compromise, but the Earl of Leicester, who had 
 orders to demand the Elector’s unconditional release, 
 was obliged to write to the King for instructions. In 
 the meantime the Cardinal decided that Charles 
 
 3*Ep. 1291, p. 584; Ep. 1292, p. 585. 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 223 
 
 Louis should follow the Court, for the reason that 
 he might thus be more easily watched, and be less 
 able to interfere with France’s control of the Wei- 
 marian army. The Queen of Bohemia, the Elec- 
 tor’s mother, approved of Grotius’ plan, and the 
 Queen of Sweden ordered her Ambassador to re- 
 quest an audience of King Louis in order to present 
 a letter from her to the same effect.®® On February 
 18, 1640,®® the audience, which an attack of gout, 
 from which the King was said to have been suffer- 
 ing, had delayed, at last took place. Grotius urged 
 that the Elector was young and impetuous, and that 
 the best course was to forget what had occurred, 
 since it had done no harm. His representations 
 were, however, destined to do little good, for the 
 Elector, pressed by Chavigny and unable to see Gro- 
 tius, signed the declaration which the King desired, 
 and was then conveyed incognito on the night of the 
 thirteenth to the fourteenth of March, 1640, to the 
 Earl of Leicester’s house. A few months later 
 France recognized Charles Louis as Elector and on 
 July 25th, 1640, the King of France gave him com- 
 plete freedom, subject only to the conditions he had 
 signed, not to work against the interests of France. 
 He accordingly set out for Holland, to remain there 
 until the troubles with Scotland, which were to bring 
 his uncle’s head to the block, were over. 
 
 In the meantime Grotius had been occupied with 
 
 « Ep. 1319, p. 597. 
 
 36 Ep. 1327, p. 601. 
 
224 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 fresh negotiations for the exchange of Marshal 
 Horn, the son-in-law of Chancellor Oxenstiern, who 
 had been captured at Nordlingen. The famous 
 John de Vert was at the same time a prisoner at Vin- 
 cennes, but an exchange of these generals was blocked 
 by two difficulties. In the first place the Duke of 
 Weimar had declared that John de Vert was his 
 prisoner and that he had sent him into France only 
 to be kept there at his orders; in the second place the 
 French Ministry were fearful lest Marshal Horn’s 
 return might be harmful to the common cause, since 
 it might occasion a dangerous split in the allied 
 forces.®^ In an audience with the King in the begin- 
 ning of November, 1639, Grotius obtained Louis’ 
 promise to present the matter to the Ministry, after 
 he had stated that, when the Duke of Weimar died, 
 he had decided that John de Vert and Enkefort 
 should be exchanged for Marshal Horn,®® The 
 Duke of Bavaria, who also had a claim to Horn, 
 whom he had held as a prisoner, readily gave his 
 consent to the exchange, and, in the beginning of Sep- 
 tember, 1640, just after the taking of Arras (a pro- 
 pitious time to approach the King) , Grotius went to 
 St, Germain to press the matter again. Not long 
 afterwards Chavigny informed him that the King 
 had consented to the exchange, provided the treaty 
 between France and Sweden should be renewed; but 
 the exchange was not executed, and Grotius sought 
 
 3 ^ Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 51-52. 
 
 Bk. II, pp. 52-53. 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 225 
 
 an audience of the King at Rheims.®® Here Louis 
 promised positively that de Vert should have his lib- 
 erty if the Duke of Bavaria would send Marshal 
 Horn to Landau. Grotius so advised the Bavarian 
 Court, de Vert was conducted to Selestad and the ex- 
 change was at length made at Strasburg.*® 
 
 But the exchange of the two generals did not set- 
 tle the question of the renewal of the French-Swed- 
 ish Treaty, which was soon to expire. This renewal 
 was negotiated at Hamburg between Claude de 
 Meme, Count d’Avaux, and John Adler Salvius, 
 Vice Chancellor of Sweden. Grotius was subordi- 
 nate to the latter, but was able to render great ser- 
 vice, since he was so well acquainted with the affairs 
 of France that he knew how far Sweden might go 
 in her demand for subsidies before France would 
 turn. On the twenty-ninth of September, 1640, he 
 wrote to the High Chancellor that he knew the Car- 
 dinal would increase the subsidies if pressed. Ac- 
 cordingly, when the treaty was signed at the end of 
 June, 1641, instead of the annual subsidy of a mil- 
 lion francs which France had promised to Sweden by 
 the last treaty, Sweden was now to receive i,- 
 200,000; and this, in spite of the repeated declara- 
 tions of the King that the treaty could not be re- 
 newed on the former terms.*^ 
 
 Cardinal Richelieu died in the year after the re- 
 newal of the treaty, passing away on the fourth of 
 
 Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 53-55. 
 
 <0 Ibid., Bk. II, p. 55. 
 
 *^Ibid.. Bk. II, p. 56; Ep. 1420, p. 647. 
 
226 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 December, 1642.*^ Undoubtedly Grotius mourned 
 little over this loss to France; the two great men 
 were too different in temperament, character and 
 ideals to work together, and consequently had been 
 at swords points ever since they were brought into 
 contact with each other. 
 
 Louis XIII did not long survive his Prime Minis- 
 ter, breathing his last on the fourteenth of May, 
 1643. Anne of Austria, Regent during the minority 
 of her son, Louis XIV, informed Grotius through 
 Chavigny, and repeated it herself, that the King’s 
 death would make no difference in the alliance be- 
 tween France and Sweden. Cardinal Mazarin, 
 gaining the Queen’s confidence, took up the reins of 
 government where the grim warrior had caused 
 Richelieu to lay them down, but Grotius refused to 
 deal with him directly until so ordered by his 
 Queen.'*® 
 
 In the meantime the war had spread. Denmark 
 had seized several Swedish ships trading in the 
 Sound and Sweden had declared war against the 
 King of Denmark. In an audience in the middle of 
 April, 1644, Grotius, without instructions, laid the 
 causes of the conflict before the French Queen, 
 showing her the declaration of war, which he trans- 
 lated into Latin and caused to be printed in Paris. 
 Sometime later these acts of Grotius were in effect 
 approved by the Queen of Sweden when she directed 
 
 ** Burignjr’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, p. 59. 
 
 *3 Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 59-60. 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 227 
 
 him to give to the Regent just the information he had 
 imparted.^* 
 
 The man who brought to Grotius the letters of 
 Queen Christina, directing him to explain the griev- 
 ances of Sweden against Denmark, was the adven- 
 turer Cerisante.*® He was the son of Duncan, Min- 
 ister of Saumur, and, being a master of belles-lettres, 
 had been appointed governor to the Marquis de 
 Foix, who later made him Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
 Regiment of Navarre. But a quarrel, at the begin- 
 ning of the Regency of Anne of Austria, with the 
 Duke of Candale, made it necessary for him to leave 
 the Kingdom, and he had retired into Sweden with 
 the hope of gaining the favor of the Queen. In this 
 he was not disappointed for she gave him a commis- 
 sion to levy a regiment, which he never raised, and 
 sent him into France with the titles of Colonel and 
 Agent of Sweden.*® 
 
 When Cerisante arrived in Paris he had orders to 
 do nothing unless in concert with Grotius,*^ but, re- 
 lying upon the feeling which continued disputes be- 
 tween the Swedish Ambassador and the French Min- 
 isters had generated in Sweden, he set out to work 
 against Grotius to his own personal profit. The 
 reader may recall that Grotius once wrote to the 
 High Chancellor that, in view of the difficulties at- 
 
 ** Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 60-61. 
 
 « /Hd., Bk. II, p. 61. 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, p. 63 ; Memoires du Due 
 de Guise, L. II, p. 78. 
 
 Ep. 716, p. 970. 
 
228 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 tached to the Swedish Embassy in Paris, it might 
 have been wise to keep him in Paris only as an 
 agent/® This suggestion was rejected, but in the 
 course of time the false reports that were constantly 
 sent into Sweden by his enemies in France made an 
 impression on the Ministry. Grotius knew that this 
 was the case, and as he had not been consulted in the 
 appointment of Cerisante, he looked upon him as a 
 spy sent by the Ministry to observe his conduct.*® 
 On November first, 1641, he wrote to his brother, 
 “If they threatened to recall me from my embassy I 
 should not be sorry; there is little profit in this kind 
 of employment. I am tired of honors; old age ap- 
 proaches and will soon require rest.” A year 
 later he wrote again, “I love quiet and would gladly 
 devote the remainder of my life to the service of 
 God and posterity. If I had not some hope of con- 
 tributing to the General Peace, I should have retired 
 before now.” 
 
 The presence of a rash, selfish adventurer lording 
 it over him was more than Grotius could bear, and 
 at last, his patience exhausted, he wrote to Sweden 
 asking that the Queen recall him. His request was 
 readily granted.®® 
 
 *8 Ep. 690, p. 284. 
 
 *9 Cerisante was later dismissed from the Queen’s service be- 
 cause of his dishonorable acts, but not until after Grotius’ depar- 
 ture from Paris. 
 
 60 Ep. 572, p. 928. 
 
 61 Ep. 620, p. 942. 
 
 62 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,’’ Bk. II, p. 64. 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 229 
 
 Grotius now addressed himself to Baron Oxen- 
 stiern, son of the High Chancellor and Swedish 
 Plenipotentiary at the Peace of Munster and Osna- 
 brug, requesting advice as to where he should go and 
 asking for safe conduct from the Ambassadors of 
 the King of Spain, the Emperor, and the Elector of 
 Cologne. Queen Christina, in letters to the Queen 
 of France and to Grotius, expressed her appreciation 
 for the great services which he had rendered with 
 fidelity and prudence. 
 
 While waiting for Baron Oxenstiern’s reply, Gro- 
 tius asked Spiringius, Swedish Agent in Holland, for 
 a ship to convey him to Gottenburg, or, if he could 
 not do that, to obtain for him a passport to go 
 thither from Holland. He embarked at Dieppe for 
 Holland, where he was received most kindly. With 
 practically no opposition he was permitted to pass 
 through the country, and the city of Amsterdam 
 fitted out a vessel to carry him to Hamburg, where 
 he arrived May 16, 1645, after a voyage of eight 
 days with head winds.®* On the next day Grotius 
 set out for Liibeck, where he found many friends, 
 and the end of March saw him at Wismar, where 
 Count Wrangel, Admiral of the Swedish fleet, en- 
 tertained him splendidly and sent him to Kalmar on 
 a man-of-war.®® 
 
 63 Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 64-65. 
 
 ^*Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 67-68; Ep. 1760, p. 749. 
 
 66 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. 11, p. 68 ; Ep. 1762, p. 749 ; 
 Ep. 1763, p. 749. 
 
230 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 The High Chancellor was at Suderacher, about 
 five miles from Kalmar, negotiating a peace between 
 Sweden and Denmark. Upon receiving a letter 
 from Grotius announcing his arrival, he sent, on the 
 eighth of June, his coach to carry him to Suderacher, 
 where he remained for a fortnight, honored by the 
 Chancellor and the other Ambassadors.®® Return- 
 ing then to Kalmar, Grotius proceeded at once to 
 Stockholm where, on the day after his arrival, the 
 Queen received him, having come from Upsala upon 
 hearing of his approach. Several audiences and 
 dinners with the Queen followed, and she several 
 times refused to grant him his dismissal, in- 
 sisting that he should bring his family into 
 Sweden and remain in her service as Counsellor 
 of State.®’ 
 
 But Grotius was resolved to leave. He asked 
 for a passport, and, as this was delayed, decided to 
 depart without one. However, he had only got to 
 a seaport two miles away when a messenger from the 
 Queen overtook him, saying that Christina wished 
 to see him once more before he left. He accord- 
 ingly returned to the Queen, who gave him 12,000 
 Imperials and some silver plate, which she presented 
 to him with his passport, explaining that the finish- 
 ing of the plate had caused the delay in issuing the 
 passport. On the twelfth of August he embarked 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 68-69. 
 
 Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 69-70, reference to Le Clerc, L. XII. 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 231 
 
 for Liibeck on a vessel furnished him by the 
 Queen.®® 
 
 It is uncertain what Grotius’ plans were in em- 
 barking from Stockholm. Vondel, the Dutch poet, 
 thought he intended to go to Osnabrug, where the 
 Peace of Westphalia was in course of negotiation. 
 Others thought he was returning to Holland, where 
 the Republican party was growing stronger, or that 
 he was going to Poland in the hope that the King 
 would send him to France as Ambassador. It seems 
 highly probable that Grotius’ steps were leading him 
 to Munster and Osnabrug, to interest himself in the 
 great Peace which was to end the last professedly 
 religious war Europe has known. But after that? 
 Perhaps, w'earied of the intrigue of negotiations, he 
 only sought a quiet retreat where he could devote 
 the remainder of his life to his project for the union 
 of all Christians into one tolerant body, and all na- 
 tions into an harmonious civilization. 
 
 The vessel on which Grotius embarked had hardly 
 cleared the port when it was overtaken by a terrible 
 storm and was obliged to put in, on the seventeenth 
 of August, fourteen miles from Danzig. Grotius 
 set out in an open wagon for Liibeck and arrived at 
 Rostock on the twenty-sixth of August, very ill. A 
 physician, named Stochman, was summoned, who 
 said that Grotius was suffering from fatigue and that 
 
 Vindic. Grot., p. 478 ; Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, p. 
 70; Cattenburgh’s “Vervolg van het leven van Huig de Groot,” 
 Bk. X, p. 409. 
 
232 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 rest would restore his health, but the next day he 
 was worse, being very weak and in a cold sweat. 
 Grotius, thinking that his end was near, asked for a 
 clergyman, and John Quistorpius was called, who, in 
 a letter to Calovius, gives us an account of the last 
 moments of the great man.®® It reads as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 “You are desirous of hearing from me how that 
 Phoenix of Literature, Hugo Grotius, behaved in 
 his last moments, and I shall gratify your wish. He 
 embarked at Stockholm for Liibeck, and, after be- 
 ing tossed for three days by a violent storm, was 
 shipwrecked and got to shore on the coast of Pomer- 
 ania, whence he came to our town of Rostock, dis- 
 tant over sixty miles, in an open wagon, through 
 wind and rain. He lodged with Balleman and sent 
 for Stochman, the physician, who, observing that he 
 was extremely weakened by years, by the shipwreck 
 and the inconveniences of the journey, judged that 
 he could not live long. The second day after the 
 arrival of Grotius in this town, that is, on the 
 eighteenth of August (old style), he sent for me 
 about nine o’clock at night. I went, and found him 
 almost in the throes of death. I said there was 
 nothing I desired more than to have seen him in 
 good health, that I might have the pleasure of his 
 conversation. He replied that God had willed it 
 thus. I told him to prepare himself for a happier 
 
 Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, p. 72. 
 
ACTIVITIES AND DEATH 
 
 233 
 
 life, to acknowledge that he was a sinner and to re- 
 pent of his sins; and, having made mention of the 
 Publican, who confessed that he was a sinner and 
 asked God’s mercy, he answered: ‘I am that Pub- 
 lican.’ I continued and told him that he must have 
 recourse to Jesus Christ, without whom there is no 
 salvation. He replied : ‘I have all my hope in Jesus 
 Christ.’ I began to repeat aloud in German the 
 prayer which begins, ‘Herr Jesu’; he followed me, 
 in a very low voice with his hands clasped. When 
 I had finished, I asked him if he had understood 
 me. He answered: ‘I understand you very well.’ 
 I continued to repeat to him those passages of the 
 word of God which are usually recalled to the mem- 
 ory of the dying, and, asking him if he understood 
 me, he answered : ‘I hear your voice well, but I un- 
 derstand with difficulty what you say.’ These were 
 his last words. Soon after he expired, exactly at 
 midnight.” 
 
 Thus died this celebrated man, on the night of 
 August twenty-eighth or the morning of August 
 twenty-ninth, 1645,®^ at the age of sixty-two. 
 
 After the vital organs were sealed in a copper 
 casket and buried in the Cathedral of Rostock, to the 
 left of the choir, the embalmed body was brought 
 to Delft and there buried in the Nieuwe Kerk, Oc- 
 
 «o Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, pp. 73-74. See Ep. 
 Eccles. et Theol. 583, p. 828. 
 
 Cattenburgh’s “Vervolg van het leven van Huig de Groot,” 
 Bk. X, p. 412; Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, p. 74. 
 
234 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 tober 3, 1645, where it now rests, beside the bodies 
 of the Princes of Orange.®^ 
 
 He had written this epitaph for himself: 
 
 “Grotius hie Hugo est, Batavum captivus et exul, 
 Legatus Regni, Suecia magna, tui.” 
 
 Cattenburgh’s “Vervolg van het leven van Huig de Groot,” 
 Bk. X, pp. 412, 415; Fruin’s “Hugo de Groot en Maria van Rei- 
 gersbergh” — Verspreide Geschriften, IV, p. 93, note 4. 
 
 63 Ep. 536, p. 915. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 AS A LIVING FORCE 
 
 Literary products of Grotius’ last years — Praise of the states- 
 man — The United States decorates the tomb of Grotius — Grotius 
 as a living force. 
 
 Little is known of Maria van Reigersberg after 
 the death of her husband. Her last years were 
 spent at The Hague where she died in 1653, cared 
 for by relatives and friends. She had been the 
 mother of seven children, three of whom had died 
 young.^ 
 
 It would not be proper to close the biography of 
 Grotius without giving a short account at least of 
 those literary productions which came from his pen 
 while he served as Ambassador from Sweden to 
 France. Although these years were filled with many 
 
 1 Grotius was the father of four sons and three daughters. 
 These were; 
 
 Sons 
 
 Cornelis, b. Feb. 2, 1613, at The Hague ; d. Oct. 15, 1665, at 
 Hertogenbosch. 
 
 Pieter, died young. 
 
 Pieter, b. March 28, 1615; d. June 2, 1678. 
 
 Diederik, named van Kraayenburg, after an old family castle, 
 b. Oct. 10, 1618, at Rotterdam ; d. 1661, near Maagdenburg. 
 
 Daughters 
 
 Cornelia, married Jean Barthon, vicomte de Montbas. 
 
 Maria, died young. 
 
 Frangoise, died young. 
 
 235 
 
236 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 cares and duties, he found, as was always the case 
 with him, time to do additional work. 
 
 During the early years of his embassy he pub- 
 lished his tragedy of “Joseph,” and also his notes 
 on Tacitus in Elzevier’s edition of that author. In 
 January, 1645, his collection of Greek Epigrams 
 went to press under the title of “Anthologia,” but 
 it was not published, probably because of his death 
 very soon after.^ His translation of “The History 
 of the Goths and Vandals,” by Procopius, which he 
 made in honor of the Swedes, was finished in 1636, 
 but was not published until 1655. 
 
 While serving as Ambassador, Grotius revised 
 his “History of Holland from 1560 to 1609,” which 
 he had first completed in 1612. This history was 
 published twelve years after his death by his sons 
 Cornelius and Peter, who dedicated it, in 1657, to 
 the States of Holland and West Friesland. 
 
 “The Truth of the Christian Religion” was also 
 revised and enlarged during this period, and his 
 “Remarks on Justinian’s Laws” was printed at Paris 
 in 1642. The “Commentary on the Gospel” was 
 finished in 1637, but not printed until some time 
 later in Holland and France. It was followed by 
 treatises on the Antichrist and other theological 
 pieces, in 1640, which stirred up an irreconcilable 
 controversy between the Roman Catholics and the 
 Protestants, and really served as an obstacle to that 
 
 2 The original manuscript of the “Anthologia” was deposited in 
 the library of the Jesuits’ College at Paris, in the year 1665, by 
 Edmond le Mercier, Grotius’ secretary. 
 
AS A LIVING FORCE 
 
 237 
 
 reunion which was the sole object of the author’s 
 desires. 
 
 In 1642, Grotius’ book on “The Origin of the 
 People of America” was printed at Paris. A trans- 
 lation of this interesting work, by Edmund Goldsmid, 
 was published in Edinburgh in 1884. 
 
 If Grotius’ success aroused envy and his honest 
 plans for reconciliation and truth produced enemies, 
 his lofty ideals, his earnest endeavors, and unflinch- 
 ing courage also brought to him the warmest of 
 friends. The men who recognized his genius as a 
 boy remained his admirers until death carried them 
 away. In this category are Vondel, Pontanus, 
 Meursius, Gillot, Barlaeus, Dousa, de Thou, Scali- 
 ger, Casaubon, Vossius, Lipsius, and Baudius — great 
 men all, who eagerly watched the growth of his 
 leadership in the realms of law, philosophy, and 
 religion. 
 
 That the friendship of Vondel for Grotius was of 
 the deepest, truest quality is demonstrated by a poem, 
 written by Vondel to Salmasius (though his name 
 was not mentioned) when the latter attacked the 
 dead Grotius. The lines of the indignant friend 
 have been translated thus: — 
 
 “To THE SLANDERER OF THE DECEASED RoYAL AMBASSADOR, 
 
 Hugo de Groot. 
 
 Oh Pharisaic sneer with seeming praise o’erspread, 
 Pursuing that dear form amongst the very dead, 
 
 Thou Hell-hound, who, relentless, dost not falter. 
 Although the Phoenix lies upon the altar, 
 
 To bark at Hercules, where he lies dead. 
 
238 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 Wreak then thy will on him the world bemoans 
 And grind thy teeth upon his hallowed bones.” ® 
 
 Balzac, in a letter to Chapelain, said: “What- 
 ever comes from Grotius is a high recommendation 
 of him to me, and, besides the solidity of his learn- 
 ing, the strength of his reasoning and the charm of 
 his language, I note in it a certain stamp of probity, 
 that one may place entire confidence in him, save in 
 what regards our church, to which, unhappily, he 
 is a stranger.” ^ 
 
 More remarkable still is the praise of Richelieu, 
 who, though surely not prejudiced in favor of Gro- 
 tius, considered him one of the three foremost 
 scholars of his age, the other two being Salmasius 
 and Jerome Bignon. The latter, distinguished as 
 Advocate-General, declared that Grotius was the 
 most learned man the world had known since Aris- 
 totle.® 
 
 “If gold and silver could contribute aught to the 
 redemption of such a glorious life,” wrote Queen 
 Christina to Grotius’ widow, on the death of her hus- 
 band, “I would gladly employ all in my possession 
 for that result.” ® 
 
 Two hundred and fifty years later, in 1899, when 
 
 * This poem may be found, in Dutch, in Vondel’s Poems, Part 
 II, p. 217 ; also in Cattenburgh’s “Vervolg van bet leven van Huig 
 de Groot,” Bk. X, p. 420. The translation above is Bowring’s. 
 
 * Burigny^s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, p. 205, reference to II 
 Lettre du XXI Livre, p. 831. 
 
 ® Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, p. 208, reference to du 
 Maurier, p. 393. 
 
 ® Burigny’s “Vie de Grotius,” Bk. II, p. 210, reference to the 
 Vie Latine. 
 
AS A LIVING FORCE 
 
 239 
 
 the Czar of Russia called together at The Hague 
 representatives from all the nations of the world for 
 the purpose of discussing questions of International 
 Law and furthering the movement toward universal 
 peace, and the United States took occasion to dec- 
 orate the tomb of Grotius with a wreath wrought in 
 gold and silver, a notable incident of the day was the 
 reading of a letter from the King of Sweden and 
 Norway expressing the gratitude of that power for 
 the services Grotius had so ably and faithfully ren- 
 dered.^ 
 
 The world holds for thinking men few monu- 
 ments more inspiring than the church In Delft where 
 Grotius lies buried. Three times in the last half 
 century have the nations come to pay homage at this 
 shrine. The first was on April loth, 1883, the 
 three-hundredth anniversary of Grotius’ birth. The 
 second was three years later, when a bronze statue 
 was erected in front of the church to his memory. 
 The third occasion was that of the Peace Confer- 
 ence of 1899. 
 
 The ceremony of placing the wreath upon the 
 tomb of Grotius took place on the 4th of July, in the 
 Nieuwe Kerk, in the city of Delft. Representa- 
 tives from the various delegations in the conference 
 were present. Outside, the winds raged and the 
 rain beat furiously, as if nature were trying to re- 
 mind the assemblage of the storm and stress In which 
 
 ^ A. D. White’s “Seven Great Statesmen,” p. 109. 
 
240 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 the life of the honored dead was passed. Within, 
 the great organ poured out its wondrous tones, and 
 at eleven o’clock the ceremony began. Jonkheer 
 van Karnebeek, who was chosen to preside, opened 
 with a tribute to Grotius, which was followed by sim- 
 ilar addresses by Dr. Andrew D. White, then Amer- 
 ican Ambassador to Germany and President of the 
 delegation of the United States in the Peace Confer- 
 ence; by His Excellency, W. H. de Beaufort, Minis- 
 ter of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands; by Mr. 
 T. M. C. Asser, Delegate to the Peace Conference 
 from the Netherlands and President of the Institute 
 of International Law; and by Dr. Seth Low, a mem- 
 ber of the delegation of the United States, and Pres- 
 ident of Columbia University. 
 
 The wreath, with its leaves of oak and laurel — 
 symbolic of civic virtue and of victory — bears this 
 inscription: 
 
 “To the Memory of Hugo Grotius 
 In Reverence and Gratitude 
 From the United States of America 
 on the occasion of the International Peace Conference of 
 The Hague 
 July 4th, 1899.” 
 
 To Grotius the scholar, poet, historian, theolo- 
 gian, lawyer, diplomatist and statesman, author of 
 the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,’’ who as a boy had wor- 
 shipped in that same church, who had trod those 
 same streets, who had brooded over and thought out 
 the problems of the world in that same city, and who 
 was finally laid to rest there beside the body of Wil- 
 
AS A LIVING FORCE 
 
 241 
 
 Ham the Silent, the nations of the world on that day 
 paid their homage. 
 
 In the midst of scenes of war and outrage, in which 
 the fields of Europe were drenched with blood and 
 its cities blackened with executions, he went forth to 
 struggle for the redemption of civilization from the 
 curse of useless battle. With the indomitable spirit 
 of the man who later wrote, “Produce ! Produce ! 
 Were it but the pitifullest infinitesimal fraction of a 
 Product, produce it, in God’s name!”, he compelled 
 Europe to listen to the precepts of International 
 Law. 
 
 Although Grotius died three years before the 
 Peace of Westphalia was concluded, the thoughtful 
 and idealistic men of Europe had already begun to 
 throw off the hideous Machiavellian philosophy with 
 which it had become saturated, and to recognize the 
 reason, justice and truth of his teachings, founded 
 upon the Law of Nature and of Nations. The high 
 esteem in which the “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” was 
 held by Gustavus Adolphus has already been noted. 
 That Cardinal Richelieu was also affected by the 
 writings of Grotius there is little doubt, for, when 
 he took La Rochelle in 1628, there was — contrary 
 to abundant precedents — no massacre, no executions, 
 but only an abolition of Protestant privileges. 
 
 The Peace of Westphalia, signed at Munster and 
 Osnabrug, not only ended the Thirty Years’ War 
 in Germany, but also marked the close of the conflict 
 which Holland had endured for eighty years. This 
 
242 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 peace embodied principles which Grotius had striven 
 to expound, such as the independence and equality 
 of sovereign states, and was founded upon the equi- 
 table and merciful doctrines which he had labored to 
 impart. Despite the opposition of the Papal power, 
 the peace was signed. The old order had changed, 
 and the new which came in was largely the work of 
 Hugo Grotius. 
 
 Although the wars of Louis XIV at first gave lit- 
 tle evidence of enlightenment and mercy, yet when, 
 in the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714), 
 the contending armies crossed and recrossed parts of 
 the soil on which the Thirty Years’ War had been 
 waged, Marlborough and Prince Eugene, and other 
 commanders, exhibited in their conduct a sharp con- 
 trast with Wallenstein and Tilly, who had devas- 
 tated those fields seventy years before. Destruction 
 of property by fire and of peoples by massacre was 
 practically abandoned; governments paid the costs 
 of war, not the captured individuals; and prisoners 
 were treated with justice and mercy. Grotius’ in- 
 fluence was becoming felt, and warfare was growing 
 less cruel. 
 
 The student of history acknowledges with thank- 
 fulness the great contributions to progress made by 
 jurists and philosophers such as Ayala, Bodin, Co- 
 varruvias, Gentilis, Soto, Suarez, Vasquius, and Vic- 
 toria; but he must also recognize that it was Hugo 
 Grotius who above all others held up to nations the 
 court of arbitration, administering one law for all. 
 
AS A LIVING FORCE 
 
 243 
 
 as their common and ultimate destiny. Looking be- 
 yond the struggles born of avarice, jealousy, and 
 misunderstanding, by which his own time was ob- 
 scured, he rescued from the prevailing darkness this 
 high ideal, and, with the faith and vision of a 
 prophet, set it before a stricken world painfully toil- 
 ing towards the day when might shall be sub- 
 ordinated to right, and justice shall reign unhin- 
 dered. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 The Edict drawn up by Grotius, and approved 
 by the States, after the Remonstrance and Contra- 
 Remonstrance of the Arminians and Gomarists, 
 reads as follows : 
 
 “Whereas great dissensions and disputes have 
 arisen in the Churches of this Country, on occasion 
 of different explanations of some passages of Holy 
 Writ, which speak of Predestination and what relates 
 to it; and, these contentions having been carried on 
 with so much heat, that some Ministers have been 
 accused of teaching directly, or at least indirectly, 
 that God has created some men to damn them; that 
 He has laid certain men under a necessity of sinning; 
 that He invites some men to salvation to whom he 
 has resolved to deny it; other Divines are also 
 charged with believing that men’s natural strength 
 or works may operate salvation. Now, these doc- 
 trines tending to the dishonor of God and the Chris- 
 tian reformation, and being contrary to our senti- 
 ments, it has appeared to us highly necessary, from 
 a regard to the honor and glory of God, and for the 
 peace and harmony of the State, to condemn them. 
 For these causes, after having weighed the matter, 
 and long examined it with much conscience and cir- 
 
 244 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 245 
 
 cumspectlon, employing the authority which belongs 
 to us as rightful sovereign, and agreeable to the ex- 
 ample of the Kings, Princes, and Cities which have 
 embraced the Reformation, we have ordained, and 
 by these presents ordain, that, in the interpretation 
 of the passages of Scripture above mentioned, every- 
 one give diligent heed to the admonition of St. Paul, 
 who teaches that no one should desire to know more 
 than he ought; but to think soberly, according as God 
 has dealt to every man the measure of faith; and 
 agreeable to what the Holy Scriptures everywhere 
 set forth, that salvation is of God alone, but our 
 destruction is of ourselves. Wherefore, in the ex- 
 planation of the Scripture, as often as occasion shall 
 offer, the Pastors shall declare to the people, and in- 
 stil into the minds of all under their care, that men 
 are not indebted for the beginning, the progress, and 
 the completion of their salvation, and even of faith, 
 to their natural strength or works, but to the sole 
 grace of God in Jesus Christ our Saviour; that we 
 have not deserved it; that God has created no man to 
 damn him; that God has not laid us under a necessity 
 of sinning, and that He invites no man to be saved, 
 to whom he has resolved to deny salvation. And, 
 though, in the Universities, in conversation, and in 
 those places where the Scriptures are expounded, 
 passages may be treated of, which relate to predes- 
 tination and what depends on it, and it may come to 
 pass, as has happened before, and in our own times, 
 to learned and good men, that persons may give in 
 
246 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS 
 
 to those extremes and absurdities which we disap- 
 prove and have forbidden ; our will is that they shall 
 not be proposed publicly from the pulpit to the peo- 
 ple. But as to those, who, in relation to such pas- 
 sages, only believe and teach that God has from all 
 eternity chosen to salvation, from the mere motion 
 of His will, through Jesus Christ, our Saviour and 
 Redeemer, those who, by grace which they have not 
 merited and by the operation of the Holy Spirit, be- 
 lieve in Jesus Christ, our Lord, and by free grace 
 given them, persevere in the faith to the end, we will 
 that they be not molested on that account, nor 
 pressed to embrace other sentiments, or teach other 
 doctrines; for we judge these truths sufficient for sal- 
 vation and proper for the instruction of Christians. 
 We moreover ordain that all Pastors, in expounding 
 the other articles of the Christian faith, make use of 
 explanations agreeable to the word of God, to what 
 is commonly received in the Reformed Churches, 
 and what has been taught in those of this country, 
 which we have maintained and protected, and now 
 maintain and protect; that they exercise Christian 
 charity and that they avoid greater divisions; for in 
 this manner, we judge, they ought to act for the good 
 of the State and Church, and the restoration of her 
 tranquillity.” 
 
INDEX 
 
 A 
 
 “Abridgment of all the Sea-laws,” published, 57. 
 
 “Adamus Exul,” published, 32. 
 
 Adolphus, Gustavus, enters Thirty Years’ War, 188; defeats 
 Tilly, 189; defeats Wallenstein, 189; killed, 189; his opinion 
 of Grotius, 189 et seq.; 196. 
 
 Aerssens, Francis, controversy with Cornelius van der Myle, 90; 
 
 special ambassador to Paris, 129; 204. 
 
 “Afgeschafte Wetten,” 28. 
 
 Alais, Count d’, 199. 
 
 Alexander VI, Pope, decree of, 45; Bull of, 55, 56; 176. 
 Almonde, Maria van, 13. 
 
 Alva, Duke of, 53. 
 
 “Amsterdam, Customs of,” 176. 
 
 Angouleme, Duke d’, 199. 
 
 Anjou, Count of, 2. 
 
 Anne of Austria, 226. 
 
 “Anthologia,” goes to press, 236. 
 
 “Aratea,” published, 31. 
 
 Arminians, Remonstrance of the, 72. 
 
 Arminius, publicly advances his doctrine, 69; death of, 70. 
 Arragon, Admiral of, 91. 
 
 Asser, T. M. C., 240. 
 
 Avaugour, French Ambassador to Sweden, 200. 
 
 Avaux, Count d’, 218; (Claude de Meme), 225. 
 
 Ayala, 242. 
 
 B 
 
 Bakker, Nicolaes, nominated for position of Attorney-General of 
 Holland, Zeeland and West Friesland, 49. 
 
 Balzac, praises Grotius, 238. 
 
 Bannier, Marshal, 212, 219. 
 
 Barberin, Francis, 167. 
 
 Barlaeus, writes on Grotius’ escape, 150; 237. 
 
 Barneveld, Elias, death of, 62. 
 
 Barneveld, John of, special commissioner to France, 20; 68, 69, 
 70; proposes raising of local troops, 75; 81; arrested, 82; 
 insinuations against, 87; trial begins, 113; sentence pro- 
 nounced against, 113; executed, 115. 
 
 Barwalde, Treaty of, 189. 
 
 Baudius, Dominicus, 39, 42; effect of Grotius’ presence on, 43; 
 237. 
 
 247 
 
248 INDEX 
 
 Bavaria, Duke of, associates himself with the Catholic League, 
 186. 
 
 Beaufort, W. H. de, 240. 
 
 Berlise, Count, 218. 
 
 Beroaldus, Philippus, 28. 
 
 Bignon, Jerome, praises Grotius, 238. 
 
 Bodin, 242. 
 
 Boetselaer, Gideon van, special ambassador to Paris, 129. 
 Bogerman, John, President of the National Synod, 86. 
 
 Boissise, de, comes from France as Ambassador Extraordinary 
 to aid Grotius, 87 et seq.; 114; receives Grotius in Paris, 151. 
 Boreel, Jacob, 64. 
 
 Borgia, Caesar, son of Alexander VI, 46, 176. 
 
 Boutillier, Superintendent of Finances, 1%, 202. 
 
 Brandanus, 202. 
 
 Brasser, Joost, 181. 
 
 Breze, Marshal de, 202. 
 
 Browne, John, 56. 
 
 Brulon, Count, 194, 199, 218, 219. 
 
 Bullion, 203, 204. 
 
 c 
 
 Calvin, 69. 
 
 Calvinist Union of 1608, 186. 
 
 Candale, Duke of, 227. 
 
 Caron, Minister from Netherlands to England, 65. 
 
 Casaubon, Isaac, admiration for Grotius, 30, 32 ; translates 
 “Prosopopoeia” into Greek, 32; praises “Christus Patiens,” 
 34 ; 65, 237. 
 
 “Catharina,” the, brought in by Heemskerck, 46, 54. 
 
 Caumartin, de. Keeper of the Seals, 156. 
 
 Cerisante, 227 ; works against Grotius, 227 et seq. 
 
 Charenton, Ministers of, 156, 201. 
 
 Charlemagne, Empire of, 174. 
 
 Charles V, Emperor of Germany and King of Spain, 2, 176. 
 Charles IX, of France, 175. 
 
 Charles Louis, Elector of Palatine, 205, 220 et seq. 
 
 Chatillon, Marshal de, 202. 
 
 Chavigny, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, 203, 213, 214, 215, 224, 
 226. 
 
 Christian IV, of Denmark, 188. 
 
 Christina, Queen of Sweden, 190, 194, 195, 212, 213, 229; receives 
 Grotius, 230; praises Grotius, 238. 
 
 “Christus Patiens,” published, 34. 
 
 Coligny, Louisa de, 13, 17. 
 
 “Commentary on the Gospel,” finished and printed, 236. 
 Compiegne, Treaty of, 2O0. 
 
 Conde, Prince of, 24; Grotius dedicates his “Martianus Capella” 
 to, 27; 194. 
 
 Conradin, death of, 175. 
 
 “Consolato del Mare,” 176. 
 
INDEX 
 
 249 
 
 Corbulo, 3. 
 
 Cornaro, Venetian Minister^ 208. 
 
 Cornets, Cornelius, great-grandfather of Grotius, marries Erm- 
 gardt de Groot, 5. 
 
 Covarruvias, 169, 242. 
 
 Crusius, 217. 
 
 Cunaeus, 48. 
 
 “Customs of Amsterdam,” 176. 
 
 D 
 
 Daatselaer, Adrian, 130, 147, 148; visits Grotius, 160. 
 
 Daatselaer, Madame, friendship for Madame Grotius, 131 ; 132 
 et seq.; aids in the escape of Grotius, 140 et seq. 
 
 “De Antiquitate Reipublicae Batavicae,” published, 59; synopsis 
 of, 59 et seq. 
 
 de Groot, see Groot, de. 
 
 “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,” begun, 160; published, 164; history of 
 its preparation, 164 et seq.; form of, 166; placed on Papal 
 Index, 167; connection with “De Jure Praedae,” 167 et seq.; 
 indebtedness to forerunners, 168 et seq.; 240, 241. 
 
 “De Jure Praedae,” 12, 43 et seq.; manuscript discovered, 43; 
 published, 45; description of, 45 et seq.; 52; contents of, 53 
 et seq.; 165; connection with “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,” 167 
 et seq. 
 
 Delf, Willem, 180. 
 
 Demarcation, Line of, 56; see also Alexander VI, Bull of. 
 
 Denmark, King of, requests Grotius to enter his service, 161. 
 
 Desnoyers, Secretary of War, 215. 
 
 Deventer, Commander of Loevestein, 127 ; enmity for Grotius, 
 127; promoted to a captaincy, 134; searches for Grotius, 146 
 et seq. 
 
 Does, J. van der, 11. 
 
 Dor, Francis, 202. 
 
 Dousa, Janus, 237 ; see also Does, J. van der. 
 
 Dupuis, Henry, offers Grotius his house, 150. 
 
 Dyke, Jakob van, 191. 
 
 E 
 
 East India Company, Dutch, 45, 46; Grotius’ wish for, 105. 
 Edict of Grotius to reconcile the Arminians and Gomarists, 244. 
 “Elegia ad Henricum Borbonium,” 28. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen of England, concludes agreement with the Prov- 
 inces, 17 ; 19. 
 
 Ely, Bishop of, 65. 
 
 Enkefort, 224. 
 
 Episcopius, deposed, 86; 146. 
 
 “Epithalamium Regium,” 29. 
 
 Erlach, Baron d’, attache to the Duke of Weimar, 217. 
 Erpenius, Thomas, places his library at Grotius’ disposal, 130; 
 
250 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Estrees, Marshal d’, 194. 
 
 Eugene, Prince, 242. 
 
 Eych, Gerard van, 76. 
 
 F 
 
 Ferdinand II, Emperor, successor of Matthias, 187, 188, 191. 
 Feuquieres, Marquis de, 200, 215. 
 
 Force, Marshal de la, 202, 209. 
 
 Francis I, of France, 176. 
 
 Frederick, Elector, 187, 188. 
 
 Frederick Henry, of Nassau, 13; succeeds Prince Maurice, 162; 
 
 attitude toward Grotius, 179; turns against Grotius, 181. 
 “Free Sea, The,” see “Mare Liberum.” 
 
 Fruin, edits “De Jure Praedae,” 44. 
 
 G 
 
 Gaston, Duke of Orleans, 194. 
 
 Gentilis, Albericus, author of “De Jure Belli,” 169, 242. 
 
 Gerard, Balthazar, murders William the Silent, 2, 16. 
 
 Gilot, Jaques, praises Grotius, 15 ; 237. 
 
 Ginetti, Cardinal, 207. 
 
 Godefroy, 208. 
 
 Gomar, 41 ; his doctrine, 69. 
 
 Gomarists, Contra-Remonstrance of, 72. 
 
 Graswinckel, cousin of Grotius, 48; visits Grotius, 160. 
 
 Gregory XIII, Pope, 175. 
 
 Grevinkhoven, Nicholas, receives Grotius in his home, 145. 
 
 Groot, Cornelia de, daughter of Grotius, recipient of verses, 112. 
 
 Groot, Cornelius de, uncle of Grotius, 6. 
 
 Groot, Dirk Huigen de, great-great-grandfather of Grotius, 5. 
 
 Groot, Ermgardt de, great-grandmother of Grotius, 5. 
 
 Groot, Franciscus de, Grotius’ brother, death of, 42. 
 
 Groot, Hugo de, great-great-great-grandfather of Grotius, 5. 
 
 Groot, Hugo Cornelius de, grandfather of Grotius, 5 ; death of, 6. 
 
 Groot, Hugo or Huig de, see Grotius, Hugo. 
 
 Groot, John de, father of Grotius, 7; marries Alida van Over- 
 schie, 8. 
 
 Groot, Madame de, see Grotius, Madame. 
 
 Groot, William de, brother of Grotius, 151. 
 
 Grotius, Hugo, 
 
 Life: Birth, 1; ancestry, 3-9; boyhood, 9-20; education, 9-15; 
 goes to France with a special embassy, 20; his journey, 21- 
 22; meets King Henry of France, 23; his stay in that country, 
 23-25 ; receives degree of Doctor of Laws at Orleans, 25 ; 
 returns to Holland, 25 ; registers as lawyer, 25 ; friendship 
 for Vondel, 36-38; chosen to write a history of his country, 
 39; his method of pleading, 40; dissatisfaction with the prac- 
 tice of law, 40-41 ; writes “De Jure Praedae,” 43 ; appointed 
 Attorney-General, 49; marries Maria van Reigersbergen, 50; 
 publishes “Mare Liberum,” 53 ; becomes Pensionary of Rot- 
 terdam, 62; journeys to England concerning Dutch-English 
 
INDEX 
 
 251 
 
 fisheries dispute, 64 ; his stay there, 64-65 ; his directions for 
 study, 66-67 ; enters Arminius-Gomar theological contro- 
 versy, 71 ; draws edict to restore tranquillity, 74 ; takes an 
 active part, 76-82 ; arrested, 82 ; confined in The Hague, 82- 
 84; writes to Prince Maurice, 92-106; his first examination, 
 110-111; condemned to perpetual imprisonment, 118-119; 
 transported to Loevestein, 121-122 ; life and work there, 
 122-137; escape, 130-149; takes up residence in Paris, 151; 
 reception there, 151-153 ; is granted a pension and protection, 
 155; arouses wrath of States-General, 156-158; moves to 
 Balagni, 159; begins “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,” 160; services 
 sought by Prince of Holstein and King of Denmark, 160-161 ; 
 publishes “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,” 164; indebtedness to fore- 
 runners, 168-171; as “Father of International Law,” 171-177; 
 financial difficulties, 178-179; returns to Holland, 180; but is 
 forced to flee to Hamburg, 180-182; stay in Hamburg, 182- 
 185 ; meets Salvius, 185 ; appointed Ambassador from Sweden 
 to France, 190; journeys to Paris, 193-194; received by the 
 King, 194-195 ; official duties, 195-197 ; difficulties, 197-207 ; 
 efforts for peace, 207-208; participates in a diplomatic quar- 
 rel, 209-210; further negotiations, 211-213; discusses plan 
 for a truce, 214-215 ; embarrassed by Schmalz, 215-217 ; is 
 in danger, 217-218 ; aids Charles Louis, 222-223 ; negotiations 
 for the exchange of Horn and de Vert, 223-225; renewal of 
 the French-Swedish treaty, 225; embarrassed by Cerisante, 
 227-228; his request to be recalled is granted, 228; journeys to 
 Stockholm, 229-230; is received by Christina, 230; embarks 
 for Liibeck, 230; illness and death, 231-233; burial, 233-234; 
 praise of, 237-239; honored by the nations, 239-241; as a liv- 
 ing force, 241-243. 
 
 Works: Early Verses, 10; “Triumphus Gallicus, parodia 
 Catulliana,” 15 ; “Martianus Capella,” 27 ; “Elegia ad Henri- 
 cum Borbonium,” 28 ; “Papinianus and Isidorus,” 28 ; “Afge- 
 schafte Wetten,” 28; translation of “Stevin,” 29; “Epith- 
 alamium Regium,” 29 ; “Aratea,” 31 ; “Prosopopoeia,” 32 ; 
 “Adamus Exul,” 33; “Christus Patiens,” 34; “Sophompha- 
 neas” or “Joseph,” 35, 185, 236; “De Jure Praedae,” 43-49; 
 “Mare Liberum,” 53-56; “De Antiquitate Reipublicae Bata- 
 vicae,” 59; “History of the Netherlands, 1560-1609,” 60-61, 
 236; “The Truth of the Christian Religion,” 128, 156, 236; 
 “Introduction to the Jurisprudence of Holland,” 128; “Phoe- 
 nissae” translated, 128, 162; “An Investigation of Pelagian- 
 ism,” 156; “Justification of the Lawful Government of Hol- 
 land and West Friesland,” 156-157; “Strobaeus,” 159; “De 
 Jure Belli ac Pacis,” 160, 164-177; “Anthologia,” 236; trans- 
 lation of the “History of the Goths and Vandals,” 236; “Re- 
 marks on Justinian’s Laws,” 236; “Commentary on the Gos- 
 pel,” 236; “The Origin of the People of America,” 237. 
 
 Grotius, Madame, goes to Loevestein, 124; plans the escape of 
 Grotius, 131 et seq.; receives news of Grotius’ escape, 149; 
 liberated from Loevestein, 149; joins her husband in Paris, 
 
252 
 
 INDEX 
 
 153; praised by Princess of Conde, 154; praised by Vondel, 
 154; visits Holland, 161 et seq., 180; receives gift from 
 Oxenstiern, 200 ; 210; insulted by Schmalz and Crusius, 217; 
 death of, 235 ; her children, 235. 
 
 Guebriant, Count de, 213. 
 
 H 
 
 Haan, de. Pensionary of Haarlem, 78, 98, 157. 
 
 Hailbron, Treaty of, 196, 197, 198, 199. 
 
 Hamaker, edits “De Jure Praedae,” 44. 
 
 Heemskerck, brings in the “Catharina,” 46, 54. 
 
 Heemskerk, Elseling van, wife of Hugo Cornelius de Groot, 6. 
 
 Heinsius, Daniel, reflects upon Grotius’ childhood, 15; 65. 
 
 Henry HI, of France, 17. 
 
 Henry IV, of France, 15; contemplates treaty with Spain, 19; 
 Grotius meets, 23; remarks upon Grotius, 24; marries Marie 
 de Medicis and Grotius writes “Epithalamium Regium,” 29. 
 
 Henry of Guise, 17. 
 
 “History of the Goths and Vandals, The,” translation of, fin- 
 ished and published, 236. 
 
 “History of Holland from 1560 to 1609,” revised and published, 
 236. 
 
 “History of Old Holland,” see “De Antiquitate Reipublicae Bata- 
 vicae.” 
 
 Holstein, Prince of, requests Grotius to enter his service, 161. 
 
 Holy, Hugo Muis van, accuses Grotius of an attempt to escape, 
 130. 
 
 Holy Inquisition, 2. 
 
 Hooft, Cornelis, 161. 
 
 Hoogerbeets, declines office of Pensionary of Rotterdam, 62; 
 Pensionary of Leiden, 78, 79; arrested, 82; 98, 102; Barne- 
 veld inquires of, 114; sentenced to perpetual imprisonment, 
 119; transported to Loevestein, 121 et seq.; 157; liberated, 
 163 ; death of, 163. 
 
 Hoogerbeets, Madame, death of, 129. 
 
 Hoorn, Gerard van, owner of Loevestein, 123. 
 
 Horn, Marshal, taken prisoner, 191 ; 213 ; exchange of, 224 et seq. 
 
 Houwening, Elsje van, is told of the plan for Grotius’ escape, 
 134; aids in escape of Grotius, 135 et seq.; marries Willem 
 van den Velden, 149. 
 
 I 
 
 International Law, history of the development of, 172 et seq. 
 “Introduction to the Jurisprudence of Holland,” written, 128; 168. 
 
 J 
 
 James I, of England, proclamation of concerning fishing, 56, 57 ; 
 
 active against Grotius, 90; 188. 
 
 Jeannin, President Petrus, 34, 151; death of, 156; 157. 
 
 Joseph, Father, 196, 197, 198, 203, 206. 
 
INDEX 
 
 253 
 
 “Joseph, Tragedy of,” see “Sophomphaneas.” 
 
 Junius, Franciscus, 12; death of, 41. 
 
 “Jus Belli ac Pads,” see “De Jure Belli ac Pacis.” 
 
 “Jus Feciale,” 174. 
 
 “Jus Gentium,” see Law of Nations. 
 
 “Jus Naturale,” see Law of Nature. 
 
 “Jus Praedae,” see “De Jure Praedae.” 
 
 “Justification of the Lawful Government of Holland and West 
 Friesland,” completed, 156; published, 157; effect upon States- 
 General, 157. 
 
 Justin, Count of Nassau, special commissioner to France, 19. 
 
 K 
 
 Karnebeek, Jonkheer van, 240. 
 
 Kloppenburg, Seignorage of, 42. 
 
 Kraeyenburg, castle of, 3, 4. 
 
 L 
 
 Laefler, James, 195, 196, 198, 200. 
 
 Lambertszoon, Jan, aids Grotius in his escape, 143 et seq. 
 
 Lange, de, Burgomaster of Gouda, 78. 
 
 Langerac, Baron, Ambassador at Paris from Holland, active 
 against Grotius, 90. 
 
 Law of Nations, relation to Law of Nature, 171 et seq.; 241. 
 
 Law of Nature, relation to Law of Nations, 171 et seq.; 241. 
 
 “Law of Spoils,” see “De Jure Praedae.” 
 
 “Laws of Wisby,” 176. 
 
 Ledenberg, Gillis van. Secretary of the Assembly of Utrecht, 
 78, 79; arrested, 82; 98, 101; kills himself, 111; sentence 
 passed against dead body of, 117. 
 
 Leeuwen, van, prosecuting officer against Barneveld, 113. 
 
 Leicester, Earl of, elected Governor-General of the United Prov- 
 inces, 18 ; 68. 
 
 Leicester, English Ambassador Extraordinary to France, 205, 
 209, 210; demands release of Charles Louis, 222 et seq. 
 
 Leiden, siege of, 1. 
 
 Leo XIII, Pope, removes “De Jure Belli ac Pacis” from Papal 
 Index, 167. 
 
 Lipsius, Justus, 7; admiration for Grotius, 32; praises the 
 “Adamus Exul,” 33 ; 237. 
 
 Lisbon, Proclamation of, 47. 
 
 Loevestein, fortress of, description of, 122 et seq. 
 
 London, Treaty of, 51. 
 
 Louis XIII, of France, intervenes in behalf of Grotius, 87 ; 
 grants Grotius protection and a pension, 155; protects Gro- 
 tius, 158; “De Jure Belli ac Pacis,” dedicated to, 164; 178, 185, 
 197, 202, 211 et seq., 217; death of, 226. 
 
 Louis XIV, of France, 226, 242. 
 
 Low, Seth, 240. 
 
 Lubeck, Peace of, 188. 
 
 Lusson, preceptor of Grotius, 10. 
 
254 
 
 INDEX 
 
 M 
 
 Machiavelli, 176, 177. 
 
 Madrid, Treaty of, 176. 
 
 Malherbe, translates “Prosopopoeia” into French, 32. 
 
 “Mare Clausum,” published, 48, 58; synopsis of, 58. 
 
 “Mare Liberum,” 48; published, 53; synopsis of, 54 et seq.; 56. 
 Marillac, 179. 
 
 Marlborough, 242. 
 
 “Martianus Capella,” published, 27. 
 
 Mathenes, Adrian, 76. 
 
 Mathieu, “Life of Henry IV,” 32. 
 
 Mathisius, Assuerus, 185. 
 
 Matthias, Emperor, successor of Rudolph, 186. 
 
 Maurice, Prince of Nassau, 18, 19; capture of Sluis by, 47; 
 appoints Grotius Attorney-General of Holland, Zeeland and 
 West Friesland, 49; proclaimed Stadtholder, 68; uses re- 
 ligious quarrel, 70; enmity for Grotius and Barneveld, 75; 
 resorts to force to disband local troops, 78 et seq.; Prince 
 of Orange on death of his brother, 84; solidifies his position 
 by force, 85 et seq.; praises Grotius, 149; death of, 162. 
 Maurier, du. Ambassador Ordinary, 66; attempts to aid Gro- 
 tius, 89; acts in behalf of Barneveld, 114; 129, 151, 179, 198. 
 Mazarin, Cardinal, 226. 
 
 Medici, Catherine de, 175, 177. 
 
 Meerman, Dirk, 64, 161. 
 
 Melissus, Georgius, 13. 
 
 Meme, President de, offers Grotius his country-seat, 159; 160. 
 Mercoeur, Duke de, 195. 
 
 Meulen, Peter van der, arrests Grotius, 82; escorts Grotius and 
 Hoogerbeets to Loevestein, 121 et seq. 
 
 Meursius, praises Grotius, 15 ; 237. 
 
 Mierevelt, Michiel, paints portrait of Grotius, 180. 
 
 Moor, William, 182. 
 
 Munster, Bishop of, 42. 
 
 Musius, Hugo, 76. 
 
 Myle, Cornelis van der, controversy with Francis Aerssens, 90. 
 
 N 
 
 “Netherlands, History of the,” 60 et seq. 
 
 Nieustadt, Cornelius van der, 26. 
 
 Nijhoff, consulted concerning publication of “De Jure Praedae,” 
 44. 
 
 Nijs, de, provost-marshal, informs Barneveld of the sentence 
 passed against him, 113. 
 
 Noppen, Leonard C. van, translates Vondel’s “Lucifer,” 33. 
 Nordlingen, battle of, 191, 195, 213. 
 
 Nordwijk, see Does, J. van der. 
 
 Nythof, Lieutenant, advises Grotius to write to Prince Maurice, 
 92. 
 
INDEX 
 
 255 
 
 O 
 
 Ogle, Sir John, 80. 
 
 Oosterwyk, Dutch Ambassador to France, 209. 
 
 “Origin of the People of America, The,” printed, 237. 
 
 Ostend, poem on siege of, 42. 
 
 Overallus, Joannes, 65. 
 
 Oxenstiern, Baron, son of the High Chancellor, 229. 
 
 Oxenstiern, High Chancellor of Sweden, appoints Grotius Am- 
 bassador from Sweden to France, 190; 193, 194, 196, 197, 198; 
 comes to Paris, 198; 199; visits Grotius, 199; 200, 202, 203, 
 204, 206, 207, 230. 
 
 P 
 
 Paaw, Dutch Ambassador to France, 204, 206; recalled, 209. 
 Paffenrode, Jacob van, 147. 
 
 “Papinianus and Isidorus,” 28. 
 
 Paris, Treaty of, 199, 200. 
 
 Pasquier, translates “Prosopopoeia” into French, 32. 
 
 Pauw, Reinier, 64. 
 
 “Pelagianism, An Investigation of,” ready for the press, 156. 
 Peyresc, writes on arrival of Grotius in Paris, 153. 
 
 Philip H, of Spain, 2, 53, 177. 
 
 Philip III, of Spain, 68. 
 
 “Phoenissae” of Euripides, translated by Grotius, 128; com- 
 pleted, 162. 
 
 Pius V, Pope, 175 . 
 
 Plinius, 28. 
 
 Pontanus, Isaac, praises Grotius, 15 ; 237. 
 
 Prague, Peace of, 191. 
 
 “Prince, The,” of Machiavelli, 176. 
 
 “Prosopopoeia,” 32. 
 
 Prounink, Jacob, see Deventer. 
 
 Pyrenees, Peace of the, 202. 
 
 Q 
 
 Quistorpius, John, attends Grotius, 232. 
 
 R 
 
 Rapin, translates “Prosopopoeia” into French, 32. 
 
 Red Rod, Sheriff of Antwerp, aids Grotius in his escape, 145. 
 Reigersberg, Maria van, marries Grotius, 50; see also Grotius, 
 Madame. 
 
 Reigersberg, Nicholas, brother-in-law of Grotius, 129, 157. 
 Reigersberg, Pieter van, father of Madame Grotius, 50. 
 “Remarks on Justinian’s Laws,” printed, 236. 
 
 Restitution, Edict of, 188. 
 
 Richelieu, Cardinal, 178, 189, 191, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200 202 
 203, 204, 205, 208, 214, 216, 220; death of, 225; praises Gro- 
 tius, 238; effect of Grotius on, 241. 
 
256 
 
 INDEX 
 
 “Rights of War and Peace,” effect of, 3 ; see also “De Jure Belli 
 ac Pacis.” 
 
 “Rooles d’ Oleron,” 176. 
 
 Rosaeus, Henry, excluded from his church, 74. 
 
 Rudolph, Emperor, arouses anger of Protestants, 186. 
 Rutgersius, writes on Grotius’ escape, ISO. 
 
 s 
 
 Salmasius, attacks Grotius, 237 ; 238. 
 
 Salvius, John Adler, Vice Chancellor of Sweden, 185, 207, 218, 225. 
 Sandes, translates “Christus Patiens,” 34. 
 
 Savoy, Prince Thomas of, 202. 
 
 Scaliger, 29; admiration for Grotius, 30, 32; 237. 
 
 Schmalz, Secretary of Oxenstiern, 214, 215, 216, 217 ; returns to 
 Sweden, 217. 
 
 Schoonhoven, Councillor, 79. 
 
 Scriverius, 42 ; places his library at Grotius’ disposal, 130. 
 Scudamore, Lord, English Ambassador Ordinary to France, 
 205, 208, 210. 
 
 Selden, John, publishes “Mare Clausum,” 48, 58. 
 
 Servien, Secretary of War, 203, 204. 
 
 Silleri, Chancellor de, 154. 
 
 Sluis, capture of by Prince Maurice, 47. 
 
 “Smoothed Laws,” see “Afgeschafte Wetten.” 
 
 Soissons, Count de, 194, 199. 
 
 “Sophomphaneas,” published, 35, 236; completed, 185. 
 
 Sorgen, Leonard van, 184. 
 
 Soto, 242. 
 
 Spanish Succession, War of the, 242. 
 
 Spinola, Marquis of, comes to The Hague, 51. 
 
 Spiringius, Swedish Agent in Holland, 229. 
 
 “Spoils, Law of,” see “De Jure Praedae.” 
 
 St. Bartholomew, Massacre of, 2, 16. 
 
 St. Chaumont, Marquis de, 203, 204, 206. 
 
 St. Luc, Marshal, 194. 
 
 Steffens, Maria, wife of Hugo Cornelius de Groot, 6. 
 
 Stella, Ludovicus, 28. 
 
 Stevin, translation by Grotius of his treatise on navigation by 
 compass, 29. 
 
 Stochman, attends Grotius, 231. 
 
 Street, Philip, 195, 196, 198, 200. 
 
 Strobaeus, an edition of, in preparation, 156; published, 159. 
 Stryen, Quiryn van, nominated for position of Attorney-Gen- 
 eral of Holland, Zeeland and West Friesland, 49. 
 
 Suarez, 242. 
 
 Swartzenbourg, Count of, 202. 
 
 Sylla, prosecuting officer against Barneveld, 113; summons Gro- 
 tius to hear sentence pronounced, 118. 
 
 Synod of Dordrecht, 77, 81 ; opens, 86; 95 et seq. 
 
 Synod, National, see Synod of Dordrecht. 
 
INDEX 
 
 257 
 
 T 
 
 Tagliacozzo, 175. 
 
 Thirty Years’ War, The, 2; outline of, 185 et seq.; 241, 242. 
 Thou, Francis de, 193. 
 
 Thou, President de, 30; admiration for Grotius, 30, 32; his 
 library at Grotius’ disposal, 160; 237. 
 
 Tilenus, shares a house with Grotius, 155. 
 
 Tilly, 177, 188; defeated by Gustavus Adolphus, 189; 242. 
 Torenvliet, van. Burgomaster of Leiden, 79. 
 
 Trelcatius, Lucas, death of, 41. 
 
 Tresel, Daniel, 78. 
 
 “Triumphus Gallicus, parodia Catulliana,” 15. 
 
 Truce of God, 175. 
 
 “Truth of the Christian Religion, The,” written, 128; ready for 
 the press, 156; 201; revised and enlarged, 236. 
 
 u 
 
 Uitenbogaerdt, Joannes, receives Grotius in his home, 26; 151; 
 deposed, 85. 
 
 United Provinces, The Seven, 16. 
 
 United States, The, decorates tomb of Grotius, 239. 
 
 Urban VIII, Pope, makes effort for peace, 207. 
 
 Utrecht, Union of, 80. 
 
 V 
 
 Vair, du, translates “Prosopopoeia” into French, 32; active in 
 behalf of Grotius, 153; dies, 153. 
 
 Valkestein, Nicolaes van, 26. 
 
 Vasquius, Fernandus, 169; Grotius’ opinion of, 170; 242. 
 
 Veen, Kornelis van der, 142; aids Grotius in his escape, 143 et 
 seq. 
 
 Veen, Simon van, promoted to High Council, 49. 
 
 Velde, William van der, Grotius’ servant, 92; marries Elsje van 
 Houwening, 149; 162. 
 
 Vendome, Duke de, 195. 
 
 Venice. Republic of, makes effort for peace, 208. 
 
 Vert, John de, 212, 213; exchange of, 224 et seq. 
 
 Vervins, Peace of, 51, 68; broken, 202. 
 
 Vic, de. Keeper of the Seals, 154; death of, 155. 
 
 Victoria, Franciscus, author of “Relectiones,” 169, 242. 
 
 Vissering, examines “De Jure Praedae,” 44. 
 
 Vondel, author of “Lucifer,” 33; translates “Sophomphaneas,” 
 35; friendship for Grotius, 36 et seq.; 150, 181, 231; poem 
 of in defense of Grotius, 237 ; 237. 
 
 Vorstius, Conrad, professor of theology at Leiden, 71 ; deposed, 
 85. 
 
 Vossius, admiration for Grotius, 30, 31; praises “Sophompha- 
 neas,” 35 ; places his library at Grotius’ disposal, 130 ; 161, 
 182, 237. 
 
 Vulcanus, admiration for Grotius, 32. 
 
258 
 
 INDEX 
 
 w 
 
 Waartgelders, the, 79, 80, 98, 102. 
 
 Wallenstein, 177, 188; defeated by Gustavus Adolphus, 189; death 
 of, 189; 242. 
 
 Weimar, Duke of, 200, 211, 212, 213, 217, 218, 219, 220; death of, 
 
 220 . 
 
 Welwood, William, publishes “Abridgment of all the Sea-laws,” 
 57. 
 
 West India Company, Grotius’ wish that it might be formed, 
 105. 
 
 Westphalia, Peace of, 176, 241. 
 
 White, Andrew D., 167, 240. 
 
 William the Silent, Prince of Orange, presents Leiden with the 
 University, 1; killed by Balthazar Gerard, 2, 16; 17, 240. 
 
 Willoughby, Hugh, 64. 
 
 Winkler, author of “Principia juris,” 170. 
 
 “Wisby, Laws of,” 176. 
 
 Wouterszoon, John, 137. 
 
 Wrangel, Count, Admiral of the Swedish fleet, 229. 
 
 Wrangel, E., 190. 
 
 Wiirtemberg, Duke of, 201. 
 

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