Kigis»-jRia Turitau Incumbents refuse Liturgical Services . 241 Puritans undermine Ancient Religious Usages . 243 CHAPTER V. Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day 248 ]\Iayne .... . 255 1580. The Jesuits .... 260 Persons .... . 204 Campion ..... 269 Tlieir arrival in England . 274 Papal Invasion of Ireland . 278 Proclamation against the .Jesuits . 281 1581. New Legislative Severities against Papists . 282 First Disagreements in the Romish body . 284 Campion's Ten Reasons 288 He is tortured .... . 2t)4 He disputes .... 297 Is tried .... 301 Executed ..... 306 1582. Other Executions . 307 Controversy upon Englisli Persecution 308 1583. Case of Somerville and Anlen . 310 Carter, the Printer 312 1584. Throgmorton . 314 Creighton .321 The Association 322 New Legislative Severities against Popery . 324 1585. Parry ..... . 3J5 Petition in favour of Romanism 338 Dcportutiou of Romish Priests . . 340 CONTENTS. Xlll 1585. The Seminary at Rhelms . 15S6. Babington's Conspiracy 1587. Decapitation of Mary Queen of Scots Desertion of Sir William Stanley 1588. Burnings for Heresy The Spanish Armada The Spanish Party PAGE 341 342 349 350 353 355 360 CHAPTER VI. / 1589. 1592. 1593. 1594. Puritanical Bias at the Council-board 366 Preferment of Archbishop Whitgift 368 The Mar-Prelate Libels . 370 AnsAvers to them .... 373 Pluralities .... . 375 Bancroft's Sermon at St. Paul's Cross 377 Puritanical Organization . 381 Arrest of Cartwright 385 Udal ..... . 390 Cawdrey ..... 395 Hacket .... . 398 Final release of Cartwright 401 The Oath ex officio . 402 Cosin's Defence of it 404 Taken in some instances . 407 Lax enforcement of Subscription 409 Papal claims over England, unconstitutional . 410 Attacks in Parliament upon the Oath ex officio ,411 Act against Protestant Recusancy . 413 Greenwood and Barrow 416 Penry ..... . 422 BaiTowism . . . ■ 428 Romish Conformity of Henry IV. . 430 Pretensions of the Infanta 432 Conspiracy of Lopez . . • . 433 Concealments .... 437 Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity . . 441 XIV CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. A.D. Pace ir)94. Rlso of Doctrinal Disagreement in the C'hurcli . '153 151)5. The Sabbatiirian Controversy . . 458 The Predcstinarian Controversy . . 4(>.'3 The Lamheth Articles . . 4G5 1590. Controversial f>ormons at Cambridge . . 471 The Calvinistic and anti-Calvinistic parties . 473 1597. Controversy about Christ's Descent into Hell . 4/0 Fanatical Impostures . . 478 Judicial Intemperance against Puritanism . 483 Ecclesiastical Courts attacked by the Commons 485 Legislative Security given to Ecclesiastical Ap- pointments .... 48() Aiiiculi pro Cleru confirmed by Royal Authority 488 1598. Disagreement between tlie Jesuits and Romish Seculars .... 488 Squire's Treason . . . .491 ICOO. Papal Movements in Ireland . . 495 Papal Designs upon the Succession . . 498 ICOl. The Queen's last Parliament . . 500 Proclamation against Jesuits and their Adherents 502 1002. Protestation of the thirteen Romish Priests . 504 Disgust of the violent Romanists . . 505 Appointment of the Archpriest . . 500 1003. Death and Character of the Queen . . 507 Accession of James I. . . . 51 5 Apprehensions of the Church Party . .517 The Millenary Petition . . . 518 Counter Slovcments .... 520 Raleigh's Conspiracy . . . 522 Watson and Clarke .... 525 Proclamation against Puritanical Petitions . 529 1G04. Hampton-Court Conference . . 530 Death and Character of Archbishop AVhitgift 555 Conclusioii ..... 505 CONTENTS. XV PAGE Executions for Religion under Elizabeth . 595 Popes during the Elizabethan Period English Prelacy during the Elizabethan Period. • • • * Index . • • * 601 003 613 ELIZABETHAN EELIGIOUS HISTORY. Chapter I. ORIGIN OF PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 1563—1567. INTRODUCTION MODERATION OF ELIZABETH'S RELIGIOUS POLICY GENERAL CONFORMITY OF THE ROMISH PARTY PERSONAL PRE- POSSESSIONS OF THE QUEEN AND ARCHBISHOP PARKER LUTHERAN PARTY PREJUDICES OP THE EXILES THE ARCHBISHOP's VIEW OF THE VESTURE CONTROVERSY ARCHBISHOP YOUNG BISHOP GRIN- DAL — BISHOP PILKINGTON BISHOP HORNE BISHOP JEWEL BISHOP SANDYS UNIFORM VIEWS OF THE BISHOPS FROM EXILE SAMPSON HUMPHREY BULLINGER TOLERANT OF THE HABITS THE ANTI- VESTURAL PARTY WANT OF A VENT FOR ASCETIC VIEWS WANT OF PREACHERS HASTY AND IRREGULAR ORDINATIONS RISE OF DEMOCRATIC SENTIMENTS POLICY OF ADHERING TO THE VESTURES ROMISH DISCONTENT IRREGULARITIES IN MINISTRATIONS EPI- SCOPAL CONNIVANCE THE ADVERTISEMENTS TEMPORARY RE- STORATION OF CONFORMITY IN LONDON SESSION OP THE HIGH COMMISSION COURT, AT LAMBETH MORE GENERAL ENFORCEMENT OF CONFORMITY DUDLEY, EARL OF LEICESTER APPEALS TO HIM FROM ANTI-VESTURISTS THEIR OPINIONS CONTROVERTED RISE OP THE PARTY-NAMES, PRECISIAN AND PURITAN SAMPSON EJECTED FROM HIS DEANERY WITHERS CAMBRIDGE PREACHING LICENCES ANTI-VESTURAL PARTY IN THAT UNIVERSITY DEPRIVATIONS AT LAMBETH VESTURES ATTACKED FROM THE PRESS IMPOLICY OF CONCESSION INJUDICIOUS DEFENCE OF CONFORMITY RESTRAINTS UPON THE PRESS THE BISHOPS BONER AND HORNE POPULARITY OF BISHOP COVERDALE INCONFORMITY OP FOXE RISING VIOLENCE OF THE PURITANS THE SEPARATION. The reign of Elizabeth is one of those periods that give to nations a lasting impulse. It raised England, hitherto a secondary power, to a proud equality with France and B 2 ORIGIN OF [a.i». 15G3. Spain. Yet Scotland was a separate kingdom, and Ire- land severely burtliensome. Hence a fabric of substantial greatness required consummate skill. Its progress, too, Avas impeded by very serious difficulties. Spanish hos- tility was always on the watch. Domestic discontent raged fiercely, during many years, from two opposite ex- tremes. Mere good fortune could never have overcome such obstacles to social improvement. Without able rulers, national prosperity is but a gleam alternating with storm. To the ability of Elizabeth's civil policy, ample justice has been done. Her ecclesiastical government has been less fortunate: although under it arose the religious parties, ever since in active collision. Their germs, in- deed, belong to earlier times. Romanists long reckoned upon Trent, for silencing Protestant objections to their church. The Reformers were unanimous in little more, than in resisting papal usurpation, and renouncing un- "VNTitten tradition, as an authority for articles of faith. Within these landmarks was left a wide field of debate- able ground, in which stirring spirits were continually marking and occupying new positions. Religious views being thus imi)erfectly developed, many thought Pro- testant and Romish differences likely to be merged, without much difficulty or delay, in one harmonious whole. As this expectation weakened, comi»leto union among Protestants was yet a cherished aim. When, however, the two parties had minutely canvassed opinions, and sharjKMiod animosities, England and Rome were found irreconcilealdy at variance. Elements also were gradually detected in English Protestantism, defying fusion into au homogeneous mass. Elizabeth lived among these attempts and discoveries. A.D. 1563.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 3 Religious uniformity was her deliberate aim, and every year made it more hopeless. In spite of strenuous ex- ertions, three great religious parties became distinctly marked, and Avidely separated. Of such commanding national divisions, the first steps are both interesting and instructive. Yet facilities for tracing them are not gene- rally available. Nonconformity, both Romish and Pro- testant, has, indeed, been sufficiently alive to the import- ance of this reign. Each has blazoned a picture of op- pression, with zeal and effect : unhappily, too, with con- siderable truth. The Church has not been served with equal attention to public opinion. Means are needed of adequate yet moderate extent, for duly contemplating not one only, but all the three great religious parties, as they actually rose. Without such convenient opportunities, the bulk of men cannot judge accurately of the national society, as now existing. The queen's earliest years jiroperly belong to the His- tory of the Reformation. Until the Thirty-nine Articles were legally settled, Romanism could hardly be consi- dered as completely and hopelessly overthrown. Even then, the national . mind was only prepared for striking- out new channels. Individuals, more or less disregarded, took time to recover from the mortification of discomfi- ture, before they banded into distinguishable sections. The Romish party, when completely formed, remained unaffected by the queen's death. It soon indulged in little more than hope of favourable treatment under her successor. Not so the discontented Protestants. They reckoned still upon a command over the. Establishment, and, until disappointed at the Hampton Court Conference, did not settle down into a hostile aggregate of sects. Thus the history of religious party, under Elizabeth, B 2 4 ORIGIN OF C^.D. 1563 properly begins a few years after her accession, and extends to the blighting of Puritanical hopes, within the first year of James. It opens with a church just provided with authentic terms of communion, and closes with a new settlement of that body, after a formal collision with her more dangerous opponent. The whole period embraces forty-one years. The first of these are important rather than interesting to a modern reader. He would hardly care for a strife about some few externals, Mere it not the first storing of that fuel which fed eventually so many raging fires. After this preliminary burst, both the discontented parties played agitated, conspicuous parts. Romanism took at once an active political position. Of this, however, there are two distinct stages. In the first, Romish hopes chiefly centred in Mary of Scotland, supported by foreign intrigue, and displaced, or dissembling native secular clergymen. The second opens with that unhappy princess as the tool of plotting Jesuits, and wholly turns upon the agency of their order. In Protestant opposition also, there arc two divisions, after a discontented party was irrevocably formed. The first was a struggle, unconnected with doctrine, for modelling the Establishment after the ex- ample of Geneva. The second shows the same principle at work, but in conjunction with doctrinal disagreement. Protestant opposition likewise threw out Independency, the genuine j)arent of modern dissent in all its various forms. But this religious movement, big with (>vcntual im])()rtance, makes no very conspicuous figure in Eliza- betlian history. It rather assimilates with indications of Protestant discontent, barely dis('ernil)](' under Edward. Elizabctli often ])asses as the rasli provoker of tln)se religious dissensions which caused her so much embarrass- A.D. ]563.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. ment and danger. But this is a hasty view. To say nothing- of existing* unacquaintancc with toleration, her settlement of the Church really seemed at first, likely to encounter no acrimonious or lasting opposition. It Mas, indeed, a wise and moderate disposal of many difficult and pressing questions. Although her accession over- threw the JN'Iarian system, she is hardly even chargeable with violence to an established religion. There was in- terference, undoubtedly, with possession. But this may be no sufficient evidence of original intention. Many of our older meeting-houses are occupied by Socinians. To pronounce them built for that sect, w^ould notoriously be a most unsound conclusion. There were competent in- quirers who considered churches perverted similarly from the intentions of their founders. None were able to dis- prove this impression. None could even point out any authentic standard of the doctrine taught in these vene- rable fabrics. With all her claims to take the lead in religion, Rome did not remedy this capital defect, until the Council of Trent broke up, at the very close of 1563 ' ' Dec. 4. The Trentine decrees were confirmed by the pope, Avith- out any reserve, Jan. 26, 1564. Pius felt, however, far from cer- tain of their acceptance even by states friendly to Rome. Hence he used immediately every exer- tion to attain this end. Non prima fu terminaio 11 Concilio che 7 Papa mise ogfii industria perch' egli fosse ricevuto da tutti i signori Cattolici. (Pallav. ii. 1043.) He was first gratified by the Venetians, who published the decrees of the coun- cil, at a solemn mass, in the church of St. Mark, and rendered them binding throughout their states. The Pope testified his gratification, by granting to the republic a mag- nificent palace at Rome, built for himself and his successors, by Paul II. A like obsequiousness was displayed by the other Italian states. Sigismund, king of Po- land, being privately gained by Commendone, the papal nuncio, introduced him with the decrees in his hand, Aug. 17, 1564, to the Diet, then assembled at Warsaw. Ucangius, archbishop of Gnesna, whom Pallavicino charges with a strong disposition towards heresy, would have had the volume ex- amined before it was approved. But Sigismund overruled him, insisting upon a murmur, then ORIGIN OF [a. P. 1563. Until then, niotlern Romish principles wcro not, in strict accuracy, established anywhere. They could ])lead no- thing beyond a questioned, and really questionable pos- session. In the first month of that very year, the English Convocation accepted King Edward's articles, with some slif^ht modifications'. Thus although the Anglican and heard through tho assembly, as an I evidence of consent. He then, ^Tith some apphiuse, but >vitbout any voting, pronounced the decrees carried. Four Spanish provincial councils accepted the decrees in 1565. But Rome was dissatis- fied, because not papal, but royal authority, wasallcged as the gi-ound of proceeding. In France, the council has never been formally received, although the court of Rome long strove earnestly against a mortification so severe. It has often been alleged, that this op- position arose Avholly from decrees of discipline, esteemed prejudicial to the liberties of the Gallican church, and the royal prerogatives of France. But this representation is not accurate. The first refusal came through Catharine do' ]\Ie- dici, who not oidy excepted against decrees injurious to civil rights, but also pleaded the necessity of considering the Ilugonots. It was doctrine for which they struggled. After a series of attempts, the Ecclesiastical Chamber carried a resolution, in 1614, tiiat objections to the council related only to dis- cipline, no Catholic being able to reject its doctrine. In this reso- lution, both tbc nobles, and the third estate, at first refused to concur. After some explanations, the nobles retracted this refusal, but the third estate persisted in it; and here the matter finally rested. Thus France nationally has not given a formal assent CA'en to tho doctrines authenticated at Trent. Her tacit approbation of them proceeds upon the ground of their reception before the Trentine fa- thers sate. But it may be proved, as Le Courayer observes, that un- til then, they had not passed for articles of faith. {Append, a I'llisl. du Cone, de Troile, 696.) England, therefore, treated the Council of Trent, as even Romish states did, out of Italy. She judged for herself. Her opinion, undoubt- edly was unfavom-able to the notion that the Trentine doctrines could plead any primitive or sufficient authority. Hence her rejection of them, and many learned works show that she had very good grounds for it. ' The Thirty-nine Articles re- ceived an unanimous assent from the English Convocation, Jan. 31, 1563. Thus the Anglican settle- ment is rather more than ten months anterior to the Roman. Even then, as the former note shows, the Trentine faith was not properly established anywhere, be- cause no country bad formally accepted it. I'ndoubtedly those nations that did so, after, at least, an appearance of domestic delibe- ration, and under sanction of do- mestic authority, pleaded in tluir A.D. 1563.] TROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. Roman systems are nearly contemporaneous, as to final and sufficient authentication, yet England could boast of this advantage first. With her, too, it had a solidity which papal necessities would not allow to be secured at Trent. England settled her Church on the broad ground of Catholicity. Rome was driven by present interest, and a sense of false honour, to bear away from her de- finitive assembly, a narrow, sectarian character. Hitherto communion with her had admitted some latitude as to the medieval compromise Avitli lingering Paganism. None remained after the Trentine council separated. The whole mass of doctrine and usage that ages of ignorance had accumulated, was formally confirmed. Indeed, no other object seemed in view, than the finding of specious reasons for leaving it entire. Vain was the silence of Scripture, vain that of ecclesiastical antiquity. Any sanction, of any age, or pope, or council, or schoolman, was better than acknowledging that Rome had ever been mistaken, and than hazarding popularity, by paring away sujier- stition. It seems to have been forgotten by the very body appropriating to itself the name of Catholic, that Vincent of Lerins had been unanimously approved in denying it to all avIio hold not what has been believed everywhere, ever, mid by all\ England, hai3pily, was not justification, that the council had merely defined what they had ever helieved. But this assertion wants a degree of proof which no scholar has been able to supply. With respect to England, such an asser- tion is demonstrably false. Tran- substantiation, that mill-stone about the neck of Popery which will infallibly and irretrievably sink it, is the most important doctrine defined and confirmed at Trent. Existing contemporary re- cords, expressly repudiating this doctrine, brand it as a surreptitious novelty in England's national be- lief. ' "In ipsa Catholica Ecclesia magnojiere curandum est, ut id teneamus, quod ubique, quod sem- per, quod ah omnibus creditum est. (Hoc est etenim vere propriequo Catholicum, quod ipsa vis nominis ratioque declarat, qua^ omnia fere 8 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1563. SO rash. Ilor divines admitted no scholastic sophistry as a siiflicient support for questionable principles. They ^vould hear nothinij- but the clear voices of Scripture and primitive antiquity. Hence their work was truly Catholic. It bore, as \'incent admirably demands, the genuine stamp of Univei'sality, Antiquity^ Consent Upon the calm good sense of Englishmen, this famous test was rendered effective by the religious discretion of their government. Vincent would pronounce the country Catliolic, although it wore something of a new face, by the suppression of monasteries. The Church, however, had abstained from any general condemnation of the mo- nastic system, and its extinction in England was justified under the plea of enormous abuses. In this charge noto- riously was considerable justice, and besides, monachism had attained an injurious extension. Nor could its long- tried tendency to nurture superstition and imposture fail of lessening regret for its fall, in discerning and candid minds. The secular clergy, as they had long been called, who come in habitual contact with society, and originate in its religious wants, had passed uninjured through the storms of the Reformation. This had even spared cathe- drals, from which something of a conventual character is inseparable. Nor in those tasteful and magnificent monuments of ancient piety, did public worship Avholly lose its accustomed honours. The organ and the anthem still pealed through their vaulted aisles, the sober light universalitcT comprehendit) scd i appealed to hyCranmor and Ridley, hoc denium fiet, si scquainur Vni- ' as it lias heen since, by the most vcrsUatetiiy Anliiy Cunsen- eminent divines of the Church of sionem." (Vinckntii Lirinensis Knpland. It is, indeed, fatal to ('.ommonloriutn. Oxf. 1}!3(J. p. (5.) Romanism. Nor can Protestant Vincent lived in the fifth century, dissent meet it without emharrass- Ilis famous test, Universalitt/, , mcnt. Jntifjtiili/, Consent^ was expressly | A.D. 1563.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 9 that streamed through their " storied Avindows," yet exhibited God's service under a considerable degree of its wonted pomp and ceremony. This happy respect for clerical rights and laical jirepossessions, acted powerfully upon all moderate men'. ' " The Liturgie of the Church had heen exceedingly -well fitted for their approbation, by leaving out an offensive passage against the Pope ; restoring the old form of words, accustomahly used in the participation of the holy Sa- crament ; the total expunging of a Ruhrick, which seemed to make a question of the Real presence ; the Scituation of the holy Table in the place of the Altar; the Reverend posture of kneeling at it, or before it, by all Communi- cants ; the retaining of so many of the ancient Festivals ; and finally, by the Vestments used by the Priest or Minister in the Ministration." (Heylin's History of the Presbyterians. Oxf 1670. p. 259.) Neal says of the divines employed in reviewing the Li- turgy : — " Their instructions were to strike out all offensive passages against the Pope, and to make people easy about the belief of the corporal presence of Christ in the sacrament; but not a word in favour of the stricter Protestants. Her Majesty was afraid of reform- ing too far; she was desirous to retain images in churches, cruci- fixes and crosses, vocal and instru- mental music, with all the old popish garments ; it is not, there- fore, to be wondered, that in I'e- viewing the Liturgy of King Ed- Avard, no alterations were made in favour of those who now began to be called Puritans, from their at- tempting a purer form of worship and discipline than had yet been established. The Queen was more concerned for the Papists, and therefore, in the Litany, this pas- sage wjis struck out, — From the tyranmi of the Bishop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities, good Lord deliver its. The Ru- brick that declared, that by kneel- ing at the sacrament no adoration was intended to any corporal pre- sence of Christ, was expunged." (Hist, of the Puritans. Lond. 1793. i. 129.) It is needless to examine narrowly this representa- tion. The historian thus himself supplies a vindication of Eliza- beth's religious policy. " In short, the service performed in the Queen's chapel, and in sundry cathedrals, was so splendid and showy, that foreigners could not distinguish it from the Roman, except that it was performed in the English tongue. By this method most of the popish laity Avere deceived into conformity, and came regularly to church for nine or ten years, till the Pope, being out of all hopes of an ac- commodation, forbid them, by ex- communicating the Queen, and laying the whole kingdom under an interdict." (lb. 144.) Now, the parties said to have been " deceived into conformity," were two-thirds of the nation, and i)os- sessed an immense preponderance of its Avcalth. "With most of them, 10 ORIGIN OF [a.d. ir)C)3. Ilcnco hardly any of the h\ity, however notoriously and avowedly i)artial to Rome, kept away from church durino- Elizabeth's first five years. Few went further than feedinp^ a fond regret for the religious forms of ^Mary's reign. In many cases, this yielded gradually under the free course of rational conviction'. Some, indeed, became anxious for toleration as a separate reli- gious body. Their advocate was the Emperor Ferdinand, who requested for them one church in every city. But the indulgence was refused, as injurious to polity, honour, and conscience ; an open contravention of parliamentary provisions; embarrassing to honest minds; prolific in sects and factions. All serious occasion for it was posi- tively denied ; no substantial religious innovation having been effected, no doctrines adopted, without ample justi- fication from all antiquity. Ferdinand entreated also the " deception" as it is repre- 1 occultare, come cssi dlcevano, la scnted, was finally successful. It fede Cattolica, passevano al ne- found them Romanists, and left garla." [Dclf hloria dcUa Com- thcm Protestants. To many pagnia di Giesu, L' Itighillerra : among that third of the nation, dal P. Daniello Bartoli. Rom. which was already Protestant, 1G67. p. 133.) Moore makes Elizabeth's reformation was per- attendance at church chiefly effec- fectly satisfactory: to many others tivc upon inferior life: where he sutHciently so. It was meant, admits its operation to have been besides giving this degree of satis- easy; and he does not deny that faction, by steering clear of both few would have remained un- cxtremes, to conciliate honest pre- afl'ected by it long. " Etsi enim judice, and to satisfy moderate ; pauci fortassis aliqui sat fortes expectations. futuri essent ad frequentia de ' " Su i primi tempi, i CattoUci superiori loco corrupti verbi mini- non si recarono gran fatto a co- strorum tela sustinenda, vulgus scienza, Tubidirc in cio alhiReina, tamen facile cederct, cum immu- c se vogliam cosi dire, buona- nitate a nmlctis, morum licentia, mente si tramischiavauo co' Cal- et specie quadam simulataveritatis vinisti nelle lor chicse, e vi face- tentaretur." — Ilisforia Missionis vano quel medesimo che cssi : sin Anglicaiiiv Soc. Jesii. Collectorc die dalla caduta che nc seguiva i Jlcnrico Moiv. Audom. 1(360. di mohi, i quali dal solamcntc ' p. (5(5. A.D. 1563.3 PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 11 favourable usage for the deprived ecclesiastics. This, it was replied, had constautly beeu showu, insolently as they defied the laws, and impeded public tranquillity. Discredit was thrown upon their alleged scruples, by an appeal to the reigns of Henry and Edward, when these very men, then in considerable stations, advocated, both by pen and pulpit, the same opinions that they now obstinately rejected'. The particulars of this reply could hardly be known in England Avithout augmenting irrita- tion. Many must have smarted rather severely under the sting of its personal reflections. How far it may have operated upon Romish conformity, is uncertain. There was, undoubtedly, about this time, a diminished ' Eliz. Reg. D. Fercl. Roram. Imp. Strype. Annals. Oxf. 1824. i. pt. 2. p. 574. Strype under- stands by the general indulgence requested for the bishops and others, an abstinence from pro- ceedings against them for declin- ing the oath of supremacy. {lb. 47.) Ferdinand's letter is dated September 24, 1563. Elizabeth's reply has only the year 1563. The emperor died on the 25 th of July following. (Coxe. House of Austria, ii. 275.) He had ear- nestly besought from the Council of Trent, the cup for the laity, and the marriage of priests ; these questions were disposed of by a discretionary power granted from the council to the pontiff. Ferdi- nand accordingly transferred his instances to Rome, as soon as the assembly separated. His urgency so far prevailed as to gain a decree in the papal consistory, on the 14th of July, when he was now dying, to authorise, in Germany and his patrimonial states, the cup under certain prescribed condi- tions, where it should be found necessary. What these were, Pal- lavicino does not say. But certain German bishops were commis- sioned to grant licenses for the desired indulgence. When these prelates died, it was doubted whether this authority was to be considered as personal, or as an appendage to their several sees. The former view was pronounced correct, and no more such com- missions being issued, the papal concession extended no longer than the lives of those priests who had been licensed by the deceased bishops. {1st. del Cone, di Trento, ii. 1051.) As to clerical celibacy, Ferdinand could procure no relax- ation whatever. Even . the con- cession made, Pallavicino says, raised the pope's abhorrence, which may readily be believed : but then he ranks whole commu- nion among novelties, which is absurd. Quantunque aborissc tali no vita. 12 ORIGIN OF Ca.d. 1563. attendance of Romanists at church. Advices from Trent Mill, however, account for this. Ten of the leading divines there had been engaged in discussing the law- fulness and expediency of assisting at devotions not cor- dially ap})roved. Among them were Peter Soto, the Dominican, and Diego Laynez, general of the Jesuits. They decided unanimously against compliance', and jier- suasions were not wanting at home to enforce their determination. Still English conformity did not cease. It was only something less through another five years. IModern Romanists would fain trace this mortifying fact to the pecuniary penalties imposed upon causeless absence from church. These must, unquestionably, have had some weight. But they were found with little or none, at a subsequent period, although greatly increased". * Bartoli. 133. * By the 1 Eliz. c. 2, absence from church, on any Sunday or holiday, Avas punishable by a fine of " i2r/., to be levied "by the churchwardens of the parish Avhere such oftence shall be done, to the use of the poor of the same parish, of the goods, lands, and tenements of such offender, by •nay of distress." By the 23 Eliz. c. 1, every such absentee, being over sixteen, '" shall forfeit to the queen's majesty for every month, Avhich lie shall so forbear, 20/. ; and over and besides the said forfeitures, every person so forbearing by the space of twelve months, shall (after certificate thereof in writing, made into the King's Bench, by the bishop of the diocese, or justice of assize, or justice of the jteace of the county where the offender shall dwell) be bound with two sufficient sureties in 200/. at least, to the good beha- viour, and so continue bound until he conform himself, and come to church. Which said forfeitures shall be one-third to the king to his own use ; one-third to the king for the relief of the poor in the parish where the offence shall be committed, to be delivered by warrant to the principal officers in the receipt of the exchequer without further Avarrant from the king; and one-third to him who shall sue. And if such jierson shall not be able, or shall fail to pay the same within three months after judgment given, he shall be committed to prison till he have paid the same, or conform himself to go to church." (BrnN. Eccl. Law. Lond. 17(>3. ii. 1}!(), 188.) It was resolved that this severe statute did not abrogate the former one, so that offending j)arties were still liable to the fine of 12^/. for A.D. 1563.^ PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 13 Political exasperation had, however, then forbidden the calm exercise of thought. Men were goaded on by ambitious and artful leaders. A menaced and embar- rassed government was tempted into oppression. A papal party arose quite as much from hatred of its rulers, as from the force of inveterate prepossessions. To render such a party needless, by satisfying reason- able expectations, was one reason for adopting Edward's reformation. But it was not the only reason. Romish prejudice, it is true, seems to have pervaded two-thirds of the nation \ This majority, however, was far less every causeless absence, in addi- tion to the fine of 20/. for a month's absence. The month, also, was considered as complete on the fourth Sunday; so that there were thirteen such months in a year. In the late Mr. Butler's historical work, both these statutes are men- tioned with legal precision, and their united operation is given ; but we are not informed, that of this, the shilling forfeiture is all that concerns the queen's first twenty-three years. This omis- sion makes the following para- graph Avear a very plausible ap- pearance. " It is to be observed, that during the first ten years of the reign of Elizabeth, the greater number of English Catholics, to avoid the rigour of these laws, attended divine service in the Pro- testant churches. On the laAvful- ness of this occasional conformity, there appears to have been a dif- fei-ence of opinion among their divines. The case was regularly submitted to the opinion of some eminent theologians, then attend- ing the Council of Trent : these pronounced such occasional con- formity to be unlawful. The jus- tice of this opinion being strenu- ously inculcated by the missionary priests, was soon universally ac- quiesced in by the laity." — {Hist. Memoirs of the Engl. I?-, and Scot. Cath. Lond. 1819. i. 171.) Upon this passage it is only needful to remark, that of the two laws, that which has by far the greater " rigour," was not enacted until twelve j^ears, or more, after the Romish party ge- nerally had seceded from church. ' Sanders thus speaks of Eliza- beth's earliest years : — " Divisa autem omni Anglia in tres partes, ex tribus una non erat eo tempore hseretica, nee cupiebat aut proba- bat mutationem religionis, nedum postea, cum sectte perniciem esset experta." (Z)e Schism. Angl. In- golst. 1588. p. 290.) In J 586, a memorial of Creichton, a Scotish Jesuit, inciting to an invasion of England, sets forth that " the faction of the Catholics in Eng- land is great, and able, if the king- dom were divided in three parts, to make two of them." — Strypk. Annals, iii. (J04. 14 ORIGIN OF Ca-D. l'J<>3. considerable for intellect than lor numbers : hence it "svas justly and necessarily called upon for extensive con- cessions. Of the more intellectual minority, a large portion had no other wish than to see restored the system that Queen jNIary overthrew. It had not only stood the test of many learned inquiries, but also a crowd of martyrs had sealed it with their blood. Even at this time, it is impossible to think of these self-devoted victims with- out feeling them to have stamped a holy and venerable character upon the Edwardian Church. But Elizabeth came to the throne among their acquaintances and rela- tives. Thousands of anecdotes, now lost, must have then embalmed their memories, in every part of England. To depart from a system, that had come off so gloriously, naturally appeared something like sacrilege to many judicious minds. It was a system also dear both to the queen and the primate, and each of them had large claims n]ion Protestants, from important services. If Elizabeth had embraced Romish principles, many of her difliculties, both at home and abroad, would have immediately vanished. Her actual determination was the greatest advantage ever yet gained by the Protestant cause. But although willing thus to disoblige a majority of her own subjects, and to incur serious risks from foreign states, she was partial to many of the religious usages in which she had been bred. The pomp and ceremony of Romish worship were agreeable to her taste. Hence the royal chapel, though it stood alone, long and repeatedly exhi- bited, to the scandal of many zealous Protestants, but greatly to the satisfaction of all with Romish pnjudices, an altar decorated with crucifix and lights'. Ar('lil)ishop ' " Ilia enim iln jam sola, cum i firmitu, sod inaxima omnium vero ingcnti Apologeticorum istonim | Christiunorura approbatione ct A.D. 1563.;] TROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 15 Parker Avas, probably, far less fond of such imposing externals than his royal mistress, though he hesitated, at first, as to the expediency of retaining crosses'. Having, indeed, concealed himself at home during the JNIarian persecution, he had never seen Protestantism under any other form than that which it wore in Edward's reign. He had, accordingly, no thought of reconstructing a church upon some alleged reference to Scripture merely, —a principle hitherto unacknowledged by his country- men. He was imbued with a deep veneration for antiquity, and had no further wish than to free the religious system immemorially established from blemishes detected by recent inquirers of undeniable competence. For this end he laboured with a patient industry, and a solidity of judgment, which have rendered most important services to the Reformation. The deliberate convictions of such a man could not fail of having great weight in the country, and they were justly entitled to it. There was also a party anxious for the establishment of Lutheranism. By deciding upon this, Elizabeth would have given extensive satisfaction in Germany, and many princes there would have gladly entered into close alli- ance with her for the defence of their common faith. An advantage so obvious occasioned some apprehension in Switzerland, where the confession of Augsburg was applausu in regia sua basilica imaginem crucis aclhuc retinet." Dialogi vi., ab Alano Copo Anglo. Antv. 1566. p. 713.) In conse- quence of remonstrances from tlie bishops, Elizabeth removed the crucifix in the early part of her reign ; but she replaced it in 1570.-— Strype. Annals, i. 262. Parker, ii. 35. ^ He argued in their favour (Neal loosely says in favour of images) before a parliamentary committee, assisted by Cox, against Grindal and JeAvel. Jewel evi- dently anticipated ill success, and in that case he seems to have determined upon resigning his bishopric. — Juellus ad P. ]\Iart. 4 Feb. 1560. Burnet. Hist. h\f. Records. Lond. 1820. iii. 387. 16 ORIGIN OF [a.D. 1oG3. viewed as a badge of successful rivalry. Hence Bul- linger, writing- to Utenliovius, recommended Edward's reformation as one with wliicli the pious were contented'. No doubt he M-ould have been better pleased with arransfomcnts more Calvinistic, but he saw difficulties in their way, almost insurmountable. lie was, therefore, satisfied with such a settlement as should guard reformed principles in their full integrity, without giving a decided triumph to his German neighbours*. None, however, who approved the Augustan confession were likely to feel any lasting disappointment from the adoption of Edward's reformation. Its episcopal polity, and respect for external forms, must inevitably gain upon their affec- tions. Thus Elizabeth's religious choice was evidently well adapted for pleasing a large and important section of her Protestant subjects. For conciliating that party which formed a majority of the whole nation, its recom- mendations could hardly fail of proving eventually quite equal to those of Lutheranism, and they were greatly superior to such as the Swiss reformation offered. Viewed from the distance accordingly of Switzerland and the Rhine, England's religious policy ajipeared ' " Video in Angliii noii modi- cas oljorituras turbas, si quod qui- dam (rem indignissimam multis niodis) postulant, recipiatur Au- gustana Confessio. Vcxat hoc onines ccclcsias sinccriores, ct cupit sue fermento inficerc omncs. Dcus colicrceat homines satis alio- quin pios, at pietati puriori nio- lestos. Et tu scis quod factum sit in Polonia. Cave et adjuva ne recipiatur. Salisfacit piis Kdvardi reformnlio." — I'-x I'pist. ]MS8. in ]iil)l. ICocl. lU'lg. Loud. Stuype. Annals, i. 251). * " At quantum ego conjicere possum, hoc unum quairunt adver- sarii vestri communes, ut vobis ojcctis, ut Papistas, vcl ah his non viullum divcrsos Lulhoatios, doc- tores et antistites surrogcnt." (Bullingcrus Homo. Ep. AVint. BruNET. Ilisl. Re/'. Kocords. iii. 422.) Jewel awakened I'cter Martyr's apprehensions upon this subject, by letters, dated April 2H and November 5, 1559. — JO. 30 1, .304. A.D. 1563.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 17 iinexcei^tionable and judicious '. Among such as re- turned from asylums in those parts, a different feeling extensively jirevailed. They had seen their own cherished opinions professed by petty societies of republicans, generally poor, none without a mercantile disposition to retrench public formalities, at once expensive and unpro- ductive. Their continental friends naturally lauded such simplicity, and as their own penury and exile arose from a church organized upon the opposite extreme, they could hardly miss a prejudice in favour of their hosts. In this, too, they were necessarily fortified by those Hel- vetic jirej^ossessions which Bishop Hooper had brought home, even in happier times. It is not surprising, there- fore, that vestments and attire worn by their persecutors, should have offended most, if not all, of the Marian exiles on their arrival in England. They found, how- ever, their clerical countrymen retaining everywhere the surplice and the corner-cap : nor could they legally decline these peculiarities themselves on their accept- ance of jDreferment. A spiritual charge, however, was anxiously desired by all the exiles, because the Church taught no doctrines which they did not cordially approve. But many of them so abhorred the attire, statutably imposed upon their profession, that they ministered and appeared without it. At first, no great notice was taken of these irrefi-ularities. The services of able reformers, ' " Me quidem malle nullas ceremonias, nisi rarissimas, obtrudi Ecclesire. Interim fateor, non posse statim leges de liis, forte non adeo necessarias, aliquando etiam inutiles, damnari impietatis, turbasque et schisma excitare in Ecclesia, quando (videlicet) super- stitione carent, et res sunt sua natura indifforentes. Facile autem credo, vires prudentes atque jioli- ticos conformitatem rituum urgere, quod existiment banc facere ad concordiam, et quod una sit Ec- clesia totius Angliae." — Bulling. D. Laur. Ilumf'redo, ct D. Tlio. Sampsoni. Buknet. Hist. lief. Records, iii. 430. 18 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1563. probably, were considered well worth some connivance at such scruples. The Romish, Edwardian, and Lutheran parties, were not, however, likely to approve this forbear- ance. The first must have been seriously offended by it, because objections to vestments and habits were advanced on grounds most insulting- to the Papal Church. The propriety of distinguishing the clergy, both in their mini- strations and ordinary intercourse, was not contested'. Only established habits were painted as empoisoned, defiled, and desecrated by the Church of Rome. Her use, like that of Baal's priests, had rendered them accursed, the livery of Antichrist, which faithful ministers could not wear without infamy and peril*. A govern- ment, intent upon conciliating Romish prejudice, was driven to discourage this extravagance. Its farthest indulgence could not go beyond a temporary and un- ' " Now if any should say, that we do tliis rather of singularity than of conscience, and that ■vve are so addict to our maners that we will not change for the hetter, he may understand, that if our apparel seem not so modest and grave as our vocation requires, neither suffer to discern us from men of other callings, we refuse not to wear such as shal be thought to the godly and prudent magistrates for these uses most decent ; so that we may ever keep ourselves pure from the defiled robes of Antichrist." (Whitting- ham, dean of Durham, to the earl of Leicester.) The letter appears to have been originally undated, but it has now From Durham, 15G4, " in the hand," Strype says, " of liishop Grindal." —Annab. Append, xxvii. p. 82. * " God forbid that wc, by wearing the Popish attyre, as a thing but indifferent, should seem thereby to consent to their blas- phemies and heresies. Surely, my Lord, it may seem to be a very poor policy to think by this means to change the nature of supersti- tion, or to deck the spouse of Christ with the ornaments of the Babylonical strumpet, or to force the true preachers to be like in outward show to the papists, Christ's enemies. Ilezekias, Jo- sias and other famous princes, when they reformed religion ac- cording to God's word, compelled not the preachers of God to wear the apparel of Baal's priests, or of Shemarim, but utterly destroyed their garments." — lb. ad fund. pp. 71>, 82. A.D. 1563.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 19 authorised forbearance, in the hope that objections^ at once unsubstantial and illiberal, would wither under neglect, and soon die away. Even this temporising policy must, however, have its limits, It was an advan- tage to zealots of the Romish party, who did not fail to represent Protestantism as effective only to unsettle; equally the bane of public tranquillity and spiritual safety. The primate's prominence in settling the Church naturally made him sensitive to such reproaches. His own good sense and sound information were securities against any undue estimate of mere externals. With his dying breath, accordingly, he disclaimed all thought of intrinsic excellence in cap, tippet, suri)lice, or wafer- bread. For enforcing these ancient formalities, he, and others in authority, had been stigmatised as great Papists. He repels the appellation as calumnious, admitting an awful responsibility were it otherwise ^ But Parker had all the value for law and decency which experience imprints upon grave, wise, and elderly minds. Hence he was offended with a disposition to beard established authority, and to trample down prejudices, no less inve- ^ " Controversia nuper de qua- dratis pileis et superpelliciis inter nos orta, exclamarunt Papistte, non esse quam profitemur una- nimem in religione fidem; sed yariis nos opinionibus duci, nee in una sententia stare posse." — Ilor- nus, Episc. Vint. D. Gualtero, Tigur. Eccl. Min. 16. Cal. Aug. 1565. Burnet. Hist. Ref. Re- cords. III. 420. ^ " Does your Lordship thinke, that I care either for cap, tippet, surplis, or wafer-hreade, or any such '? But for the lawes so esta- blished, I esteme them, and not more for exercise of contempt against lawe and authoritie, which I se wil be the end of it : nor for any other respect. If I, you, or any other, named great Papistes, should so favour the Pope, or his religion, that we should pinch Christ's true Gospel, woe be unto us all." — The Archbishop's last letter to the Lord Treasurer. Strype. Parker. Records, xcix., iii. 332. C 2 20 ORIGIN OF [a.P. 1563. terate than excusable. With the apprehensive, but pre- scient sagacity of age, he also saw a spark in caps and surplices, quite erpial to raise a mighty flame'. lie sought anxiously, therefore, to suppress the clamour against these distinctions, thinking, probably, that na- tional good sense, if calmly left to take its course, would soon reduce them to their true standard of importance. Thomas Young, the northern metropolitan, makes no aj)pearance in the vesture controversy. Hence he may reasonably be considered as unvisited by a deeply-seated scruple about cap and surplice. Had he taken any very serious offence at such distinctions, we must have met with appeals to his authority. Yet he was among the six who resolved upon facing the odium and danger of avowing Protestant opinions, in Queen Mary's first convo- cation*. He fled also for his life, and wore away in exile the tedious years of that mistaken princess's unhappy reign. But he was no partaker of Swiss hosjiitality, or even a member of that Frankfort congregation, which, at first, listened so readily to Knox. Wesel was his ])lace of refuge, as it was of Scory, bishop of Chichester. The persecuted strangers there were about one hundred, all contented seemingly with King Edward's liturgy; for ' " I se her niajestie is affected ' suppresses his name. Str>'pe princely to governc, ami for that i says, — " The queen commanded I se her, in constancie, almost this convocation to hold a public alone to be offended with the [ disputation, at St. Paul's church, Puritans, Avhose governance in I concerning the natural presence conclusion, wil undoe her, and al others that depend upon her." — The Archbishop's last letter to the Ijord Treasurer. Stuype. Parker. Records, xcix. iii. 3in. * His luart seems to have of Christ in the sacrament of the altar: which, how well it was opposed by four or five of the six ("for Young went away), in the presence of abundance of noble- men and others, recourse is to be failed him early in the debate ; I had to Foxe." — Crdiiiiicr. i. iij] . lience it is, jjrobably, that Foxe : A.D. 1563.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 21 they never used any other'. On Young's return to EngLand, his services and sufferings were requited by the see of St. David's". Arehbishoi) Parker, however, was not long in recommending him for York, — a plain proof of his high estimation of him. He felt satisfied, indeed, of his ability, temper, prudence, and resolution". The court manifested an equal confidence, by appointing him Presi- dent of the North*. His enjoyment of these dignities was rather brief"; but he lived quite long enough to abhor cap and surplice, as antichristian and unlawful, if arguments loudly and perseveringly assailing them had been such as his mind could not resist. Edmund Grindal, bishop of London, had first come into notice as a disputant, at Cambridge, against tran- substantiation, in King Edward's reign. Soon afterwards he became chaplain to Bishop Ridley; Rogers and Brad- ford, eventually martyrs, being his fellows. Under Queen Mary's government, such a man must have been quickly overtaken by a loathsome prison, and an agoni- sing death. Hence he sought safety in flight, and fixed himself at Strasburg. He there signed a letter to the congregation _ at Frankfort, deprecating departure from Edward's liturgy, as a tacit and pernicious admission of " imperfection and mutability'." He was even the bearer of this communication, and was thus personally concerned in that settlement Avliich drove Knox and Whittingham to Geneva. But Grindal, though satisfied with his country's liturgy, Avas not equally so with her ' Strype. Memorials, iii. 233. ^ Consecrated Jan. 21, 1560. — GoDAviN. De Prcesid. 586. ^ Archbishop Parker to Secre- tary Cecil. Date, Oct. 12, 1560. Extract. Strype. Farker. i. ] 73. * Translated Feb. 20, 1561 : made President of the North at the same time. — Godwin. De PrcBsul. 710. " He died June 26, 1568.— /Zi. ' Troubles al Frankjbrd. 22 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1563. ecclesiastical attire. On his nomination to the see of London, he consulted Peter JMartyr as to the lawfulness of using dresses, long holden in superstitious estimation. His letters relating to this, and other questions, were not fully answered until he had been consecrated bishop of London '. Thus Grindal stood committed to the habits ; and ^lartyr approved, but recommended him to teach and speak against them. The learned foreigner denied any serious importance to a clergyman's ordinary dress ; thus unreservedly surrendering the cap. JNIinistering vestments he placed upon a different footing, observing that he constantly refused himself, when canon of Christ- church, to wear the surplice. He would not, however, allow scruples upon such subjects as a sufficient ground for withdrawing from useful situations. This operation of thcni, he represented as necessarily productive of unfit appointments; thus rendering farther concession hope- less'. These views were evidently Grindal's own. But unfortunately, an active party jiaid far more attention to his tongue than his example. Yet, the former did no more than give utterance occasionally to doubt and dis- like : the latter spoke habitually a deliberate conviction, that mere externals ought not to disquiet conscience, paralyse utility, or engender separation. James Pilkington, bishop of Durham, one of the Cambridge disputants against transubstantiation, under Edward, and subsequently an exile in Switzerland', came home under apprehensions of " unjn-ofitable ceremonies'." ' Dec. 21, 1559. The new bishop was tlicn forty years of age. — Sthyit. Grindal. 4\). * //;. 44, 45. ■' He spent part of his time at Zuricli, the rest at Basle. He had been master of St. John's Col- lege, Cambridge, — Strype. Memo- rials, iii. 2;3l>, 2.M3. ■* FiXtract of a letter from Frankfort, dated Jan. 3, 1551). fcJnivri:;. Annals, i. 203. A.D. 1563.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 28 By way of excusing such as jileaded conscience, in refu- sing- the habits upon such grounds, he paints the inconsis- tency of rejecting Popery, yet clinging to Popish apparel, "as a holy relic'. This is, however, an exaggeration; the obnoxious vestments being retained from policy, not from any thought of intrinsic holiness. But besides a lurking prejudice against them, the bishop highly valued many of their more uncompromising opponents. Hence he willingly gave every advantage to the scruples of these excellent jiersons, and would fain have procured for them entire satisfaction. His own unbiassed opinion of the controversy evidently was, that it turned upon trifles ^ On the eve of his return from exile, he had, with others, expressed himself willing to obey orders from authority, " being not of themselves wicked';" and his example, indeed, was a standing rebuke to those who acted otherwise. He excuses this by jn-ofessing an exjiectation, that conformity was intended to be only temporary^; then he flies off, by relating that Bucer would not wear a square cap, " because his head was not square." Thus the objections were treated as merely plausible, whatever indulgence might be due to those who urged them. ^ Bistop Pilkington to tlie earl of Leicester : date, Oct. 25, 1564. Strype. Parker. Append, xxv, iii. 70. ^ " In this liberty of God's truth, Avhich is taught plainly without oflfence, in the greatest mysteries of our religion and sal- vation, I mervel much that this smal controversie for apparel shuld bee so heavily taken. But this is the malice of Satan, that where he cannot overthrow the gretest matters, hee wil raise grete troubles in trifles." — Id. ad ciind. lb. ^ Extract of a letter from Frankfort, nt supra. * " Thogh thinges may be born- with for Christian libertie sake for a tyme, in hope to wynno the weake : yet whan libertie is turned to necessitie, it is evil, and no longer libertie : and that that was for wynning the weak, suffered for a time, is becomen the confirm- ing of the froward in their obsti- natenes."— /rf. ad eund. lb. 73. 24 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1563. Robert Iloriio, bishop of Winchester, clean of Durham under Edward, had found an asylum, in ISIary's reijrn, at Frankfort and Zurich. He landed in his native country Avitli such prejudices against the habits as had usually llowed from a residence in Switzerland. But he found these obnoxious distinctions established by law, and an adoption of them indispensable to the j)ossession of ])referment. A refusal of this by himself and his friends, Avould involve, he felt, either the continuance of Poperv, or the comi)lete adoption of Lutheranism'. He was indisposed even for the latter j^art of this alternative. Hence he set an example of conformity which he would ratlier have declined, under an impression that his conduct really compromised no principle of any great importance. He did not cease, however, to feel for those Avhom con- science bound under a different conviction, and he lived in hope that another parliament would give them some relief*. His opinion, therefore, amounts to little more than a needless admission of worth in individuals, while it stamps their scruples as overstrained. The celebrated Bishop Jewel did not return from his exile at Frankfort and Zurich, without sharing in the sentiments ordinarily brought home. Hence he was among those who doubted, at first, whether conscience would allow submission to established habits and cere- monies \ Having determined in the affirmative, he would still have been hapj)y to see them wholly removed and extirpated, for the ease of others more scrupulous'. But ' " Which Avas an argument the * " Atquo utinam aliqiruulo ah learned foreigners, their Iriends, imis radicihus aufVrri et cxtirpari suggested to tlieui." — Stuvpe. ////- possint; nostra' fjuidem ncc vices nals. i. 2() 1. ad cam rem nee voces deerunt." — " Itol). Wiuton. I), fiualtero. Jo. Juel. IVt. 3Iart. (h>te Nov. .'5, date 10 C'al. Aug. loOo. IUunet. ]r»"»l). Bium-.t. lUsl. lief. Hecords. Hisl. lirf. Kccords. iii. 421. | i.vii. iii. 'MK\. " .Stkvi'E. Anuals. i. 2()1. A.D. 1563.3 PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 25 he is far from taking liigli ground for their scruples. Peter Martyr liad sjiolven of the vestments as " relics of the Amorites." Jewel compliments this as most feli- citous'. The view, however, uppermost in his own mind, w^as the fitness of such attire for stage effect ^ He founds its attraction upon a long experience of clerical incompe- tence. jNIen having seen their pastors mere logs without wit, learning, or morals, at least insisted upon the popular recommendation of a scenic dress \ Even now this must not be abandoned from professed anxiety " to follow the golden mean." It ought rather to be called " the leaden mean," Jewel playfully says*. As to doc- trine, the great apologist admits, nothing more was to be desired\ In his ojiinion, tlierefore, the whole contro- versy owed its origin to matters rather below serious notice. Edwin Sandys, who filled successively the sees of Worcester, London, and York, was another brief objector to the habits. Being vice-chancellor of Cambridge, at Edward's death, his own Protestant principles, and an application from Northumberland, urged him to jjreach in support of Lady Jane Grey. In this delicate under- taking he showed so much discretion, that, after a short * " Sunt quidem ista?, ut tu optime scribis, reliquiae Amore- teeorum." — Id. ad eund. lb. " De religione quod scribis, pere placucrunt, credo, secuti sunt inscitiam presbyterorum : quos quoniam nihil aliud videbant esse quam stipites, sine ingcnio, sine et veste scenica." (lb.) " Agitur ^ doctrina, sine moribus,veste saltern nunc de sacro et scenico apparatu, ' comica volebant populo commen- quajque ego tecum aliquando ri- dari." — Id. ad cund. lvii. 383. dens, ea nunc a nescio quibus, nos * " Alii sectantur auream quan- enim non advocamur in consilium, dam, qute mihi plumbea potius serio et graviter cogitantur, quasi videtur, mediocritatem." — Id. ad religio Christiana non possit con- stare sine pannis." — Id. ad eund. lb. 365. ^ " Sed illi, quibus ista tanto- cund. lb. Lii. 365. * " Omnia docentur ubiquc pu- rissimc." — Id, ad eund. date Nov. 16, 1559. lb. Lvni. 385. 26 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1563. imprisonment, liis friends interfered for him sucessfully'. But political amnesty did not involve religious, and lie fled, with his ^vife, to the Continent. His places of exile were Strasburg and Frankfort. When again in P^ngland, and marked out for preferment, he was one of those who deliberated upon the statutable attire". Like most of his friends, he decided against any serious importance in the question. The same oi)inions were entertained by other prelates, but further j^iarticulars are needless. All the bench, however, that returned from exile, had contended long and earnestly, before preferment was accepted, for a com- plete revolution in ecclesiastical attire'. The govern- ment shrank from this, as impolitic, being desirous of weaning the people, as it were, im])erceptibly, from inveterate superstitions. Hence the Act of Uniformitij authorised all such habits as were statutably used in the second year of King Edward'. Had nothing further been ' Godwin. De Pra'snl. 711. * Strypk. J/nials. i. 264. " Edm. Oriiulal. D. Ilenr, Bul- linger. Loud. 27 Aug. 1566. Bur- net. His/. Ref. Records, xcii. iii. 472. ■* Thus particularised in llic ru- Lrics to Edward's first book : — " In tlic saying or singing of inattens and evensong, baptizing and bury- ing, the minister, in parish- churches, and cliapels annext to the same, shall use a surjilice. And in all cathedral churches and colleges, archdeacDUS, .) "Whitting- ham was preferred to the di-anery of Durham, July IJ), ir.()3. (Lie Neve. 351.) It will subsequently appear, that his ordination was iinjiugned, as not even coming up to the CJcnevan standard of regu- larity. A.I). 1563.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 35 able solemnity were prepared for indiscriminate objections against all tlie ancient system. Another advantage to the anti-vestural i)arty lay in its democratic spirit. While feudality retained a vigorous grasp, aspiring feelings in the lowly-born were crushed. But European sovereigns had long nurtured a middle class, rising in their towns, and its influence lightened everywhere the pressure of local tyranny. This weight could not even be diminished without encouraging the buoyant energies of man to mount. Inferior life has often to complain of substantial hardships, unequal im- pediments, unjust exclusions : a proud plebeian is habitu- ally galled by distinctions that ancestry bestows, assump- tions that it feeds. A sanguine temperament sees all these prostrate, and envied objects rise Avithin reach, whenever depression is relaxed. Every disposition to improve such advantages, w^as unequivocally shown by the Swiss Reformers. Political principles entertained among them, especially at Geneva, displayed a freedom long unknown. Mary of England, with her namesake of Scotland, had exasperated some zealous Protestants into questions upon hereditary right. Scripture, they argued, was against it, as to females generally, and as to all idolaters over an evangelical community'. Calvin ' Female incapacity for the throne was the leading principle in Knox's First Blast against the monstrous regiment and empire of 7vo7nen, and in Goodman's How superior powers ought to he obeyed of their subjects, and wherein they may laiifully, by God's law, be disobeyed and resisted. Women, it Avas maintained, are by the Scriptures placed under subjec- tion to men, and are therefore dis- qualified for acting as governors over them, Goodman retracted this proposition, but Knox per- sisted in declaring himself as con- vinced of its immutability, as he Avas, in the case of God's curse to Eve (Gen. iii. 10). Elizabeth, " he reckoned to be set up by God's extraordinary providence in behalf of religion :" otherAvise, "nature and God's most perfect ordinance repugn to such regi- D 2 3G ORIGIN OF [a. P. loG3. cliiinicd a jiowor for looislativo assemblies to eontrol the crown, under sufticient provocation, branding- them with nefarious perjidi/, wlien false to those popnlar liberties which God entrusted to their care'. His authority could, undoubtedly, be also pleaded for passive obedience ". But mcnt." Accorilingly, he repre- sented, that " the extraordinary dispensation of God's great mercy made tliat lawful nnto her, whicli hoth nature and God's laws did deny unto all other women be- sides." He even went so far as to WTite to the queen herself, in July, 1559, " that it was God's peculiar and extraordinary provi- dence that brought her to the kingdom, and that she was not to plead her right by descent or law." Had Knox published more of his Bla.sls, as he threatened, we learn from Gilby, one of his English friends at Geneva, that he would have maintained, " That no mani- fest idolater, nor notorious trans- gressor of God's holy precei)ts, ought to be promoted to any pub- lic regiment, honour, or dignity, in any i-ealm, province, or city, that hath subjected themselves to Jesus Christ, and his blessed evan- gilo." — SriiYrE. Annals, i. 180. Goodman's retractation, though full as to other political points, leaves the question untouched as to females of unsound religious principles. He says, " I do pro- test and confess that good and godly women may lawfully govern whole realms and nations." He had represented the an(nnting of (^ueen Mary as unlawful, " it being never appointed to be mi- nistered to any but only priests, kings, and prophets." — Ih. \\V,\. ! ' " Nam si j)ressed by the (iuises: against wiiom they armed, not against him.' — )Smi:i>- LKv's Ilisturi/ of the licj'urmed ItcHi^ion in France, i. 111. A.l). 1563. J PROTESTANT NONCONFOUMITY, 37 partisans are not long- embarrassed by such inconsis- tencies. Passages agreeable to their interests or passions are made interpreters of all the rest. Beza, avIio suc- ceeded Calvin, as ecclesiastical superior of Geneva, skil- fully improved upon his ambiguous politics. When asked Avhether inferior authorities in a country are bound by God's appointment to protect the people against every tyrant, whether foreign or domestic, he hesitated, i)ro- nouncing the question dangerous, unseasonable, and com- plicated. What his correspondents thought, is plain ; and he pronounces them generally both pious and ortho- dox in their views of magisterial functions'. The con- versation of such writers is far bolder and more pungent, and ])ressure of circumstances, ambition, or envy, secures ap})roving listeners, even on the steps of a throne. Benefit rather than injury flows, undoubtedly, from this general disijosition to limit and question power. To Protestant nonconformity it was an invaluable auxiliary ; which is all that concerns the present purpose. History merely points at principles to explain events. Without looking thus beyond caps and surplices, their importance is incomprehensible. Upon them, however, turned a constant succession of acrimonious debates ; esi^ecially in London, where their enemies abounded'. ' " Conclusiones cle magistra- tuum auctoritate vestias, qualcs ad nos misistis, non clubitamus in genere ut pias et ojthodoxas ap- probare. Tantum conjicere non potuimus, cur in aiticulo 25, fece- ritis tyrannorum nientionem. Et in 26, qui videtur inferioros ma- gistratus advcrsus superiores ar- mare, cogimur evre^etv, non modb quoniam peiiculpsuni adniodum est, nostris pra?sertim tcniporibus. ejusmodi fenestram apeiire, voruji- taiuen quia de hac re non sinipli- citcr (sicut res a vobis in hac thcsi tractatur) sed ex plurimis et gra- vissimis circunstantiis videtur om- nino dijudicandum." — Episf. T/ie- ol. llieodori Bezw. Gencv. 1575. p. 153. ^ Strype. Parker, i. 300. " Ye knoAv tlicre " (in London) " is most disorder." — Parker to Cecil. Jb. 322. 88 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1503. Sound policy has hocn represented as demanding' their surrender'. Perhaps, this view nii^lit be just, if the national jirejudices had been chiefly Protestant. But a majority loved ancient usages, and even regretted llo- manism. Hence there was little hope of legislative sanction for farther concessions. A powerful resistance to any such proposition was evidently prei)aring by the Romish party*, and some zealous Reformers of moderate principles were averse from opening religious discussions anew, lest ground should be lost rather than gained. Another change might prove, they said, at best, Luthc- rano-papistical^. The queen was a known enemy to anti- vestural speculations: her good sense, indeed, was a security against all extreme opinions. Her subjects laboured under a growing distaste for any such moderation, and religious uniformity seemed more hopeless every day. Some zealots of the Romish party withdrew to the Continent*, \\\\qyq they laid the ' " ILnl tlie use of habits and a few ceremonies been left discre- tionary, both ministers and people had been easy." {Hist. Pur. i. 204.) But hear a contemporary as to the reformed clergy of France. " If they had been more grave and more learned, and of better life, or tlie greatest part of tliem, they ■would liavc had more followers. But they chose at the outset to blame all the ceremonies of the Koman Church, and to administer the sacraments in tlieir fashion, without preserving tlic moderation which many Protestants observe, as those of England and f Jermany ; who have retained the names of curates, deacons, subdeacous, ca- nons, and deans, aud wore sur- plices and lung robes., which led the people lo an honourable reve- rence."— Castelnau. * " Speramus certc proximis co- mitiis, illam decreti partem abro- gaturos. Sed si id obtineri non poterit, (juoniam magna ope vlnni nilunlur Papislw, ministerio niliil- ominus divino adha^rendum esse judico." — Ilornus Ep. Vint. I>. Crualter. 1(! Cal. Aug. ].5()o. Brit- NRT. IlisL lief. Records. Lxxv. iii. 421. " " Papisticum profecto, vel sal- tem Lnthcrano-papisticum habe- remus ministerium, aut oninino nullum." — fSrindal. Ep. JiOnd. et Horn. I'^-p. Vint. Bulling, et (Jualt. (i Feb. 15(i7. lb. Lxxxiii. p. 44H. * " One of the said unlearned prebendaries" (of Carlisle) "was lately departed; fled abroad per- A.D. 1564.] PllOTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 30 foundation of those foreign connexions, always embar- rassing, often treasonable, which disgraced their Church, and disquieted their country, during all the remainder of Elizabeth's reign. The great majority of their friends at home rested a dislike of Protestantism upon its discordant spirit'. Even the more moderate retainers of Romish prepossessions must have been revolted by connivance at irregularities based upon extreme and insulting views of ancient institutions. Among the clergy, several read prayers at church, and said mass in private houses'. Tlius there appeared little hope of maintaining the jiresent system, without strictly enforcing the laws for its pro- tection. Upon this course, accordingly, the queen deter- mined. A statement, found among Cecil's papers, details ex- isting irregularities. Some clergymen read j^rayers in the chancel, others, in the nave, some from a reading- desk, others from the pulpit ; some adhered strictly to the prescribed service, others interspersed metrical psalms. Communion tables, variously formed and furnished, were transferred to the nave, in some churches, in others, though still in the chancel, they stood not against a wall. haps to Louvain, or some other place, as many of the Papists now did." (1563.) — Strype. Grindal. 125. ' Horn. Ep. Vint. D. Gualt. 16 Cal. Aug. 1565. Burnet. Hist. Ref. Records, lxxv. iii. 420. '■^ " Ita tamen ut interim missas secreto domi per eosdem saepe pres- byteros, qui adulterina hceretico- rum sacra in templis publice pera- gehant, aliquando per alios non ita schismate contaminatos, cclebrarl curarent; SEepe que et mensa; Do- mini, ac calicis daemoniorum, hoc est, sacrosancta; Eucharistre, et coena? Calvinlcce, uno eodemque die, illo luctuoso tempore, par- ticipes fierent." (SxVNDehs. Dc Schism. A/igl. 292.) By over- looking such things, Neal very much improved his case. WJion people, hoAvever, were found, and those commonly of some conse- quence, who heard mass at home, even on days when they received the sacrament at church, it is plain that idtra-Protestantism might reasonably appear undesirable to the government. 40 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1504. but coiitrically. In adiiiinisteriiig, some clerirymen used a chalicr, others a coinniunion cup, otliers a common cup; some leavened ])read, otlier.s unleavened. In receiving, some knelt, others stood, others sate. For ba})tism, the font was used by some, a bason by others : the sign of a cross was made in some cases, in others it was omitted. In this, and all other of their ministrations, there were clergymen who never wore a surplice, others conformed so far as this, but did not wear the cap. Nor was this always of the customary form, even among such as re- tained it ; some wearing it round, others a button cap : others would hear of no compromise, and wore a hat. It was these, probably, mIio had renounced academicals altogether, and were to l)e seen only in common clothes'. These diversities had long excited uneasiness in the government, and the prelacy had received her majesty's commands to repress thenl^ But the task was far from easy : nor could men readily enter upon it, who both valued many of the dissentients, and had generally them- selves imbibed some portion of their scruples. Episco])al connivance, accordingly, seems to have been universal. This naturally gave offence at court, where Protestant variations were im])atiently l)orne, as favourable to the gathering storm of Romish difliculties. Hence the two metropolitans received instructions, in January, to ascer- ' Stuvim:. Pa r/,cr.\. ^02. To the | to Secretary Cecil." Its particular cucliaristic variations, the venerable j ohjeet is, ho\vever, immaterial, hut hiograjiher says, " lie might have i it is a valuable record of facts, ackled, some ^\\^h wafers, some * " Having also received of us ■with common manchct bread." The heretofore charge for the same jmr- papcr is dated Feb. 14, lii(i4. >i'cal poses." — To the Archbishop of Can- considers it a report prepared for terbury, from tlie Queen's majesty, laying before the (jueen: which is ' Jan. 25, 15(54. ^ruY vi:. J'ar/it r. likely enough; though Collier calls , Aj^pend. x\iv. iii. G'J. it '• a remonstrating paper sent up | A.D. 1564.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 41 tain actual disorders', and to concert remedies for tlieiii, with the bishoi)s, especially such as were in commission for causes ecclesiastical, and with others having- spiritual jurisdiction. The dissentients are disparaged, as a small, conceited body, fond of singularity and innovation. Tlieir principles, however, are treated as likely to in-ovo in- fectious, unless restrained in time, causing a general dis- turbance ^ Preferment was hereafter to be closed, not only against all whose principles were suspected, but also against such as would not formally pledge themselves to conformity. The first intention seems to have been, that the letter should close with an admonition to discretion, as a guard against future inconvenience \ But this clause M'as erased ; j^robably, for fear of such jirocrastination and connivance in the bishops, as had already been thought injurious. In its place, expedition was enjoined, under a threat of royal interference, to the discredit of the prelacy, and to the injury of those who should come under the lash of authority ^ ' " Cause to be truly understand ■\vliat varieties, novelties, and di- versities tliere are in our clergy, or among our people." (Strype. Farkcr. Append, xxiv. iii. 68.) The report, cited in the last para- graph, might have arisen from this order. * " There is crept and brought into the Church, by some few per- sons, abounding more in their own senses then wisdome would, and delighting in singularities and changes, an open and manifest disorder, and oftence to the godly, wise, and obedient persons, by diversitie of opinions, and specially in the external, decent, and leeful rites and ceremonies to bee used in I the churches. So as except the same should bee speedily with- stand, sta}^!, and reformed, the I inconvenience thereof were like to grow from place to place, as it were by an infection." — lb. 6(5. ^ " And yet in the execution hereof, wee require you to use al good discretion, that hereof no trouble grow in the Church." — lb. 69. * " And in the execution hereof, we require you to use all expe- dition that to such a cause as this is, shall seem necessary: that here- after we be not occasioned, for lack of your diligence, to provide .such further remedy, by some other sharp proceedings, as shal pcrcasc 42 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1564. Within two days after this injunction reached Lara- heth, Archl)isho]) Parker communicated its contents, in writing;', to CJrindal, bishoj) of London, requiring*' him to act upon them, in liis own diocese, and, as provincial dean of Canterbury, to circuhite them among his brother-suf- fragans'. Consultations appear to have been then imme- diately liolden among the leading prelates, to frame orders for securing present uniformity, and a declaration for sub- scrijttion on future admissions to preferment. In jNIarch, accordingly, a body of injunctions, with an appended de- claration, were duly transmitted for the queen's api)roval ^ But Parker Mas here severely disappointed'. Elizabeth herself, probably, saw the policy of avoiding any needless prominence in harassing a body of her subjects, whose loyalty was above suspicion. There were, undoubtedly, persons in her confidence, the earl of Leicester especially, who would not suffer such a view to be overlooked'. Hence a formal approval of the Lambeth regulations was found unattainable. Had their tenor been disliked, the not bee casic to bee bom by such as shal be disordered: and there- with also wee shal impute to you the cause thereof." (Strype. Par- ker. Append, xxiv. iii. 69.) Strype supposes this alteration to have been desired by the queen. ' The Archbishop to the Bishop of London. Strype. Parker. Ap- pend. XXVI. iii. 73. Tlie letter is dated from Lambeth, Jan. 30, 15(54. It names the 2nth as the day on which the " Queen ad- dressed her letters to" him, tho archbishop. The royal communi- cation is, however, dated, but not in the regular place, Jan. 25. Tor- haps, the former day might be that on which tbe letter was ordered, the latter, that on Avhich it was actually transmitted. * A rough copy of the Adeer- tisements was transmitted for ap- proval from Archbishop Parker to Secretary Cecil, March 3, a fair copy, March 8. The primutc wished Cecil to present this, rather than himself, apprehending such an opposition at the council-board as might provoke him into some hasty language. — lb. i. .31 (J. " lie said, " It was better not to have Ijogun, unless more were done," and the like. — Ih. 317. ■* Sir I'ranris Knollys was an- other powerful friend to the imti- vestural party. — Strype. Annals. i. pt. 2. p. 12U. A.D. 1564.] TROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 43 proceecling-s upon them Avliicli quickly followed never would have occurred. Elizabeth, however, withheld her name, on the plea that it was unnecessary, the prelates having- already sufficient authority to act as she wished '. Their position thus became highly difficult and invidious. It is plain enough that any reluctance to act would have been immediately resented at court, yet all the painful proceedings in which they soon became involved might be colourably represented as chiefly flowing from their own intolerance. They determined upon removing, at least, every plea of ignorance as to their intentions. They lost, accordingly, no time in publishing their injunctions and declaration, under the title of Advertisements, partly for the due order in the public admhiistration of the holy Sacraments, and partly for the Apparel of all Persons Ecclesiastical. Tliis jDublication cites the queen's letter as an authority, her ministers, therefore, could not have dis- approved it. No signatures, however, are printed but those of the primate, and of the bishops, Grindal, Cox, Guest, Home, and Bullingham. The original document appears to have been signed by others besides ; but this is immaterial, as it has none but ecclesiastical authority to plead ^ The Advertisements withdrew, at once, all licences to preach throughout the province of Canterbury. This was, probably, occasioned by anti-vestural declamations from the pulpits No one, without a now licence to preach, was even to expound Scripture, or gloss a homily. Prayers were to be read or sung from a place indicated ' Strype. Parker, i. 320. '^ Bishop SpAPtRow's Cullcclion. 121. WiLK. iv. 247. ^ Alley, bishop of Exeter, " said he knew one that boasted lie had in'cached seven oi" eight sermons against the habits." — Strype. Parker, i. 311. 44 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1.")G4. l»y tlic ordiiifiry, avIio iiiiglit choose cither church or chancel, as room niul ])oj)idar edification shoukl suggest. Tile paribli Avas to provide a communion-table, standing" on a frame, with a covering of carpet, silk, or some other decent substance. Fonts ^verc not to be removed, nor Mere basons to be used for baptizing', nor ^vere any to vary from the prescribed form in adminisstering that sacrament. In cathedral and collegiate churches, a cope was to be worn by the principal minister ofKciating at the communion, which was always to be received kneel- ing. At altar-services, without a communion, the sur- ])lice only was to be used, with a hood. Nothing further was required in any parochial ministration, l)ut this was insisted upon. Gowns, tippets, and caps of the prescribed kinds were to be worn by all clergymen abroad : hats being allowed only on journeys. The declaration, Avhich which closes these orders, contains a ])ledge for their observance. The queen's interference was almost immediately felt by the clergy. At a visitation holden at St. Sepulchre's, on Snow Hill, John INIullins, archdeacon of London, announced her majesty's charge to the prelacy, and recommended voluntary obedience. His persuasions wrought ujion the great majority to give a written pledge that they A>ould adhere to gown, cap, and surplice'. So very recent Mas the royal order, that hardly any ])resent could have been ai)prised of it, and some Mere, therefore, likelv to be betrayed into a concession, M'hich their omu ' " An liundrcd and one, all journal is by one Earl, rector of ministers of London, suliscribcd, i JSt. ]\Iildrtd's, Bread f>treet, -wIjo and right only refused ; if the ac- was one of these clergymen. He count he true, vhich I transcribe ' describes the gown prescribed as out of the foresairolongcd over three months was to bring deprivation, only thirty out of one hundred and forty declined. Some of these retracted before the three months were expired. But compliance cost many severe struggles. Clergymen complained of being killed in their inmost souls, and unable to minister any longer in singleness of heart. Some, who could not be won over to endure the pollution which they saw in the vestures, pined a while under severe poverty, and then took refuge in agriculture, or other secular occupa- tions. It is remarkable that Papists were among the non-subscribers, and these went abroad'. Under prospect of impending ruin, the anti-vestural party turned anxiously to Robert Dudley, lately created earl of Leicester. This royal minion was a younger son of the ambitious duke of Northumberland, beheaded in the last reign, and grandson of that crafty lawyer, the instrument of Henry the Seventh's rapacity, politicly sacrificed to popular fury by Henry the Eighth. The queen had known Robert Dudley from her childhood, and she must naturally have felt for such families as had suflered in her sister's time; a fovourable impression, heightened in this ease by a very fine face and figure*. ' Strvpe. Grhuhil. 140. * " I liavc knoAvii licr" (Eliza- Itcth) " from licr ciglith year hotter tlian any man upon earth." (Ver- bal communication of Leicester to I. a Foret, the rreneli ambassador. A'oN It.M'.Micu'.s Illuslralious. Lond. 1H:5.-,. ii. J)l.) '-He was a very goodly jicrson, and sinjiular well featured, and all his youth well favoured, and of n sweet asj>ect, but liigh foreheaded, wliieh, as 1 should take it, was no discommen- dation : but towards his latter end, (which, with old men, was l)Ut a middle ago,) lie grew higli coloured and red faecil ; so that the queen In this, had much of her fadu-r, for (exeei)tings()me of her kindred, and sonic few that had handsome A.n. 15(54.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 49 Such recommendations won so com})letely the heart of Elizabeth, that her partiality became unbounded. But Ambrose Dudley, an elder brother, eventually gratified by his father's earldom of Warwick, inherited the chief of the family property'. The favourite's finances, there- fore, were likely to remind him frequently that he was only a younger son, and such feelings have rendered innumerable services to party politics. Leicester's osten- tatious habits, and suspicious character, seemingly dis- qualified him for the leader of a party essentially ascetic. But the anti-vesturists wanted a patron of his influence, and he disappointed them by no neglect either of religious forms, or pious phraseology ^ To solicit his interference in behalf of the ministers threatened with dejirivation, both Pilkington, the bishop, and Whittingham, the dean of Durham, wrote long and laboured letters. The former urges indulgence in apparel, as necessary to secure even the present insufficient supply of preachers, many being bent ui)on abandoning function and living, in preference to assuming any appearance of Popery\ Whittingham asserts that none are justified in pronouncing the apparel indifferent, until they have proved ■\vits in crooked bodies,) she al- M'ayes took personage in the way of her election, for the people hath it to this day in proverb, Kiiig religious, and fuller of the strains of devotion, and were they not sincere, I doubt much of liis well being." {lb. 15.) He was born Harry loved a man." — Sir Robert .in 1532, created first, baron of Naunton's Fragmenta Regalia. \ Denbigh, and afterwards, earl of Lond. 1641. p. 14. Leicester, in 1563. Rumour taxed P ' " This Robert was inheritor of the genius and craft of his father, and Ambrose of the estate." — lb. * " To take in the observations of him with murdering his first wife, attempting to poison his second. His brother Ambrose was created earl of AYarwick in 1567- — Banks's his letters and Avritings, (which Baronage, iii. 458. Nicolas's should best set him off,) for such Synopsis. 369, 67^. fell into my hands, I never yet saw ' Strype. Parker. Append, xxv. a stile of phrase, more seeming I iii. 10. E 50 ORIGIN OF [a.i>. 15G4. its consistencvMitli God's o-lmyand word, with edification and Christian liberty. The policy that erected golden calves in Dan and Bethel, might now, he maintains, restore even tlie grossest su])erstitions of Popery', Whatever might be Leicester's disposition, he was restrained by hopes of marrying the queen, from any prominence likely to offend her. Of his mediation, accordingly, as an anti-vesturist, no trace appears, excei)t in the delay of decisive measures. AYlien December came, Sampson and Humphrey had still to complain of a menace only. The archbishop then proposed nine written questions to them, as to the indifference of the prescril)ed habits, and the lawfulness of prescribing things indiHerent. In answer, they ex])ressly admit surplices to be substan- tially indifferent : of copes, this is not denied in terms, but still they are absolutely rei)robated, as being " brouglit in by Papists, the enemies of God." Clerical distinction, at ordinary times, it is evasively said, should consist in doctrine rather than in dress. The question of prescribing things indifferent, is overlaid by learned verbosity, of which the drift is, that such prescriptions ought not to be enforced*. These answers were very carefully considered, and compared in a scholarly manner with all the best autho- rities, either by the archbishop, or by some one whom he emidoyed. A digest from this mass of learning was then prepared and transmitted to Cecil. This meets objec- tions to the habits, drawn from the silence of Scripture, by remarking that Sunday might be thus desecrated. It maintains that ministerial vestments are older than Popery, and that edification flows from them, as from all church-furniture, and arrangements for jtublic worship. ' Stryi'k. Parhcr. Append, xxvii. 77, 00. « lb. i. 321). A.D. 1564.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 51 It insists upon the scandal given to weak minds, not yet completely weaned from Popery, by disobedience to laws merely jDrescribing a few decent vestures. It repels the charge of tyranny, denying that conscience is forced by the refusal of unbridled license in things indifferent '. Parker also drew up a circumstantial statement of opi- nions, ranged side by side, entertained by Bucer and a Lasco on this question. In this he shows the former to have admitted no necessity for discarding anything merely because used by Papists. A Lasco's decision is the reverse, but it naturally loses weight under contra- diction from a contemporary, every way worthy of equal attention ^ Bishop Guest, of Rochester, was another labourer in this thorny controversy. He treats the whole matter syllogistically, and contends that anti-vestural conclusions were drawn positively from false or doubtful premises. People generally, he says, whether Protestant or not, merely view the vestures as becoming, and prescribed by law. Refusal of them, he regrets, as a mark of disunion, injurious to reformed opinions'; an evil that none could overlook. Hence Nowell, dean of St. Paul's, framed a Pacification^ as it was called by the archbishop. This admits no impiety in any who conformed merely to satisfy the law, disclaiming all thought of religion or necessity. A second clause expresses a wish, nevertlie- less, that the habits were abolished, as a security against abuse, a fuller protest against corrupt and superstitious religion, a more ample profession of Christian liberty, and an expedient for ending dissension among brethren. This addition Nowell declared indispensable even for his ' Strype. Parker, i. 334. ' Ih. 341. * Ih. Append, xxxi. iii. 98. E 2 52 ORIGIN OF [v.i). 1504. own signature. But it was not sufiicient for Sampson and Iluniplircy. They cited in Latin, as then usual among scholars, the text upon lawfulness, expediency, and edification'. Under this further limitation, they signed Nowell's proposition ; imtimating plainly enougli, that, liowever a])stractedly kiwful, they must refuse the vestures as neither expedient, nor edifying*. Those who showed such inflexibility were called Precisiam, by Archbishop Parker'. Among people gene- rally, they became knoMn as Puritans. This a})pellation seems to have orioinated immediately after the Advertise- vicnts were published, and measures taken for enforcing conformity in London*. These acts naturally aroused nnbending spirits into regular opposition, and defined a party. For this, as usual, a distinctive appellation was found by its opponents. A corresponding name had been assumed by the Novatians in the third century', ' 1 Cor. X. 23. * Strvpe. Parker, i. 345. ^^ lb. il. 40. * " Such as proceeded in their oppositions after these Adccrtise- vicnls, had tlie name of Purilaus; as men that did profess a greater jmrilt/ in tlie worship of God, a greater detestation of the ceremo- nies and corruptions of the C'hurcli of Home, then tlie rest of their l)rethren." (IIkvi.i.v. Ilisl. Prcsb. 250.) " The I'jiglish l)ishops, conceiving themselves empowered hy their canons, began to shew their authority in urging the clergy of their dioceses to subscribe to the grief had not been great if it had ended in the same. — Prophane mouths quickly improved this nick-name, therewith on every occasion to abuse pious jteople." — Fuller, CInirch Hist. 70. ■'' The Novatians originated in Novatus, an African, maintaining austere principles of piety, wbicli were warmly seconded by Nova- lian, a clergyman whom he found at Rome. The two formed a severe sect, which would admit no penitent to communion, after a lapse under persecution, or other heinous transgression. Such strict- ness never wanting admirers, the the Liturgie, ceremonies, and dis- Novatians, who calh-d themselves cipline of the Church, and such as Ctil/iari (KuOapoi), the Pure, refused the same were branded survived two centuries. — l)i' Pin. with the odious name of /*////7^'wc.?. ! llccl. Hist. i. 145 : L.vun. et Coss. A name which, in this notion, first i. 03o. began in this year" (1504), " and | A. D. I5C4.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORJIITY. 53 and was borne by some dissentients from ]>revailino- doctrines in the eleventh and twelfth centuries'. AVhe- ther the term Puritan arose from any alleged resemblance to some one of these ancient sects, is uncertain. It was, however, long displeasing* to those who bore it", being intended as no concession of superior purity, but only as a charge of needless and factious pretension to it. Reli- gion is always injured by such designations. They split serious men, really very much agreed, into parties that misunderstood and oppose each other. They furnish the ' The Catharists of tliose times are generally charged with Maui- chseisni. Othei-s class them, no doubt more correctly in the main, with later opponents of the Pa- pacy. " Nos autem Catholici constanter asserimus, Ecclesiam Christi esse visibilem et quasi manibus palpabilem ; et hujus oppositum est heeresis Johannis IIuss, et Wickliff, et Catharorum, et Donatistarura, ct Begardorum, et Beguinarum." — Bannes. apud Launoii Epist. Cant. 1689. p. 561. * " Yet I do not wel under- stand what you do mean by these Puritans. Because you do use a dark phrase, noting them to hold a pure superstition. Till I be further instructed in this, I say, that if Puritans now be noted to be such as do revive the old rotten heresy of Novatus, from whom the old KadapoL did spring, I do not know any in England which do hold that desperate doctrine. But if that be true Avhich a German writer hath published in print thus: — Novatiani, teste Hicro- nymo^ semper simulant pceniten- tiatn, et duceudi in ecclesia hahent passim facultatem. Simulant se benefactis docere, se cterononias salvas velle, et tamen ex animo oderunt morem pristince Ecclesicv. If this authority be true, and you do cal this kind of men Puritans, indeed the Church of England is ful of them. Neither is there any state or degree of office in this Church, in which there are not some of these. These do swarm in great numbers, as bees in fair weather : so are they cherished. The Lord reform them, and make them more profitable workmen, or turn them out, and put better in their places. Justly, by this authority, may a number of our churchmen be called Puritans. The Lord purge them, and make them more pure. But unjustly to impose this name on brethren, with whose doctrine and life no man can justly find fault, is to rend the seamless coat of Christ, and to make a schism incurable in the Church, and to lay a stum- bling-block to the course of the Gospel. Et va; homini per quern offendiculum vcnit." — Mr. Sampson to Archbishop Grindal, 9 Nov., 1574. Strype. Parker. Append, xciv. iii. 322. 54 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1565. ignorant and irreligious with implements for stopping every avenue to deep reflection and substantial j^icty. Tlie Advertisements, and the resolution to punish non- conformity shown at Lambeth, produced considerable eftect. In most places, the habits were declined no longer'. This yielding spirit was not, however, universal, nor obviously was it likely to continue, if authority should rest contented with commands and menaces. A year's trial of these gentler methods was, accordingly, succeeded by substantial severity. Sampson and Hum- ]ihrey were made, very properly, the first examples. The former was intreated by Bishop Grindal, even with tears, to wear occasionally the square cap, at Oxford, in public. But he positively refused". Humphrey's pertinacity could have been no less, for both were placed in confine- ment, though not in an ordinary prison, Sampson was also ejected from his deanery of Christchurch\ The archbishop, however, anxious to lighten this misfortune, ' " And wlicrcas also the Qucnc's most excellent I\Iajestie, now a yerc past and more, ad- dressed her highness letters en- forcing the same charge, the con- tents whereof I sent unto your Lordship in her name and autho- ritie, to admonish them to ohedi- cnce, and so I dowt not but your I^ordshiphave distributed the'same unto otlier of our brethren within this province of Canterburye ; ivhercuppon hath ensued in the most part of the realm an humble aud ohcdient couformllie." — Arch- bishop Parker to Bishop frrindal. AViLK. iv. 251. * Stiiyi'K. Parker. \. .308. ^ Thomas Godwyn, S.T.P., was preferred to the deanery of Christ- church, in June, 1505. (Le Neve. 231.) Sampson " ;Yas, by a spe- cial order from the queen, de- prived of his deanery by tlic arch- bishop and commissioners." But this act did not jiass unquestioned l)y the common lawyers. Bishop Barlow, it seems, having deprived the dean of Wells, under Edward VI., was compelled to sue for pardon from the penalties of prc- iiiuiiire, because that deanery was a donative. " If it be so," sa3's an ancient anonymous lawyer, " I would fain know by what autho- rity Mr. Thomas Sampson was deprivedfrom the donative deanery of Christ's Church in ( )xfnrd, wliich he had pro tcrmiiio rit(t\ under the great seal of England." — .Sruvi'K. Par/ccr. i. 30H, 371. A.D. 1565.3 PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 55 interceded for some indulgence for him from that society', and for his early restoration to liberty. Subsequently, he became reader of divinity at Whittington College, in Loudon, and master of an hospital at Leicester'. The * " By these letters enclosed, your favourable commending of my cnse to the chapter of Christ- Church, in Oxon, is well witnessed to have had with them just regard." (Dr. Sampson to Archbishop Parker. June 3, 1565.) " I am glad that my letters written in your behalf to the Church took such effect as ye desired. And as ye have not deserved to the same in your government the con- trary, to my understanding, so again I have written my letter to obtain your other request: praying you in Christ Jesus to salve against this great offendicle risen by your dissent from the course of the Gospel." (Archbishop Parker to Dr. Sampson. June 4, 1565. Strype. Parker, i. 372, 374.) The " other request" was the writer's enlargement. Thus the archbishop followed a severity, which he was judicially com- pelled to exercise, by immediate acts of substantial kindness. Neal, however, contents himself with the following representation of this case. " The storm chiefly fell upon Sampson, who was detained in prison a considerable time, as a terror to others ; and by special order from the queen, was deprived of his deanery; nor could he ever obtain, after this, any higher pre- ferment in the Church, than the government of a poor hospital." {Hist. Pur. i. 85.) Upon this passage, the editor, Toulmin, fairly remarks in a note :— " Mr. Ncal appears not to have known, that Mr. Sampson was also appointed prebendary of St. Paul's cathedral, and was permitted by the queen to be a theological lecturer in Whittingdon College, in London." Sampson, undoubtedly, appears to have been considered poor, in his latter days, among the atfluent ; for Grindal, when archbishop of York, expressed regret upon this very ground. But the dopiived dean denies all remembrance of having himself ever complained of poverty ; adding, " If I did, I was to blame, for I complained before I had need." (Mr. Sampson to Archbishop Grindal. 9 Nov., 1574. Strypk. Parker. Append, xciv. iii. 322.) Though far less than it might have been, his pro- fessional income, to the end of life, there can be no question, equalled that of many men, nowise behind him in any solid qualitication. But neither accident nor design pushed these worthy persons to the head of a party. Hence, their names are lost. * " Though he were put out of the deanery of Christ's-church, yet he was allowed to ofliciate in another place without conformity. For I find him, anno 1573, (but hoAV long before I know not,) master of an hospital in London, called Whittington College ; where he read a lecture every term, for the yearly stipend of ten pounds, given him by the company of clothworkers." This stipend was 5G ORIGIN 01' []a.p. 1565. riiliiip: jiowors, indeed, fully sensible of his merit, were happv to see him provided for and useful in any situation, -which Avould rather veil his defiance of authority. This never was relaxed. Humphrey, at length, gave way. His presidency of ISIagdalen was not in royal pataonage, but in that of the college, and he retained it. His friend, Bishoj) Home of AVinchester, soon after he was released from restraint, presented him to a living in the diocese of Salisbury. He would have been glad of this preferment, but being still noted for opposition to the habits, Bishop Jewel refused him institution'. Eventually Cecil ]>ro- cured him the deanery of Gloucester, strongly advising his conformity. Humphrey's eye was now cooled by riper age, and it could rest complacently even upon a vesture approved at Rome. He listened, accordingly, to Cecil's advice ; and wore, all his latter years, at least while resident as dean, the very dress that he had long denounced as an intolerant remnant of exploded super- then a reputable maintenance, j being cf^ual to a large pro])oition | of the more tolerable livings. | With it, Sampson appears to have lioklcn the hospital at Leicester, until he became incurably lame from an attack of hemiplegia^ to- wards the close of 1573. lie then " retired to the liospital at Lei- cester, where lie lived a great time after." — Strvpe. Annals, i. pt. 2. p. 150. ' The bishop urged from St. Paul, that "God is not the author of confusion, but of peace." (1 Cor. xiv. 3.S.) Humphrey, by letter from Oxford, dated Dec. 20, 15(55, denied the a2>plicability of this text to his case. He said, also, " that the man that then served the cure, he heard, was conformable enough, and that he himself, when he preached, should not transgress. That, therefore, if he offended not in his diocese, he trusted the bishop would not be offended out of his diocese." (Strype. Parke?: i. 370.) This amounts to a pledge of occasional conformity. But it did not satisfy Jewel ; and he wrote, accordingly, to Archbishop Parker, Dec. 22, 15G5, — " That in respect of his vain contention about apparel, he thouglit best to make a stay, till he understood his grace's pleasure : and that unless he should other- wise advise him by his letter, he minded not in anywise to receive him : adding, that his long suffer- ance bred great offence." — Annuls. i. pt. 2. p. 1U3. A.n. 150'). J TROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 57 stition'. The same rebuke to earlier scruples was ulti- mately given by Whittingham, dean of Durham, though identified completely with Geneva, and conspicuous for irregularity of ordination ^ One of the first and most abrupt examples of this rebuke came from George Withers, a learned and popular preacher, at Bury, in Suffolk. He had shown himself a zealot against Popery, in some intemperate remarks upon the painted windows at Cambridge. A counsellor of mischief seldom pleads in vain, especially where there is a large infusion of young blood in his auditory. Withers, accordingly, had the satisfaction of seeing his invectives quickly bring destruction to many fragile, but beautiful specimens of ancient art. It required, indeed, active interference from men of cooler heads, or more tasteful eyes, to stay this warfare against pellucid imagery\ The prejudice to which Cambridge owed such lamentable mutilation, could never spare cap or surplice. Hence Withers laboured assiduously to imj^ress his ordinary conofreo'ation with an insurmountable abhorrence of these re23robated habiliments. Popular talents thus directed, ' In acknowledging Cecil's kind patronage, he says, — " That he was loath her majesty, or any other honourable person, should think that he "svas forgetful of his duty, or so far off from obedience, but that he would submit himself to those orders in that place where his being and living was. And therefore he had yielded." (Strype. Annals, ii. pt. 2, p. 65.) Hum- phrey was installed dean of Glou- cester, Mar. 13, 1570. In 1580, he was removed to the deanery of Winchester. — Le Neve. 103. ' " Yet this Whittingham after- wards wore the habits required; and when one of his Geneva fel- low-exiles had reproached him for so doing, he justified himself by Calvin's judgment, whom he and others had heard say, — Thai fur external matters of order, theif might not neglect and leave their ministry: which ivonld be for tithing mint to neglect the weigh- tier things of the law." — Strype. Parker, i. 313. * Strype. Parker, i. 382. It does not certainly appear that AVithcrs caused tliis mischief from the university pulpit. Tliis is, however, most likely, 58 ORIGIN OF Ca.d. 1565. gained liim an early summons before the ecclesiastical commission at Lambeth, to answer for his nonconformity. Refusing concession there in a bold and senatorial tone, he "was suspended'. He thought himself, probably, quite above any such mischance, although armed with a defence pressed rather inconsistently into puritanical service. When asked for his authority to preach, he pleaded a license originating in papal authority, from the university of Cambridge. Alexander VI., while Bishop Fisher was cliancellor, granted to that learned body the privilege of commis- sioning twelve graduates to preach in any part of the British Isles, without waiting for episcopal concurrence. The discontented party now gladly availed itself of this ingress to the pulpit, in spite of its derivation from a quarter habitually assailed by unqualified abhorrence. Tlie archbishop seems to have been exceedingly annoyed by the plea set up. He was too fond of Cambridge, and too careful of interference with established rights, for a direct attack upon the privilege itself. He, therefore, fixed upon an informality in the license. Properly, such an instrument ought to have had the chancellor's sanction. The one produced by Withers wanted this authentication, and was hence represented as void. Parker then endea- voured to arouse the jealousy of Cecil, the chancellor, upon this omission. But he seems to have gone no further in resisting the authority, than resolving to suffer no Cambridge license, without the chancellor's name, to jtrotect any jireacher in his own diocese*. When Withers returned in disgrace to Bury, he found ' " Withers appeared cum vuig- iia nni/idciilia, rutin sciialuriu, as the archbishop expressed it to the secretary." — STnYi'i:. Par- ker, i. 'MVA. * Parker to Cecil.— /A. i. 3H1. A.D. 1565.] mOTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 69 his eloquence to have produced a flash, instead of a flame. The congregation, unwilling above measure to he deprived of his ministry, assured him that he might wear a corner- cap without losing a particle of their esteem. Some of them seem even to have reckoned upon his compliance, before he departed for London. They had made bargains, on condition of payment, when their valued minister should again preach among them'. Thus Withers liad no sooner arrived at home, than he was assailed by diver- sified importunities to retract his refusal. He readily yielded, nor did many days elapse before the archbishop was informed by letter, that he would " somewhat strain his conscience, and wear the cornered cap^" Intemperate language, however, often does a mischief that no subsequent moderation in the speaker can repair. Thus Withers could kindle a flame, at Cambridge, upon which even his own example afterwards had no effect. His vestural antipathies were, indeed, cordially and effectively espoused by a youthful preacher there, named Fulk\ A body comprising comparatively few individuals ' " In a journey he took to Ipswich, taking Bury in liis way, lie gave them two sermons, which he did, as he said, so much the rather, for tliat divers of his friends were greatly endangered by bargains which they sokl, pro- voked by tlie brags of adversaries, to be paid wdicn lie preached again in Bury." — Stuype. Parker. 395. ^ In his letter, dated May 24, he says, " I was afraid to have been an offence unto the godly, considering the wo pronounced upon them by whom offences come : but seeing my departure should more offend them, than the wearing any apparel, and also more rejoice the enemy, I Avill rather strain my conscience some- what, than altogether to discourage the godl}^ or to let the wicked have their minds." — Ih. 375. * '• I do now also send a special commandment to a youugpreachar called Fulkes." (Cecil to the Vice- chancellor of Camln-idgo. Strvi'R. Parker. Append. XLi. iii. 130.) In the body of his work, (i. 387,) Strype calls this young man Fulk, which most likely, was the correct form of his name, sibilant addi- tions being generally vulgar cor- ruptions, where names are often written Avithout such. CO ORIGIN OF [[a.d. 1565. ill middle life, and chiefly iiiade-uj) of mere lad;^, uas naturally delighted Avith energetic liarangues, discrediting authority, and insisting upon change. Hence Cambridge became widely pervaded by prejudices against ca}) and surplice, justly branded l)y cooler contemporaries, as fanatical \ The seniors generally were uninfected by this " lewd leprosy of libertines," to use the words of Cecil, but they were apprehensive that attempts to check it would be ruinous or vain. AVhen confident rumour, acconlingly, announced a royal proclamation to enforce conformity, four heads of houses, and the JMargaret pro- fessor, intreated Cecil, as their cliancellor, to save the university from a measure so likely to render its colleges grievously deserted*. One of these five, it is true. Long- worth, master of St. John's, though a conformist, had imbibed innovating ]irincii)les. This bias was rendered soon after undeniable, by his departure from college, seemingly on purpose, Mhen some festival was at hand. All the members of his house, whom he reckoned at three hundred, then appeared, according to his report, in chapel, without surplice or hood, and some alterations were made in administering the Sacrament. LongMorth soon returned, but his college did not resume the surplice. ' " De fanaticis nostris super- pcllicidJils ct gnlcrianis." (Clerk to Cfcil. 8tuvpk. Parhcr. Ap- pend. xLiii. iii. 134.) Tliis letter contains the ■wrll-known story of a V'lung man >vlio excused the >vant of his surplice hy alleging a .scruj)lc of conscience, but ^vlio •»vas found to liavc pawned it to the cook, as security for a debt. Cecil also talks, in his lettt-r tf) the vic('-ehancellor, of " fanatical devises." * " Cum nobiscum ipsi quotidie rccordanmr, quanta sit apud nos et pioruni et eruditoruni nuiltitudo, qui testimonio consclcnti;e usum onineni ornatus hujusniodi sibi illcgitiniuni ducant, et (piornni discessu, si vis edicti urgeat, oni- nino est periculuni, ne Acadeniia nostra orba fuerit." — ])r. lieau- niont, &c., to Cecil. Nov. 2(), 15(i5. Srnvri:. Parker. Append. x\.\ix. iii. J 25. A.D. 156G,3 PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 61 The queen heard of these liberties Mith a disgust, in which Cecil shared. Vain were intreaties from the Johnian innovators, to be excused from wearing surplices hereafter, which, they said, would be again forcing their consciences under a very bitter yoke of slavery'. The court would hear nothing of such scruples, and Long- worth was driven to confess formally his late connivance, pledging himself to repress future irregularities-. Tins timely interposition gave the rising spirit a salutary check : it was too deeply-rooted for extinction. The queen, however, seems to have considered its prevalence partly owing to supineness in the hierarchy. She sent, accordingly, for Archbishop Parker, and charged him to suffer nonconformity no longer 3. He lost no time in communicating her pleasure to Bishop Grindal, who thus felt himself driven upon severities most painful to ' " Acerbisslmum lUud consci- entiae servitutis jugum." — St. John's College to Cecil. Strype. Parker, i. 390. " Longworth's submission, dated Dec. 14, 1565, is printed at length in Stiype''s Parker. (Aj^pend. xliii. iii. 133.) The master's statement of transactions in his absence, is, probably, lost, but Cecil's letter to the vice-chancellor (76. xli. p. 128,) unreservedly charges it with exaggeration, at the very least. This letter also says, " I am re- comforted, in that I see the elders and fathers of that universitie, ■with others of approved lerning and godlyness, remayne untouched by this lend leprosy of libertines ; and most of al to understand, that among so many societies in colleges, none that have bene stablished in orders have thus riotously shaken off the yoke of obedience and ordre, but onely one." Tiiese Cambridge transactions were, un- doubtedly, important in their con- sequences : Neal improves their appearance, by taking no notice of Longworth's exaggeration, or of the discountenance shown them among the seniors generally. Of course, this discountenance was not quite universal, for Parker advises Cecil by letter, not to " suffer so much authority to be borne under foot by a bragging, brainless head or two." — 76. i. 389. ^ " Being, therefore, cauled to her presence to see her lawes exe- cutid, and good orders decreed and observed." — The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishop of Lon- don. March 28, 15(j(>. AVilk. iv. 251. 62 ORIGIN OF Ca.d. 15GG. liis feelings'. The two prelates opened a court in the clia})el of Lambeth House, ou the 2Gth of JSIarch, and before them were summoned the clergy of London. Being naturally anxious to lighten their distressing and invidious duty, they pressed for the co-operation of some distinguished laymen. This appeared so reasonable, that Elizabeth allowed Parker to reckon upon seeing Cecil, the Lord-Keeper Bacon, and William Parr, marquess of Northampton*. But not one of them attended: hence all the odium of measures, really originating at court, fell upon the prelacy. Earnest endeavours were used for bringing the assembled clergy to conformity, and in sixty- one cases, with success. Thirty-seven of the party refused, and were j^laced, within two days, under suspen- sion and sequestration. Contumacy for three months further was to be visited by deprivation'. This decisive blow occasioned a great outcry in Lon- don. Suspension and sequestration fell upon some of the most popular preachers, whose congregations were highly discontented and exasperated. Parker and Grindal made such provision as they could, for supplying the ' " The Puritan party confided raucli in him," (Grindal) " and gave out til at my lord of London Avasthcir own." — Strype. Grindal. 155. * " The secretary gave the arch- l)i.sliop notice, that, according to his desire, and the queen's pro- mise, ^ the lord-keeper, and the lord marquess of Northampton, ami himself intended to he present. But the archbishop desiring to he certain, Avlicther they would come or no, as laying great stress upon the presence of some great per- sons, Bent ii message on purpose to the secretary, minding, if they would come, to invite them to dinner. Or if they came, he in- tended to have more assistance with himself and the bishop of London. And indeed they came not, detained cither by weightier matters, or their own unwilling- ness." (Strype. Parker, i. 42i>.) Northampton, brother to (^ueen Catharine Parr, was restored to his honours, lost as a partisan of Lady Jane Grey, in 155J). He died in loJL — Banks's Baronage. iii. b\)o. * Strype, Parker, i. 429. A.D. 1566.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 63 juilpits deprived of their usual occupants. But several churches were necessarily closed for a time, and this deficiency was rendered more painfully conspicuous by the quick arrival of Easter; when there was usually a large attendance to receive the Sacrament. Considerable numbers assembled for this purpose, were disapf)ointed ; in some cases, from the wilfulness of churchwardens, who would jDrovide neither surplice nor wafer bread'. Thus were deeply sown the seeds of an acrimonious hostility to the hierarchy, and established religion. London became widely pervaded by a sullen dissatisfaction, and an appetite for change, equally certain to find a succession of fresh objects, and to roam over all the country. Silence being now imposed upon the pulpits long noted for invectives against cap and surplice \ rather than for more profitable subjects, the sequestered preachers sought refuge in the press. They soon published a pamphlet explanatory of their views in refusing the ajjparel prescribed by law. They maintain as a foundation of their argument, that " all tilings in the Church ought to edify." The apparel, they assert, contradicts this principle, being a hindrance to the simple, a corroborative to Popish obstinacy, and a monument of idolatry. It is, besides, treated as a precept of men, therefore to be declined ; offensive and superstitious, therefore to be avoided. Princely pleasure is pronounced immaterial in ^ Strype. Grindal. 155. I treate of little else but of cappo, " " This I am sure of, that the homilies appointed to be read in the churche, are learned, godly, agreable to God's worde, and more effectuall to edification, than a number of your sermons, which surplesse, &c. ; archbishop, lorde bishop, &c. ; the ende whereof is not edification, but contention." — WniTGiFi's Defense of the Aun- sivere to the Admonition against the Replie of T. C. Lond. 1574. consiste in words only, and en- p. 296 G4 ORIGIN OF [a.d. IjOO. religious allaiis, liaviiig no j)owcr to authorize anything besides Scripture, or contrary to it ; and the contested regulations are placed under both objections. Our Saviour, it is argued, inn-chased a liberty which ought to be maintained, l)ut which this apparel infringes, havinir been borrowed both from Jews and Gentiles. It is also denounced as having been abused to idolatry, sorcery, conjuring; and as being viewed under most objectionable aspects, by both Papists and Gospellers, the former considering it holy, the latter unlawful'. Tiiis jnece received an early answer, in a spirited, well-written pamphlet, occasionally caustic, though not violent. At the end of it are translations of Peter ISIar- tyr's letter to Bishop IIoojK'r, and of Bucer's to John a Lasco, showing the disposition of these venerated reformers to concede such points as cap and surplice. Existing opposition to them is treated as very rare in persons really worthy of attention ; being chiefly found in such as had originally followed secular vocations, and hqnce were scantily supplied with professional knowledge, or in such as were notorious for overweening self-suffi- ciency'. This charge seems to have been made ui)on ' Sc-lieinc of the arguments in tlie Declaration of the London Miniilcrs, prefixed to A briefe Kxainiiialio)i for the lyvic of a certain Declaration^ S^c. * " They be but a very fewe in themselves, other than such as liavc been cyther unlerncdly brought up, most in prophano oc- (■ui)atians, or suclie as be puffed up in an arrogancic of themselves, peradvciiture chargeable to such vaiiilii's of assertions as at tliis time I will sj)are to charge them." — .7 Iniife Examinalion for the ti/tneof a certain Declaration lateli/ put in print in the name and de- fence of certaine Ministers in Lon- don, refusing to wcare the appa- rcll prescribed hi/ the hnres and orders of the liealmc. '•Imprintitl at London, in Powles' Churcliyani, by Kichard Jugge, Printer to the Queene's Majestic. Cum priri- legio Jiegiw Majestatis." There is no date. The author, perhaps, was not known ; for the reply, remarking upon some of his severe language, says, " "Wee might per- ehaunce turno it against the ex- A.D. 1566.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 65 plausible grounds, at least ; for in an answer, which quickly appeared, it is denied in a tone ordinarily betray- ing soreness'. The answerer imputes no positive iniquity to reception of the vestures, but condemns it as an admission of antichristian leaven, therefore a breach of St. Paul's injunction, " Abstain from all appearance of evil'." He denies any authority to order such things in religion as do not edify, and pronounces the points in dispute to have lost their natural character of indifferency, aminar, if wee knew liiru, wich I although we do not, yet wee may be bold to put him in mynd of the counsell of Christ, Nolite judi- care" &c. ' " If yow, with all the lerned of your side, wold procure us a free and a general disputacion, to have the matter quietly debated and indifferentlie judged, yow shold se a great noraber redie to defende our cause with their tongs whom yow now blot out with your penn: for it is well known that not onelie a few unlerned, brought up in prophane occupations, as yow slanderuslie report, but a gret nomber of wise, godlie, and lerned men, such as have bene and are the eldest preachers, nevar stajTied with any recantacion or subscrip- tion, brought upp in all kinds of lerning, both of artes and toungs, such as have the name not onelie at home, but also in forraine na- tions, to be of the nomber of the best lerned in the realm, agree with us in this cause, and of them partly have wee lerned this judge- ment." " To be called from an occupa- tion to the mynisterle of the church, is no more reproch nowe to men mete for that function, then it Avas to Petar, Paull, and the rest of the apostles. If they Avere un- mete, then the bishopcs are to be blamed for admitting them, and most of all for retayning and day- lie multiplying others, whom no- thing ells but a capp and a surples do make commendable." " And yet, if yow had the spi- rit of meake Moses, yow wold rejoice in the nomber of the pro- phets, and if yow were obedient to Christ, or had pitefuU bowells toward the nedie people, yow wold pray the lord of the liarvest to thrust out moe workmen into his harvest, and not thrust anye out of yt for such tradicions." (.4m Answere for the Tyme to the Examination put in print without the Authours name, pretending to mayntayne the apparell jJrescribed, against the Declaration of the Mynisters of London, J 566.) It answers the Examination sentence by sentence. * " No man, to our knowledge, condemns the things, nor the users of them, of wickedness." " Whether it be contrary to the doctrine which yow have lorned to abstaine from all shewe of cvill, when yow have lerned that the leven of Antichrist is cvill." — lb. 06 ORIGIN OF [a.D. 1')(jG. iVoni tlie abuses to -which they had been made subser- vient'. He freely admits, however, the good intentions of those who decided upon retaining them, and also the great preponderance of Romish prejudice among clergy- men". Yet the latter admission suggests no concession of expediency to existing regulations, only complains that conformity should secure a benefice, its opj^osite forfeit one : an alternative rendered more invidious by insinua- tions, disparaging conformists, extolling dissentients^ Martyr and Bucer's authority is hastily dismissed as irre- levant, from its alleged bearing upon a purpose merely temporary'. ' " The ceremonies and appa- rell tend not to edification but destruction, for that no man by them is directed to Christ, and to the sinceritie of the Gospell,. ney- thcr yet provoked to amendment of* lyle, but to Antichrist, and the remembraunce of poperie." " A good pastor sliold admit no- thing but that Avich he is per- suaded will edifie." " As they are monumentes of idolatrie, and stombling blockes to the ■\veake, they are not to be re- ci-aved, though all the princes in the Avorld command them." " Neyther the magistral nor the church hath any power but to edifie." " Wee never graunt these things in respect of all circumstances, to be indifferent." — An Ansircre, c^c * " Wee deni not but that they are rcteynid of a good intent, l)ut wee see that an evill end doth fol- low of the restoring of them, name- lie, the popish priestes, who are the greter number of the clergie, use them for the same end they did in puperie. And the ignorant people can conceve no other thing of them, but that the servis of God hath grete nede of them. There- fore, for both the uses these are not indiflferent, giving manifest offence to the weake, open incou- ragement to the enemye and ig- norant."— lb. * " But nowc experience teach- eth that an asse, a dissembling papist, a dronkard, a Swerer, a Gamester, so he receave your ap- parcU, may have the honor of re- tayning his lyving: but qui optifiie pra'suiil, they that rule never so well, and are commendable in all poinctes that S. Paule requircth in a perfecte good mynistcr, for oncly refusing the apparell, are thruste out as men unworthy of any honor dewc to a mynistcr of Christ." " Now wee see that garmentes are made greter matters than pu- ritie of hart, or bodye either. For papists and dronkards are not de- prived if th(>y recyve the gar- mentes."— //). * " 'J'o tlie epistles of Bucer and ]\Iurtir wee auiiswerc, that what- A.D. 1560'.] TROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. Ci7 English endeavours to still the vestural controversy apiDearing hopeless, an appeal was made to Bullinger by Sampson and Humphrey. His answer was an elaborate letter, which he communicated to Grindal, in favour of conformity'. This the bishop immediately published, and it overcame the scruples of many wavering minds'". The nonconformists naturally were disappointed, while the writer complained of publication where the eye of private friendship had alone been contemplated'. In the end? Bullinger and Gualter, after declining further interference, united in a letter to Francis Russell, earl of Bedford, imploring him to use his influence for the removal of every Popish relic'. Their meaning was obvious, but no such application had any prospect of success, the contro- versy taking every day a wider basis. Hitherto little had been heard-of beyond cajD and surplice : in fact, no further concession had been demanded'. But objections origi- nally urged against some parts of the ritual", and after- soevar to them seemed tollerable for a tyme, is not to be inforced as a perpetuall lawe. Their epistles and censures to the contrary are to he shewd." — An Answere, Sfc. ' Heinr. Bullinger. Ornatiss. D. Laur. Humfr. et D. Th. Samps. Cal. ]Maij, 1566. — Burnet. Hist. Ref. Records, lxxvii. iii. 425. '' Edm. Lond. et Rob. Wint. Heinr. Bulling, et Rod. Gualt. 6 Feb. 1567.— /6. Lxxxiii. p. 446. ^ Heinr. Bulling, et Rod. Gualt. Revy. in Christo PP. D. Edm. Grynd. Lond. et Rob. Horn. Wint. Epp. Sept. 6, 1566. — lb. lxxxii. p. 443. lid. D. Laur. Humfr. et D. Th. Samps. Sept. 10, 1566.— II). Lxxx. p. 440. ■* Heinr. Bulling, suo et Gualt. nom. D. Laur. Humfr. et. I). Th. Samps. Sept. 10, 1566. lid. D. Franc. Russ. Com. Bcdf. Sept. 11, 1560,—/^. Lxxxi. p. 442. * " Propter rem vestiariam, qncK jam sola controversia ac causa contentionis apiid nos fucrat." — (Edm. Lond. et Rob. Wint. Heinr. Bulling, et Rod. Gualt. Feb. 6, 1567.) "T. C. The cappe, the surplis, and tippet, are not the greatest matters we strive for." — Whitg. " Yet in the beginning suche was your pretence : neyther was there anyething else that you contended-for: as it is well knowne to all men that had to dcale with you, or heard of you." — "W'iiit- GiFT. Defense. 256. ^ Sandys, bishop of Worcester, moved convocation, in ]5()2, to address the t^uccn, for disallowing F 2 G8 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1506. wards oonerally kept out of sight, were again brought prominently forward'. Hence, manifestly, one concession must have been immediately succeeded by clamours for another. If therefore, Romish, Edwardian, and Lutheran prei)ossessions in favour of the vestures had been over- looked, yet Puritanism was not likely to rest contented. Its aim was a total subversion of the religious polity and usajres which England dated from her conversion, had interwoven with all her institutions, and to which most of her sons were cordiallv attached. Nor is it reasonable private baptism by Avomen, and crossing tbe infant on the fore- head. In the same convocation an attempt was made by Nowell, dean of St. Paul's, Sampson, and others, to procure tlie abrogation of these things, together with that of organs, " curious singing," the necessity of kneeling at the com- munion, and " all saints' feasts, and holidays, bearing the name of a creature." — Stuypk. Annals, i. 501. ' "Summasentcntia,- nostra; erat, ecclesias Christi sanguine redemp- tas minime esse deserendas propter pileos et vestes, res indifferentes, cum non propter cultum ullum, sed propter ornatum politico usur- pari juboantur. Nunc vero audi- mus, (utinam rumore falso,) re- quiri a ministris novis quibusdam subscribant articulis, aut statione sua cedant. Articulos vero esse hujusmodi, cantum in templis figu- ratuni, ct peregrina lingua, una cum strcpitu organorum esse reti- nenduin, nmlicrcs in casu neces- sitatis i)rlvatim posse ct debere baptizarc infaiitulus. ]{aj)tizantes item mlnistros usurpare exufHa- tiones, cxorcismos, crucis charac- terem, oleum, sputum, lutum, ac- censos Ctereos,ot hujus generis alia: docendum esse ministris in percep- tione Coenag Domini opus esse ge- nuflexione (quaj S2)eciem habet adorationis) nee panem frangen- dum esse communiter, sed cuilibet eommunicaturo crustulam ori ejus esse inserendam esse a ministro. Neque vero modum spiritualis manducationis, et praisentia) cor- poris Christi in Sacra Coena expH- candura, sed relinquendu'm in me- dio." (Ileinr. Bulling, et Kod. Gualt, Revv. in Chr. PP. Kdm. Lond. et Rob. Wint, Sept. (J, 15Gt). Burnet. Hist. lief. Re- cords, Lxxxii. iii. 444.) This re- port, though exaggerated, shows that Puritanism had now gone far beyond caj) and surplice. The tract, accordingly, already used, published this year, says, "' Cope, surplese, starch-bread, (wafers,) gospelers, pistlers, kneling at communion, crossing at Baptisme, Baptisme of women. Cap, tippet, and gowiie. I /cm: by authoritie of parliament, albes, alti'rs, vest- ments, t^:e., these few things are more then may well be l)<)nie with." — An Ansn'crc for the Ti/mc. A.D. 1566.] mOTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. GO to suppose that less extensive demands would have fol- lowed upon a partial surrender at an earlier time. Prin- ciples, taking' at first a wider sweep, and then assuminn- an opportune contraction, were not of a nature for ulti- mate subsidence Mithin anything short of their original dimensions. But although there was really no hope of strangling Puritanism at its birth, yet means were not judiciously chosen even for circumscribing its groM'th. Reason demanded a full exposition of the national difficulties in dealing with a vast mass of prejudice essentially Romish, and a fair allowance for the inveteracy of such prepos- sessions. But this rational and liberal course is little found in arguments against vestural antipathies. It is true that policy is pleaded for retaining the habits, and that violent reflections upon Popery do not originate with reasoners in their favour. The causes, however, which rendered further innovation impolitic, arc passed over with little or no explanation, and Puritanical violence against Popery is rather encouraged than rebuked. Authority is the main ground alleged for the vestures'. ' " If to weare a surplisse were an offence to the weake, or if there were not nianyfest groundes in Scripture, (suche I raeane as commaunde obedience to superi- oures,) to prove the wearing of the surplisse to be lawful!, then it were something that you saye. But seeing suche only be offended therewith as account themselves moste strong, and condemne other of infirmitie; seeing also that obe- dience to magistrates in such in- different things, hath manyfest groundes in iScripture, and to doubt of obedience in suche mat- ters, is in effect, to plucke the magistrate his sworde out of his hande, this reason hath not so muche as any similitude of proba- bilitie in it. Is there any minis- ter of the Churohe (for of suche onely is the surplisse rcf|uircd) that will rather be moved to weare a surplisse by the example of an other, than by the consideration of his ductie towards the lawc, and order of the Churcho, by due au- thoritie in a hnvfull and indif- ferent thing appoynted ? You might make the same reason serve to plucke downe the Churches, the 70 ORIGIN OF Ca-D- 1506. Their essential iiulitference beinp^ admitted on both sides, tlie i^riiice, it was pleaded, is fully justified in iniposini^ thrni upon politic grounds. Then comments upon dis- obedience are never spared, and the whole argument might be colonrably represented as framed for little else than maintaining the royal prerogative. Nothing could be more nnfortunate for qualifying that nascent spirit of democracy which unconsciously tempted many minds into Puritanical speculations. The whole difficulty might be laid, with seeming justice, upon incurable Popish preju- dices 'in the queen and her courtiers, which they were determined upon maintaining with a high band, among a people daily becoming more enlightened than themselves. This has ever been the view taken by dissenters, in spite of encouragement given to Puritanism by Leicester, and others most in Elizabeth's confidence. The early preva- lence of such a notion must necessarily have exasperated Puritanical prejudice, and rendered it an effective instru- ment for the eventual formation of a political party. This evil was expedited by injudicious conduct in the government, as well as in its advocates. Pulpits could resound no longer M'ith invectives against vestures. But even in that age printing might keep the controversy raging. The press, accordingly, both at home and abroad, was actively employed by the silenced ministers. The first gatherings of this literary storm were watched Mith uneasiness by the ecclesiastical commissioners, and they recommended immediate interference. A royal prohibition soon a]^])oared against all publications attack- in"" any of the national statutes or laws, or any of the l^ulpit, tlio Bollos, yoa to ovor- tlirowc all orders, and all lawcs in things indift'ert'nt, whichc all liavo tlio saTn(> groumlc of obe- dience that the surplissr hath." — WiHToiFT. Defense. 2r)H. A.D. 1566.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 7l queen's injunctions or ordinances. Offending printers were to be restrained from following that trade any- longer, or to derive any profit from it, to forfeit the obnoxious works, and to suffer three months' imprison- ment. Vendors or binders were to forfeit twenty shillings for every offensive piece that passed through their hands. The Stationers' Company was to search for such works in the ports and all other suspected places ; and every trader in books to be bound in recognizances for the strict observance of these orders'. Thus mere authority showed its hated face again. The irritated party was not to be thinned by free and calm discussion, which might have led many candid minds to see the abstract propriety of established ordinances, the expediency of conciliating Romish prejudice, and the extravagance of anti-papal zealots. JVIen were to bow in mute and uninquiring obedience before the royal prerogative. Perhajis expe- rience hitherto half justified authority in forming this expectation, and fully justified its calculations of success. It was, however, a rash expectation, and attempts to act upon it rooted the seed which eventually ripened in a fearful harvest. Neither press nor pul])it being open to the Puritans, their eyes turned eagerly to parliament". It met in the autumn, but gave them no satisfaction. Romanists, however, cite one of its acts to confirm the epithet 'parliamentary, which they fain would fasten on the English hierarchy. To Boner, of persecuting memory, then confined in the Marshalsea, therefore M-ithin his diocese. Bishop Home tendered the oath of supremacy. Boner declining it, was indicted in the Court of King's ' Dated at the Star-chamber, June 20, ITjOfi. — Stuyi'E. Parker, i. 413. ^ Btrype. Parker, i. 43'J. 72 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 15(50. Bench. He there admitted his refusal, Ijnt denied a legal tender of the oath ; INIr. Robert Home, as he styled his prosecutor, being no diocesan of his, nor, in fact, any bisho}) at all. An ordinary court of law was but ill qualified for questions upon consecration, the province of divines and canonists. But Boner's counsel, no less men than Plowden and Wray, were furnished l)y himself Mith sufficient standing room upon legal technicalities. Home's consecration might be represented as impeach- able, because insufficiently protected l)y that act, in the queen's first year, which abrogated ^Mary's religious policy, and revived Edward's. Through such an opening foren- sic ingenuity would soon have made way for briefs in abundance. Leases might be set aside, or some other selfish end be answered, for which lynx-eyed greediness and necessity are ever on the watch. It was, therefore, needful to nip all such expectations in the bud. An act, accordingly, was passed, affirming the full validity of episcopal consecrations hitherto effected under the queen's authority, and of all that might be similarly circumstanced hereafter. Property and jurisdiction require such inter- ference, but spiritual privileges have a higher origin. The prelacy of later times is no more, therefore, a body merely ])arliamentary than its predecessor was. To both are com- mon civil sanctions, identical in kind and purpose. Legis- lative intervention having diverted legal acuteness from episcopal consecrations, judiciously threw a protecting mantle over Boner. It was enacted that none should suffer in jierson or property for any refusal of the oath of 8U])remacy, already given, or to be given, before the par- liament then sitting should separate'. ' Coi.i.ir.K. Keel. Jlisl. ii. •l!)2, , iiicicU'iit, upon (ho term par/ia- C)Ul Fuller, observing from this | vicnlarij, ai>plicd by Komanibts to A.D. 15670 PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY, 73 However the Puritans might be disappointed by par- liamentary neglect, it was wholly powerless to shake their constancy. Repugnance to the habits continued in London Avith unabated vigour, many thinking no con- forming clergyman endurable. Perhaps this jirejudice might owe some of its violence to the venerable Cover- dale. He seems to have declined any episcopal appoint- ment, on the queen's accession, from vestural antipathies, and had contented himself with a slender provision as rector of St. jMagnus, by London Bridge. His great age, and still greater services to the Protestant cause, entitled him to a connivance which was not refused, but he occupied a succession of pulpits, probably, that he might give no needless offence. In spite of this uncer- tainty, he was always greeted by an overflowing congre- gation. Crowds called at his house on week-days, anxious to know where he would preach on the following Sunday. Even an ordinary mind, bending under eighty years, must indeed be vain, if haunted by a craving for mere poi)iilarity: but Father Coverdale, as his admirers called him, appears to have been sincerely pious. He was, therefore, jiained by all this importunity, wishing to enter unexpectedly the pulpit provided for his next sermon'. Unhappily, however, invincible scruples are far the English bishops, says, " As well might the Jesuits terme She- maiah, Nethaniah, prcrogalivc le- lutes, because sent by Jehosaphat to preach the word to the people of the land. For that good king did not give, but quicken and en- courage their Commission to teach, as here the Parliament did only publish, notifie, and declare the legall authority of the English bishops, whose Call and Conse- cration to their place was formerly performed, derived from Aposlo- licall, or at leastwise Ecclesiasli- call institution." — Ch. Hist. 13. ix. p. 80. ' Strype. Parlicr. i. 480. Co- verdale, chiefly famed as a Biblical translator, was a Yorkshircman, and had been an Austin friar. He filled the see of Exeter from 1551 to 1553. On his deprivation by ]\Iary, he was committed to prison, 74 ORIGIN OF ^A.i), 1567. Ijetter fitted for acting upon the public mind, than any degree of moderation. 01)jections to the vestures, and some other points, received further confirmation from Foxe, the martyrolo- gist. He had been anxious to obtain a prebend of Norwich, probably, to be near his friend Parkhurst, ])isliop of that see. Nor were endeavours wanting thus to requite liis important services; but it was found impossible to procure this preferment for him. He was, then, provided for by the prebend of Shipton, in the church of Salisbury, which not only furnished him with a respectable maintenance, but likewise gave him an opportunity of transmitting a valuable lease to his descendants '. Further preferment was rendered hopeless, by his inconformity. He would not pledge himself to anything beyond Scripture, but answered an application for subscription, by producing a Greek Testament, and saying, "To this I will subscribe'." Foxe was, however, contented with a peaceable enjoyment of his oi)inions, and he suffered no molestation. Popular opposition, encouraged ])y such examples, was not likely to abate, and violent spirits were betrayed into gross indecencies. They would hear no sermons. but i5aved from further harm by an application from the king of Denmark, to whom his brother- in-law was chaplain. On his release, he became preacher to the refugee English at "Wesel. Elizabeth's accession having re- stored him to his country, he would have regained the see of ExctLT, or been otherwise bene- ficed among the prelacy, had not his scruph's iutcrvenocl. Then sinking into poverty, Bishop Grin- dal collated him to St. Jfognus, a living Avhieh he must have declined, had not the queen forgiven him the first fruits. He died May 20, 1565, at the age of eighty-one, and was buried in St. Bartholo- mew's by the Exchange. — Memo- rials, iii. 240, 41(>. Parker, i. 205. Attnnis. i. pt. 2. ]). A'.\. ' iSriiYPK. Aiutals. i. pt. 2. p. 44. « Nl-AL. Hist. Pur. i. \'i\{\. A.D. 1567.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 76 much less prayers or homilies, from conformists. Cap and surplice broke off acquaintance, forbade a civil salu- tation, provoked revilings in the public streets, hurried occasionally a fiery zealot, even to the outrage of spitting in another's face'. While grosser humours were ex- ploding thus offensively, serious nonconformists brooded over projects of separation. They thought of a London congregation that eluded notice in the late queen's reign, and secretly worshipped God according to Protestant opinions. Upon a similar course many now determined. Among them were some desirous to retain the established liturgy, only repudiating the vestures, and a few ceremo- nies. Others preferred a form of prayer composed for the English congregation at Geneva, and approved by Calvin. This Avas the party that prevailed, as might be expected, and clandestine congregations met in London. Thus Englishmen, though yet strangers to extemporaneous prayers, adopted a service without any national authority. Nor was a communion among themselves omitted ". So many took these decisive steps, that effectual concealment was impossible. The hierarchy, however, was disposed, apparently, for connivance. Humphrey, Sampson, and Lever, continued preaching, though resolute as ever to decline the habits ^ But Elizabeth and her ministers became disgusted and alarmed. Hence a letter, signed by the privy council, was addressed to the eccle- siastical commission, enjoining an immediate trial of * " Some of you have taught, that pollution clothe sticke in the thinges themselves, as that the wearing of them had power to pollute and make uncleane the wearers : else why doe they refuse to come to our churches, our ser- mons, yea, to kecpc us companie, or to salute us : why spitte they in our faces, revile us in the streates, and shewe such like like villanie unto us, and tliat onoly hicause of our apparell ?" — AViiiTGiFT. Defense. 256. ^ 8tryi'e. Grindal. 16!). ' lb. 171. 7G ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1567. persuasion "vvith the nonconforming Londoners: this failing, they "were to lose the freedom of the city, and afterwards, to expect from disobedience, further penalties. Bishop Grindal was thus driven upon measures which he hated, and civil interference with Protestant non- conformity began its mistaken and disastrous course. The city authorities gained information of a considerable meeting at Plumbers' Ilall, on the 19th of June. The room was hired ostensibly for the celebration of a wed- ding, l)ut the sheriffs, going thither, found about one hundred persons, engaged in public worship. Fourteen or fifteen were seized, and committed to the Compter. Some of these were brought up, on the following morning, before the lord mayor, the bishop of London, and certain members of the ecclesiastical commission. Upon Grindal, as diocesan, fell the painful task of addressing the pri- soners. He reasoned, persuaded, remonstrated, and finally desired an aged man, named John Smith, to assign the cause of all this disobedience. He was answered, that *' so long as the word was freely preached, and the sacraments were administered, without idolatrous gear, they never assembled in ]uivate houses." IVIucli unseemly altercation followed, and the commissioners, who argued chiefly from the royal authority, were boldly met by several gross jiersonalities. Grindal observed, that he had said mass himself, and was sorry for it. "Why? you go," said one of the prisoners, " like a mass priest, still'." Nothing could be more ominous, than the whole of these proceedings. Protestant nonconformity now stood before the Morld, with a })ort of scorn and defiance, which is generally obstinate, and always infectious. ' ^<{vri:. Gr'nuJtil. 17.'». Parker, i. 481, A.D. 1567.] PROTESTANT NONCONFORMITY. 77 Thus the seed, sown originally by Bishop Hooper, took tenacious hold of English ground. The martyred prelate and his earliest admirers would have been contented, seemingly, with vestural relief. Their followers assumed rapidly a position far bolder and more extended. Hence it seems unlikely that any concession short of uncon- ditional surrender, would long have satisfied objectors. IVIost of them were bent upon entire conformity with Geneva. But among a party desirous of subverting com^Dletely existing prejudices and institutions, many are always found ready with new demands. Had it been wise, therefore, to disregard wavering Romanists and Edwardian Protestants, yet such indifference to a great preponderance of English feeling must have failed of securing religious uniformity. This fact could escape neither the government nor the ruling churchmen, and may fairly excuse refusal to give way. Their conduct under the difficulties and mortifications which crowded upon them was, indeed, often both injudicious and repre- hensible. But great allowance must be made for imper- fect civilization, and for the general prevalence of arbi- trary principles. Nor should it be forgotten that both parties aimed at exclusive possession. They were, perhaps, equally hostile to the toleration of any opinions but their own. Certainly the greater liberality, if such there were, does not appear to have flowed from inter- course with Geneva. 78 ClIAPTER II. ORIGIN OF ROMISH RECUSANCY. 1508—1571. MARY, QUEEN OP SCOTS — PIUS THE FIFTH — STATE OF ENGLAND ROMISH FUGITIVES THE SEMINARIES FIRST PAPAL CONSPIRACY AGAINST ENGLAND RIDOLFI ATTENDANCE OF THE QUEEN OF SCOTS AT ENGLISH PRAYERS FIRST PAPAL MISSION TO ENGLAND HARDING SANDERS INJURY TO THE RELIGIOUS CHARACTER OP ROME MORTON AND Webb's mission — papal preparations — the conspiracy PARTIALLY DISCOVERED THE DUKE OF NORFOLK ARRESTED THE NORTHERN REBELLION PAPAL BULL TO DETHRONE THE QUEEN DISLIKED BY MANY ENGLISH ROMANISTS FELTON's PUBLICATION OF THE BULL THE ROMISH SECESSION ARGUMENTS IN FAVOUR OF IT — NEAV PENALTIES AGAINST ROMANISM. While a few modest vestures, and time-honoured cere- monies, occasioned violent heats in the Protestant body, artful Romanists gloated over the strife with keenest exultation'. The Reformers receded every day, more ' They sought to augment it, in two known cases, by feigning Pu- ritanism. Tliomas Heath, hrother to the deprived archl)ishopof York, came over from a Jesuits' college, ■with a sui)j)ly of Anahaptiseal and Arian tracts. His general deport- ment, however, was that of a l*u- ritan, and as such he preached, during six years. "While occupy- ing the pulpit in Rochester cathe- dral, a letter dropped from him, whieh was found to have come from a Jesuit, at Madrid, giving instructions for the management of }iis mission. A search in his lodgings ])rodueed a pajial license, authorising Liia to preach any doctrine tliat his superiors thought fit. He was placed in the pillory, at Rochester, three several days, his ears Avere cut oft', his nose slit, and his forehead branded R. He was besides to be imprisoned for life. He died within a few months. — Collier, ii. 518. Another impostor of this kind, was a Dominican friar, known as Failhjul Cummin, who became very ])opular in Kent, by his Puri- tanical sermons. Having fallen under suspicion, he was appre- hended, but escaped. His real character does not seem to have been thoroughly discovered, until some Englishmen met him on the A.D. 1568.] ORIGIN OF ROMISH RECUSANCY. 79 Avidely from that unanimity to ^vliicli all parties reckoned upon reducing the religious world. ^lany also of the most zealous and active among them were so intemperate and indiscriminate in their attacks upon everything vene- rable for antiquity, that all who felt any reverence for the past, were naturally disgusted and alarmed. What had been represented as a judicious and conciliatory settle- ment, seemed likely to prove nothing more than a feverish respite from illimitable innovation. Such feelings were fatal to the subsidence of Romish prejudice. Englishmen, who had accepted unwillingly the com- promise offered by their own government, would hear of no concessions for Geneva. If religious authority must again be sought abroad, why not return to Rome? Under this growing dissatisfaction, papal partisans could safely denounce a hollow spirit of outward conformity. It might prove the cowardly parent of intolerable ills, ensuring eventual opposition from all moderate men. Thus the progress of Protestant conviction, so haj^iJily begun in many unpromising quarters, received a serious check, and Romish prepossessions regained an embar- rassing ascendancy. This disturbing force was aided in operating upon English good sense, by the unexpected arrival of Mary, queen of Scots'. Human pride often regrets that gran- Continent. His case was recorded l)y Cecil, in a memorandum book, "Nvith this introduction : " In these days" (1567) " men began to speak against the reformed prayers, esta- blished first by King Edward the Sixth and his parliament, and since by her majesty and her parliament. Upon which account, divers Papists disguisedly spoke as bitterly against the reformed prayers of the Church, as those then called Puritans did." — Strype. Parker, i. 485. ' At Workington, in Cumber- land, May 16, 1568. She escaped from the castle of Lochleven, IMay 2, and was finally defeated in the battle of l.angside, IMay 13. Fiom that fatal field, she tied preci[ii- tatcly into England. 80 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1568, (leiir sadly lingers, even "where it conies at last. INIary's hopes were not, however, mocked by splendid expecta- tions merely, until age allowed a stately gravity at best. Cradled on a throne, her earliest perceptions M'ere scenes that fascinate mankind. Nor was she left to discover gradually that penury, difficulty, danger, and semi-bar- ])arism, to which a Scottish prince was born. Her king- dom's contiguity to England, and her own prospect of succession to that important crown, rendered her an advantageous match for the proud heir of powerful, refined, and wealthy France. To that favoured land, accordingly, she was transferred, Mhen barely six years old'. On mari-ying the Dauphin", her father-in-law, Henry II., had hardly entered upon middle age ; INIary, therefore, had no reasonable prospect of attaining early that height of splendour which was ultimately to surround her. But here, again, seemingly, fortune was ])ropitious. Henry was accidentally killed in his forty-first year'; and the queen of Scots, yet under seventeen, became centre of attraction in the most magnificent and gay among European courts. Her husband, Francis, a sickly boy, not sixteen, did not survive his father quite seventeen ' In consequence of a parlia- mentary arrangement liastily made at lladilinpton, June .'), J a 18. of the two nations, the natives of each were by legislative acts natu- ralised in the other." — Lingaud's ]\Iary was horn Dec. 8, 1542. — \IIislori/qfE/igl(aul. Lond. 1825. lioKKKTsoN. Ilixt. Scull. Loiul. j vii. .^()i). 18.(>i). i. 2it7, :i'U. I 'July 10, 1551). Henry re- "" " INfary Stuart hiid just com- ' ceived his mortal wound from the pleted her fifteenth year, she was Count do ]\lontgomori, at a tour- married to Francis, a prince of nament to celebrate the marriage nearly the same age, in the cathc- of liis daughter Elizabeth Avith dral of Paris (April 24, 1558): I'hilip II., and that of his sister lie was inmicdiatcly siduted by Margaret with the d»dily, M'licn Pius entered uj^on his disgraceful en- terprises against England, Elizabeth had firmly cemented her power. She mounted the throne, with finances in serious disorder : Henry, Edward, and IVIary, having all died under an accumulation of debt. From this invete- rate pressure had arisen an alarming deficiency in the national stock of warlike stores. Trusting to her own economy, the queen immediately sent extensive orders ' This management may bo ex- emplified in the doctrine of Attri- tion^ a very powerful hold upon the human mind. Scripture, seem- ingly, gives the sinner no hope of pardon Avithout contrition. The Trentine catechism holds out the lure of reconciliation to God by the easier way (facUiori rationc) of attrition. The council itself had evidently no thought of relin- quishing this delightful scholastic doctrine, which, in fact, assigns to Romish priests the privilege of forgiving sins. Therefore, its ca- techetical committee may be fairly excused for talking so broadly of an easier way. Still the committee has, really, gone beyond the coun- cil, Avhich is here verbose and am- biguous. Hence Pallavicino, who, like the Trentine fathers, was upon his guard against inquiries below the surfiice, denies their intention of concluding any thing upon the subject. They merely meant, he says, to condemn some Protestant attacks upon the scholastic doc- trine, which had been needlessly vehement in stigmatising the fear of punishment. This may be so; but if it be, there is an end of Komish claims, even upon liomish grounds, to superior privileges for the reconciling of sinners to God. There is an end also to implicit reliance upon the authorised Ro- mish manual for clerical instnic- tion. This will need to be very narrowly compared with the Tren- tine decrees themselves. When- ever it contains anything inconve- nient, which these may screen, it will be mercilessly given up. As to attrition, this is actually done. This easier waij is represented, when necessary, as a school-doc- trine, which the Council of Trent has not warranted, and which, therefore, the catechism, (though meant for instructing Romish cler- gymen,) cannot warrant. Thus the initiated among Romanists know both clergy and laity of their communion to lie under a gross delusion in fancying that Rome even claims the privilege of dispensing with genuine contrition. But what an awful delusion is here! — See Catechismus ad Paro- c/ius. Pars 2. De Poen. Sacram. 46. Cone. Trid. Sess. 14. cap. 4. Pallav. 1st. del Cone, di Trento. i. 1003. Rom. 1()')G. The Author's Hampton Lectures for 18.30. Ser- mon T). A.D. 1568-3 ROMISH RECUSANCY. 91 for armour, to Antwerp. Philip's jealousy, however, took fire, and he would not suffer his merchants to ship their goods. Making' light of this new difficulty, Elizabeth obtained from Germany those supplies which their Spanish master would not allow to enrich the Netherlands. His narrow policy did worse for Antwerp than gall her mer- chants by a temporary disappointment. England awoke to a sense of her own resources. Neglected mines near Keswick were worked anew, and this impulse occasioned successful search for fresh veins of mineral treasure. Thus the country, lately repulsed as a customer, quickly became a manufacturer for her own wants, and an ex- porter to foreign states. Hitherto England had imported gunpowder. Elizabeth thought of its production by English industry, and this important article became a domestic manufacture. Her predecessors, wanting ships, had hired them at Hamburg, Lubeck, Dantzic, Genoa, Venice. The queen \vas bent upon acquiring a navy of her own, and she completely succeeded'. Ten peaceful years, thus judiciously improved, had consolidated na- tional power, and widely laid the foundations of individual prosperity. The government was formidable, the people generally were thriving and contented. But every Englishman could not thrive, therefore, the queen had always discontented subjects. Ill conduct, miscalculation, unsteadiness of purpose, Avant of skill, or industry, or intellect, or economy, or even of good fortune, scatter disappointed men over all communities. Nor is the impatience of youth without a share in this mischief. Of such unquiet spirits, many flee to foreign parts, where they never fail to spread unfounded or exaggerated re- * Bishop Carleton's Thankful Remembrance of God's Mercy. Lond. 1625. p. 4. 1)2 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 15G8. ports of difticulty and discontent at liome. To the papal court, smarting under the loss of such a prize as England, no music Mas more delightful than the tales of these gaping fugitives'. It could not see that ten judicious years had consolidated Elizabeth's authority, by surround- ing her with efficient means to repel aggression, and by clearly identifying the interests of all sober-minded Englishmen with the maintenance of their established government. Pius and his courtiers could think of no- thing but national discontent, of inveigling from their ancestral churches those who still jireferred a Romish ritual, and of rendering the Scottish JNIary a beacon-fire to guide exasperated bigots, or bankrupt Catilines, into civil war. The papal resources could not, however, be made available for action, without a perennial stream of agents, and points of concentration, to serve as fortresses. These pressing deficiencies were first remedied by means of an establishment, conveniently stationed at Douay, under the skilful direction of William Allen, afterwards car- dinal*. He was grave and judicious, kindly mannered, ' " These notable traitors and 1 have been rather familiar uith rebels have falsely informed many , Catalin, or favourers of Sardaua- kings, princes, and states, and spe- ' palus, than accounted good sub- cially the Bishop of Rome, com- jects under any Christian princes." monly called the Pope, (from whom they all had secretly their first comfort to rebel,) that the cause of their flying from their countries ■was for the religion of Rome, and for maintenance of the said Pope's — Loud Buu(iiiLi:v's Execulion of Justice. Lond. 1(57^^. p. 3. '^ Allen was the son of John Allen, of Ross Hall, in Lanca- shire, and of Jane Lister, sister of Thomas Lister, of Westby, in authority. AVhereas divers of them Yorkshire. His grandfather was before their rebellion, lived so no- George Allen, of Brook House, in toriously, the most part of their Staffordshire. He was born in lives, out of all good rule, either XI'uVl. In ir)47, he entered Oriel for honest manners, or for any College in Oxford ; and, in l^uAS, sense of religion, as they might was chosen princi])al of St. Mary's A.D. 1568.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 93 well conducted, free with his purse, as a partisan gene- rally specious; though when the Armada fired his hopes, he threw off the mask, and acted the venomous incen- diary. His institution was professedly a seminary, or place of Romish education. It served for the double purpose of harbouring fugitives, and for training a suc- cession of devoted emissaries, to maintain the patron- age of medieval errors and superstitions as needful to Hall in the same university. On the death of Queen Mary, he re- tired to Louvaine, and formed an intimate friendship Avith Dr. Sta- pleton and Dr. Harding, which subsisted through their lives. After spending some time in Lou- vaine, he returned to his native country. (Butler's Historical Memoirs of the English Ca/ holies. Lond. 1821. iii. 146.) During his stay in England, he argued warmly among his friends, against attendance at church by those who lay under Romish preposses- sions. To some of them this gave offence. Confirmed Protestants were still more displeased, and Allen, apprehensive, it is said, of a prosecution, again retired to the Continent. After a short resi- dence in Flanders, he visited Rome. Hence, he travelled back to Mechlin, where he was ordained priest, and read lectures in divi- nity. He had long meditated the institution of a college for his countrymen Romishly inclined, and this end was accomplished in 1568. In 1576, a Huguenot riot caused the magistrates of Douay to issue a reluctant order for the departure of Allen and his society. The Guisian family then provided them with an asylum at Rheims, whither the establishment removed in 1578, and where it continued until 1593. It then returned to Douay, and subsisted there until the French revolution. Allen was made cardinal in 1587, and his name was paraded as the Car- dinal of England. In 1589, he was appointed archbishop of Mechlin. He died in 1594, aged sixty-two. {II). 151, 153, 440. DoDD. ii. 44, 50.) When this in stitution was broken up at Douay, it was transferred to Old Hall Green, in the parish of Standon, and county of Hertford, where it still flourishes. A small estate, applicable to Romish education, directed it to this resting-place. It answers the double purpose of a boarding-school and a college for training ecclesiastics to officiate within the London vicariate : its foreign appropriation to seculars yet continuing. In one particular, the English house has varied from its continental predecessor. That was dedicated to Archbishop Becket ; but a desire to avoid offence, has found a patron saint for the Hertfordshire college, in another canonised archbishop of Canterbury, Edmund, who filled that see in the thirteenth century. 94 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1568. the full intc^-ity of Christianity. Douay did not long continue the only repository for this fatal seed. As it sprouted ominously upon English soil, political rivalry and relifiious bigotry were stimulated into exertions for a more extensive sui)})ly. Rome, Paris, JNIadrid, Lisbon, Valladolid, Seville, Louvaine, Ghent, Liege, and St. Omer's', eventually poured oath-bound ecclesiastics into Disguised, as they necessarily came, and con- England ' The college at Rome was founded for the education of secular clergy, in 157B ; hut ahout the following year, though still used hy seculars, it \vas placed under direction of the Jesuits. The colleges of Seville and Madrid were instituted ahout the same time with that of Home. Neither prospered ; but in I08O, the col- lege of A'^alladolid was completed, and it proved a very efficient in- strument. The Jesuits' college, at St. Omer's, was founded in 1504 : it was removed to Bruges in 17^4, and suppressed in 1773. The English seminary at Paris was founded about 1600; the college at Liege in 1616; that at Lisbon in 1622. The house at Louvaine was established by the Jesuits for novices, in 1605; in 1611, this was transferred to Watten, near St. Omer's. " In 1620, the Jesuits established their professed house at Ghent ; it was particularly destined for the infirm and ag(!d, and for such as were otherwise disabled from active duty in the society." — Butlkh's Ilisl. Mem. iii. 1 72," 440. * Tlie following oath was taken by the Seminarists. " I, A. B., one bred in this English college, considering how great benefits God hath bestowed upon me, but then especially, when he brought me out of mine own country, so much infected with heresy, and made me a member of the Catholic Church ; as also desiring with a thankful heart, to improve so great a mercy of God, have re- solved to offer myself wholly up to divine service, as much as I may, to fulfil the end for which this our college was founded. I promise, therefore, and swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I am prepared from mine heart, with the assistance of divine grace, in due time to receive holy orders, and to return into Eng- land, to convert the souls of my countrymen and kindred, Avhen, and as often, as it shall seem good to the superiors of this college." (FuLLKK. Ch. Hist. 92.) :Moore attributes this oath to the persua- sion of Persons, and thus gives it as imposed in the Roman college. " Ego, N. N., considerans quantis me Deus beneficiis affecerit, &c. : Promitto me, juvante gratia, sacros ordines suo tempore recipere, et in Angliam reverti, ut illic animas gentilium meorum convertam, quando hujus collegii supcriori videbitur in Domino mihi illud imperare." — Ilhl. Miss.Angl. Soc. Jcsii. 58. A.D. 1568.1 ROMISH RECUSANCY. 95 tinued, the country soon felt itself overspread by fomcnters of sedition, pedlars in superstitious toys, and libellers JNIodern Romanists are offended of the national religion' ' " Because tliey could not readily prevail by way of force, finding foreign princes of better consideration, and not readily inclined to their wicked purposes, it was debased to erect up certain schools, which they called Semi- naries, to nourish and bring up persons disposed naturally to sedi- tion, to continue their race and trade, and to become seedmen in their tillage of sedition, and them to send secretly into these, the Queen's Majesty's realms of Eng- land and Ireland, under secret masks, some of priesthood, some of inferior orders, with titles of Seminaries for some of the meaner sort, and of Jesuits for the stagers and ranker sort, and such like : but yet, so warily they crept into the land, as none brought the marks of their priesthood with them, but in divers cox'ners of her Majesty's dominions, these Semi- naries, or seedmen, and Jesuits, bringino: with them certain Ro- mish trash, as of their hallowed Avax, their Agnus Dei, many kinds of beads, and such like, have, as tillage-men, laboured secretly to persuade the people to allow of the pope's foresaid bulls and war- rants, and of his absolute autho- rity over all princes and countries, and striking many with pricks of conscience to obey the same : whereby in process of small time, if this wicked and dangerous, traitorous and crafty course had not been, by God's goodness, espied and stayed, there had fol- lowed imminent danger of horrible uprores in the realms, and a mani- fest bloody destruction of great multitudes of Christians." — Exc~ cution of Justice, 0. "These," (the Seminaries,) "in truth, were maintained by the adversaries of England, as a semi- nary of rebellion ; for so still they proved. Their first foundation was at Douay, in the Low Coun- tries, where, by the procuring of William Allen, an Oxford man, afterwards cardinal, there was a college provided for them in the year 1508 : where fugitive priests were brought up, not so much in religion, as in new and strange practices of treason." — Bisnop Cauleton's Thankful Remem- brance, 54. " It remaineth, then, that you would be pleased to be intreated by us, not to send, or suffer your children or friends to go beyond the seas unto them," (the Semi- naries,) " that so they may be driven, if needs they Avill train up youths to make them traiters, to gather them up in other countries, whereby they shall not be able so much to infect or endanger us." {Important Considerations bij the Secular Priests. Lond. 1075. p. 91.) This truly important dis- closure of the views entertained by the ordinary Romish priest- hood of England, was wrung from AVilliam TVatson, one of their body, by the encroachments of the Jesuits. It was originally printed in 1001, again in 1075, again in Bishop Gibson's Preservative against Popery, and lately by the 96 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1568. by pictures of tliese agents, copied from embarrassed, indignant contem]>oraries. They would overlook existing records cstabli!>liing their dangerous character, and merely view the foreign seminaries as extorted by the i)enalties against domestic education in Romish principles'. But Englishmen really had no need of any other than their paternal institutions. The first ten years of Elizabeth elapsed without a continental seminary, and undisturbed by Romish secession from the national churches. Had not adventurers landed from abroad to fan the dying embers of papal prejudice, itself an off-shoot from earlier Paganism, there is every probability that a new generation would have arisen, wholly unsusceptible of the influence that crept insidiously through every preceding race. Hence facilities for sound education, both clerical and lay, were to be found sufficiently at home, and safely there alone. seasonable procurement of Mr. ' The charge, however, neither ori- IMendham. It feelingly and can- ginated with Hume, nor is inca- didly exposes the political arts to pable of proof. The seminaries, which England owes a Romish it is stated, became necessary from sect and i)arty. The disixu'aged j the statute of the second of Eliza- and aggrieved secular priests | beth. " Without them, in the thought their own exertions, as i course of a few years, the Catholic mere ministers of religion, quite [ priesthood must, under the opera- sufficient to keep Romish opinions tion of such laws, have been ex- alive in the country. Rome tinguished." {Ih. 238.) But the tliought the stimulus of politics question still remains, whether to Ik- necessary, and the shrewd- politics were not necessary to ness of this judgment appears to prop the falling fortunes of the be unimpeachable. priesthood, here styled Catholic. ' Hume says of the seminaries, Revolutionary projects are very that " sedition, rebellion, some- j liberal feeders of hope. Many times assassination, were the ex- ' spirits, apathetic under any dis- pedients by which they intended course merely religious, would to eftect their purj)0ses against eagerly hear of a conscientious the queen." Mr. Butler pro- call to overthrow the government, nounces this an " atrocious and seize upon power, wealth, and chfirge." {Hist. Mem. i. 230.) , honour. A.n. I'jfiO.] ROMIRir RF.CUSANCY. 97 The seminaries drew much of their support from England. J\lany opulent families, impressed with a belief that recent years had overthrown their country's ancient faith, were, notwithstanding, glad enough of any selfish advantage arising from the change. The suj)jn-ession of monasteries was taxed with sacrilege, while their own pride and luxury were pampered upon conventual spoils. To reconcile principle with practice here, remittances to the seminaries were an admitted quit-rent. Rome with- drew her curse from such as paid it, recognising in their case, a sort of property, otherwise claimed inalienably for tlie church'. Thus prejudice, worthy to be the handmaid of selfishness, found a cheap remedy for many uneasy scruples. This liberality, too, was likely to be favourably remembered, upon the ultimate resumption of monastic estates, should papal ascendancy regain its former height. Such feelings, half sectarian, half interested, seconded importantly the bigotry, and politics of foreigners. The seminaries rapidly acquired resources to make them formidable. The Douay foundation, however, gave Elizabeth, at first, no uneasiness. She reckoned upon gaining over the more deserving of its youth, by luring with preferment in the church. Those who were without solid claims to notice, it was thought, would gradually and safely disappear amid neglect and poverty ^ Such antici- pations fell, undoubtedly, very short of the sagacity ' " It is incredible what a mass of money, (much in specie, more in excliange,) was yearly made over out of England, for the main- tenance of these colleges : having here their provincials, sub-provin- cials, assistants, agents, coadjutors, familiars, &c., who collected vast I 312< sums for them, especially from I Catholics possessed of considerable estates out of abbey-lands, his Holiness dispensing with them to hold the same with a clear con- science, if bountiful on all such occasions." — Fuller. Ch. HislA)2. '^ Sanders. Dc Schism. Ana:l. H 98 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1568. usually seen at the queen's council-board. Religious dissent has a dangerous affinity, for the ill-humours, difficulties, and disappointments of society. Often ali- mented by politics, it is very liable to be made a varnish for interest and j^assion. But Elizabeth came to the throne with little experience of nonconforming bodies. Their earlier stages only had apj^carcd, and in them, she saw mere symptoms of a temporary disorder, which her own firmness, and fuller information among the jiarties themselves, would eventually overcome. While English statesmen were thus off their guard, Rome was diligently undermining the public tranquillity. The pope had first conceived hopes of meddling in British politics with some appearance of publicity. He despatched Vincent Lauro, bishop of JNIondovi, towards Scotland, in the ostensible character of nuncio. Since it might be quite as useful to bribe sordid politicians, as to confirm inveterate prejudices, Lauro was liberally supplied with money. Some of this, no doubt, gladdened the palms of those interested spirits, who never move without an eye to private gain. But the nuncio himself was prevented, by the vigilance of Elizabeth's government, from pro- ceeding beyond Paris'. This disappointment, however, merelv gave a character of deeper treachery to the jiope's machinations against England. Robert Ridolfi, a Floren- tine gentleman, long established in London, as a merchant, secretly forsook ordinary commerce for a more lucrative traffic in i)olitics'. Pius furnished him very liberally with ' Catkna. I'ila (Id P. P'to S. p. 112. " Camlxlcn speaks of Ridolfi, in 15UH, as having " lived for a long time, a factor, in London." (Eliz. 415.) Under 1571, he says, that he " had for fifteen years together hoen a merchant in London." (4!i 1 .) .Strvpc considers him to have come into Lngland. abont 15()(). (.///;/. i. p. 2. p. 220.) Kidoiti is com- monly described as a geutlcman. A.D. 1568.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 09 capital', and his new dealings rapidly grew extensive. His counting-house became not only the mart for corro- boratives in honest prejudice, but also for incentives to treason, wherever there was disaifection, whether it rankled in Papist or Protestant*. Ridolfi's mercantile character was likewise useful in furnishing pretences for visits to the continent. If the English malcontents were anxious for instructions from Rome, for aid from the ferocious Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo, duke of Alva, or from Philip IT., his gloomy and bigoted master, their Italian friend found business to call him from his desk in London, to Italy, Flanders, or Spain \ To the Floren- tine's fitness for a seditious agency, Elizabeth's whole reign, after her first ten happy years, bears amjile witness. Among the parties in communication with Ridolfi, was naturally Mary, queen of Scots'. That unhappy princess gave, however, early in her English detention, some indication of proving an unserviceable tool for papal purposes. While confined at Bolton Castle she had and Catena calls him genlile- huomo Fiorentino: but he seems to have been originally a honajtde merchant. The Florentine aristo- cracy was, in fact, mercantile. ' He had 150,000 crowns placed at his disposal, on the eve of the northern rebellion. — Strype. Ann. i. pt. 2. p. 220. - " Egli operb in maniera a nome del santita di Pio, non sola- menle co Catolici, de quail lie gran nnmero, ma con molti di primieri Protestanti, li quali coucorrevano a cio per diversi rispetti, altri per private inimicitie, clie tengono con quel, die aspiravano alia succcs- sionc della corona : altri soUevati da piu salde speranze con la mu- tation del govcrno ; die si poteva far fondamento d'ogni buon fine." (Catena. 114.) Fuenmayor says that Pius, by means of Ridolfi, " offrecio abundautissimos socor- ros de gente y dineros ; que mo- vieron no solo a los Catolicos, mas a Puritanos, y Protestantes, unos de contraria opinion, y otros des- seosos de satisfazer a sus odios entre las turbacioncs." — I'ida y HeQhos de Pio F. iii. ^ Five Causes shewed against the Queen of Scots. — Stini'E. ii. Append, xiv. p. 4U8. * Ih. H2 100 ORIGIN OF [A.n. 15G8. attended prayers in Eun-lisb. She mii^'-lit be told, and reasonably tliink, that the Latin dress, in which she had known most of them, was merely an evidence of their orifrin in an age when that langnage was vernacnlarly spoken. Bnt it had become a bado'e of party. Hence ISIary conld not sto]i to think, whether words that a coil nrreo-at ion nnderstood, were agreeable to reason, ancient usage, and Scripture. Her interest was identified with Rome. Soon, accordingly, did rnmours fly that she was wavering as to religion. These gave her, probably, honest pain. They could not fail of damj)ing the hopes, to which a young woman, a prisoner, and a deposed sovereign, would fondly cling. She had even reason to believe, that Philip of Spain, the main bulwark of Romish fana- ticism, was acquainted with her occasional presence at a service which he so much abhorred. Seriously disquieted by conduct thus convicted of indiscretion, and really doubtful, perhaps, of its consistence with sound religious obligation, the royal captive wrote for the papal pardon and absolution'. She never afterwards alarmed Eliza- beth's enemies by any appearance of rendering herself, unfit for their designs. IVIary's temporary countenance to the English ritual, however defensible it might seem to a j)lain understand- ing, or to a reader of his Bible, was, in fact, i)eculiarly inopportune. Three clergymen, who had withdrawn from England, were then again among their countrymen, and with episcopal authority from the Roman see. Their business was to invigorate the languid, lingering remains of Romish prejudice, and to mould individuals yet under its influence into an organised sect. The tangible machi- ' Marv, (iuccn of Scots, to Pope Pius V. from Castle Boulton, Nov. :.(>, LJOO.— Fl!lm;u. CIi. Hist. Ji-2. A.D. 1568.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 101 iiery ibr these purposes, consisted in absolving the consciences of sucli as returned to popery ; in dispensing with disorders, short of wilful murder, or other obliqui- ties, liable to legal harm ; and in granting absolution to those whom Rome branded as heretics, upon condition of a three years' abstinence from the service of the altar'. A consistent and fermentable mass was thus formed from early predilections, a hungry appetite for superstition, imperfect information, and idle fears, often symptomatic of waning faculties. Of the papal triumvirate, whose obstetric skill gave birth to an English Roman Catholic body, Cambden mentions two by name, the third by initials only. Thomas Harding, the first-named, is most commonly remembered as the antagonist of Jewel. He was born in 1512, and educated in Wykeham's two foundations. He became fellow of New College, Oxford, in 153G, and regius professor of Hebrew there, in 1542. Thus his youth embraced a period M'hen the })apal authority was indignantly disclaimed, and medieval adaptations of Paganism to Christianity M'ere nodding to their fall. Harding's crown preferment proves his countenance to the divinity patronized at court"'. He seemed, indeed, on Edward's accession, merely to have been restrained by prudence from proceeding much farther than Henry had allowed. In the country, zealous Protestants were edified by his instructions, as domestic chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk, father to Lady Jane Grey. In Oxford he was a diligent hearer and professed admirer of Peter JNIartyr. From St. Mary's pulpit he derided the Trentine fathers ' Camdden. Eliz. 410. Of the lliinl in tliis tiiunivirato tlio ini- tials given are '• T. P." * Le Bas' Life of Jewel. 13l>. 102 ORIGIN OF [A.D. 1568. as illiterate paltn/ Papists', and inveighed against Romish peculiarities in a glittering stream of declamatory flou- rishes*. Crown patronage in papal hands opened, however, as if by magic, a flood of light upon him, and a well-timed conviction of having laboured under some gross mistake was encouraged by the treasurership of Salisbury and a prebend of Winchester. Like many others, hitherto finished specimens of worldly tact, and noted for a pliant faith which had never lagged when interest called, Harding could not muster face for a new recantation on JNIary's death. He took up the character of a sufferer for conscience. Thus the prizes of his recent conversion became forfeited, and he was placed under a sort of easy restraint', from which he withdrew to the continent. Had Harding contented himself M'ith an exile of devotion and obscurity, his renegade notoriety M'ould have been in a great measure forgotten, and his ultimate profession might wear an aspect purely spiritual. But such a man's prominence in party combination is open to grave suspicion. Papal traditions were necessa- rily on his lips, but IVIary of Scotland seated on the ' " Qui Tridentinos patres, ut JUilcralos PoJili/iciiIos OxonicC pro concionc derisit." — IIumphr. Jo. Jticl. Atigli Epixl. Sarixb. Jlla el Murx. Loud. 1573. p. 131). « See Hixt. Rcf. iv. 714. Dodd lets Harding down very gently. AVe are told of him, " lie appears to have been carried away -Nvitli the stream in Henry Vlll.'s reign, and to have been an occasional conformist, at least, under Ed- ^vard VI."— C7/. Ilixl. ii. •).'>. ' "Thomas Harding, D.I)., to remain in the town of I^Ioncton Farly, in the county of Wilts, or sixteen miles compass about the same; or within the town of Tol- lerwilme, in the county of Dorset, or twenty miles compass about the same." (liecuxaiils which arc abroad, and bound to certain places. — Strype. Annals, i. 412.) Against the several names arc marginal notes describing the i)ar- tics. Harding is thus characte- rized : — " Learned. In King Ed- Avard's time, preached the truth; and now stitt' in papistry, and thinking very much good of him- self." Harding died at Louvaine, Sept. 1(), l')72. — DoDU. ii. Do. A.D. 1568.] IIOMISH RECUSANCY. 103 English throne, and showenng- mitres on her more con- spicuous friends, may be fairly considered as uppermost in his thoughts. Nicholas Sanders, the second named l)y Cambden, also a Wykehamist, was born at Charlewood, in Surrey. At Oxford, he studied law, and proceeded bachelor in that faculty about 1550. On Elizabeth's accession he left his native land, and at Rome he was ordained priest by Goldwell, the ejected bishop of St. Asaph'. As a joolitical libeller and incendiary, Sanders holds a foremost rank. His forehead was flint, his tongue a razor^. Charity fain would hope that he was at bottom an honest fanatic ; but writings and acts like his have little semblance of misguided integrity. They need jDrotection from weak or disordered intellect. Unfortunately, however, the father of Romish history has left but little room for any such apology. For working upon selfish passion and popular credulity, Sanders was invaluable. Seldom is a mere scholar found so reckless of assertion, so hostile to concession, so bold in action, and fertile in expedient. Hence the English refugees endeavoured, by Philip's interest, to have him made a cardinaP. But his turbu- ^ " Quae sors" (exillum, sc.) " obtlgit Tlioma? Goldwello, reve- rendissimo episcopo Assaphensi, qui mihi manus presbyterii Ro- mre imposuit." — Sanders. De Vis. Mon. Eccl. Lov. 1571. p. 686. DODD. ^ " Silicem illi certe pro fronte, noraculam pro fronte fuisse." — Bp. Andrewes. Tortura Torti. 143. ^ The English Romanists in Bruxelles, to Philip, king of Spain. (Strype. Parker. Ap- pend. Lxxvi. p. 217.) The letter, whidi is Latin, and Avithout any date of year, intreats the Spanish monarch to render his application to Rome more feasible by the as- signment of a pension to Sanders from some ecclesiastical benefice. Strype says, " I am apt to think this was a device of Sanders him- self, and some of his friends ; and that he had secretly procured this letter to be wrote, thirsting after honour and wealth." (ii. 169.) The conjecture is not improbable, and the facts upon which it is built, ought to be kept in view by 10-4 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 156f]. lent career li:ul closed before the papal court became fully alive to the policy of couferriug this diguity upon an Eno^li^huKui. Then its choice fell upon Allen, uliose ordinary character had been that of a zealous divine, shunning the offensive politician. To Sanders, unques- tionably, the Romish party and sect in England is largely indebted for existence. Papal obligations to him arc not, however, without alloy. He is among the most virulent and indefatigible of priestly politicians ujmn record, yet his authority was instantly and greedily accepted for such historical views of the English Refor- mation as Romanists have ever circulated, and Mould fain believe. But his pictures have all the air of libels, turn- ing upon mere jiersonalities, conceived in the worst sj)irit, and rendered improbable by absurd, revolting admix- tures'. His taciturnity was inconveniently defective*. He has chronicled facts injurious to the religious charac- ter of his i)arty, by exhibiting it as a band of political consj)irators'. Serious contemporary Romanists, accord- tliosc uho Avould understand tlic ' Cranmor took liis ^Yifc about in a orij^in of a Romisli sect and party cliest, ^vitll otlier matters of like in Eiiglartd. Tlic clerical agents ; credibilit}-. ^Malice may cling to •were needy men, incessantly urg- I such license, or levity may laugh ing their claims upon the wealthi- est monarch in I'uropo, and look- ing forward to a popish occupant of their national tlirone. Even the purest of tlicm ■were likely to he stimulated and supported by these considerations. The more f.rtful and violent Avere likely to at it; but its very front is injuri- ous to historical credit, and the tales of Sanders are open to di- rect contradiction. Ilencc Bishop Andrcwos is justified in designat- ing these things, pruiUgiusa mcnda- cia, and their author, meudaciunivi pater Sandcrus. lie well adds of his tales, Prudunl citivi ipsa .sr, Tor. think seriously of very little else ' Sanders more than insinuates (am sunl ef tiirjua ct slulla that Anne l^olcyn Avas ]Ienry tura Torli. 14H. VIIl.'s own daughter; he tells, " " Sanderus, homo non salis that Kdward VI. was cut out of taciturnus." — Jcsuitisvii Pars Sc~ his mother's •womb; his father | ctivda Aulorc ]>.vri{. lli'MrnKuo. brutally saying, that he could easily find new wives; and that \:ah. The Txcculio/i of Justice A.D. 1568.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 105 ingly, though professing respect for the man, felt wounded bj the author'. He has, in truth, forged a two-edo-ed SM'ord, meant, indeed, for liis own friends, and habitually in their hands, but adapted for turning effectively against them. The triumvirate, which moulded Romish prejudice into nonconformity, stands here upon record in a lio-ht purely religious. Protestants cannot help regretting that new vitality should have been given to a i)rincij)lc of discord, when peacefully and gradually hastening to extinction. But Romanists, who conscientiously identify their peculiar tenets with the Catholic faith, may allow- ably view the spiritual exertions of Rome to retain hold of England as a sacred papal duty. The next movement of Pius has no longer a hope of receiving this commen- dation openly from any quarter. A Christian divine who treated the Virgin JVIary as a goddess, and relics as objects of religious veneration, was likely to labour under an honest conviction that Englishmen generally were drowned in heresy. It is far less credible that mere misapprehen- sion could blind any man to the responsibility of insti- gating civil war. Undoubtedly the Pope's understanding must have been warped and his passions nnhumanised as director of inquisitors. Still, an acute elderly man, act- quotes and translates his account, from his -work T)e VisihUi Monar- chia Ecclesia', of Morton's mis- sion to stir xi-p tlie northern re- hellion. Many other passages, in- jurious to the spiritual character of Romanism, have also hccn cited from him. ■* " It little hecame cither Mas- ter Saunders, (otherwise an ex- cellent man,) or Master Parsons, or any other of our own nation, to have intermeddled with those matters," (French and Scottish politics,) " or to write, as they have very offensively done, in di- vers of tlieir boohs and treatises; to what purpose, Ave know not, except it were to shew their ma- lice, to dishonour their own coun- try as much as lay in them, and to move a greater dislike in the state of all that be Catholicks, than before they had." — I in pari an I Cunsklcratious. 50, 106 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1569. ing- the reckless political inceiuliary, appears chargeable with something worse than error of religious judgment. As a worldly politician, Pius did exactly that which the case required. England had been gliding, imperceptibly, during ten years, beyond reach of papal influence. The sudden revival of old prepossessions might iirovc, there- fore, nothing more than a temporary flash. A new generation would be likely to number the superstition of its predecessor among things grown comi)letely out of date. But overcome exclusion from power ; ojien a prospect of hiding embarrassment, if not of retrieving it ; arouse the dormant appetite for turbulence and plunder, the convulsion might overthrow established authority at once. Or if success were not so complete, injuries undergone would rankle for generations ; obstinate ani- mosities would bo engendered between the victorious and the baflied ; principles Avould be avowed, for pride after- wards to keep inviolate, and for transmission as family heir-looms. The papacy really had little prospect of maintaining a Romish sect in England, without cement- ing and exasperating it by political movements. In deciding, therefore, against public tranquillity, Rome dis- covered her usual shrewdness. Perhaps the design refused her a mantle of decency. Foreign Romanists evidently thought none required. Tlie more serious of their English brethren were driven into a very different conclusion. They saw treason spreading misery around, and heaping disgrace upon their peculiar opinions. Authors, j)atronized at Rome, ostentatiously traced all this load of distress and infamy to the Pojie. Whatever England had of solid Romish i)ietv, drew back in shame and sorrow, protesting that papal facility had been abused'. ' " It pitioth our hearts to sec aud read, what hath been printed A.D. 15690 ROMISH RECUSANCY. 107 Among clergymen who fled soon after the queen's coronation, was Dr. Nicholas Morton, sprung from a gentleman's family at Bawtry, in Yorkshire, prebendary of York, and one of the six preachers in the cathedral of Canterbury'. He seems to have taken refuge at Rome'. An English exile of any promise would be likely to find subsistence there, and could hardly fail of receivino- remittances from home. But such a provision rapidly becomes irksome to the receiver and onerous to his bene- factors. Hence an independent spirit pants for an opi)or- tunity to substantiate its claims, and patrons are equally impatient for the services upon which they originally reckoned. Had any fugitive encountered expostulation in the inmost recesses of private friendship, he would, most likely, have defended himself by urging these obvious truths. The public, however, must be carefully blinded against every-day realities. It is to see only the patriot or the saint. JNIorton's title to one or both of these captivating appellations was to be substantiated by a secret mission from the Pope to his native country. He appears to have landed on the Lincolnshire coast''; whence, pro- bably, he went directly to his relations in the adjoinino- and published out of Italy, in the life of Pius du'mtus, concerning his Holiness' endeavours, stirred- up by false suggestions to joyn ■with the king of Spain: for the utter ruine and overthrow both of our Prince and Country. AVould to God, such things had never been cnterprised, and most of all that they had never been printed." —Imp. Cons. 56. ' Strype. Memurials. iii. 47B. DoDD. ii. 194. ^ Strype, Annals, ii. 578. Mor- ton Avas appointed one of the Ro- man penitentiaries, Sanders de- scribes him as " S. Thcol. Doct. ununi ex presbyteris, qui poeni- tentiisindicendis Komie pra;erant." — De Vis. Mon. 730. ^ Morton seems to have come over at other times since his exile. Grimsby and Boston were the ports that he used. — Stuvpe. Annals. ii. 579. 108 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 15G9. county. Another priest, named Webb, was associated Avitli him'. These emissaries Merc to communicate with certain individuals of some distinction, who are merely designated as il/tistrioKS and Catholic. A treasonable correspondence, therefore, had already been opened, and the jiapal agents were to seek immediate interviews M'ith known conspirators. Their message was to denounce FAizabcth, hy apostolic authority, as a heretic, and hence fallen from all dominion and poiver that she usurped over Catho- lics: who mifjht, accordingly, treat her as a heathen and a publican, refusing obedience to her laws or mandates". This was intelliofible enough ; but still such language might be no more than a vent for the imjioteut rage of dotiuir and malicious intolerance. Pius discovered no such weakness. Philij) was lured into the confederacy by representations of its tendency to cement his own power over the Netherlands. Bigot as he Avas, this probably Aveighed with him quite as nnudi as the antici- j)ated pleasure of imposing Popery upon England. France was reminded of her interest in crippling a n(>ar neigh- ' Iwp. Cons. ()0. The author, "William "Watson, cites Sanders as his uuthorit}-. * Sandkk.s. 1)c J is. Moil. 730. Tlie pasf-ape is cited and translated in Lord lUirfzhlcy's Excctilioii of Juslicc, (p. !(),) and elsewhere. " Dr. Nicholas ]\Iortf)n, fonnerly a jacbendary of York, liad visited the northern counties in tlie spring of tliis year. He came from Itomc Avith the title of apostolical peni- tentiary. The object of liis mis- feion ajipcars to liave been to im- jiart to the Catholic jiriests, as from the I'ope, those faculties and that jurisdiction vhich they could no longer receive in the regular manner from their bishops. C;nnb- den says, that lie urged the north- ern gentlemen to rebellion, and had been sent to inform them that the pontiff had deposed the qut en, on account of heresy ; but he could oidy inform them that a bull of deposition 'was in preparation; for it Avas not signed or published till the next year. Of his activity, liOAVcvcr, in promoting the insur- rection, there can be little doubt. The Nortons and MarkcnHelds were his relatives. His fallier and IMarkeniield's father had mar- ri( (1 two sisters."— l-i>"ciAi, viii. 52. note. A.D. loG9.] ROMISH RECUSANX'Y. 109 boiir and ancient rival ; especially at a time when domes- tic Protestantism was occasioning the most formidable embarrassments. The Pontiff himself seems to have grown delirious. He talked as if a helmet would become him rather than the tiara. He was willing to go in jier- son, and prepared for any sacrifice. He would pawn all the property of the apostolic see, even including chalices, crosses, and his own vestments. His agent, Ridolfi, was immediately furnished with a credit for one hundred and fifty thousand crowns. Still more was promised. So that no Englishman, ripe for bloodshed, was left under fears of wanting the sinews of war'. The principal nobleman in England, and one of the richest in Europe, Thomas Howard, duke of Norfolk, educated by Foxe, the martyrologist, was a confirmed Protestant. But unhap- pily for himself he had become, for the third time, a widower. His alleged heresy was overlooked, and Pius admitted him as a correspondent. He might be tempted with a throne, by means of Mary, queen of Scots. By papal agents the temptation was tried, and succeeded. Mary's own agent in London, Lesley, bishop of Ross, entered actively into the conspiracy, under cover of his diplomatic character'. The duke of Alva found conve- ' The whole passage, establish- ing these facts, is translated from Catena, in Cambden, Bishop Car- leton's Thankful Remembrance, and elsewhere. Cambden adds, " Thus far Hieronymo Catena ; some of which things were un- known to the English, till he pub- lished them in his book printed at Rome, with the privilege of Sixtus Y. in the year 1588." 442. Mr. Turner (Mod. Hist. Engl. iv. 227,) has transcribed, in his notes, | the Italian original. Fuenraayor says of Pius, "Prometia aniniando a los conjurados, de ir in pei'sona, y de vender toda la plata de las yglesias." — Fida y Hechos de Pio V. 112. ^ Dodd ridiculously declares the project of Norfolk's marriage with Mar}', an unprincipled stratagem of Elizabeth's advisers A>r his ruin. He says, it was '" fraudulently pro- jected by the English ministry, as an effectual means to ruin the duke."— C7/. Uisl. ii. 3(5. 110 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 15G9. iiiciitly commercial diflicultics between England and the Netherlands, demanding an early settlement. He sent Vitelli, marquis of Cetona, to arrange them at the English court. This agent, however, was no mere civilian, but an experienced soldier, M'ho talked of commerce with Elizabeth's ministers, and of treason with others of her subjects. His real business was to watch the movements of rebellion with a military eye, and to be ready for commanding an expedition against England, then under clandestine preparation in the Low Countries'. Had Pius no character at stake but that of ability for intrigue, he would have earned all the praise that Italian and S])anish bigotry so ingenuously bestow. Numerous as were his agents, such a veil of secresy shrouded all their acts, that Elizabeth's habitual vigilance was long completely baffled. At length, suspicion was aroused, and parties indicated, from whom some serious blow was daily to be feared. Ridolfi was arrested, while the hun- dred and fifty thousand crowns, inconsistently furnished by the most conspicuous of Christian ministers to raise a civil war, were still undisbursed. Very little information had, however, been gained. Hence the crafty Florentine was quickly set at large. His business hardly felt the temporary shock. Euglish dealings with him immedi- ately resumed all their old activity, and the Pope's largo remittance found its way to those who had promised an acknowledgment in sanguinary violence*. Though Elizabeth knew scarcely anything of the formidable plot against her, she took at once the pre- caution of removing to Windsor Castle. She seems to have thought herself menaced with little more than a dangerous intrigue, for the marriage of Norfolk with * Camdden. Eliz. 421. ' Strype. Annals, i. pt. 2, p. 220. A.D. 1569.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. Ill Mary, queen of Scots. To stay its progress, she desired that noblemen to wait upon her directly. This unwel- come summons might soon have been obeyed, for the duke was at Howard House. He answered it, however, by representing himself under apprehension of an ague fit, and afraid of venturing abroad prematurely, because taking medicine for his relief. Hence he requested indulgence for four days. These did not elapse, without showing him capable of a much longer journey than Windsor. He left London for his own castle of Ken- ninghall, in Norfolk. Thence he wrote another letter to Cecil, feigning uneasiness about his health, and pro- mising appearance at court within a week\ To the queen he complained pathetically of lying under suspicion, an unmerited misfortune, that gave him " a nipping to the heart'." With her usual decision, Elizabeth answered ' " I recevyd your lettres yes- ternight, whereby I understande that hyr Majestic will come to Wyndesor, whether hyr Plesure is I shuld repayrc. At my coming hyther, I found myself disposed to an Agew, to avoyde the Avhich I toke a Purgation yesterday, which continewed working even this Night in my Bedd. Wherfor, I am afrayde to go into the Ayer so sone ; but within four dayes, I will not fayle (God willing) to come to the Corte accordingly." — The Duke of Norfolk to my Lord Leicester, or Mr. Secretary Cecill. Howard House, Sept. 22, 1569. Collection of Stale Papers, left by W. Cecill, Lord Burghley : by S. Haynes, A.M. Lond. 1740, p. 527. ■'' " JNIy heartie desire is, that yow Avill geave her Highncs to understand therof," (the ague,) " and withall to make my true and humble excuse to her ]Ma- jestie on my behalfe : Assuring yow, that so sone as I may, with- out perill of farther sickncs, (which I trust her Highnes wolde not wislie me to encrease by over sodayne journey,) I shall, accord- ing to my bounden Deuty, wayte upon her Majestic, and that before Mondaye or Tewsday next at the farthest."— The Duke of Norfolk to Secretary Cecill. Kenynghall, Sept. 1569. lb. 528. * " It was no small Grcyf unto me that every Townesman could saye that my Howse was bcscttc : A nyppinge to my Harte ! that I which knowe my none fidclitie to your Majestic, shouldc nowe be- come a suspectid Parson." — The Duke of Norfolk to the Queues Majestic. Kenynghall, Sept. 24, 1569. lb. 528. 112 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1509. all this liypocrisy, by a peremptory command for his immediate attendance', even if he could only travel in a litter". He delayed obedience to the last moment ; and then, ojipressed with just alarm, set oft' for Windsor. There he found but little of the conspiracy detected : enouii-h, however, to warrant his committal to the Tower. Orders to appear in the royal presence were also received by Norfolk's father-in-law, Henry Fitz-Alan, last earl of Arundel, of that ancient house; John, lord Lnmley; and William Herbert, earl of Pembroke'. All obeyed instantly, and seemingly disclosed, without re- serve, everything needful for the public tranquillity. They admitted privity to Norfolk's intended match, but kej)t a strict and ingenious silence upon all points un- known to the government\ The bishop of Ross was likewise interrogated, but with no greater success*. ' " We have roceaA-ed your Lct- tres by Delivery of tlic same to us l)y our Counsell : fynding by the same, that uppon the pretence of a feare, Avitliout cause, yow are gone to Kenynghall, contrary to our expectation, Avhicli was, that as yow wrote to certayn of our Counsell from London, not past four dayes, that yow wold without fayle be at our Court within four dayes. But now we will, that as yow intend to shew your self a faythfull Subject, as yow write yow ar, yow forthwith without any Delaye, upon the sight of these ourLettres, and without any man- ner of excuse, whatsoever it be, doo speedily repayre to us here at this our Castell of Wyndsor, or wherosoevor we shall be." — The QuoTios Majestic to the Duke of Norfolk, Sept. 25, 150D. Burgh- h'lf Papers, 529. * " Because wc think yow can not be ignorant of the departure of the Duk of Norfolk from Lon- don, at such tyme as he had pro- mised to come hyther, since Avhich tyme, he being sent for by our servant, Edward Garret, hath made excuse of some stey by rea- son of a fever ; and yet that he will come within few days : We have thought good to impart unto yow, that we do not allow of this excuse, and therfor have eftsones commanded hym to come up, though he be by his fever, con- strayned to come in a Lytter." — The Queues Majestic to the Lord AVentworth. Il>. 533. = //;. 52S), 530. * lb. 535. » lb. 544. A.n. 15G9.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 113 Rarely has a partial discovery of extensive mischief appeared less prelusive of total failure. Peremptory messages were sent likewise into the north, requiring Thomas Percy, earl of Northumberland, and Charles Neville, earl of Westmoreland, to show themselves with all expedition before their sovereign'. The latter peer was of debauched habits, as embarrassed circumstances, and a broken constitution, bore melan- choly witness". Northumberland, a good-natured, well- intentioned man, had been exasj^erated by the queen's exercise of her prerogative, in granting a^ay from himself, a copper-mine found upon his estate. Both noblemen had great hereditary influence in their part of England, and recent years had increased it, most of the northern population sharing in their partiality for Ro- manism. They were, no doubt, among the illustrious and CatJiolic persons, to whom Morton bore commission from the po])e. But although preparing to follow the san- guinary counsel, given so unworthily, under a religious mask, they were not ready for the blow. Ridolfi had not yet remitted the necessary supplies. No tidings had arrived of men, and other warlike appliances, expected from Scotland, or of an expedition secretly preparing in the Netherlands, which was to land at Hartlepool. Con- founded by the royal mandate, while so fearfully unpre- pared for disobcdiecnc, Northumberland's yielding dis- position all but made him set out for AVindsor. INIore artful conspirators, in dismay, suborned a servant, on the very day in which he heard from court, to rouse him with a midnight cry, that some neighbours, with whom ' Copy of the Quenes Majesties Lettre to Thcailisof Westmor- laucl and Northumberlaiul. Windsor, Nov. 10, loOD. Ih. " E.veculion of Justice, 3. I 114 ORIGIN OF ' [a.d. 1509. lie was at feud, "vvere about his park in formidable strength. He was told, besides, that bells were ringing backwards, all the country round, signals of a holy war, then about to raise every Romish sword in England ; and he was earnestly implored not to betray himself, his friends, or the faith of his noble ancestors. Bewildered and panic-stricken, he rushed from bed, and hastened to a lodge within his park. He was then at TopclifF. In the next night, he withdrew to the earl of Westmoreland's, at Brandspeth. He there found a knot of conspirators, whose desperation would hear no longer of delay. The incendiary INIorton redoubled his activity, and Pius was quickly gladdened by news from England of a civil war'. The nation had now enjoyed eleven peaceful, pros- perous, bloodless years. It is grievous to find piety made a cloak for interrupting its even, beneficial course. The two northern earls appeared in arms, proclaiming a design to restore the ancient religion. They wrote urgently to the pope, requesting further pecuniary aid : a petition answered favourably, but too late*. IMarching ' Cambdex. FJiz. 412. Stowe. 1 which chiefly they identified them- 602. " It is true that the people selves, was that of tlie earls who of the north of England were then j had called them into the field." — in a state of greater ignorance, and | Wrigut's ih'C'oi Ellzahclh and more inclined to Popery, than I her Times. Lond. 1838. Introd. those of the midland and southern i xxxiv. parts ; hut this was not all ; there still remained in those parts a much greater feeling of clanship * Their letter was dated Nov. 8. The reply of Pius hears date, Feh. 20, 1570. It sjieaks of the than in any other part of Eng- carls as " inspired " to endeavour lain!. If we examine into the " to deliver themselves and that liistorv of the dilVerent families | kingdom from the hasest servitude wlio took a part in the reljclliun, 1 of a woman's lust." In another we shall find that, perhaps without place, it speaks of them as living an exception, they were all allied " hasely and ignominiously to by blood or intermarriage with the • serve the will of an impotent wo- two families of tlie Percies and • man." This, perhaps, is only ill- the Nevilles, and the cause with [ tempered nonsense : but iu a letter A.D. 15G9.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 115 onwards to Durham, they entered the minster, where they tore and destroyed all the English Bibles and Prayer Books but one. The communion-table they defaced, rent, and broke in pieces. A proclamation then was read in the queen's name, prohibiting any service until further orders, and claiming a sufficient authority for all that had been done'. In other places, they restored mass". Among their colours were depicted chalices, and the five wounds of Christ. A cross also was borne aloft by Richard Norton, an aged gentleman*, who was, probably, uncle to Morton, the poj^e's commis- sioned incendiary". to Philip II., of March 5, 1570, the pontiff describes Elizabeth as " a most infamous woman, who considers herself queen of this province, and exercises a most cruel tyranny." Of all the acts of cruelty, ultimately charged by Romanists upon the subject of this abuse, not one had hitherto been committed. It is no wonder, therefore, that Pius could after- wards designate the queen as " a most nefarious woman, and a dis- honour of all Christendom," and say, that " she had despoiled the Queen of Scots of her kingdom." (Mendham's Pius V. 130. Ca- tena. 249.) Fuenmayor, accord- ingly, denounces Elizabeth as an usurper. Speaking of Mary, Queen of Scots, he says, " A ella la dezi- anque pertenecia, no a la posse- dora, bastarda de Henrique VIII. avida en Ana Bolena, su concu- bina, y por esso excluida de la succession por los Icyes." — Vida y Ilechos de Pio V. 111. ' Sir George Bowes to the Earl of Sussex. Nov. 10, 1569. Queen Eliz. caul her Times, i. 332. ' " They " re-established the mass at Ripon, Nov, 18. (Ltn- GARD. yiii. 54.) This had been previously done at Darlington, where one of the insurgent gentle- men, " with a staffe, drove before him the poor folks to hasten them to heare the same." (Sir George Bowes to the Earl of Sussex. Nov. 17, 1569. Queen Eliz. and her Times, i. 336.) This zealous admi- rer of mass was John Swinburne, of Chopwell, Durham, afterwards attainted. His conduct renders it probable that northern aftection for Romanism has been overrated. ' Cambden. Eliz. 422. * Nicholas Morton's father ap- pears to have taken for a second wife, the sister of this venerable esquire. (Strype. Annals, ii. 578.) Richard Norton was of Norton Conyers, in Yorkshire. IIo mar- ried Susanna, daughter to Richard Neville, lord Latimer, 1)y whom lie had a very numerous family. Nine sons followed him in this unhappy rcbollion ; the eldest, J'Vancis, un- willingly. Hence, probably, the favour that he received, being 12 116 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1569. Proceeding onwards, the rebels reached Clifford INIoor, by Wetherby, in Yorkshire. Elizabeth's force was hardly equal to attack them, especially as the north was gene- rally favourable to their cause. The gentry stood aloof, and jirofessed loyalty. But rich men make bad revolu- tionists, and the royal commanders well knew the liol- lowness of much that fell upon the ear'. Beyond the I lumber, a different disposition prevailed, as the insurgent earls became mournfully sensible. Hence they neither could see anything but ruin in a farther advance, nor any ])rospect of resisting the force marching from the south, until Joined by their continental friends. They retreated, accordingly, to Raby, chief seat of Lord Westmoreland, and there waited anxiously for the landing of Alva's pro- mised expedition, at the neighbouring port of Hartlepool ^ Finding this balk their hopes, consternation became irre- sistible, and they fled in straggling companies, to the neighbourhood of Carlisle. Thence, the two miserable earls withdrew clandestinely into Scotland^ Westmore- cnaLlcfl to save part of the family- estates. The father escaped into Flanders. ' "• I fyndc the gcntilmen of this countrey, though the most parte of them he Avell affected to the cause Avhich the rehells make cf)lour of their rehcllion, yet in outwarde shew, well attccted to serve your majestic trewly against them, and yett I sec no suche cause as I may be utterly voyde of suspicion towards them, and therefore it is wisdom to he fur- nished with such force as your majesfie may he assured of, which will the rather inforce them to serve trewly, though they had any meaning to the contrary. The douhto and suspicion conccvyd of them by my lorde of Sussex, not without vehement and good cause, hathe moche troubled his lord- ship."— Sir Rafe .Sadler to the Queues ^Majestic. Nov. 2t), ITjOJ). Slate Papcr.s aud Lcllers of Sir Ra/ph Sadler. E.linb. lH(H)."ii. 43. " " The records at Simancas shew, that Alva always dissuaded Philip from sending aid to the discontented in England." — Lin- gaud, viii. 5'). note. ^ " Their unfortunate followers in England felt the whole weight of the royal vengeance. All who possesseil lands or chattels were reserved for trial, that the for- feitures consequent upon their A.D. 15G0.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 117 land made good his escape, by passing over into the Netherlands ; where he struggled tlirough his latter days, upon a slender pension from the king of Spain'. Ho strove to earn his pittance by furnishing facilities to such as conspired against his country's tranquillity: which service, ill-paid as it was, rendered him daily more odious, wretched, and contemptible. Northumberland's fate, though violent and untimely, was less dishonourable. After a brief and precarious refuge among banditti, within the Scottish border, he became prisoner to the regent, jVIurray. His place of confinement was the cele- brated castle of Lochleven, where he led a life of extreme devotion^ until Morton came to the head of Scottish affairs. The new regent was indebted so largely to attainders, might indemnify the Queen for the expenses of the campaign: the poorer classes were abandoned to the execution of martial law; and between New- castle and Wethcrby, a district of sixty miles in length, and forty in breadth, there was not a town or village, in Avhich some of the in- habitants did not expire on the gibbet. The survivors Avere par- doned, but on condition, that they should take not only the oath of allegiance, but also that of supre- macy." (LiNGARD. 59.) " Three- score and six petty constables were hanged up at Durham, for an ex- ample, and among them the most noted mutineer was one Plumtree, a priest. At York were executed Simon Digby, J. Fulthorpe, Tho- mas Bishop, Robert Pcnemanj and a few months after, at London, Christopher and Thomas Norton; and some others in other places." (Cambden. 423.) This undoubt- edly, admits a great sacrifice of life, though not a greater than was to be expected in such an age. As for forfeitures to " indemnify the Queen," she had, probably, no regular resources to meet a great unusual expense, and it was more fair that the turbulent causes of the outlay should be made to pay for it, than that the industry, or incomes of peaceable men should be taxed for the purpose. ' Cambden. 422. ■^ He remained on his knees in prayer, Avhole days, and often great part of the night. If meat were brought him on a fast-day, as it often was, he ate only bread, and in every particular he made his imprisonment an ascetic pre- paration for that violent death, in which he must have ever seen it likely to end. — Buidgkwatkr. Coitcertatio Eccl. Cal/i. Aug. Trev. 1589. f. 46. 118 ORIGIN OF Qa.1i. 1o70. En.iilisli influence for his elevation, that he could hardly refuse to surrender the misguided earl. But it was an ignominious price, and rendered more so by English gold. This completed JMorton's infiimy in delivering to certain death one vrhom, during exile, he had himself found a most valuable friend'. Elizabeth might seem vindictive in recpiiring her unhappy subject, had not two years, elapsed since his rebellion, revealed an embarrassing extent of treachery and peril. Hence it appeared advis- able to make an example of Northumberland, and he Vins beheaded, at York, in 1572*. While the two earls were yet in arms, one of their confederates, Leonard, second son of the late, William, Lord Dacre, of Gillesland, was at court. Ilis nephew, George, Lord Dacre, a mere youth, had been recently killed at Thetford, in learning to vault; the Avooden machine, called the great horse, having fallen upon him. He left sisters co-heiresses of the ftimily honours and estates. This abeyance and partition, although legally attendant upon a barony by writ, occasioned extreme soreness in Leonard Dacre. He could not bear to smart * " But who has CTor proved grateful to men in adversity?" — Cambden. 445. • He died Avith a zealous pro- fession of Romanism on his lips. According to the unhappy fashion of his time, he was persecuted on the scaffold -with I'rotestant ad- monitions. These he aggravated Ity his own indiscretion, professing liis constancy to the universal Cliurch, and that he knew no- lliing of the new Church of I'.ngland. Ills officious Protestant adviser said, " 1 see you die an ol)stiiiatc l'apij,t, nut a member of the Catholic Church, hut of tlic Roman." Tliis produced an alter- cation, wliich Northumberland ended by turning to the people, and saying, " BeAvare, dearest brethren, of these ravening wolves, Avho come to you in sheep's cloth- ing, though they are the very men that devour your souls." The fto- testant " pseudo-propheta " in- stantly went down from the scaffold " velut percussus." (Bridgewatru. f. 48.) lie probably saAv the inu- tility and cruelty of urging the dying peer any farther, and there- fore left him to the only devotions that liis spirit couhl bear unruffled. A.D, I57O.J ROMISH RECUSANCY. HO as a younger brother any longer, having been thus nn- exj^ectedly tantalized by a nearer apjiroach to the heredi- tary prize. While brooding over schemes to escape from the gripe of penury and dependance, the northern re- bellion prematurely broke out. Fearful of losing a share in the anticipated spoil, he expressed abhorrence of the insurgents, and earnestly requested permission to join the force against them. He was not gratified, until his northern friends were on their way to Scotland. Even then he could not abandon his mad enterj)rise. Under pretence of securing his own estate, and resisting the rebels, he drew around him three thousand men, chiefly banditti from the borders. Henry Carey, Lord Hunsdon, cousin-german to the queen, was unable to defeat him, A^ ithout great loss of life. Dacre himself, though person- ally deformed, fought with unyielding courage. When the battle was lost, he fled into Scotland, and thence beyond sea. He died at Louvaine, in very straitened circumstances '. The failure of these rebellious movements galled Rome with bitter disappointment ^ It awakened no re- morse, no shame, no suspicion of hopes incommensurate with means. The papal courtiers merely sought a cause for their discomfiture. English fugitives found one in the backwardness of Pius himself. Doubts had been thrown, they said, by the northern gentry, upon their obligation to rise against Elizabeth. Her disqualification for the throne had not been pronounced with suflicient precision and solemnity, to overcome scruples upon alle- giance 3. ^ Cambden. 423, 408. Stowe. ' " Reliquis Catholicis, prop- 662. DoDD. ii. 38. tcrca quod adhuc i»cr Papam non * " Pio con excessivo dolor 03 b cnit publico contra Reginani lata estas nuevas."-^FuKNMAYOR. 113. cxconimunicutiouis scntentia, uec 120 ORIGIN OF [a.d. lo/O. The senseless and indecent fulmination of Paul III. against Ilenrv VIII. not only pretends to disinherit all his issue by Anne Boleyn, but also to render them in- capable of restitution'. Elizabeth was likewise included, altlioui»h not expressly, in the excommunication that annually disgraced Rome, on Maundy Thursday. ]\Iore l)hiiiily still did she come under the lash of a damnatory bull jiublished by Paul IV., and formally confirmed by the reigning pope. This explosion of childish and un- charitable arrogance declares all princes, who maintain the sufficiency of Scripture, hopelessly deprived of their dominions^ As, in addition to these documentary argu- ments for civil war, JNIorton and Webb were armed with a confirmatory message from Pius himself, their eloquence must have proved highly palatable in houses pervaded by Romish prejudice, or political disaffection. The duty of deposing a sovereign labouring under such incapacity, would be warmly maintained. Confident hopes would be expressed of a general rising to drive her from the helm. Females and young men are liable to be wrought up, under such exciting doses, into a fever of enthusiasm. They soon talk loudly of the most heroical sacrifices. But heat in the members generates coolness in the head. A family threatening war and martyrdom gives intensity to the master's gaze, upon his handsome home, and plentiful estate. He dreads the storm that may sweej) these advantages away. Ilis mind may even be crossed by strong suspicions, and ancient proverbs, forbidding calculation ui)on domestic affection undiminished, under ab (Jus ipsi absoluti viderentur obedicntia, sc non adjungentibus." — Sandehs. Dc Schism. Angl. 310. ' Damn, ct Excom. IJcur. fill. sect. 9. * Bisnor Baklow's Bnditm Ful- mcn. Load. lG8y. p. 171- A.D. 1570.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 121 inability to continue habitual comforts. Tims inci})ient approval rapidly glides into evasion, and a promising dis- cussion ends in a dogged array of reasons for standing aloof The externals of this vexatious process were, no doubt, reported correctly to Pius. Undeniable inform- ality in his ajipeal, was an obvious plea for masking un- willingness to risk the well-appointed hall, with its teeming acres. Though the real counteracting force was palpable, and unlikely to lose its efficacy, Roman self-love and anger were easily lured into a belief, that an anathema, denounced with due solemnity, would render English gentlemen careless of everything but obedience to i>onti- fical authority. Hence, a fresh document, confirming some of the gravest objections to Romanism, appeared on the 25th of Aj^ril. Uninstructed by the contempt and odium, that alone resulted from his predecessor's bull for deposing Henry VIII., Pius hurled a like firebrand against Elizabeth. She is treated in this disgraceful instrument, as merely the pretended queen of Emjland, and mentioned with a coarseness that bespeaks the gentleman, quite as little as the Christian. Her enemy has not, however, shown himself without worldly cunning. The recital of her calls upon his vengeance, opens with a charge, that " she hath removed the royal council, consisting of the English nobility, and filled it with obscure men, being heretics." In a similar spirit, one object alleged by the two northern earls, was " to prevent the encroachments of upstarts upon the ancient nobility of England '." Certain ' Cambden. 422. " The two ! omitte to advertise, and the rest Earles yesterday passed to Rich- mond, and there made proclama- tion, which, because of tlic diftcr- was, that where there was certain councelers cropcn in abowtc the Prince, which liad excluded the cnce of reports in some parts, I nobility from the Prince, and had 123 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1570. great families, ohallcni^iiio' power and jtatronaofc as their birthright, were bent upon seizing them, at any hazard. Pius artfully lieaded his accusations by a solemn approval of their claim. Party leaders being thus fortified in selfishness, provision was next made for working upon the bigotry and ignorance of their tools. The queen had " o]ipressed embracers of the Catholic faith, preferred impious preachers, ministers of iniquity ; abolished the sacrifice of the mass, prayers, fastings, distinction of meats, and Catholic rites ; commanded books to be read in the whole realm, containing manifest heresy, impious mysteries and institutions, by herself entertained and observed according to the prescript of Calvin, to be like- wise observed by her subjects ; presumed to eject bishops, rectors, and other Catholic priests from their churches, consigning them to prison ; compelled abjuration of the lloman pontiff, and a recognition of herself, under oath, as sole mistress both in temporals and spirituals'." For these provocations Elizabeth was to be deprived, and the nation absolved from all obedience, or allegiance to her. Undoubtedly, the absurdity of this bull keeps j)ace with its malignity. But notwithstanding, it was formed for urging individuals into guilt and suffering. The delirious presumption of Pius has, accordingly, furnished many a melancholy page, written in characters of blood ^ set suclic laAve contrary to tho 1 tlic Pope to thunder out this ex- lionor of fiod and the •\vcltho of coninuiiiication, wore Dr. Ifardinfr, the realme, whieli thvy meant to | Dr. Stajjleton, Dr. Morton, and rcfonne." — Sir George IJowes to \ Dr. W'lhh." (Fiilleu. C/t, Ilixi. 1(5.) Watson treats those who procured this bull as men who imposed upon the pope by false tlie J"'ar! of Sussex. Nov. I7, 1501). (iiiecn Elizabeth and her Times. ' Bisiior Barlow's lirulion 1 representations FiihncH. A. '• The principal per^ sons, whose iiuportuuity solicited ' " This tlicir traitorous endoa- vour," (in procuring the bull), A.D. 1570.] KOMISH RECUSANCY. 123 Statesmen, taking general views, might look upon his wretched parchment with scorn, or pity. Religious enthusiasm, political discontent, professional ambition, or even the necessity of seeking a subsistence, were certain to find in it a call, or a cloak, for periling life and public tranquillity. This pope has, therefore, fully earned tlie execration of posterity. Yet so thoroughly does infatua- tion blend itself with artifice, in everything purely papal, that later years have seen Pius canonised '. Such a dis- tinction, unquestionably, harmonises with his political assumptions. The Roman bishops first undertook to dispense with civil allegiance, when self-interest impelled them to a decided compromise with falling Paganism ^ Of that popular system, so artfully prolonged in its less offensive features by their policy, invocation of the dead tianity, and the best of his years employed in the Inquisition, ajjpear to hare formed an odds against substantial excellence, Avith Avhich his mental powers Avere Avholly unequal to cope. Nature had not formed him for a great man. But he might have been an exemplary Christian, had he been spared the contagion of his instructors, tenets, and occupations. His actual ap- pearance as a religious chief, was rather that of a Ponfifc.v maximus under Nero, than that of a Chris- tian patriarch. ■' " Hie" (Gregorius III.) " sta- tim ubi pontificatum iniit, cleri Romani consensu, Leoncm tertium imperatorem Constantinopolitanum iinperio simul et communionc fide- lium prival, quod sanctas imagines e sacris aedibus abrasisset et statuas dcmolitus esset, quodque ctiam de horausio male sentiret."'^PLATlNA. De Fit. Pontiff. 88. " for I can terme it no better, aimed at nothing but blood, cruel- tie, and destruction, not onely of the soveraigne, but an infinite number besides. For they could not be so absurde as to thinke that the said excommunication was ever like to take effect, without either Avarre, or treacherie. Nay, it is now plaine, that they had then plotted in their harts a shameful rebellion, Avhich they did sollicite, some of them in person, as soon as the Pope had satisfied their desire." — Watson's Decacordon of QiiocUibefical Questions concerning lieUgion and State. 1602. p. 262. ' May 22, 1712. Mendham's St. Pius V. 229. This pope, who seems to have lived Avithout hypo- crisy, greatly as he sinned against mercy and charity, died May 1, I.572, aged sixty-eight. A Domi- nican friary for the place of his education, religious principles com- pounded of Paganism and Chris- 124 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1570. seems to liave been the origin, and has ever been a prominent characteristic'. To Romish families in England, the pope's Inill Mas very far from generally acceptable. Some few applauded it, as a noble proof of resolution ; the grave, or cautious, only sought reasons to disregard it. Nothing could look more like an imposition, originating with Protestants, to render Romanism odious. The majority, however, did not venture upon ground so palpably untenable. Such as distinguished between papal policy, and Romish doc- trines, denied validity to excommunications of princes and multitudes. For the soundness of this denial, they cited Aquinas. But interest and passion refuse popularity to a view so manly. Disapprobation, therefore, fastened more extensively upon unseasonableness and inexpediency. The queen might be exasperated, rather than alarmed, and promising hopes be nipped in the bud, because Rome was rash. Quibbling minds, partial to Po})ery, but shy of peril, took refuge under the impossibility of seeing the document itself It might not be correctly copied, or even promulged at all, with requisite solemnity. Plainer men felt perplexing doubts as to any foreign interference * These facts are solidly csta- contempt, in the Scripture, called blishcd at great length, in Fader's the sacrifices of the dead, (Ps. cvi. Origin of Pagan Idolatry. Cud- 28,) that is, not of dead, or lifeless •worth remarks that some of the , statues, as some -would put it oif, ancient heathens understood all but of dead men." (220.) The the gods but one, as nothing else gods, therefore, of Paganism, have than " understanding beings supe- ever been strictly analogous to the riour to men." (Intell. Si/st. Lond. saints of Kom;mism. The pt-cu- 167s. p. 2(H).) In another place, liaritios of the latter system are, in (276,) he thus translates the Pagan fact, little else than a Christianized Longimanus to St. Austin : " AVe modification of the former. Rome come to the Supreme God, by the papal is chiefly indebted for im- minor, or inferior gods." Again, portance, to the mitigated, but he says, " For which cause, the prolonged existence that she has Pagan sacrifices, arc by ^vay of I given to Home pagan. A.D. 1570.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 125 with natural allegiance. Others pleaded scholastic autho- rity for disobeying a call to rebel, hopelessly endangering life and fortuned Care for these gave the queen an impregnable citadel. There arc a few, however, in all communities, who can see nothing but visions of their ovm. heated brains. By some such hasty spirits, a tumult was raised in Norfolk, leading to the execution of three gentlemen, but nation- ally unimportant". An outbreak that made more noise all over Europe, was committed in London. John Felton, by birth a gentleman ^ had been notorious for political disaffection, and Romish fanaticism, during the whole of Elizabeth's reign. Both foreign and domestic enemies to the public tranquillity had sought his confidence, and found him ready for any desperate enterprise*. At length, he fell into the hands of a Catalan, named Peter Berga, prebendary of Tarragona, and chaplain to the ^ Watson's Quodlibets, p. 262. The author says that his namesake, the deprived bishop, was particu- exteros nationes nemo patrite nos- tra hostis esset, quin illius ope, tanquam organo apprime necessa- larly displeased by this bull, which rio, uterctur, cum semper m insi- he represents as extorted from the diis, in speculis, in conjurationibus pope by false suggestions. " Bishop esset, cum bonis infestus esset, "NVatson was exceedingly grieved, malis vero, rumoribus, Uteris, nun- when he heard that Pius Qiii/ilus \ tiis, animos adderet, cum Trinci- had been drawn to that course, : pem clementissimam summo odio as in his wisedome seeing the great inconveniences of it." — A Decn- cordon of Qiiodlibeliccd Qneslioiis insectaretur, cum Papa? tyrannidem et imperium servile vehementer desideravit ; id divino judicio fac- concer7ii?ig Religion and Stale. ■ tum est, ut Papai fulmen ita l-'el- p. 2()0. i tono in gremium incideret, ut illi * Cambden. 428. mortem inferret, quod ilh- sine ^ Strype. Annals, iii. Append, sensu, sine ratioae tantojiere sus- xxxviii. p. 495. piciebat." (Fidelis Serri Sitbdilo '" Cum nemo omnium per totos /?///'(/(-// Eesponsio. Lond. 1573.) undecim annos, in nostra republica, This tract, which is unpaged, may seditiosus civis fuerit, qui non be considered as an ollicial answer omnia rationis suas concilia cum to Sanders, De I is Mun. Feltono communicaret, cum apud 126 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1570. Spanisli ambassador. lie persuaded liini to post up in London, the pope's incendiary bull. The day, chosen for this insane defiance, saw the same insult offered to Elizabeth, in Paris. The paper there was torn down by a servant attached to the English embassy. Walsingham, one of the ambassadors, who, with his coadjutor. Lord Biickhurst, took it indignantly to court, warned the king against connivance at a license likely to recoil upon him- self. It was the festival of Corpus Christi, deemed most solemn in Romish countries, and greeted by a pageant highly offensive to Protestant apprehensions. JNIinds captivated by such a show, would naturally think the day peculiarly appropriate for hurling papal firebrands. Felton fixed the bull upon the gate of the bishop of London's palace. There it remained all night, unobserved, as it seems, by the inmates, but many read it, and some even translated it. The Spanish tempter promptly fled*. Like him arose ' Strypc (Aii/ials. ii. 24) errone- ously assigns this transaction to JMarch 2, nearly two niontlis before the (late of the bull itself. Riba- (lencyra assigns Fclton's act, Avith ■\vliich the Paris posting synchro- nised, to Corpus Christi day, June 2. Stowe's date is May 25. Bar- toli says, " Giovanni Feltono, gen- tilhuonio liigk'se, clic il solennis- sinio d'l del Corpus Christi havea publicata in Londra la sopradetta sooinniunica." — Dell' Is/oria della ('<)//ij)(iiriiia (It Gicsu, L'Jng/iil- tcrra. p. 313. * " Juan Feltono, raron noble, y de animo esforcjado, el fjual vlcndo la destruycion de su patria, y que una llaga tan cncancerada no se jtodla cunir sino con fucgo, y inedl- ciuii fucrte, uiovido dc zclo dc Dios, el dia del santissimo Sacra- mento del alio do mil y quinicntos y setenta, alfixo' la Bula ijnpressa a la puerta de las casas del Obispo, donde estuvo hasta las ocho de la manana del dia siguiente, y fuc vista y leyda de muclios, y traslada- dade algunos. Ayiido a I'Vltonoeu esta hazana un F;^panol, llanuido Pedro Bcrga, Catalan de nacion, y prebendado en la yglesia de Tarra- gona, el qual huyo, dexando a Juan Feltono (que no quiso hu^'r) en manos de los heroges." (Hiha- i)KNi:YnA. Scismn dc Iiialnlcira. IMadr. l.")8H. f. 207.) l-'uenmayor does not preserve the name of his prudent countryman, and blunders about that of (he Ijiglish sulfercr. He says of tlie bull, " Dos zelosos Catolicos lu fixaron en las pucrtas A.D. 1570.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 127 a succession of men, equally skilful in finding martyrs, as the more unfortunate of their dupes were cajolingly called, and in avoiding any such distinction themselves. Dis- daining flight, the English tool was taken, glorying in his deed, and on the fourth of August, he was convicted, at Guildhall, of treason, under the ancient common law of England. He met the barbarous penalty provided for that offence, with a fortitude worthy the best of causes '. He seems, indeed, to have laboured long under a morbid impatience for death, and only to have waited for an opportunity of obtaining what a disordered imagination painted as the crown of martyrdom. His act was, how- ever, strongly disapproved by the great bulk of English Romanists "^ Though treason was foiled in its political aims, it had now accomplished an important work. Romanism was no longer likely to disappear from England. INIuch of the ground gained by Protestantism, was now lost again. Many, who made no secret of Romish jjartialities, had hitherto come to church. They might solace a lingering regret, by an occasional mass in private houses. But they stood forward as conformists, and early prejudice was daily giving way. It received, in fact, steady encourage- ment from hardly any but a few deprived clergymen ; who resolutely refused to countenance the English service del arzobispo cle Lonclres, donde durb algunas horas del dia, y por su occasion suffrio martlrio el pia- doso Juan Milela." — Fida y Hc- chos de Pio V. 112. ' Aug. 8. Stoaa-e. 6G7. « Tlie publishing of this bull by a subject against his sovereign (as appeareth by that which hath been often- times said) was treason in the highest degree, by the ancient common law of England ; for if it were treason to publish a bull of excommunication against a subject thereof, as it was adjudged in the reign of King Edward I., afort'wri, it is treason in the liighest degree to publish such a bull against the sovereign and monarch lierself." — Sir E. Coke's Reports Lond. 1777- Cawdrey's Case. * Bahtoli. 33. 128 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1570. by their presence. Aiiion^" tlio laity, tlioro Mas very little appearance of any objection to it'. Yet exertions bad not been "wanting to aroii.se a very different spirit. ]\Iany of those uho attended chnrch, highly respected the Council of Trent, and well knew that some of its most eminent members had positively tlecided against all coun- tenance of a service not cordially approved'. The reasons ' This is expressly affirmed in tlio fjuocn's instructions to Wal- singliam, ambassador to France, dated Aug. 1 1, 157<>. Speaking of the leading Komanists, I'.lizahetli sa^s, that " they did ordinarily resort, from the beginning of lier reign, in all open places, to the churches, and to divine service in the church, ivitliout anij contradic- tion^ or sJtcw of mislihiiiy;." From this account of the heads of the party, Ileylin fairly infers, " we may judge the like of the members also." {Hist. Fresh. 2(50.) Camb- den, after mentioning Felton's case, says, '• Most of the moderate Papists secretly disliked the bull; because there had been no previ- ous admonition, as justice required; and withal foresaw the storms that hung over their heads, who before securely exercised their religion witliin their own private houses, or IkkI made no scruple of fre- quenting the service of God, as now received in the English Church." (42H.) " After this Hull, all they that depended on the Pope obtyed the Bull, disobeyed their gracious and natural sovereign, and upon this occasioTi refused to come to church." — Siu E. CoKii's lie- ports. C'awdrey's Case. " Although the question was agitated at Trent, before the coun- cil separated, and an answer unfa- vourable to Romish conformity, was given there in 15(52; it is plain that little or no attention was paid to this. In fact, many of the elder luiglish clergy, though liomishly inclined, defended occa- sional conformity, as not per se malum, the common-prayer con- taining " no positive heterodoxy." Had not interest and passion pre- vented this undeniable fiict from continuing its beneficial operation, we should have known nothing of English Koman Catholics. But then, the clerical fugitives must have been awakened from delight- ful dreams of returning home mitred ; or even of ending their days among their own countrymen, in some well-endowed parsonage. Laymen, too, must have foregone the opportunity of working upon the bigotry of an ignorant populace, in order to raise themselves into power, upon the downfall of exist- ing ministers. Allen, therefore, wrote against occasional conform- ity, as " the worst sort of religious hypocrisy," asserting " that the Scriptures are very explicit in con- demning any sort of religious com- merce with schismatics, or heretics, and that there was manifest danger of many being seduced by the subtile arguments and misrepre- sentations with Avliich Protestant l>ulpits abounded." (Butlkii's Hist. A.D. 1570.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 129 given for this decision were si)eedily imported, and circu- lated in print. Nor had they proved wholly inoperative. Attendance at church diminished, after the queen's first five years'. But this was all. There was no decisive and Mem. iii. 1 47-) Thus this polemic reckoned upon forming a Romisli sect in England, by means of beg- ging the question, keeping up ignorance of Protestantism, and allowing no inexjiedient knowledge of Romanism. He did not reckon without his host. A writer in the British Magazine^ (Dec. 1, 1836, p. 058,) says of the Declaration, which forms the conier-stone of Romish recusancy in England, " The copy in my possession is without date, place, or printer, in a kind of square small octavo of forty pages, and the title is as follows, The Declaration of the Fathers of the Councell of Trent concerning the going unto Churches at such time as hcreticall service is saied, or heresy preached. It is both in Latin and English, (both, I presume, of equal authority,) and is preceded by an address from the editor 'To the Catholiche Reader. From the conclusion of this ad- dress, it appears that, in the editor's belief, there were many copies in the realm ; but he himself could viect with but one copy, which he had lying by liim these many years, and which, for the general good, he now reprinted, " The Declaration purports that the Romanists, at the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, were divided in 02)inion, and in a difficulty respect- ing attendance upon the then na- tional worship : some acquiesced, others refused : and the latter thus express themselves: they do earn- estly desire to be instructed what the desire of godly and learned 7nen is that they ought to do : for ij\ without danger oj' soul, or with- out offence, it be lawful for them to obey, and conform themselves to the public decree of the kingdom, they would willingly do it. On the other side, if herein their everlast- ing salvation may any way be hazarded, or God's majesty of- fended, they have determined to suffer anything rather than do that whereby they may know God's anger to be incurred." ' " Ineunte hic regnum Regina (exceptis aliquot de clero Mariano) non multi prteterea fuerunt, qui sacris tum nostris et ritibus absti- nerent. Satis hoc superquc notum iis, qui per fetatem possunt adhuc prima ilia Regina; tempora record- ari. Tanta quidem tum corum paucitas, ut per aliquot lustra, liecusantem esse, quid sibi vellet, ignotum penitus: necdum enim nata hic apud nos vox ipsa, vcl titulus BecHsantis. Vel ex uno etiam hoc facile id sciat, lector, numero fuisse non magno, quod silerent leges, quod nihil actum in Scnatu de iis toto dccennio. Fu- isset autem actum lege aliqua vel senatus-consulto, nisi numero fuis- sent contemnendo. Intercrat enim Rcipubl. eos non ncgligere, si ad numerum tum aliquom excrevis- sent. Tum vero exploratum hoc, ut cum sistcrctur pro tribunali reus Garnettus, hocquc illi, quod modo dixi, de numero tam cxiguo objec- K 130 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1570. conspicuous secession. A serious breach had been rather threatened, than made, and no long interval, undisturbed by extraneous force, must have healed every tendency to it. Another five years glided away, leaving the great bulk of those who preferred Romanism, still worshippers in their ancestral churches. The door was then closed by politics. Men's evil passions were set on fire by Norfolk's conspiracy, the northern rebellion, the pope's bull, and Felton's outrage. Where party feelings had any tender- ness for these, the Trentine reasons against conformity took immediately a powerful hold. INIen thought them- selves arraigned by conscience, as dissemblers. Their ancient prepossessions had been gradually yielding under the process of calm conviction. They now returned upon them, and with a violence before unknown. JMortification had unequivocally fastened on the vitals of English turn esset, diffiteri non posset ; id tandem diceret, nonnnllos quidem, quos ipso vel nosset, vol sic inau- disset, a sacris nostris per id tempus abfuisse. Nee si in hac tanta regni aniplitudine, abfuerunt turn iion- nulli, momentum iu eo magnum : nobis oiiim ad causto caput satis, si prohirics ilia, qiuc post fuil liecii- sanliuHi, ex Pii ccusura, quasi ex pliivia ratiee^ prognata prinuim ac propagala J'li it. " Non ergo conscientia causa di- cenda, vel religionis, Kecusantium Lie causa apud Jios. Nam si reli- gionis, quinquonnio primo Koginai Elizal)otlia\ cum eadem per omnia fuit quae nunc est religio, cur non eadem tum illis conscientia? Cur sacra tum nostra cxecrati non sunt? Adierunt enim tum, si non omnos, at ((|uod ]iassus vel Garncttus) jilurimi. Etiam de vestris quid;uu (addo et piimarii quidavi) rationes scripto divulgrirunt, cur id liceret facoro, etiam ut id facorcnt, qui- busdam tum de suis authoros in- super fuerunt, ut consulenda fuerit ca de re Synodus Tridontina. Quinquennio proximo, cum jam Duodecim viri illi Tridontini sen- tentiam ea de re suam inter])osu- isscnt (de non adcundo nobiscum tompla) cur noquo tum sacris ab- stinuorunt omnes ? Disccssio qui- dem ex CO facta a nonnuUis : pars tamon multo maxima (sentontia ilia non obstante) etiam tum no- biscum assidue rem divinam audi- ebant. Qua-ro Jam, cum nihil do novo mutatum tum iuorit in roli- gione, quod ita licuit per decen- nium, cur anno post undecimo coepit non licere?" — Bisnop An- DUEWES. Torttira Torti. Loud. IGUU. pp. 130, 13 J. A.D. 1570.;] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 131 Romanism. In late events it found antiseptics, tliat staved off extinction. Absence from church became a party and sectarian mark. It i)roclaimed smart under lost political ascendancy. Thus was secured a reprieve for the relics of English Paganism. However modified and christianised by Rome, they had been all but finally uprooted from the soil of England. Ten more years might have been fatal to them. A generation wholly untinctured by their influence, would have spurned every religious principle, shrinking from contact with God's recorded word. Romish exertions for planting a party and sect in England, exhibited some features peculiar to the time. The timid were emboldened by astrological absurdities, which limited Elizabeth's reign to twelve years. Then fate would bring the day, or the golden day, which pai)al partisans confidently predicted. Even the Protestant mind was not sufficiently advanced to spurn these pre- tended calculations. Hence the queen's thirteenth acces- sion-day, which convicted them of folly, was celebrated as a national festival, with public thanksgiving, sermons, and unusual hilarity'. In 1561, London was deeply mortified by the burning of St. Paul's spire, then one of the loftiest in Europe. This was represented as a judg- ment for the discontinuance of those ancient services, M'hicli had been performed incessantly in some part of the cathedral, or other". An anonymous zealot, who ^ Nor. 17. Strype. Annals, i. pt. 2. p. 354. * " As in Saint Panic's Cliurch, in London, by the decrees of blessed fathers, every night at midnight, they had mattines, and all the forenoone, masses, in the Church, with other devine service, and continuall prayer : and in the steeple, antimes and prayers were hadde certayne times: but con- sider howe farre nowe contrarye, the Churche has been used, and it is no marvaile yf God have sende K 2 132 ORIGIN OF l\.v. 1570. embodies this notion in a })rinted pamphlet, asserts that St. James, the first bishop of Jerusalem, said mass*. In lashing this laughable sally, the answerer gives some curious details of the superseded missal services*. He likewise furnishes contemporary evidence, that midnight calls to cathedral or conventual prayers were little else than taxes upon public credulity. Every wakeful ear around hung upon the solemn knell, and devout imagina- tions naturally kindled with pictures of the choir, filling with pious monks, or canons, to pray for slumbering sinners. Within the venerated enclosure, none started at the bell, but a few singing-boys and lads, with a bare sufficiency of men to drive them from their beds'. downe fire to l»rinne parte of the Cluirche as a signe of liis Avratli." The Burnijugc of Paule's Church ill London^ in the yearc of oure Lord, ir)()l, (i)id the iiii day of June, by lyghlnyiige, at three o/' the clocke at after-noone, which continued terrible and helplesse unto nyght. Lonrl. p. A. The tract is undated, but a copy in the British ]Muscum has 15G3 sub- joined in ]\IS. * " There in Ilierusalem Saint Peter converted a great multitude to the faith ; Avhich faith at Ilieru- salem was first taught and declared upon by a counsel of the Apostles and seniors there, Saint James being bishop, and there said masse." lb. 2. • " Alas ! poore masse, tliat hais no better a groundwork to be bylte- on than false lies, and so unlearned a Proctour to speak for it ! I pray you, who helpt Saint James at masse? AVho hallowed hys Cor- poras, Supi-raltarc, Chalice, Vesti- mcntes, ^c.V AVho was deacon and subdeacon to reade the Epistle and Gospel '? AVho rang to the sacring, and served the Pax ? For I am as sure it was a solempne feast, and that these things were done, as he is that S. James said masse. He that told you the one could have told you the other as well as this, if he had lust; and ye saye, your masse cannot be saide without these trinkettes. I praye you, what masse was it ? Began it with a great R. of Requiem, or Seal a Coeli, or liesurrexi: for the plague, or mui-rion of beastes : part of a trentall, or for all christen soulcs ? If ye will have us believe it, ye must tell us some more." — A Confutacionqfan addicion, ?rith an Apologyc written and cast in the streles of West Chester, against the causes of burnyng Panics church in London, which causes the reue- rend By shop of Durcswe declared at Panics Crosse H Junii, 15(51. " " In Panics and Abbayes, at their midnight jirayers Avcre none commcnlye, but a I'cwe ballynge A.D. 1571.] ROMISn RECUSANCY 133 Romisli minds were not, however, to be deterred by such retaliatory exi^osures, from representing- the burning- of London's i)ride, as a visitation of oliended Heaven. Hence the papal party was charged with having itself destroyed the sjiire, by means of magic, or some other management'. Allen complained of this ridiculous, but well-earnt calumny. One of his own expedients to render odions the religious policy of his country, was to awaken anticipations of endless mutability. England, he says, had formerly adopted Lutheranism, but now Calvinism". Sanders ventures upon prophecy. The Turks, he tells his readers, already threaten Germany, and will reduce its inhabitants to a level Avith the schismatical Greeks, unless they return to the Catholic church'. He reckoned, probably, upon a like service for England, from his friends, the Spaniards. A Romish sect and party was now distinctly before the country, repudiating its religion, and blemished by criminal attacks upon the public tranquillity. The go- priestes, yonge queiisters and no- uices, 'wliyche undeistode not what they said : the elder sort kept their heddcs, or were woorse occu- pied. A prayer not understande in the hart, hut spoken with the lippes, is rather to be counted praiting and halHng, than prayinge with good devotion. The elder sort, both in cathedrall churches and abbaics, almost never came at their midnyghte prayer : it was thought inough to knolle the belles, and make menne beleve that they rose to praye : therefore, they have not so much to crake of this their doinge." — /} ConfuUicioii, S,-c. ' " Pyramis Londincnsis, non nullis ab hinc annis, iniraliilitcr sane de coelo tacta, conflagravit incendio furioso et iiiextinguibili ; quis adversariorum rem non attri- buit nostrorum pra?stigiis ?" — Al- len. De Persecutione Anglicana. Eom. 1582. p. 8(). * " Adversarii aliquando com- munionis nostra^, nunc arrepta fide Calvini, 1 jutlicri projc'cta,nostraque contempta." — lb. 30. ' "■ Turca omnium Cjermanoruni cervlcibus imminet, ac nisi ad Ca- tholicam Ecclesiam, unde exierunt, iterum revertiintur, cos onmcs eadem captivitatis l;iquoo linplica- bit, quo Gra^cos schismaticos jaiii- diu involutes tenet." — De lis. Mon. 591. 134 ORIGIN OF [a.d. 1571. vernmeiit naturally vie^ved it with anger and apprehen- sion. Hence a new Parliament, assembled on the second of April, was called upon to curb it by severe enactments. One act was intended especially for tho queen's protec- tion. It was made high treason to deny her title to the throne, or to declare a preference for the title of another; or to denounce her as a heretic, schismatic, or infidel ; or to maintain that law cannot regulate the succession. The preamble of another act states that simple and ignorant persons have been drawn by papal bulls, not only to forsake their churches, but also to consider themselves discharged from allegiance to the queen. Those who procured, or imported such bulls, and absolved others by virtue of them, and those who received such absolutions, were declared guilty of high treason \ Those who fa- voured such practices were to incur the penalties of a PrcBnnmire. The concealment of such bulls for above six weeks, is made misprision of treason. The importa- tion o^ Agnus Deis*, crosses, pictures, or beads, from the Bishop of Rome, or from any one alleging his authority, was to be visited by the penalties of a PrcBmunire^. Such articles were treated as evidence of communication with Rome, and of acquiescence in the papal pretensions*. These acts Avere evidently justified by the ascertained necessity of providing new safeguards for life and pro- ' " In the construction of tliis act, it appears to have been under- stood, that the absolutions which it mentions did not denote abso- lutions given in sacramental con- fession, but those al)Solutions only vhich were granted by sj)ecial faculties." — BuTLEii's Ilisl. Mem. iii. 189. ' " An Annus Dei was a loaf of wax, with a figure of a lamb upon it, consecrated by the Pope on Low Sunday." — Collieu. Eccl. Ilisl. ii. 529. ^ BcTLER. Collier, vhi supra. * " Pcrcio egli e un comniuni- carc con Roma, e riconoscere la podcsta del Pontefice." — Bartoli. 34. A.D. 1571.] ROMISH RECUSANCY. 135 perty'. Hence they would pass untaxed, had Pius been merely a temporal prince. His agents, however, were preachers of rebellion; really, therefore, civil offenders of a very dangerous description. To the nature of their errand, many a scaffold, many a field, many a shattered frame, many a bereaved or plundered home, had mourn- fully borne unequivocal testimony. Such men have little title to national forbearance, because they are ecclesias- tics, and often enthusiasts, rather than adventurers. To the bearer of a commission with riot and bloodshed on its very front, severity is indispensable. In extenuation, may be alleged Elizabeth's intolerance. But her age was inexperienced in religious liberty. Sects contended not for toleration, but for the establishment. Even, how- ever, if Mary's barbarities could have been forgotten, the Romish party entered upon a new reign, without any sufficient claim to public patronage. Its peculiarities wanted authentication, until the Council of Trent se- ' " Now upon all these occasions, her Majesty being niovccl Avith great displeasure, called a Parlia- ment in the thirteenth year of her reign, 1571, wherein a law was made containing many branches against the bringing into this land, after that time, of any bulls from Rome, any Agnus Dei, crosses, or pardons: and against all manner of persons, that should procure them to be so brought hither, with some other particularities there- unto appertaining. Which law, although we hold it to be too rigorous, and that the pretended remedy exceeded the measure of the offence, either undutifully given, or in justice to have been taken : yet, as reasonable men, we cannot but confess, that the state had great cause to make some laws against us, except they should have shewed themselves careless for the continuance of it. But be the law, as any would have it, never so extreme; yet surely it must be granted, that the occasions of it were most outragious: and likewise that the execution of it was not so tragical, as many since have written and reported of it. For whatsoever was done against us, either upon tlic pretence of that law, or of any other, would never, we think, have been at- tempted, had not divers other pre- posterous occasions, (besides the causes of that law) daily fallen out among us: which procured mat- ters to be urged more severely against us." — Imp. Com: GO. 13G ORIGIN OF ROMISH RECUSANCY. [a. P. l;");!. parated : an event posterior to the queen's accession. England "was, therefore, fully justified in preferring a creed already defined, at home, to one yet under exa- mination abroad. Nor would any have long regretted exploded Romanism, had not a few clergymen, ashamed of a new recantation, and building upon the prospect of a Romish successor, withdrawn from their native land. It was the impatience of these men, under difficulties caused by their own sense of decency, or bigotry, or in- discretion, that saved English Romanism from the peace- ful, but certain process of gradual extinction. Its respite has occasioned much national embarrassment and indi- vidual suffering. Elizabeth's policy, therefore, claims the praise of i)olitical sagacity. What results may flow from its unexpected failure, the world is not yet able fully to discern. But a country in which sound learning and free inquiry have long been enthroned, is peculiarly fit for th6 discussion of important questions. Romanism, however, knoM n only among foreigners, would, like recent popes, have been disregarded by Englishmen. Constant presence, and occasional prominence, force its popular qualities ujjou their attention. It may be viewed habitu- ally as the mere creature of ignorance, despotism, pre- judice, or family pride. Bursts of unusual confidence and activity reveal other holds upon the heart of man. Thus a nation, j)re-eminent for depth of thought without rash- ness, becomes thoroughly grounded in the exclusive claims of scrii»tural religion. The political institutions of Enjiland have long attracted universal and favourable ol)servation. Instruction may hereafter widely flow from her well-considered religious convictions, her ecclesiastical polity connected with ajiostolic times. 137 Chapter III. DISCIPLINARIAN CONTROVERSY. 1571—1572. CLAMOUR AGAINST THE IIIEKARCnV COMPLAINTS OP INSUFFICIENT DISCIPLINE OBJECTIONS ^TO THE LITURGY CARTWRIGHT PURI- TANICAL PARTY IN THE HOUSE OP COMMONS CONFERENCE OP A COMMITTEE WITH THE PRELATES ACT FOR THE JIINISTERS OF THE CHURCH TO BE OP SOUND RELIGION ASSENT TO THE DOCTRINAL ARTICLES ONLY CONTESTED CLAUSE IN THE TWENTIETH ARTICLE CANONS ENACTED BY CONA^OCATION PURITANS CITED BEFORE THE HIGH COMMISSION NORTHAMPTON REGULATIONS — PROPHESYINGS FARTHER MOVEMENTS IN THE HOUSE OP COJIMONS AD5IONITION TO THE PARLIAMENT COMMITTAL OP ITS AVOWED AUTHORS CONTRO- VERSY BETWEEN WHITGIFT AND CARTWRIGHT INFLUENCE OP CARTWRIGHT THE SEIGNORY THE PLATFORM UNKNOAVN TO THE MARIAN MARTYRS FIRST ENGLISH PRESBYTERY. The menacing front lately worn by Romanism owed much to the increasing violence of Protestant dissension. De- mands were no longer limited by vestures, and a few ceremonies. Discipline Avas now the cry. The Church must surrender everything but her doctrines'. Questions ^ " There was no difference in points of doctrine between the Puritans and Conformists." (Neal. i. 213.) " This was undoubtedly true, with resjject to the majority: but this history has furnished dif- ferent instances of objections in point of doctrine. The established sentiments concerning the Trinity, and the person of Christ, though they did not form the grounds of that separation, of Avhich our au- thor writes, were yet called in question, and as we have seen in the note, p. QQ, Avere by no means universally received. But it Avould not have been surprising, if in that early period of the Reformation, there had been a j^erfect acqui- escence in every doctrinal principle that did not appear to liaA'e been peculiar to the system of Popery: for the progress of the mind and of enquiry is necessarily gradual." {lb. note by the Editor.) Neal's text, and Toulmin's note, form to- gether no contemptible justifica- tion of the queen's policy. The historian seems to liave thought nothing in the Avay of religious peace, but the hierarchy and the liturgy, the editor considers the 138 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.D. 1571. ii])on the ordinal parity of bishops and presbyters gave Avay to denial of any difference in function, rank, or dig- nity. Episcopacy, it was insisted, had no exclusive right of ordination, or discipline. It authorised no minister of Christ in rising above his brethren, or undertaking any duties not purely spiritual : the whole body being equally incapable of a title, a seat in Parliament, or a civil em- ployment of any kind. The ne\Y platform, as the Disciplinarians called their system, denounced archdeacons, deans, and other cathe- dral functionaries, as unknown to Scripture, or primitive antiquity. Their jirecedence was, therefore, an infringe- ment upon the privileges of ordinary presbyters. Episcopal courts were intolerably oppressive, mere creatures of papal canon law, inconsistent with God's word, and national statutes. Their excommunications and absolutions by laymen were unwarrantable assump- tions of ministerial rights. A godh/ discipline could alone prevent indiscriminate access to the Lord's table, and general claims to com- munion with a church described in her own Articles as a congregation of faithful people. Her formularies, too, were unsatisfactory. The use of a liturgy was readily con- ceded : in fact, the Puritans used commonly that of Geneva. But they claimed free licence for extempo- raneous prayers, both before and after sermon. The English service was faulty from frequent use of the Lord's Prayer, and of responses by the congregation. Nor was overthrow of these as merely a I of certain stirring spirits towards first instalment. The public niiiid, some gradual progress of innova- lie reckons, must graduaHi/ have ' tion and encroachment. Hence become Unitarian, as the phrase lliev chose a strong position, and runs. Elizal)eth's ministers were I steadily maintained it. well ahle to discern the tendency I A.D. 1571.] CONTROVERSY. 139 it projier to say, in the marriage office, With my body I thee worship, or in that for burials, over almost every corpse, In sure and certain hope of the resurrection to eternal life. Nor were lessons to be read from the Apocrypha, nor ought cathedral service to continue, or the use of musical instruments in any church. The homilies escaped objection, but ordination of any unable to preach was condemned. Loud were declama- tions against dumb ministers, pluralists, and non-residents. Individuals, exercising ecclesiastical patronage, usurped upon the rights of congregations. The pastor should l)e his people's choice. The observation of saints' days, of Lent, and of other stated fasts, was unscriptural, and superstitious. Buying and selling, on the Lord's day, should no longer he suf- fered. In baptism, the sign of a cross was improper, as were also the occasional administration by midwives, or other women ; the use of sponsors, unless parents were dead, or in a distant country ; and the answers of sponsors, in the child's name, instead of their own. Names of heathen origin, or designating any person in the Trinity, or angels, were objectionable. The churching of women was akin to Jewish purifi- cation ; confirmation might be administered too soon \ and wore something of a sacramental aspect ; kneeling- at the Lord's Supper was connected with idolatrous abuse among Papists ; bowing at the name of Jesus was founded upon a false interpretation of Scripture"; the ring in * "When candidates " could re- this might be done hy children of peat the Lord's prayer, and their five or six years old." — Nkal. i. catechism, by which they had a 212. right to come to the Sacrament, '^ Phil. ii. 10, " Whensoever without any other qualification: the name of Jesus shall be in any 140 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.d. 1571. iiiarriafi-e M'as devised bv Romanists to o^ivo that rite the character of a sacrament ; marriage ought not to be pro- hibited at certain times of the year, yet then licensed for money, nor should marriage licenses be granted without knowledge of the congregation, for fear of keeping secret impediments undiscovered. The surplice, and certain ceremonies, professedly re- served for decency, were denied any such character, and branded as disgraces to the Reformation. Existing cir- cumstances had rendered them absolutely unlawful. They were defiled by idolatry and superstition. ]Many i)re- tended Protestants looked upon them as, in a manner, holv. Their continuance encouraged Popery, and seemed like a claim to affinity with that communion, so justly renounced. Admitted indifference even, would not justify impositions, occasioning extensive scruples, yet unwar- ranted by Scripture, and primitive antiquity. To seek reformation in these particulars, the Puritans maintained, was incumbent upon every man. INlinisters were to use the word, magistrates, authority, under scrip- tural direction, the people must urge their prayers'. lesson, scnnon, or ollicrwisc in the Cliurch pronounced, that due re- verence 1)C made of all persons, young and ohl, ^vith loAvness of courtesic, and uncovering of licads of the inenkind, as thereunto doth necessarily helong, and lieretofore hath hecn accustomed." Iiijutic- iions bij Queen Klizahd/i, l.'ioS). .02. Spauuow's Collection, p. })2.) The IHth canon of lore a part in the philosophy act Ifcforo the Queen. In the year 1567, he commenced bachelor of divinity, and three years after was chosen Lady Margaret's professor. Ife was such a popular preacher, that when his turn came at St. Mary's, the sexton was obliged to take down the windows. But Mv. Cartwright venturing in some of his lectures to shew the defects of the discipline of the Church, as it then stood, was questioned for it before the Vice-Chancellor, denied liis doctor's degree, and expelled the university." — IIk 142 DISCIPLINARIAN Ca.d. 1571. verely studious, and his reputation brought him forward as one of the two ojiponents in the philosophy act, when Elizabetli visited tlie University in 1564. Tlie other opponent was Preston, a fellow of King's, who also bore a i>rincipal part in the tragedy of Dido^ acted for the royal amusement. His person and delivery were so pre- possessing, that the queen rewarded him both by a verbal compliment, and an annual pension of twenty pounds. Cartwright, obtaining less cordial jjraise, and no gratuity, was bitterly disappointed. He seems to have challenged admiration for learning and ability, however unadorned, The mortifying discovery of miscalculation, many thought, first made him an enemy to established authority '. His ^ " The first discontent of the said Master Cartwright grew at a disputation in the University be- fore Queen Elizabeth, because ]\Iaster Preston (then of King's college, and afterward Master of Trinity hall) for his comely ges- ture, and pleasing pronunciation, ■was both liked and rewarded by her Majesty, and himself received neither reward nor commendation, presuming of his own good scho- larship, but wanting indeed that comely grace and Ijehaviour which the other had. This his no small grief he uttered unto divers of his inward friends in Trinity college, who were also very much discon- tented, because the honour of the disj)utation did not redound unto their college. Mr. Cartwright, immediately after her I\Iajesty's neglect of him, began to wade into divers opinions, as that of the Uixcipliiic, and to kick against her ecclesiastical government; he also grew highly conceited of himself for learning and holiness, and a great contemner of others, who were not of his mind. And al- though the learning and qualities of any were never so mean, yet if he affected Master Cartwright and his opinions, he should be in great estimation Avith him, according to the saying of the poet : Prcecipui sunlo, sitque illis aurea barba. But if he were against him in his fanciful conceits, though he were never so good a scholar, or so good a man, he could not brook or like of him, as of Dr. Whitaker, and others : and although in their elections of scholars into that col- lege, they made as good choise as any other, either before, or in their time, yet could he never afford the electors, nor parties elected, a good word, unless they sided with him in his fancies. And that he might the better feed his liumour with these conceited novelties, he tra- vailed to Geneva; where observing the government and discipline of that church to be by certain ccclc- A.D. 1571. ] CONTROVERSY. 143 partisans resented tlio imputation as calumnious, but knowledge of human nature will hardly deny its proba- bility'. Soon after his unsatisfactory notice by the queen, he withdrew to Geneva, and became thoroughly imbued with all the principles prevailing there. He went abroad, hostile to cap and surplice, discontented with his country's siastical superintendents, and lay- elders, or presbyters, (as they called them) he Avas so far carried away with an affection of that new de- vised discipline, as that he thought all churches and congregations ec- clesiastical were to be measured and squared by the practice of Genera." — (^The Life of Arch- bishop Whitgift^ by Sir George Paule, Comptroller of his Grace's Iloushold. Lond. 1699. p. 11.) " He was one that always stub- bornly refused the cap, and the like ornaments, agreeable to the Queen's Injunctions: a bold man, and wrote Latin well, and had studied divinity so far as to have taken his degree of bachelor of divinity. But whether it were out of some disgust of not being hitherto preferred, or out of an admiration of the discipline prac- tised in the church of Geneva, or both, he set himself, with some other young men in the university, to overthrow the government of this church, and propounded a quite different model to be set up in the room of it." — Strype. An- nals, i. pt. 2. p. 373. ^ " Cartwright had dealt most with the muses, Preston with the graces, adorning his learning with comely carriage, graceful gesture, and pleasing pronunciation. Cart- wright disputed like a great, Pres- ton like a gentile scholar, being a handsome man : and the Queen (upon parity of deserts) always preferred properness of person in conferring her favours. Hereupon with her looks, words, and deeds, she favoured Preston, calling him her scholar, as appears by his epi- taph, in Trinity hall chapel, which thus beginneth, Conderis hoc tumulo, Thoma Prestone, Scholarem Quern dixit Frinceps Elizahetha suum. Insomuch, that for his good dis- puting, and excellent acting in the tragedy of Dido, she bestowed on him a pension of 20li. a year, whilst Mr. Cartwright, (saith my author) received neither reward nor commendation, whereof he not only complained to his inward friends in Trinity college, but also, after her Majesty's neglect of him, began to wade into divers opinions against her ecclesiastical govern- ment. But Mr. Cartwriglit's fol- lowers (who lay the foundation of his disaffection to the discipline established, in his conscience, not carnal discontentment) credit not the relation. Adding moreover, that the Queen did highly com- mend, though not reward him. But whatever was the cause, soon after he went beyond the seas, and after his travel returned a bitter enemy to the hierarchy." — Fuller. Hist. Camb. 139. 144 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.d. 1^71 . ecclesiastical polity, strict in religious profession, and con- fident in his own attainments. He returned, strenuously arffuinjr airainst every ecclesiastical name and office, not expressly found in the New Testament, and insisting that all Scripture must bear tlie sense current at Geneva. From his energy and activity soon arose the discipUiiarian school of Puritanism, Its doctrines, like otlier novelties, ahly recommended, were naturally sure of extensive approbation among the younger academics, and Cart- Avright was elected ISIargaret professor of divinity'. Ilis lectures reprobated archbishops, deans, archdeacons, and the like, as imi)ious both in name and office, hence caUing for abolition ; he denied also episcoiml rights of ordina- tion, referring this and all other points of discipline to lie Mas himself only a deacon, the Church at large ' On Dr. AVilliam Chaderton's resignation, in May or June, 1570. SruYPK. Annals, i. pt. 2. p. 373. * " He taught such doctrine (as the said Dr. Cliadcrton wrote to Cecil, their high chancellor) as •was pernicious and intolerable in a Christian commonwealth: that is, that in the Church of England tliere was no lawful and ordinary calling and choosing or admitting of ministers: and that the election of ministers and bishops at this day was tyrannous. And that archiepiscopi, decani, archidiaconi, &c. were officia ct nomina inipic- lalix: i.e., archl>ishops, deans, arch- deacons, 5:c. were offices and names of impiety." — {lb.) The charge of impicli/, Cart- wright seems to have been willing, on deliberation, to abandon. AVhen deprived, he signed the following pnjposili(;ns, as those which his lectures had inculcated. " I. Archiepiscoporum, et Ar- chidiaconorum nomina, simul cum muneribus et officiis suis, sunt abolenda. " II. Legitimorum in Ecclesia ministrorum nomina, qualia sunt Episcoporum et Diaconorum, se- parata a suis muneribus in vcrbo Dei descriptis, simplicitcr sunt im- probanda, et ad institutionem ajio- stolicam revocaiida. Vt Episcopus in verbo et precibus, Diaconus in paupcribus curandis versetur. " III. Episcoporum Cancellariis, aut Archidiaconorum Officialibus, Sec. regimen Ecclesiie nou est com- mittendum; sed ad idoneum mi- nistrum ct presbyterum cjusdem ecclesiiu est deferendum. " IV. Non oportet ministrum esse vagum et liberum; sed quis- quc debet certo cuidam gregi ad- dici, " V. Nemo debet ministerium, tanquam candidatus, petere. A.D. 1571.] CONTROVERSY. 145 but even this character he professedly renounced, having api^arently destroyed his letters of orders. His po^ver to preach was wholly rested npon a call to the ministry abroad'. Against the surplice he, and two followers, })reached -with so much vehemence, on one Sunday morning, that all Trinity College, excepting three, ap- peared without it in the chapel at evening prayers^ The master, Dr. John Whitgift, was opportunely absent. On his return, the irregularity was redressed, and measures were immediately taken for staying the ferment which daily became more embarrassing. Cartwright was denied a doctor's degree, ejected first from his fellowship, then from his professorship, forbidden to preach within the vice-chancellor's jurisdiction, and driven from the uni- versity \ The fellowship was forfeited, by his refusal to " YI, Episcoporum tantum au- tboritate et potestate Ministrl non sunt creandi, multo minus in JMu- saeo, aut loco quopiara clanculario. Sed ab Ecclesia electio fieri debet. " liisce reformandis quisque pro sua vocatione stiidere debet. Vo- cationem autem intelligo, ut magi- stratus authoritate, minister verbo, omnes precibus, promo veant." — (Strype. Whitgift. Append, ix. iii. 20.) The preceding document, (viii. p. 16.) a letter from Whit- gift to Cecil, besides mentioning these propositions, names the letter of Scripture as the ground taken by Cartwright. * " I have pronounced Mr. Cart- wright to be no fellow here, be- cause contrary both to the express words of his oath, and plain statute of this college, he hath continued here above his time, not being ful minister; which truly I did not know until now of late: for if I had known it before, I might have eased myself of much trouble, and the college of great contention." (Dr. Wliitgift to Archbishop Par- ker. Strype. JV/iitgiff. i. 96.) " Having no letters of orders, which he had either torn or sup- pressed, for that he thought it not lawful by his own doctrine to use them." (Paule'.s Whitgift. 15.) The ordination which Cartwright acknowledged as valid appears to have been at Antwerp. — Strype. Annals, iii. 179. ' Paule's Whitgift. 12. ^ He was deprived of his fellow- ship in October, 1570, and of his professorship on the eleventh of December following. He had in- tended to take a doctor's degree at the preceding commencement, but Archbishop Grindal, mild as he was, and favourable to the Puritans, advised the denial of this honour. A strong party would 146 DISCIPLINARIAN Qa.d. 1571. take priest s orders, as he was bound by oath. Ui^oii tliis, he was rather invidiously stigmatised by Whitgift, as " Hatly perjured'." He scarcely merited such a charge, but other severities were unexceptionable. Cambridge could not continue facilities for undermining the national institutions, nor were her honours fairly claimable by one Avho tasked a powerful and active mind to force a new religions polity upon the country. As usual, howevei', there were loud complaints of envy, calumny, persecution, and power bent upon overwhelming truth". Cartwright liave gratified Cartwright, but Dr. !Mcy, then vice-chancellor, refused the grace. " Which so displeased both him and all his adherents, that from this time, the degrees of doctors, bachelors, and masters, were esteemed unhnviul, and those that 'took them reckoned limbs of Antichrist, as appears by the Ge- neviun notes on the Revelation." (IIevlix. Hist. Prcsb. 204.) Cecil, the chancellor, states Cartwright's oflencc to be " taxing such minis- ters, as, namely, and such like he llndeth not expressly named in the books of the New Testament." lie inhibltod Cartwright from farther mooting the contested points until the next term, when he wished '• that some order may be taken therein." Cartwright assented, but the vice-chancellor and the heads inhibited liirn from lecturing altogether. They then subtracted his stipend, on his repeated refusals to revoke, and finding him inac- cessible to any of their reasons, removed him at the end of the year. — 8ti&2, for abolish- ing of schisms." (Eliz. 436.) Nevertheless, it is plain that this clause was framed with a view to allow some latitude as to subscrip- tion, as well as to get rid of the application for a new confession. Existing difficulties demanded a temporary indulgence, which the act generally would not warrant hereafter. That a continuance of such indulgence would have " stilled the se])aration," as Xeal appears to have thought, is ren- dered imjirobable by subsequent events, and by that knowledge of human nature which those events convey. ' Stuyi'K. Parker, ii. 53. * 'J'/ic Church hath poorer iu decree riles or ceremonies^ and aiithorifi/ in conlrorerxics of faith. 'J'his clause " is not found in the I>atin edition of Day, published under the direction of Bishop A.D. 1571.3 CONTROVERSY. 153 omission does not, however, universally occur in the Jewel, in 1571 : — In the English edition of Jugg and Cawood, pub- lished under the direction of Bi- shop Jewel, in 1571." (Lamb's Historical Account of the Thirty- nine Articles. Camb. 1829. p. 37-) These editions Dr. Lamb professes to reprint, but Bishop Jewel's name appears in neither of them. That learned and amiable prelate Avas commissioned to undertake the work, at Lambeth, May 4. He died Sept. 23. This omission gave an opportu- nity to Burton (deemed a martyr under the Long rarlianient) to indulge in the following language : — " The prelates, to justify their proceedings, have forged a neAv Article of Religion, brought from Eome, (which gives them full power over the doctrine and dis- cipline of our Church at a bloAV,) and have foisted it into the 20th Article of our Church. And this is in the last edition of the Arti- cles, an?w 1628, in affront of his IMajesty's declaration before them. The clause forged is this: The Chzirch (that is, the bishops, as they expound it,) hath po7ver, &c. This clause is a forgery fit to be examined and deeply censured in the Star Chamber. For it is not to be found in the Latin or Eng- lish Articles of Edward VI. or Queen Elizabeth, ratified by par- liament. And if to forge a will or writing be censurable in the Star Chamber, which is but a wrong to a private man, how much more the forgery of an Ar- ticle of Religion, to Avrong the whole Church, and overturn reli- gion which concerns all our souls." — Fuller. Ch. Hist. 73. If Jewel really lived long enough to see his revised editions of the Articles printed, the 20th, as it appeared, may be taken as evi- dence of a mind over-sensitive. Perhaps there might be something of this in his nature. His Oxford recantation, under Mary, proves him not to have been cast in the sternest mould. His retraction of this weak compliance, on arriving at Frankfort, exhibited him in the pulpit weeping and sobbing under shame and agony. Literary con- flict seems, indeed, that alone for which he was formed. To bois- terous, or dangerous personal con- tact with oppressors and oppo- nents, his gentle nature was hardly equal. Mere physical weakness will partly account for this. He was a spare, sickly man through life, and his infirmities were ag- gravated by an unshrinking, con- scientious industry. lie was among the most vigilant of dio- cesans, the most laborious of stu- dents, and the most frequent of preachers. Fully alive to the urgent call for his exertions, he could not be kept out of the pul- pit, when visibly sinking into the grave. On a laborious visitation, to which he was quite unequal, he had engaged to preach at La- cock, in Wiltshire. He was l)o- sought to consider his manifest unfitness for the task. But he answered, that death in the pulpit would become a bishop. It was but barely that he escaped this fate. Having struggled through his promised sermon, he rode to Monkton Farley, where he laid his wasted frame upon the bed of (bail), lie was then under fifty. 154 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.d. 1571. impressions of 1571'. Leicester, and some other cour- tiers, favourable to the Puritan party, are supposed to have occasioned its occurrence in any, both now and heretofore*. To the influence of these powerful indivi- duals, recent concessions have been reasonably attributed, and it is hardly doubtful that the surreptitious curtail- ment, which became so famous, must at least have had their appro vaF. The bishops, probably, found it neces- and his last days edified all around by that ardent, huruhlc piety, ■which shed a holy lustre over his Avhole life. His works are nume- rous, and among them is an an- swer to the incendiary hull, by which Pius pretended to deprive Elizabeth. To Romanists, his memory was naturally odious, and they have taken pains to blacken it. Xor did Puritanism leave it unassailed. But -Jewel's industry, learning, zeal, eloquence, gentle temper, unblemished morals, place him altogether above the darts of angry controversialists. ' " There are three different editions of the book of the Thirty- nine Articles in English, printed in this year, 1571, by Jugg and Cawood, all which have this clause (and perhaps there were more). Which three editions, with the said clause, I myself saAv, as well as other inquisitive per- sons, at Mr. AVilkins's, a book- seller in St. Paul's Churchyard." (Strvpe. Parker, ii. .54.) " Ben- net, in his account of the Thirty- nine Articles, states, that there are four editions of the Articles ! in English, printed by Jugg and Cawood, in 1571, cont;iining the disputed clause. Three of these editions, which he calls c, D, and E, agree, excepting their title- pages, in every line, word, letter, and stop." (Lamb, ul supra, note.) This leaves the testimony of Strype unimpaired. ^ .The clause " is nut found in the English editions of Jugg and Cawood of 15fi3. // is found in the Latin edition of AVolfe of 1563." — Lamb, nt supra. ' " What ? Is this affirmative in no copy, English or Latin, till the year 1628? Strange! A\'hy, I have a copy of the Articles in English of the year 1612, and of the year 1605, and of the year 1593, and of the Latin of the year 1563, which was one of the first pi'inted copies, if not the first of all. For the articles Avere agreed on but the 29th day of January, 1563. And in all these, this affirmative clause for the Church's power is in." (Akciibisuoi' Laid's Speech, in the Star Chaml)i'r, at tlic censure of Bashvick, Burton, and Prinn, June 14, 1637, p. 83, at the end of his own History of his Troubles and Tri/al. Lond, 1(595.) The archbis!i()[) jtrocecds to say, that tlie case demanding certainty, " I sent to the j)ublic records in my office, and here, under my oilicer's hand, who is u public notary, is returned to mc A.D. 1571.] CONTROVERSY. 155 sary to connive at the circulation of this truncated docu- ment, not even refusing subscriptions to it. They were the 20th Article, with this affir- mative clause in it. And there is also the whole body of the Articles to be seen. By this your lord- ships see how free the prelates are from forging this part of the Ar- ticle. Now let these men quit themselves and their faction as they can, for their Index Expnr- gaforiits, and their foul rasure, in leaving out this part of the Article. For to leave out of an Article is as great a crime as to put in, and a main rasure is as censurable in this court as a forgery. Why, but then, my lords, what is this jni/s- teri/ of iii'tquity? Truly, I cannot certainly tell, but as far as I can, I'll tell yon. The Articles you see were fully and fairly agreed to and subscribed in the year 1563. But after this, in the year 1571, tliere Avere some that refused to subscribe : but why they did so, is not recorded. Whether it were about this Article, or any other, I know not. But, in fact, this is manifest, that, in the year 1571, the Articles were printed both in Latin and English, and this clause for the Church left out of both. And certainly this could not be done, but by the malicious cun- ning of that opposite faction. And though I shall spare dead men's names where I have not certainty, yet if you be pleased to look back, and consider who they were that governed businesses in 1571, and rid the Church almost at their pleasure, and how potent the an- cestors of these libellers began then to grow, you will think it no hard matter to have the Articles printed, and this clause left out. And yet 'tis plain, that after the stir about subscription in 1571, the Articles Avere settled and sul)- scribed unto at last, as in the vear 15G2, with this clause in them for the Church : for looking farther into the records, which are in mine own hands, I have found the book of 1563, subscribed by all the Lower House of Convoca- tion, in this very year of contra- diction, 1571, Dr. John Elniar (who was after lord bishop of London) being there Prolocutor : Alexander Nowel, dean of St. Paul's, having been Prolocutor in 1563, and yet living, and present, and subscribing in 1571. There- fore, I do here openly in the Star Chamber, charge upon that jrttie sect this Joitl corruption of falsi- fying the Articles of the Church of England : let them take it off as they can." This appeal, made Avitli a cer- tified copy in hand, and when the original was accessible, seems de- cisive of the question. Fuller, however, thus concludes an ex- amination of this matter. " Whe- ther the bishops were faulty in their addition, or their opposites in their suhlraction, I leave to more cunning state-arithmeticians to decide." (Ch. Hist. 74.) This passage gives Neal occasion to write : " Ileylin says, that he consulted the records of Convo- cation, and that the contested clause was in the book, and yet Fuller, a much fairer writer, who had the liberty of perusing tlie same records, declares he could 156 DISCIPLINARIAN ^A.D. 1571. never able to cope successfully ^vitll one, powerful both from royal jiartiality and Puritan gratitude. For a long space of time, any such liberties m itli important, public documents, have been impossible. Newspapers, periodi- cals, and numerous books of all sorts, form a bulwark which no degree of power or artifice can overleap. But Elizaljeth's reign was very differently circumstanced, and actually displayed a more signal mutilation of the Articles than that which eventually misled Puritanical virulence so egregiously. The whole 29tli Article is omitted in the impression of 1563 ; the identical Book, seemingly, which received parliamentary confirmation in 1571'. That Article, which is a stronsfer denial of transubstan- not decide the controversy." {Hist. Pur. I 160.) Fuller pub- lished in 1655, Avhen admirers of Burton Avere in poAvcr. His eva- sion, therefore, Avhicli really will liardly bear Neal's construction, ■was obviously dictated by the tiiiH'. The records to "which Laud and Ilcylin appealed, perished in the fire of London ; but among the Parker ^IS^., in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, are two signed copies of (be Articles, of Avbich I'ac-s'ntiUcs are no'iv printed by ! Dr. l^amb, both -which Avant the disputed clause. Neal insists upon this as decisive against the clause. J^trype, Collier, and others, have contended that the Henet .AISS. arc nothing more tlian carefully- prepared draughts. The erasures, and other circumstances, fully detailed by Collier (Eccl. Ilisl. ii. ; 487), leave hardly any rooni for i doubting this. Ileyliu sa\s, of this omission, " J5o it stood with us in England, 1 till the death of Leicester. After Avhich, in the year 1593, the Articles were reprinted, and that clause resumed, according as it stands in the Publick Registers." —Hist. Presh. 268. ' The Act for Minixters of the Church to be of .sound Rcligioti, enjoins subscription to the Articles, " comprised in a book imprinted, intituled, Articles fvhereiipoii. Sec. In the Parliament of 156(5, Avhich Avould have passed the Articles, had not Elizabeth, jealous of her supremacy, prevented it, they \verc described as a Little Book i)riiited in 1562, for the sound Christian religion." Dr. Lamb says, that there are only three editions of the Articles before 1571 ; one in Latin, and two, precisely alike, in English. He considers that the Act for Ministers, ike, must refer to an English book, because the title given is English. (^Hisl_. Ace. 26.) He lias reprinted this Little liooky A.l). 1571.] CONTROVERSY. 157 tiation than the preceding one, and cites for that purpose a passage from St. Austin, now known to be weakened hy interpolation, was, probably, considered both by the queen and Cecil, needlessly offensive to the Romanists'. If they were the parties who procured its omission in the printed copies, Leicester, and other powerful friends of the Puritans, might fairly plead for conciliating i/icm, too, by merely curtailing the 20th Article to meet their pre- judices. Undoubtedly, the church party complained of disingenuous management, and Archbishop Parker's con- fidential communications to Cecil were interspersed with charges of Machiavellian polici/^. Practically, these ancient variations in copies of the Articles have lost all * This Article, Of the wicked which eat not the body of Christy &c., appears in both the Benet MSS., but not the Little Book, if this be Jugg and Cawood's im- pression of 1563. Here, accord- ingly, are only Thirty-eight Arti- cles. The 29th Article " was omitted, both in the Latin and English printed copies before 1571, in compliance with the wish or order of Cecil, probably at the suggestion of his royal mistress." (Lamb. 34.) The Article appears to have been Parker's own. He might have made it stronger, had he not been misled by the printed editions of Austin. — See the Au- thor's Bampton Lectures for 1830. p. 404. * While Clerk was employed in replying to Sanders, De Visi- hili Monarchia, he sent portions of his work, as they were com- pleted, to Parker, which the arcli- bishop transmitted to Cecil. " In one or two places, the author had given a stroke of his pen against the secret favour and connivance that some enjoyed who opposed the ecclesiastical rites and customs established in the Church ; which the archbishop used to term Ma- chiavel-goveriumce, or by such like terms. Upon these passages in the book, the archbishop thought convenient to make his remark. Because he thought the lord trea- surer would reckon that the author had the archbishop's information and direction herein. But the archbishop assured him before God (that was his word), that that tract was only of himself: nor that lie did approve thereof That, in- deed, in private and secret letters to his lordship, he did sometime write of such manner of Machia- vel-goveriia?ice, as hearing some- times wise men talk. But he liked not this particulai charge, or application, in so open a wri- ting, nor by his advice should it be inserted." — Stuyi'E. Parker. ii. 179. 158 DISCiniNARIAN [a.d. 1571. importance. The SGtli Canon, contirmed by the Ad of Unijhrmiti/ under Charles II., renders the whole body of Articles, passed in the convocation, usually dated 15G2, legally binding upon the clergy. The convocation endeavoured to stay the progress of Puritanism, by attacking its chief organ, the pulpit. A body of canons was passed, voiding all preaching licenses, granted before the last day of April then next ensuing'. Thus, every preacher was brought at once under the diocesan's revision, and none, whose doctrine was dis- approved, or who shrank from promising future con- formity, could expect a renewal of his license. These canons embraced also many particulars demanding regu- lation, and were unquestionably calculated to remedy much that was wanting in this branch of national juris- prudence. They were, however, denied the royal assent. Hence Archbishop Grindal, who was always glad of an excuse to screen the Puritans, justly doubted whether they had the force of law, and hinted dangers of a j^rcc- munire^. The Puritans naturally looked with contempt upon synodical regulations, which the court would not sanction. Ai)ril expired, but May exhibited them neither suitors for new preaching licenses, nor forsaking the pulpit. Some preached, as usual, in their own churches, otlicrs in private houses. Some used the Geneva Liturgy, others made selections from the Book of Common Prayer'. Elizabeth was much displeased with this boldness and irregularity. Whatever might withhold her from autho- ' Liber quurnudam Canoiiiuii. hLsliop (iriiulal to Archbishop Aniiu 1571. — Bisuop SrARHOw's Parker. — Stuype. Parker, ii. GO. Cullcclion. p. 2.38. '' lb. U5. " Extract of a letter from Arch- A.D. 1571.3 CONTROVERSY. 159 rising the canons themselves, she lost no time in lettino* the world see that she could endure no disobedience to them. Early in June, a royal mandate enjoined the High Commission Court to prevent all reading, praying, preach- ing, or administering the sacraments, in any place, public or private, without license from herself, the metropolitan, or the diocesan'. Soon afterwards the commissioners called Goodman, Lever, Sampson, and other leading Puritans, before them, at Lambeth. No severities are known to have ensued ; but Lever, before the year closed, resigned a prebend, as it seems, of Durham. He found himself, probably, unable to retain it without some com- promise of principled As public authority had proved hitherto unattainable for the religious discipline which so many desired, indi- viduals became inclined to wait for it no longer. Tliis impatience was first conspicuously displayed at North- ampton. The mayor, with other leading persons of that town, and some neighbouring justices of the i)eace, under- took to abolish singing and organ-music in the choir, ordering prayers to be read, in the nave, and a psalm to be sung before and after sermon. The principal church, besides, was to have, on Tuesdays and Thursdays, a lecture from Scripture, prefaced with the general con- fession from the Book of Common Prayer, and followed by prayer and a confession of faith. Other orders pre- scribed sermons, a strict observance of Sunday, the public examination of youth in Calvin's catechism, inquiries by the ministers and churchwardens into the lives of intended communicants, and into the reasons of those who declined ' The Commissioners Ecclesi- astical to all Chnrchwardens. June 7, 13tli of the Queen. — Strype. Parker. Append, lxii. iii. 183. '' lb. ii. GO. 160 DISCIPLINARIAN [a. P. IT)?!. receiving, the correction of immorality and irreligion, with various jiarticulars relating to public "worship '. The whole religious and moral conduct of the town was thus to be brought under the control of a committee partly clerical and partly lay. Such a body might, undoubtedly, be useful in repressing immorality, but its views were likely to be narrow, and its proceedings arbitrary. To persons averse from Puritanism, or irregular in habits, it must have appeared as a self-constituted High Commis- sion Court, constantly sitting at their own doors ; only far more inquisitorial than the queen's court of that name, which sat occasionally at Lambeth. Another feature in these Northampton regulations, rapidly gained popularity in many parts of England. St. Paul's mention of 'prophesying one hy one^, gave a hint for the arrangement of religious meetings, in v>hich Scripture might be expounded and debated. Edmund Scambler, the bishop of Peterborough, thought his clergy likely to have their information extended, and their faculties improved by this plan. Some other jDrelates were equally favourable, and lyrophesyings were esta- blished with approbation, in various directions. Due provision was made for the orderly conduct of these e.vercises, as the ])lirase ran, and they could not fail of helping to develop the national intellect. They were jilso likely to weaken the force of Uomish prejudice, a particular declaration against papal corruptions being required of all mIio took a i)art in them\ But Puri- tanical opinions gave rise to them, and were extended by their means. Mere devotion and instruction were not likely long, either to extract su])erfluous labours from ' SiKVi'j;. AiiiKil.s. ii. I.']."). ■' 1 (\)r. xlv. 'M. ' .SruYi'K. Atiiutlx. ii. \'M. A.D. 1571.] CONTROVERSY. 161 a body of clergymen, or to secure the attention of lay auditors. Such ends, however, would be easily answered by means of claims to exclusive spiritual privileges, and stirring reflections upon existing institutions. To such topics, therefore, the younger, more indiscreet, and more aspiring speakers, would infallibly resort. The proplie- sijings, accordingly, were soon found to be nurseries of party spirit. Anxiety to awaken and cultivate the minds of their clergy, made some of the bishops very unwilling to discern this evil quality. But Elizabeth looked on with jealousy from the first. Her eagle eye detected a lurking mischief in this popular c.rerche, which recluse piety was unable to distinguish. Hence we shall soon find her insisting ui^on its total suppression. She felt, however, the necessity of paying some atten- tion to the prevailing clamour for discipline. Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper, who delivered the opening speech to her fourth parliament, reflected upon laymen of dis- tinction for slighting the ecclesiastics, and setting a bad example. Of the clergy he si)oke as insufficient in number, and often incompetent ; also as occasionally arrogant, and prone to innovate, or vary in doctrine. Rites and ceremonies, he says, were ill-observed, and fallen into disesteem, which caused a general neglect of public worship among the common people. His remedies are a more careful selection of rural deans, and an inmie- diate conference among the bishops to ascertain whether an increase of episcopal efficiency would require new powers from parliament'. Any such were most unlikely to be granted by the House of Commons. It was leavened by those envious polemics, whose violence claims an unbounded vent whenever wealth and station ' D'Eaves. 193. 162 DISCIPLINARIAN [.v.n. 1571. light upon a clergyman. llcnee Parker, writing to Burghley, supposes him hardly aware of the manner in which the bishops were " bearded'." In utter neglect of them, accordingly, two bills Mere brought into the Lower House, for abolishing the bulk of established rites and ceremonies, and rejecting some of the Thirty-nine Articles'. The Commons passed that for rites and ceremonies, and it was referred to a committee of the two Houses. But Elizabeth signified her high displeasure, and both bills were dropped*. Her desire to have eccle- siastical measures originate with- the prelacy, fell upon most unwilling ears. Peter Wentworth, member for Tregony, leader of the popular and Puritanical party, afterwards said, that " God would not vouchsafe to let his Spirit descend upon the bishops, all that session of parliament: so that nothing was done to the advance- ment of His glory'." ' Stuype. Parker, ii. 201. * //;. 202. ^ Tlie bill for rites and cere- monies was read the third time, and referred to a committee in the Star Chamber, May 20. Two days after, " Upon declaration made unto this House by Mr. Speaker, from the Queen's Ma- jesty, tli:it lier Ilighness's pleasure is, that from licncoforth no bills shall l)e preferred, or received into this House, unless the same should be fust considered and liked by tlie clergy. And further, that her ]\Iaje.sties pleasure is to see the two last bills read in this House touching Kites and Ceremonies," (D'Kwics. 213) " :Mr, Treasurer reported to the House" (May 2.'{) " tl»e delivery of the two bills of Rites and Ceremonies to her Ma- jesty, together with the humble request of this House, most hum- bly to beseech her Highness not to conceive ill opinion of this House, if it so were that her ]Ma- jesty should not like well of the said bills, or of the parties that preferred them. And declared further, that her IMajesty seemed utterly to mislike of the first bill, axid of him that brought the same into the House."—//;. 21-1. * Speech of Mr. "NVentworth, on the re-assembling of this Parlia- ment, after prorogation, in lojo. {lb. 239.) The s])eaker making free with I'lizabelh, as well as with the bishops, " was for unre- verent and undutiful words uttered by him, in this House, of our so- vereign Lady, the Queen's Ma- jesty, sequestered." {lb. 236.) A.D. 1572. J CONTROVERSY. 163 These words really meant no more, tlian that Parlia- ment separated without a single step towards the disci- jdine upon which many popular spirits insisted so loudly. Probably the Puritans had reckoned ujion a different issue. Before the legislature met, a party of their minis- ters concocted privately in London an address to both Houses, containing a full development of their views and wishes'. AVhether the intention was to offer this impor- tant document to Parliament, or only to circulate it as an authentic declaration of Puritanical sentiments, cannot now be ascertained. But it never came before the mem- bers in their corporate capacity. The M'orld knew nothing of it until the prorogation". It then apjieared in the shape of a pamphlet, or perhaps more properly, of two pamphlets, entitled. An Ad?nonition to the ParUamenty first and second. The very title was thought by some to savour of presumption : petition seeming to become the framers rathei* than admonition'. The whole piece, how- ever, breathes a spirit of intolerant, sarcastic, and haughty Tliis speecli not only relates par- ticulars of the session of 1572, but also of tlie parliament of 1571. ' " Certain persons assembled themselves privately together in London, as I have been informed, namely, Gilbye, Sampson, Lever, Field, Wilcox, and I wot not Avho besides. And then it was agi-eed upon, as it seemeth, that an Ad- monition (which the now Lord Archbishop of Canterbury did af- terwards confute,) should be com- piled and offered unto the Par- liament approaching, Anno 1572." — Abi'. Bancuoft's Survey of (he Pretended Holy Discipline. Lond. 1663, p. 2. * " They did not only propounde it out of time (after the Parlia- ment was ended) but out of order also, that is, in the manner of a libell." — Abp. AVuitgift's De- fense, 13. ' " And now Thomas Cart- wright, chief of the Nonconform- ists, presents the Parliament with a book, called an Admonition, some members taking distaste at the title thereof. For seeing Admo- nition is the lowest of ecclesiasti- call censures, and a preparative, (if neglected,) to suspension, and excommunication, such suggested, that if the Parliament complied not with this Admonitor's desires, his party (whereof he the speaker) would proceed to higher and lowder fulminations." — Fulleu. 102. M 2 164 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.d. 1572. defiance which ill become religious advocates. It is, indeed, often such as serious men hardly could pen, unless galled by unwonted pecuniary pressure. Irritation from this cause may unquestionably be pleaded for the Admo- niliou. Its authors, mentioning themselves as poor meii, bitterly \Aay upon the words, by adding, luhom they, the ecclesiastical authorities \\QXi\. 216, 225, 226. course CartAvright, in his reply, ' lb. 226. It is difficult to ac- | could say nothing here. Hence count for this oversight. Whit- , the Defense of the Answer has, gift, in his Answer io (he Admo- " This is confessed hy silence, and vilion, naturally takes a scornful therefore, here the Adinonilion con- tone here. He says, " In the ■ teyneth a manifest untruth, and booke now allowed of making dea- i wanteth aproctor." Violent party- cons and ministers, and consccrat- j spirit is very liable to such re- ing bishops, there is neythcr re- bukes ; often assuming unfounded quired albe, surplesse, vestment, things to prejudice an adversary, nor pastorall stafVe. Keade the * If>. 227- * Jb. 228, 246, 254, booke from the beginning to the , * lb. 256. ^ Jb. 261. A.-D. 1572.] CONTROVERSY. 1G7 get thee hcnceT Edification is in no such distinctions, but a " shew of cviJ, seeino- the Popish priesthood is evil ; discord is Avronght, Gospel-preaching is hindered," " the memory of Egypt," and of former abominations is kept up, " the ministry is brought into contemjit, tlic weak are offended, the obstinate encouraged';" ministers are said formerly to have " preached the world only, as God gave utterance : now they read homilies, articles, injunctions, 4-0.'" Formerly, the ministry " was painful, now, gainful : then, poor and ignominious, now, rich and glorious'." It raises men to " livings and offices, by Antichrist devised, but in Christ's word forbidden, as Metropolitan, Arch- bishop, Lord's Grace, Lord Bishop, Suffragan, Dean, Archdeacon, Prelate of the Garter, Earl, Count Palatine, Honour, high Commissioner, Justice of the Peace-'." Scripture would have " seniors in every church, the Pope hath brought-in the lordship of one man over sundry churches, yea, over many shires ^" Primitive usage demands " equality of ministers, instead of an archbishop, or lord bishop '." These two, with all their inferior officers, " are drawn," both as to name and function, " out of the Pope's shop ;" and the canon-law which guides them, is " Anti-christian, devilish, and contrary to Scripture\" Their power is no more warranted by God's word, than the Poj)e's, dominion of one minister over another, being "unlawful and expressly forbidden" by Holy Writ". From the clergy, the Admojiition passes-on to the Liturgy, first complaining, as an innovation, of any written trammels for ministerial devotion". Exceptions are then taken to prayer against tempest, when none ' Admomthii. Wiiitgift's Defense, 284. ' lb. 200, 292, 293, 295. ' lb. 296. * lb. 297. ' lb. 298. ' lb. 455. ' lb. 456. " lb. 460. " lb. 464. '" lb. 488. 168 DISCIPLINARIAN [a. P. 1572. seems at liaiul ; to the Magnificat, and other scriptural hymns, as introduced for no conceivable purpose but to honour the A^irgin, the Baptist, or similar personages, therefore profanations of Scripture; to baptism by Avomcn, or deacons; to the administration of sacraments in private ]»laces, and to the churching service, as "smell- ing of Jewisli purification'." Holidays are denounced as Popish, sermons in defence of established institutions and ceremonies, are invidiously contrasted "with doctrine purely scriptural*. Excitement being vitally important to Puritanism, even administration of the sacraments without preaching, is disparaged. JNIere reading is pronounced no "feed- ing," but as bad, or worse, than stage-playing, because actors learn their parts. Many of the clergy, it is asserted, could scarcely read what was prescribed, with book before them. "These," it is immediately added, "are empty feeders, dark eyes, ill workmen to hasten the Lord's har- vest, messengers that cannot call, prophets that cannot declare the will of the Lord, unsavoury salt, blind guides, sleepy watchmen, untrusty dispensers of God's secrets, evil dividers of the Word, weak to withstand the adversary, not able to confute." Li fine, reading ministers are ])laced upon a level with Popish jiriests, whose i)astoral (lualifications were deemed suflicient, when they could fairly go through that which lay before them in the service-book'. The diaconate, as established in the national church, is denounced as a " foul" perversion. In primitive times everv church had its deacons, but only as collectors and ' AdvinnU'wn. "NVniToiiTS Defense, 41)1, 503, oil, .51"), 537- • lb. 538, 55». » Uk ii(i2, 571), 5«0. A.D. I572.J CONTROVERSY. 169 dispensers of alms ; now, tlieir office is " a step to the ministry, nay rather, a mere order of priesthood'." Objections to the communion-service are hastily prefaced by the groundless mention of an introite, origi- nating M'ith Pope Celestine. Primitive usage is then pronounced adverse to the reading of " fragments" from the epistle and gospel, and of the Nicene creed. But it is claimed for the examination of communicants. The prevailing usage of administering with wafer-cakes, next comes under animadversion ; nor docs the prescribed posture of receiving escape; sitting, it is maintained, being that of antiquity. Fault is found Mith the pre- scribed Avords, as having Papistical additions to those which our Lord used, and as having Talic thou, cat thou, instead of Take ye, eat ye. Other discrepancies from primitive communions are found, in the hymn, Glory to God in the highest, in the admission of sinners to the table, in the pomp of administration, and in every parti- cular which our Lord is not known to have instituted ^ In baptism, exceptions are taken to surplices, the interrogatories, the sponsors themselves, fonts, and the sign of a cross ; which last is stigmatised as the " super- stitious and wicked institution of a new sacrament'." After this long array of objections, the monitors tell Parliament, " Instead of chancellors, archdeacons, officials, commissaries, proctors, doctors, summoners, churchwar- dens, and such like, you have to place in every congre- gation, a lawful and godly seignory\" Discipline was to be administered chiefly by three orders, namely, ministers, that is to say, preachers, or pastors ; seniors, or elders ; * Admouilloti. Whitgift's Defense, 584, 58(5, C81). '^ lb. 088, 589, 591, 593, 590, GOO, 001, 002, 003, 005. » 76.607,017. ' Jl>- ('27. 170 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.d. 1572. and deacons : a form of government superseded by the Pope'. In primitive times, when it existed, just sen- tences were j^ronounced, as miglit be expected from " a zealous and godly company," but " hatred, favour, aftec- tion, or money," may and do warp the judgments of in- dividuals'. The ancient phrase was, Tell tlie Church, the modern, " Complain to my lord's grace, primate and metropolitan of all England, or to his inferior, my lord bishop of the diocese, if not to him, shew the chancellor, or official, or commissary, or doctor \" The rule of " lord bishops," their inferior officers, " and such ravening rablers," is denounced as most horrible, " spoiling the pastor of his lawful jurisdiction over his own flock, given by the word, thrusting away most sacrilegiously that order which Christ hath left in his church, and which the pri- mitive church hath used';" which is no other than " the regiment of ministers, seniors, and deacons jointly \" To account for their former use of the Common Prayer, more or less completely, the monitors declare their conformity, such as it was, to have flowed from a desire of peace, accompanied with reverence for the times and persons that gave rise to the book. Subscriptions noM' required, oblige them to ]ironounce it, "an unperfect book, culled and picked out of the Popish dunghill, the IVIass-book, full of a])ominations," and containing " many things against the Word of God"." Complaints are then made of the Homilies, of lessons from the Apocrypha, of using the term priest, of the matrimonial ring, as a sacramental sign, of the words Hlth my body I thee ivorship, as making the woman an ' Admonil'wH. AVhitgift's De- * Ih. (i71. feiisc. 621), 032. " Ih. (\:a. ■■' Ih. 002. » Ih. Oi)J. • Ih. 705). A. p. 1572.] CONTROVERSY. 171 idol, and of the injiuiction to receive tlie communion, at weddings'. Confirmation "by the bishop alone to them that lack both discretion and faith," is said to be super- stitious, and not agreeable to the Word of God, but Popish and peevish*. The burial service is mentioned as if thought unne- cessary, every Christian, and not ministers only, beino- concerned in burying the dead. The office, it is alleged, maintains prayer for the dead, as may be " partly gathered out of some of the prayers \" Exceptions are also taken against various i)assages in the Prayer Book, and among them, against praying that "all men may be saved'." The Psalms are said to be "tossed in most places like tennis balls," and Sunday amusements, immemorially in vogue, are invidiously men- tioned as if chargeable upon the ecclesiastical authorities*. Cathedrals are stigmatised as " Popish dens," which, to- gether with the queen's chapel, by their organs and curious singing, " must be patterns and precedents to the people of all superstitions \" The monitors add, "We should be long to tell your Honours, of cathedral churches, the dens aforesaid of all loitering lubbers, where JNIaster Dean, Master Vice-Dean, Master Canons, or Master Preben- daries the greater, jMaster petty Canons, or Canons the lesser, JMaster Chancellor of the Church, JMaster Treasurer, or otherwise called Judas the purse-bearer, the chief chanter, singing men, (special favourers of religion,) squeaking choristers, organ-players, gospellers, pistellers, pensioners, readers, vergers, S)C. live in great idleness, and have their abiding. If you would know Mhence all these ' Admonilion. "Wiiitgift's De- * lb. 73!) fense. 715, 721, 723. 'lb. ^ lb. 725. « lb. 743 ^ lb. 727. 172 DISCIPLINARIAN [a. P. 1572. came, mo can easily ans^^■cl• that you they came from the Pope, as out of the Trojan horse's belly, to the destruction of God's kingdom'." God's word, it is alleged, forbids the union of civil offices with ecclesiastical. Hence clergymen must not have their prisons, " as Clinks, Gatehouses, Colehouses, towers, and castles. This is to not have keys, but swords*." The monitors then say, " Birds of the same feather are covetous patrons of benefices, parsons, vicars, readers, parish-priests, stipendiaries, and riding chaplains, that under the authority of their masters, spoil their flocks, of the food of their souls; such seek not the Lord Jesus, but their own bellies ; clouds that are without rain, trees without fruit, painted sepulchres full of dead bones, fatted in all abundance of iniquity, and lean locusts in all feeling, knowledge, and sincerity'." Subscription to the doctrinal articles is approved, thouffh not altoQfether without reserve. Claim is made for " a godly interpretation in a point or two, Mliicli are either too sparely, or else too darkly set down." The monitors, accordingly, refer their strivings and sufferings wholly to resistance of Popery, and a refusal " to be stung with the tail of Antichristian infection." They conclude with imploring Parliament, for the sake of God's church, and of the queen, to consider and reform the abuses pointed out, so that "Antichrist might be turned out headlong, and Christ might reign by his word'." ' Admonition. "Wuitgift's De- platform of a cliurcli, the niannei- fcnse. "^AA. j of electing ministers, their several * 11). ']A\). duties, and their equality in go- ' 11). '/'J4. vcrnment. It then exposes the ■* I/j. 77<>- Neal thus makes the corruj)tions of the hierarchy, and best of the case : " It contains the the proceedings of the bishops, A.D. 1572.] CONTROVERSY. 173 This mass of encroacliing intolerance, captiousness, inaccuracy, envy, and scurrility, Avas treated by the go- vernment as a seditious libel. Its authors ostensibly, and, perhaps, principally, were John Field and Thomas A^'ilcox, two Puritanical clergymen of great note among the Lon- doners of their party. They must have been committed to Newgate, almost immediately after the Admonition was published, for they jointly addressed an elegant Latin letter to Burghley, soliciting liberation, on the 3rd of September, They admit their authorship of the offensive publication, which is called a book requiring the reforma- tion of horrid abuses, and they ridiculously claim credit for appealing to Parliament, instead of attempting to correct, or innovate, by their own authority. They lay religious dissension entirely upon the hierarchy, and seem to fancy that peace Avould immediately follow upon its destructioji'. Their friends naturally viewed them as martyrs, and they were gratified by an abundance of with some severity of language." {Hist. Pur. i. 252.) The reader is not suj^plied with any specimen of this severity. " It avowed dis- tinctly, and in no measured terms, unceasing hostility to the consti- tution of the Church. Rejecting all disguise, it spoke out freely the language of strong conviction, tinctured with somewhat of that bitterness, which has too generally characterised the controversies of the Church. The publication of this treatise may be regarded as one of the earliest steps towards the union of the Puritans and the patriots; the advocates of spiritual freedom and the defenders of civil liberty. The close and faithful union of these two parties enabled them to check the despotism of Elizabeth, and utteriv to over- throw that of the Stuarts." (Price's Hislori/ of Froteslaiti Xouconfor- mitj/. LoAd. 183G. i. 227.) i'liat advantages to freedom, both civil and religious, grew out of the Pu- ritanical struggle, is undeniable ; but the Puritans meant none to either, only the transfer of despotic powers both civil and religious to their own elderships. * Strvpe. Annals, ii. Append. XIX. p. 482. " Two divines, Field and Wilcox, who were principally concerned in drawing it up, were sent to Newgate, July 7, ^'*T^y and in the following October were indicted on the Statute of Unifor- mity, and sentenced to one year's imprisonment." — Price. 231 . 174 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.d. 1572. visitors '. Occasionally, they had to receive such as -were no admirers. One of these, Pearson, chaplain to the archbishop, animadverted upon the intemperance of their Admonition. Field immediately took the blame of this \vholly upon himself, pleading Scripture, in justification, and necessity for conceding forbearance no longer^ If passion may interpret one, and judge of the other, social offences must hardly be mentioned again. Mere severity was justly thought unlikely to check the Disciplinarians. Hence Archbishop Parker deter- mined upon a literary examination of their cherished platform\ His secretary wrote out a fair copy botli of ' Strype. Parker, ii. 240. * He said: "This concerns me. The Scriptures of the Old and New Testament use such vehe- mency : Ave have used gentle words too long ; which liave done no good: the wound grows desperate, and wants a corrosive: it is no time to blanch or sew pillows under men's elbows, but God knoweth, we mean to touch no man's per- son, but their places and abuses." (Neal. i. 252.) '' This John Field, whilcst he lived, Avas a great and chief man amongst the Brethren of London, and one to wlioni the ra.inaging of the Discipline, for the out\vard practice of it, was especially by the rest committed. So all the h'ttcrs that were di- rected from the brethren of other places, to have this, or that, rcfer- red to the London assemblies, were for the most part directed unto him." — Bancuoi-t. Sin-rin/ of Ihc Prelonhd IIvli/ Discipline. 295. •' " In this treatise," (the Adnio- nilion) " such a hardy spirit of innovation Avas displayed, and schemes of ecclesiastical policy so novel and extraordinary, were de- veloped, that it made a most im- portant epoch in the contest, and rendered its termination far more improbable. The hour for liberal concessions had been suffered to pass aAvay; the Archbishop's into- lerant temper had taught men to question the authority that op- pressed them, till the battle Avas no longer to be fought for a tippet and a surplice, but for the Avhole ecclesiastical hierarchy, interwoven as it was Avith the temporal con- stitution of England." (IIallam's Coiistitiilional Hist. Lend. J 832. i. 252.) Scholarly exposure does not seem the Avea])on for an " in- tolerant temper." Nor is it likely, that any " concessions " Avould have been ultimately found satis- factory, less " liberal " than an unconditional surrender of eccle- siastical patronage, ecclesiastical revenues (including those of the monasteries), and inquisitorial poAvers, into the hands of nine, or ten thousand intolerant elective bodies, controlled and directed by A. D. 1572.] CONTROVERSY. 175 the principles, and the abuse, contained in the Admonition, most probably from a draught of his own'. He seems to have selected John Whitgift, master of Trinity college, Cambridge, eventually occupant of his own chair, to work upon these materials. Before the year closed, Wliitgift's Anstver to the Admonition ai)peared. Cartwright had now returned from abroad, and a reply from him followed quickly upon the heels of Whitgift's piece. He did not 23lace his name at length before it, but only initials, T. C. No concealment, however, seems to have been intended. He stood forward as champion of the Admonition, and is often loosely named as if its author. Wiiitgift had shown no fear of him, at Cambridge, and none appeared now. He soon published a Defense of the Ansiver to the Admo- 7iition. This work contains, distributed in paragraphs, the Admonition itself, the author's reply to it, Cart Wright's answer to him, and his own rejoinder. This important volume is, therefore, a view of the whole controversy, composed in the fairest manner. Cartwright has re- peatedly been represented as beaten by it completely out of the field. He did not, in fact, make a full reply, until after an interval of four years, when he had again gone abroad, and Whitgift, newly entangled by episcopal cares, was no longer at leisure for controversy'. Thus the book a central elective body. It is true, that all these pretensions did not come out at once, but tliey did not come out at all, until the cherished pattern, Geneva, had afforded pre- cedents for the Avhole system. "A few concessions at the commence- ment of the Queen's reign would have satisfied such men as Fox, Coverdale, and Humphrey; but the l)attle was now to be fought on other ground, and for an object immeasureably more important." (Price, i. 230.) The parties named might have been " satisfied with a few concessions," which their followers v\ould soon have found of no great importance, while a " battle was to be fought " for wealth and power. ' Strype. Annals, ii. 27'). pt. 2. Append. XIX. p. 47G. ^ Whitgift was consecrated to the see of Worcester, at Ijambcth, on 176 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.d. 1572. might fail of its predecessor's notoriety, both from the author's absence, and his opponent's silence. His work, undoubtedly, has escaped some of our older church-his- torians, who claim the last word for Whitgift': no great credit in a controversy; for angry spirits rarely rest without it. AMiitgift's party considered his replies no less trium- l)hant, than they were learned*. The Disciplinarians felt equally certain that victory lay with Cartwright'. His Sunday, April 21, 1577- — Sthypk. Whitgift. i. 80. ' "'"in the year 1573, Dr. Whit- gift published his Defense against Cartwright's Reply. — Two years after (1575) 3Ir. Cartwriglit pub- lished a Second liep/i/ to AVhitgift's Defense: it consisted of two parts, the first was entitled The Second licply of T. C. against Dr. Jl'hil- gifl's Second Answer ioi/ching the Church Discipline. — The second part of Cartwright's Heply "was not published till two years forward, •when he was fled out of the king- dom: it is entitled The It est of the Second Iteply of Thomas Cart- wright against Master Doctor Whitgift's Ansn'cr, touching the Church Discipline. Imprinted 1577- — Thus ended the contro- versy between these two cham- pions: so that Fuller, IFeylin, and Collier must be mistaken, when they say, AVhitgift kept the field, and carried off a complete victory, >vhen Cartwright had certainly the last word." — Nical. i. 2()5. * " Whitgift replied again to Cartwright, and had the tliaidiS of the bishops and the Queen, who. as a reward for liis excellent and learned pains, made him dean of Lincoln; while Cart wriglit, to avoid the rigour of the commissioners, was forced to abscond in friends' houses, and at length retire into banishment." — lb. 259. ^ " Dr. Whitgift's book was an- swered by Mr. Cartwright, whose performance was called a master- piece in its kind, and had the ap- probation of great numbers in the university of Cambridge, as well as foreign divines." {Ih. 258.) " Mr. Cartwright maintained, that the holy Scriptures were not only a standard of doctrine, but of dis- cipline and government, and that the Church of Christ, in all ages, was to be regulated by them, lie was, therefore, for consulting his Bible only, and for reducing all things as near as possible to the apostolical standard. Dr. AVhit- gift went upon a different prin- ciple, and maintained, that, though the holy Scriptures were a perfect rule of faith, they were not de- signed as a standard of church- discipline, or government; but that this was changeable, and might be accommodated (o the civil govern- ment we live under; that the apo- stolical government was adapted to the Church in its infancy, and under persecution, but was to be enlarged and altered, as the Church A.D. 1572.] CONTROVERSY. 177 influence among them, indeed, became boundless. Tliey termed him their " most reverend brother, INIaster Cart- wright," and introduced his name into their prayers'. A congregation no sooner heard of his deliverance from prison, than it " had Psalms of thanksgiving, prayers to the same purpose, and a sermon'." The books of T. C, as they were familiarly called, were deemed necessarv for "coming to the knowledge of the truth'." One admirer compliments them as " the rare bird's books'." Another thought of him, as the queen of Sheba did of Solomon'. A third maintains roundly that " the form of government set down by T. C." was " commanded by Cod"." JNIoro extravagantly still, one writes, " As the disciples, in times past, had the Lord himself among them, so I have Mr. Cartwright, my lord, in presence with me'." Very com- l^etent scholars, however, entertained no high opinion of him. When his fame was only budding, Jewel could see nothing in an attack that he made upon archbishops and archdeacons, but the rashness of a novice". Youth, no grew to maturity, and had the civil magistrate on its side. Tlie doctor, therefore, instead of re- ducing the external policy of the Church to Scripture, takes into liis standard the four first centuries after Christ; and those customs he can trace up thither, he thinks proper to be retained, because the Churcli was then in its mature state, and not yet under the power of Antichrist." — Neal. 259. ' Chap, to F. 15B5. ap. Ban- croft. Survey of the Pretended Hohj Discipline. 299. *"M. \l. toF. lb. ^ Gelli. to F. 158(). Ih. 300. * C. Carron to Field. Ih. 301. ' Farmer to Little. 1586. 76.300. ® Fen against Bridge. lb. ^ M. Cholm. to Field. 1582. lb. 301. " " Upon occasion offered to shew his opinion concerning one of Cartwright's propositions, viz. That both the names and offices of archbishops and archdeacons arc to be abolished, he presumed, for- sooth, upon the base authority of all antiquity, the antient Fathers, the general councils, and ecclesi- astical histories, to call it, in the margent of his ans^ver, Novitiorum assertio, a new assertion, or an assertion of younglings : and in the end, after he had briefly sur- veyed the strength of Cartwright's great bulwark, he concludeth in N 178 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.d. 1572. doubt, was commonly the mains]iring of Puritanism. But human nature, committed publicly in early life, Avill seldom meet a thorough retractation afterwards. Cart- wright, accordingly, like most gainers of premature cele- brity, never suffered experience to modify his original positions. He failed, however, of giving them any addi- tional weight in the estimation of scholars. Whitaker characterised his second Reply as loose and puerile, rather an abuse of words, than an array of matter'. Probably, "Whitgift was of the same opinion, and therefore, easily dissuaded from prolonging the controversy by a sacrifice this sort: As for these reasons, in my Jiidgetnenl, they are not made to build up, and they are too weak to pull down. Stultitia nata est in corde pueri, el virga disciplince fiigabii eavi. It is hut ivantun- ness, correction will help it. AVhereupon in cometli Cartwriglit, as hot as a toast, and scorning, ye may be sure, to have such a main article of the new belief to be termed novilioruni assertio, he calleth tliese ■words biting and sharp, and for liis further entrance to confute the Bishop's reasons ■why he misliked the said propo- sition, he naileth, as it were, upon his tombe, this shameful and most slanderous inscription, Bishop Jewel calleth the doctrine of the Gospel ivunlonncss. ]\Iark the man's forehead how it is hardened. The Papist, that said he recanted all his writings against the Pope, was not more impudent." {lb. 285. Stuype. Whitgift. Append. X. iii. 21.) The learned and ami- able J'.ishop Jt'W(d had no sooner sunk into a jiremature grave in his fiftieth year, than " it was widely circulated that he was anxious for retaining the use of the crucifix in public and private devotion : and that in his last hours, the illustrious Apologist of the Church of England had peni- tently renounced his errors, and wished to die in peace and com- munion with the Church of Rome." (Le Bas's Lfe of Bishop Jewel. 232.) In the text (Prov. xxii. 15.) cited in Latin, as then usual among scholars, Jewel is thought to have used pueri, in the sense of iJic lad, as the language will warrant. — IIeylin. Hist. Presb. 2'J4. ' " I have read a gi'eat part of that book which Master Cart- wright hath lately published. I pray God, I live not, if [ ever saw any thing more loosely written, and almost more childishly. It is true that for words he hath great store, and those both fine and new; but for matter, as far as I can judge, he is altogether barren." — Whitaker to "Whitgift, apiid Bax- fUDiT. Surrey tf the Pretended I loll/ Discipline. 303. Pal Lie's n'h'ilgijl. 21. A.D. 1572.] CONTROVERSY. 179 of time, that must be incoiiyenient, and seemed unne- cessary '. Whitgift admits that a sort of seignory existed in the primitive church, but only in large places, and in some instances. He refers it wholly to exigencies created by the want of an establishment, and the danger of perse- cution. Hence he denies that there is any precedent whatever for even this occasional eldership in a Christian state, much less for the adaptation of such a system to every particular jDarish ; and he maintains its total in- congruity with monarchical institutions'. This latter ' " But Master CartMTight, glorying belike to have the last word, published a second reply, fraught with no other stuff than had been before refuted : yet Doc- tor Whitgift addressing himself to answer it, was by the advice of some, whose judgements he much esteemed, dissuaded from troubling himself in refuting that which he had already overthrown." — Paule's Whitgift. 20. ' From 1 Tim. v. 17, Let the elders that rule well be counted wo7'thi/ of double hotiour, especially they who labour in the word and doclri7ie, it was thought conclusive that St. Paul recognises both ruling elders and jjr caching elders. Whitgift brings commentators to testify that some ministers an- ciently administered the sacra- ments, who did not preach, and he denies that any evidence exists for proving the non-preaching elders in this text, to have been laymen. (Defense. 627.) His chief admission is the following passage upon this text, which he cites from Ambrose: " The Syna- gogue^ and after^ the Church, had Seniors, without whose councell nothing was done in the Church. But that was before his time, and before there was any Christian magistrates, or any Church esta- blished." (651.) Cartwright al- leges that Jerome is also in his favour. Whitgift gives the pas- sage, and thus translates it : '' And 7ve have in the Church, our Senate, a coinpany of elders, which he meaneth of p- iests, and of colleges of cathedrall churches, that were then in every citie, and not of a seignory iu every congregation, whereby every severall parish Avas governed." (052.) In the follow- ing passage, Whitgift comprehen- sively discovers his views upon this question : " Neither did I meane that in everie particular parish, there was such a Seignorie, but in every chief citie, nor that it was at all times in persecution, and where there was no Christian magistrate, but somelymes : nei- ther that this kind of government must be in suche times, but tliat it may be." (6.33.) He seems to consider that a body of this kind might be useful in repressing im- N 2 180 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.d. 1572. objection is tacitly, though intelligibly conceded by the Disci})linari.ins, and undoubtedly, here lies the main secret of many a bias in their favour. The Admonition declares that " some must be governed by all, and not all by some'." Cartwright reasons : " For as the house is before the hangings, and therefore the hangings which come after, must be framed to the house which was before ; so the Church being before there was any commonwealth, and the commonwealth coming after, must be fashioned and made suitable unto the Church'." This democratic tendency of the platform naturally drove its opponents towards the other extreme. Cartwright spoke of a monarchy as " a mixed estate." Whitgift replied by charging him with ignorance, adding, " That is called a monarchy, where the chief care and government of the commonwealth is committed to one, as it is in this kingdom, in every respect'." Princes, with their flatterers, and expectants, inter})ret such words as an aj^proval of arbitrary rule, and look favourably upon the party that utter them. Opposite principles gain free reception from aspiring spirits with humiliating prospects. INIany who had no chance or thought of their own admission into the seignori/, would eagerly advocate its establishment, because it struck at the root of hereditary power. Its inquisitorial, haughty, selfish character, might easily be discerned'. Its real morality ■where the civil govern- ment was not organized upon Christian principles. ' Second Adiiio?iilion, page 55. a pit (I W II no I FT. ()57. * T. C. npinl "WniTfiHT. 040. " U. 050. The autiiors of the Admonition say: "The moe that ruh', tlie hctter it is." — /6. * "The Elder's office was to admonish secretly those that did amisse, to comfort those wliich he sawe weake and shaking, and to have neede of comfort, to assist the Pastor in ecclosiasticall cen- sures of reprehensions, sharper or myldcr, as tlie fauUes required ; also to assist in the suspensions from the iSupper of the Lorde, untill some triall were had of the A.D. 1572.] CONTROVERSY. 181 nature, indeed, was that of the popedom, but seated at every man's door, and constantly menacing an inroad into every man's private chamber'. The peoj^le generally repentance of that partie Avhicli had confessed himself to have offended, or else if he remayned stubborne, to assist hira in the excommunication." (T. C. ajmd WniTGiFT. 634.) Bishop IMadox "vvell observes upon the platform : " A man knows not what laws or canons, what established rules, or settled ordinances, he is to be try'd by. These lay elders are to judge, as they say, according to the Word of God, their o}v?i sense of it, they always mean. What this sense may be, or how it may vary, who can answer? By this means, a few tradesmen in cities, or farmers in country parishes, may brand a man as a sinner or a heretic, being judges of opi- nions as Avell as actions, according to their own arbitrary and sov- reign determination." ( Vindica- tion, against Neal. 96.) " And what is this but to erect a High Commission in every parish? Not forty-four, whom JVIr. N. com- plains of, but half-a-dozen sov- reign judges are to proceed against a party accused by one of them- selves, by any ways and means they can invent, and upon any maxims of their own which they are pleased to call Scripture." {lb. 98.) "But still, says our author, the hierarchy of the Church, imperfect as it was, is much better than the Geneva model, or what the Puritans called their Holy Discipline ; which Mr. N. will not debate, being no more fond of ecclesiastical power, or oaths ex officio, in the hands of lay elders, than in a Convocation, or Bishop's court." {Review of the Principal Facts objected to thejirst vol. of the History of the Puritans: by Daniel Neal, M.A., Lond. 1734. p. 35.) Thus the Puritans contended for that which their own historian will not waste a moment in defending, although he can be very severe upon the queen and the hierarchy for opposing them. Ruling elders, in independent circumstances, Avere to serve gra- tuitously. "■' But where the Elders are poor men, so as their attending upon their offices might greatly hinder them, then Mr. Cartwright hath decided the question, and affirmeth by St. Paul's rule (as he saith), that they ought to be ple?iti- fiilly maintaiiied by the church." — Bancroft's Survey of the Pre- tended Holy Discipline. 184. ' " Fourthly, it bringeth in a new Popedome and tyrannic into the Church, for it giveth to the Pastor and his fellow seniors, au- thoritie to exercise discipline by excommunication, or otherwise, against prince, nobles, and who- soever, being of that congregation. So that unlesse the prince and nobles be, as it were, at their becke, and ready at all times to accomplish their desire, they will sende out their thunderbolts of excommunication agaynst them, even as the pope was wonte to doe, after he had gotten that jurisdiction into his hande that this Seignorie claymeth." — Whit- gift. 657. 18S DISCIPLINARIAN [A.n. 1572. would have been far from liiuliuu; this authority more tolprablo, because exercised by ])ontifical boards, instead of individual ])ontiffs'. They would have been galled more sorely, because the commissioners were their own neighbours, acquainted more or less minutely with their own affairs, and liable, at least colourably, to charges of envy, censoriousness, resentment, or partiality. Such a system might be endured for a time, in an inferior town like Geneva'. It was obviously unfit for the exclusive ' " The disciples of Cartwright now learned to claim an ecclesi- astical independence, as uncon- strained as the Romish priesthood in the darkest ages had usurped. No civil magistrate in councils or assemblies for church matters, he says in his Admonition, can cither be chief moderator, over-ruler, Judge, or determiner; nor has he such aulhoritij as that, without his consent, it should not be lawful for ecclesiastical persons to make any church orders or ceremonies. Church matters ought ordinarih/ to be handled hi/ church officers. The principal direction of them is by God's ordinance committed to the ministers of the church, and to the ecclesiastical governors. As these ineddlc not with the making civil laws, so the civil magistrate ought not to ordain ceremonies, or determine controversies in the church, so long as ther/ do not intrench upon his temporal autho- rity. 'Tis the prince's province to protect and defend the councils of his clergy, to keep the peace, to see their decrees executed, and to jmnish the contemners of them; but to exercise no spiritual Juris- diction. Jl mu.U be remembered, he says in another place, that civil magistrates inust govern the church according to the rules of God, prescribed in his word, and that as they are nurses, so they be servants unto the church : and as they rule in the church, so they must remember to submit themselves unto the church, to submit their .iceptres, to throw down their crowns before the church, yea, as the prophet speaketh, to lick the dust of the foel of the church. It is difficult to helieve that I am transcribing the words of a Pro- testant writer; so much does this passage call to mind those tones of infatuated arrogance, which had been heard from the lips of Gregory VII., and of those who trod in his footsteps." — IIallam. Const. Hist. i. 254. * The following is Archbishop BaJKToft's account, confirmed by references to Calvin's epistles, of the establishment of the discipli- narian platform, in Geneva. The ancient episcopal sovereignty of that city being overthrown, and decried as unlawful, Calvin framed for the Genevans some noAv sys- tem of ecclesiastical authority. This lasted only nine montlis, when he, with l-arel and Viret, were expelled the state, because A.D. 1572.] CONTROVERSY. 183 and inexorable occupancy of an extensive kingdom'. Its admirers, indeed, represented it as actually established in France and Scotland, which they characterized as " the best reformed countries"." But France was really in the "they would have been tyrants over a free city; they vpould have recalled a new papacy." The memory of Calvin's abilities, and some judicious letters that he wrote, procured his recall to Geneva, in 154]. He then concerted his famous j)latfo?-tn, and, after very great exertions, established it. Religious autho- rity was to be exercised by six ministers, chosen for life, and twelve laymen, chosen annually, though " not out of the baser sort of the people, but out of the civil councels of the city, all of them to be statesmen." The ministers being irrcmoveable, more highly-qualified than their lay co- adjutors, and very careful " to win the people unto them," ob- tained a complete ascendancy over this body, which became more powerful than any other in the place. Its recognised functions were, Indeed, purely religious ; but by treating this and that, as " an offence to the godly," hardly anything escaped its interference. — Survey of the Pretended Holy Discipline. 15, 19. ' " The scope of Cartwright's declaration was not to obtain tole- ration for dissent, not even, by abolishing the whole ecclesiastical polity, to place the different pro- fessions of religion on an equal footing, but to substitute his own model of government, the one, exclusive, unappealable standard of obedience, with all the endow- ments, so far as applicable to its frame, of the present Church, and Avith all the support to its disci- pline that the civil power could afford." — Hallam. Const. Hist. i. 256. ^ " Is reformation good for Fraunce, and can it be evill for England? Is discipline meete for Scotlande, and is it unprofitable for thisrealme?" {Admonition. Whit- gift. 702.) Whitgift answers, " Englande is not bound to the example, eyther of Fraunce or Scotlande : I woulde they both were, if it pleased God, touching religion, in that state and condition that Englande is," {lb. 704.) T. C. then says, " And whereas he would privily pinche at the reformation there, for so muche as the Lorde hath humbled the one, and exerciseth the other by civill warres and troubles, he shoulde have, in steade of rocking us asleepe in our securitie, put us in remembrance of God's scourcres which hang over us, and of God's great pacience that still tarryeth for our repentance, and that he have jiunished that people of his, which have suffered so much for the profession of the Gospell, and which went with so straight a foot in it, with an universall hazarde of their goods and lives, that we shall not escape unlesse we rejient speedily of our cold- nesse and halting in religion." — lb. 704. 184 DISCIPLINARIAN [a.D. 1572. grasp of Rome, neither church, nor court, nor the people generfiUv, having gone over to Protestantism. Scotland contained a very limited community, and was in a most unsettled state. Still these favourite instances, although unable to bear strict examination, were amply sufficient for encouraging popular principles. The French Ilugonots were bearding both church and court. The Scottish Presbyterians were lords of their country. Such pictures acted unfortunately upon English opponents of the dis- cipUnc. They could often see nothing in Puritanism but democratic selfishness, which they would willingly crush under the M-eight of an arbitrary prerogative. Thus their principles could be colourably denounced as equally in- jurious to Gospel truth, and English liberty. Contemporaries of the iSIarian martps naturally thought of them upon a question described as vital to sound religion'. The platform, however, vainly sought authority among those venerated names. Its advocates allowed no importance to this mortifying defect. Admis- * " If the degree and jurisdic- tion of an Archbishop were no hinderance to B. Cranmer, in the ende of his Avorklly pilgrimage, nor a rochet sat so harde on B. Ridley his shoulders, but he was able with the same to climbe even to the highest step of martyrdome, if the Prieste's gown which he ■ware even to his death, were chaunged into the robe mentioned in the Revelation, and his tippet turned into a crownc of immor- talitie : to be short, if these gar- ments were thought not unworthy to be wome at the wedding of the lamb, and the greatest part of those which Avatered the profession of their fayth with streanies of blood, acknowledged the Bishop's due prcheminence, christened Avith godfathers and interrogations, bu- ried the dead, preached funerall sermons, ministered the commu- nion kneeling, and to be shorte, strictly and exactly performed all things prescribed in the booke of common prayer, (which opprobri- ously they terme a very unperfect booke, picked out of the Popyshc dunghill,) we must require some respite for a time to stay and sus- pend our judgement upon these grave and learned examples, till equall proofe may purchase cquall credite." — "NViiitgift's Defense of the Ecclesiaslicall RegiviciU in Englcnidc, defaced by T. C. in his Rcplie airai/nsl D. IVhitnifie. Lond. 1574. p. IDO. A.D. 1572.] CONTROVERSY. 185 sions of utter inferiority to the men who had suffered so heroically, were freely made, but coupled with assertions, that, in omitting all mention of the lioly discipline, they had fallen into an oversight'. In one remarkable instance, the Disciplinarians themselves were betrayed into palpable inconsistency. They could not bear the thought of clergymen acting as lords of parliament, members of the high commission court, or justices of the peace, but they reckoned upon the central board of their j)arty, which was to sit in London, for watching town- constituencies with a Puritanical bias\ Thus, one function, expected of the chief metropolitan seignory, was properly that of an election committee to keep up a certain party in the House of Commons. It is equally true, and honourable to the Puritans, that politics never predominated in their movements, under Elizabeth. A government less watchful and vigorous than hers, might ^ " It seemeth unto many that it is not like to be good which was not found out by those excel- lent personages." " The omitting of these necessarie things ought to be no more prejudice agaynst them, or agaynst those that pre- ferre them, than the omitting of the celebration of the feast of tabernacles, so many hundreth years, by so many good high priests, in the reignes of so many good kings, was prejudiciall to the ministers whiche caused it to be celebrated, when the people returned out of their captivitie." (T. C. ainid Whitgift. 8.) The replier corrects Cartwright, in this alleged instance, proving from the original text, the best versions, and commentators, that the feast of tabernacles had not been omitted, but only that it was celebrated under Nehemiah with unprecedented solemnity. ^ " I hope you have not let slip this notable opportunity of far- thering the cause of religion, by noting out all the places of government in the land, for which burgesses for the Parliament are to be chosen, and using all the best means you possibly can, for the procuring the best gentlemen of those places, by whose wisdom and zeal God's causes may be preferred. Confer among your- selves how it may best be com- passed. You are placed in the highest place of the church and land, to that end, even to watch for all occasions of procuring good, and preventing evil. Quit yourselves worthily." — D. Chap, to Field. apud Bancroft. Survey of the Pretended Holy Discipli7ie. 294. 186 DISCirLINARIAN [a. I). 1.172. liave tempted them into the loss of this advantage to themselves and their cause. As the most sanguine disciidinarians could see no immediate ])rosj^ect of superseding the national church by their cherished platform, a presl)ytery was formed clandestinely at Wandsworth, in Surrey. An obscure village, on the river's bank, within five miles of town, was highly inviting to a society demanding both present secresy, and metropolitan facilities for influencing the country. Field was, besides, lecturer of Wandsworth, though resident in London '. Thus a party of parishioners and neighbours was already formed upon the spot, which only aMaited organization, and might easily be visited, when this point was gained, by admirers from town. Eleven lay elders were formally appointed, on the 20th of November; but matters appear to have been pretty well arranged, some months earlier*. Wandsworth has, accordingly, the distinction of giving birth to the first English presbytery, and the example rapidly proved in- fectious. A record was provided, endorsed by Field, The Order of Wandsiv(yrth, in which the ruling elders' names were found, the mode of their election was declared, their duties were metliodically prescribed ; and two neighbours, Smith of INlitcham, and Crane of Roehampton, were mentioned as ai)provers of the schemed This reduction of the discipline to a tangible form, naturally fired kindred spirits with emulation, and the government seems to have become soon aware of some increased activity among the • Fuller. Ch. Hist. 103. * " Mr. Field being present at the fonnaliou of this society, it must have taken place hefore July 7, as on tliat clay he ami Mr. Wil- cox Avcre comuiltted to prisou, where they wore detained till the close of 1573, at the least." — PiMcii. Hist. Prot. Nonconf. i. 2.37. note. ' Ha.nckoft. Dangerous Posi- liuiix. Loud. 1 U40. p. 43. A.l). 1572.] CONTROVERSY. 187 Puritans. A proclamation was issued, enjoining that the laws for maintaining uniformity in public worship, should be strictly executed ; and that the two Admonitions to the Parliament, " with all other such scandalous books and pamphlets, should either be delivered to the bishops, in their several dioceses, or to some lord of the council, under pain of imprisonment'." Puritan movements were only so far affected by this demonstration of authority, as to wrap themselves in more impenetrable caution. The high commission obtained information of the Wandsworth presbytery: the names of its members baffled inquiry ^ Puritanism was now regularly entered npon a second stage. Hatred of a few vestures and ceremonies had grown into hatred of the hierarchy: nothing would satisfy a party, eminent for zeal, importantly graced by learning and talent, but servile deference again to a foreign eccle- siastical authority. The Romanist might be easily shown that papal influence had flowed wholly from position, uneradicated Paganism, and dexterous policy. It Avas equally easy to show the Puritan, that Calvin's discipline sprang from his peculiar circumstances. Interest, passion, and prejudice, allowed neither party to look steadily at facts. Nothing was to dwell upon the mind, but accept- able assumption, and argument sophistically built upon it. The Romanist would only hear of a divine charter vested in the Pope. The Puritan flew off" with disgust and indignation, under any refusal to recognise his adored platform of discipline, as an integral portion of evangelical truth. His opinion, once rooted in the soil, took effective hold of English perseverance, and bent the energies of many an active mind to plant a Wandsworth in every corner of the land. ' Heylin. Hist. Prcsb. 273. ' Neal. i. 266. 188 Chapter IV. LAST YEAKS OF ARCHBISHOP TARKER, AND FIRST YEARS OF ARCIIBlSIlOr GKINDAL. 1573—1579. rURlTANTCAL CONFERENCES CIIARK DEERING ROYAL PROCLA- MATION AGAINST PURITANICAL USAGES AND BOOKS BIRCUET's OUTRAGE ORDER FOR CARTWRIGHt's APPREHENSION THE PRO- PHESYINGS IMPOSTURES AMONG THE PURITANS DEATH AND CHARACTER OF ARCHBISHOP PARKER TWO FOREIGNERS BURNT FOR HERESY ARCHIilSHOP GRINDAL "WENTWORTIl's PARLIA- MENTARY LICENSE ARTICLES PASSED IN CONVOCATION SUPPRES- SION OP THE PROPUESYINGS, AND SUSPENSION OF ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL GILBY BROWNE DEAN WHITTINGHAM's ORDINATION QUESTIONED HAMMOND BURNT FOR HERESY, AT NORWICH CRUEL USAGE OF STUBBE SACRAMENTS ADMINISTERED BY DEPUTY AMONG PURITANICAL INCUMBENTS SERVICES OF PURITANISM IN UNDERMINING ROMISH PREJUDICES. The AVandsworth presbytery really originated in London. The capital, as a place of resort for all England, naturally became the centre of Puritanical movements. Meetings of the disaffected party had long been secretly liolden there, under the name of Conferences. In these, origi- nally, little was debated but subscription, ministerial vestures, and the Liturgy'. New members infused far wider views. They spurned such a niggardly measure of reform, maintaining that evangelical obligation would allow no rest, until the established hierarchy had been superseded by the Gcnc\an plaffor?n'. ' " As it appears \>y (cstimony ' C'licstoii, and lastly, Crooke and upon oath of one, tlien of tlicir Egortoii, joined themselves unto party." — Bancroft. Dangerous the hrotherliood, then the handling Pusiliuns. 44. ' of the ilisciplinc began to rise." • " Marry, after, saith he, that i — Il>. Charke, Travcrs, Barber, Gardner, | A.D. 1573.] ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 189 Among the recruits from a distance thus animating the London Conferences by a more stirring spirit, the first who became conspicuous was William Chark, fellow of Peterhouse, in Cambridge, and chaplain to Henry, Lord Cheney. He closely followed up the Wandsworth expe- riment, by a violent attack upon the hierarchy, from the University pulpit. As he afterwards pleaded, it Avas undoubtedly some extenuation of his intemperance that it did not exj)lode in a popular form'. It was veiled in the Latin of a concio ad cleriim. But expectations were evidently raised of something very different from the dull formality, usually characterizing such a discoursed Nor did Chark disappoint the most sanguine anticipations of disciplinarian zeal. The church, he maintained, in a very confident tone, was indebted to Satan, for bishops, archbishops, metropolitans, patriarchs, and popes. His corollary naturally was, that one minister ought not to be superior to another^ An university preacher could not be tolerated in thus aspersing his country's religious ' " That Avhen he was well awai'e, how, this opinion of him- self and others might be with clanger divulged among the un- skilful multitude in sermons, be- cause it had something new to the common people, and different from the ordinances of the state, he kept to himself the knowledge of the truth, and ever studiously had abstained from the promulgation of it in his sermons. But that in a private senate, and in the Latin tongue, he thought he might use greater liberty. And therefore he had, in the university, in a very learned and wise assembly, ex- plained his opinion more freely in these matters." (Chark to Lord Burghley. — Strype. Whitgift. i. 91.) The clenim was preached in December, 157^- ^ " Omitting the great expecta- tion of many long before his ser- mon, raised (as may probably be thought,) by some speech given out by him concerning those things whereof he would entreat." The Vice-chancellor and Heads of the University of Cambridge, to the Lord Burghley, their High Chan- cellor. Mar. 2, 1572 (1573). lb. Append, xi. iii. 25. ^ " 1. Episcopatus, archiepis- copatus, metropolitanatus, patriar- chatus, et papatus, a Satana in Ecclesiam introducti sunt. II. Inter ministros Ecclesiaj non de- bet alius alio esse superior." — Stuype. Parker, ii. 194. 190 LAST YEARS OP [a.d. 1573. polity. Cliaik ^vas con vented before the vice-cliancellor, ami the heads of houses. lie was reminded, that such l)r()])Ositions could hardly be mooted with any publicity, without serious mischief, and earnest persuasions were used to obtain a retractation. He stood, however, stifly upon his opinions, and treated some of the heads with contemptuous insolence. Being too much embarrassed by the strength of his party to resent, three or four of them undertook the hopeless task of conferring with him privately. Even then he was allowed until Ash-Wed- nesday, for consideration ; and on that day, time was farther offered, until Easter '. But scorning to give the slightest prospect of a change, he was immediately ejected from his fellowship, and expelled the university by an unanimous vote'. Such penalties were statutably pro- vided, in case of refusal to retract any public attack upon establisihed institutions, whether ecclesiastical or civil*. By these severities Cambridge Puritanism was exaspe- rated, rather than checked, or daunted. Chark himself lost none of his noble friends : as chaplain to the duchess ' The vice-chancellor and the Leads merely say, " We graunted him more than seven weeks space." Strype says, " The time prefixed for him Avas Ash-Wednesday fol- lowing."— Parker, uf supra. * The Vice-chancellor, S^c. to the Lord Burghlcy. — STnypi:. JV/ii/gifl. Append, xi. iii. 2.5, ^ " Dc Cunclunihus. Pruhihe- mii.s; ^-c. We do forbid that no person in any sermon to be han- dled, and common-j)lace, or public readings, or otherwise, ])ublicly •within our university, teach, han- dle, or defend anything against religion, or any part of the same, received and established by public authority, in our kingdom ; or against any statute, authority, dignity, or degree, either ecclesi- astical or civil, of this our king- dom of England, or Ireland. AVhosoever shall do the contrary, shall revoke and publicly confess his error or rashness, by the com- mand of the Chancellor, with the assent of the major part of the heads of colleges. But if he shall refuse, or shall not proceed hum- bly after the manner it shall be prescribed him ; let him be, by the same authority, for ever ex- cluded from his college, and ba- nished the I'niversity." — Stkvpe. Jl'/iiliiijl. i. !i(>. A.D. 1573.:i ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 191 of Somerset, he found a luxurious home, and such of his qualities as were really useful, an honourable field'. Another leading Puritan, now brought into trouble, was Edward Deering, sprung from an ancient Kentish family, and educated at Christ's College, in Cambridge. His natural talents, being diligently cultivated, and adorned by spotless morals, were highly effective in the pulpit. But he borrowed seasoning for his sermons, from a rustic bluntness^ and from invectives against the church's constitution. He began, as usual, with objections to cap, surplice, and tippet ; and he rapidly glided with the stream into abhorrence of the hierarchy. None com- monly are more impatient of wealth and station in pro- fessional men, than such men of family, who have not gained these distinctions themselves. If Deering's mind, however, were warped by anything external, he was, probably, unaware of it, regarding himself merely as a zealot for evangelical truth, when he was inflaming popular ignorance and envy against established usages and authorities. As lecturer of St. Paul's he had an opportunity of doing so much mischief, that it was deemed unsafe to let him proceed unmolested. Being sum- moned before the privy council, he seems to have displayed the rashness of indiscreet zeal, and the honour of gentle- manly breeding ; making such concessions and admissions as neither cool judgment nor vulgar artifice would have allowed. The result was a suspension from his lecture. This naturally occasioned clamour, and Edwin Sandys, ' Strype. Whitgift. i. 92. ^ " Once preaching before Queen Elizabeth, he told her, that when in persecution under her sister, Queen IMary, her motto was, Taiiquam Ovis, As a Sheep, but now it might be Tiuiquavi Indomita Jiiveiica, As an Untamed Heifer."— Fuller. C/i. Hist. 109. Walton's Life of Hooker. Oxf. 1824. 141. 192 LAST YEARS OF [a.d. 1573. then bishop of London, thought it most politic to have him restored, on an understanding- that he wouhl avoid polemics, and confine his future discourses to topics of general edification'. His adherents \vere delighted, pro- claiming" that the queen and council were favourable to him, and that ho had merely been the victim of episcopal oppression. The archbishop, in fact, evidently disap- proved his restoration, and the terms, in which it was conveyed, seem to have been such as the bishop of London would not have sanctioned ^ It soon appeared ' " Falling unto consideration of such speche as passed from ]\rr. Derying of late before the Lordes of the Counsayl, I evi- dently see, that he, upon grete siniplicitie, hath cast himself into grete danger : a wel advised man would not have made such an un- advised ofler. If it ■\vold please your good Lordship to procure the consent of the Counsayl that he miglit be released thereof, and suffered to reade his lecture, so that he only teaehe sound doc- trine, exhort to virtue, and dchort from vice; and touching matters of order and pollecy, meddle not Avith them, but leave them to the magistrate, to -whome reformation pertaineth: as I thinke he Avoid yilde thcrunto, so in my opinion to delyver hym from the other, and to bring hym to this, your Lordshippes shuld do that Avliich is fittest for the present time." ('rhe liishop of l^ondon to i\[r. Secretary, June 20, I'jJ^. yl Called w?i of Sfale-Papers, left In/ W. CecUl,'Lordliurghlnj: by W. ^luRDiN, Lond. 17>')i). p. 255.) The "unadvised offer" men- tioned, may, perhaps, refer to a public disputation, then desired by the Puritans. " Sandys, Bishop of London, offered them satisfac- tion this way, and sent to the Lord Treasurer, and the Earl of Leicester, a list of the names of those he thought proper for the managing this controversy. But the Lord Treasurer did not think it prudential that a public settle- ment should be exposed to ques- tion, and referred to the hazard of a dispute." — Collieij. ii. 542. * " We have sent unto you cer- tain articles taken out of Cart- Avright's book, propounded unto ]\Ir. Dering, with his answer to the same : and also a copy of the Council's letter writ to ^Ir. Dering to restore him to his former read- ing and preaching, notwithstand- ing our advices never required thereunto. These proceedings puff them up with pride, make the people hate us, and magnify them with great triumphing, that her Majesty and the I'rivy Council have good liking of this new build- ing." Tlie Archbishop of Canter- bury and the Bishop of London to some Ecclesiastical Commissioner of their own order. July 0, 1573. —lb. 543. A.D. 1573.] ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 193 a hasty concession, and new indiscretions brought Dering before the Star Chamber, to answer a string of twenty interrogatories'. His replies were characterized by a tone of moderation, but marked with invincible repug- nance to the hierarchy. He had, indeed, adopted an oiDinion, that " the lordship, or civil government, of bishops is utterly unlawful ;" and Avhen reminded that Cranmer and other martyrs must have thought otherwise, he answered, " The Lord had not revealed it unto them, but left them in that infirmity, as He left many of his saints before them in as great ^" However well-disposed at bottom, Dering laboured under violence of temper and Archbishop Parker, no incompetent judge, considered him deficient in learn ing^ The queen's lenity to him was followed almost imme- diately by a strong demonstration against his opinions. Nothing could shew more clearly the diflBculties of her situation than such instances, constantly recurring, of a Machiavellian policy, as the primate expressed himself. A royal proclamation from Greenwich ^ enjoined strict obedience to the Act of Uniformitij, and ordered every person possessing the Admonition to the Parliament, with all other books, defending it, or agreeable to it, to bring them to the bishop of his diocese, or some privy coun- cillor, within twenty days\ The time expired, but in London, which notoriously swarmed with such publica- tions, not one reached the diocesan". Elsewhere, it was most probably, much the same, and Elizabeth became irritated. She laid her failure chiefly upon episcopal ' They contain tlie usual points controverted by Puritans, and may be seen in Strypc. — Annals, ii.415. '■* jNIr. Dering to tlie Lord Trea- surer. Nov. 1, 1573. — lb. 401, 412. Dering died in 1570. — Fuller. 109. " Strype. Parker, ii. 324. ' June U.—IIk 256. ' lb. " Jb. 194 LAST YEARS OF [a.D. 1573. negligence, and in a second proclamation', reflected severely u])oii the bishops, ^ith other magistrates. All in anthority were now to commit such i)ersons as broke the Act of Uniformiti/, until they answered for that offence, by due course of law'. A circular to the hierar- chy bore upon them with still greater severity ; pronounc- insr their visitations intended for the redress of such evils as disquieted the church, and equal to the purjiose ; but actually so conducted as to seem little else than devices to collect fees\ Immediately afterwards, commissions were issued, under the great seal, to the bishops and others, in the several counties, to hold special courts for the cognizance of such ecclesiastical oftences as the queen then had in view. In bringing this measure before the Star Chamber, Burghlcy attributed much of the mis- chief to the preferment of clergymen, " young in years, but over young in soundness of learning and discretion'." As a remedy, some one proposed that every " minister and preacher" should give bond to the queen, "with two good, sufficient sureties," for 200/. to observe the Act of U)iiformitij, and all other canonical sanctions, duly made, or to be made^ Such a proposition was plainly imj^rac- ticable, and all these measures proved ineffective. They ' rTicciuvidi, Oct. 20. — Strype. rarker. ii. .^20. * /i. 321. ^ Greenwicli, Nov. 7* The let- ter printed is that to the bisliop of Winchester, and it is signed by seven nieruhors of the jiriv}' coun- cil. "The like to which was sent to some, if not all otiier l)isliops." * Ih. ;};jO. Wliitgift also thus remarks upon the youth which was so remarkable a feature in Puritanical movements. " We know how unluckelie Itoboam speddo in forsaking his grave and auncient counsell, and following those lustie yonkers, which ledde him by the levell of their rashe conceyte, not by the ccrtentie and assurance of his countrcy's vaunt- age." — Dcl'cnsv of ilic Ecclc.siax- ticdll Ifcgimcnl in Eriglunde, de- faced III/ T. C. p. 1 1)2. Burghley's sj)eech was delivered Nov. 2H. '■" .SfJivi'i:. Pdrher. ii. 3")1. A.D. 1573.3 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 195 shew, however, that obloquy has often been unjustly thrown upon the hierarchy for severity against Puritanism. Nor will Elizabeth be charged with a harshness which she did not consider extorted by the force of circum- stances, by those Avho remember her indulgence upon other occasions. Advantage was rather ungenerously taken by the hierarchical party of an insane outrage, that otherwise Avould have been long forgotten. Peter Birchet, of the Middle Temple, having heard a sermon from Sampson, at Whittington College, about seven o'clock in the morn- ing', in a subsequent part of the same day% followed Hawkins, a naval officer of eminence % who was riding, in company of others, down the Strand, and stabbed him dangerously. Being quickly apprehended, he was found to have mistaken the unlucky commander, who did not, however, die, for Sir Christopher Hatton, then vice-cham- berlain, and captain of the guard, subsequently lord chancellor. Hatton had ever been in opposition to Leicester, and was therefore truly regarded by the Puritans as undermining their influence at court". Birchet had, some time before, exhibited unequivocal symptoms of insanity at a friend's in Dorsetshire', and ^ Strype. Parker, ii. 327. * Oct. 11.— Stowe. 677- ^ " Sir John Hawkins was born Vice-Chamberlain, Captain of the Guard, and afterwards liord Chan- cellor also : in the Avhole course of at Plymouth, and had been bred [ his preferments, of a known averse- to the sea from his childhood. I ness to the Earl of Leicester, and He was one of the first English- [ consequently no friend to the men who traded to Guinea, and j Puritan faction. This obstacle his voyages laid the foundation of j must be removed one way, or the slave-trade. He was appointed ; other, according to that principle treasurer of the navy this year." ! of the ancient Donatists, for mur- — Queen Eliz. and her Times., ! thering any man of what rank i. 492. j soever, which opposed their prac- * " Sir Christopher Hatton was I tices." — Heylin. Hisl. Presb. 274. at that time in especial favour, j ^ Strype. Parker, ii, 328. 02 196 LAST YEARS OF [^A.i). 15/3. be fancied himself an instrument raised njt l)y Provi- dence to despatch the vice-chamberhiin, as an obstacle to God's glory and a maintainer of Popery'. The queen seems to have been jiersonally alarmed by this doctrine of murderini;cnuMit, being no divine, :v private man, being persuaded in his own con- ceit, by such presumptions and proofs as I have had of Hat ton, that such a one as he, as 1 have thought, is a ^vilful Papist, and hinderetli the glory of Clod so much as in him lieth ; though he may not of his own authority, in the fervency of his zeal, kill the same; yet being so persuaded in conscience by such presumptions and assured persuasions, as he may be, and I was, that thereby he should be such an instrument as Joab was to take away such a Seba (as 7? for. cap. xx.) or an Ahad to Eglon, or Pliineas, for the preservation of David, his roy;d prince, the wealth of his country ; ('specially for the glory of tjod, as 1 was, 1 think, at that time J he may do it, and be war- ranted bv the word of Gixl." — Answers subscribed by Pet. livr- chet, Oct. 27, 1573. IStuvfk Parker, ii. 328. * Strype. Aunals. ii. 427- " Her Majestic taketh heavily the hurt- ing of Hawkyns, and sent her own surgeons to him, and ^fr. Gorge, to visite and comfort hym. It will sonc ajipeare whether he can escape or no. Neither her Ma- jestic, nor almost any one here, can thynkc otherwise, but that there is some conspiracie for that murder, and that Burchet is not indeede mad." .Sir Thomas Smith to Lord Purghley, Oct. la, 1573, — Queen Klizabclh and her Times, i. 492. ' Hist. Her. iv. 121. * '' The ICarl of Sussex, lord chamberlain, and the lord admiral were much against it." — SxitYri:. Annals, ii. 427. A.D. 1573.] ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 197 a heretic. Being regiilarJy brought before his diocesan, the bishop of London, in the consistory of St. Paul's', he justified his murderous delusions, and was on the jioint of receiving sentence to die for heresy. His courage then seems to have given way, and some learned men persuaded him to renounce his opinions, as erroneous and damnable". Being remanded to Lambeth, after a stay of five days, he was removed to the To^ver, there to await such penance as the ecclesiastical authorities should impose. On the folloAving morning, as one of his keepers Avas reading the Bible at a window, he snatched a billet from the hearth, came behind, and killed him. On the next day he was arraigned at Westminster, for this homicide", and within twenty-four hours he was hanged in the Strands at the place where he stabbed Hawkins ; his right hand being first stricken off, and nailed to the gibbet. Three successive days of such violent excite- ment allowed no ho]>e of a lucid interval, however short, and he died under the full influence of his malady, mute, but making all the resistance in his power'. Though clearly a maniac, he brought great odium upon Puritanism, ' Nov. 4. Stowe. 677. ' Ih. ^ " He confessed the fact, sviy- ing that Loiigworth," the mur- dered keeper, " in his imagina- tion, was Hatton." — Neal. i. 271. A MS. is cited. * Nov. 12. — Stowe. 677. ' lb. HeyHn characterises this execution as "a piece of justice, not more safe, than seasonable ; the horridness of the fact, and the complexion of the times, being Avell considered." (Hist. Presb.) Neal, though as much of a partisan, shews the improvement in public opinion and information, which had been wrought between his time and Heylin's. He truly says of Birchet, " if he liad been shut- up in Bedlam, after his first at- tempt, as he ought to have been, all further mischief had been pre- vented." (i. 271.) " Mr. Garret told me that he had been with one or two gentlemen that came out of the west countrey to London with Burchet, who declareth that he had manyjjhantasticall spieeches and doings, whereby they might perceive that he was not well in his witts, all the whole journey hitherwards." — Smith to Burghley, lit supra. 198 LAST YEARS OF [a.d. 1")73. his fVonzy l)eing represented as nothing else than Gene- van ])riiit'ii)les exliibitetl in their full proportions. Allow- ance ninst, nndoubtecUy, be made for an age imperfectly acquainted with mental disease, and for the retaliation of men unjustly aspersed. Elizabeth also naturally quailed before the disclosure of such fanaticism. It was very likely to prove infectious. Birchet's case, however, called for strict restraint, not for public execution ; and his frantic prepossessions were no dishonour to Puritanical oi)inions. To those who preached them, some blame might fairly be attributable. In rousing healthier minds to headstrong zeal, a public speaker may blow the spark of madness that lurks in others, into an ungovernable flame. To soar above such discreditable danger, the jnil])it should be discreetly filled. To the fear of assassination, engendered in Elizabeth and her advisers, by this fatal ebullition of insanity, may be, pro])ably, attriljuted an order for the apprehension of Cart Wright'. As the age forced Puritanism to bear the whole blame of Birchet's violence, it must naturally have seemed neither safe nor reasonable, to overlook any longer the main-spring of opinions deemed so dangerous. But Cartwright's friends enabled him to elude pursuit, and nothing was publicly known of him, until he had found a secure retreat upon the continent*. ' Doc. 11, l."»73. — .Stuypk. An- nals, ii. 411). * ''• Tlie malevolence of Cart- wright's enemies Avas unsatisfied, Avliile lie retained liis liberty. It •was not enough in their cstima- rant was now issued for liis ap- prehension, signed hy k?an- dys, the bishop of London, and eleven others of the high com- mission. But he happily escaped to the continent ; wliere he re- tion to deprive him of his acadc- ' mained for some years actively mical rank and eiiioluments, to engaged in ihe service of reli- banish him from the university, I gion." (Puk r.. Ili.st. Prot. Noii- and to prohibit his writings as covf. i. '2;>7) In a note is the seditious and heretical, a war- | following extract from a letter A.D. 1573.] ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 199 The prophes2/ings were now become very general and jiojjular. Elizabeth saM^ this with uneasiness and dis- l^leasure, esteeming any benefit likely to flow from them, more than counterbalanced by their obvious tendency to encourage Puritanism'. Among the bishops a different opinion prevailed. Some of them Avere favourable to Puritanical views, and none could overlook the need of greater clerical intelligence and learning. The queen was naturally less aware of such deficiencies, and chiefly thought of reigning over a peaceful and united people. She declared accordingly, to Parker, her utter dislike of the prophesy ings, with a desire that he would make this known to the bishops of his province, and concert measures for suppressing these obnoxious exercises. The royal pleasure does not, however, seem to have been communicated in a regular, official form : hence the archbishop sought an indirect, irresponsible mode of from Wilcox to Gilby, Feb. 2, 1574. " Our brother Cartwright is escaped, God be pi-aised, and departed tbls land, since my com- ing up to London, and I hope, is by this time at Heidelberg." Among the signatures to the Avar- rant for Cart Wright's apprehension, besides that of Sandys, are those of Nowell and Goodman. The latter had been abundantly con- spicuous for Puritanical partiali- ties, and the former was not with- out such. " Malevolence," in- deed, appears fairly imj^utable no- where, in this case. The order might be unwise, and probably was. ' " The Queen was told by the Archbishop that they" the pro- phesyings, " were no better than seminaries of Puritanism." (Neal. i. 286.) Strype's Parker, 461, is cited. We read there, " The Queen, hearing how they were managed in the diocese of Nor- wich, utterly disliked tliem." The recent historian of Nonconformity has omitted this unwarranted in- stance of Neal's antipathy to^Par- ker. " Notwithstanding the be- nefits which accrued to the church from these exercises, they Avere represented to the Queen as en- gendering a spirit of enquiry hos- tile to the church, and favourable to puritanism." (Price, i. 289.) To mention " the benefits which accrued to the church," is begging the question. She never had any- thing to fear from " a spirit of enquiry" fairly conducted. It was a spirit of misrepresentation working upon the passionate and ignorant, that rendered the pro- jj/iesj/iiigs objectionable. 200 ^ LAST YEARS OF C'^-i^- l-'^/^. acqiijiinting his brethren with it. The diocese of Nor- Avich, early coiisj)iciioiis for a Protestant bias, liad now become extensively Puritan, .lohn Parkhurst, the bishop, an exile under Mary, Mas decidedly })artial to that school of theology. One of his clergy, named INIatchet, was chai)]ain to the i)rimate, who desired liim to inform Parkhurst of the queen's wish to have these vain prophe- sijings immediately su})pressed '. Irregular in all its ]>arts as the order was, Parkhurst raised no objection to it on that account. But he found a loop-hole in the word vain*, assuming that nothing was intended against any prophesyings to which that term would not api)ly. Upon the strength of this quibble, he wrote to certain of the privy council, and received a reply signed by four of that body', approving of the exercise so long as " no seditious, heretical, or schismatical doctrine, tending to the dis- turbance of the peace of the church, can be proved to be taught in the same." Parker was no sooner apprised of this, than he dropped his reserve, desiring the bishop of Norwich to impart his warrant for disobeying her ISIajcsty's command, signified to himself for transmission through the province of Canterbury. Parkhurst wrote to Sandys, bishop of London, one of the four jn-ivy-council- lors\ who had ajiproved regulated 2)rop/ie$j/i7igs. Of the answer nothing is known, but the bishop of Norwich lost no time in forbidding the exercise*. In most other parts of the kingdom it evidently continued". Nothing was ' Stryi'E. Parker, ii. .'5.0!). ' * From Ludliani, through his * The epithet ;ii)pcars to liave chancellor, .June 7- Bi^^hop I'ark- Archbishop Parker's o>vii. — Jb. liurst, horn at (iuildford, and edu- 360. I cated at Merton college, Oxford, ' Dated ^lay 0, 1574. — lb. 3(51. | a good Latin epigrannnatist, and a * The otjier three were Sir very excellent man, died in the Tliomas Smith, Sir AValter Mild- i following winter, aged 0',i. may, and Sir Francis Knollys. | " Orders for its regulation, in A.D. 1574.] ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 201 against it, but an unofficial intimation of the queen's pleasure, and even those days were above treating this with implicit attention. Elizabeth herself, too, had always the good sense to yield, when convinced of its expediency. She had none of that dogged obstinacy, which Aveak minds take for firmness. An attempt was made, about this time, upon the venerable primate, probably for interested purposes. His steward received information of a protended conspiracy to despatch him, with Burghley, and some other persons of eminence. The disclosure was accompanied by offers of money to the steward himself, if he would come into the i)lot. As a communication of this kind was not likely to be unattended with devices for securing atten- tion, the archbishop became alarmed, and seems to have suspected Leicester of abetting the supposed conspira- tors. The queen, too, was impatient for a full detection. When, however, the informant came to be examined before the privy council, his intelligence was found wliolly fictitious'. Hertfordshire, were issued by the bishop of Lincoln, Oct. 26, 1574. ■ — Strype. Annals, ii. 476. ' " Parker's zeal against the puritans betrayed him sometimes into great inconveniences ; like a true inquisitor, he listened to every idle story of his scouts, and sent it presently to the Queen or coun- cil; and the older he grew, the more did his jealousies jirevail. In the month of June one of his servants acquainted him, that there was a design of the Putitajis against the life of the lord trea- surer and his oivn ; and that the chief conspirator was one Under- treCy encouraged by the great Earl of Leicester : the old archbishop was almost frighted out of his wits at the news, as appears l)y the fol- lowing passage in his letter to the treasurer: This horril)le conspi- racy, says he, has so astonished me, that viy will and memory are quite gone; I would I were dead before I see with my corporal eyes that which is now brought to a full ■ripeness. He tlien pra3-s that the detector of this conspiracy may be protected and honourably consi- dered, and the conspirators pu- nished with the utmost severity; other^vise the end would be worse than the beginning. And that he might not seem to express all this 202 LAST YEARS OF I^A.D. 'i^)'j4. The infamy of this contemptible imposture recoiled upon its wretched inventor; some otliers brought real obloquy upon Puritanism. Two young females, one of them a mere child, had been detected in pretending to suffer under a demoniacal j)OSsession, and did i)enance at St. Paul's cross'. Impositions of the same kind occurred contemporaneously at Norwich, and in Kent*. Noto- riety in such cases is, indeed, sure to render them infec- tious. Most young people are vain, and some are mendacious, to a degree little suspected by the bulk of their elders. Hence a spoiled youth with an active imagination, is easily lured into a promising exhibition, how^ever unlimited may be its calls upon invention. The juvenile candidates for public notice, in the present year, M'ere of Puritanical connections, and one of them had a memory mcU stored with Scri[)tural texts. This Mas a concern for his own safety, he tells the treasurer, that it was for his sake and the Qnccn's, that he was so jealous, /o/' lie feared that ivlien rogues attempted to destroi/ those that were so near her Majesty's person, thexj would at last make the same alteinpl upon her too, and that even some that lay in her bo- som (Leicester) when opportunilj/ served, ivouJd sting her." (Xkal. i. 202.) The spirit of this extract requires no connncnt. Against its accuracy nothing is to he said, hut that Parker liad no informa- tion implicating Leicester. lie merely suspected that hostile no- hleman's privity. The talc itself he was hound in duty to sift : nor was he lowered hy an appearance of personal apprehension, if he really felt any. Human nature is liable to be thus affected. But he professes to be chiefly anxious for the safety of Burghley, and the queen, and the maintenance of public tranquillity. An aged clci*- gyman, dying under the stone, may, surely, be believed in mak- ing this reasonable 2)rofe-sion. No rich man is secure from ex- periments upon his pocket by skil- ful impostors. ' Aug. 15. One of the par- ties was about twenty, the other, eleven or twelve. — Stowe. (JJB. * Tlic present case occurred at Westwell, the pretender being il- legitimate daughter of a woman there. Two years before, a young Dutchman of twenty-three had acted tlie demoniac at IMaidstone. Ten devils were said, in a book published about it, to have been dispossessed from him, by the mighty providence of God. — .SruYi'E. Annals, ii. 484. A.I). J 574.] ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 203 Norwich boy of thirteen, or fourteen, who declared him- self possessed by a devil just ejected from a girl, some three or four years older. Bishop Parkhurst, then near his end, and probably rather sinking into premature dotage, gratified the actors in these lying fooleries, and their silly friends, to their hearts' content. He despatched an account of the girl's case to Bullinger, in Switzerland. For the boy's relief, public prayers were ordered in the city, and fasting until even \ In other places interest and importance were given to these wretched farces, by the attendance of Puritanical ministers ; who naturally reaped for their pains, the infamy of being reputed confederates in the imposture. They Avere, however, most probably, weak men really deceived, although more than ordinarily easy of belief, because tempted by an attractive ojjportunity for displaying the strength of their prayers. It is a proof of their discernment and integrity, that the leading Puritans were no parties to these expe- riments upon poj^ular credulity \ Archbishop Parker, now far advanced in years, was ra])idly sinking under distressing attacks of gout and stone. His energy continued unimpaired. Information having reached him of great clerical irregularities in the Isle of Wight, and some other portions of Winchester diocese, he undertook, by the bishop's desire, a metropo- litical visitation'; which was followed by general prepa- ^ Strype. Annals, ii. 484. ^ " The Papists liave been fre- quently and justly blamed for their impostures in this thing, and no terms are thought vile enough to express their falsehoods. But they were only piuifs frauds in the Presbyterians, because con- ends, in the advancing of the scep- tre and throne of Christ, In' the holy discipline. And it is strange that none of their zealots have en- deavoured to defend them in it." — IIeylin. Hisl. Presb. 278. '■* " 3Iv visitation in Winchester diocese, -which was the device of ducing to such godly and religious | the Bishop." (Archbishop Parker 204 LAST YEARS OF [^.\.i>. IT) 75. rations fen* conforniitv'. A (lc2frce of seveiitv mioht have been necessarily usvd or tluv:itenc(l, and Leicester's infliK-nco ap])oars to have Ijoen sought. EHzabetli, evidently, j)ersuaded that the ])rimate had acted ^vith some indiscretion, commanded his attendance, and sur- prised him by an expression of displeasure*. Parker to tlic Lord Treasurer, April 11. tSruvi'i:. Parlccr. Append, xcix. iii. 422.) R()])ert llorne Avas this liislinp. lie, probably, found him- self hardly e^ual to repress these disorders, or unwilling to incur the odium of it. Pains Avere, how- ever, taken afterwards to make him regret his call for the pri- mate's interference. lie was told by some one, thought to be Lei- cester, that '• his clergy were sifted, and that the thorn was put in his foot, but that he" (the speaker.) " would pluck it out that it should be so in other men's feet, that they should stamp again." (Archbishop Parker to Lord Burghley, uhi supra.) Neal says nothing of Bishop Home's " device " to call in the primate, but citing only Strype, thus re- ]>resents this transaction. " One of the last ])ublic acts in Avhich l»is grace was concerned, was visit- ing the diocese of Winchester, and in particular, the isle of Wight, in ir)7<">, «iJid here lie made use of such methods of severity, says Mr. Strvpe, as made him talked against all over the country. This isbmd was a place of resort for foreign Protestants and seafaring men of all countries, which occa- sioned the habits and ceremonies not to 1)e so strictly observed as in other jilaces, their trade and com- merce requiring a latitude. ^\ hen the archbishop came thither with his retinue, he gave himself no trouble about the welfare of the island, but turned out all those ministers who refused the habits, and shut-up their churches." {Hist. Pur. i. 294.) In the recent opportunity given to Dissenters forjudging of the Church of Eng- land, we read: "But the arch- bishop was now approaching to the termination of his career. The bitterness of his zeal, how- ever, continued undiminished. One of his last acts was tlie visi- tation of the diocese of Winches- ter, particularly of the isle of Wight, which gave rise to gene- ral complaint, and Avas censured even by the queen. The fretful- ness of age had, probably, soured his temper, and given an unexam- pled severity to his proceedings." —Hist. Xuucuiij: i. 2i)(>. ' '• ]My visitation wrought such a contentation for obedience, that I do not yet repent me of it." — Archbishop Parker to Lord Burgh- ley, uhi supra. * " Clamours against biin ar- rived at the ears of his old back friend, the Karl of Leicester; who })resently, glad of any opportunity, laboured to blacken him before the Queen for this visitation." (Srnvi'i:. Parker, ii. 423.) " Her Majestic, this other daye, wlien I was at iJichiiiiond at her com- A.I). 1575.3 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 205 himself, looking only to the need and effect of his inter- ference, remained perfectly satisfied that he liad merely done his duty. Tlie operation of this final labour was, however, checked by his death, which occurred at Lam- beth, on the 17th of May*. He closed a diflficult, manclment, sodenly charged me for my visitation. I think I know from Avher.ce it came, and who did enforme one nobleman to open it unto her." — Archbishop Parker to Lord Burghley, itbi supra. ' At the age of seventy-two. He sank under disease of the uri- nary passages. " Archbishop Par- ker, l)y far the most prudent churchman of the time." (IIal- LAM. Const. Hist. i. 159.) Tole- ration " was vain to expect from the queen's arbitrary spirit, the imperious humour of Parker, and that total disregard of the rights of conscience which was conDuon to all parties in the sixteenth cen- tury." (/6. 247.) "The archbishop's intolerant temper had taught men to question the authority that op- pressed them." {lb. 252.) " The haughty spirit of Parker." {Ih. 262.) Yet Mr. Hallamsays of the prop/te- s_iji?tgs, " Many will be of opinion that Parker took a statesmanlike view of the interests of the church of England in discouraging these exercises." {lb. 267.) The arch- bishop, indeed, appears to have been generally " prudent," and "statesmanlike," in his views. Nor will the deference justly due to a very able writer, warrant im- plicit acquiescence in the severity with which he sometimes mentions a resolute, but modest man, placed in very difficult circumstances. The following is Neal's character of Parker. " He was a severe chiirchman, of a rough, uncourtly temper, and of high and arbitrary principles both in church and state; a slave to the prei'ogative and the supremacy, and a bitter enemy to the Puritans, whom he persecuted to the length of his power, and beyond the limits of the law. His religion consisted in a servile obedience to the Queen's injunctions, and in regu- lating the public service of the Church: but his grace had too little regard for public virtue ; his entertainments and feastings being chiefly on the Lord's-day: nor do we read, among his episcopal qua- lities, of his diligent preaching, or pious example." (Hist. Pur. i. 299.) The archbishop did, pro- bably, offend against the correcter notions of modern England, as to Sunday. But Neal's Puritanical friends must share the blame of this. Their views upon the Lord's day, which, undoubtedly, have been of great national service, were not perfectly developed until many years after Parker's death. Mr. Price says of him: "He was a severe churchman, whose notions of religion were restricted to the maintenance of its forms. Mis- trusting the stability of his church, he was perpetually alarmed for its safety, and unscrupulously em- ployed in its support every means which force or fraud could sup- 206 LAST YEARS OF [a.d. 1')75. iij)right life, with all the foresight, firmness, and compla- cency, that marked a vigorous, equable, and religious mind. A natural gravity had kept him, even in youth, from spectacles, games, and field-sports. His memory was naturally odious to the Puritans, and has ever been roughly treated by Dissenters. But Parker was really, in private, strictly moral, accessible, liberal, and metho- dical. As a public man, plain good sense, command of tongue and temper, laborious diligence, cautious decision, depth of i)enetration, and unity of purpose, ajjpear to have been his characteristics'. He had, as we have already seen, neither any superstitious reve- rence for the externals that he enforced, nor mucli tenderness for scruples that could make such things imi)ortant. lie thought merely of the law, and of the ancient prejudices that rendered it expedient'. He was no forward, nor even unreluctant volunteer in enter- ])ly. — Placed in a station of com- manding influence, he prostituted liis power to the Queen's preroga- tive, and the maintenance of eccle- siastical uniformity. — In other cir- cumstances, and with diftereut connections,he might have avoided the opi)rcssions which now consti- tute his disgrace, and which will hand down his name to the latest posterity, as a persecutor of the saints of God." {Hist. Xonconf. i. 2i>3.) "lie was a Parker in- deed, careful to keep the fences, and shut the gates of discipline against all such night-stealers as would invade the same. No won- der, then, if the tongues and pens of many were wliettcd against him ; wliose coin])laints arc beheld hy discreet men like the exclama- tions of truantly scholars against their master's severity correcting them for their faults." (Fillku. 108.) The former of these sen- tences is copied both by Neal and Price, the latter by neither. Arch- bishop Parker was buried in the chapel of Lambeth House. Co- lonel Scott, one of the regicides, obtained this mansion, under the Commonwealth, and converte. tion, was compiled a work of considerable importance, illustrating the see of Canterbury from its foundation'. edition of the Bible for pultlic use; moans for supplying the demand for such a book having become extremely insufficient, and objec- tions being urged against the au- thorized volume, both on account of typographical errors, and mis- translations. To execute this de- sign, he delivered certain portions of Cranmer's Bible to particular bishops, learned chaplains of his own, and other qualified persons, Avho carefully compared thorn uith the originals. Their united labours were printed in folio, under Par- ker's superintendence, in 15G8, each portion being distinguished by the initials of the divine en- trusted with it. As several of these parties were of episcopal rank, the volume became known as the Bishops' Bible. It was the authorized version until superseded by that now in use, in KUl; but its popularity never equalled that of the CJencvan Bible, which ran through many editions during the latter years of the sixteenth, and the earlier of the seventeenth cen- turies.— Cotton. Stkype. Parker. i. 413. Lewis. CompL Hist. 2?>']. De Aiitiqu. Brit. Eccl. .'idl. ' Dc Anliqiiitate Britannica' Ecclesicc. .Joscelyn, his secretary, seems to have beeji the chief actual author of this work, rather than the archbishop himself. Still, it may be fairly considered as his, having been compiled by his means, and under his own eye. Hence lie says, " 1 did of purpose keej) back mi/ book of my Canterbury predecessors." The work was printed in 1572. I'ifty copies are said to have been stricken otf, Imt Drake, to whom we owe the best edition, could find no more than twenty-two. Of these, no two were exactly alike. Parker did not publish the book, but sent copies, at difl^erent times, to private friends, and he .seems to have been continually altering such as lay by him. The rarity and discrepancy of these copies afforded a colour to Le Quien, in his Nullite des Ordinal ioux AnglicaiicA; puljlished at Paris, in 1725, to maintain that the work was a forgery, with 1572 on the title-page for the sake of imposition, the real date of its printing being many years later. Unluckily for this mode of getting free from unmanageable testimony, the book was actually reprinted at Hanover, in 1(505, and is both used and cited by authors before that year. It gave rise, in fact, to a Puritanical attack in 1574. The book is chiefly occupied by bio- graphies of the archbishops of Canterbury. Parker was the seventieth occupant of his see, and the copies of his work that he dis- tributed, naturally contained only the lives of his sixty-nine prede- cessors, lie had written, however, or caused to be written, his own life; Avhich was printed, probably, at his expense, in a folio tract con- taining twelve leaves and a half. This came into the hands of an enemy, who translated it in an acrimonious style, and published his Avork imder the following title: 77/c Life of the "JOth Arehhishopp o/f ('anterl)tni/, jnexen/li/ Siltinge, Knglished, and to he added to the A.D. 1575.3 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 209 He procured and overlooked answers both to Sanders, and Cartwrigbt'. His i)atronag'e carried tlirongh the jiress, and with most scrupulous fidelity, some valuable original pieces of English history. Among these, Mat- thew Paris, the most spirited, copious, and interesting of monastic chroniclers, confounded Romanists, and asto- nished every body hy bold reflections upon papal avarice and corruption ^ Theology owes to Parker another, and (^9, lolelj/ scft forl/i in Latin. This niimhrc of sevc)il}j is so compleal a number as it is great pitie ther shold be one more: but thai as Augustin n>as thejirst, so Matthew might he the last. Iniprinted nr.D.Lxxiiii. — Drake. Ad Noviss. Edit. Prcef. Strype. Parker, ii. 246. ^ Of Whitgift's answer to Cart- wright much has already been said. Parker revised the MS. before it went to press. To the seventh book of Sanders De J'isi- hili Monarchia, anonymous an- swers were published in 1573, by Ackworth and Clark. The former was entitled TlpoXeyofieva, the latter Fidr'tt- Servi subdito infideli lie'f' farker speaks to Cecil o^. •an evidiii Jjoung man, and his piece beai.^vfividence to this fact, being far tooi^ rhetorical. — Strype. Parker, ii. 179. * Matthew Paris was published in 1571. Baronius, embarrassed by this ancient monk's invectives against Rome, insinuates that his work may have been indebted for them to his heretical editor, people of that stamp having a peculiar talent for depraving such books as they can. Bellarmine says that the book must be cautiously read, many things in it, seemingly, hav- ing been added by the heretics to heap odium on the llonian Church. Possevino thinks it Avortli consi- dering whether the work had not been corrupted by the heretics. Pits will not dare to affirm for certain, whether some things may not falsely be ascribed to Paris. Binius gives a hint of suspected faith. If Archbishop Parker's character had not been sufficient guarantee against these ridiculous insinuations. Dr. Wats, who re- edited Matthew Paris, in 1640, would have effectually demolished them. He has shown by collation of MSS. that the venerable monk of St. Alban's had no injustice done to him in the edition of 1571, and that, consequently, papal readers of his valuable history must be contented to wince. (Pon- tificiorum Testimonia Matth. Par. 0pp. prxfixa: edit. Wats. Lond. 1640.) Archbishop Parker's other historical publications were, jMat- thew of Westminster, 1570, Asser and AValsingham, 1574. {De An- tiqu. Brit. Eccl. 561. Sthype. Parker, ii. 500.) His edition of Matthew of Westminster, of 1570, was, in fact, a reprint attesting the nicest sense of editorial in- tegrity. " Archbishop Parker, Savilc, Powel, and Camden, who 210 LAST YEARS OF [a. I.. 1575. most important service, in the publication of Elfric's famous Paschal homily, Avith extracts from his two epistles'. The candid and iiKiniring were thus presented lived at, or shortly after the period of the Iteforination, were deterred from exercising even the slightest discretion upon the authors whom they edited, only because they knew that if they did so, the charge of mutilation would be broufrht asrainst them by the ad- voeates of the Roman Catholic doctrines ; and so careful was Parker to avoid such au imputa- tion, that in 1570, he did not hesitate to give to the world a second edition of the History of ]Matthew of AVcstminster, having discovered that the edition which he had published only three years before, had been printed from a comparatively incomplete manu- script." {General InlroHuclion, viii. pi-efixed to Stevenson's Bede, published by the English Historical Society. U\'A8.) Had Parker been cut down to the condition for which his Puritanical contempo- raries clamoured, and to which envious, proud, narrow spirits would reduce every churchman, the costly reprint Mould have been out of the question. Unless the classes in which inclination and ability are fouinl, have reasonable access to pecuniary means, the ■world must see many valuable services imperfectly performed, or miss thcn> altogether. Pomanists might securely boast of antiquity, if all who could refute lliem, were in poverty. ' Strvpe conjectures that this publication apj)cared about la(i(». (Parker, i. 472.) As nothing was more calculated to cause astonish- ment after the constant appeals of Romanists to antiquity, Parker submitted the printed sheets to a careful examination with the ori- ginal MSS. by the bishops, and other competent witnesses. The signatures of himself, of the arch- bishop of York, and of thirteen bishops, attesting the exact corre- spondence of the publication with the originals, appear in the preface, and then we read, " With divers other persons of honour and credit subscribing their names, the record whereof remains in the hands of the most reverend Father, Mat- thew, Archbishop of Canterbury." The archbishop does not repre- sent Elfric as perfectly Protestant, but says, " In this sermon here published, some things be spoken not consonant to sound doctrine, but rather to such corruption of great ignorance and superstition, as hath taken root in the Church, a long time, being overmuch cum- bred with mor'--'- '''■* .^-> miracles introducercv,,,.^ f^^^^^^^„^ e comfort or 1. . ^ 'i . |, - ;u T- on of their ter- polations: '' which notwithstand- ing seeme to have been infarced, for that they stand in the place unaptly, and without purpose, and the matter both before, and after, doth hang in itselfe most orderly." 'J'liese miracles may be seen in the author's IiKjuiri/ into ihc Doctrines of the Aiiglo-Sa.vuii C/iiircfi, p. 4'M\. Arehltisbop I'arker also pro- cured, in 1571, the publication of the four (Jnspels in Anglo-Saxon, comiorr or i. . "i . |, - by Elfric's utter dt^ ^f- on of tl vital doctrine, he c ; siders in A.D. 1575.] ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 211 with an effectual exposure of Romish claims to antiquity ill a vital jjoint. They saw tradition im2)reg'nably ar- rayed against the very doctrine, which hardly even whispers a hope of support from any other quarter. The main pillar of that system, which Englishmen had blindly taken for the ancient religion of their country, was exhi- bited under demonstrable incapacity of tracing possession up to the earlier half of the eleventh century. In re- modelling the Articles, Parker's own hand entered au- thentically a strong national protest against jiriestly pre- tensions to draw down the Deity corporeally from heaven. His jiublication of Elfric's decisive testimony proved him no rash innovator, a character from which he shrank. It shewed himself, and the martyrs whom he followed, merely to have revived a reasonable belief that all Eng- lishmen had anciently entertained. Parker's good fortune in putting thus to shame, and eventual silence, the idle boasts of Rome, has earnt him a place beside another metropolitan, the illustrious Raban Maur. We know that glory of ancient Mentz to have denounced, as a novelty and an error, modern Rome's chief dependance, early in the ninth century'. Two hundred years later. as an evidence that vernacular Scripture Avas no novelty in Eng- land: (" ut liqueret Scripturas an- tea fuisse vulgari sermone Angli- cano populo notas." De Antiqu. Brit. Eccl. 561.) Foxe, the mar- tyrologist, was the ostensible editor of this volume. As an original author, Parker only produced a learned tract in English, upon priests' marriages. De Anliqii. ul supra. ^ See the author's Inquiry into the Doctrines of lh§ Anglo-Siu-on Church, p. 417. Romanists are in the habit of saying to Protest- ants, " Your religion is no older than Luther: it is fifteen hundred years too late." They may be an- swered, " Your religion is no older than Paschasius Radbert : it is eight hundred years too late." To prove the latter answer, Raban's conclusive testimony may be cited. He must have known what was a theological novelty, in his day. Take away the corporal presence, and what becomes of going to mass? The former answer has no foundation in any man's personal P 2 212 LAST YEARS OF [a.d. 1575. Elfric displays Enoland denouncing* it still as a novelty and an error. When these facts attain all that attention, which of ric:ht belono^s to them, and which they must ultimately gain, Parker's name will be remembered as that of one m'Iio contributed effectively to disabuse the Christian world. Among benefactors to learning and religion, this archbishop's preservation of ancient manu- scripts places him also in a most honourable position. The sordid calculators whose interested support was ne- cessary to carry through the Reformation, cared nothing for scholarly appliances. A convent library often con- tained materials for extenuating the violence that doomed its dispersion. To this the new possessor would have been keenly alive, had his day resembled ours, in sup[)ly- ing eager purchasers of antiquated literature. As no such class had hitherto arisen, he little valued any records but the title-deeds to his own acquisitions. Parker's mind Mas cast in a far superior mould. Having both money and influence at command, while monastic stores were still procurable, he i)roved himself worthy of the trust, by a costly search, under royal authority, for intel- lectual treasure, lately withdrawn from conventual pro- tection'. A large mass rewarded his enlightened muni- knowlcdgc. It is, besides, repii- num tcmporibus scrlpta de Angli- diated as unquestionably false, by ' cana Ecclesia tractaut, contrivit. all unprejudiced readers of i?crip- ture, and by a large portion of in- quirers into ecclesiastical antifiuity. ' •■' Senectuteni, quam bilareni ac jueundani sensit, in exquiren In quibus cruendis, edendis, et conservandis, niagnos labores atque sumj)tus sustinuit. Obtcnta enim a regia majestate atque consiliariis assiduis suis precibus licentia, de- dis accuratioribus doctoruni sui signavit quosdain, quibus autbori- teiiiporis sententiis, easque cum tateni dal)at, eadcm per totani An- antiquioribus auctoribus conferen- gliani ex<|uircndi et ad se ducendi. dis, et investigandis antiquissiniis veterum scriptoruni nionuinentis nondum editis, ct bis potissiniuni, quie antiquis i'ritonuiii et Saxo- Qua' cuui nactus esset dispersa et inculta, vuluniinibus collecta ligari, et nienibranis legi niandavit." — Dc Aiili<]it. Br'il. Keel. 501. A. D. 1575.] ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 213 licence, and for it lie found an asjlum, chiefly in the library of his own college. A small portion he gave to the university of Cambridge \ As a whole, this benefac- tion is incalculably valuable. Some scholarships were also founded by this generous jn-elate. Such provision for posterity, rebukes the spirit that would keep in i)overty all who serve at God's altar, and labour for the souls of men. Divinity has never been allowed something like an equality with other honourable callings, without more than a proportionate return of disinterested and judicious liberality ^ Had the lay majority been left an entire monopoly of wealth, society would have lost many incal- culable benefits which it owes to a learned and munificent clerical minority. In his last letter to Cecil, Parker mentions a congre- gation of Anabaptists, recently discovered at Aldgate'. Twenty-seven were committed to prison. Four of them, ' Corpus Christi, or Benet Col- lege, the place of his education, and suhsequent mastership, had all his hooks hoth printed and manuscript, under his will; one hundred A'olumes excepted, given to the public library of Cambridge, — Strype. Parker, ii. 439. * A contemporary may here he excused in recording the public spirit that characterised the two last bishops, Barrington, and Van Milder t, who filled the see of Durham before its revenues were curtailed. Their liberality was such, especially that of Bishop Van Mildert (who had no more than a slender private provision), as to throw the munificence of lay proprietors altogether into the shade. ^ " This great nomher of Ana- baptists taken on Easter day, may move us to some contemplation. I could tel you many particularities, but I cease, and charge your Ho- nour to use stil such things as may make to the soliditie of good judgement, and lielpe her Majesties good government in j^rincelie con- stancy, whatsoever the pollicie of this world, yea, the mere Avorld would induce. To dance in a net in this world is but mere vanitie, to make the governance only pol- licie is mere vanitie. Her princely prerogatives in temporal matters be called in question of base sub- jects."— Archbisliop Parker to the Lord Treasurer. April 11, 1575. Strype. Parker. Append, xcix. iii. 332. 214 LAST YEARS OF [a. P. 1575. bearinir faffots recanted at Paul's cross'. AVithin a week*, ten -vvoiuoii. and one man, Avere condemned in the consistorial court of London to be burnt as heretics. Great ]>ains Avere taken to move them from their opinions, and in the case of one female, uitli success. The others were sent out of the country'. As the whole congre- gation appears to have consisted of strangers from the Netherlands, it is a pity that any other than the simple exjiedient of transporting them to the continent Mas thought of. Perhaps, the government was fully justified in denying them a longer asylum in England, as they held political opinions of a disorganising tendency. The persecution by which they were visited, seems to have revived attention to the family of love, a fanatical sect, also of continental origin, but long seemingly rooted in England, and possessed of some small hold upon the native population". Five of its adherents, all English, * May ]/). Easter day was April 3. The principles abjured ivere: "1. That Christ took not flfsh of the substance of the blessed Virgin Mary. 2. That infants of tlio faithful ought not to be bap- tized. 3. That a Christian man may not bo a magistrate, or bear the sword, or office of authority. 4. That is not lawful for a Chris- tian to take an oath." — Stowk. G7«. " Mav21. Ih. G79. '' IlmL * " About this time began to appear the Jamil i/ of love, which derived its j)edigree from one Henry Nicholas, a Dutchman. By their confession of faith, ])ublishcd this year, it appears that they were high cntimsiasts, that they alle- gorised the doctrines of revelation, and under pretence of attaining to spiritual perfection, adopted some odd and whimsical opinions, while they grew too lax in their morals, being in their principles something akin to the Quictists of the church of Rome, and the Quakers among ourselves." (Xeal. Hisl. Pur. i. 2{)7-) Their confession may be seen in Strype's Annals, (ii. 577.) Some of them were discovered at Balsham, in Cambridgeshire, in 1574, who had adherents in Essex. They survived tlirougli Cromwell's time. The venerable annalist says, " I remember a gentleman, a great admirer of that sect, within less than twenty years ago, told mc, that there was but one of the familif of love alive, and he an old A.D. 1575.] ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 215 were frightened into a public recantation, at Paul's cross '. Of the Dutch Anabaptists, one who had undergone this humiliating ceremony seems to have relapsed shortly after-. Public opinion called for this miserable foreigner's blood, and he was condemned, with another of his coun- trymen, to suffer the horrid penalty provided by the com- mon law for heresy. The barbarous writ, de li(Bretico comburendo, had now slept seventeen years, and its re- appearance is a foul blot upon Elizabeth and the Refor- mation. The time was not, however, come, for discerning this obvious truth. Foxe, the martyrologist, indeed, would fain have saved Smithfield from being disgraced anew by the murderous pyre. The queen professed great respect for him, and called him Ylqv father Foxe"^. Hence he had no hesitation in writing a Latin letter to her, soliciting mercy for the condemned Netherlanders. But he drops not a hint of toleration. He merely objects to the penalty awarded, as utterly revolting, and properly reserved for a peculiar infamy to Popery, having been invented by Innocent III. He would recommend any punishment short of death, or even hanging, as free from the horror that attends execution by fire". A month's man." (562.) Other fa7iiilies also ' people of respectability, at Cam- sprang up about tbis time, as tbat bridge, March 24, 1574. (Strype. of the mount, that of the essential- Annals, ii. 486.) This line of ists, &c, (lb.) Strype thinks that | opinions appears to have prevailed a fanatical sect, which engaged also among the Anabaptists. Cranmer's attention in 1552, may * Hendrick Ter Woort, and four be identified, perhaps, with the | other Dutch Anabaptists, named fainihf of love. — Craniner. i. 418. by Strype, had previously recanted. ' June 12. The parties " con- He writes as if these parties were fessed themselves utterly to detest the same that recanted May 15, as well the author of that sect, but Stowe speaks of only four, H. N., as all his damnable errors Avhom he does not name. — Annals. and heresies." (Stowe. 679.) One ii. 564. ' of the/a»«/7w<*, named Wilkinson, ^ Fuller. Ch. Hist. 105. maintained Arianism, before some ! ■* " Sunt ejectiones, inclusiones 216 LAST YEARS OF {_\.l). 1575. reprieve was all tlie iiuliilgenoc that this letter gained'. During that time, the unhap[)y victims, whose names were John A^'ielmacker and Ilendrich Ter Woort, re- mained immovable. They were, therefore, inhumanly rctrusa', sunt vlncula, sunt per- 1 pctu.t cxilia, sunt stigmata, ct TrX^'iyfiara, aut ctiam patibula ; id unura valde deprecor, ne piias ac flammas Smitlifieldianas, jam diu faustissimis tuis auspiciis huc- usque sopitas, sinas nunc rccan- descerc." (Fillick. uhi .supra.) ]Mr. Price thus translates the former clause of this extract: "There are excommunications and imprison- ments, there are bonds, there is perpetual banishment, burning of the hand, or even slavery." (Hisl. Nonconf. i. 295.) By palihula, Foxe might seem to mean gibbets. In a note, ^Mr. Price has cited the following from the late .Sir James Mackintosh: "All his topics are not, indeed, consistent with the true principles of religious liberty. But thev were more likely to soften the antipathy of his contemporaries, and to win the assent of his sove- reign, than bolder propositions : they form a wide step towards liberty of conscience." So far, however, is Foxe from taking any "step" at all towards the "re- ligious liberty," and the " liberty of conscience," of later times, that he speaks of the opinions in view, as by no means Avorthy of civil protection, but requiring to be re- pressed by fit correction. Qiiod ii^ilur ad phanalicas i.sla.'i .sccUis allincl, cas certe in republica uiil/u vw(h) fovendas esse, sed idonea cumprimendas correclione censeo. But he represents death by burn- ing as so horrid, that it never could have been imported into the mild church of Christ, unless by Roman pontitfs, following Innocent 111. Cruelty, he says, was so distressing to himself, that he never could even pass a slaughter-house, with- out a sense of inward pain, and hence he highly valued Ciod's cle- mency, which forbade the Mosaic victims to be burnt upon the altar, until they were slain. lie, there- fore, desired above all things, that a punishment so horrible, as the pyre, should be avoided. Ut vitte sijieri posset miseronim parcntnr, saltern itl horrori ubsislofiir. Toulmin, the editor of Ncal, from this lamentable persecution, takes occasion to observe: " One ground of the odium which fell on those who were called Anabaptists, was their deviation from the esta- blished creed, in their ideas con- cerning the person of Christ, and the doctrine of the Trinit}'; which shews in how very early a period of the Reformation Unitarian sen- timents arose among the more thoughtful and inquisitive." (Hist. Pur. i. 291». note.) Th<-se " more thoughtful and inquisitive " per- sons, however, are represented by Foxe, in the letter before cited, as wholly foreigners : Atcjue cqni- dem hoc nomine Christo gratias (juavi maximas /labeo, ijitod An- gfuritin /iodic iieminein liiiic insanicc aj/inein ridco. ' FuLLiilt. ubi supra. A.D, 1575.3 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. 217 burnt ill Smithfield, uttering piercing cries \ As their views were anti-Trinitarian, this foul injustice was ap- ]H-oYed by every jjarty, save the very small one that agreed with theni^ jSIen could see little to regret in ' July 22. (Stowe. 679.) " The privy council ■would not spare them, notwithstanding the earnest intercession of the Dutch congre- gation, for divers •weighty reasons laid before them. But the chief causes of their execution were, because they would not own them for Christian magistrates, and had been banished a year before." — Steype. Annals, ii. 564. Dutch MSS. cited. ^ " All parties, at the time con- curred in its approval, though an enlightened posterity now regrets its occurrence, as an indelible blot on the English Reformation." (Price, i. 296.) " There Avere two sorts of Anabaptists that sprung up Avith the Reformation, in Germany : one Avas of those who diifered only upon the sub- ject and mode of baptism, whether it should be administered to in- fants, or in any other manner, than by dipping the Avhole body under Avater. But others Avho bore that name Avere mere enthu- siasts, men of fierce and barbarous tempers, Avho broke out into a general revolt, and raised the Avar called the rustic war." (Neal. i. 298.) The attention of govern- ment AA'as called to these foreign religionists so early as 1560. A proclamation from Windsor, dated Sept. 22, in that year, after com- manding a strict search for such individuals, " Avilleth and chargeth all manner of persons, born either in foreign parts, or in her Majesty's dominions, that have conceiA^ed any manner of such heretical opinions as the Anabaptists do hold, and meaneth not by charit- able teaching to be reconciled, to depart out of the realm Avithin tAventy days after this proclama- tion, upon pain of forfeiture of all their goods and chattels, and to be imprisoned, and farther pun- ished, as by the hiAvs either eccle- siastical or temporal, in such case is provided." (Strype. Grindal. 181.) A second search Avas made for these people, some years after- Avards, and a third in J 568. For prosecuting this last, articles of inquiry Avere framed to ascertain residence, time of arrival, occupa- tion, moral habits, religious opi- nions, and attendance either at the parish-church, or one of the regular foreign churches. By a letter of that time from Grindal to Cecil, it seems that there Avas reason to believe some of these persons to haA'e been guilty of " treasons, murders, felonies, or other such like, committed before their coming OAcr into this realm." {lb. 183.) Such modes of dealing Avith aliens are not peculiar to Elizabeth's age, and may be found indispensable. In this case (the year 1568) it appeared that some of the Londoners had been perverted by contact Avith the strangers. {Parker, i. 522.) The duke of Alva's atrocities droA'e a constant succession of refugees into Eng- land, and among such a motley 218 FIRST YEARS OF [a.D. 1575. the spectacle, but stem necessity calling- for it. The age Mas at fault, not individuals administering its affairs. It had been predicted by Doring, witli applause from his party, that Parker would be the last archbishop of Canterbury'. The Discij)linarians had not, however, to boast of this fruit from their exertions, although Elizabeth "was rather slow in filling the vacant see. But her choice fell upon one whom they had openly designated as their oiim\ Edmund Grindal, the Ahjrind of Spenser, was born about 1519, at Hensingham, near Whitehaven, like that town, in the parish of St. Bee's, in Cumberland. When Ridley was master, he became fellow of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, and in capacity of chajilain to that venerable martyr, Mhile bishop of London, he was after- wards employed as a preacher in different places. In this, as in the chaplaincy, he was associated with Rogers and Bradford, who went before their common patron to the stake. Grindal, bookish from childhood, appears to have been by far best scholar of the three, and he was marked out for episcopal promotion shortly before Ed- ward's death. When that event blighted his hopes, having fortunately escaped, he rendered abroad great assistance to Foxe, in compiling his Martyrology. Eliza- beth's accession brought him home immediately, and he company, some would he found little worthy of protection. Still, ill is w;vs no justification for burn- ing any of them in Smithfield; hut puhlic opinion is responsihlo U>r that, and rulers have no means of hecoming altogether wiser than the wliole hody of their contempo- raries. ' "The 11th day of December, 1572, lie said, putting off his cap, Now I will projthesy, that Mat- thew Parker shall be the last arch- bishop of Canterbury: or (as it is related in another 318.) that he shall be the last archbishop that shall sit in that seat. Accipio omen, quoth Cartwright. The third man said that f/ici/ s/ioii/d Jirsl rue it, with other opprobrious words s])(>ke at that time." — JSxnYpi:. Parker, ii. 240. • Ih. i. 437. A. D. 1576.] ARCHBISHOP GRIND AL. 219 was one of the eight Protestants chosen to argue against Romanism, at the public conference, holden at West- minster, in INIarch, 1559'. Being nominated bishop of London, on Boner's removal, although an advocate abroad for Edward's liturgy, yet he scrupled both at the habits, and exchanges of episcopal lands for impropriate tythes, or the tenths of benefices. An act had recently been obtained, authorizing such transactions with the crown", and every appearance indicated a determination to carry it into vigorous execution. Its operation as to tenths, has been to strip Canterbury and London of estates, now producing several thousands a year, supplying their places with fixed payments of inconsiderable amount. As alter- ations in the value of money have been rapid and striking far above expectation, this disproportion could not have been fully foreseen. It was obviously, however, invidious to make the tythes of several parishes endow a single bishop, and leave a number of vicars with scanty main- tenances. Grindal consulted Peter Martyr upon both questions. Of the former, that eminent Florentine thought lightly, the latter, he pronounced liable to no insuperable objection'. Grindal, accordingly, became ^ Strype. Grindal. 2, 6, 10, 13, 34. ^ April 6, 1559. "The Bill p;iving authority to the Queen's Highness, upon the avoidance of any archbishopric, or bishopric, to take into her hands the temporal possessions thereof", recompensing the same with parsonages impro- priate, <^c., was read terlia vice et concliisa: cUssenlientibus Ai'chie- piscopo Eboracen. Episcopis Lon- din. fVigorn. Coven. Exon. Ccsiren. Carhol. el Abbat. de Westm." (D'EwES. 27.) The "just value" was to be given. " By royal grants under the 1st of Eliz. c. 19, sect. 2, the Archbishop of Canter- bury and the Bishop of London were not only exempted from tenths, but authorized to receive the tenths of a certain number of benefices within their respective dioceses, in compensation for cer- tain manors and estates, which at the same time were alienated from the sees." — Report from the Select Committee on First Fruits, Sfc. Brit. Mag. Aug. 1837, r- ^'^'^^ ^ " When upon this taking 220 FIRST YEARS OF [a.d. 157(3. himself a conformist, but he looked with unfailing tender- ness upon the scruples of others. He was, indeed, re- markable for mildness of temper, and hence, indepen- dently of j)rinciple, constitutionally averse from severity. After filling the see of London more than ten years, and Avitli a lenity that Parker thought injudicious, he was translated to York. Something beyond a farther space of five years raised him to Canterbury'. No appointment could be more conciliatory. It was one of those nume- rous acts, which shew the royal councils to have been onlinarily pervaded by anything rather than a4i unfair spirit towards Puritanism. On the 8th of February, parliament again met, after several prorogations, for the despatch of business. The session is interesting to an inquirer into the progress of constitutional privilege, from a prepared attack upon the queen, delivered on the first day, by Peter Wentworth, member for Trcgony. This claimed liberty of speech, and reflected upon former infractions of it, in a strain of boldness to which royal ears were quite unaccustomed*. away the demesnes of the bishops, i tcrnal episcopal habits, he thought and in lieu thereof giving them there was no need much to dis- great tythes (which indeed be- pute, when the wearing thereof longed to parish ministers) Grin- was without superstition, and os- dal made a conscience what the pccially when it might liave a civil said ministers should do for a sub- ' reason in this kingdom." — Strvpe. sistence, since the tythes, their i Grinclal. 4'). dues, were gone, ]\Iartyr soon an- ' Grindal was consecrated to the swered this, viz. that they must see of London, at Lambeth, Dec. be maintained by the bishops; and 21, 15.')!), translated to York, May that they must trust God, who 22, 1570, confirmed archbishop of would open some Avay and means Canterbury, Feb. 15, 157t). Parker to provide for them, seeing he fed " reckoned him not resolute and the birds of the air, and clothed severe enough for the government the lilies of tlic field, and forsook of London." — lb. 4J), 234. GoD- none rightly walking in their vo- win. de Prwsul. 7 lo- cation. I * " In later instances, and even "Of the square cap and the ex- . in the reign of George the First, A.D. 1570.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 221 As it was garnished with Puritanical allusions, Went- worth, most probably, meditated some motion agreeable to the Disciplinarians. But his freedom so far outstepped ordinary bounds, that he was interrupted before the con- clusion of his speech, sequestered by the House itself, and committed to the Tower. After this display of subservience, Elizabeth saw that she might gain some credit for lenity, without endangering any of her pre- tensions, if the obnoxious member were only detained sufficiently long in custody. Three days, accordingly, before another prorogation', she formally announced her forgiveness of Wentworth, and referred his enlargement to the House. This he did not obtain without undergoing the humiliation of begging pardon on his knees. During his imprisonment, a bill for coming to church and receiving the communion, passed to its second reading in the House of Lords ^ and a petition was 23resented from the Commons to the queen in council, for reformation of discipline in the Church. This latter, Elizabeth answered by saying, that she had referred such matters to the bishops at the beginning of the session, and that if they failed in doing what was necessary, it should be done by herself in virtue of the supremacy". Thus parliament again separated without effecting anything more for niembers have been committed for much less indecent reflections on the sovereign." — Hallam. Const. Hist. i. 349. ' Wentworth was committed appointed to prepare a petition, which, after report first made to the House, was to be referred to the privy council, by such of the Commons as Avere also members Feb. 9, and enlarged March 12. 1 of that body. The queen's an- Parliament was prorogued March ! swer to this petition was commu- 15. — D'EwES. 259, 265. ' nicated to the House by Sir "Walter * Feb. \o. A committee was \ Mildmay, chancellor of the ex- then appointed. — //;. 228. | chequer, Marcli d.—Jl). 251, 257. ^ Feb. 29, a committee was ' 'J22 FIRST YEARS OF [a.d. 1576. Puritanism, than keeping alive its hopes, and its exas- peration. Tiie convocation, Avhich sate concurrently with jnir- liameut, opened under the i)rcsideney of Sandys, bisho}* of London, arrangements for filling the see of Canterbury bing still incomplete'. Grindal, however, appeared as metropolitan within little more than a month, and pro- posed fifteen articles for synodical consideration ^ Eleven of these were ecclesiastical regulations. Ordination and institution were to be given to none but subscribers to the Thirty-nine Articles, of canonical age, sufficiently provided with testimonials and scholarship. Unlearned ministers, formerly admitted, were not to be capable of a cure. Licenses for preaching, dated before the 8th of February last, were to ]}e void, but renewable to fit persons without expense or difficulty. Bishops were to keep an eye u])on the doctrine of their preachers, and upon the literary progress of their other clergy. The tMelfth article alloMS none but ministers or deacons to baptize privately. The thirteenth and fourteenth refer to penance and occasions of scandal. The fifteenth allows the solemnization of marriage at all times in the year'. Perhaps, all these four may be attributed to ' SruYrE. Grindal. 287- I Strypc sulijoins to the real twelt'tli, * JNIarch 17. — 76.289. {"This article is omitted in tlie ^ If). Ajipciid. II. 4. p. 537- ] printed cojnes of these Artieles." WiLKi.Ns. iv. 284. Waki:. iS/a/e j That the Avhole fifteen were agreed of the Clturcli. 230. Tlie hist upon by eonvocation, tliere ean publication exhibits the Artiek-s j l)e no reasonable question, and as published, with the fifteenth 1 such omissions in other printed subjoined. Archbishop Wake formularies of this reign, take might seem to have known nothing i away the importance that has of the twelfth, relating to jjrivate ' betn given to that of the cele- baptism. His twelfth relates to 1 brated clause in the twentieth of the commutation of penance, "which is really the thirteenth. the Thirty-nine Articles. Heylin mentions more of this kind. 1576.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 223 Puritan influence. The last, undoubtedly, may, and it has been cited as a proof of the new archbishop's ill- advised facility'. Elizabeth appears to have taken this view. When the Articles were printed, both the twelfth and the fifteenth were ^'anting, because, report said, as to the latter, our lady, the queen, assented not to the same\ The prophesyings had survived Elizabeth's expression of dislike, and were daily gaining popularity. Several bishops looked-on with approbation, esteeming them excellent schools for their clergy ^ Laymen, however. " When the hook was offered to the queen, she disliked this article," (the fifteenth: he too here over- looks the twelfth,) " and would by 110 means suffer it to he printed among the rest ; as appears hy a marginal note in the public re- gister of that convocation, which though it might have sufficiently discouraged them" (the Puritans) " from the like innovations, yet the next year they ventured on a business of a higher nature, which was the falsifying and corrupting of the Common Prayer-Book. In which, being then published by llichard Jugge, the Queen's Ma- jesty's printer, and published Cum Privilcgio Regke Majestalis, as the title intimates, the whole Or- der of Private Baptism, and Co7i- firmalion of Children, was quite omitted. In the first of which it had been declared, that children being horn in original sin, were hy the laver of regeneration i)i haptistn ascribed unto the number of God's children, atid made the heirs of Ife eternal; and in the other, that by the imposition of hands and prayer, they receive strength against sin, the world, and the devil. Which grand omis- sions were designed to no other purpose, but by degrees to bring the Church of England into some conformity to the desired orders of Geneva. This I find noted in the preface of a book writ by William Reynolds, a virulent Papist, I confess, but one that may be cre- dited in a matter of fact, which might so easily have been refut^ul by the book itself, if he had any way belied it." — Hist. Presb. 283. ' " This article" (the fifteenth) " was superadded by their pro- curement:" that of the Puritans. —lb. 282. ^ " Ultimus tamen articulus typis non fuit expressus, eo quod domina regina, ut dicitur, non assensit eidem." (Wilkins. iv. 285. ex excerptis Heylinianis.) Neal makes a sad case out of the article that recalled preaching li- censes. (Hist. Pur. i. 302.) But it is clear that Puritanical preach- ers with a grain of moderation were pretty sure of new licenses under Archbishop Grindal. * Canterbury, London, Win- chester, Bath and A^^ells, Lichfield and Coventry, Gloucester, Lincoln, Chichester, Exeter, St. David's. (Margin, cited in the text, of Arch- 224 FIRST YEARS OF [a.D. 1570. and ministers, inhibited from preaching for inconformity, appear to have been among the speakers broiit>ht forward in them. The hitter class especially, could hardly fail of using them as a vent for the exasperation and bigotry natural to men in their situation. Fiery spirits, without any j)rovocation of their own, become ungovernable under the stimulus of such examples. The prophesi/ingsy accordingly, often found fervid interest for an auditory, in ])olitics, personalities, and invectives against esta- blished religious usages. A princess, vigilant as Eliza- beth, and jealous of her prerogative, was not likely to overlook these evils. Grindal considered them curable ■without any inroad upon the system itself His anxiety to preserve this, induced him to prepare orders for sub- jecting the LWO'Ciscs to episcopal regulation. He forbade lay speaking, glancing " openly or covertly against any state, or any person i)ublic or private," invectives against existing ecclesiastical usages or discii)line, and addresses from silenced ministers'. The queen, probably, thought Ijisliop Grindal's Letter to her ^la- jcsty, Dec. 20, lo/IJ. Strype. Grindul. Append. 11. n. 1), p. 5G8.) " I have seen letters of these bi- shops to Grindal, U2)on this sub- ject." (CoLLiEii. ii. 5.55.) Iley- lin makes the archbishop prime mover in the prop/wsijiiii^x. " These meetings Grindal first connived at when he sate at York, under pre- tence of training up a preaching ministry for the nortliern parts. But afterwards he was so much possessed with the fancy of it that he drew many of the bishops in the ])rovince of Canterbury to al- low them also." (///.v/. I'nxij. 2ni.) AVe learn, however, from J )r. Tho- mas Jackson, a sulhcient witness, thatlittk^, if anything, of this kind, could have been effected by Grin- dal in the northern province. The country was, in fact, too Popish and backward. " But since the Libertie of Prophesying was taken up, ir/iich came bitl lately into the Norl/iern l^arts, (unless it were in the towns of Newcastle and Barwick, where Knox, jNIackbray, and Udal had sown their tares) all things have gone so cross and backward in our Church, that I cannot call the historic of these forlie years or more to mind, or express my observations upon it,, but with a bleeding heart." — frorLi. ii. 27:5. ' Orders for reformation of A.D. 1576.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 225 such a total prohibition of seasoning unlikely to receive much real attention, if old ojDportunities were continued. She followed advice, therefore, from others of the episco- pal bench, and resolved upon suppressing the prophesi/ings altogether. The archbishop pleaded personally for their continuance, and left many things in their favour unsaid, merely for want of time'. She was inexorable, and shocked him by remarking, that even preachers were more numerous than was necessary, three or four in a county being amply sufficient". This was, probably, a hasty sally, but Elizabeth's memory has been rather invi- diously burthened with it. Men have long lived amid habitual preaching, and surrounded by a well-educated ministry that can command innumerable models for sermons. Public opinion, besides, generally secures the pulpit from intemperance. It is forgotten that Elizabeth grew-up under a Romish infrequency of preaching, and that many of her clergy still were dangerous instructors, from papal bias. A preacher could find but little to guide him in the study ; nor was ability to use the appliances of learning by any means abundant. Among divines also, with Protestant views and sufficient competence, many were notoriously hostile to the national religious polity. Grindal, having failed in his interview, strove to shake abuses about the learned exercises and conferences among the minis- ters of the Church. — Strype. Grin- dal 327. ' " It was not your Majesty's pleasure then, the time not serv- ing thereto, to hear me at any length." (Archbishop Grindal to Her Majesty. lb. 558.) In his ultimate submission, such as it ■was, Grindal admits that Elizabeth " therein did use the advice and allowance of certain bishops, his brethren." — lb. 404. ^ " How can it well be thought that three or four preachers may suffice for a shire?" {lb. 561.) The archbishop's letter mentions before the queen's " speeches con- cerning the abridging the number of preachers." Neal cites a MS. i. 310. Q 226* FIRST YEARS OF [a.d. 1577. the queen's (.letcrmination by means of a long, rational, and pious letter '. He urges the inconsistency of referring legal questions to the law-officers, and of deciding that which j)eculiarly concerned himself and his brethren, without ever consulting them. Any instrumentaUty in suppressing the exercises he pronounces wholly irrecon- cilable with his conviction of duty. Hence he respect- fully but firmly declines it. Elizabeth took nearly five months to consider this appeal, so worthy of a Christian minister. She then sent circulars to the several bishops enjoining an immediate discontinuance of the propliesy- ings'. The blow was final through the southern counties. Their obnoxious name was heard no more, though some of the prelates were very unwilling to suppress them'. Upon the policy of their extinction, posterity cannot ' Dec. 20, 157(i. '-IIo writes unto her a most tedious and volu- minous letter." (IlEVhIN. Hist. Presb. 284.) " Wliat could be VTitten with more spirit and less animosity ? more humility and less dejection ? I see, a lamb in his own, can be a lion, in God and Ills church's cause." (Flller. 130.) " lie writes with the spirit of a primitive bishop. His application is religiously brave, and has not the least appearance of interest or fear." — C'oi.MKK. ii. 5.57. * The (^ueen to the Bishops throughout England, rireenwicli, INIay 7, b'i77. JStkvpk. Giiiida/. Append. 11. n. 9, p. (574. ■' Neal has printed a letter from Tbomas lientliam, bishop of I^ich- field and Coventry, an exile at ]{;isle under Mary, to one of bis archdeacons, J'or discontinuing the exercise, until " earnest prayer, or bumble jjetition," should re;torc the full use of it. The historian thus closes his account of the pru- phesii'ings. " The Queen put them down for no other reason but because they enlightened the peo- ple's minds in the Scripture, and encouraged their enquiries after truth ; her ^Majesty being always of opinion that knowledge and learning in the laity would only endanger their peaceable submis- sion to her absolute will and plea- sure." {Hist. Pur. \.^\^).) Other reasons, however, may easily be discerned for jjutting down piihlic meetings which individuals had notoriously used for venting their own ill humours, and undermin- ing the established church. Some- thing like the prop/icxijiuss aj)pear to have been usid at archidiaronal visitations as a clerical exercise, in the diocese of York, under di- rection of Archbishop Sandys, in ].")7H. — Sruvi'i'. (irinduL 444. A. D. 1578.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 227 easily judge, many weighty considerations presenting themselves on both sides of the question. But it is hardly possible to see any extenuation for the severity which Grindal's opposition provoked. Even if ill-judged, it was undoubtedly offered in the best spirit. It brought, however, the amiable and conscientious archbishop into the arbitrary court of Star-chamber, which imposed upon him sequestration from his functions, and confinement to his house, for six months \ The period expired without affecting his virtuous constancy, and subsequent severities kept him in disgrace and inactivity nearly to the end of life. It is probable, that he was treated with such severity, partly with a view to intimidation. If, however, there were any such intention, the design wholly failed ; a host of active and irreconcilable enemies daily menacing the hierarchy. One of the most inveterate among them, Anthony Gilby, a Lincolnshire man, educated at Christ's, in Cambridge, formerly an exile at Geneva, now ventured upon publishing his View of Antichrist, his laivs and ceremonies in our English Church unreformed. This ebullition of fanatical violence was evidently written some years before, Parker being mentioned as the pope of Lambeth. A catalogue is given of an hundred points of Popery remaining, which deform the English reformation\ It is easy to see that nothing short of total subversion would satisfy such hot-headed enthusiasts. Gilby was, undoubtedly, among the most intemperate of his party \ ' In June. (Strype. Grhidal. 343.) " Giindal was a very ho- nest, conscientious man, but too little of a courtier or statesman for the place he filled." — Hallam. Const. Hist. i. 2G8. note. ^ Strype. Aimals. ii. pt. 2, page 216. ^ " How fierce he was against the ceremonies, take it from his own pen. They are kno?vu live- ries of Antichrist, accursed leaven Q2 228 • FIRST YEARS OF [[a. p. 1578. But lie liad Ions: been reffarded as a leader, and his out- rageous invectives really spoke sentiments very widely prevalent. The interest excited by his libellous book seems to have temjited a young stationer into the hazard of vendinir The Admonition to the Parliament, which had lain for some time in concealment, and was passing from the recollection of ordinary people. Aylmer, the new bishop of London, however, took the alarm immediately, and the rash tradesman was committed to prison'. AVliile the Presbyterians were labouring to impose their i)latform upon the country, an individual was acquir- ing influence which proved equally hostile to them and the church. Robert Browne, a near kinsman to Lord Burghley, Mas third son of Anthony Browne, a gentleman of ancient family, seated at Tolthorp, in Rutlandshire*. This Robert, educated at Corpus Christi college, Cam- bridge, was conspicuous through life for violence, conceit, and fickleness. He took his first impressions from the Puritans, but at length Avholly disagreed with them, in desiring a further reformation of the establishment. He treated its character as unsusceptible of improvement, the M'hole system being a mere limb of Antichrist, that must be swept away. He even denied validity to ordination by the bishops, and maintained that England really pos- sessed no church at alF. Though very young when he began to broach the principles that ended in these extra- vagances, he soon attracted sufiicient attention for a summons to appear before the High Commission court. His family connections, probably, had recommended him as chaplain to the duke of Norfolk, and that nobleman of (he lAasphcmoits Popish priest- I ' SniVPE. Ai/liiicr. W"] . hood, cursed patches of Poperii and \ * Stuypk. Jl'hilnijt. i. Oil). idolalri/, they are trorsc than IIeymn. Ilist. Presb. 2l)o. lousy." — Fulij:h. 7<'. I ■* ^''"'Z- A.D. 1579.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 229 would have excused his attendance, under plea of privi- lege. Archbishop Parker declining to admit this \ Browne withdrew to Holland. AVhether he had previously undergone any censure from the court, is unknown. During his residence abroad, he wrote a work, eagerly circulated in England, advocating the principles that eventually passed under his name^ He did not himself long shew any great regard for them but conformed to the church, and obtained a benefice, upon which he lived to a very advanced age. At last, he assaulted the con- stable of his parish in demanding a rate of him, and was committed to Northami)ton gaol, where he quickly died. He used to boast that he had been detained in thirty-two prisons, some so dark, that he could not see his hand at noon-day. Death in the thirty-third, under a charge of assault, throws a shade of suspicion over all his former committals. It makes him seem likely to have owed fame and trouble rather to a choleric, heady tempera- ment, than to sound ability and the spirit of a martyr. His character, indeed, is very far from wearing a vener- able aspect. Though he so far abandoned his principles as to hold the rectory of Achurch, in Northamptonshire, yet he never preached ; preferring, seemingly, the name of mercenary to that of renegade. He quarrelled with his wife, and lived apart from her during many years'. ' June 13, 1571. Strype. Par- ker, ii. 68. ^ The book was printed at Mid- dleburgb, in 1582. — Heylin. ul supra. ^ Fuller. 168. The historian ■was bornAvithin a mile of Browne's parish, and remembered him. lie says, " He Avas of an imperious nature, oftended, if what he af- fii'mcd, were not Instantly received as an oracle." Browne died in 1630. When brought before Sir Rowland St. John, a neighbouring magistrate, for the assault, he would not have been committed, had it not been for his own beha- viour. " The Brownists did not differ from the church of England in any articles of faith, but were very rigid and narrow in points of discipline. They apprehended, 230 FIRST YEARS OF [a.d. I'jJO. The principles, however, that he struck-out have secured him from oblivion. From him came the germ of Inden- pendency, which Lrradiially sii]KMseded Presbyterian oligarchy, and has become the frnitful parent of modern nonconformity. The queen's earlier years appear to have passed over without any particular inquiries into the ordination of actual ministers. Hence AVilliam AVhittingham, pastor to the exiles at Geneva, had obtained, by Leicester's influence, even the valuable deanery of Durham, although his ministerial character was hardly reconcilable with any principles generally admitted. At length a metro- political visitation of the northern province discovered numerous irregularities in his cathedral. As he disputed the archbishop's right to visit it, two royal commissions were successively issued, authorizing investigation'. The chief commissioner was the repulsed primate himself, Edwin Sandys, lately translated fi*om London to York, who had entered upon his new duties by that laborious and costly tour of inspection, which gave rise to the ]iroceedings. He had already questioned Whittingham's ordination, and he began the inquiry by desiring him to prove its validity. IVIatthew Hutton, dean of his own cathedral, afterwards bishop of Durham, and archbishop of York, successively, maintained that the dean of Dur- ham had been ordained in better sort than Sandys himself, and indeed than most of the ministers in England*. But accordinfif to Scripture, that every majority of English dissenters." — church ought to be confined within Pkick. i. .Tl.'). the limits of a single congregation, ' The first commission was is- and that the government should sued in lojti, the second in 1578. be democratical." (Xeal. i. 330.) \ — Stkype. Annals, pt. 2, pp. lb'8, " The principles which Browne ' 16!>. advocated were substantially the " lb. iii. -lt)8. same which are now held bv the A.D. 1579.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 231 the archbishop, though, like Whittingham, he had been an exile, and had entertained Puritanical views, was not to be chafed aside from an important question by the obloquy that it had brought upon him, or by vague, offensive generalities. He was even likely to account for the opposition, by Hutton's personal pique, being upon ill terms with him, and having charged him with an unseemly fondness for money'. The dean of Durham was, accord- ingly, in spite of a violent party outcry, jiut upon his defence. He confessed himself to be " neither deacon nor minister, according to the law of the realm'," but pleaded a sufficient ordination at Genevg,. This, on the other side, was denied ; most injuriously to the discredit, it was urged, of the orders given in a distinguished Protestant church \ Sandys would not allow Geneva to be any Avay compromised ^ AVhittingham being treated ' Archbishop Sandys had been shocked, on first coming to York, to find money-lending, or usury, as it "was called, very prevalent in that city. For its repression, he procured a commission from the crown and brought the oftenders into his consistorial court. The dean defended the practice under inquiry as lawful, and endeavoured to alarm the witnesses by the pros- pect of a prcemunire. He main- tained himself personally nowise concerned. " Yet," subjoins the archbishop, " the report is, that his hands are deeph* mired in this matter: for othermse, he could hardly abound in such ^vealth, as he at this time pre- sently doth." — The Archbishop of York to the Lord Treasurer. Strype. Annals, iii. 466. * lb. ii. pt. 2, page 170. From the State-Paper Office. ^ •■' It could not but be ill taken of all the godly learned both at home, and in all the reformed churches abroad, that we should allow of the Popish massing priests in our ministry, and disallow of the ministers made in a reformed church." (The Earl of Hunting- don to the Lord Treasurer. lb. 174.) Henry Hastings, earl of Huntingdon, then president of the north, a member of the com- mission, was favourable to Whit- tingham, as was also the dean of York, another member. ■* '■ The discredit of the Church of Geneva is hotly alleged. Verily, my Lord, that Church is not touched. For he hath not received his ministry in that Church, or by any authority or order from that Church, so far as yet can appear." — The Archbishop of York to the Lord Treasurer, April 4, 1579. lb. Append, xui. p. 620. 232 FIRST YEARS OF [a.d. lo/S. as a mere laymnn\ regularly ordained neither there nor anywhere else. The dean alleged a call to the ministry, "by lot and election of the whole English congregation there," and }n-oduced a certificate to that cttect. Sandys exce])ted against the terms "lot and election," as conclusive in themselves, none such being used on these occasions in any reformed church. In the course of a month, AVhitting- ham produced another certificate, which had suff)-a(jcs in the place of lot and election, and which testified besides, that he "was admitted minister with such other ceremonies as there is used and accustomed*." A solemn adjudication of this case was precluded by the dean's death', but Archbishop Whitgift declared soon after, that he would have been deprived had he lived, without " especial grace and dispensation'." This is the first instance in which ordination Mas regularly made a moot point', and it is ' 3/crc laiciis. — Huntingdon to Burghley. Strype. Annals. 173. * State-Paper Office. lb. I7I, 172. '■^ June 10, 1579. He was pre- ferred to this deanery, July 19, 1563. (Li: Neve. 3o1.) "He ■was born in the city of Chester, 1524, and educated in Brazen- nose college, Oxon, but Avas after- wards translated to Christ-church, when it was founded by King Henry VIII. being reckoned one of the best scholars in the univer- sity. In the year 1550, he tra- velled into Franco. Germany, and Italy, and returned about the lat- ter end of King J'-d\vard VI. In the reign of Queen Mary, he was with the exiles at Frankfort, and upon the division there, went with part of the congregation to Geneva, and Ijccainc their minister. He had a great share in translating the Geneva Bible, and the Psulnis in metre, as appears by the first letter of his name, "VV., over many of them. Upon his return homo, he was preferrrd to the deanery of Durham, 1563, by the interest of the Earl of Leicester, where he spent the remainder of his life. Ho did good service, says the Ox- ford historian, against the Popish rebels in the north, and in repel- ling the Archhi.sliop uf York from insiting the church of Durham; but he was at best but a lukewarm conformist, an enemy to the habits, and a ])romoter of the (Jeneva doc- trine and diseipline. However, he was a truly pious and religious man, an excellent j)reacher, and an or- namentto religion." — NE.vL.i. 'M\^. * Archbishop "Whitgift's mar- ginal animadversions upon Mr. Travers's Reasons, &c. — Stkvi'E. fVhilirifl. Append.B. 3. XXX. 1H5. * ]\Ir. Travers's Reasons, uln supra. A.D. 1579.31 ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 233 remarkable that Whittingham appears to have taken no notice of the act For Ministers of the Church to he of sound Relicjion\ Such silence in a contemporary under severe pressure, is very unfavourable to the construction commonly given to that statute by Dissenters. The legislature, in passing it, must have been known to have had Romish ordinations chiefly, if not entirely, in view; although it undoubtedly opened a door for connivance at such as were effected regularly by presbyters only, abroad. Wliitgift, indeed, seems to deny validity to such ministe- rial commissions '\ Sandys, perhaps, rather considered them irregular than invalid. Whittingham, however, had certainly no such commission to plead. He never speaks of himself as ordained by presbyters. He seems to have had merely what is termed, among Dissenters, a call, from the English refugees at Geneva, and to have been set apart for the ministry, by some of them, not in orders, in a private llOuse^ Calvin might have approved the act, for Whittingham was one of his warmest admirers, but he was careful to keep it from being used as a precedent*. Widely as Protestants and Romanists were apart upon many questions, they cordially agreed in considering the first four general councils as a final settlement of the questions debated in them. Both parties branded opi- nions condemned by these venerable assemblies, as un- pardonable heresy. Whenever any such appeared, since 13 Eliz. c. xii. j ways such Churches as allow of " Travers says, "VIII. The universal and perpetual practice of al Christendom, in al places, and in al ages, provcth the ministers lawfully made in any Church of sound profession in faith, ought to be acknowledged such in any other." AVhitgift has in the margin, "Excepting al- Preshytery and practise it." — Strype. Wkilgifl. J 84. ^ Strype. Annals, ii. pt. 2, page 168. * This was asserted by Arch- bishop Sandys, and not denied by either the dean of York, or Arch- deacon Riunsdcn. — Stjit^^faper Ortice, uhi supra. 172 234 FIRST YEARS OF [a.d. 1579. tlie Reformation, it had, liowever, most unfairly to ])oar the \vhole discredit of tlieni. Tlie i>ai)al party sarcas- tically pointed to it as a headlong power, Mhich had ra.shly let out Avaters, Avliolly above its management. Nay, more : the orthodoxy that it claimed, was painted as really questionable in every part'. To such irritating, but senseless reproaches, may reasonably ])e attributed those cruel vindications of common principles, which Mrite occasionally the annals of early Protestantism in disgraceful characters of blood. One of these miseral)le instances occurred within the present year. INIatthew Hammond, a plough-wright of Hetherset, near Norwich, was convicted of pronouncing the New Testament a fable, Christ a mere sinful man, erected into an abominable idol, the Holy Ghost a nonentity, and the sacraments useless*. On receiving sentence \ he burst out into abusive language against the queen, and some of her council. The stern, proud spirit of the age could not overlook this natural ebullition of a fiery temper. He was farther condemned immediately to lose both his ears. After a month's interval*, this part of the sentence was executed in the market-place : prol^ably, with a view to his intimidation. But he repeated his denial of Christ's divinity. He was allowed another week, and then bar- barously burnt in the ditch of Norwich castle \ The absurdity of thus nnirdering Judicially an ignorant me- chanic, almost e(juals its inhunianity. ' " LI ego vero interim aftirnio, non unum aut altcrum, scd omncm istam Pscuflo-martyruin colluviem ipsum Christiantc fidci fuiidaincn- tuin, quo fatemur Cliristum in canif> venisso, aliaquo Cliristiana' (lisciplina? firmanienta iTificiari." (Dialogi. VI. ah Alano Copo, An- glo, H7H.) Alan Cope's wrath is chiefly excited l)y Foxe's niartyr- ology, the sufl'ercrs coramenioratcd in which he pronounces Pscinlu- 711(1 it i/r.<>\ and seeks to conJuuiul with Arians, or the like. * SiuwK. (iH."). ■' AinW 14. J/,. May l:3. 10. May 20. lb. A.D. 1579.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 235 For another cruelty, which stains this year, Eliza- beth may fairly be considered as personally responsible. Marriage offers facilities for achieving or augmenting greatness, that give heiresses a longevity of attraction hopeless to their sex in general. The queen, at forty-six, now dreamt of youth again, under liberal supplies of amorous admiration from a gay Frenchman, under thirty. Francis de Valois, long titled as duke of Alen^on, after- wards as duke of Anjou, only surviving brother of Henry III., was eager to console impatience of real sovereignty, by a matrimonial throne. A dexterous agent, named Simier, urging his aspirations, with uncommon skill, was favourably, though perhaps evasively received. To quicken the lagging pace of diplomacy, Monsieur, as, according to usage, the young prince was called, came incognito to Greenwich, and had a private interview with the royal theme of his impassioned addresses'. Never was Eliza- beth so nearly captured. In watching this unequal court- ship, the nation became violently excited. It is true that she would hardly hear of tolerating Romanism even in Anjou himself, yet her subjects who professed it, na- turally looked upon a inarriage with him as a most auspi- cious turn in their affairs'. The tide of Puritanism set in strongly another way, and popular pulpits added acri- mony to that hatred of tlie match "which generally rao-ed. Farther fuel was afforded by a pamphlet, which the Lord Mayor was promptly ordered to suppress by every prac- * Cambden. 471. I honest Englishman would interpret * " Persons, the Jesuit, indeed, i by the rule of contraries." (IIal- says in his famous libel, Le?c. iii. l2I(!.) "Whotlior jjurpo.sc Avas dcspatcliecl to him his early days had really hcen from fiidra IJall, near Jiomford, | chargoahle \\\i\\ irregularities, can- Sept. 27, irt7S). not, however, he certainly inferred. " lie writes to a friend in ]r»!!l, , Persons of his religious opinions of having spent ''almost forty , often use stronger language of self- years of his vain life." (SruYi'i:. | ahasenicnt than their cases fairly Atinals. ii. pt. 2. page .3().'j.) An- j warrant, other hlter sjiiaks of " mis-s[»ent | A.D. 1570.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 237 he M-as a need}'' spendthrift, who would make a prey of Eng'land. As for morals, he and his brothers had the credit of emulating Heliogabalus, in his worst excesses, being' thus rendered alike odious from debauchery, and loathsome from its consequences'. ' The French " have sent us hither not Satan in the body of a serpent, but the old serpent in the shape of a man, Avhose sting is in his mouth, and who doth his en- deavour to seduce our Eve, that shee and we may lose this Englishe Paradise." Of the French royal family Stubbe says, ""Whose mani- fest cruelties and detected trea- cheries against God's church, have been severally sealed with his visible marks of vengeaunce, writ- ten, not upon the wall, but suc- cessively on theyr carcasses, with a heavenly fingar: not by torch light, but at noone day, in the eyes and eares of all the world." Of the reigning king, he says, " The plague common to the house he hath, that is, he wants one of his loins to sit upon his seate." Anjou's attendants are described as " these needie spent French- men of Monsieur's traine, being of contrary religion, and who are the scomme of the king's court, which is the scomme of all Fraunce, which is the scomme of Europe, when they seeke, like horseleaches, by sucking upon us, to fill their beggarly purses to the satisfyeng of theyr bottomlcsse expence." An- jou's own circumstances are thus treated: " This stinging stranger of Fraunce must we keepe warme in our bosom at our own intol- lerable charge. Even alreadie his debtes and expences are sayd to be farther at odds with his reve- nues then many yeres receipts can yeld the arerages." As to person, " I humbly besech hir, that she Avill view it, and surview it, and in viewing it, she will fetch hir hart up to hir eyes, and carry hir eyes down to hir hart. And so I be- seech God graunt hir at that^time to have hir eyes in her heade, even in that sence in which Salomon placeth a wise man's eyes in his heade; and then I dout not but upon conference of hir Avyse hart, and hir eyes togither, he shall have his dispatching aunswer." Of his family: " Though they speake in all languages of a raerveilous li- centious and dissoluteyouth, passed by this brotherhoode, and of as strange, incredible parts of intera- perancie played by them, as those worst of Heliogabalus, yet will I not rest upon conjecturalls. Onely this I touch lightly, and cannot passe utterly in so high a matter, as is the marriage of my Queen, that it is Avorth enquiry after. For if but the fourth part of that mis- rule bruted should be true, it must draw such punishment from God, who for most part punisheth these vile sins of the body, even in the very body and bones of the of- fenders, besides other plagues to thyrd and fourth generation." As for issue, the French princes are pronounced unlikely to leave any; " all of them being a forced gene- ration by phisick after many yeres, when theyr mother feared to be 238 FIRST YEARS OF [^A.D. 1579. Such ofross personalities would generally make a party assailed by them, overlook any redeeming jiarts by Mliicli they might come accomi)anied. Stubbe was no vulgar libeller, and much of his i)roduction does him credit. But Elizabeth could naturally think only of insults to herself, and to the princely suitor, who soon afterwards came again to England. Her order of council to supi)ress the i>iece, before its author was discovered, speaks of it as having " not only very contemptuously intermeddled in matters of state, touching her Majesty's person, but also uttered certain things to the dishonour of the duke of Anjou." His arrival rendered some proceedings ne- cessary. The writer, together with Page, who dispersed the pamphlet, and Singleton, who ])rinte(l it, were quickly discovered. They were indicted under an act of Philip and Mary, a(/ahist the authors and pubUshers of seditious writings. Lawyers doubted whether the statute had not expired, on the late queen's death. But conviction was j)ut away as barraine." The queen, too, sliuuld remember, as to chil- dren, that " her yercs doe neces- sarily denye lier many," and render it unsafe to bear any. " If it may please hir ^lajestie to cal hir fayth- fulest wyse phisitians, and to ad- jure them by their conscience to- wards (Jod, thcyr loyaUy to hir, and fayth to the whole land, to say theyr knowledge simply Avith- out respect of pleasing or displeas- ing any, and that they consider it also as the cause of a realm and of a prince, how excecdingl)' dan- gerous they find it by ihcyr learn- ing, for hir iNIajestie at these yeres to have hir first child, yea, how fcarfull the exjiectation of death is to mother and child, I feare to say what will be theyr aunswcr." Hence people were no longer anxious for issue from the queen. " Dare we not now otherAvise crave it, but so as might be from such a father as had a sound body and a a holy soule, and yet not then neither, onlcs she may first find to stand with hir life and safety." So many, and such objections, na- turally niaile Englishmen little jiartial to '' this car])ct conqueste of ^Monsieur," or willing to believe those, who would have '" this j)aynted man to be a man," or to I tliiidc it "possible to make some- tliing of this no iViond, and to hold tliis wett eele by the tayle, as they •say." — The Disiuvvric o) (i (.utpiiig Gulf\ tVf. No ])lace. Mcnsc Aii- gusli^ anno liJ'Ji). A.D. 1570.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 239 obtained, and the prisoners were sentenced to the bar- barous penalty provided. Singleton Avas excused from this. Stubbe and Page underwent it, on a scaffold in Westminster. The former ascended evidently much intimidated. The prospect of losing his right hand in the prime of life hung heavily upon him, and he was not free from apprehension of a fatal hemorrhage. He spoke, however, long and Avell, inculcating obedience to the laws, and resignation to the will of Providence. Having finished his address, he knelt down in prayer. Then, rising, his hand was placed on the block, and a cleaver was driven by a mallet through the wrist'. As the crowd gazed in silent horror, the miserable sufferer, mustering every energy by a desperate effort, used his remaining hand to put his cap upon his head, and shouted God save the queen^. He then seems to have fainted'. His unfor- tunate companion. Page, was less daunted. Pie expressed sorrow for having offended the queen, but denied any evil intent. Holding up his doomed right hand, he feelingly mentioned its services in gaining him a living hitherto, and regretted, that his left, or even his life, had not been rather taken. He then bespoke the prayers of those aroimd for his patient endurance of the punishment, and laying his hand on the block, begged the executioner * Cambden. 487. ^ lb. The historian was present. Stubbe says in his unfortunate pamphlet, " I humbly besech, that whatsoever oflFence any thing here sayd, may breed, it be with favor construed by the affection of my hart, which must love my country and Queene, though it shold cost me my lyfe." ^ Sir John Harington, who gives his speech, says, " The haund redie on the block to be stricken off, he said often to the people, Fraye for me, 7wwe my calamitie is at hande. And so with these wordes, yt was smitten of, whearof he sownded." (Nvgce Avtiquce. Lond. 1792. iii. 181.) This is only reconcileable with the ac- count of the eye-witness, Camb- den, by supposing it a circum- stance that he has omitted. 240 FIRST YEARS OF [a.D. 1579. to strike it off quickly. Such apj^lications appear gene- i-ally to render men nervous. In this case, the brutal mutilation ^vas not completed uithout a second blow. The maimed victim then lifted up the stum]), and said, " I have left there a true Englishman's hand." With the same steady courage, he departed from the scaffold '. Had it been reddened by his blood alone, the exhibition would have been deeply disgraceful to the government, but Stubbe's character and condition render it more offensive. That injured man was not, however, to be driven by resentment into any course unworthy of him. Hence Burghley had no hesitation in calling upon him afterwards to answer Allen's English Justice : a task which he did not decline". He never ceased, however, to mark a lofty sense of the injustice perpetrated on him, by signing, Thomas Stubhe, Scei'a\ Although his irritating pamphlet was only privately dispersed, it fell in so completely with public feeling, that its views were eagerly adopted. Zealous Protestants rose from its perusal, with an impression, half mournful, half angry, that Elizabeth was on the point of surrendering to French flattery, the religion of her country. To stay the progress of these anticipations, especially from the pulpit, a letter from the council to the prelacy, announced the queen's determination to maintain established re- ligious i)rinciples, and mentioned Monsieur's connection with the Hugonot party at home; ridiculously adding ' Nov. 3, \i'>']d. — .Vw^'r/' Jfili- disfigured l)y tlic excrescence of qiice, iii. Ui2. Ions. In two aftecting pieces, * SruvrE. Juri. ii. pt. 2. p. 30(5. printed in Ifarington's Xuga' An- ^ This mode of spelling liis I lujua\ one an aj>])lication to the name is his own. It is generally (jnocii, hcforc he surtered, the other spelt Sliibhs, as, no douht, this an application to the Council, for hasty, hut ill-used man was called; enlargement, afterwards, he writes English names being commonly | himself •Sliibbcs: A.n. 1579.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 241 that " be deserved to be bonoured for the honour bo did her INIajesty in coming* to see her." Another sentence properly admonished preachers to abstain from politics in their sermons, " as in truth not appertaining to their profession'." On receiving an earlier communication to the same effect, Aylmer, bishop of London, sent a hasty summons to the city clergy, and about forty of them attended him at his palace, to hear him reinforce the topics urged from court". A like course was pursued in the diocese of Canterbury, and, most probably, elsewhere. Such precautions evidence a considerable ferment, and prove that when Stubbe was discovered, he was not needlessly dragged forth, a mere victim of wanton cruelty. To say nothing of offence given in France, he had clearly occasioned serious uneasiness to the government at home. It was the more necessary to restrain a fresh supply of fuel for Puritanism, because its long-accumulated forces were quite unspent. A large party within the Church was unceasingly and actively bent upon her subversion, with a view of rearing the holy discipline upon her vene- rable foundations. As these men had imbibed a full conviction that the national system was unscriptural, and injurious to the i:)rogress of evangelical truth, a nice sense of honour must have driven them to the surrender of their professional appointments. To requite a supply of daily sustenance by reviling and undermining the insti- tution from which it flows, can hardly consist with com- mon honesty, much less with magnanimity. But many men, conspicuous for public violence, have a selfish in- stinct, ever armed with evasions and contrivances, for the ' Greenwich. Oct. 5, 1579. — Strype. Grindal. Append. 2, ixiii. p. 584. * Sept. 27, 1579.— Strype. Aylmer. 41. 242 FIRST YEARS OF [a.d. 1579. protection of domestic comfort. Clerical incumbents, accordingly, thougli ])rofessed enemies of the institutions ' that gave them bread, clung to their benefices, notwith- standing, with no less tenacity than neighbours tender of the hand that fed them. They were not, indeed, willing to take part in the ministrations, denounced from their pulpits. The law that secured such for their parishioners, Avas to be discharged by deputy. Some humble curate was hired to read prayers, and administer sacraments. The well-endowed incumbent could not stoop to waste his powers, and tarnish his consistency, by any such gro- velling regard for his obligations. He was above ordi- nances. His admiring hearers termed him a Preacher^ and no Sacrament-Minister. His own assistant, and neigh- bours equally unpretending, w^ere contemptuously known as reading and ministering Ministers^ Nor were such distinctions mere effusions of vulgar uncharitableness. We know of one i)reacher W'ho inveighed in the pulpit against Statute-Protestants, Injunction-men, and such as love to jump with the laiu'. It is not likely that seasoning so accessible and savoury was monopolised by any single advocate of the Seignory. Nor can we doubt, that many who contended fiercely for the strictest clerical equality, were, notwithstanding, delighted with the i)opular ele- vation of themselves above the rejjrobated herd of reading and ministering Ministers. The growth of such an aris- tocracy was, however, highly distasteful to a government, really embarrassed by contending parties, and intent upon an uniformity noM known to be unattainable. A letter, •accordingly, from the privy council to the primate, en- ' Tli<- rrivy Council to Aitli- ' i\Iat((is ol>jcctod iigainst 3Ir. liislioj) CJiimlal. Jan. 1 7, J5JI0. Ritlianl Jiicli, (lit- elder. .Sntvi'J-:. ►SiuYrE. Grimlal. 303. I Annuls, iii. 214. A.D. 1579.] ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 243 joined inquiries after clergymen disjoining one part of their function from the other. Ecclesiastical censures were to comiDel, if possible, an union of ministering with preaching. Unyielding contumacy was to be dealt with by the council itself. The violence of Puritanical opposition to everything Romish rapidly undermined many ancient usages that bade fair for a long survival. Superstition fastened very early upon the eucharistic elements. In some instances, particular vineyards were reserved for sacramental wine, and none but the best was used. The first ages took sacramental bread from common loaves. Afterwards, the very meal was jDrepared with extraordinary care, and small round rolls made on purpose, called ojlets, in Anglo- Saxon ^ each containing a handful, were alone allowed ujion the altar. This continued beyond the middle of the eleventh century. Then, the wafer, the modern Romish Jiost, came in fashion, greatly to the disgust of a ritualist of an older school, who has recorded this inno- vation of his own day, with a protest against such dege- neracy'. The new usage, however, kept its ground. It was, in fact, peculiarly suited for a mass, at which ordi- narily the priest alone receives : the cake being no bigger than a Roman denarius, which it was intended to re- ' The Privy Council to Arcli- bishop Grindal. Jan. 17, 1580. Strype. Grindal. 363. '' Bona. De Rebus Liturgicis. Par. 1672. pp. 218, 219, 220. The Anglo-Saxon Church. 242. note. 1st ed.; p. 233. 2nd ed. ^ The ojtet, called from its shape and use, corona oblationis, had a cross, with our Lord's name, on the top, and seems the original of our Good Friday bun. It appears to have been in use in 1054, when it is mentioned by Humbert, and about 1070, when it is named in a collection made by St. Udalric. Bernold, a priest of Constance, reprobates its disuse, about 1089. This ancient liturgist remains in MS. (Bona, ut supra.) The ex- tracts from him that have appeared, render it probable that his whole work would not be acceptable to the Romish Avorld. R 2 244 FIRST YEARS OF [a. P. 1579. senible'. A similar cake, but larger and plain, was pre- scribed by King Edward's first service-book. The second allowed ordinary wheaten bread of the best quality pro- curable. The queen's Injunctions, fairly treating this rubric as merely permissive, ordered such wafers as had originally been made, under her brother*. The Puritans were highly offended, and commonly disobeyed ; nor were loiral authorities aoreed in condemnino- them. Their oj^position gradually banished wafers from our churches, but not completely before the Long Parliament'. Another remnant of the ancient system stood upon a more questionable ground. King Edward's first service- book gave some authority, tacitly withdrawn in the second, to prayers for the dead. At Northampton, down to the year 15G9, persons were requested, by sound of bell carried before a cor])se, to pray for the soul recently ' Anciently tlie priests appear to have collected flour for making the sacramental bread, from house to house. AVhen communicants fell short, individuals commuted this contribution for a deyiarius. The rolls actually made comme- morated their connection with the denarius, by their circular form, figure, and inscription. The mo- dern Romish /losl, "which is un- leavened, bears a figure of Christ on the cross, or bound to a column, or rising from the sepulchre. — Bona. 217. * The wafers prescribed in King Edward's first service-book were to bo unleavened. Queen Eliza- beth's I>ijiincliu7is of IT).")!) say nothing of this, but otherwise pre- scribe the same sort of wafer, wliich was popularly called a singing cuke. As I'Mward's second book had parUamcntary authority, which the 'queen's injunctions had not, the wheaten loaf might fairly be deemed more legal than the wafer. Sergeant Elowerdew, accordingly, charging a jury, in Norfolk, about 157^1, pronounced statutable au- thority to be in favour of common bread. But such opinions were verv distasteful at court. — Stuype. Varker. ii. 343. ^ Bishop Cosin, cited by Wheat- ly, says of the present rubric : " It is not here commanded, that no unleavened or wafer -bread be used; but it is only said, that the other bread may sujficc. So that though there was no necessity, yet there was a liberty still reserved of using wafer-bread, which was used in divers churches of this kingdom, and AVestminster for one, till the seventeenth of King Charles." — Rational Illiislr. Oxf. 181<>. p. 320. A.D. 1579. J ARCHBISHOP GRINDAL. 245 departed'. This usage must have prevailed elsewhere, and, probably, for some time afterwards. Another custom was without even the shadow of authority. At their churching, women wore a veil'. Puritanism did some service in blotting out all such vestiges of by-gone times. Had not their character been unsparingly assailed, Romish prejudice would have maintained its hold upon the public mind much more tenaciously than it eventually did. In one conspicuous observance, although of high antiquity, the government left really nothing for Puritanism to effect. Adherents to that system were very far from undervaluing fasting, but as usual, abhorred the stated fasts prescribed by Rome. This reprobation, aided by men's general impatience of restraint, seems to have driven the customary fish-days very much out of fashion. The change was naturally disagreeable to those who lived by fishing. Their interests, however, were duly regarded in an order of council, directed for circulation, to the primate, enjoining the customary attention to " Embring and fish-days'." But no Puritan had any occasion for alarm. Religious considerations were entirely disclaimed. People, it was declared, were not required to continue this form of fasting, " for any liking of Popish ceremonies, heretofore used (which are utterly detested), but only to maintain the mariners, and the navy of this land, by setting men a fishing*." ' Strype. Annals, ii. ]36. From the State-Paper Office. * Wuitgift's Defense. 537- ' From Hampton Court, Dec. 13, 1576. Strype. Grindal. 338. WiLKINS. iv. 288. * " When secular men prescribe to the Church, when those who are strangers in antiquity, give laAvs for discipline, 'tis no wonder if they mistake in their direction. And to make the matter less sur- prising, three of those privy-coun- cillors," (who sigmed the letter) " Leicester, Knowlis, and Wal- singham, were either Puritans, or abettors of that party." — Collier. ii. 558. 24G Chapter V. FROM THE ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS TO THE SPANISH ARMADA. 1500—1588. MASSACRE OF ST. nAUTnOLOMEw's DAY MAYNE THE ENOLlSn JESUITS PAPAL QUALIFICATION OF THE DEPOSING DULL PERSONS CAM- I'lON — TllEIll ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND TREASONABLE MISSION OF SAN- DERS TO IRELAND PROCLAMATION AGAINST JESUITS AND SEMINA- RISTS ACT AGAINST THEM AND THEIR RECONCILEMENTS DISGUST OF ROMISH CLERGYMEN WHO HAD NOT EMIGRATED CAMPIOn's TEN REASONS HE IS TORTURED DISPUTES TRIED AND EXECUTED CONTROVERSY UPON ENGLISH PERSECUTION SOMERVILLE CARTER, THE PRINTER THROCKMORTON CREIGHTON FARTHER LEGISLA- TION AGAINST JESUITS AND SEMINARISTS PARRY PETITION IN FAVOUR OF THE RECONCILING ECCLESIASTICS MANY OF THEM SENT ABROAD SAVAGE BALLARD BABINGTON EXECUTION OF THE CONSPIRATORS DECAPITATION OF MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS TREACHERY OF YORK AND STANLEY BURNINGS FOR HERESY THE SPANISH ARMADA. A REIGN of more than twenty years had now firmly .seated Elizabeth in the hearts of her people g'enerally. Of late, great pains have been taken to lower her cha- racter. She has been mercilessly taxed for personal weaknesses, female malignity, and arbitrary government. Some who seek for heroines, have found one in JNIary of Scotland, Avho is an interesting beauty, cruelly oppressed by a ])owerful and unfeeling rival, envious M real charms. Religious and political ])iv])ossessions make others brand a sovereign, still pojjularly styled (jood queen Bess, as a ])ersecutor and a despot. Contemporaries, however, treat Mary with a business-like insensibility to the romantic. Jealousy of her beauty appears, indeed, to have been so little sns})ected, that one might be excused in supposing A.D. 1580.2 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. 247 the plainest of her varying portraits to be most like the original. Were it otherwise, the majority of Englishmen conld only think of the clanger that she brought upon their country. They made no doubt of her privity to Darnley's murder : they could make none of her levity and laxity. Hence they considered her death a sacrifice to public expediency, which gross want of principle would abundantly excuse. Their opponents laboured anxiously to place her on the throne. They wanted a tool for their own selfish ends, and none was ever likely to be found half so serviceable. With much of Elizabeth's policy, modern views are wholly and justly irreconcileable. But her own day was prepared for no such disapproval. She governed with a high hand, undoubtedly. So had all the ablest of her predecessors. Such rule was, therefore, merely taken as evidence of superior capacity. As for severity, whether to Papist, or Puritan, all knew, that either, if in power, would use as much, or more, to the other, and to the Church party besides. Then, national prosj)erity had largely and steadily advanced, ever since the queen's accession. Her own manners, too, in spite of haughtiness at bottom, were highly popular. Hence most men reckoned with unmingled satisfaction upon that lengthened reign, which the common course of na- ture fairly promised. Since the northern rebellion, this calculation seemed little likely to be foiled by violence, the common bane of princes. But Elizabeth now reached a period of unceasing danger. The Romish party, tho- roughly convinced of her ability, had grown hopeless of ascendancy, Avhile she lived. Its more unprincipled members began, accordingly, to think of regicide. Thus an uncertainty hung over the queen's life, which must have seriously embittered it, and to which she feelingly 248 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. Ca.d. ir)80. alludes in one of licr speeches to Parliament'. With such uneasiness the thriving and jieaceful Protestant cordially sympathised. He saw a sovereign, really loved, menaced with assassination, and he naturally exaggerated her peril, lie became also exasperated by apprehension of a blow, injurious to national prosperity, and the Reformation. The depressed party that irritated and alarmed him, had really no spare credit, when its movements earned new unpojmlarity. The iNIarian fires had glared upon the eyes of all, even middle-aged. JMere boys could re- member the northern rebellion, and every Englishman yet spoke, either Mith regret or indignation, of the de- lirious and infamous bull which stamps indelible disgrace upon the name of Pius. Yet worse, were foreign ex- amples most under observation. Alva's tyranny, the scourge of Flanders, drove multitudes of homeless Pro- testants to paint his cruelties in England. By an atrocity still greater, the festival of St. Bartholomew was rendered for ever odious in Paris ^ There a wretched king, by ' " As way-faring pilgrims, ^\c must suppose, that God ^vould never have made us but for a better place, and of more comfort than ^ve find licre. I know no creature that l)r( atlieth, whose life standeth hourly in more peril for it than mine own, Avho entred not into my state without sight of manifold dangers of life and crown, as one that had the greatest and mightiest to wrestle with. Then it followc'th that I regardcil it so much, as 1 left my life behind my care." — D'Ewics. [i2H. ' 1572. " Despatches, dated the 24tli of August, were sent to all the superior authorities in the kingdom. In these, the King at- tributes the recent massacre at Paris to the ancient quarrel be- tween the house of Guise and the admiral." {riiidicaliu/i of certain passages in lite foiirlh and Jijlh lufiiiiic.v of (he Ilixlort/ 0/ Km^/and, by J. Lingard, D.D." Lond.^l«2(). p. 33.) Dr. Lingard, however, does not exculpate Charles, but freely admits him responsible for the carnage. He only contends that his consent was given late and reluctantly, and that it did not extend to the provincial massacres, these being mere ebullitions of popular rage provoked by former excesses of the llugonots. Charles A.D. 1580.] TO THE ARMADA. 249 secret orders, had betrayed to wholesale murder the very lives that sovereigns are maintained in splendour for pro- tecting. This "worse than Neronian tool of perfidious bigotry, who treacherously turned a nuptial banquet-hall into a charnel-house, was, indeed, barely twenty-three. Some allowance may be, therefore, fairly claimed for youth, and inexperience, and slender understanding, and ignorance, the wall that interest keeps up round a throne. But who will ask allowance for those mature advisers, or tempters rather, that pushed the royal pujipet upon the horrors of St. Bartholomew? Who, for the pope, that was betrayed into savage, senseless exultation by this inextinguishable infamy of Rome? The stern, gloomy Pius, had gone to his awful reckoning. Gregory XIII., now occupant of his chair, figured in a procession, termed religious, which profaned God's house with antichristian thanksi»ivino-s for this enormous crime. Nor did even this content him. lie published a jubilee, and struck Avas, indeed, himself obliged quickly to avow his authority, the duke of Guise having positively contradict- ed the imputation cast upon him. The miserable young monarch -was then driven to the necessity of saying that tis infamous order had been extorted from him in self- defence, Coligni and his friends having traitorous designs on foot against himself and others of the royal family. Dr. Lingard fairly represents the kingly culprit's con- tradictory statements as evidence against a plot of some years' stand- ing. For this, however, contem- porary Romish writers have left authority. Some of them were so delighted by such extensive slaughter of their adversaries, that they repelled indignantly all at- tempts to give It an accidental character. They would hear or nothing but the triumph of a po- licy equally refined and admirable. AVhen the papal archives wei*e at Paris, Chateaubriand consulted them upon this very question, and became satisfied, that the massacre came from no long premeditation, but was a sudden consequence of the admiral's Avound, and that its victims Avere less numerous than authors generally represent. {lb. 56. 62. 70.) Still, the king's con- duct Avears a very suspicious ap- pearance, and such as think him to have incurred the guilt of per- fidy, in addition to that of cruelty, have a strong case Avithin reach. — See Smedley's Reformed Religion in France, i. 360. 250 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.D. 1580. blaspheming medals in besotted witness to exultation so revolting"'. Such was the main-spring of that tortuous policy which cvontually menaced Elizabeth with assas- sination, and made her loyal subjects tremble for those advantages that an administration, wiser far than com- mon, was daily showering through their country. England received intelligence of the Bartholomew carnage not only with disgust and indignation, but also with deepest alarm : Archbishop Parker, especially, be- came filled with apprehension, and thought domestic Romanism treated with dangerous lenity*. To leading men, generally, the papal system now seemed unfathom- ably cruel and perfidious. Hence Romanists in custody were more strictly kept, some out on bail were incarce- rated, as were many hitherto altoi!;etlicr at large'. The ' " Immediately upon the re- ceipt of the news, the pontiff pro- ceeded Avith solemn supplication from St. Mark's to St. Louis's temple; and having published a juhiloo for the Christian world, he called upon the people to commend the religion and King of France to to the supreme Deity. He gave orders for a painting descriptive of the slaughter of the admiral and his companions to be made in the I fall of the Vatican by Giorgio Vasari, as a monument of vindi- cated religion, and a trophy of exterminated heresy, solicitous to impress by that means how salu- tary would be the effect to the sick body of the kingdom of so copious an emission of bail blood. He sends Cardinal Ursino as his legate a latere into I'Vancc, to admonish the King to pursue liis advantages with vigour, nor lose his labour, so prosperously commenced with sharp remedies, by mingling with them more gentle ones. But that the slaughter was not executed without tlie help of God and the divine counsel, ( Jregory inculcated in a medal struck on the occasion, in which an angel, armed with a sword and a cross, attacks the rebels." (Translation from Bonam. Life of St. Pins the Fifth. 21.3.) IMr. jNIendham has engraven re- presentations of these medallic tes- timonies to the blind cruelty of Rome. A French translation of the bull of jubilee is in the Ap- pendix to STRvrK'sPorA-cr.(LXViii. iii. l!>7.) It hypocritically speaks of Charles IX. as excited by (iod to avenge the Hugouot injuries and outrages. * Stuvi'E. Parker, ii. 120. ^ 1'hesc precautions were con- sequent upon a letter from the council, in September, to the High Commission Court. English lio- A.D. 1580.] TO THE ARMADA. 251 queen, however, would not abandon her judicious prin- ciple of applying direct force to the conscience of no man'. She constantly refused, indeed, permission for the open profession of any other than the national re- ligion. She seemed sometimes little inclined even to connive at the secret performance of Romish rites. Englishmen attended mass, in the houses of foreign ambassadors, with a degree of clandestinity^ In their own residences, it had been liable to interruption by the officers of justice from the very beginning of this reign. Persecution of a graver cast is not chargeable upon Eliza- beth's first nineteen years. It is true that numerous executions followed the northern rebellion. But no government is blameable for punishing capitally those who rise in arms against it. Sanders, indeed, makes martyrs of the unhappy persons who perished by legal sentence upon this occasion. The bulk of men, however favourable to their opinions, will allow them to have been rebels. Nor can the duke of Norfolk's death be con- nected with religious persecution. That very weak but ambitious peer, pupil of Foxe, the martyrologist, lived and died a Protestant. Unquestionably, his cause Avas inanists generally appear to have spoken Avitli horror and detesta- tion of the Paris massacre. A few exulted. — Strype. Parker, ii. ]22. ^ One of her principles was, " That consciences are not to be forced, but to be Avon and reduced, by the force of truth, Avith the aid of time, and the use of all good means of instruction and persua- sion."— 8ir Francis AValsingham to M. Critoy. Cabala. Lond. 1091. p. .372. * " I pray you, doe but goe upon the Tamis, and see Avhat companies goe to the french mas, enquire Avhat numbers flocked in at back- field gates to the portugale mas, how the Spanish massers had their customers more then enough." (Stubbe's Gaping GuJf.) Indi- viduals, not of the family, Avere sometimes taken into custody for attending mass in these foreign houses, a watch being set upon them, or even the houses them- seh'es entered. — Queen Elizabclh and her Times, i. 123. 407. 262 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1580. that of Romanism, but his instrument was treason, and he is known to have been justly punished'. ' Behoadofl on Tower Hill, Juno 2, 1572. '' Tho' he conformed under Queen Elizabeth, yet he vas always look'd upon to be a private abettor of the Catholic in- terest." (DoDi). ii. 35.) This his- torian ridiculously represents the marriage with Mary to have been " fraudulently projected by the English ministry as an eftectual means to ruin the Duke." {lb. 36.) " lie own'd himself a member of the Church of England at his trial, Avhich some think was a piece of management to dispose the Queen for mercy. However it does not appear that he made profession of any other faith, when he came to die." {lb. 37-) He Avas attended on the scaffold by Alexander Nowell, dean of St. Paul's, and liowever disj)leasing the fact may be to Romanists, lie discovered no leaning towards their opinions. Had he succeeded in marrying i\Iary, he probably would liave shewn himself far more swayed by a selfish ambition, than by sound religious principle, and suffered any issue of liis marriage to be educated in a faith, that he had not the face, and hardly the heart, to profess liimself. In his dying letter to his children, he says, " Upon my blessing, licware of bliiide Papistry, which brings no- thing but bondage to men's con- sciences. Mix your prayers with fasting, not flunking thereby to merit, for there is nothing that we of ourselves can do that is good; •we arc but unprofitable servants; but fast, I say, thereby to fame the wicked aflections of the mynde, and trust only to be saved by Christ's precious bloud, for with- out your perfect faith therein there is no salvation. Let Avorkes fol- low your faith, thereby to shewe to the world that you do not onely save you have faith, but that you give testimony thereof to the full satisfaction of the godly. I write somewhat the more herein, be- cause perchance, you have hereto- fore heard, or perchance hereafter shall hearc false brutes that I was a Papist. But trust unto it, I never, since I knew what religion meant, I thanke God, was of other mynde then now you shall heare that I dye in, although I cry God mercy, 1 have not given fruites and testimony of my faith, as I ha' ought to have done, the which is the thinge that I do now chieflyest repent." {Qiiccn Elizabelh and her Times, i. 40(J.) This language is exactly such as might be expected from an education under Eoxe, and to his old tutor the duke left an annuity of 20/. It is, however, obvious, that he even himself ex- pected to be claimed liy contem- porary liomanists, and such ap- pears to have been fact, but "Wat- son denies it any foundation, and the letter cited above is evidence that he was right. In the Hardwlcke Papers, are five letters from Mary of Scotland to Norfolk, fairly styled by the editor, "political love-letters from a very artful woman to a very weak man." In one of these (.Jan. 31, If) 70,) she says, "You have ])romised to be myne, and I yours." In another, (March 11), ir)7(*,) " If you mind not to shrink at the matter, 1 will live and die; A.D. 1580.:! TO THE ARMADA. 253 By these examples, it was hoped, ill humours were M'ith you. Your fortune shall be mine, therefore, let me know, in all things, your mind." In a third, from Wingfield, (the 24th of some unnamed month, in 1570,) she coaxingly says, " Now, my Nor- folk, you bid me command you: that would be besides my duty, many ways." (^Miscellaneous Slate Papers from 1501, to 1726. Lond. 1778. pp. 190, 191, 194.) In the year 1571, an execution took place, which should be men- tioned in this work, since the vic- tim is chronicled by Sanders, as an illustrious martyr, although even politics may not really have caused his miserable death. John Story, once principal of Broad- gates' Hall, now merged in Pem- broke College, Oxford, became a civilian in the reign of Henry Vlll. married, and was made chancellor of the diocese of London. Ro- manists represent his choice of a lay profession to have come from the distrust and dissatisfaction with which he viewed existing affairs in the Church. Protes- tants afford another reason, by detailing acts of notorious irregu- larity and violence, at Oxford; with a minuteness too, which hardly allows them to seem wholly false. On Edward's accession. Story, then member of Parliament, speaking against the Common Prayer, cited the text, Woe to the realm, whose king is a child. Privilege would not then cover such liberties, and the speaker was committed. "When released, he retired into Flanders, and did not return until Mary's accession. He then acted as commissioner in prosecutions for heresy, and be- came extremely hateful to the Protestants. Being again in Par- liament, when Elizabeth came to the throne, he retained all his old violence, expressing himself sorry for having lately " chopped at twigs, instead of the root." This was taken as evidence of regret for attacking the poor, and sparing the queen, when she might have been in his power. Story was, accordingly, committed once more. Escaping, after some years, (it is said) he seems to have applied successfully for the royal permis- sion to emigrate, and went back into Flanders; where his know- ledge of civil law recommended him as an assistant searcher for contraband merchandise, the duke of Alva having then pi-ohibited commercial intercourse with Eng- land. He thus became an instru- ment for confiscating the properties of his countrymen, and naturally reaped new odium among them. In the course of his vocation, he was informed of an English ship, arrived off Zealand, full of pro- hibited goods. He Avent on board, and the captain steered for Eng- land. He was landed at Harwich, in August, 1570. Information of this being sent to London, the council appear to have been in doubt as to the best course of pro- ceeding with him. Being brought up from Harwich, he was first confined in the house of Arch- deacon Watts, by St. Paul's, after- wards in Lollards' Tower, (an appendage to the cathedral,) as if he were to be charged with some canonical offence. Subsequently he was committed to the Tower, and on the 26th of May, 1571, he was 254 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. ]580. largely purged away'. Their fartlier correction was left conteiitetlly to time. The operation of this effectual sedative was interrupted wlien Don John of Austria, natural son to Charles V., became governor of the Ne- therlands*. Immediately did fancy haunt him with be- trlcd before the court of Queen's IJcncli, in "NVestminstcr Hall, as an accomjjlicc in the nortliern rebellion. In bar of proceedings, he pleaded a transfer of his alle- giance to the crown of Spain, but this being overruled, he was con- victed and sentenced. On the first of June, he was executed at Ty- burn, being then sixty-seven years old. He made a long address to the crowd, generally conceived in a grave and becoming spirit. This denied any treasonable correspond- ence with the Nevilles and Nor- tons, but admitted the writing of an instrument with his own hand, to answer a similar purpose in IScotland, Elizabeth and her do- minions being especially exempted from its operation. He laboured to clear himself from the charge of cruelty under Queen Mary, but his apology goes little farther than shewing him alive to the impolicy of burning any more in London. " I saw that it would not prevail, and tlicrefore, Ave sent them into odd corners of the coun- try." In the savage spirit that was allowed to vent itself, when sufferers for treason were highly odious to the populace, he was cut down quickly, but Sanders and liridge water do not say that lie seemed sensible, or made any noise. The contemporary account of his death, by an unfriendly, but seiniingly veracious I'rotestant, merely says that " he was hanged according to his judgement." Sub- sequently, Dr. Fulk, describing his quartering in a most brutal tone, says that he " roared " vio- lently, required three or four men to keep him down, and even struck the executioner. "With this very executioner, the writer himself seems to have talked, but perhaps, at such a distance of time as might encourage exaggeiation. Story had become so obnoxious both from his instrumentality in the Marian persecution, and in Alva's confiscations, that a fierce, vindic- tive age could never hear enough of his dying agonies. AVhatever these might be, he owed them, probably, rather to commercial, than to religious, or political re- sentment. BlUDGEWATliU. 43. A Declaration of the La^c and Death of John Scory. I;")/!. Ilarlcian Miscel/fiiii/. iii. [)[). Stuype. An- nals, ii. 124. ' " Because the ill humours of the Realm Avere by that rebellion partly purged, and that she feare- " He had resolved to deliver and marry the Scots A.D. 1580.] TO THE ARMADA. 255 witching' visions of a matrimonial throne. Why not use his opportunities to overthrow Elizabeth and marry Mary? Upon such selfish projects, a new conspiracy arose. Romish priests might sap and mine to gain over discon- tented Englishmen. From those who had remained at home, such unpatriotic services were not, however, to be expected. Hence the Seminaries came into requisition. Their first consiDicuous importation was a young Devon- shire man, named Cuthbert JNIayne. A clerical uncle had sent him to St. John's college, Oxford, and he took his master's degree in that university. Having received priest's orders in the established church, he imbibed a partiality for Popery, and withdrew to Douay. Clergy- men transported into the Puritanical extreme, sometimes renounced their orders. Mayne set an example of this kind to the other extreme party, now joined by himself. He underwent re-ordination, and passing over into Eng- land soon afterwards, became chaplain to a wealthy Cornish gentleman, named Tregian. It proved a most Queene, and in his conceit had devoured the kingdomes of Eng- hmd and Scotland, by the persua- sion of the Earle of Westmoreland, and other fugitives, and by favour and countenance of the Pope and the Guises." (Bishop Carleton's Thankful Remembrance. 31.) The prince of Orange apprised Eliza- beth of Don John's plot. He scorned mad for sovereignty, hav- ing before intended to become king of Tunis. (Cambden. 476.) His plot seems to have decided Elizabeth to support the Belgians. (Tgjinkk's Elhabelh. iv.339. note.) Don John died rather suddenly in camp before Namur, Oct. 1, 157H. ' ]\Iayne Avas born near Barn- staple. He took the degree of M.A. April 8, 1570, he arrived at Douay in 1570, and was re-or- dained in 1575. (DoDD. ii. 92.) He returned to England at Easter, I57G. (Butler. Hisf. Mem. iii. 386.) Archbishop Bancroft sup- plies a similar case of re-ordina- tion among the Puritans. " ]\Ias- ter Snape, being a minister already, renounced that his first calling ; was called by the Classis; by that calling he preached, but would not administer. the Lord's Supper. After the parish of St. Peter's, knowing that he must not account himself a full minister untill some particular congregation had chosen him, they chose him for their mi- nister. Thus farre Ilawgar." — Dans.erous Positions. 115. 256 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1580. unhappy connection to both })artics. Tregian, then a younp^ man of twcnty-ciiilit, Avas mokstcd for rccnsancy, and ])robal)ly, suspected of some j)ontical olfence. His lenf»"thened and severe sufferings are otherwise unintel- ligible'. Mayne being convicted, under the act of 1571, against bringing in bulls, or Afjuus Deis, and reconciling to Rome, M'as executed at Launceston\ His M'as the ' A lon'i and Intorestliifj account of them from a 3IS. written in 151)3, and before printed by Dodd, may be seen in Butler. (Ilisl. Mem. iii. 382.) A few additional jiarticulars from some hostile or impartial contemporary would, probably, rather lighten the odium that this narrative tlirows upon the government. Undoubtedly, ]\Ir. Tregian was very liardly used, but the wanton exercise of power was not in keeping with Eliza- beth's ordinary policy. His house was entered by the officers of jus- tice, when Mayne was ajiprehended, in quest of a fugitive from London, against Avhom Avarrants were out. — Briogewatek. 50. '^ Nov. 20, 1577- Committed June 8. (Butler, iii.384.) "There was no man, in six years' time, proceeded against upon that law, tho' some were apprehended who liad offended against it. The first that was convicted by this law was Cuthbert ]\Iaine, a priest, >\ho Ijeing an obstinate maintainer of the Pope's power against his prince, was put to death, at .St. Stejdien's fane, commonly called Launston,in Cornwal." (Cambd. -151).) "llanse. Nelson, and Maine, priests, and Sherwood, peremptorily taught the queen was a schismatic and a heretic, and therefore to be de- posed: Jbr which they were put to death. Out of these Seminaries were sent forth into divers parts of England and Ireland, at first a few young jncn, and afterwards more, according as they grew up, who Avere entered over hastily info holy orders, and instructed in the above-mentioned principles. They pretended only to administer the sacraments of the Romish religion, and to preach to Papists. But the queen and her council soon found that they were sent undei-- hand to seduce the subjects from their allegiance, and obedience due to their prince, to oblige tliem by reconciliation to perform the Pope's commands, to stir up intes- tine rebellions under the seal of confession, and indeed, to execute the sentence of Pius Y. against the Queen, to the end that way might l)e made for the Pope and the Spaniard, who had of late de- signed the conquest of England." (lb. 47(5.) Allen lays Mayne's conviction upon tho finding in his bed-chambor of a bull for a gone-by jubilee, a fact aggravated, he says, improperly by ]\lanwood, the judge who tried him. " Cum exemplar quoddam, non ita longe abhinc, inventum csset illius bulla; qme .lubiliinim annum pra'territum in- dixerat, ctsi nihil ad Anglos per- tinebat, etsi alieno in regno im- pressum csset, ctsi elapso jam tcra- TO THE ARMADA. 257 first conviction, and he passes for " the proto-martyr of Doiiay college'." He seems really to have had valuable qualities, and was, most likely, very far from an offensive politician. But his errand had a dangerous affinity with treason, and those who sent him upon it were bitter enemies to the peace of England. Romish ministrations are very liable to be misunderstood by Protestants. Habitual confession gives opportunities of infusing prin- ciples entirely beyond the reach of any church that does not habitually tamper with conscience. After the bull of Pius, papal doctrines, under Elizabeth, even with re- S23ectable exj^ositors, had a strong leaning towards revo- lutionary politics. Mayne lies under an imj^utation of inculcating reprehensible and dangerous doctrine, that made him no safe confessor. Nelson and Hance, exe- cuted at Tyburn, subsequently, appear to have been con- fessors of the same stamp \ There is no reason for pore vigorem amisisset, etsi de- spectum in laceris solum chartulis jaceret, taraen rei atrocitas severi- tate judicis tarn vehementer est aucta, ut Sacerdos cujus in cubi- culo reperta fuerat, morti acerbis- simae ob earn causam sit traditus." (De Perseculione Anglicana. Rom. 1582. p. 64.) Mr. Hallam makes short work of Mayne's case, de- claring him to have been " hanged at Launceston, •without any charge against him except his religion." {Const. Hist. i. 197-) His appre- hension was accidental. Tregian having roughly received the officers on their search, they proceeded to ransack the house. Mayne's bed- room door was locked, but a vio- lent knocking caused him to open it. " "NVIio are you?" he was asked. "A man:" he replied. He was then seized, and his vest being forced open, an Agnus Del ap- peared hanging from his neck. Hence farther inquiry. — Bridge- water. 51. ' DoDD. ii. 93. * John Nelson was executed, Feb. .3, 1578, "for denying the Queenes supremacie, and such other traiterous words against her Majestic." (Stoave. 684.) Everard Hance, a seminary priest, was tried at the Old Bailey, .July 18, 1581, " where he affirmed that himselfe was subject to the Pope in eccle- siastical! causes, and that the Pope hath now the same authoritie here in England that he had an hun- dred yeei'cs past, with other tray- terous speeches." {lb. 694.) He was executed .July 31. Allen says, that he Avas charged with teaching 258 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.D. 1580. casting moral imputations upon any one of these unfor- tunate clergAinen, but there is as little for charging' a menacec] and embarrassed government with Manton })er- secution. All the sufferers might rather uant sound sense, than honesty, although it is most improbable that political ascendancy, and consequent promotion, were over- looked by any one of them. But governors cannot allow impunity to those, however well-meaning, who serve more designing heads in projects involving bloodshed and con- tliat no treason ngainsf the Queen ofEvglaud H'ds xin, liis real doc- trine being, as he repeatedly as- serted, and up to the moment of his death, f/iat no such I reason as he died for was sin. (De Persec. Angl. 30.) There is no doubt, however, that he, like the two unfortunate priests, who were sa- j crificed before him, and the nume- rous victims in after years, might j have saved liis life by an explicit renunciation of the Pope's deposing power. A government })ressed with serious difficulties, thought clergymen reasonably suspected of hohling that doctrine, and certainly rel'using to disclaim it, j)eculiarly unfit to tamper in confession with the consciences of a discontented party. Few will doubt this unfit- ness, however men may ditter as to the remedy adopted. I lance, though tlie third clerical victim, was the fouitli liomanist who sutfcred. Tliomas Sherwood, a young layman, was executed as a traitor, at Tyburn, Feb, 7, 157^. Stowc says that it was '' for the like treason " with that of Nelson, lie fre(|uented the house of a Komish lady, whose son, a staunch I'rotcstaiit, oltcn argued witli him, uiid suspected him of coutriviug to have mass said in his mother's apartments. This young gentle- man, one day, met him in the streets of London, and called out A Trailer! A crowd collected, and Sherwood was taken into cus- tody, lie seems, as usual, to have been treated with shameful cruelty in the Tower, for the purpose of extorting the names of those in whose houses he had heard mass. His committal to that fortress fol- lowed upon an admission made while under an argumentative ex- amination, that he considered the Pope entitled to an ecclesiastical supremacy over England. (De Vers. Angl. 41.) The real trutli seems to be, that this 3'oung man was a known agent for bringing priests and wealthy recusants to- gether, and that he had absconded on some discovery. If his former habits had continued, there was no occasion for tlie old lady's son, however _///// of Calvin, and J'u- riousli/-7nindcd, (" Calvino plenus, furebat animo,") to raise a crowd in the stufct for his apprehension. Nor is it likely, that tiie govern- ment would have acted as it did, if Slierwooil had been merely a young man heated with liomish fuuaticism. A.D. J580.1 TO THE ARMADA. 259 fusion. The iDiinisbment inflicted was, undoubtedly, of needless and revolting severity. For this the age must be blamed. Ordinary felonies were visited with a san- guinary vengeance from which after times gradually receded, and which our own generation has haj^pily aban- doned altogether'. It may be pleaded in extenuation, that gross manners require sharp remedies, and that ancient frugality admitted not of modern prisons, or police. Political oflences had also a danger unknown to later years, from the want of standing armies. The sove- reign was nearly defenceless against a sudden emergency. What now could prove, at worst, a temporary shock, soon repaired, might anciently have overset a government. The law of treason, too, had a latitude which seems absurd. Coiners, forgers, and rioters, were brought under its merciless lash, as well as papal emissaries \ ' Dec. 6, 1583, tenhorse-stealers were hanged at once in the horse- market, in Smithfield. (Stoave. 697.) Even middle-aged persons have heard from witnesses, of three or four carts going at one time to Tyburn, with miserable criminals for execution. Such severity gra- dually diminished during the whole reign of George III., but capital punishments did not reacli their present infrequency, until quite lately, under William IV. An- ciently, they were numerous to a frightful and revolting extent. Elizabeth's age, therefore, only dealt with holders of the Pope's deposing power, in the same bar- barous spirit that visited ordinary crimes. In a letter to Burghley, first Sunday after Michaelmas, 1577) Fleetwood, recorder of Lon- don, says that eighteen were exe- cuted at the last sessions, and one was pressed to death. There was " neither favour nor partialitie," and no one was reprieved. — Qitee?i Elizabeth and her Times, ii. G9. ^ When Felton Avas arraigned for fixing the Pope's deposing bull on the gate of London House, two young men were arraigned with him, for coining, and clipping the coin. All Avere found guilty of high treason. After he was exe- cuted before the bishop's, the sheriffs returned to Newgate for the coiners, whom they took to Tyburn, where they were hanged and dismembered, as their fellow- convict had been elsewhere. Some years afterwards, a clergyman and bachelor of arts, produced a forged presentation to a crown living at Hastings. Being convicted of this offence, he was hanged, bowelled, and quartered, at Tyburn. At another time, the same fate over- S2 2G0 ARRIVAL OF TIIK JESUITS. [a.d. 1580. The severities to ^vllic•h ]*Llizabetli Mas driven, after a forbearance of nineteen years, would, probably, have overcome the binderance to her plan of extinguishing English Romanism gradually, had not a new class of agents interfered. The secular clergy, as Romanists term ordinary ministers of religion, are liable to im])or- tant modifications of opinion, from long intercourse with indiscriminate society, and imperfect connection with each other. The regulars, or monastic bodies, may be permanently trammelled. Nurtured in the very system took a scrivener in Ilolborn, -who had counterfeited a patent, affixing to it the seal from an old one. In the same yf'^i", fi^"^ youths, •\vho had been concerned in some riotous amusements upon Tower Hill, were convicted of high treason, and exe- cuted as usual, upon the scene of their offence. (Srown. 606. 'Jld. 769.) Edward the Third's Statute of Treasons expressly applies to the counterfeiting of the king's great or privy seal, or his money. The coiners, therefore, and, per- haps, the scrivener, were undoubt- edly guilty of high treason, as the law stood. Of the clerical forger much the same may be said, and lawyers had no difficulty in fixing Cfjual lial)ility on the poor lads who ftll victims to fierce, lawless play. As for the imported .Jesuits and Seminary priests, they seem to have come under the very words of the statute, being " adherent to the king's enemies in his realm, giving them aid and comfort in the realm, or elsewhere." Popes who pretended to dciiose the sove- reign and dissolve allegiance, could only be treated as enemies by all parties whom their bulls were likely to endanger. Even if their own absence from the realm might open a door for legal objections, they had partisans within it, un- questionable enemies to the sove- reign, and the imported priests refused to disclaim that pontifical authority which such enemies were willing to put forward. Whatever execration, therefore, may be due to the law under which these un- happy clergymen suficred, it really imposed no peculiar hardship upon them. It was undoubtedly bad enough to take away their lives upon grounds, connected but in- directly with revolutionary politics, and this was rendered worse by the disgusting formalities of a savage and obscene butchery. But the same formalities were awarded to convicts of other descriptions, and really with little or nothing less of inhumanity, when the vic- tims were thoughtless young men, who began in play and ended in riot. A fair judgment of the se- virities exercised upon papal emis- saries can be made by none who do not know, or will not consider, the severities exercised upon their contcmj)oraries. A.D. 1580.] TO THE ARMADA. 261 that holds them to the last, early prepossessions remain unshaken. Essentially organised combinations, they are blindly moveable by a small compact knot of superiors. Even a sense of individual responsibility relaxes under such machinery. The old orders, however, had grown deficient in qualities of universal application. Friars and Benedictines, or the like, might still indeed be useful in retaining Romish influence, where it had been but slightly disturbed. In any country that Avanted winning, they must be the very reverse, being certain of contempt as i)ampered idlers, or vulgar hypocrites, or dreaming fanatics. Loyola's devoted band, suggested by the Reformation, was the only one that monachism afl:brded able to cope with it. Suj^ple on the surface, unbending at bottom, seemingly liberal, really bigoted, stern, perse- vering, accomjilished, plausible, insinuating, sliy of strict veracity, as of absolute falsehood, the Jesuit might effec- tually i3rop the falling fortunes of Rome. His tactics, under a favouring government, would be chiefly repre- hensible by pandering to the vulgar appetite for super- stition, cruelty, and absurdity. But Elizabeth was reso- lutely bent upon extinguishing his religion in her domi- nions, by a sort of natural death. Hence his operations upon England were necessarily entangled with politics. Mercuriano, general of the order, seems to have seen this formidable objection, and to have reasoned upon it like a Christian. Receiving English applications for a Jesuitic mission, he demurred'. Unfortunately, it may ' " Mercurianus, the general of the Jesuits, assented to the request of Allen, that the members of his order might share in the dangers and the glory of the mission. For this purpose, he selected Robert Persons and Edmund Campian, two Englishmen of distinguished merit and ability." (Lingard. viii. I7J.) "The general was averse from the proposal, being very ap- prehensive that it would offend 262 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a. D. 1580. 1)0, for his own peace of mind, certainly, for the credit of his order, Allen and the pope argned him out of this reluctance'. Having Englishmen under his control, he could, undoubtedly, command the very instruments most likely to succeed in a new experiment upon their native land. He gave consent for one, and made arrangements for trying it. Two Spanish Jesuits had been already in England, })ut ignorance of the language was found an insurmountable bar to their designs, and they quickly returned. The first English vassal of Loyola's institu- tion, that trod his paternal soil, was Jasper Heywood, son of the ei)igrammatist*. He seems, however, to have been a pioneer of no great importance. Not so, the remark- able men, Persons and Campion, who soon followed at his heels. Their's was a regular ed'pedition, to use Campion's word, and preparations for it excited lively interest in Rome. To it were attached, besides the leaders, seven other priests, and three laymen ^ Information of this movement soon reached Eng- land', and occasioned much uneasiness. The pope was tlu' Protestants, and raise divisions I Personius ct ego, sacerdotes alii among tli(> Catholics: but Pope so])tem, laici tres, quorum unus CJrcgoiy XIII. cnlorcc'd Allen's j itidem noster est. 8umptu pon- rcqucst." (Burr.KR. Ili.sl. Mem. tificis omnes proficiscimur." (En- iii. IH.').) >^anders represents the j mund. Cami'iani. Epist. 9. Bonon. application for Jesuitic assistance | Ap. 30, 15}{0. ad calcem X. lia/f. as originating in I'jigland. — De Antv. IfJ.'il. p. 404.) Bartoli Sc/iis7n. Aug/. .SI 2. states that a third .lesuit, " Ridolfo ' " liiterposita (|Uof|ue Pon- Kmcrson," was with Persons and (ilicis maxinii autoritate apud Cani])ion, also three priests of tlie illius ordinis superiores." (San- English eoll(>ge, Kalph Sherwin, DKHS. I/j. 312.) Partoli says, Luke Kirhy, and ivlwanl Kishton, that Allen joined Gregory in com- besides "Tomaso Prusco, Alunno, bating the objections of Mercu- e (liovanni Pasquale, Convittore, riaiio. — 70. * ('amiii)KX. 497. ^ "■ In hac ex])editione suinus patres Societatis du<), Pohertus Dell' hi. delta Covip. di G'tesii^ ring/i. [)^. * (liven by '• iin malnato Sledo." — Paktoi.i. I(U. A.D. 1580. J TO THE ARMADA. 263 to bear all expenses, and his new emissaries were to come from tlie most subtle of known confederacies. It became immediately a great object with Elizabeth's ministry to seize them upon arrival. For this purpose, strict orders were sent down to the several ports. Nor were verbal descriptions of Persons and Campion deemed sufficient. As good likenesses of them, as could be prepared, were also transmitted'. Bishop Gold well and Dr. Morton were to have been of the party, but being both old, — one infirm, and the other taken ill, — they were under the necessity of returning to Rome^ Among aj^pliances provided, was an explanation, truly Jesuitic, of the deposing bull hurled by Pius against Elizabeth. This was to be represented as always binding against her and the heretics^ though iiot at all so upon Catholics, as matters stood, but only when at length public execution of it should be attainable^. Persons and Campion ' Bartoli. 101. ^ Ih. 99. ^ " Petatiir a siimmo Domino nostro expUcatio bulla; declaratorioe per Pium Quintmn contra Eliza- bethfim, et ei adhcere?iles, quean Catholici ctipiunt intclligi hoc modo, tit obliget semper illam et hcereticos,] Catholicos vero nitllo modo obliget, rebus sic stantibus, fed turn demum quando publica ejusdem bullce executio Jieri po- terit. Then followed many other petitions of faculties for their further authorities, which are not needful for this purpose to be recited : hut in the end foUoweth this sentence as an answer of the Pope's ; Has pra;dictas gratias concessit Summus Pontifox patri Roberto Person io, et Edmundo Campiano in Angliam profecturis, die 14 Aprilis, 1580. Prcesente patre Oliverio Manarco assistente." (Burgiiley's £a'ec. of Justice. 19.) Mr. Butler says, of this document, " It has been termed a mitigation of the hull of Pius. In respect of Elizabeth and her heretic subjects, it scarcely deserves that descrip- tion; and as it recognises the prin- ciple of the bull of Pius, and sus- pends the action of it only until it might be executed, it was scarcely less objectionable than that very reprehensible document. It was, accordingly, the subject of vehe- ment censure. But what evil office, says Father Allen, in his answer to Cecil, have these good fathers done herein ? What treason is committed more than if they had desired his Holiness to have dis- charged the Queen and the Pro- 264 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [.v.n. loao. themselves requested i)crmission to teach this doctrine. It passed for a mitigation of the offensive bull, but obvi- ously, to many consciences, it must prove a snare. The reigning po]>e, however, Gregory XIII., wanted either the discernment, or the virtue, or the wisdom, to refuse, and it was granted under a regular papal faculty. What selfish or fiery spirit would not learn from such instruc- tion to wait slily for the first safe treasonable opening? Then let slip the blood-hounds, — bigotry, cupidity, and vengeance. Robert Persons, who came over as provincial of his order', was born at Nether Stowey, in Somersetshire, in iestaiiLs also of all bond of that bull? How could either ihei/, or the rest of the priests, doe more diilifiiUie and discreetlie in this case, than to provide that all such, ivith nliovi theji onlie had to dealc, might stand free and warranted in their obedience, and commit the rest, that cured not for excommn- nication, to the judgement of God?" (Hist. Mem. i. 197.) ]\Ir. llallam follows Allen. " This "Was designed to satisfy the con- sciences of some Papists in sub- mitting to her government, and taking the oatli of allegiance. But in thus granting a pernussion to disscnihlc, in hope of bettor oppor- tunity for revolt, this intcrjjreta- tion was not likely to tranfpiillize her council, or conciliate them towards the Romish party. 1'he distinction, liowevcr, between a king by profession, and one by right, was neither heard for the first, nor for the last time, in the reign of Elizabeth. It is the lot of every government, that is not founded on the popular opinion of legitimacy, to receive only a pre- carious allegiance." {Const. Hist.) Dr. Lingard reserves the mention of Gregory's explanatory faculty for a note at the end of his vo- lume. In fact, its last two clauses are extremely unmanageable, wherever a fair front for Koman- ism is in hand. It is plain, that if Persons and Campion had acted merely as religious men, they would have requested Gregory to authorize them in teaching, that his predecessor's bull was in force only so far as excommunication went, deposition having been de- nounced under some mistake. Instead of wliieli, they sought and obtained authority for telling their l)arty, The pope bids you be quiet, rebus sic stantibus. ' Important Considerations. 62. " II Personio in ufficio di 8upe- riore." (li.VRTOLi. \Y^.) " IVr- sonius, cui missionis hujus cura tradita fucrat." — iMuuitK. 111. A.D. 1580.3 TO THE ARMADA. 265 1546, of humble parentage'. His enemies describe him as putative son of a blacksmith, named Cowback, his real father being John Haywood, vicar of the parish, and formerly canon regular of Tor Abbey, in Devonshire. From this clergyman he appears to have received school- instruction, and means of entering the university'; hence, probably, the scandalous tale of his birth. He was of Balliol College, Oxford, and became chaplain-fellow » there, in 1568. He proceeded master of arts, in 1563. His manners were coarse, his temper violent \ his dress and habits expensive, and his morals far from unsuspected. As dean of the college, he had punished a young man, named Bagshaw, afterwards, like himself, a convert to ' FouLis's Romish Treasons. Lond. 1681. p. 500. ^ Ibid. SuTCLiFFF.'s Full atid Round Ansn'er to N. D., alias Robert Parsons, i/ie Noddie. Lond. 1604. pp. 90. 220. ^ Socius Sacerdos, commonly called chaplain-fellow. — Foulis. ut supra. ■* Cambden, who was of his standing, and knew him at col- lege, says, " This Parsons was of Somersetshire, a violent, fierce- natured man. and of a rough be- haviour." (477-) " When he was yong, the fellow was much noted for his singular impudency and disorder in apparel, going in great barrell hose, as was the fashion of hacksters in those times, and draw- ing also deepe in a barrell of ale. Heare, I pray you, Avhat A. C, the author of the masse priests' late supplication, sayth of him in his third letter. He was, saith A. C, a common ale-house squire, and the drunkennest sponge in all the parish where he lived. (SuT- C'LiFFE. 222.) A foul charge of incest, made by A. C, follows. As the secular jsriests were highly oiFended by the arrival of the Jesuits, and especially so by the arrogance of Pei-sons, he has met with as rough treatment from Romish hands, as from Protestant. Dr. James, accordingly, undertook to write his life entirely from Ro- mish authorities ; and in this way compiled a biting satire upon him, entitled, I'he Jesuit's Du?vnJ'alL The order could not bear this, and bought up the book, which has hence become exceedingly scarce. Some of the statements in this, and other publications, are, pro- bably, like those which libellers, conspirators, and intruders, gene- rally provoke, either altogether false, or grossly exaggerated. But if Persons had borne a respectable character, contemporaries would have ventured upon no such liber- ties. "What they say of his dress and manners is, probably, nothing more than truth. 2GG ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1580. Romanism. lie was also obnoxious to Dr. Squire, the master, mIio thoiiglit some libels tliat annoyed him to be his ^vriting•'. Bagshaw became in due time fellow, and, still smarting under his juvenile disgrace, he cordially shared in the master's antipathy to Persons. In 1573, that remarkable man served as bursar in conjunction with another fellow, named StanclifF, whose wits were far less sharp than his own. Having* thus the college accounts to manage pretty completely himself, a charge of peculation was raised against him. He was accused of dealing unfairly by his brethren upon the foundation, and of considerable frauds upon the independent mem- bers. If these imputations had been indubitable, the master, and others of the house, at variance with him, would, most probably, have used them for his expulsion. Instead of this, they charged him, strangely as it seems, with illegitimacy: a fatal objection by the statutes \ ' " Of nature he was malicious, i and from his youth given to speake evil, and to write Hbels. One libel he wrote against D. Squire, wherein he touched a certain ladie, which had like to have turned him (o much trouble." (Sutclitfi:. Ill supra.) Dr. Abbot, formerly fellow of Balliol, afterwards master of University, and eA'entually arch- [ bishop of Canterbury, says, in a i letter which contains, perhaps, the I only authentic account of Peisnns, that Squire " thought himself to liavc been much bitten by vile libels, the author whereof he con- ceived Persons to be; and, in truth, was a man at that time wonderfully given to scoffing, and that with bitterness, which also j was the cause that none of the i company loved him." That his | tastes and habits were libellous, Leicester's Commoniveallh^ and other such publications, either written by him, or connected with his name, suthciently prove. » " Ilis office " (that of bursar,) " expired at St. Luke's tide: there were some that, between that and February, lo7;5, scanned over the books, being moved thereunto by the secret complaints of some of the commoners, their scholars ; and finding it apparent, as also being now certilied, (hat he Avas a bastard, (whereas it is the first quality there required by statute that every fellow should be legi- livio ihoro rialiis.,) they proceeded to have his expulsion solemnly. AVhere by the way you may add, that Parsons was not of the best fame concerning incontineucy, as A.D. 1580.] TO THE ARMADA. 267 This was a difficulty that Persons would not meet, and he obviated a formal inquiry into its correctness, by requesting- permission to resign his fellowship ^ Not only was this request granted, but also another, that he might retain his rooms and pupils for the sake of keeping up a fair face to the Avorld. He was likewise allowed I have heard some say who lived in Oxon at that time : hut whe- ther tliat -were then objected against him, I liave not heard." (Abbot's Lcl/er. iit supra.) Per- sons appears to have been the middle one of eleven children. If so, as no question is made upon the marriage of his ostensible parents, he could not have been legally a bastard. If, therefore, he shrank from this question, as it is plain from Archbishop Abbot's Letter that he did, it must have been from knowing some scanda- lous story about his mother to be in possession of his enemies. Ac- cording to Sutcliife, Sir John Hay- wood, as the reputed father of Persons, in compliance with usage, was called, lodged in old Cow- back's house, and was a jolly sort of priest, " a mad jeasting knave," who had " lost one of his eares for conveying away an honest woman condemned to the gallowes." {Full and Round Answer. 220, 221.) The secular priest, Watson, author of the Important Considerations, and the Quodlibels, says, in the latter work, (p. 10!),) " We may not imagine that Father Parsons was ignorant of his own estate, as being a sacrilegious bastard in the worst sense, scilicet a spurius, be- gotten by the parson of the parish where he was borne, upon the body of a very base queane." It certainly is rather suspicious that Persons (as he commonly wrote his name) should never have called himself after his reputed father : though this might be merely from that individual's very humble con- dition. The Romish writers re- present him as uneasy and ob- noxious at Balliol College, on account of the convictions that he had imbibed, and did not conceal, against Protestantism. ^ " Ways sufficient concurring to expel him, and in truth, no man standing for him, he maketh humble request, that he might be suffered to resign; Avhich, with some ado, was yielded to him." (Abbot's Letter, nt supra.) This letter enclosed the following entry from the college books. " Ego Robertus Parsons, Socius Collen-ii de Balliolo, resigno orane meum jus et clameum, quem habeo, vel habere potero societatis meae in dicto collegio : quod quidenr facio non sponte ei coactus, die decimo ter- tio mensis Februarii, Anno Dom. 1573." In this, the et between sponte and coactus has a dash through it, and ?ioti is written above. The decree for his rooms, &c., seems to have been cancelled soon after, it being crossed- out. — FouLis. liomish Treasons. 502. 268 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1580. commons, at the college expense, till Easter. His old enemy, Bagshaw, was, however, so delighted by the day's proceedings, that he had the bells rung in Magdalen Church, which stands close by, and has the college in its parish. The master, too, descended to some biting sarcasms, and the juniors eagerly insulted over him. Thus Balliol College soon became intolerable, and he withdrew to London. Thence he went abroad in June, and proceeding to Louvain, made some stay there, as he did subsequently at Padua. At first he thought of studying physic'. Afterwards, he determined upon becoming a civilian, and went to Bologna for acquiring the necessary qualification. Abandoning this object, apparently from failure of resources, he went to Rome, and became a Jesuit in June, 1575*. He was evidently possessed of great energy, and not wanting either in learning or ability. Nor, probably, were his morals nearly so defective as his enemies represented. But had they reached the average standard of respectability, he would have hardly fallen under such severe imputations. To talent or acquirement, he has not made good any extraordinary title. Undoubtedly he was largely instru- mental in establishing a sect of English Romanists. But he laboured for that purpose as a scurrilous jiarty politi- cian, in the i)ay of Spain. Nor have those who profess his opinions any reason to be proud of his countenance to them, in spite of his allegecoived, he represents as turning upon Christ's true presence in the altar, and free will. Hence he pronounces liim not so stupid as to follow the heresy of the !:?acramentaries, nor so mud as (o identify himself coni- ])lct»ly with the Lutluniii faction. He paints him, accordingly, as the A.D. 1580.;] TO THE ARMADA. 271 seems to have adopted that creed himself in 1569, tliough not to have announced it formally until after another twelve months'. He then withdrew to Ireland, where he appears to have made some stay before, engaged in writing a history of the country'. From Ireland, an old and sliame of the Catholics, a tale for the vulgar, the grief of liis friends, and the laughing-stock of his enemies. He thinks him, hoAvever, to have gone far enough, perhaps, for securing a less share of eternal torments than Judas, liUther, Zuinglo, Cooper, Humphrey, or Sampson. But he roundly says, that his torments, such as they may prove, will be partly owing to perpetual attacks from the manes of Calvin, Zuingle, Arius, Sabel- lius, Nestorius, Wickliff'e, Luther; in whose hostile company, joined ■with that of the devil and his angels, he would belch out blas- phemies. More of the same kind is to be found in this letter, which is rather below a correspondent of thirty-one, being written in the declamatory style of a full-grown school-boy, clever, but impudent, specious, but at bottom, violent. It appears from it, that Bishop Cheney had taken great notice of Campion, captivated, probably, by his winning manners, and pro- raising qualifications. Even men of considerable depth and severity of judgment, are not quick in dis- cerning the self-conceit of such a youth, or they readily pass over it, as a defect which time will wear away. It might have done so, in poor Campion's case, had he been in less of a hurry to commit him- self. (Edm. Campion. R. Cheneo, Pseudo-episc. Glouc. ad calcem. X. Rati. 3(J3. 305. 370. 304. 300. 370. 302.) Bishop Cheney, who died in 1578, had maintained Edward's reformation, in the first convocation under Mary, but he seems never to have cordially agreed with the exiles Avho came from abroad, on Elizabeth's acces- sion. Hence he was commonly branded as a Lutheran, or semi- Papist. Bartoli says, " Egli era in verita Luterano, ma solo in certi articoli ; nel rimanente havra del Cattolico, quanto pur troppo gli valeva a far de' Cattolici Lute- rani. Sentiva come noi del libero arbitrio, come noi della reale e durevol presenza di Christo nell' Eucharistia." — 81 . ^ Dodd says that he forsook the Church of England, in 1509 ; but he dates a letter to R. Stanihurst, from St. John's College, Oxford, Dec. 1, 1570. Bartoli makes him to have spent the year 1509 in Ireland, and to have withdrawn by the private advice of Sir Henry Sidney, the northern rebellion having occasioned inquiries after Romanists. — 82, 83. ^ Bridgewater makes him to have gone to Ireland for literary purposes. " Cum studia literarum prosequens, Ilyberniam invisisset, cujus provincife historiam non minus vere quam eleganter con- scripsit." {Concert. Eccl. Cath. 52.) Supposing him to have gone into Ireland, under plea of literature, while yet not publicly committed to Romanism, in 1509, and to 272 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a. p. 1580. intimate friend allured him to Douay, where he M'as made professor of divinity'. Subsequently, he resided for several years at Prague, and \\as ordained i)riest there, by Anthony, the archbisho[)\ The Austrian states had shipped pretty completely from the grasp of Rome, and their princes -svere anxious to see them re-conquered. The Jesuits were actively and successfully embarked in this undertaking. Campion must have joined that society, soon after his expatriation, for he describes himself as eight years a member, on his return to England". He did not, indeed, take up Romanism by halves. He could even make application, with seeming sincerity, to the Virgin, and others, once on earth, now placed, apparently, far enough beyond mortal call'. have gone thither again, after his public avowal, in 1570, this por- tion of his history -will be clear enough. He finally left Dublin, in disguise, and under a feigned name, in consequence of inquiries after him. (jMoore. 37-) He was, probably, thought somewise im- plicated in the northern rebellion ; but had Sir Henry Sidney enter- tained a very bad opinion, cither of him or his case, he would have liardly given him advice and faci- lities to escape. * Edm. Camp. CJreg. INIartlno, Societatis Jesu. Prag. e coll. Soc. Jesu. July 10, 1577- (p- 30.3.) Gregory Martin was of his own college and standing. Campion seems, by a letter to James Stani- hurst, IVlarch 20, 1571, to have gone to Dublin, immediately upon the formal announcement of his conversion. — Butleu. Hist. Moii. iii. 19U. * Decern Raiiones. Antv. 1C31. T). 50. * Campion to the Priv}' Council. Strype. Annals, iii. Append, vr. p. 184. * Among the nonsense which he puts into a florid oration, recited seemingly, by some youth, he draws a picture of Jesus, enraged by the wickedness of the age, on the point of striking, comminuting, and exterminating this progeny, so dire, so pestiferous ; while the Virgin falls at his knees, and appeals to her outstretched hands that had handled him, to the teats that he had sucked, to the face that had kissed him, to the breast pierced by the sword of his pas- sion, to the arms that had carried him, to the bosom in which lie had lain, now crying, now sleeping, now sucking. (Edm. Camp. Orat. I. ad calc. X. Unit. p. 207.) It is painful to translate such matter, at once ludicrous and revolting. Hut when its unfortunate, and really amiable author, is known to have taucht divinitv in two col- A.D. 1580.:] TO THE ARMADA. 273 Receiving a summons from Bohemia, lie travelled, under orders, to Innspruck, in one of Prince Ferdinand's carriages. Hence he went to Padua on foot'. There he found an immediate call to Rome^ To that city he journeyed on horseback, his expenses being defrayed by a brother Jesuit, whom he had fortunately met on the road ; his own money was exhausted. On reaching Rome, he spent about a week, incessantly occupied with prepara- tions for departure to his native land. Being a pennyless foreigner, who had bound himself to do a chosen superior's will, he could not decline this perilous expedition ^ although his heart rather failed him, when the mind seriously dwelt upon it". He was, in fact, a mild, good- natured man, of unblemished morals, the very opposite of Persons, and had he either continued a Protestant, or lived in a more peaceful time, he might have gone to his grave leges, and is put forth as leader in a religious movement, it is desir- able that people, who are little likely to read, or even see his remains, should be able to judge of his fitness to guide others. Even when detained by contrary winds on the French coast, from passing over, upon his fatal expe- dition, into England, he tells the general, IVIercuriano, that he had often commended his cause and his journey to his tutelary saint, John the Baptist, and that he got a favourable gale on the evening of his day. (Epist. X. p. 409.) Yet this frothy declaimer of an anile superstition affects, in his letter to Bishop Cheney, to feel a qualm of conscience for having neglected, in some of his private interviews with him, to admonish him upon his defective religious views. That is, a professed divine, of some learning, who could Avrite in this manner of the Virgin, and other departed persons, when over thirty, and even up to the time that he was actually forty, paints himself as to blame, when a trifle over twenty, for not lecturing a bishop, of considerable professional eminence, now verging upon sixty. Whatever this rash, ill-used victim wanted, it could not be conceit. ' Edm. Camp, uni ex PP. Soc. Jes. Ep. IX. p. 404. ^ " Statim audio : Komam pro- pera." — lb. 405. ^ " RomjE cum haererem ad cir- citer octo dies, plus quam toto itinere laborabam temporis penu- ria."— /6. 406. '' " Omnes video tarn prodigos sanguinis et vitae, ut me poeniteat icrnavise mete." — lb. 404. 274 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1580. ill Imppiness, and ^vitll every one's good word. But his amiable qualities, joined with considerable attainments, and shewy talents, naturally rendered him popular, and, wanting ballast, he readily suffered himself to be caressed into overpowering self-conceit. This palpable defect in his character was, probably, the root of all his misery. It betrayed him to apostasy, betrayed him to that hasty sacrifice of professional independence, which made him the half-reluctant tool of those on whom he depended, and to whom had vowed blind obedience'; it lured him \\ ith visionary hopes of gaining glory, where cooler heads would only fear defeat. On the Sunday after Easter, Gregory gave his blessing to the missionaries, and they left Rome, with instructions from their general, Mercuriano, to keep entirely clear of polities'. They were to pass through Rheims, Paris, and Douay". On the French coast. Persons and Campion separated. The latter landed at Dover, early on the morniiiii- of June 25. Persons trode a^ain his native soil, at some other point. Cam})ion was no sooner on shore, than he had to attend the local magistrate, who charged him with being a fugitive English Romanist, returning under a feigned name to propagate his religion. Had he gone no farther, the missionary would, jn-obably, have been unable to lull suspicion, but he insisted that no other than Allen stood before him. Not even the slightest apj)ear- ance of art was required in rebutting this charge, and ' Campion said of himself, '• Ycnisse llomiv in Angliam ex jnapositi Generalis decreto, ea aniiiii alacritatc qua in aliam (juam- cuniquc orbis rcgiontin prolLCturus fuisset, si CJonerali visum esset." — MooiiE. 7-i- * Bautoli, 93. BuTLEH. Hisl. Mem. iii. IJXI. ^ Edni. Camp, uiii t-x PP. Soc. Jos. 407. A.D. 1580.] TO THE ARMADA. 275 Campion offered, at once, to deny it upon oath. Still, the magistrate kept saying, to his very great alarm, that he must be sent in custody to the council, and, seemingly, with such a view, he left the room. During his absence, the Jesuit became absorbed in mental prayer, not forget- ting to intermingle with rational, natural, and becoming addresses to Omniscience, others to the Baptist. He was delighted, no less than surprised, on the old man's return, to hear him say, " You may go. Farewell." Of this unex- pected permission, instant and effective advantage was taken, and Campion was not long in reaching London. He necessarily moved about in disguise, but his party soon became extensively aware of his return to England. Some young men of fortune instantly supplied him with clothes, and everything that he could want. He now found himself almost overwhelmed with professional avocations, obliged even to think of his sermons, as he rode on horseback from house to house, in the neighbour- ing country \ The two Jesuit missionaries, having gained sufficient footing, began to act in strict accordance with their seve- ral natures. Persons went straight on towards his own selfish ends. Forgetting his general's advice to abstain from politics, or understanding it in some equivocating way, he soon supplied such stimulating food as was relished by discontented spirits of his party. A sove- reign of Catholic principles, he maintained, might easily be decorated with a crown that sate so unworthily upon illegitimate, usurping, and heretical brows'. The royal ' Edra. Camp. Ever. Mercurian. Praep. Gen. Soc. Jes. Epist. X. p. 410. * " Mr. Parsons presently fell to his Jesuitical courses, and so belaboured both himself and others in matters of state, how he might set her majesty's crown upon ano- ther head (as appearcth by a let- ter of his own to a certain carl) T 2 276 AT^RIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [.v.n. 1580. personaGfe to benefit by this transfer, vas ]Mary of Scot- land, whose best friends a})pear to liave become aharnied. Any of those niacliinations, to make England a province of Sjiain, Avhich shed new infamy over his latter years, were nnnecessary while she lived. It is added, with great probability, tliat he went so far as to prei)are lists of Romish malcontents, who might, with assistance from the duke of Guise, effect the desired revolution". Serious Romanists, desirous only of a spiritual sujiply from abroad, Mere naturally disgusted on finding themselves liarbouring a political conspirator and incendiary, instead of a orave father confessor. Others were alarmed at being made the depositaries of such dangerous secrets. They knew the vigilance of their government, and reasonably calculated upon the early discovery of any traitorous movements. Hence Persons received an inti- mation, that if he did not comjdetely turn his attention from revolutionary politics to professional duties, the Romish party would itself discover his practices, and that the Catholics themselves threatened to deliver him into the hands of the civil magistrate, ex- cept he desisted from such kind of practices." — Importanl Consi- derations. 63. ' " Those Avho know your prac- tices" {i. e. of Jesuits) " in the countries, where you, hy the means ordinarily of deluded wives, go- vern the great ones, know this to he your maximc, to manage reli- gion, not hy persuasion, hut by command and force. This prin- ciple did your chief apostle in England, Jtohcrt Parsons, bring in with him. 11 is first endeavours were to make a list of Catholicks, which, under the conduct of the Duke of Guise, should have changed the state of the kingdom, using for it the pretence of the title of Queen Mary of Scotland. But her council at Paris, which imder- stood business better, Avcre so sen- sible of his I)ol(lness, that they took from him the Queen's cypher, which he had ])urloyned, and com- manded him never more to meddle in her affairs." {The Jesuits' Rea- sons Unicasonahle: or Donhls pro- posed to the Jesuits upon their Pa- per presented to divers Persons of Honour, for non-exception from the Comtnon Favour voted to Ca- tholicks, p. 101.) This tract was written by a liomanist, and first I>rin(ed in \i.MV2. The copy used A.D, 1580.] TO THE ARMADA. 277 surrender him into custody '. Campion was led away by his habitual vanity. Feeling sure that his change of religion was a convincing proof of discernment, learning, and ability, he panted for a theatre to display these qualifications. What could follow but glory to himself, and conviction to every candid looker-on? Hence ho boasted of irrefragable arguments ready for a powerful impression, and expressed anxiety to confound his adver- saries by a public challenge to debate with them the grounds of their belief. Grave Romanists heard all this vaunting with uneasiness, perhaps also with some disgusts Englishmen of their jirinciples have now been widely separated so long from the Protestant majority, that neither party can judge personally of the other. In Elizabeth's earlier years, the two parties had been educated in the same colleges, and were aware, from knowledge and observation, of each other's powers. Hence the thoughtful Romish scholar, however confident in the superiority of his own cause, felt habitually that he was is a reprint of 1675, appended to the Execution of Justice^ and the Ivipoflant Considerations. ' Imp. Cons, ut supra. " Par- sons, who was constituted superior, being a man of a seditious and turbulent spirit, and armed with a confident boldness, tampered so far with the Papists about depos- ing the Queen, that some of 'em, I speak upon their oAvn credit, thought to have delivered him into the magistrate's hands." — Camb- DEN. 477- * " These good fathers, as the devil would have it, come into England, and intruded themselves into our harvest, being men, (in our consciences, we mean both them, and others of that society, with some of their adherents,) who have been the chief instruments of all the mischiefs that have been intended against her Majesty, since the beginning of her reign, and of the miseries, which we, or any other Catholicks, have upon these occasions sustained. Their first repair hither was Amio 1580, when the realm of Ireland was in great combustion, and they entered {viz. Mr. Campion, the subject, and Mr. Parsons, the provincial) like a tempest, with sundry such great brags 'and challenges, as divers of the gravest clergy then living in England (Dr. Watson, bishop of Lincoln, and others) did greatly dislike them." — Imp. Cons. 62. 278 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1580. pitted against adversaries not easily refuted. Nor pro- bably were the cooler heads of his party without some distrust of Campion's competence, if severely tested. At all events they were apprehensive that any consider- able movement in their party would awaken sus]iicion in the government, and provoke new legislative severities'. To justify a call for such, it M'as only necessary to look at Ireland. In England, as the government was strong, emissaries might land from Rome, with prudent instructions to abstain from politics, and all interference with them might be colourably branded as religious persecution. But even if the papal fountain must have credit for sending forth sweet waters into one island, none will deny that it poured a bitter stream into the other. In the last summer, Nicholas Sanders, the cherished Romish historian and controversialist, landed at Smerwick, in Kerry, with a commission from the i>ope to act as lesfate. He came in the train of James Fitz- maurice, brother to the earl of Desmond, who had been long importuning foreign courts, for the means of carrying rebellion into his native land. At first, he sought atten- tion for his plans from France. But meeting there only with derision, equivocation, and delay, he temjited again the cupidity of Philip'. Tiiat ambitious and bigoted ' Imp. Cons. 02. I even tliaii liis bigoted protlccessor, • Thomas Stukcloy, a proflir;atc for he Iiad an illegitimate son, spendthrift, said hy Burgliley to James Buoncampagno, Avhom ho have fled from England " for not- had lately made marquess of Vi- able piraeies, and out of Ireland 1 nef)la,aTid whom Stukeleypromised for treacheries not pardonable," to estal)li.sh as king in Ireland, took refuge in Italy, an, 1539. {lb. 51.) He 75.) Meaning to pass tliither, it ; joined the Jesuits, Dec. 1, 157H. seems, through the counties of licrks, Oxford, and Northampton. liAKTOLI. 112. ^ " Toniaso Pondo, quel santo confessore, e jjrigionere per fede Cattolica, hehhe in disposito queUa del P. Cam piano : il Person io la fidbanon so chi altro." — lb. 113. —lb. 58. * " La cui aniniirahil vita fu, come dissi, un eontinuo niartirio di trenta anni, e tanto a lui jiiu acerho, (juanto egli piu focosamente dcsiderava di terminarlo al Tiborno di Londra." — Jb. 59. A.D. 1581.J TO THE ARMADA. 287 the Romish cause, before the council, a select body of divines, and another of civilians'. That he might secure some such notice for his opinions, under any circumstances, Campion produced, in the next year, his Ten Reasons^ , addressed to the most ' " I do ascribe to the glory of God, witli all humility, and your correction, three sorts of indifferent and quiet audience. The first before your honours ; wherein I will discourse of religion so far forth as it toucheth the common- wealth, and your nobilities. The second, Avhereof I make most ac- count, before the doctors and mas- ters of the chosen men of both universities ; wherein I undertake to avow the faith of our Catholic Church by proofs invincible. Scrip- tures, councils, fathers, histories, natural and moral reason. The third before the lawyers, spiritual and temporal; wherein I will jus- tify the same faith by common wisdom of law, standing yet in force and practice. " I should be loth to speak any- thing that might sound of an inso- lent brag, or challenge, especially being now as a dead man to the world, and willing to cast my head under every man's foot, and to kiss tlie ground they tread upon : yet have I such courage in advancing the majesty of Jesus, my king, and such affiance in his gracious favour, and such assurance in my quarrel, and my evidence so impregnable, that because I know perfectly that none of those Protestants, nor all the Protestants living, nor any sect of our adversaries, howsoever they face men down in their pul- pits, and over-rule us in their kind of grammarians, and unlearned sort, can maintain their doctrine in disputation, I am most humbly and earnestly for the combat with them all, or every of them, or the principal that may be found ; pro- testing, that in this trial, the better furnished they come, the better welcome they shall come to me. * * * -X- " As touching our society, be it known unto you, that we have made a league, all the Jesuites in the Avorld, whose succession and multitude must over-reach all the practices of England, cheerfully to carry the cross that you shall lay upon us, and never to despair your recovery, while we have a man left to enjoy your Tyburn, or to be racked with your torments, or to be consumed by your poysons. Expences are reckoned, the enter- prise is begun : it is of God, it cannot be withstood. So the faith was planted, so it must be restored." (Campion to the Privy Council. Strype. Annals, iii. Append, vi. p. 185.) The particulars as to this letter are to be found in Campion's own preface to the Z)ece?« Rationes. His indiscreet friend. Pound, de- scribed as nobilis laicus, insignis confessor, was committed to the Tower, Aug. 31, 1581. * " AVhich the Catholiques ac- count an epitome of all their doc- trine, labouring to prove that the Fathers were all Papists." — Har- rington's Nugce Antiqu. i. 224. 288 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [^A.D. loBl, learned academicians of Oxford and Cambridoe'. This tract, Avliicli is elegantly written, l)ut floridly, arrogantly, and sujierficially, was extensively circulated by means of William Hartley, once, like the writer, fellow of St. John's College, Oxford, now like him also, a Romish missionary*. Among his own party, and among all such ' Decern Ral'wnes Propositcv in ment of tlie unbloody sacrifice on Causa Fidei. The tract comprises : the altar ; invocation of saints ; the 117 pages, 12mo, The Reasons restraint of •vvifisli apostates (?«?/- are, 1. Scripture. 2. Interpreta- ' lierosos apostalas,) from Avickecl tion thereof. 3. The Church. 4. ', cohabitation, and public incest ; Councils. 5. Fathers. 6. Their and many other things not speci- authority. 7- History. 8. Para- lied. 5. The Fathers, he pro- 10. Wit- doxes. 9. Sophisms, nesses of all kinds. — 1. Luther's mention of doubts as to the Epistle of St. James, and the denial of canonicity to certain books of the Apocrypha, liy I.ulher's whelps, are treated as proofs of desperation nounccs as much their own, as Oregon/ XIII. liiviself viost loving father of /he Church's sons, and the pseudo-Dionysius, "with other such authorities, are summoned to make his assertion good. 6. lie declaims against Protestant pro- These books are said to refute most fessions of adhering to the Fathers, clearly oljections to the patronage | so long as these adhere to Scrip- cf angels, free-will, the faithful departed from life, and the inter- cession of saints. 2. Any other than a literal interpretation of our Lord's words at the Last Supper, is branded with fraud and rashness. Luther is represented as anxious to become a Zuinglian, but unable to escape from the plain text of Scripture, an unwilling homage to the truth, like that of the devils. ture, as delusive, the Fathers, i)ro- perly interpreted, supplying autho- rities for the whole Komish creed. 7. Ecclesiastical history, he insists, is wholly that of Romanism ; and he demands of those who think otherwise, when Romanism began? 8. Paradoxes, he pronounces to be the various questions mooted among Protestant divines, upon preaestination, the Godhead, and who cried out that Jesus was the other subtle points. D. Sophisms Son of (lod. 3. The Church, j charged are fighting with shadows, Campion says, is a word that , strife about words, equivocation, makes his opponents turn jiale, , and arguing in a circle. 10. AVit- and he rhetorically, but indis- nesses of all kinds form a rhetorical tinctlv, and jejunely, identifies it j chapter, of which the drift is to with the Papacy. 4. I'Jiglish pro- j claim every thing venerable or fessions of respect for the first four (.'hristian for Popery, general councils would, he main- 1 " Dodd. ii. 13H. The book Mas (:iiiis, if sincere, secure ///^'//ca/ not, however, in everybody's hands, honour lo the liishop of the Jirst scc,\ioT IJishup Aylmer vainly sought that is, to Peter; acknowledge- I for a copy of it, soon after its A.D. 1581.] TO THE ARMADA. 289 as are easily smitten by the charms of composition, Cam- pion's flowers passed at once for fruit. William Whitaker, however, the learned regius professor of divinity at Cam- bridge, was not slow in taking up the gauntlet, so confi- dently thrown down, and many sufficient judges, with great reason, pronounced his answer complete'. In some points, indeed, he had a task needlessly easy, the Jesuitic challenger having found Scripture for his purposes, in the Apocrypha, and fathers, in pieces even then known to be suppositious ^ But Whitaker was not alloM^ed an undis- puted victory. Before the year closed, John Durey, a scholarly Scottish Jesuit, published at Ingoldstadt, a Con- appearance. (Strype. Ai/bner. 32.) " A tangled dell, in the neighbour- liood of Stonor Park, near Henley on Thames, is still shown, in which Campian wrote his Decern Ra- tiones, and to which books and food were carried by stealth." (Butler. Hist. Mem. iii. 193.) Persons contrived to have a press provided for the printing of Ro- mish books : which Avas seized. — Moore. 86. * " To Campion's Reasons Whit- aker gave a solid answer." (Camb- den. 477-) Whitaker, like Cam- pion, wrote in Latin, and Bishop Aylmer was not pleased to hear that some persons were translating his work, thinking it undesirable to heat the popular mind with controversy. Dawson published a translation of it in 1732. Another of Campion's respondents was Humphrey, and he thus charac- terises the work. " De hisce om- nibus Campiani Ralionibiis^ dici potest ex Hieronymo, In qiiibus nulla sit vis arginnenloj-inn., sed iantum oralionis fades., exquisitis hie inde coloribns pigmentata."—' Ad Epist. Camp, Resp. ^ " Are you such a stranger, or so little versed in the writings of the ancient Fathers, as not to know that these books were of old left out of the Canon? — Why should we not strike 'era out ? For, says St. Jerome, they are not in the Canon. — If you don't know these testimonies from antiquity. Cam- pion, you are a mere Tyro., a novice in the cause ; in which yet you would fain pass for an old cham- pion." (Wititaker's Answer to Edm. Camjnon. Engl, transl. 47, 48, 49.) Referring Campion to Erasmus and Valla, respecting the Double Hierarchy of Dionysius, Whitaker says," You cannot justly be so angry with Luther and Caus- seus, if they treated a counterfeit author somewhat roughly." (/^. 112.) The castigation then pro- ceeds to the spurious epistles of Ignatius, and does not end without more instances of Campion's incom- petence ; for it was, probably, not disino[enousness. U 290 ARKIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1581. fidatiou of bis Ansicer\ The Romish party laid, indeed, very great stress upon Campion's challenges. That unfor- tunate scholar himself fancied that his boldness had rendered the Protestants furious'; and he still is thought not greatly mistaken". Persons and Campion met once more, after the last anxious evening of their London residence. The former had an opportunity of contriving an interview with his friend, at Uxbridge, and there the two spent Michaelmas- day together*. Desire for their apprehension was aug- mented by the i)opular clamour against Elizabeth's encou- ragement to the duke of Anjou's matrimonial aims. People thought their queen bewitched by this gay young French- man, into a disposition to surrender the Reformation, and every report of Campion's challenges was taken as confir- mation of these gloomy forebodings. In vindication of her constancy, an active search Mas made for the unhappy Jesuit'. But he eluded pursuit during almost thirteen * DoDT). ii. 141. "This man made the Romish cause still worse; his hook heing full of" invectives, long digressions, and little ar- gument to the purpose. How- ever, our professor" (Whitakcr) '•thought fit to return an answer, full of learning and sound reason- ing, and adding strength to the cause which he had defended before." (Daw.son's Prefalory Ac- count of Campion and Wliildkcr. 17.) Whitaker's "works and his worth gained him renown through- out ICurope ; so that Cardinal Htl- larmine, the champion of Popery, though often foiled by his pen, honoured his picture with a place in his library, and said, he was the most learned heretic he; had ever read." — Cuurton's Life ofNoivcll. 328. * " Father Campion himself says, that the publication of it put the adversaries of the Catholics into a fury." — Butler, iii. 204. ' " The bold tone of this letter gave considerable oftence, which was greatly increased by the pub- lication of another tract by the same writer, enumerating ten rea- sons on which he founded his hope of victory in the proposed dispute before the universities." — LiNCARP. viii. 174. * BAHTor.r. 12;'). * "During his stay here" (the duke of Anjou's) " the Queen, to take away the fear which had pos- sessed many men's minds, that re- ligion would be altered, and Po- pery tolerated, being overcome by inqiortuiiatc intreatics, ])erniitted that Edni. Campion aforesaid, of A.D. 1581.] TO THE ARMADA. 291 months', consumed in a long circuit of reconciling visits at the houses of wealthy Romanists. Not only were the families of such persons trained in habits of concealing the clandestine arrival of a priest, but also the residences themselves were studiously constructed for baffling his pursuers. Cavities were designedly left under roofs, or stairs, or between walls, or in any other suitable spot, which trusty workmen fitted-up, at night, as secret cells for concealing both a priest and the requisites for massS Of such recesses even the servants generally knew nothing. The last place that received Campion as a guest, was an ancient house of this kind, moated, and approached by a drawbridge, at Lyfford, in Berkshire, eight miles from Oxford'. It was the residence of Edward Yates, a gentleman who had eight nuns as inmates, conclusive evidence of strong Romish attach- ments*. Among persons, acquainted in the family, was George Elliot, who had served some opulent Romanists in menial capacities, and who made profession of their creed'. This man, now passed into very different service, the society of Jesus, Ralpli Sher- "Nvin, Luke Kirby, and Alex. Bri- ant, priests, should bo arraigned." (Cambden. 487.) "Per id enini tempus, Alensonius, Galliae regis frater, Elizabethaa nuptius ambi- ens, in Anglia diversabatur." — Moore. 90. ' Bridgewater. 54. This cal- culation, of course, takes in the time spent in and about London. '^ " His inter parietum commis- suras, aut tectorum vacuitates, aut scalarum obscuritates, cavearumve densitateni, ab fidis nocturnisque operariis, vix quoque domestico- rum conscio, fabricatis, et sacra supellex conditur, et sacris ope- rantium salus tuto plerumque cora- mittitur, dum in ampla domo quo quave ad indaganduni eatur, acu- tissimus quisque inquisitor ignarus est." — Moore. 88. ' "Ben serrato di mura, cir- cuito di fosse, col ponte levatorio, tutto cosa all' antica." — Bartoli. 149. ' Ibid. 148. ' " Et quidem Georgius ille fa- mulus olim fuerat D. Thomse Ro- peri; delude vero mensibus ab hinc aliquot foeminEe cuidam no- bili, quam viduam post se relique- rat D. Wilhelmus Petri, regius dum viveret, secretarius, inscrvie- rat. In quorum familiis quamdiu U 2 292 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.I). 1581. and apprehensive of a capital prosecution, ^vas told, one day, by Mr. Yates's cook, that Campion \vas in the house'. He lost no time in turning this information to account, and in order to secure the prize, he availed himself of his privilege as an acquaintance and a Romanist, to attend mass. The service being over, Campion preached upon the text, 0 Jerusalem, Jerusalem, that killest the prophets a fid stouest the7n which are sent unto thee, ^c.*, but, seem- ingly, before he had concluded, an alarm was given, that officers of justice, well attended, were at hand". The preacher made instantly for his hiding-place, and so effectual were its means of concealment, that the search appeared all but hopeless, M'hen strenuous blows with a mallet against a suspicious portion of wair, discovered a small chamber, in Mhich were Campion ^ Mith two other priests, Ford and Collington". They seem to have con- fessed and absolved each other, then to have repeated the third petition in the Lord's Prayer, absurdly adding to it invocations of St. John the Baptist". After a detention versatus est, Ciitholico more ac ritu se gessit; sed cum liaud ita duduin cajdein perpetrasset, eam- que ob causam do vita 2)ericlitaic- tur, metu perculsus, in clicntelam se contulit unius ex eorum nu- mero, quorum in regno prima ha- betur auctoritas. Quam, ut in- signi aliquo obsequio sc dcvincirot, spopondit se Edinundiiin C'anipi- anuiu ei in maiius tradituruni." (Bkidukwateu. 54.) Bartoli says of liiin, probably \vith justice, that lie Avas " hora Cattolico, liora quel tutt' altro clic piu gli toruasse ad utile." — 14(5. * IJuiIifiKWATKIt. ^>\. * St. Matt, xxiii. W']. * July 17. l.i.Nti.^iU). viii. 175. Execution of Justice. 19. A list of houses to which Campion had been, may be seen in Strypk. An- ncils. ii. pt. 2. ])p. 358, 359, 3(J0. * IMoouE. 88. * " Disguised like a Royster." — Exec. Just, til supra. " BUIDGKWATKR. b'). 7 tt Pj,j. saliitaris igitur pa?niten- tiaj sacramentum ul)i oniiiem otl'en- sam expiassent, banc sibi mutuo in piani satisfactioneni, pro tera- poris opportunitate, poenam in- junxerunt, ut quisque tertio salu berrima ilia ex Orationc Dominica deprompta verba, Fiat voluntas tua, rccilarct; simulque D. Joan- nis IJaj)tistjL' auxiliunj in tam pne- sciiti piriculo tertio imploraret: .D. 1581.] TO THE ARMADA. 293 of two days in custody of the sheriff, they were sent towards London. The first part of their journey appears to have been attended by no circumstances of peculiar hardship, many of the gentry shewing great interest in their fate, and freely entering into conversation with them. But severe miseries began, after the halt of a night and part of the preceding day, at Colnbrook. They were paraded all through Middlesex and London to the Tower', with legs tied under the bellies of horses, and faces to the tails, gazing-stocks for vulgar curiosity, scorn, and rage. To render the jirincipal prisoner's part in this ignominious pageant more intolerable. Campion, the seditious Jesuit, was ticketed on his llat^ Few sights could be more delightful to a populace, whose hatred of Popery had become extreme. Persons, though diligently sought, eluded inquiry, and continued in England several months longer\ But his entertainers, feeling the danger liunc enim glorioslssimum Christi preecursoreiu, cultu atqiie venera- tioue singulari prosecuti sunt, ideo- cjue liunc niaxime invocarunt, quod P. Edniundus se illius precibus, cum Dorobernium appulisset, ad- versariorum manibus crcptum ex- istimaret." — Ibid. ' eluly 22. — Diarium Rcrum Gestarum in Tur. Lond. ad cal- cem. Sand. De Schism. Angl. ^ Bridgewater. 56. M(johe. 89. ^ " Persons continued for some months to brave the danger which menaced him : but at length, at the urgent request of" his friends, both for their security and his own, he retired beyond the sea." (LiN- GARD. viii. 175.) The following account of this remarkable man is given in his own words, hy Mr. Butler, from a Monife.stnlion of ike Great Fullij and Bad Spirit of ccrtayue in England, calling tlicmseh^es Secular Priests. 4to. 1602. He was " born in the pa- rish of Stowey, in Somersetshire, in the year 154r), one year before King Henry died; to whicli pa- rish there came soon after out of Devonsliire, to be vicar tliere, .lohn Hayward, a virtuous good priest, that had been canon regular I)e- fore, and this man lived there for thirty years together, until after Father Persons's departure out of England, who having been liis master in the Latin tongue, and Hieing his forwardness in learning, did ever afterwards bear a sjiecial attection towards him. His pa- rents were right honest people, and of the most substantial of their 294 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [A.n. 1581. of such a guest, besought him to decline the honour of martyrdom'. At length, he had a good opportunity of yiekling to their persuasions, and M'ithdrew to the con- tinent. The mental sufferings of a prisoner would not satisfy that cruel, vindictive, half-reflecting age. It easily found reasons for torturing his frame. Campion had scarcely time to look around his gloomy lodging, when dragged for interrogation before the rack. Full information chiefly was required as to places and persons, visited in his late ill-omened mission. He seems to have been mute, and was, accordingly, stretched upon the accursed engine. The inhuman, illegal, illusory work sto]iped short of any violent extremity, and probably the wretched sufferer was released with spirit unsubdued. His nerves, it is plain, were dreadfully shattered, and under a re])e- tition of this barbarity, nature broke doAvn. The ]>oor Jesuit's agony wrested from him various j)articulars that his torturers demanded. Thus again, did he escape with- (lof];roe among their neighbours, while they lived; and his father Avas reeoiieiled to the cliureh by ^Ir. Bryant, the martyr ; and his mother, a grave and virtuous ma- tron, living divers years, and dying in flight out of her country, for her conscience." {Hist. Minn. iii. 107.) The j)rincijial ohjict of this account is evidently to uipe away the stigma upon the writer's biitli by placing Hay ward's ar- rival in his native parisli soon qfler it, and by eulogising both his ciiaracter and his own mother's. Other objections urged by liis ene- mies are left untouched, and even these arc met by mere assertions, which are contradicted by counter assertions of contemporaries. ' " Prinieramente il continue andar che di lui faeeyano, con in- credil)il solecitudine, in cerca i commessarii con braccio regio, e lo sagacissime spie, cercandoiiedentro la citta, e di fuori ne' palagi villes- chi, ordinaria abitatione de' nobili, riuscia a Cattolici una intolerabilc infestatione; e a sacerdoti una gran giuiita di ragionevtd timore; trovantlosi spesse volte di mezza notte assaliti, e sorpresi cssi, per altro non saputi, ne cerchi, se noii solo in (juanto si ccrcava il P. Per- sonio : e gia vc n'era qualche sen- tore di scontentezza, c di ramma- riehi, onde giusta fu acquettarlo, col rendersi, e sottrar.si prima che procedcsse piu avanti." — IJakiuli. 238. A.D. 1581.] TO THE ARMADA. 295 out any personal injury of serious importance. He was able to walk from the dreadful chamber, without assist- ance, to write and subscribe his confessions ; to use, in fact, every member of his body\ Fear and horror were the real screws that wrung him. Such were the times, that even religious men could call this, favourable usage, and brand Romish com[)laints of it as a needless outcry, where, in truth, nobody was hurt'. This, and other such ' The object of his racking was to extort a confession of the places '■ where he had been conversant since his repair into the reahn. Concerning his racking, Master Lieutenant being present," (at the disputation,) "' said that he had no cause to complain of racking, who had rather seen than felt the rack; and admonished him to use good speaoh that he gave not cause to be used with more severity. For although, said he, you were put to the rack, yet notwithstanding, you were so favourably used therein, as being taken off, you could and did presently go to your lodging without any help, and use your hands in writing, and all other parts of your body." (A True Re- port of the Disputation, or rather Private Conference, had in the Tower of London, with Ed. Cam- pion, Jesuit, the last of August, 1581. Published by Authority. Lond. 1583.) The correctness of this account is evident from Allen. " Bis nuper Campianus, Jesuita, tortus est cquuleo. Quis adversa- riorum non pernegabat? Tandem res innotuit, Campiano ipso in turba homiuum hoc profitente. At ludus erat; inquiunt adversa- rii; non. serio, sed joco fere torque- batur. Eodem modo de aliis prius tortis luserant. Tarn delectabile est facetis hominibus, de misero- rum cruciatibus jocos facere." ( De Persec. Angl. 38.) The first two rackings of Campion, and some other unhappy victims, are also spoken of as secret, by Rishton, the Tower Diarist. " Campianus bis clayn equuleo tortus, una cum presbyteris concaptivis, et laicis Catholicis." From clam, probably, nothing more is to be inferred, than that the torture Avas used with comparative mildness. The information extracted in this in- famous Avay, was given, we are told, Campion said on the scaffold, un- der an engagement upon oath, that his harbourers should not be mo- lested. It is, however, certain that many of them were molested. Some were fined and imprisoned. The unhappy victim bitterly re- gretted his weakness in these dis- closures.— LiNGARD. viii. 17t>- note. ^ " In very trueth, there was no one of them so racked, but that, howsoever their minds seemed to yeelde to the feare of paine, they were yet worse afraied then hurt. For the very next Sabaotli day, though to the churchwarde they must be drawen, or driven, or carried, betweene two men, like obstinate beares to a stake; yet 29G ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.1.. \:m. miserable scenes, arc foul blots ujioii Protestantism, but no esj)ccial discredit. Botli foreinn and domestic prac- tice lent authority to examination ])y torture. The Inquisition steadily maintained it, in defiance of increas- inr»- civilization and humanity. Nor did it wholly cease to disi*-race the more polished nfitions until that execrable tribunal was no more. But however countenanced, Elizabeth's government was loudly censured for its barbarities in the Tower, especially abroad. Stung by these reproaches, it published a demi-official vindication, in 1588. This denies, altogether, prevailing reports both as to mode and severity of torture actually employed. It asserts, that none were questioned upon any point purely theological, but only as to persons visited, plots devised, political discourse, opinion and teaching u])on the deposing power. Nor, it is added, were any thus interrogated, unless their guilt had been previously pretty well ascertained; nor until a positive refusal to explain, although commanded upon allegiance. AA'ithout sufficient evidence of its untruth, a solemn asseveration of igno- rance or forgetfulness was accepted. Nor lastly, was could ihf'V after tlio sornion, walke home upon tliciro\vn logges stoutly enough and strongly, as other folks. Tliis is indeed to straine at a gnat, and swallow up a caniell, to cojnplayne of justice mercifully and necessarily u';cd to two or three, and yourselves with all hor- rihle tormcntes to destroy great cities, and attempt the desolation of whole kingdoms." (A licplic In a Censure iirittcn n^aiiisl the lno Aiisirercs to a Jcxuite'x xeditioii.i Pamphlet. liy William Cmauki:, l.ond. 1.581.) This learned Pu- speaks of the racking as having occurred six or seven weeks before. The Tower Diarist complains of being taken to hear J'rotestant, or rather controversial sermons, as a grievance. It seems, however, that the prisoners sometimes inter- rupted the pre.acher, and hooted him after sermon. The same age that could outrafre the feelinjrs of defenceless men by dragging them to hear intenlional attacks, would naturally betray these very men into such indecencies, and into the absurdity of requiring absolute ritan, whose humanity does not , force for their conveyance to shew here to much advantage, ! church. A.D. 1581.] TO THE ARMADA. 297 torture ever used, before an intimidating array of prepa- ration, accompanied by earnest appeals to reason and conscience, had long been tried in vain'. Exaggeration was, no doubt, imputable to the wretched sufferers, and their indignant friends. But overdone complaints in such a case, were natural and excusable. Abuse of power is always infamous. As a party may rack that cannot confute, it was thought advisable to try the strength of Campion in the way that he had himself so publicly desired. On the last day of August, he was brought into the Tower chapel with his fellow-prisoners^ to meet Alexander Nowell, dean of St. Paul's, and William Day, dean of Windsor. The two dignitaries indiscreetly began, as if to recriminate under consciousness of cruelty, by advert- ing to the Marian times, and asserting that none since had been executed for religion. Campion immediately pronounced himself an example of very severe per- sonal suffering for religion, having been twice upon the rack. This brought forward the lieutenant of the Tower, who maintained that very little severity had been used, a fact, Avhich, physically speaking, was evidently undeniable'. The Toi Iieaso7is then c^mo under discus- sion. The prisoner was first charged with misrepresenting Protestants as to the rejection of St. James's epistle, on ' A Declaration of the Favourable Dealing of her Majesties Conimis- itioncrs appointed for the Exami- nation of Certaine Traitours, and of Tortures unjustly reported to he done upon them for Matters of Religion, 1583. Harleian Mis- cella/nj. Lond. 1745. iii. 537- ' " He himself by his loud sjieechcs, and bokl, and husy ges- tures, shewed no token of any either sickness or -weakness; nei- ther did himself tlien complain of those difficulties ivliich the pam- })hleters have so diligently and largely noted sithence." — A Brief Eccilal of certain Uiitruihs nccil- tered in llie Pamphlels and Libels of llie Papists concerning the for- mer Conferences: with a Short Answer to the same. 298 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1581. Luther's authority; there being- really neither such rejec- tion, nor such authority. To i)rovc the latter case, he was shewn a ])rinted book, and could only answer that it was not the riiifht edition. lie was told, and no doubt, honestly, though incorrectly, that all editions here were alike'. Other points were subsequently debated, and, as his opponents thought, very little to Campion's advantage. The two deans were chiefly bent upon discrediting him, or, as they said, " reclaiming him," by a merciless exposure of his numerous inaccuracies. These they treated as imputations upon veracity, though really, perhaps, mere slips of hasty writing, sanguine tem])era- ment, and superficial information. But be their cause what it may, such errors cannot be detected without humiliating any man, and in the afternoon Campion confronted his opponents with an air of much greater modesty than he had Morn in the morning. The topics, too, were more manageable, chiefly turning upon justi- * " It has lately been observed, that IjUther, in his German preface to his first edition of the Bible, ir»2r), intimated that the Kpistle of St. James ought to he struck out of the canon; but the passage was omitted in 152(5, and all subse- quent editions." (Cifuuton's Now- cll. 274. note.) Campion, pro- bably, heard of the ])assage, as it originally stood, whiU- abroad, and might have given himself no fur- ther trouble about the matter, though rci)resented as aware of al- terations in different editions of controversial works. To his resi- dence in l^ohemia may be attri- butable liis more than usual vio- lence about Luther. It is like a neiglibourhood antipathy. The two. deans, probably, knew nothing of Luther's first edition. The case is thus stated by a friendly hand. " Quia seripta Lutheri, quibus Angli utuntur, a postcrioribus soc- tariis reeognita, iterumque excusa, discrepant ab iis, quaj primuin edita fuerant, allato codice, et loco, quern Edmundus qua^'cbat, non invcnto, niirum quam advorsarii magnifico triuinpliarint. Quibus ille solummodo respondit, receii- tiores dogmatistas sententiam de qua quiestio erat, inde sustulisse, ut multas alias ex Lutheri et Cal- vini scriptis, quod eas suaj sectio minus congruere intolligerent; id- (jue facile convinci posse ex iis excmplaribus, quic iprimo om- nium in Germania prodiissent."— liuMi(ii;w.vTi;n. 5J). A.D. 1581.] TO THE ARMADA. 299 fication ; and, as usual upon such questions, the disputants Avere found, at length, very much of the same opinion* Thus a colour was given for representing Campion as departing completely master of the field'; and the two deans were called-upon to lower the strains of Romish triumph, by publishing their own account of the confer- ence. Three other disputations followed, in which the celebrated Jesuit argued with new opponents 2. Upon the whole, he disappointed expectation. Protestants expressly say so\ Romanists tacitly admit it, by dwelling upon the barbarian tortures that he had undergone, and his want of books \ No common man could have stood his ground, as he did, under such disadvantages. To such acceptance of his own challenges, there could be no objection. But it was disgracefully deemed ad- ' " The favourers of Campion, in various pamphlets, printed and manuscrijJt, boasted that the Pro- testants, in this dispute, were (jiii/e confounded, and that the Catholics did (ret the goal." — Ciiurton's Noivell. 276. ^ " On two of these days, the disputants -svere Dr. Fulke, master of Peml)rokc Hall, Cambridge, author of several tracts against Poper}', and Dr. Goad, provost of King's College: and on the last day, Dr. Walker, archdeacon of Essex, and Mr. AViHiam Charke. These conferences were collected from the notes of several who wrote there, by John Field. But it is not necessary to notice them, further than to say, that these lat- ter disputants, particularly Fulke and Goad, being Puritanically in- clined, and leaning to Calvin's no- tions, afforded Campion, on one or two points, an advantage Avhich his cause did not give him over the real principles of the English Church."— 76. 278. ^ " Afterwards being brought forth to dispute, he scarcely an- swered the expectation raised of him." — Cambden. 477* * " Nulla enim recordor cessisse adversaries disceptandi certamina, pra3ter liasc qua3 dixi, excepta so- lum recenti disputatione, quern Edmundo Campiano, Jesuita in- carcerate, bis torto, libris destitu- to,et rebus omnibus imparatissimo, pr^terquam causa et voluntate, sunt largiti. Ciijus profecto dis- putationis iniquissima multa, his in partibus, narrantur, ipsis etiam testibus qui interfuerunt, quorum forsan nonnulla vix honiinibus doctis credibilia viderentur, nisi superiorum temporum exemplis admoniti, quidvis fere suspicari de hominum timidorum iniquitate cogeremur." — Allen. De Persec. Allirl. GO. 300 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.D. 1581. visablc to stretch lilni noain upon tlio rack. When over- conio l)oforo, under its atrocious machinery, he seems to liave h>t somethino- fall that gave hope of important dis- closures. Such a rcjiort, at least, alarmed his friends out of doors, and in a letter to make them easy, he declared himself to have had no more extorted from him than names of ])ersons and places. As to secrets, in his inter- course Mith individuals, he had revealed none, nor ever Avould, " come rack, come rope." In fact, he denied himself to have been entrusted vith any, save the sins of his penitents, of uhicli he was depositary under the seal of confession, which he certainly would not break'. It was, hoAvever, excusable enough to disbelieve such protestations. He never was interrogated respecting the pope's execrable assumptions of political power, without sullcnness, or equivocation. Hence no reliance could be placed either on his own loyalty, or on his religious discretion, when frittering down the responsibility of others, under the pestilent process of confession. But although his answers were evidently undeserving of any credit, nothing could excuse the barbarity of his treat- ment. He AAas now tortured with extreme severity*, and continued seriously disabled by it, during the short remainder of his life. Elizabeth complained of j)rosecuting Cam[)ion and ' Li.NOAui). viii. 17(5. * Oct. 31. {Diar. rer. gcsf. in Tiirri Land.) The conliiuiator of he had expired." Tin's latter clause appears founded on a passage of Allen's (/)<• Pes. Aug/. 82.), wiiieli .Sanders says, " qusestioni ter aut j asserts of Cainjiion and ctliers, " et quater ad luxationem ac quassa- pene ad mortem ipsam cquuk'o tionem omnium memhrorum sub- \ torserant." The former clause, jicitur." (Dc iSV///vw. Aug/. 3-i.").) ' most likely, comes from the loose Dr. Lingard (M/.y«yj7-fl) says, "Cam- I " ter aut quater." The Tower plan was twice more stretclied on j Diarist, liowevcr, speaks exactly, the rack: he was kept on that en- | and lie makes the case out had ginc of torture, till it was thought , enough. A.D. 1581.] TO THE ARMADA. 301 others in custody, as a hardship imposed by her situation, Avhich she would gladly have escaped'. The ministry, however, pleaded state-necessity, and her feelings gave way. The unfortunate Jesuit, with six other ecclesi- astics, and one layman, w'ere arraigned under the statute of Edward III. before the court of Queen's Bench'. They were charged with conspiring abroad to murder their sovereign, overthrow the established religion, and subvert the state : traitorous purposes that they had since pursued in their native country. In pleading not guilty, poor Campion afforded ocular testimony to atrocious usage lately undergone, by his inability to raise his hand so high as was customary \ After an interval of six days, the prisoners were again brought into court at West- minster, for a formal trial*. This has generally been considered unfair and insufficient ; being liable, among other objections, to the fatal one of connecting parties together, who really seem, in some instances, to have ^ Cambden. 487- ^ Nov. 14. — Diar. rer. gest. hi Tur7-i Loud. ^ "Both Ills arms, ■writes aperson present at his trial, being pitifully benumbed by his often cruel rack- ing before, and having them wrapped in a fur cuff, he was not able to lift his hand so high as the rest did, and was required of him : but one of his companions kiss- ing his hands so abused for the confession of Christ, took off his cuff, and so lifted up his arm as high as he could, and he pleaded Not Guilty, as the rest did," (BcJTLKR. Hist. Mem. i. 187.) Elizabeth subsequently ordered torture to be discontinued. — IIal- LAM. Const. Hist. \. 205. ■* Nov. 20. (Diar. rer. gest. in Ttirri Land.) " Nothing that I have read affords the slightest proof of Campion's concern in treasonable j^ractices, though his connections, and profession as a Jesuit, render it by no means un- likely. If we may confide in the published trial, the prosecution was as unfairly conducted, and supported by as slender evidence, as any, perhaps, which can be found in our books. But as this account, wherein Campion's language is full of a dignified elo- quence, rather seems to have been compiled by a partial hand, its faithfulness may not be above suspicion." — Hallam. Const. Hist. i. 198. 302 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1581. known little or notliing of each other'. Perhaps, one of the strongest presumptions against Campion, was the seizure of treasonable papers in houses wliich he had visited*. He naturally and reasonably objected, that let these documents be what they might, no evidence had connected him with them. But such a defence, though a legal acquittal, is not morally one, under suspicious circumstances. In that situation, the jirisoner evidently stood. He had come directly from a hostile foreigner, then actually invading Ireland, and pretending to a power of wresting from the queen, her English sceptre also. It does not appear, that this alien enemy's insidious faculty to tolerate Elizabeth as matters stood, was known in court. It was discovered after the triaP. But, ' " Some Lad not even seen each other hefore they met at the bar. Before judgment ivas pro- nounced, Lancaster, a Protestant barrister, rose and made oatli, tliat Colleton, one of the number, had consulted him in his chambers in London, on the very day in ■which he was charged with having con- spired at Rheims. Colleton was remanded." — Lingard. viii. 17H, 17i>. * " The clerk then produced certain oaths to be ministered to the people, for renouncing obe- dience to her Majesty, and swear- ing allegiance to the Pope; which papers were found in houses in wliich Camj)ion had lurked. It does not aj)pear, however, that any evidence Mas offered, either respecting the discovery of these papers, or the places in which they were said to have been found. Campion observed that there was no proof that he had any concern in these papers, that many other persons besides himself had fre- quented the houses in which he Mas said to have lurked; so that there Mas nothing Mhich brought the charge home to himself. As for administering an oath of any kind, he declared, that he M'ould not commit an offence so opposite to his profession for all the sub- stance and treasure in the M'orld." —Butler. Hist. Mem. i. 190. ^ " Taken about one of their complices, immediately after Cam- pian's death." {Exec, of Jiixl. 19.) The secresy used about this docu- ment makes it seem likely that those M'ho obtained and imported it had not much thought of it as a mitigation. Allen ])ut that colour upon it after its discovery, and loud complaints of its perfidious character. Watson treats it as a renewal, therefore an aggravation rather than a mitigation. "Now Mhilst these practices Mcrc in A.D. 1581.] TO THE ARMADA. 303 probably, all the prisoners knew it, and siicli information places their integrity in a very questionable light. They did not, however, allow any doubt as to their unfit- ness to remain at large in England. It might be illegal, and unjust, to interrogate accused persons against them- selves. But such was then the usage of England, as it still is of foreign countries. These unfortunate persons were interrogated upon the pope's iniquitous political assumptions, and every appearance of straight-forward manliness was gone at once'. They could evade, equi- hancl in Ireland, Gregory XIII. reneweth the said bull of Pins Quinliis, and denouncetli her Ma- jesty to be excommunicated, with intimation of all other particulars in the former bull mentioned ; "vvhich was procured, we doubt not, by surreption : the false Je- suits, our countrymen, daring to attempt anything, by untrue sug- gestions, and lewd surmises, that may serve their turns." — Impor- ianl Considerations. 62. ' " The jealousie also of the state was much increased by Sir. Sherwin's answers upon his exa- mination, above eight months be- fore the apprehension of Mr. Campion. For being asked whe- ther the Queen was his lawful sovereign, notwithstanding any sentence of the Pope, he prayed that no such question might be demanded of him, and would not further thereunto answer. Tavo or three other questions much to the same eft'ect, were likewise propounded unto him, which he also refused to answer. Matters now sorting on this fashion, there was a greater restraint of Catho- lics than at any time before. Many both priests and gentlemen were sent into the Isle of Ely, and other places, there to be more safely kept and looked-unto. In July, Mr. Campion and other priests were apprehended: whose answers, upon their examinations, agreeing in effect, with ]Mr. Sher- win's before-mentioned, did greatly incense the state. For amongst other questions that were pro- pounded unto them, viz. If the Pope do, by his bull or sentence, pronounce her Majesty to be de- prived, and no lawful queen, and her subjects to be discharged of their allegiance and obedience unto her; and after, the Pope, or any other by his appointment and authority, do invade this realm: Avhich part would you take, or which part ought a good subject of England to take? Some an- swered, that when the case should happen, they would take counsel what were best for them to do : another, that when that case should happen, he would answer, and not before : another, that for the present, he was not resolved what to do in such a case ; ano- tlier, that when the case happen- cth, then he will answer : another, that if such deprivation and in- ;o4 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [A.n. 1581. vocate, plead law; in lino, conld do any thing- rather than disclaim the insnfterable pretensions of an Italian priest. But he was the invader of Ireland, he had pretended to make a kingdom of it for the fruit of his own shame, or give it to somebody more likely to conquer it ; he was openly practising to dethrone Elizabeth, and set-up some rival, or foreigner, who might pillage wealthy Protestants, and drive poor ones again into the fires of Smithfield*. vasion should be niude foi- any matter of his faith, he thinkcth he Avere then bound to take part ■with the pope. " Now, what king in the world, being in doubt to be invaded by his enemies, and fearing that some of his own subjects were by indi- rect means drawn rather to adhere unto them than to himself, would not make the best tryal of them he could for his better satisfaction ■whom he might trust-to ? In which tryal, if he found any, that either should make doubtful an- swers, or peremptorily affirm, that, as the case stood betwixt him and his enemies, they would leave him their prince, and take part with them: might he not justly repute them for traitors, and deal with them accordingly? Sure we are, that no king or prince in Chris- tendom would like, or tolerate any such subjects within their domi- nions, if possibly they could be rid of them." (^Imporlanl Consi- derations. 60, 08, OS).) Ik-iiig shewn certain seditious passages from Sanders, Bristow, and Allen, Camjiion said, " that he mcddlcth neither to, nor fro." As to the deposition, he said, " that this question dependeth upon the fact of Pius V. whereof he is not to judge, and therefore, refuseth to answer any further." Briant was content to take Eliza- beth for his sovereign, but he would not affirm her sovereignty lawful, or that she ought to be obeyed, if the pope commanded the contrary. That question he pronounced too high and dange- rous for him to answer. As to the pope's power of releasing from obedience to the queen, he pro- fessed himself ignorant. Sherwin refused to answer as to the lawful- ness of the pope's deposition, and some other such questions, {A Pcniicular Declaraiion or Tcs/i- monij of the UndiitijuU and Trai- lerotis Affection borne agai/nst her Majestie, hi/ Edmund Campion, Jesuit, and other condemned Pricstes. Published bi/ Aulhoritij. Lond. 1582.) " Phi. AVee bee not judges be- tweene the Pope and the Queeuc. Theo. So said Campion at the King's bench." — Bishop Bilson's True Difference betireene Chris- tian Subjection and Unchristian Rebel lion. p. 111. ' '• ^Many of our affix-tions were knit to the Spaniard, and for our obedience to tlie Pope, we do all profess it. The attempts both of the Pope and Spaniard failing in Kngland, his Holiness, as a tem- poral prince, displayed his banner A.D. 1581.] TO THE ARMADA. 305 It was this whicli ensured condemnation to these miser- able prisoners, and which brands them indeUbly as dangerous ])olitical incendiaries, at best. Thev mioht still have saved their lives bv renouncins: the pope's anti-christian and anti-social pretensions ^ Bosgrave, a Jesuit, Rishton, a secular priest, and Orton, a layman, made this amends to outraged religion and common sense. The rest were too deej^ly smitten by the leprosy caught abroad. Equally disgusted and grieved by this obstinacy, some of the more serious Romanists Avere now at a loss to acquit them of treasonable designs 2. Nor would rational and candid men, generally, have found fault, if the whole had been immediately transported, under threat of execution, on a stealthy return. Unhappily, their's was not the age for such mild counsels. Campion, Sherwin, who came from Rome, and Briant, from Rheims, were selected at ill Ireland. The plot was to de- prive her Highness first from that kingdom, if they could, and then by degrees to depose her from this. How many men of our calling were addicted to these courses, the state knew not. In which case, the premises discreetly considered, there is no king or prince in the world, disgusting the see of Rome, and having either force or metal in him, that would have endured us, if possibly he could have been revenged, but rather, as Ave think, have utterly rooted us out of his territories, as traitors and rebels both to him and his country. And therefore, ^ve may rejoice unfeignedly that God hath blessed this kingdom with so gracious and merciful a sovereign, who hath not dealt in this sort with us. Assuredly, if she were a Catholic, she might be be accounted the mirror of the world." — Important Considera- tions. 64. ^ " Campion, after he was con- demned, being asked, first, Whe- ther Queen Elizabeth was a right and lawful queen ? refused to an- swer: then, Whether he Avould take part with the Queen, or the Pope, if he should send forces against the Queen ? he openly professed and testified under his hand, that he would stand for the Pope." — CAaiBDEN. 487- ^ " They answered, some of 'em so ambiguously, some so reso- lutely, and some by prevarication and silence, shifting off" the ques- tions, in such a manner that divers ingenuous Catholics began to sus- pect they were engaged in traitor- ous designs." — Ibid. X 306 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a. D. 1581. once to iiiKlcroo tlie revengofiil, revolting, and brutalising penalties of treason. Tliey Averc dragged, as nsual, on sledges, from the Tower to Tyburn, Canijiion by himself, his unfortunate friends too^ether. The dvinsf Jesuit trode the fatal ladder with intrepid step, and with neck now fixed within the noose, he began, IVe are made a spectacle to God, to amjels, and to men. Immediately, the sheriff interrupted him, suffering him only to beseech the people, that as they watched his dying struggles, they would repeat the Creed, thus making that profession for him which he could no longer make himself. The words were hardly uttered when his feet were thrust off the ladder'. Charles Howard, lord admiral, would not suffer him to be cut down until dead'. The sickening butchery prescribed by law Avas then practised on his body, the tMo remaining victims looking-on. It was thought, probably, that such horrors would frighten them into a renunciation of their politics. But they displayed no emotion. Having completed this first mutilation, the executioner laid his bloody hands on the next unfortu- nate, brutally saying, Come, Sherimn, take your earnings. As the i)oor jiriest mildly kissed the wu*etch's gory fingers, the crowd shouted admiration, insisting that the sufferer should say what he desired. He mounted the ladder, made a ])owerful address"* of unknown i)urport, and then ' Drc. 1. (Allkn. Dc Vcrscc. Aiigl. 87-) " He was required to ask forgiveness of the Queen. He meekly answered, Wherein have I offended hci:' In this I am innocent. This is ini/ last breath: in this jsive me credit. I have and I do pray for her. Lord Charles Howard asked him for whieh fjueon he pniyed? wliether for Elizabeth, the Queen? Cam- pion replied, Yes: for Elizabeth, your queen, and my queen. (BuT- LEiJ. Hist. Mem. i. 191.) Allen's account, liowever, has been fol- lowed as more probable. No doubt, it came from good autho- rity. " Bautom. 214. " " Efficacissiman cohortatio- neni ad populum luibuit." — Alllx. tiOi supra. A.D. 1581.] TO THE ARMADA. 307 himself inserted his neck in the noose, greeted on every side, with Good S/ienvin, the Lord God receive thy good soul. Before suspension, Brian t, a very handsome young man of eight and twenty, made a short profession of his faith, and protested innocence not only of treasonable deeds, but even of treasonable thoughts'. The crowd that gazed upon this pitiable, savage sight, was immense, and among it were several persons of quality \ On the day following that of Campion's trial, seven more prisoners were convicted of the same offences \ Both prosecutions were strictly defensive measures. Execution under them was plainly proved by the first experiment, no less impolitic than cruel. It enlisted sympathy and admiration on the side of parties clearly in the wrong. But alarmed and irritated rulers do not readily discern such a truth, while times continue rude. The surviving convicts, accordingly, being found intract- able, first three*, then four of them, suffered as traitors, at Tyburn'. These repeated butcheries of scholarly, vir- tuous, amiable, self-devoted clergymen, threw great odium on the government. A large portion of the English public, no doubt, approved. Many dreaded treasonable movements, many had been led by Puritanical invectives, to consider Popery of itself a capital crime, and some, probably, had brought a resentful feeling from the Marian times, which pressed heavily upon lower life. But foreigners Avere under no such influences, and Allen was not slow in moving their pity and indignation, by raising a loud shout of persecution against Elizabeth, and her ministers. Even before this could re-echo through the ^ Allen, uh'i supra. } ^ Butler. Hisl. Mem. i, 187. * Three carls, six barons, seA^e- * May 28. Stowe. 694. ral knights, c^c. Ibid. \ " Uixy 30. lb. X 2 008 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1582. continent, pains were taken to extend a favourable view of late severities. One pamphlet from authority defended the use of torture, and denied any excess in its recent employment'. Another exhibited extracts from Sanders and Bristow, with evidence that the unliapjiy men, lately condennied, really held such criminal princi})les-. Others, again, detailed Campion's proceeding's, and supplied par- ticulars of his death. From this latter, the unhappy Jesuit appears to have denied, at Tyburn, any other trea- son than his religion. On this he was urged with offence against the queen, which he met by acknowledging her as his lawful sovereign. But he then hesitated, and became confused. Probably, this alteration in his manner, lost him the opportunity, for which he was evidently pre- pared, of making a formal address from the ladder. It must have seemed not unlikely, that in case of his regaining complete self-possession, he might say some- thing far from agreeable to the ruling powers. In this pamphlet, he is represented as a vain, ready, clever, specious man; a character sufficiently confirmed by existing evidenced Allen grappled immediately Mith ^ Reprinted in tlie Ilarleian i gladly spoken, but the great tinie- Miscellani/. iii. 53/. ' I'ity and unstable opinion of his * A Parliciilar Dcclaralion or \ conscience, wherein he was at the Teslimofii/ of tlic Unci ill if nil and \ time, even to the death, Avould not Trailcious .'IJJ'eclion borne agaijiist 1 sutler liini to utter it. — Wliat time Iter Majcilie, f)i/ Edmund Cditipion, he spent his study, here in Eng- Jesiiit, and oilier condemned \ land, both in the hospital, and Priextes. I'lthlis/icd by AulliorUij, also at the university of Oxenford, Lond. ir>8J. he was always addicted to a niar- ' " Then was lie" (Campion) vellous suppose of himself, of ripe " moved as concerning his traitor- judgement, prompt audacity, and ous and heinous offence to the cunning conveyance of his school Queen's most excellent Majesty: points, wherethrough he fell into •whereto he answered, She is my a [uoud and vain -glorious judge- lawful ])rincess and queen ; there meiit, practising to be eloquent in somewhat he drew in his words to phrase, and so fine in his quirks Limsclf, whereby was gathered j and fastastical conjectures, that that somewhat he would have the ignorant he won by his smooth A.D. 1582.] TO THE ARMADA. 809 all the apologies for his country's treatment of the recon- ciling priests, in an eloquent and feeling, but unfair Latin pamphlet. On the English Persecution'. This was promptly, though not expressly, answered in the English Justice, which came, it is believed, from Burghley, and has the plain, solid character, to be expected from such a pater- nity". Allen, however, did not leave it in undisputed possession of the field. He soon appeared with a reply, entitled, British Justice"". Burghley's anxiety to have his views generally circulated, was shewn in an Italian translation of his pamphlet, which appeared soon after the original". He has, in fact, furnished an ample defence of the jDrosecutions instituted". In his day, this ^ Ad Persecutores Anglos, pro Calholicis: coiitra J'alsiim, sediti- ositm, et contiiweliosinn libelhim inscriplum, Jvstitia Britan- nic a. No place, or date. * At/o del/a Glustitia d' Ing/iil- icn-a, esscguito per la conserva- tione delta commune, e CJiristiana Pace, contra alcuni seminatori di Discordie, e Seguaci di Ribell'i, e de Nemici del Reamc, e non per niuna Persecutione die fosse lor falla per cagion della Religione; si come e stato falsamenfe publicalo da difonsori e da sostoUalori della costoro rehellione e iradhnenlo. Translato d' Inglese in Vitlgare, da chi desidera che gli Ituliani conoscano quanto i romori sparsi arl'ificiosamenie per tutta Ilalia, dell' Alio sopradelto sieno Bi/gi- ardi e Falsi. Londra. Aj)presso Giovanni Wolfio. 1584. ^ " Jesuits and Romish priests ■were sent over, who, in secret corners, whispered and infused into the hearts of many of the unlearned sul)jects of this realm, that the Pope had power to excom- devices ; some other affecting his pleasant imaginations, he charmed with subtilty, and choked with sophistry." (A Brief Discourse concerning the Deaf /is oj" Edmund Campion, Sfc. Seoi and Allowed, Lond. 1582.) Bartoli says that there was, " nel Campiano, una generosita di cuore animoso, e prode, ma niente meno modesto che libcro: nel Personio un avve- dimento di ben consi^rliato friudi- cio." (113.) The two were un- doubtedly much unlike, but well fitted for united operations, if Persons could only retain an eflFec- tive ascendancy. TJie one was rough, overbearing, and sagacious, the other mild, plausible, and for- ward. Thus the defects of each were neutralised, and materials were provided for working upon every temper. ' De Persecutione Anglicana Libellus. Cum Licenlia Superio- rum. Rom. 1582. ^ Tlie Execution of Justice in England, not for Religion, but for Treason. 17 Dec. 1583. 310 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1583. would be deemed sufficient for justifying the executions also. Such topics rarely dwell upon public attention with- out injury to sufferers under mental disease. This was now shewn by John Somerville, a half-insane Romish gentleman of Elstow, in Warwickshire. He read and heard of heretics, excommunications, and murderous designs alleged, or denied, until his distempered brain was all on fire'. A neighbourhood feud added fuel to the flame. His father-in-law, Edward Arden, a landed pro- prietor of ancient lineage, seated at Park Hall, in the same county, had irritated Leicester, by a resolute con- tempt for his feelings and convenience*. He had even muniratc and depose kings and princes, that he had excommuni- cated the late Queen, and dis- charged all her suhjects of their oath, duties, and allegiance (o her, and therefore, tliat they ought not to ohey her, or any of her com- mandments, or laws, under pain of the Pope's curse. This ivas high treason by the ancient laws of England, and thereupon, Campion, Slierwin, and many other liomish priests, heing apprehended, and confessing that they came into England to make a party for the C.tl'.olic cause, uhen need should require, were in tiie 21st year of the said late Queen's reign, in- dicted, arraigned, tried, adjudged, and executed for high treason against their mitural allegiance which they owed their liege sove- reign." (iSiK \\u\\'. CoKi.'.s Reports. xxxiii.) Ralph .Sherwin was a Devonshire man, admitted fellow of J''xeter College, Oxford, through Sir William iVtre, in July, ISOtJ. lie withdrew to Douay, and was ordained priest, ^larch 23, lojT- — DonD. ii. 132. Campion's name is sometimes written Champion ; which was, prohably, its pronunciation in England. Foreigners commonly wrote it Campirtn. It would thus make better Latin and Italian forms. ' He " confessed the treason, and that he was moved thereunto in his wicked spirit, hy certayne trayterous persons, his kinsmen and allies, and also by often read- ing of certayne seditious books lately published." — Srowii. (iDJ. Exec. Just. 35. Cambde.n. 4D4. * Dr. Lingard says that ho would not accommodate Leicester by selling him a portion of his estate, and that he refused to wear his livery. This " was wont to consist of hats or hoods, badges and other suits of one garment, by the year." (SruYiM;. Memorials, iii. pt. 2. p. 16].) The retainers, as they were called, Avho accepted this, were commonly gentlemen, A.D. 1583.] TO THE ARMADA. 311 aggravated indifference, by branding the proud favourite, as an adulterer, and an upstart'. Thus religious prejudice was embittered in these unfortunate gentlemen, by per- sonal antipathy. They were galled by an overgrown neighbour, deep in the royal confidence, who was the patron of Puritanism, which could never view their sect, without hearing a call for its extermination. Haunted by sanguinary schemes to recover its ascendancy, Somer- ville left home for London. Meeting one or two Pro- testants on his M'ay, his insane bigotry urged him to rush upon them A\ith sword in hand". For this he was taken into custody, when he confessed himself to have set out for the purpose of assassinating the queen. He was then committed to the Tower'' ; as were, within a few days, his father and mother-in-law, his wife, sister, and Plugh Hall, a reconciling missionary, who had acted as their con- fessor \ Upon this latter', as also upon Arden, the rack was tried ^ and in the unhaj^py priest's case with some success ^ He was, however, put upon his trial, at Guildhall, together with Somerville, and the Ardens, man and wife^ All four were convicted. Hall's life had been redeemed by his disclosures. Mrs. Arden seems to have found pro- tection in her sex. On the night preceding the day appointed for execution, Somerville strangled himself in and only expected to attend on state occasions. ^ Cambden. 495. « lb. ^ Oct. 30, — Diar. rei\ gest. in Turri Lond. * Hall, Nov. 4. Arden, Nov. 7. the three females, Nov. 16. — lb. * Nov. 2i.— lb. « Nov. 23.— lb. ' " This gentleman who was drawn in by the cunning of the priest, and cast by his evidence." (Cambuen. 495.) " From the latter" (Hall) " was drawn a con- fession that Arden had, in his hearing, wished the Queen were in heaven."— liiNGARD. viii. 206. ® Dec. 16. — Diar. rer. gcst. in Turri Lond. 312 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.D. 1583. Newgate*. Arden was executed in Smithfield as a traitor\ The upshot of this tragedy gave great offence. There could be little reason for visiting so severely, encourage- ment, however blameable, given to the delusions of a maniac. Nor could jieople refrain from attributing the misery and ruin, which a mad enterjH-ise had brought upon two wealthy families, to Leicester's resentful and selfish ends\ Seditious reading being named by Somerville himself as a main cause of his undoing, the government naturally felt his conviction as a new call to guard otliers from such infection. Theoretically, no freedom of the press existed, only such publications being allowed as had royal authority for their appearance, after careful examination*. But this restriction was habitually evaded. In spite of searches at the ports, prohibited -books were imported in abundance*. Cupidity and necessity drove also domestic * Dec. 10. lie and Arden were then brought from the Tower, proliably, to be near Smithfield, and Somerville strangled himself within two hours after. — Stowe. 697. * Dec. 20. Both liis head and Somerville's were placed on Lon- don bridge. His quarters were placed on the city gates. The body of Somerville, prol)al)ly, as a feh lie sc, was buried in !Moor- fitkls. ' Cambden. 49j. Dr. Lingard says that Leicester gave the lands of his victim to one of his own dependants. The Eaecitlion of Jfiitice, published while this un- happy and discreditable case was pending, speaks of Somerville as " ii furious young mail of War- Avickshire, who, of late was disco- vered and taken in his way, coming with a full intent to have killed her Majesty." (34.) Watson says, '' Two gentlemen about that time also, viz. Anno 1583, Mr. Arden, and ]Mr. Somerville, were con- victed by the laws of the realm, to have purposed and contrived how they might have laid violent hands upon her Majesties sacred person. Mr. Somerville's confession therein was so notorious, as it may not be either (jualified or denied." — Imp. Cons. 7L * "• "NVe can neither saye nor print what we will, but that only which alter view and diligent ex- amination, haih, or should have priviledge from her IMajesf ics lawe- full authoritie." — Cmahke's lieplie lo a ( 'ensure. * Ibid. A.D. 1584.] TO THE ARMADA. 313 speculators to print clandestinely what could not openly be sold. Romish zeal, in one case, and jirobably, in more than one, made a private family set up a press in its mansion, and employ servants to work it '. Of those who sought gain by printing and selling forbidden publications, William Carter, formerly amanuensis to Harpsfield, had long been notorious. He had even been in custody, four years ago, for keeping a French political pamphlet, in favour of jNIary, Queen of Scots ^ Being, however, bold and artful, he took no warning from his danger, but re- printed, almost immediately afterwards, A Treatise of Schisme, by Gregory Martin, the bosom friend of Cam- pion, and like him a renegade, and a Jesuit. This tract contains an ambiguous passage, which Avas represented as an exhortation to Elizabeth's ladies to murder her, as Judith murdered Holofernes^ Lawyers pronounced it ' Stonar and Brinkler, two Ro- misli gentlemen, were coramitted to the Tower, Aug. 13, 1581, to- gether with four servants, employed in printing, who had been taken, as well as the press, in the house of Mrs. Stonar ( Diai: rer. gest. in Turri Lo7id.), or. as Bartoli has it, "nel palagio di Madcima la Stonar." 239. ^ Bishop Aylmer to Lord Burgh- ley. Dec. 30, 1579. Strype. An- nals, ii. pt. 2. p. 271. ' The book Avas printed at Douay, 1578, reprinted at Lon- don, 1580. The fatal passage, which occurs among examples of persons who refused participation in religious rites deemed unlawful, is this : " Judith folowcth, whose godlye and constant wisdome, if our Cath-'dike gentlewomen would folowe, they might destroyc Holo- fernes, the master heretike, and amase all his retinew, and never defile their religion by communi- cating with them in anye smale poynt. She came to please Holo- fernes, but yet in her religion, she Avould not yeelde so muche as to eate of his meates, but brought of her owne with her, and tolde him plainelye, that being in his house, yet she must serve her Lorde and God stil, desiring for that purpose, libertie once a-day to go in and out of the gate." (Lingard. viii. 527. Note ^Y.) Carter had two presses at work, and having pro- cured Allen's commendation of Martin's tract, he printed above a thousand of it. Martin, who was a great reader, and a good linguist, but a warm partisan, died at Kheims, in 1582. — FouLis. Romish Treasons. 338. 314 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.D. 1584. high treason, and Carter was tried at the Old Bailey, as a traitor, for printing and vending it'. He i)leaded, that it Avas mere allegory, Holofernes meaning sin and Satan, Avhich Catholic ladies might destroy, by abstaining from Protestant worship, as Judith ]irepared the way for de- stroying the heathen captain, by abstaining from his meats'. This interpretation being overruled, as forced, by Anderson, the judge, a verdict of guilty was returned, after a quarter of an hour's deliberation'. The prosecu- tion must fairly be taken as an evidence that Martin's obscurity and absurdity passed ordinarily for a suggestion to murder the queen*. The exam})le made of this un- hap)iy tradesman was in the sanguinary, yet ineffective spirit, with which that age indiscriminately visited of- fenders. He was dragged, on the morning after his trial, to Tyburn, and underwent the usual penalties of treason \ Tlie two AYarwickshire gentlemen were hardlv lodo-ed in the Tower, before its dungeons received another miser- able inmate, connected Avith their county". Among the younger sons of Sir George Throgmorton, builder of Coughton Castle there, Sir Nicholas, the fourth, had honourably filled several public employments, which Cecil's greater success in life made him consider very ill requited. His repinings were suddenly cut short by a fatal indigestion, as it seems; which many thought an opi)ortune escape from troubles that an aspiring, restless, disappointed spirit must have soon provoked'. Sir John, ' Jan. 10. SrowE. 698. * LiNfiAKi), viii, .'520. Bridge- WATKR. 130. * 13rid(;kwati:r. 13.3. * Cunibden says of the Roman- ists, "They set forth books, where- in tlicy exhorted the Queen's gen- tlewomen to act the like against the Queen, as Judith liad done with a])j)lause and conunoudations against Holofernes." — 4l>7- * SrowE. ()!IH. • Nov. 7. lM-3. — ]Jiar. rcr. gesl. in Turri Loud. '' " Though he discharged seve- ral embassies with a great deal of A.u. 1584.] TO THE ARMADA. 315 his father's seventh son, was a lawyer, and became chief justice of Cliester. From this appointment he was dis- missed, by Leicester's influence, for producing as the exact copy of an ancient document, \vhat really contained insertions of his own to fill gaps caused in the original by age '. The struggling family of such a younger son could hardly be free from political discontent. Its once pro- mising fortunes must have seemed unjustly crippled by lucky, selfish, artful favourites, to whose envious malignity both uncle and father had fallen victims. The former had opened an intrigue with Mary, Queen of Scots, while still upon the throne ^ His nephew, Francis Throgmor- ton, the disgraced judge's eldest son, was now agent for conducting a clandestine correspondence between that unhappy princess and her continental friends. He was diligence, and raucli to his praise, yet could he not be master of much wealth, nor rise higher than to those small dignities, though glorious in title, of chief cup- bearer of England, and chamber- lain of the exchequer; and this because he acted in favour of Leicester against Cecil, whose greatness he envied. It Avas in Leicester's house, where, as he was feeding heartily at supper upon a salad, he was seized, as some say, with an inflammation of the lungs, as others, with a catarrh, not without suspicion of poison ; and died very luckily for himself and family, his life and estate being in great danger by reason of his turbulent spirit." (CA>rBDEX. 430.) Sir Nicbolas Throgmorton died Feb. 12, 1570, Cecil says in his Diary, ex pleurisi ct peripneu- monia. Leicester, in a letter to Walsingham, two days afterward. says of him, " His lungs were perished." He seems to have said, the day before his deatb, that he had taken poison in a salad. It is clear enough that he became dreadfully sick after this fatal supper, as might be expected of a man out of health eating vora- ciously of salad. Scandal soon discovered that Leicester had poi- soned him, fearing his disclosures to Cecil, with whom he had been lately reconciled. — Strype. An- nals, ii. .35. Nare's Burghley. ii. 546. Milner's Letters to a Pre- bendary. 162. ^ Casibden. 497- " D- Joannes Throgmortonus, equcs auratus, doctissimus paritcr atque clarissi- mus, per calumniam a Lecestrio oppressus, in squalore antea vitam finierat." — Bridgewateu. 1 72. ^ His letter may be seen in JMelville. — Memoirs. 60. 316 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.D. 1584. also in the confidence of Don Bernardin de ISIendoza, an insidious Jesuit', mIio resided in England, as Spanish ambassador. The English government had been a^are, for several months, of young Throgmorton's dangerous agencv, but thought it enough to watch him, until some decisive information could be gained. At lengtli, a letter to the Queen of Scots was intercepted*. Among his con- nections "vvas Charles Paget (brother to the peer), mIio lived abroad, a pensioner of Spain\ It was discovered that he had lately been in England, under the names of ISIope and Spring, communicating Avitli distinguished Romanists, and making observations on the Sussex coast*. Farther delay appeared unnecessary, and perhaps also unsafe. Two gentlemen were sent to Francis Throgmor- ton's house, at Paul's Wharf, in London, with a Avarrant. One of them conveyed him away in custody, the other stayed behind to search the premises. Before he was removed, he contrived an excuse to retire into his bed- room, and thence he clandestinely sent, by means of a female servant, a casket covered Mith velvet, to IMen- doza, the Spanish ambassador's. Of the remaining })apers, only two were considered as evidence. They were lists, identical, it seems, in matter, but in different hands, of ' "His Holiness, by the false otherwise, one Mr. Francis Tlirock- instigations of the .Jesuits, plotted morton, and divers others." — Im- •\vith the king of J^pain, ior the porlafit Considcralioux. 'JO. assistance of the duke of Guise, to " Camudkn. 4l>7- enterprise upon the sudden, a very ^ He had eighty ast in tlie Italian * St'pt. 16. " Contra oiiino jus ' tonpuc, for tlic invadinj; of tliis pontiuin." (Diar. rrr. i^csl. in rcalinc And altliougli it was Tin r'l Loud.) "Of late one torn in jiccccs. and divers parts (Vicliton, a Scottish Josuite, was tlicrcof lost, yet liavc we jratlicrcd talicn l)y a sliippo set forth l)y tlic the sense thereof." — Walsingliani admiral of Zealand, and sent to Sudler. Sep(, ]({, 1 '>}{4. Sadler liitlier hy him unto hir majestic, Slatv I'apcrs. iii. ]liU. ahowt wliom was found a very | ^ Camudkn. iif supra. A.D. ]584.] TO THE ARMADA. 823 nate Mary of Scotland. She felt the blow acutely, but soon rallying-, offered her own signature to the association, so far as could be done without prejudicing her son and their common heirs'. This qualified adhesion was declined. The nation generally shewed its feeling for the sovereign, and its admiration of her government, by taking the engagement as it stood. While it was under general discussion, writs were issued for the calling of a new parliament. When this body met^ it passed a bill for giving legality to the prin- ciples of the association. But Elizabeth sent a royal message to retrench some of its most objectionable pro- visions. Her judicious interference removed responsi- bility from all whose guilt had not been pronounced by a regular commission. Mary and her heirs also were excused from forfeiture, unless the queen should be taken off by violence^ The Puritanical party was, as usual, strong in the Lower House, and attempts were made, which court authority made abortive, to force such regu- lations upon the church, as had long been clamorously demanded \ An assembly largely leavened by such views, ^ Cambden. lit supra. ^ Nov. 23— D'EwEs.311. * LiNGARD. viii. 217- ■* By petition to the Upper House. This embraces, 1. The propriety of suspending ministers found incompetent, on examina- tion. 2. The removal of unlearned men, beneficed since 1575. 3. The future ordination of none in- sufficiently qualified. 4. Restric- tions upon ordination, Avhere six able, resident ministers, at least, do not concur with the bishop. 5. Refusal of orders to any unpro- vided ^vitll a cure then vacant. 6. Refusal of institution until com- petent notice to the parish, that due inquiry may be made into the party's qualifications. 7- Relaxa- tion as to oaths and subscriptions. 8. Latitude as to using the Li- turgy, and ceremonies. 9. Re- straint upon the jurisdiction of ofiieials and commissaries over clergymen. JO. Restoration of suspended or de])rived preachers. 11, Discontinuance of examina- tions, ex oj/ic/o. 12. Revival of the prup/ie.si/iiig.'!, under proper re- gulation. 13. Restraint upon ex- communications. 14. Excommu- y2 824 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a. P. 1584. Avas not likely to think excessive, any new severities against Romanism. A bill, accordingly, passed both Houses, after careful consideration in committee by each of them', which rendered all native Jesuits, and seminary ]n-iests, found in the realm, after forty days were past, liable to the penalties of high treason. To aid, or receive such persons was made felony. To know of their pre- sence without discovering them, Avithin twelve days, Avas to be punishable by fine or imprisonment, at the queen's pleasure. All students in the seminaries, or religious, Avho should not obey within six months, a proclamation to recall them, and should not take the oath of supremacy before the diocesan, or two justices, were to be treated as traitors. Those of them who accepted these conditions, ■were not to come within twelve miles of the court during the first ten years. Remittances to them were to incur a prcemunirc. Parents sending a child abroad without license, were to forfeit one hundred pounds, and any one so sent was to be incapable of inheriting from the sender*. iiications for great scandals by the Lisliops })crsoiially, -with assistance from grave persons, or by others " of calling in the church, Avith like assistance." If). Discontinu- ance of pluralities and non-resi- dence. It). Exaction of able preaching curates from actual non- residents. In her speech of j)ro- rogation, Elizabeth thus arro- gantly and ridiculously, as mo- derns would think, adverted to the Puritanical spirit of the Lower House. " There be some fault- fmders with the order of the clergy, Avhich may so make a slander to myself and the church, whose over-ruler (lod liath made me, whose negligence cannot be ex- cused, if any schisms or errors lie- retical were suffered. Thus much I must say, that some faults and negligences may groAV and be, as in all other great charges it hap- peneth; and what vocation with- out? All which, if you, my lords of the clergy, do not amend, I mean to dej)0se you. Look ye, there- fore, well to your diarges. This may be amended without heedless or open exclamations." — D'EwEs. 3oi). 328. ' //;/W. :{41,319. * CoLui'H. ii. .')J)4. LiNYiAiM). viii. 21J». " In the 27th year of her reign, by authority of I'arlia- meiit, her Majesty made it treason for any Jesuit, or Komish 2)riest, A.D. 1584.] TO THE ARMADA. 325 It is obvious that some enactments of this kind Mere nothing more than strictly defensive measures, but these were excessive. Wliile validity was claimed for papal bulls menacing England with bloodshed and confusion, its government fairlv refused shelter to those who came from the teachers of such doctrine. In the case of Jesuits, its justification was complete. Monkish combi- nations are not necessary to the full toleration of Ro- manism, nor need rulers hesitate, at any time, to clear their dominions of men mIio merge individual resjion- sibility in the movements of an organized body, and the dictation of an alien superior. The House of Commons was all but unanimous in considering this "a good and necessary biir." The only dissentient appears to have been Dr. William Parry, meml^er for Queenborough. He inveighed violently against the whole measure, as " savouring of treasons, full of blood, danger, terror, and despair to the friends and relations of them all ; full of confiscations too, yet such as would not enrich the queen." He did not, however, exj")ect his invectives to bear any weight with either House, both being evidently animated by a zeal that must carry being her natural born subject, and made a priest or Jesuit, si- tlience the beginning of her reign, to come into any of her dominions, intending thereby to keeji them out of the same, to the end tliat they shoukl not infect any other subjects ^vith such treasonable and damnalilc persuasions and prac- tices as are aforesaid, which, Avith- out controversy, were high trea- son l)y the ancient common laws of England : neither ayouUI any magnanimous king of Tingland, sitbence the first establishment of this monarchy, bave suffered any, (especially being his own iiatural born subjects) to live, that per- suaded his subjects that he was no lawful king, and practised with them, within the heart of this realm, to withdraw them iVom their allegiance and loyalty to tlieir sovereign, the same being crimen hcsce inajeslalis, by the ancient laws of tbis realm." — Sir E. Coke's Reports, xxxix. ' Speech of the speaker, John Puckering, serjeant at law, to Dr. Parry. Dec. M .—D'EviV.ii. 341. 320 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. Ca.p. 15R4. till' l)ill tlironufli. His only (l('|H'ii(lancc, therefore, M*as iij)oii licr majestv, to mIioiii alone lio Mould s-tate the reasons of his oj)j)osition'. Tiiis speech was naturally offensive to men bent unanimously the other way, and Parrv's concealment of his motives from the very body that miiiht need such information for its own guidance, and which had been disofusted bv his vehemence, was, undoubt- edly, alike unreasonable and uucourteous. Hence he was ordered to withdraw in custody, into the outer room. Being called in again, he Avas re|)rimanded by the speaker, and urged to make some sufficient explanation of his conduct. lie said, however, a great deal about himself, and his services, but j)ersisted in refusing to inform the House of his reasons. This was resented as a contempt, and he M'as placed under arrest'. Before many hours were over, he made some communication to the privy council, which the queen thought not altogether unsatis- factory, and by her means, the House restored him to his place, on the following day\ He was born at Northop, in Flintshire, where his father, who had a very large family", kept a public-house. ' Speech of Dr. Pariv. Dec. I7. — D'i:\vi:s. :uo. * Hcsolutioii of the House of Commons. Dec. I7. — lb. ^ Speecli of Sir Christopher Hatton, Vice-chamberlain. Dec. 18.— /A. .^42. she was princess," died about JCiGG, aged 108. It is added, " His hmd Avas very small; his best living was a lease of his parsonage of Nor- thop." (Parry to IJurghley. Stkvim:. Annals, iii. litJij.) The contempo- rary account, abridged by .Strvpe, * Thirty children; fourteen by printed by Darker, the queen's his first wifi", sixteen by the second, ])rinter, not only says that his Parry's mother. This patriarch, father "kept a common ale-house," represented by his unfortunate son hut also that " his eldest brother as " a poor gentleman of no greater I dwelleth at this present in the fortune than to he, as many gen- I same house, and there keepeth an tiemcn of that county were, of [ ale-houso, as his father did before King llinry's guard, and appointed j him." These accounts cannot be to attend upon Queen Mary, while I incorrect, but they are not iiicun- A.D. 1585.] TO THE ARMADA. 327 He claimed, hoAvever, for his ancestors, the Ithels, or Bethels', ancient Flintshire gentry. INIaternally, he sprang, according to his own account, from the Conways, of Bodrythan, in the same county. His mother, it is allowed, was natural daughter of a priest, named Conway, rector of Halkin ^ When a lad, he was placed with a lawyer, at Chester, but ran away from him, and took refuo-e in London, where he went into service. His first considerable rise appears to have come from marriage with a Carmarthenshire widow, daughter of Sir William Thomas. During several years, he filled some sort of menial situation in the royal househokr: no very favour- able school for a mind like his, enslaved by luxury and ostentation. The seasonable death of his first wife o-ave him another matrimonial opening, which he did not lose, of j)roviding for his expensive tastes. He married again, a wealthy widow, but now, one old enough for his mother. To her daughter, accordingly, he w^as charged with trans- slstent Avitli Parry's claims to a parentage ■where there Avas some property. ^ Bethel is ap Ithel. Parry's ^ A True and Plain Declara- tion of Horrible Treasons practised by Williavi Parry against the dueen's Majesty. 32. father, however, is stated to have ^ "In the year 1570, I Mas been called Harry ap David. Ac- i SAVorn her JIajesties servant, from cording to the shifting patronymic which time until the year 1580, I form, usual then, and long after- ; served, honoured, and loved her, wards, with Welsh surnames, this with as great readiness, devotion, poor man's too-celebrated son pro- j and assurance, as any poor subject perly called himself ap Harry, in England." (Voluntary Confession Upon the same principle, a son of | of William Parry. True and Plain his own would have been named \ Declaration., Sfc. 9.) " From the Williams. His assumption of Parry service of the Earl of Pembroke, was treated as a disguise to conceal he passed to that of the Queen, the original ap Harry, and to set and by the appointment of Lord up a claim of relationship to va- 1 Burleigh, resided several years in rious considerable families named Parry. But this is rather unfair. Parry being the English form of ap Harry. different parts of the continent, to collect and transmit secret intelli- gence for the use of that minister.'' — LiNGARD. viii. 220. 328 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [^A.D. IjIT). fcrring; his attentions, and a long scjjaration from the old ladv gives i)i*obal)ility to the scandalous tale'. Undoubt- edly, however, there ^^■as enougli to warrant her disgust in his utter Avant of economy and princijde. The former deficiencv dn»vc liim to l)()rro\v a sum of money from an individual, named Hare; the latter to seek release from a suit Avliich that gentleman began, by breaking into his chambers, in the Temple, and making an attempt upon his life'. For this crime, being tried at the Old Bailey, he received sentence of death as a burglar. His court connections, probably, saved liim. He was i)ar- doned, and went abroad \ On the continent, he was employed by the English ministry, as a spy, during several years. The gay gallantry that had captivated two rich ■widows, was now wholly thrown aside. He ajipeared as a grave student, graduated, and was ostensibly engaged in fpialify'ing himself to ])ractise as a civilian'. He cer- tainly would have been glad to return home, but he found himself unable to set foot in England Avithout molestation from creditors'. His chief continental busi- ness ai)pears to have been the negotiation of various ' "]S[y Avifo hatli 80/. yearly: •wlioreof I liave not liandled penny for some yoars past." — Parry to r5ur;,'lil(>y. Stry I'll. A minis, iii. .1()'). " At 'tlio close of ].",}{(). lie seems not to have lieen released until Midsummer, \i'tH'2. Mr. Hare, though not killed, was very severely wounded. Parry, however, quietly says, " I had some trouhlc for the liiirting of a gentleman of the 'i'emjile." Nevertheless, as usual with oflenders of all sorts, he talks of himself as an injured maji, add- ing, " In which action, I was so di.Hgraccd and oppressed hy two great men, to whom I have of late been beholden, that I never had contented thought since." — Volun- tary Confession. /// supra. ^ He a])plied for license to travel for three years, in -July, l.'x'iJ: having obtained tiii^, he went abroad in the next month. — Ibid. * "He cast away all his former lewd manners, changed his «legree and habit, and bought or begged the grave title of a doctor of law, fur which he was well (|ualitied by a little grammar-school iiiitin." — True and Plain Declaration, S^c'tSi. * .SruYri:. Annals, iii. 37.>. A.n. 1585.^ TO THE ARMADA. 329 affairs in their OM^n country for the English refugees'. As a fellow-religionist, he brought over no great claim u2)on their confidence, having taken repeatedly the oath of supremacy s though an habitual absentee from the Sacrament^ But he had been long about the court in their native country, and Mas thus far from unlikely to have means of serving them. The English ministry naturally took care to keep him in credit, by attending to some of his applications. In return for such attention, he betrayed the secrets of those whom he served. But these were seldom of such importance as to overcome the parsimony of Elizabeth's government, and Parry com- jilained of an ill requital for valuable services. Soon after his arrival in France, he was reconciled to the Papal Church, and subsequently, at Milan, his belief was formally investigated by the Inquisition'. It is plain, that he had become very anxious to take any kind of advantage that Romanism might offer for an escajie from disgrace and poverty. He was, in fact, a vain, ambitious, extravagant, plausible, unprincipled man, ever in straits, and ever schemino- to ^et out of them. ' He -wrote to Burghlcy, that " he found his credit and favour to be such -witli the best of the Englisli and Scottisli nations, in Rome and Paris, by the hope con- ceived of his readiness and ability to serve them, tliat he doubted not, in a few months, to be well able to discover their deepest prac- tices."— Strype. AnnaJs. iii. 371. '^ " Before he travelled beyond the seas, at three several times ■\vithin the compass of these two and twenty years past, he did a^o- luntarily take the oath of obedience to the Queen's Majesty, set down in the statute made in the first year of her Highness' reign." — True (nid Plain Dcclai'ation^ SfC. 33. ^ " I went over with doubtful mind of return, for that being sus- pected in religion, and not having received the communion in twenty- two years, I began to mistrust my advancement in England." (Con- fession, &c. Ih. 9.) So he went abroad, after pardon for a capital felony, merel}^ because lie thought himself unlikely to get forward, from doubts of his religious prin- ciples. * Confession, nt supra. 030 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. Qa.d, 1585. Having again settled himself in England', 'he had several ])rivate int(M-views, not only ^vitli the ministers, but also with Elizabeth herself. To her he communi- cated various projects of assassination which had come to his knowledge on the continent*. His object was to be nominated master of St. Catharine's, or even to gain a pension. But in both he failed, and was bitterly disap- pointed. He noM' became closely intimate with a late officer in the Spanish army, Edmund Neville, who called himself Lord Latimer '' : whose indigence was greater than ' lie laiulod at Rye, in January, 1584. — Confession, uf sttpra. * lb. * Neville -was descended from George Neville, fifth son of Ralj>li, first carl of Westmoreland, Avliicli George Avas summoned to Parlia- ment as Baron Latimer, in 1432. The eldest branch of this George ended in four females, sisters, on the death of John Neville, Lord Latimer, in 1577, hctween whom the barony fell into abeyance. The eldest of these ladies became countess of Northumberland, the second was married to Thomas Cecil, elder son of Lord Burghlcy. Edmund Neville was lineal male descendant of (loorge Neville, but as John Neville, descendant of the eldest branch, left female heirs, it is rather surprising, that this de- scendant of a younger branch .«liould have thought liimself en- titled to the barony of Latimer. Parry, liowever, called liim 7>ii/ Lord, and a letter of his to Burgh- ley, Oct, 1.'^, 1585, is signed Ed- vititid Lalymer. (Sthyim:. Annalx. iii. 4()().) On the death of Charles Neville, attainted in 1570 for the northern rebellion, he became next male heir to the forfeited earldom of Westmoreland, and he seems to have built immediately upon ob- taining a reversal of his unfortu- nate relative's attainder. Dr. Lin- gard says that he had been engaged abroad as a spy of the English government, and that, " as long as Persons resided at Rouen, he had been employed to watch the motionsof that enterprising .Jesuit." (viii. 224.) Strype conjectures him to have been a pensioner of Spain, as he talks to Burghley of having " lost his living abroad." llis name, however, docs not ap- pear in the list of Philip's pen- sioners printed by ]\Ir. Townsend. lie was long detained prisoner in the Tower: it being, probaldy, con- sidered unsafe to set at large a person so desperate and dangerous. Parry talked of Neville as his cousin, claiming a relationship to him through Sir John Conway, whom he represented as mater- nally of kin to himself. The male heir of Weslmoreland and Latimer would, no doubt, have spurned such a claim, had not his ancestral greatness been under a total eclipse; but a brother beggar and schemer might be borne in babbling about community of blood. A.D. I0O5.3 TO THE ARMADA. 381 his own, but whose head, like his, teemed with golden visions, and political discontent'. Regicide was the fa- vourite theme of these unhappy men. Parry detailed sundry conversations abroad upon this question, with Romish divines, admitting that many of them would hear nothing of sophistry to justify murder. Such, indeed, he could not deny, was the general stream of English opinion; which he re])resented as a proof that the national theology was rather behind that of the continent". Scotland was equally backward, Creighton, the Jesuit, now in the Tower, having told him that assassination was altogether imlawfur. But then, he inferred a contrary doctrine, from Allen's answer to Burghley*, and he declared him- *, Parry kept house in Fetter Lane, Neville had only lodgings, and these he shifted from White- friars to Hern's Rents, Ilolborn. Parry says of him, he " came often to mine house, put his finger in my dish, his hand in my purse, and the night wherein he accused me, Avas -wrapped in my gown." (Declaration of Edmund Neville. Feb. 10, 1585. Voluntary Con- fession of William Parry. True and Plain Declaration. 5. 13.) " From whose Avars " (Philip's) " the said Neville, having served in them, had lately returned poor into England." — Report to the House of Commons. Feb. 24. D'EwEs. 356. * " Though it be true, or likely, that most of our English divines, less practised in matters of this weight, do utterly mislike and con- demn it." — Parry to her Majesty. Feb. 14, 1585. Declaration. 15. ^ Parry took considerable pains, at Lyons, to argue or entrap Creighton into a contrary decision, but the Jesuit met him at every point in a sound and Christianlike manner. When first questioned about it, he did not remember the particulars, but he after Avards com- municated them in a manly letter to Walsingham, from the Tower, Feb. 20. He had received a pen- sion from Spain of thirty croAvns a month, his brother of twenty- five. To a knowledge of these circumstances he Avas probably in- debted both for Parry's confidence and his OAvn imprisonment. * This tract makes use of A^arious Protestant authorities, approving of civil resistance to defend reli- gion, and argues that a pope is fitter than a multitude, to name the time for beginning such re- sistance. The inference as to Elizabeth, and the bulls denounc- ing her, is obvious. Dr. Lingard has stated Allen's positions more at length. (Note V. viii. 526.) Parry speaks in his Confession of receiving this book from France, in July, 1584, adding, " It re- 332 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a. I), h'tl].-). self to have ivt-eivi'd (siitHeicnt ajiprobatioii of his iiiiir- derous j)iirpose IVom certain foreign Jesuits'. INIore than (luiil)lc(l my furnior conceits: every Avoid in it was a warrant to a pre- pared mind: it taught that kings may ho excommunicated, deprived, and violently handh'tl; it jirovcth that all wars, civil or foreign, undertaken for religion, are lio- nourahle." Ilis intention he states to liave heen original Iv conceived from reading Allen " Dc Persecii- tione A)iglic(ina, and other dis- courses of like argument." — True and Plain Decl. 10. 13. ' At Venice, from Bencdlclo Pahnio, (or " P. Benedetto Pal- mirt," as Bartoli writes) at Paris, in confession, from a Spaniard, Anibal a Codielo. Dr. Lingard says notliing of the latter, and of the former. Parry "addressed him- self to Palma, another -lesuit, who refused to listen to his proposals, but conducted him to Campcggio, the papal minister." (viii. 221.) Parry's own confession says, " I asked liis opinion; he made it clear, commended my devotion, comforted me in it, and after a Avhile, made me knoAvu to the nuncio Campoggio." (10.) 8ul)- sequently, I'ersons, on the alleged authority of his own letter, was cluirged with being privy to Parry's design. "It appeareth also that Robert Parsons, whose head is now become a mint of treasons, harl a finger in this liusinessc. His own letter, dated the 18th of October, I'jOH, will convince him, if he deny it. For therein lie con- fesseth, Jiow when he perceived thai a cerlaine E)i2. * Feh. 2;"). Tntc (iiiil Plitiii Dccl. 20. ^ If,id. 20. * His pardon for assaulting Hare, left the claim untouciied, and he gave bond for it, and lor keeping the peace. His original securities, however, withdrew after a, time. He contrived to replace them in a new bond lor 1000/., by !Sir John (Vjnway antl .Sir CJeorge Peekham. 'I'll is arrangement, j)robably, ena- bled him to set up house in ling- land, and get into parliament. He seems to have found means for making it in his wife's re- sources.— ^TUYiMC. Annals, iii. '^'ii^. A.D. 1585.] TO THE ARMADA. 337 requiting them with either place or pension. But Parry's temperament was too sanguine for any foresight of his real situation. When the judge was on the point of beginning his last awful address, he furiously exclaimed, / never meant to kill her : I ivill lay my blood upon Queen Elizabeth and you, before God and the world\ In the same denial he persisted at his execution, in Palace Yard". But the mob hooted him with execration, both then, and on his way from trial'. To this popular hatred was, probably, owing, a barbarous aggravation of his revolting sentence. The strangling cord had scarcely time to stupify him when it was brutally cut, and odious mutilation instantly began. As his bowels were torn out, a heavy grown was heard, rendering it too likely, that, until then, the sufferer had lingered in needless agony*. ' True and Plain Decl. 27. In his letter to the queen, of Feb. 14, Parry speaks of himself as "chiefly overthroAvn hy your hard hand." This is one of the passages sup- pressed in the garbled publication from authority. It is a charge upon Elizabeth, not altogether undeserved, of drawing him into his actual situation by listening to his various communications. But probably no encouragement had been given him since he left the court in July, "• utterly rejected, discontented," as he says in his confession. His treasonable com- munications with Neville do not appear to have begun before Au- gust. ^ March 2. Being charged by Topcliff, the pursuivant commonly employed in Romish persecutions, ■with obtaining regicide encourage- ment from Rome, in Cardinal Como's letter, he said, " You clear mistake it. I deny any such matter to be in the letter; and I wish it might be truly examined and considered of." (Contempo- rary paper of Burghley's. Sthype. Annals, iii. 362.) He had ad- mitted, however, that " such mat- ter was in the letter," when it was produced on his trial, and he must have professed to understand it so, Avhen he communicated it to Elizabeth and her ministers. ^ True a7id Plain Decl. 30. Strypk. nt supra. * Strype. nt supra. ]Mr. Butler, with the doctors, Milner and Lin- gard, describe this unhappy person as a Protestant. But this may well be doubted. It is true, that he took the oath of supremacy three times before he Avent abroad, and again on his taking his seat for Queenborough. He Avas, most probably too, a professed Protestant Avhile upon the royal household. N 838 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. Qa.d. 1585. As if to augment national cntliusiasni, thanksgivings were ordered for the queen's escape, and i)rayers for her future safety'. The Romanists naturally viewed all such ai)peals as very much against a supply of continental stimulants. They had the satisfaction of observing that the bill for clearing the country of Jesuits and seminary- priests remained long under parliamentary discussion. But still there was always every appearance that it would ultimately pass, and thus increase the danger of any Ixomish ministrations, but such flat and stale ones as might be rendered by elderly untravelled clergymen, averse from foreign politics. To the uneasy and enter- prising spirits, which had more of party than of sectarian feeling, this was a cheerless prospect. Others depre- cated it, probably, because by trusting only to domestic resources, English Romanism might be gradually extin- guished. While the bill pended, accordingly, an attempt was made to Avork upon the queen, in a petition of ten pages. This represented Romish absence from church as merely flowing from fear of damnable sin, drew a moving picture of sufferings undergone by recusants, and prayed that no law should pass to banish their priests, liichard Shelley, of a family long seated at jNIichael Grove, in Sussex, undertook the responsibility of presenting this He speaks of liimself, liowcvcr, as " suspected in religion," and an absentee from the Communion, during twenty-two years. At Paris, lie was formally reconciled to liomanism ; and at iMilan, he oifend iiis orthodoxy to examina- tion hy the Inquisition. At exe- cution, he "said the Lord's Prayer in Latin, with other private prayers to himself." tSuch religion as he Iwid, seems, therefore, to have been Romish. Dr. .Milncr (I.cl/cr lu a Preb. !()(].) mistook his dying admissions as to the reconciliations of I'aris and Milan, lie did not charge himself Avilh any moral fault in them, but with transgres- sing by them " a positive law only," that is, a recent act of par- liament, which had created a poli- tical olVence. ' Print(Ml at the end of the 'J'nic (Dill VId'in Dcilanttiun. A.D. 1585.3 TO THE ARMADA. 339 petition. It was a service of some danger, because tlie document ventured upon charges likely to offend persons in authority, and assigned a degree of loyalty to the Romish body, which might cause particular inquiry, as being very generally questioned. Shelley was quickly summoned to substantiate his allegations \ He was required to name the parties said to be starved in prison, and whipped, and excessively impoverished, by paying 20/. a month; also the priests who acknowledged the queen as lawful sovereign, tam de jure, quam de facto. In reply, he named one Temple as starved in Bridewell. He does not appear to have been equally well prepared in the other cases. At length he was asked to subscribe the following passage : " Whosoever, being a born sub- ject of this realm, doth allow that the pope hath any authority to deprive Queen Elizabeth, that now is, of her estate and crown, is a traitor." This, as usual, was met by a shuffle. Shelley declared it hard for him to discuss the pope's authority, and therefore unable to answer any further. He had been previously told, and not unfairly, that, if his party really thouglit as the petition purported, it ought to put forth an answer to Allen's objectionable positions ^ * April 9. Strype. Annals. iii. 432. de jure, as de facto. 2. That they believed it to be sinful for any Ibid. " The Catholics, be- person whomsoever to lift up his fore their doom was sealed by hand against her, as God's anointed. the royal assent, sought to pro- 3. Tliat it was not in the power pitiatc the queen by a long and of priest or pope to give licence to eloquent petition. In it, they any man to do, or attempt to do, vindicated their loydty and their that which Avas sinful. And 4. religion from the odious doctrines That if such an opinion were held with which they had been charged, by any one, they renounced him They declared, — 1. That all Ca- and his opinion, as devilish and tholics, both laity and clergy, held abominable, heretical, and con- her to be their sovereign, as well trary to the Catholic faith. Z 2 340 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. Ca.d. 1585. AVhile parliament continued sitting, the ministry gave proof that its object in j)roposing new penalties against Romisli jiriests, with powers and iirejudices from abroad, ■was merely defensive. A commission under the great seal authorised the deportation of twenty such persons, and one gentleman. Four of the party had been indicted and attainted of high treason. Ten had only been indicted, and seven were in custody on suspicion'. In six days, they were all embarked', and immediately the vessel sailed for Normandy, Avlicre they were set on shore\ witii an understanding that if they should return, their lives M^ould be forfeited. On their passage, they were liberally provided, and kindly treated ; every expense being defrayed by the government. Within a few months, thirty-two more were carried over to Boulogne, in the Wherefore they prayed that slio would not cojisider them as dis- loyal subjects, merely because they abstaineil, tlirough motives of" conscience, from the established service ; but would have a merci- ful consideration of their suffer- ings, and would refuse her assent to tlie law which had for its object to banish all Catholic priests out of the realm. 'Jliis petition was communicated to the chief of the clergy and gentry, and was uni- versally a'jiproved. When it was asked who would venture to pre- sent it to tlie queen, jiichard Slielley, of jNIicliael (irove, in (Sussex, took upon himself the risk, and was made to jiay the penalty. The council, for his pre- sumption, committed him to pri- son ; where, after a confinement of several years, he died the victim of his zeal to alli-viate tlie suffer- ings of Ills brcllireii." (IjIMGAUU. viii. 228.) " When Shelley was brought before the council, he was required to reveal the names of those who concurred with him in the petition. Aware of the object, he gave the names of sucli only as were known recusants. It was then objected, that the petitioners ouglif to have refuted the argu- ments of J)r. Allen, in favour of the deposing power : and he was required to sign a paper, declaring that all who held the dejjosing power were traitors. This he refused." — I hid. note. ' Jan. 15. 'ilie eomniission is printed by Mr. Townsend from the iState Paper Office. (^Siipp/oncn- tartf Lcller to C. Ihillcr, Esq. 74.) Uisbton, the Tower diarist, was among the convicts sent awa}'. * Jan. 21. Certificate given by the jtrisoners, on landing. — FoU- Lis's Honii.s/i Trc(tsuns. Ii27. =• Feb. \\.—Ih. A.D. 1586.] TO THE ARMADA. 841 same spirit of kindness and liberality'. Self-iireservation exacted such precautions. By sheltering' men, refusing to abjure treason, because they now spoke openly of little or nothing but religion, Elizabeth would have exemplified Esop's dolt, cherishing a paralyzed viper. But she could respect and pity many whom prudence bade her to cast away. Upon the foreign seminaries all such lenity Avas lost. A shipload of their friends and members, returned unhurt, was, after all, a mortifying proof of failure. They con- tinned, accordingly, to find constant interest under the wearing tediousness of exile, from political excitement, now become unusually exceptionable. Elizabeth's wisdom and popularity left her enemies no hope, unless ready for assassination. This flagitious expedient came, therefore, often under discussion among men, whose j^i'oft^ssion ren- dered argument upon it peculiarly infamous. In the seminary at Rheims, there were some who spoke of the pope's deposing bulls, as inspired by the Holy Ghost. Any crime needful for carrying them into execution, would soon be ranked in such quarters, among religious duties. Others of the llhemists maintained in print, that prayers, and spiritual arms of every kind, were alone allowable for converting England. For this doctrine, so becoming to a Christian body, the Rhemish college gained, however, no lasting credit. It was quickly branded as a mere blind, employed by artful men to spring upon their victims unawares. Rheims owed this obloquy to John Savage, an indigent mercenary soldier, of obscure origin, reputed illegitimate, who had served in Philip's army. ' Embaikcd, Sept. 15, landed, Sept. 19. Certificate of the pri- soners, on landing. (Stowe. 709.) Risliton says that there were fifty, but he was not of the j^arty. 342 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.D. 158G. Comiiifi;' to Rheims, a needy, desperate adventurer, his passions were easily so inflamed, in this bigoted and anti- English school, as to engender a fanatical disposition for murdering the queen. In this flagitious disposition he was confirmed at Paris, by Dr. William Giffbrd, eventually archbishop of Rheims; but still his mind wavered'. It is said to have been finally fixed upon the guilty enter- prise by a Jesuit with whom he met at Eu^ He now talked of himself as bound by vow to assassinate Elizabeth. While brooding over this enormity, he came into contact M'ith John Ballard, a Rhemish seminary priest, Mho was returned to France from an English tour in disguise, among the wealthy recusants. His object had not merely been religious. He sought means for revolu- tionising England, under Spanish auspices, and with the sanguine vision of adventure, he thought himself to have met with decisive success. When again on continental ground, he laid his views and information before Allen ; who gave them a most unsatisfactory reception, strongly dissuading him from the prosecution of such a purpose'. But Ballard merely heard these chilling arguments with civility. He soon found one who both listened and apidaudcd. This was Thomas JNIorgan, joint-administrator of her French doM'ry, for INIary, queen of Scots, and now a prisoner in the Bastile*. With him, a new plot was ' C'amude.n. f)!;"). I IMorgan in administering Mary's * Full and liuutid Answer. 200. \ Frcndi all'airs. As Morgan had 1 licard Dr. Allen say, that I long been the centre of intrigues a (( lie had dissuaded Ballard, >vho had revealed the matter unto liim, with all the earnest persuasions he could." Confession of James Yong, Jesuit, taken J 01)2. — SrUYl'E. //«- nals. iv. lAi). * lb. Paget Avas joined with against English tranquillity, Eliza- beth wished to have Jiim delivered up. The king of France refused, but inij)risoned him, and sent liis papers to the queen. Dr. Lingard thinks that revenge now quickened his treasonable activity. A.D. 158G.] TO TPIE ARMADA. 343 concocted, and measures were concerted for carrying it into immediate execution. Conspirators, however, are driven for confederates to the desperate and unprincipled. Ballard, accordingly, had received important aid from a confidant, named Maude. But this was a spy of Wal- singham's, paid for betraying him. Thus he, and Savage, had no sooner landed in England ', than every one of their movements was accurately known to the Secretary of State. The betrayed Rhemist called himself Captain Fortescue, and had evidently considerable command of money. He appeared in a gold-laced cloak, velvet hose, cut-satin doublet, and a most fashionable hat, with silver- buttoned band. He moved about also with a man and boy in attendance upon llim^ This gay exterior was fitted for the circle in which he mixed. Morgan gave him an introduction to Anthony Babington, a young, wealthy, and accomplished gentleman of Dethick, in Derbyshire, but often in London, and a free j^artaker of its pleasures. Being a Romanist, he had gone over secretly to Paris, without license, and Morgan, filling him with expectation from the queen of Scots, had used his assist- ance in corresponding with her. Ballard easily brought him over to approve of revolutionising England, by the aid of Spain, but he found him obstinately sceptical as to the feasibility of such a plan, so long as Elizabeth lived. He was then told to think nothing of that obstacle, a gentleman being at hand, under vow to assassinate her. Savage, probably, had not hitherto been introduced, his dress being such as to cut off hope of a near approach to the queen, and equally, therefore, to unfit him for fashion- able company. Babington, however, not only supplied ' At Whitsuntide. — Cambden. 515. * Turner's Elizabeth. 438. 844 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1o86. liiiii Avitli iiieans of making; a better appearance, but also exjjressed himself unable to bear the thought of trusting such a noble enterprise to the hazard of a single hand'. lie now entered himself warmly into the jjroject of assassination, and sought accomplices in the gay young men of fortune who partook of his amusements. But, however i)rompt for a drunken frolic, or even for a dis- cussion of Romish hardships, they shrank from plans of murder and treason*. At length, finding him at once resolved, and irretrievably compromised, rather a clii- valrous Avillingness to share his danger, than cordial approbation, drove them into the conspiracy. Even this participancy was not the same M'itli all of them ; some being little further implicated than concealing a guilty knowledge. One of the party, named Pooley, was re- tained as a government spy, and he transmitted informa- tion of every movement. Walsingham, accordingly, watched without uneasiness, and would have waited for some decisive opening. But when their i)lans approached maturity, he communicated them to the queen. Her natural alarm would suffer the conspiracy to proceed no longer. It would be, she said, presumptuously temi)ting Providence; and Ballard was arrested'. His accomplices took tlie first opportunity to flee, l)ut one only made good his escaj)e\ In all, fourteen of tlies^e uidiap])y jtersons were })ut upon their trial, in two i)arties of seven each\ The first seven jjleaded guilty, the second set was con- ' Cambden. 515. * " Of whom went roport in tlio Strand, Floct-strcct, and elsewhere alxmt London, hut of IJahin^'ton and Tichhorne ? No tliroshokl ^va.s of force to hrave our entry." — Tichhorno on his trial: aj)ii(l TiTiiMcn. -I.T.). ' Camiidkn. 517. ■* Ivlward Windsor, l)rother of Lord Wintlsor. * Sept. J.M, and S-pt. 14.— Cammuicn. 518. A.D. 1586.] TO THE ARMADA. 345 Yicted, chiefly on admissions of tlieir friends. In tlie same two parties, they were executed ' ; the first Avith a revolting barbarity that outdid all the frightful butcheries of this reign. The queen herself interposed to prevent a repetition of this inhuman spectacle, and on the next day, mutilation was not suffered, until life was quite extinct. Independently of a morbid appetite for such horrid scenes, the populace was wild with rage against these Avretched sufferers, and with exultation at their sovereign's deliverance. The detected conspiracy was no sooner knoMU, than bonfires blazed, bells rang, and festal boards were spread in every quarter ^ To lighten the blow upon Romanism, Jesuitic impudence j)romptly named Walsingham as contriver of all the plot^ As the unhappy queen of Scots was implicated in this conspiracy, her death by judicial violence was imme- diately considered fairly attainable \ It had been pro- posed by no less a personage, than Sandys, then bishoiD of London, when stunned by the recent massacre of St. Bartholomew's day". Protestants generally, after that all but incredible ebullition of sanguinary bigotry, must ' Sept. 20, and Sept. 21. In St. Giles's Fields, where they had commonly met. — Cambden. 518. " Ihid. 517. ^ " Hereunto avc might add the notuLle treasons of }.h. Anthony Babington, and his complices, in the year 1586, "which were so apparent, as Ave were greatly abashed at the shameless boldness of a young Jesuit, who, to excuse the said traitors, and qualifie their offences, presumed in a kind of sup])lication to her Majesty, to ascri])e the jilotting of all that mischief to JMr. Secretary Wal- singham."— Imporlaiit Considera- tions. 71- * " There are in the State-Paper Office Avhole folios full of ciphered and deciphered correspondence, which is most closely connected together, runs into the niinutes.t particulars, agrees in remote allu- sions, is responded to in all parts of the Avorld." — Von Raumkk's Contribntions to Modern History. Lond. 1830. p. 312. ^ IJishop of London to Lord Burghley. Sept. 5, 1572. Ellis's Oriiiinal Letters. Second Scries, iii. 25. 346 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1586. have dreaded a frightful recoil should !Mary's accession transfer power from themselves to their opponents. But every year augmented national uneasiness from the captive queen. Hers was the miserable position that found a centre both for domestic discontent, and foreign hostility. Upon her gloomy prison, Elizabeth's ministers M'ere driven by stern necessity to keep an eye, watchful as that of mythologic Argus. In fulfilling this painful duty, their expedients often revolted public feeling. Forged letters, apjiarently from INIary, or some exile in her interest, were left mysteriously at Romish houses. Tales and rumours, likely to elicit indiscreet remarks, were industriously cir- culated. Spies roamed about in quest of information for the government'. The depressed party, harassed by this tortuous policy, naturally charged it upon political and sectarian hatred*. But men in power are not likely to keep ingenuity thus upon the stretch, unless they know themselves to be menaced with real danger. Ample justification was given to strong precautions in this case, by the conspiracies that publicly transpired. Popular impatience under existing circumstances was also in- flamed by indications of a less decided character. Philip Howard, earl of Arundel, the most highly-born of English peers, had been taken at sea, clandestinely fleeing to the continent, and was languishing in prison". Henry Percy, ' Cambden. 407. siiij an. loH-^. ' The recusants cliaigcd tlicir troubles upon tlic " subtle artifices of Leicester and AYalsinghani." — Ibid. ' lie was eldest son of Thomas Alan, dead in IT) 70, earl of Arun- del, lie took his seat in the House of Lords, as earl of Arun- del, Jan. 1(), L'jHl, and a hill to restore him in hlood, passed that house on the ]()th of 3Iarch fol- Iloward, last duke of Norfolk, j lowing, the Commons, on the 14tli, attainted in l.">72, hy his first wife, j reeriving the royal assent on the ]Mary Fitz-Alan, daughter, and \Hlh. lie was at first fiivourahly eventually sole heir of lleury Fitz- | noticed hy the (jucen, but rapidly A.D. 1586.] TO THE ARMADA. 347 earl of Northumberland, had lately shot himself in the Tower, where he was detained upon suspicion'. While fell under the temptations of rank and opulence. He lived apart from his wife, Anne, daughter of Lord Dacre, cohabited with some other female, and involved himself irrecoverably in debt. Alienated by such dissipated habits, his gi'andfather. Lord Arundel, and his aunt, Lady Lumlcy, left much of their fortunes away from him. Dif3&culty and immorality being the great inlets to turbulent poli- tics, Arundel soon fell under sus- picion, and was arrested. Nothing could be proved against him, but while in confinement, he deter- mined upon identifying himself completely with the Romish party by sending for a missionary, and being formally reconciled to the Papal Church. He attributed his conversion to the reading of Cam- pion's Ten Reasons. His educa- tion, like his father's, had been Protestant. He had not, there- fore, even lived, like the steadier English Romanists, a disciple of his country's grave nonconforming priests. Even if he had no sinister object in adopting the continental principles, that measure must have rendered him additionally sus- picious at home, and he deter- mined upon a foreign residence. Before his departure, April, 1585, he wrote a long, querulous letter to the queen, in which, as a speci- men of it, he set up a sort of eva- sive claim of innocence, for his weak and unfortunate father. Being intercepted, he never re- covered his liberty, although he lived until 1595. His life might have been taken, as he was con- victed in 1589, being then about thirty-three years, of treasonable communications with Cardinal Allen, Persons, and other con- spirators. It was a very slight case, but his position made him a dangerous man. After his first troubles, he returned to the coha- bitation of his wife, but this, Dr. Lingard says, the queen did not suffer to continue long. He also tells us in a note, " that the Queeu was surrounded by women of the most dissolute character, and that for a married man to aspire to the royal favour, it was previously re- quisite that he should be upon evil terms with his wife." The authority for these charges is a MS. Life of Philippe Howard^ belonging to the duke of Norfolk. That a family which suffered so severely under Elizabeth should possess, and even credit such M>SS. is natural enough. But people generally require better authority for improbable and shameful im- putations, than scandal recorded in the unpublished papers of some anonymous scribe, and treasured up by a house that can hardly fail of remembering resentfully tlie parties maligned. — Nicolas's Sy- nopsis of the Peerage, i. 28. D'EwEs. 267. 272. 306. Strype. Annals, iii. 454. Cambden. 552. Lingard. viii. 232. Bartoli. 184. ' June 20, 1585. He was charged as an accomplice in Throg- morton's conspiracy, and it is at least clear, that he had allowed Charles Paget, while personating Mr. Mope, to meet Lord Paget, at his house at Pctworth. They 348 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.p. loHG. Babington's consjiiracy Avas in progress, Persons, tlie Jesuit, luid been secretly travelling in England'. JNIary herself, it Mas discovered, had become involved in the ambitions }>roJects of Spain. She had not only approved of an invasion by Philip, but also expressed an intention to make his family her heir, in case of her own son's perseverance as a Protestant'. Thus the name of that miserable queen became hateful to every class of English- men, unimbued "with Romish })rejudice. INIen eagerly longed for her death as their oidy release from intolerable sus])ense and anticipation. Whether such release was regularly within legal reach, is probably, disputable. It would, however, obviously be dangerous to teach, that persons, detained in a country, even against their wills, are not amenable to its laws^ None would hear of such a doctrine, if a case arose in- volving individual property or life. It is not, however, reasonable, that a sovereign should have less protection than a subject. Nor if Mary's object had been gained, either by an assassin's hand, or Sj^anish cannon, would injury to life and property have rested with Elizabeth. •were said to 1)C conferring about a settlement of the family pro- perty. 'J'lic coroner's inquest brought in Xorthumberland /i'/o- ilr-se, but some of the exiles talked of him as murdered by the con- trivance of Ilatton. Mr Walter Kalcigh countenanced this report, in ItiOl. (Camudkn. .004. 8towk. 7OG. LiNGARD. viii. 2a8.) Bridge- Avater labours to make it seem impossible that Northumberland could have destroyed himself. (l!()(I.) No other solution of his death is, liowever, jirobable. ' Persons to Allen, July 2o, 1506. Siuvri:. Ainutls. iii. Ap- pend, xir. p. 418. jNIary wrote to him a letter of concurrence in Philip's designs, ]\Iay 21, hliU). — Yon Rait]mi:u's Coiilrihiitloii.s lu Modern History. 'M)A. ' * " If my son should not become j a Catholic, I intend to leave the [ kingdom by will to King Philip, i as the weal of Christendom re- quires it." — Mary, Queen of Scots, to Charles Paget. JMay 21, 1580. llnd. I ^ " Instances have occurred very recently in llngland, when j)ri- soners of war have buttered death for criminal ottences." — IIalla.ai. CoiLsl. Hist. i. 217. A.D. 1587.] TO THE ARMADA. 349 Those who hate her memory most, will readily allow that suffering and death must then have lighted on many un- offending heads. IMary, therefore, by listening to Babing- ton and Spain, had clearly threatened insecurity to every fire-side, however humble. Yet her dismissal was im- possible. In any other country, she was likely to be found more dangerous, than in that which was driven to detain her. It cannot be wondered, that England, in a choice of evils, should have brought her to trial, as a sojourning offender against its peace'. It might have been wiser to take a different course, and merely subject her to closer restraint. But this could have hardly have been done, without some solemn investigation, substan- tially a criminal trial. To such proceedings the age could see no terminations but either an acquittal, or a sanguinary sentence. There does not appear to have been any reason- able prospect of the former. The latter clearly should never have been executed. Its execution^ has foully blemished Elizabeth's reputation. It was cruel thus to cut off a female, a relative, a prisoner, and a queen. The j)ersecution of Davison is an aggravation of this discredit- able case. Elizabeth might not be thoroughly resolved upon Mary's death, but she must have more than half intended it, and have felt it as a great deliverance. Her unrelenting severity to its official instrument, a statesman of unquestionable honour, was to heap one cruelty upon another, and to brand her name with an imputation of remorseless duplicity ^ ^ Oct. 14. I It appears from a letter to tlic ° Feb. 8, 1587. queen that he was at hirgc, Dee. ' He was fined ten thousand j, 1590. He died at Stepney to- marks, and he was to be impri- j wards the end of 1()08. — Nicolas's soned during the queen's pleasure. Life of WiUium Davison. Lond. It is uncertain how long he was 1823. pp. 195. 200. detained, but the fine ruined him. 350 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.D. 1587. While INIary's fate remained in suspense, L'Aiibespine, the French ambassador, a violent Guisian partisan, was tam})ering M'ith an English traitor for the assassination of Elizabeth. His intrig^uo being detected, he could give no better apology to Burghley, than that he Avas bound to communicate whatever came to his knowledge in England, to no other court than his own'. Such a flimsy pretence could satisfy no one, but the conduct which it hoped to screen was alike injurious to the royal captive, and to Romish credit. The latter soon received fiirther damage from a painful occurrence in the Netherlands. Rowland York, a dissolute, ruffianly Londoner, had gone over to serve in the Dutch wars, under Leicester. Some quarrel with that vain and inefficient leader, gave the mercenary bully a pretext for transferring his services to the other side. He had now an opportunity of finding a new customer in his own country, whose banners he had basely deserted, and Leicester thought it worth while to buy him back. He made him governor of a fort near Zuti)licn. York thus became fitter than ever for going to market. His own station might be of no great im- portance, but a neighbouring commander, Sir William Stanley, an officer distinguished in the Irish wars, was left in charge of Deventer, a strong and wealthy town. L^nhappily for his own fame, and that of his religion, he was a staunch Romanist. York plied him with sophistry not only to take hold of prejudice, but even also to awaken api)rehension. He jiersuaded him that his return home would infallibly consign him to a gibbet, as an accom])lice in Babington's conspiracy. Stanley's bigotry enticed him into this miserable trap, and he perfidiously betrayed Deventer to the enemy, under the ]Kiltry pre- ' Ca.mudk.n. i')'.V2. A.D. 15870 TO THE ARMADA. 351 tence, that lie was only restoring it to its rightful owner. Among his men, who, with York's, were thirteen hundrecl in all, were some Irish, and probably, the whole body was pretty much of his own opinion, as to religion. Having plunged himself inextricably in this infamy, he sought a gilding for it from fanaticism. Allen gloried in a seminary Mliich was to storm English Protestantism, by an ecclesiastical invasion of papal myrmidons. Stanley would emulate his fame, and organise a religious troop, to second Jesuits and Seminarists in their missionary zeal, by fighting, instead of reconciling. Allen heard of the fanatical deserter's project with delight, and sent him immediately a detachment of priests, to train his men in a belief, that service in the army of an excommunicated heretic could only be terminated with honour and spiritual safety according to the traitorous fashion adopted by themselves \ Philip could wish nothing better than the dissemination of such notions in the ranks of his enemy. Hence Allen's prompt assistance was, probably, not for- gotten, when the cardinal's hat and archbishop's mitre, which soon after alighted on his brows, came within reasonable distance. But a preaching caj)tain, and a legion of crusaders, deserters all besides, were commodi- ties of much more questionable value. Stanley's fighting seminary came, accordingly, to nothing. The misguided and dishonoured officer himself lived some years a despised and neglected pensioner of Spain ^ His tempter, York, was poisoned, and, after an interment of three years, his body was dug up by the States, and gibbeted \ But before justice thus overtook the principal offenders, their offence both heaped new obloquy upon English Romanism, * Camudrn. 540. Stuype. Annals, iii. G22. * Stuype. Annals, iv. 389. ^ Camisden. 540. 352 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1587. and g-ave it a frcsli taint of venom. Its more zealous op])onents charg-eil it vith rendering men unworthy to be trusted. Some of its friends advocated iinj)licit obedience to the pojie, if a sovereign were excommunicated, main- taining that a subject had only then to think of a fitting time for turning round, and trampling on allegiance'. ' " The treachery also of Sir '\^'iIIialu Standlov, the year follow- ing, l."){!7, in falsifying his faith to her ^Majesty, and in hetraying the trust committed unto him hy the Earl of Leicester, who had given him the honourable title of knight- hood: as it was greatly prejudicial to us, that were Catholics, at home, so was the defence of that disloy- alty, (made hy a worthy man, hut by the persuasions, as they think, of Parsons) greatly disliked of many both wise and learned. And especially it was wondered at a while (until the drift thereof a])- peared more manifestly in the year lo}j8) that the said worthy person hy the said lewd Jesuits, laid down this for a ground, in justifying of the said Standley: viz. That in all wars which may happen for re- liisian, every Cafholicic man is hound in conscience to imploi/ his person and forces by the Pope's direction: viz. howJ}n\ 7vhcn, and where, either at home, or abroad, he may and mnst break with his temporal sovereign. These things we would not have touched, had they not been known in etfect to this part of the Avorld, and that we thought it our duties to shew our own dislike of tlicra, and to clear lier Majesty so far as wo may, from such imputations of more than barbarous cruelty towards us, as the Jesuits in their writings have cast by heaps upon her: they themselves, as we still think in our consciences, and before God, having been from time to time the very causes of all the calamities which any of us have endured in England since her Majesties reign." {Important Considerations. ^2.) " During his absence" (Leicester's) " dissension and faction introduced themselves into the army in Hol- land. If many approved, many also condemned the execution of the Scottish queen. Elizabeth was branded as the murderess of the rightful heir of the crown, and emissaries were artfully employed to debauch the fidelity of the soldiers. Among the ofHcei'S was Sir Roland York, a soldier of for- tune, and captain of a fort near Zutphen, who, for some former offence, dreaded the secret resent- ment of Leicester. This man took the opportunity to insiimate to Sir William Stanley, governor of Davcnter, that he, as tlie friend of Babington, and advocate of IMary, was an object of suspicion to the council, and was destined to sutler, at a convenient time, a similar fate. Staidey caught the alarm: he assembled the garrison, and declared that his conscience for- bade him to fight in the cause of rebels against their sovereign; that Davcnter belonged to the king of Spain; and that it was the duty of every honest man to restore to the right owner that property A.D. 1588.] TO THE ARMADA. 353 The Romish controversy, in its earlier stages, had an unhap])y tendency to thrust Protestants upon a sangui- nary zeal for orthodoxy. While those Avho dissented from Rome were known to hold every doctrine that she had herself received from the first four general councils, a strong claim for the candid consideration of reformed opinions, was evidently made upon the more thinking of her adherents. Protestant acquiescence in the church's earliest known decisions, was rej^resented, accordingly, as a mere delusion'. Men were taught to regard pajjal authority as the only protection against a wild latitudi- narian sj^irit, utterly careless of everything stamped with antiquity. As unbridled license of private judgment had really no encouragement either in principle or practice from those who broke the chains of Italian bondage, such misrepresentation occasioned some ebullitions of dis- Avliicli had been unjustly acquired. They applauded his harangue: l)oth Daventer and the fort were surrendered, and Stanley and York, with ]300 men, entered into the service of Philip." (Lin- GARD. viii. 313.) A note beloAv contains the following matter from Persons. " That Daventer had been surprised against the will of the inhabitants by Sir William Stanley, Avho Avas sworn to keep it for the States: that both Stan- ley and Leicester were enemies to Sir John Norris, who succeeded to the command on the departure of Leicester; and on this account, the latter left with Stanley a written license to leave the service at any moment he might think proper, llcnce Persons contended that Stanley was no deserter, be- cause he had license to depart; that he Mas no traitor to Eliza- beth, because he Avas in the States; and that he Avas guilty of no in- justice, because the toAvn Avas the property of the king of Spain, and, as he had been instrumental in taking it from its right oAvner, he Avas bound in conscience to restore it to him." ' " Nor have Ave to do Avith the Arians, or Anabaptists, or Serve- tus, or Gentilis, or any heretikes. Nay, by our doctors these fellows have bene diligently confuted, and by our gOA'crnors the principall of them have bene punished." (Full and Round Answer. 14.) I'er- sons " affirmeth that Servetus AA'as Calvin's collegue, and that he and Yalentinus Gentilis, and other heretikes, came fronr Calvin and Beza." {Ibid. 303.) " lie doeth also match us Avith Arians, and other sects, Avliich avc detest." — Ibid. 34U. 2 A 354 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.d. 1500. graceful and revolting intolerance. It became a point of honour and conscience to preserve an unimpaired hostility for every ])rinciple tliat unsuspected antiquity had certainly condemned. Three instances in -which England had foullv vindicated herself from anv tender- ness for heterodoxy, have been already mentioned in this volume. Two more remain for notice. Norwich has the infamy of both. John Lewis was burnt there, in 1683, for denying the divinity of Christ, and other errors'. Five years afterward, the same wretched fate overtook, in the same place, Francis Kett, a master of arts, and l>robably a clergyman. In addition to unsound opinions upon the Saviour's person, with which he is reasonaljly charged, he is known to have broached some fanatical conceits upon a visible reign of Christ in the Holy Land*. His case was the last in which Elizabeth's government answered reflections upon its Catholicity by fire and fagot. Five such replies now ai)]iear a shameful proof of inhumanity and folly. But contemporaries took a very different view. Both Churchmen and Puritans were fully agreed as to the necessity of thus wi})ing ' Sept. 17. Stowe. 697. • " Of tliis number " (false pro- pliets) " I may vorie well aecount the late obstinate lieietike, Francis Ket, who was, within these two months, brent at Norwich. All the places in the prophets which did describe the spiritual kingdom of Christ, he applied to the mate- riall restauration of -Jerusalem ; attirmiiig that as many as would be saved, must go and dwell there in the land of C'hanaan." (Scnnon prcnchcd al Panic's Crosse, Feb. 0, l.'iHO, by R. liANCnoFT, D.I). Lond. ITiOH. J). 0.) Stowe merely charges him witli " holding divers detestable opinions against Christ, our .Saviour." An extract from a letter of October 7'> >vritten by Edmund Scambler, bishop of Nor- wich, who condemned this unfor- tunate man, does no more than speak of his " blasphemous opi- nions." (Stuypiv. Annals, iii. pt. i2. p. 7>i-) Unless his doctrine could be proved contrary to that of the first fonr general conneils, it does not ajipear that he eoiiid snlVer as ;i lieretic consistently with tlie act of the queen's first year. — Twisokn'.s IHslorlcal I'in- iticaliiin. I'J'A. A.D. 1588.] TO THE ARMADA. 355 Romish aspersions away, and following Scripture in the punishment of blasphemy. Recent prosecutions were strikingly Yindicated by Philip's famed Armada. News of his preparations had been sent from Switzerland eight years ago^ but nothing was done to awaken serious apprehension until within the last five years'. During that space, the Spanish monarchy was known to be straining every nerve for some mighty effort. Rumour occasionally pitched upon the Netherlands as a theatre for this grand explosion. But persons of good information knew England to be the sullen bigot's aim. Two years, accordingly, before his gallant navy proudly sailed, English preachers were instructed from authority to prepare their hearers for the coming storm ^ The enemy also sought religious aid. Felix Peretti, once a jieasant, now Pope Sixtus V., renewed the libellious, anti-social bulls of his infatuated predecessors. Allen, lately made cardinal, clothed in aj^proving English, this fresh justification of his country's laws against imported papal emissaries \ The thriving Englishman's new purple being thus begrimed, his patrons ^ Cox, bishop of Ely, to tlie Lord Treasurer. June 18, 1580. Rod. Gualter to Arclibisliop Grin- dal. — Strype. Annals. Append. XXVII. XXVIII. pp. 672, 673. * Turner's EUzabelh. 472. LiNGARD. viii. 322. The latter historian says, " During this in- terval, the conduct of Elizabeth had not been calculated to avert his resentment " (Philip's). " She had sent to the relief of the Bel- gian insurgents an English army under a general, who assumed the title and authority of governor of the revolted provinces ; and after a trial, unprecedented in the an- nals of Europe, she had taken on a scaffold the life of the Queen of Scots." No doubt Elizabeth had done these things, and other such, during these five years, in dis- charge of her public trust, and in defence of her own life. But Philip, though mortified of course, had no right to complain. It had been shown that he was mixed up with all the dangers that menaced England and her queen. "* Stow^e. 742. ■* " lie did it by a small pam- phlet, intituled. The Declaration of ihe Sentence of SLvliis Quint us." — Butler. Hist. Mem. iii. 210. 2 A 2 35G ARRIVAL OP THE JESUITS. [a. P. 1588. could not rest until ho had soiled it indelibly all over. They made him find face to ])lay the foul-mouthed traitor, and in ])rint. His best friends were thunderstruck to see one so smooth and plausible, come forward with A)i Admonition to the NohiUty and People of England and Ireland, — a low, treasonable, virulent appeal to his countrymen, in favour of the Spanish invasion'. But ' It brands Elizabeth as a bas- tard, born in incest, of an infa- mous courtesan, wlio Avas con- nected criminally with her own brf)t1ier and father; as perjured, profane ; a destroyer of ancient nobility, a raiser of base, impure spies, traitors, slanderers, and sub- orners, on its ruins ; as attbrding refuge to atheists, analiaptists, licrctics, and rebels of all nations ; as a plunderer of her people ; as venal, for the sake of enriching her own " poor cousins and fa- vourites. Among the latter is Leicest;^r, Avhom she took up first to serve her own filthy lust : ^vheroof to have more freedom and interest, he hath caused his own Avife to be murdered, as afterwards for the accomplishment of the like brutish pleasures with another noble dame, it is openly known that ho made away with her hus- band ;" as " having ai)used her body, not only with the aforesaid jjerson, but also with divers others ;" as " a common fable for lier turpitude, causing the whole world to deride the elVeminate dastardie that has allowed such a creature to reign over both body ancls. 2()3 position, from which many Avere from the heginning most free, though some, and those too many, were iiifi-cted by them." — Watson. A.D. 1588.] TO THE ARMADA. 361 free from Romish families. This obvious fact requires attention, as does also Elizabeth's connivance at secret Romish ministrations by priests unconnected with orga- nised societies or foreign institutions. It is true, that any religious rites but those of the Established Church, were prohibited, and that absence from these was finable. Recusants, however, made regular compositions for such fines, which became a constant, though discreditable, branch of the royal revenue. If the compounders, then, would abstain from using in their secret worship the services of ecclesiastics from abroad, the illegal mass was not likely to be molested. Such a measure of intolerance was far from creditable to the government, or perhaps rather to the age, but it was not so oppressive as people commonly supjDOse. Nor was the prohibition of missionaries from abroad by any means indefensible. These returned Englishmen, generally very young, came imbued with doctrines known as ultramontane. But such extravagant, insulting, and pernicious estimates of papal authority, even Romish Europe generally, without the Alps, has deliberately rejected. They came, too, with such princi- ples, when Rome Avas eagerly bent upon making them no dead letter. Pius V. had furnished Ridolfi Avitli money to raise a civil war in England. Gregory XIII. had pretended to dispose of Ireland, appearing there as a hostile temjDoral prince. When Philip was preparing the Armada, Sixtus V. promised him a million of crowns immediately that news of a descent upon England should arrive at Rome'. All three had issued formal documents ' " The count" (Olivarez) " took 1 for the same purpose ; but all their great pains to prevail upon the arguTuents and persuasions were pope to disburse one-half of this j thrown away upon him, for he money immediately; and the duke I continued firm, and would not of Parma sent count Sesis to Rome part with a crown till the time 362 ARRIVAL OF THE JESUITS. [a.D. 1588. with a view of perverting prejudice into treason, and of paving the way for alien enemies to conquer Elizabeth's dominions. Men, instructed in such principles, must solemnly renounce them, before they could recover their paternal rights. Hence a Jesuist, or Seminarist, unpre- pared for a manly, Christian-like recantation of the depo- sing power, had no chiim to re-admission into tlie bosom of his country. To receive him, would, indeed, be suicidal. Yet, even had the age admitted of toleration with trustworthy ministers, it would, probably, have been found impossible to continue a supply of Romish priests, uninfected by that ultramontane poison which l^^ngland fairly repelled, as insulting to her independence, and inconsistent with her safety. proposed." (Farnewortii. Life qfi an autograph letter, " wliicli is Pope Sirltis V. Dubl. I77i'- p. ' reckoned a prodigious favour," 486.) The selfish caution of and he would, probably, have Sixtus may make his hostility to made considerable sacrifices to England seem really illusory. But invade Elizal)cth, if there had he sought to fire the resentful I been the least prospect of a return bigotry of Philip, by appealing to ^ for the outlay, liis title of Catholic Majesty^ in | 363 Chapter VI. PROGRESS OF DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 1588— 1594. PURITANICAL BIAS AT THE COUNCIL-BOARD ARCHBISHOP WHITCilFT — ■ MAR-PRELATE COUNTER PUBLICATIONS NEAV PARLIAMENT PLU- RALITIES— Bancroft's sermon at st. Paul's cross — disciplinarian ORGANIZATION NEW ARREST OF CARTWRIGHT CHARGES AGAINST HIM UDAL CAWDREy's CASE HACKEt's OUTRAGE LIBERATION AND RETIREMENT OF CARTWRIGHT ILLEGALITY ATTRIBUTED TO PROCEEDINGS AGAINST PURITANISM THE OATH EX OFFICIO TAKEN IN SOME CASES SUBSCRIPTION IRREGULARLY ENFORCED NEAV PAR- LIAMENT PURITANICAL MOVEMENTS ARBITRARILY REPRESSED STA.TUTE AGAINST PROTESTANT RECUSANCY BARROW AND GREEN- WOOD CONDEMNED AND EXECUTED AS FELONS — PENRY BARROW- ISM HOSTILE TO UNRESTRICTED TOLERATION ROMISH CONFORMITY OP HENRY IV. SPANISH PARTY AMONG ENGLISH ROMANISTS PLOT OP LOPEZ CONCEALMENTS HOOKEr's ECCLESIASTICAL POLITY. While Jesuitic treachery was daily menacing- the govern- ment, and keeping Elizabeth in constant apprehension for her life, no sense of common danger ever slackened Puritan energies for a single moment. A new conspiracy detected, was only fresh proof that Popery and rebellion were inseparables'. The ministry was lukewarm and infatuated, or it would have crushed, long since, a party that insulted heaven, and undermined society \ The ' " For into how many tliou- sand townes of this land may the Jesuite come, as to an undefenced citic, and there take his pray at his pleasure ! How easily with a word or two of his mouth reduce us simple people into Poperie, and consequently into rebellion !" — TJie Lamentable Complaint of the Coimnunallie, by way of Suppli- cation to the High Court of Par- liament. 1588. ^ " O, that she had bene so happy to keepe out the minis- ters of antichrist once expulsed, as at first to expulse them, and put them out of her kingdome ! But what by yeclding to intreatie of some about her by this genera- tion foully abused, and what bv 364 PROGRESS OF [A.n. 1588. vltra Protestants themselves disclaimed all tenderness for their antipodes. They took the Mosaic hnv as a pattern for juiisprudence, oljligatory upon Christians, and bring- ing Romanists under its lash, pronounced individuals inexcusable in suffering them to be treated otherwise than as capital offenders'. Protestant opposition pro- voked a corresponding violence. The Disciplinarians, or Consistorian Faction, as they were often called, had •vM'ought themselves up into a persuasion that Prcsbi/tenj vuid prevail. To stay its progress was fighting against God, a rash, hood-winked entrance upon incalculable perils*. Thus the ruling party, not only watched for its own defence, but also to keep from mutual destruction the two extremes. This was really a proud attitude of defensive moderation, as })osterity Mould have long ago allowed, had it not been taken in a harsh and tyrannical age. Its austere, imi)erious front affords a 'vantage- tolerating of such as were sent in by forreinc enemies to practise against her life and kingdome, and what drawne backe by those that entertained intelligence with publicke enemies, she was per- swaihd to slacke execution of lawes, if not to suspend them, to lier owne great trouble, and to the hazard of Religion and the State, but that Ciod by his providence supj)lied the defects of men." (Full and liuinid Aitsu'ci\ ])refaee.) " If any danger hanged over our heads, the same might easily be avoyded, if lawes had bene executed against traitors." — Ibid. 1)5. ' " If the magistrates refuse to put mass-mongers and false jireach- crs to death, the people, in seeing it perfornieil, do sliew that zeal of God, wbieh was coiuniendt d in Phinees, destroying the adulterers, and in the Israelites against the Benjamites." (Citation from Good- man apud BaiNCRoft. Dangerous Positions. 35.) " All men, coun- sellors, noblemen, inferior magi- strates, and people are bound, and charged to see the lawes of God kept, and to suppresse and resist idolatrie by force." — Idem, apud tSuTCi.HFK . An Ansircre to ccrlaine cahnnnious petitions, articles, and (ptestions of the Consistorian Fac- tion. '^0. " " I'resbytcrie must prevailc : and if it come to passe, saith he to the bishops, in llie j)reface to the Demonstration of I)iscipline, by that means which will make your harts to ake ; blame your- selves."— Ba.ncuoft. Sermon at I'aulc's Crosse. 83. A.D. 1588.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 365 ground to advocates of the two ultras. Tliose who plead for either, make no great mention of the other, but elaborately dwell upon hardships undergone by holders of their own, or similar opinions. Hence a policy, essentially the creature of external force, often passes for a wanton, cruel, headlong, persecution. It is not seen as a wise resistance to two exterminating extremes, because each of them treats it much as if neither the other, nor any moderate party existed. Elizabeth, however, found such a party from the first, and her preference for it has been nobly vindicated by experience. The Romish extreme has, indeed, survived with features very little changed, and has even lately been nursed by politics into a hectic appearance of renovated vigour. The consistorian plat- form, which aspirants after pastorships and ruling elder- ships insisted must iwevail, at any cost, has long been universally exploded, as intolerant and impracticable '. It stood, however, long enough to ripen seed abundantly, and from this has arisen a proportionate crop. But the plants are neither uniform, nor harmoniously blended, nor ^ Edwin Sandys, \vho died arch- hishop of York, after previously filling in succession the sees of Worcester and London, July 10, 1588, at the age of sixty-nine, thus expressed liimself in his "will. " Howbeit, as I do easily acknow- ledge our ecclesiastical polity in some points may be bettered, so do I utterly dislike even in my conscience, all such rude and in- digested platforms, as have been more lately and boldly, than either learnedly or wisely preferred : tending not to the reformation, but to the destruction of this church of England : the particu- larities of botii sorts reserved to the consideration of the godly wise. Of the latter I only say thus ; that the state of a small private church, and the form of a larger Christian kingdom, neither would long like, nor can at all brook one and the same ecclesias- tical government." (Strype. Whit- fllfl. i. 548.) Archbishop Sandys had been represented as a favourer at bottom of Puritanical principles, and he did not live without a leaning that way. But his good sense easily saw that England and Geneva were not susceptible of the same experiments as to church- discipline. 3GG PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1588. secure of propagating- their oavii individuality. The Church, however, which kept both ultras at bay, being deeply founded on a broad basis of learning and modera- tion, retains, with increasing i)opularity, her honourable position, wisely taken at a safe distance from either of them. This is largely owing to the queen's good sense and firmness. The ministry had come into power on the ruins of Romish ascendancy, and continued abundantly alive to danger from that quarter. It was, however, but little ready forany spirited resistance to the Low-Church extreme. Leicester, indeed, so long Elizabeth's personal favourite, belonged avowedly and actively to the Puri- tanical party'. Whetlier he really felt an interest in its religious principles is doubtful. But it never wanted his influence. Walsingham, Knollys, and JNIildmay were very much of Puritans ^ Burghley's opposition seldom ^ Leicester died of a fever, on j his way to Keiiihvorth, at Corn- ' bury, iu Oxfurdshire, September 4, \ 1588. lie was buried at AVar- i wick. Dying a crown-debtor, the effects til at he left were disposed of by public sale; rather an ex- traordinary S'-quel to so many years of royal favour. But ju- dicious economy was among I'^liza- beth's good qualities, and nothing seemed to overcome her value for it. — CxMnoEN. 550. Stowi:. 750. ^ " We find that not only in the parliaments of Elizabeth, but , also in her cabinet, at hast for the first thirty years of her reign, there ' cxistcMl a very strong bias in fa- | vour of tlic I'uritan j)arly. Not only such persons as Knollcs and Mildmay, and others wlio were Calvinists and Low-Churchmen on principle ; nor again, such as Lei- cester, who may be suspected of hjoking chiefly to the spoils which any great church movement might place at his disposal ; but even Burghley and AValsingham, it is well known, were continually find- ing themselves at issue with the archbishop of the day, concerning the degree of encouragement due to the Keformers. So that as far as the government was concerned, nothing but the firmness of the Queen lierself, su])]iorting first Tarker, and afterwards AVbitgifr, prevent(!d the adoj>lion of the new model, at least in those parts of it wliicli did not ai)parently and pal- jiably intrude on royal authority." • — Kkiu.k's Iloukcr. I'rcf. Ivii. Oxf. A.D. 1588.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 367 savoured of any great antipathy to their opinions. It would be uncharitable to suppose that conviction did not operate, more or less, in all these cases ; but undoubtedly, the monastic pillage, that made so many splendid fortunes, under Henry VIII., gave Presbytery a strong hold upon his daughter's cabinet. Its members were anxious to rise above official dependance, and to found Avealthy families. Could the secular clergy be sacrificed, as the regulars had been, within half a century, a statesman might immediately defy pecuniary difficulty, and let imagination revel in the lofty halls of children's children. It is, however, an advantage in monarchical institutions, that a sovereign is placed above some of the motives that must act at every council-board. Elizabeth had imbibed religious information from the wary and learned Parker. Reflection confirmed her confidence in its general sound- ness, and personal motives to weaken its hold, could scarcely reach her. She knew the Church to be re-modelled upon the impregnable ground of Catholicity, and nothing could shake her determination to maintain it. She offered, accordingly the see of Canterbury to Whitgift, when the venerable Grindal, now blind and out of spirits, wanted to resign it'. His primacy had proved unhappy to himself, and probably, an exasperation to the prevailing religious discontent. The Puritans ^ Archbisliop Grindal, having lost liis sight some time before, towards the end of 1582, became quite hopeless of recovering it. He had expressed himself Avilling to resign, when contending for the jyrophesijiiigA; in 1578, and the queen finding him incurably blind, in January, 1583, sent to say that his resignation would be acce])ted. His sequestration appears to have been removed a year or more pre- viously, but the exact date is not knoAvn. The queen wished him to resign by Lady Day, but Whit- gift refused the see, during his life. He only lived until the fol- lowing July, his age being sixty- three, lie was buried at Croy- don.— Stuypk. Grindal. 411.332. 403. 425. 431. 368 TROGRESS OF [a.d. 1588. naturally rog^anlod him as a martyr to their cause, and could not fail of blaming the queen for his disgrace. This was, in fact, universally regretted, for however men might disajiprove the kind and conscientious archbishop's facility, all did homage to his unblemished morals, and winning sweetness of disposition. When death released him from the troubles and mortifications that clouded his latter years, John Whitgift no longer hesitated to remove from Worcester, and undertake the chief direction of eccle- siastical affairs'. The new archbishop was just young enough to escape the Protestant emigration, under jMary. He had imbibed reformed convictions, and was on the point of Avithdrawing to the continent. But })r. Perne, master of Peter-house, of M'hich he was fellow, jn-obably thought a person, so inconspicuous from youth, likely to be overlooked, if he would only stoop to say little of his opinions ^ lie advised him, therefore, to stay, and AVhit- gift heard obediently. Thus he passed his time until ' Confirmed at Lambetl), Sep- teniljt-r 23, 1583, His graiul- father, also named John, was a Yorkshire gentleman, his father, named Henry, was a merchant, at fireat (Jriinsby, in Lincolnshire. John, thu future archhishoji, eldest of six sons, was horn either in 1530, or 1533. He received liis school education chiefly at St. Antholin's school, in London, then in high repute. About 15-18, lie was entered of Queen's College, hut he soon removed to reiiihroki' Hall, where Ividley was then in;is- ter, and firiiidal and Bradford were fellows. The latter, like the master, eventually a martyr, was "NVhitgift's tutor. That young man was elected fellow of I'eter- house, in 1555. He took liis doc- tor's degree, in 15(57, was chosen master of Pembroke hall, in the same year, but resigned in three months for the mastership of Tri- nity college. He filled succes- sively the JMargaret and Kegius })r()fessorsliips of divinity in his university, — SiRvrK. '^ " The Doctor willed him to be silent, and not troublesome in ut- tering liis opinion, whereby others might take occasion to call him in (juestion : and he, for his part, would wink at him, and so order the matter, that he might conti- nue his religion, and not travel out of the university." — l*ArLi;'s H'/iil- A.D. 1588.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 369 Elizabeth's accession, without any of that intercourse with unepiscopal foreigners, that made such a striking impression upon many who sliared his belief, but had lived a few more years. He entered upon a new reign with all that Catholic regard for antiquity which had guided his country's reformers, while he was a boy, in discarding Romish innovations. Until Elizabeth had been on the throne two years, he had not even taken orders'. His professional character was established in the controversy with Cartwriglit. But polemics neither narrowed his mind, nor soured a temper naturally irrita- ble ^ His long prominence in repelling assailants of established institutions, earnt, indeed, for him consider- able obloquy, from contemporaries, and posterity has rather aggravated it. He did, however, no more than keep men to the obligations under which they held preferment, no more than maintain the principles of Cranmer and Parker. Sometimes, he might have acted harshly, accord- ing to the unhajipy fashion of his age. But his general habit is open to no such imputation : as Cartwriglit him- self experienced and acknowledged'. Upon the whole. > 15G0.— Paule's JVhilgifl. 6. ^ " You see now of Avliat an excellent nature this Archbishop was, how far from giving offence, how ready to forgive a wrong, mer- ciful, compassionate, and tender- hearted. Yet was he not void (as no man is) of infirmities. ,Tho holy Scripture noteth of Ellas, that he was a man subject to the like juissions as we are. But as Ho- race salth, opthmis ille Qui minimis urgelur. So may It be confessed of this archbishop, that the greatest, or rather, the only fault known, in him was choler : and yet in him so corrected, not by philosophy alone, as Socrates confessed of his faults, but by the word and grace of God, as It rather served for a whet- stone of his courage In just causes, rather than any weapon whetted against the person, goods, or good name of any other." — Ibid. 108. ^ Cartwriglit having experienced from the archJjishop, towards the close of life, both favourable inter- ference, and connivance, acknow- ledged his " bond Oi most humble duty so much the straiter, because 2 B 370 PROGRESS OP [a.D. 1580. few men have risen more fairly to the top of a profes- sion, or have conducted themselves, under a long course of embarrassing ditticnlties, uith greater kindness and general })ropriety'. The abuse levelled at him, and his brethren of the ei)iscopal bench, must have been found occasionally rather a severe trial of temper. As Puritanism extended, and exasperation daily grew among its clerical adherents, from disappointed hopes, or the hardshi])s that evaded engage- ments brought upon them, it found advocates who set all gravity and decency at utter defiance. During the very time when Philip's armament most awakened national anxiety, Puritanism built u[)on intimidation, and an ambulatory press was jiouring, from various corners, a torrent of scurrilous libels against the hierarchy ^ These his fiiacf's favour proceeded from 9 frank disposition, without any desert of his own." — Paule's JV/iUgif}. 71. ' " It is seldom good policy to confer such eminent stations in the Church on the ghxdiators of tlieo- logical controversy ; who, from vanity and resentment, as well as the course of their studies, will always be prone to exaggerate the importance of the disputes wherein tliey have been engaged, and to turn whatever authority the la>YS, or the influence of their jilace may give tliem, against their adversa- ries. This was I'ully illustratecl hy the conduct of Arclihishop AVhit- gift, whose elevation the wisest of Elizabeth's counsellors had ample reason to regret." (Hallaji. Cuusl. Ilisl. i. 2(iJ).) It niight, however, seem "good jioliey" as well as justice, to '• confer eminent" pro- i'( iisional " stations" uj-fin men of eminence in such professions. AVhitgift had shewn himself such a man in various ways. >Sueli men are usually above " vanity and re- sentment," and arc little liable to be warped by " the course of their studies." Whitgift shewed him- self superior to all these weak- nesses. No doubt, his " eleva- tion" might be regretted by any " counsellors" who were Purita- nically-disposed, or eager to carve- out fortunes from the church, but it was an accomplished theologian's honourable reward ; it was a bar- rier against rulingelderships,which struck at the root of civil and re- ligious liberty ; it was conserva- tive of a religious policy, that steered at an equal distance from two irreconcilable extremes, and secured for a sober-minded nation an established church which daily gains uiionitsdeliberate conviction. * " And Marliii senior pru/'cs- sclli that when the enemic was rcadie to assayle us abroad, there A.D. 1588.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 871 indecent jjasquinades aj^peared under different titles, but chiefly passed as the productions of Martin Mar-Prelate^ . Exactly whom this ludicrous appellation masked was never known ; but the person most entitled to it appears to have been a young Welshman, named Penry, soon after betrayed by his own violence, and the arbitrary principles of his time, to an untimely end. He was, however, most probably nothing more than a principal author of these offensive publications. Mar-Prelate seems to have been a scurrilous buffoon with several heads. were a hundred thousand handes readie to subscribe the supjjli- catiou of Puritanes at home : 'which, saith he, in good jjollicie {we being in feare of oulward force) might not bee denied, nor discouraged." — Sutcuffe. An An- swere to certain calumnious peti- tions. 54. ' " In tlie year 1588, came forth those hateful libels of Martin Mar-Prelate, and much about the same time, the Epitome, the De- monstration of Discipline, the Supplication, Diotrophcs, the Mi- nerals, Have you any work for a Cooper, Martin Junior, alias T/ieses Martiniancv, JMartin Se- nior, More work for the Cooper, and otiier such like bastardly pam- phlets, which might well be nul- lius filii, because no man' durst father their births. All which Vi ere priRted Avith a kind of Avan- dering press, Avhich was first set-up at iMoulsey, near Kingston upon Thames, and from thence conveyed to Fausley, in Northamptonshire, and from thence to Norton, after- wards to Coventry, and from thence to Wclston, in AVarwickshire, from which place the letters were sent to another press in or near Man- chester, Avhere (by means of Hen- ry, that good Earl of Derby) the press Avas discovered in printing of More work for a Cooper. AYhich shameful libels Avere fraughted only Avith odious and scurrilous calumniations against the esta- blished government, and such re- verend prelates as deserved honour with uprighter judgements. Some of the printers, Avhilst they AA^ere busied about the last libel, AA'ere apprehended ; Avho, Avith the en- tertainers and receivers of the press Avere proceeded-against in the S-tar- Chamber, and there censured ; but upon their submission (at the humble suit of the Archbishop) Avere both delivered out of prison, and eased of their fines." (Paule's Whitgft. 52.) At Fausley, Avere seated the Knightleys, an opulent Puritanical family. Archbishoji Whitgift Avas directed by an order of council, November 14, 1588, to search for the authors, printers, and dispcrsers of these libels, Avith their accomplices. (Stryfe. Whit- gift. i. 552.) On the 13th of February, 1589, a proclamation Avas issued against the obnoxious publications. — Ibid. Append. XLi. iii. 21G. 2 b2 372 PROGRESS OF [a.d. ir)08. His antics were not merely playful. Nothing could be more venomous, or savour more suspiciously of personal rancour, than many of his calls upon ])ublic attention. Prelacy, with him, was a personification of falsehood and roguery, which legalised all arts likely to render it hateful and ridiculous'. Cartwright, with others of his party, promptly expressed a disapproval of such polemics, and later dissenters have been unanimous in condemning them*. Virulence, and low buffoonery will, in fact, never ' " Our L. BB. as Ihon of Can- terbury, Avith the rest of that swinish rabble, are petty Anti- christs, petty popes, proud pre- lates, enemies to the Gospel, and most covetous wretched priests. — I suppose them to be in the state of the sin against the Holy (iliost. — l^ight puissant and terrible priests, my clergy, masters of our Confocation house, whether tickers, worshipful paltripolitans, or others of the holy league of subscription ; right poisoned, jiersecuting and terrible priests; worslii})ful jjricsts of the crew of monstrous and un- godly wretches, that to maintain their own outrageous proceedings, mingle heaven and earth together. AW who have subscribed, have ajiprovcd lies upon the IIoly(Jhost. — Our BB. and ]>roud, popish, presumptuous, paltry, pestileiil, and pernicious prelates, are usurp- ers. I will presently 7iutr the fashion of your Lordships. They are cogging and cozening knaves. The bishops will lie like dogs, Impudent, shameless, wainscot- faeed BB. — 1 have hoard some say, his firaee will speak against his conscience. It is true." — Extracts from tlie Mnr-Pn'/a/c Tracls. Sruvn;. Il'/iifisifl. i. rj5:br»7(». CtJ], '■^ " I am liable to make good proof, that from the first beginning of IMartin unto this day, I have continually, upon any occasion, testified both my mislike and sor- row for such kind of disordered proceeding." (Cartwright to Burgh- ley, October 4, lo!)0. Strvpe. JV/iHgift. Ai)pcnd. i. iii. 232.) " The more discreet and devout sort of men, even of such as were no great friends to the hierarchy, upon solemn debate, then resolved (I s])oak on certain knowledge from the mouths of such whom I must believe) that for many foul falsehoods therein suggested, such books were altogether unbeseem- ing a pious spirit, to print, pub- lish, or with })leasure peruse, which supposed true both in mat- ter and me;isure, charily would rather conceal than discover. The best of men being so conscious of their own badness, that they are more careful to wash their own faces, than husie to throwe dirt on others. Any man may be witty in a biting way. and those that have the dullest brains, have com- monly the sharpest teeth fur that purpose. But such carnal mirth, whilst it tiekles the fli'sli, doth wound the soul." (Fullku. I'J.'b) A.n. 1588.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 373 serve any party long, and a religious body cannot use them at all, without experiencing an immediate recoil. But talent will enable them to answer a temporary pur- pose. Jesting gains a ready entrance where argument would knock in vain, and a person, or order, that has made us laugh, easily slides into something that we ought to execrate. But Mar-Prelate commonly disdained the circuitous road of ill-natured pleasantry. He went at once to the coarsest invectives, and foulest imputations. Thus, those who could endure him at all, were supplied with stimulants to work upon the worst and weakest parts of human nature. Seasoning so palatable to man, though so poisonous, while fresh and abundant, could not fail of tainting extensively the public mind. It was equally Sure of outraging those whom it sought to insult, pillage, and degrade. The Mar-Prelate tracts, therefore, although substantially contemptible, had an obvious ten- dency to widen the breach that had long threatened society, and to gall the wounds which were seemingly gaining upon its vitals. Another evil of these wretched effusions, was a call for similar ribaldry, certain to be heard by the other side. " It is sad, -wlion a controversy about serious matters runs these dregs. liidicule and personal re- flection may expose an adversary and make him ashamed, but will never convince, or reconcile : it carries a contempt which sticks in the heart, and is hardly ever to be removed ; nor do I remember any cause that has been served by such methods." (Neal. i. 442.) "They were Avritten in a coarse and abusive style, abounded in re- proaches and calumny; and were as unworthy of the cause they advocated, as their spirit was fo- reign from the meekness of Chris- tianity. They infinitely surpassed the ordinary limits of controver- sial invective and bitterness, and attached . n odium to Puritanism, which the virtues of many of its disciples were unable to obliterate. The ruffled temper and "angry pas- sions of men infuriated by op- pression, were much more con- S2)icuous in their composition than the zeal which was professed for the honour and extension of reli- gion."— Pkice. i. 3dU. 374 PROGRESS OF Ha.d. 1580. Many of the liljolled churchmen thought no way so likely to remove the jest from themselves, as to turn the Puritans out for derision. Several pieces, accortlingly, were published, which fought Martin with his own unworthy banter'. The graver spirits could neither stoop to this, nor descry any lasting advantage from it. Hence Thomas Cowper, bishop of Winchester, printed A7t Admonition to the People of England, in which he both exposed ISIartin's libels, and refuted many current charges which brought obloquy upon the hierarchy, and the whole clerical body. In composing this treatise, he had assist- ance from Archbishop Whitgift, and others of the pre- lacy*. As might be expected, his assault was a signal for new activity among the Mar-Prelate family: but a serious exposure can never be wholly recovered by dealers in unscrupulous satire. Nor on the other hand, will any- ' " There was not only one Martin Mar-Prelate, but other venomous books chiily printed and disjtersed: books that ^Yere so ab- surd and scurrilous, that the graver divines disdained them an answer. And yet these were grown into high esteem with the com- mon people, till Tom Nash ap- peared against them all, who was a man of a sharp wit, and the master of a scotHng, satirical, merry pen, which he employed to discover the absurdities of those blind, malicious, senseless pamjih- lets, and sermons as senseless as they : Nash's answers being like his books Avhieh bore these, or like titles, Ati Almond for a Par- rot; A Fi^ for VIII (iodson; Conic crack vie this Nut , and tin,' like : 8o that his luerry wit made s(tnie sport, and such a discovery of their absurdities as (which is strange) he put a greater stop to these ma- licious fpamphlets than a much wiser man had been able." — Wal- ton's Life of Hooker. 153. '^ SrnYPE, IVhitgifl. i. 575. This piece occasioned More Work for a Cooper, and the like, which treated the author as "a llattering hypocrite,an impudent, shameless, and wainscot-faced bishop ; a monstrous hypocrite." Dr. John IJridges, dean of JSalisliury, alsT wrote against the Mar-Prelate libels. In the title-jiage of an answer to him, is " Oh ! read over Dr. John Bridges ; for it is a wor- thy work. I'rintcd over sea in J'Airope, within two furlongs of a bouncing priest, at the cost and charges of Martin Mar-Prelate, dent." — Nj:ai.. i. 441. A.D. 1589.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 375 thing efface an injurious impression once made on careless minds, by writers who press mirth into the service of spite. A new parliament had been summoned soon after Philip's expedition failed, but it did not meet for the despatch of business until early in the following year'. As usual, the House of Commons, though warned from the queen, on assembling, against ecclesiastical inter- ference, discovered a strong infusion of Puritanism Mr. Davenport made complaints of existing laws ill- observed, and maintained that a "^religious policy more strictly legal would suffice for the general satisfaction^ As no ingenuity in the construction of favourite statutes was very likely to accomplish any such result, a bill was brought in for the abolition of pluralities ^ This, after a time, w^as abandoned, and another of the same kind took its i^lace^ which passed with some difficulty'. Of its fate in the Ujjper House nothing farther is known, than that it duly made its way thither\ The Convoca- tion was alarmed by its progress through the Commons, and earnestly remonstrated against the impolicy of such ' Feb. 4. The Houses were originally sumraonecl for Nov. 12, 1588.— D'EwEs. 419. ' Feb. 25. The particulars that he had in view, were given in writing to the speaker, but not read to the House ; in conse- quence, probably, of Mr. Secretary Woollcy's reference to the queen's inhibition, at the opening of the session. The speaker, George Snagg, sergcant-at-law, delivered Davenport's paper to him again, IMarch 17, before he Avent to the House— Ibid. 438, 439. " By Mr. Apsley, Feb. 27.— Ibid. 440. * March 5. Brought in by Mr. Treasurer Knollys, of the Puritan party, member of a com- mittee appointed for the former bill, March 1. The new bill was unanimously approved by the committee, who, besides Knollys, were Morice, Beal, Sir Robert Jermin, and Sir Francis Hastings, all friends to the Puritans. — D' Ewes. 442. Stuype. fVhitgiJ}. i. 533. •^ Strypk. nl .supra. ' March 10.— D'EwEs. 444. 37G rR0C4RESS OF [a.d. 1580. a measure, and the hardships M'liicli it must bring upon the clergy'. Enemies of that l)ody, and superficial observers, always hear of such remonstrances with a sneer. Nor, probably, was there ever a time which would not supply cases of abuse as to pluralities, and all other worldly advantages. But, in most instances, a second benefice will hardly place the holder upon a pecuniary level with other professional men, or with persons gene- rally in the middle stations. Ecclesiastical jireferments are usually of very small amount, and are always burdened in a manner of which scarcely any but clerical incumbents are aware. The strict confinement of clerg}Tnen to a single living, under present circumstances, has, therefore, an obvious tendency to degrade their profession, and to keep men of ability from entering it. To render such a ' Neal has printorl most of this address, and Mr. Price lias fol- lowed his example, but both omit this rational counsel, " Requests without grounded reasons are lightly to be rejected." Both, however, print the sycophantic pedantry of applying to Elizabeth Virgil's 0! Dca cerfe. Xeal merely introduces this by saying of the clergy, " having flattered her with the title of a goddess." Mr. Price allows his readers to see how the Convocation used it. After highly complimenting the queen's government, especially as to religion, the address proceeds : — " .Senseless are they (hat repine at it, and careless wliidi lightly regard it. The respect hereof made the prophet say, Dii cstis : all the faithful and discreet clergy say, ().' Dca ccrtc." It may not be possible to ascertain " the prophet" cited here, but David seems likely, who says, (Psalm Lxxxii. 0.) " I have said, Ye are gods, and all of you are children of the Most High." Now, this whole Psalm appears to concern magistrates, an order to Avhich Elizabeth belonged. They arc, however, naturally spoken of in the masculine gender, which was not suitable to the queen. Some pedant might remember the j?^neid, under this difficulty, and introduce a jiassage in miserable taste, undoubtedly, and in an unworthy sj)irit, Init hardly calling for the castigation which it re- ceives from Mr. I'rice : " AVhen the ministers of religion disgrace themselves, and insult their prince, ; by the emjjloyment of such lan- guage, they expose their motives to suspicion, and bring their j)ro- fession into contempt." — ///.\7. I Nonconf. i. '.WO. Hist. Pur. i. ' 4'M\. Stuvpi:. IVIiilgtfl. i. .035. A.I>. 1589.] DlSCirLINARIAN TURITANISM. 377 restriction equitable and expedient, small contiguous parishes must be laid ^together. But this would merely shift pluralities from one form to another. In many- cases, the alteration M'ould be found no improvement. An incumbent would serve, personally, two contiguous parishes, who now supplies one at a distance by means of a curate. Thus a population has the benefit of two ministers, which pays, probably, but insufficiently for one. As for that one of the two who has only a portion of the benefice, on which he resides, he is commonly a junior member of his profession. He may fairly wait some time for an establishment, as persons of his age do in every other walk of life. The real difficulty, under existing parochial subdivisions, is to plant a minister of religion in every parish, with such outward appliances as most other men well brought-up gradually acquire. Every man, with an average of industry, steadiness, talent, and morals, naturally looks for such equality after a reason- able interval. But besides justice to the parties them- selves, clerical establishments are also very great local advantages. Their absolute coincidence with parishes is, however, precluded by the Church's poverty. Many of her benefices are too poor to command a well-qualified minister with means for maintaining a respectable house- hold ; and it may be added, many of her parishes are so small, as to render only the former of these two benefits pressingly important. As many members came to parliament strikingly ignorant upon religious and ecclesiastical questions, a remarkable sermon was delivered at St. Paul's Cross, apparently to lighten that very evil, on the Sunday next after the Houses met'. The preacher was Dr. Richard ' Feb. 9. Strype very reasonably coiijectui-cs that tlie archbishop might have set his chaplain upon this service. 878 PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1589. Bancroft, then chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and eventually himself occupant of the metropolitical cliair. His great aim "vvas to found episcopacy upon Scripture, in -which, he maintained, its principles were substantially, though not expressly recorded. Presbytery, he treated as a selfish contrivance, incapable of esta- blishing any connection with antiquity, and indebted for support either to interest or passion. He painted its absurd, intolerant claims to the most venerable analogies, its tendency to captivate laymen with hopes of pillage, clergymen with hopes of income, and to puff up youth with an unseemlv, ridiculous conceit'. In these, and * " There arc vcrie manic now- a-(laies, Avho do affirm that when Christ used the Avords Die Eccle- sia; he meant tliereby to establish in the Church for ever the same Ijhit and forme of ecclesiastical government to he erected in cverie parish, Avhich ]\[oscs, by Jethrocs counsell, appointed in Mount Sinaie ; and -which the JeAvcs did imitate in their particular syna- gogs. They had (saie these men) in their synagogs their priests, yvc must have in every parish our pastors : they their levitcs, ^vc our doctors : they their rulers of their synagogs, Ave our elders : they their leviticall treasurers, we our deacons. This forme of go- vernment they call the tabernacle Avliich fiod jiath aji])oiiitcd, the glorie of fJod, and of his Honne, Jesus Christ, the j»rosence of Cod, the i)lace Avhich he hath chosen to put his name there, the court of the Lord, and the shining foorth of (Jod's glorie. "Where this cc- desiasticall synode is not erected, they say (Jod's ordinance is not performed, the office of Christ, as he is a king, is not acknowledged; in effi.^ct, that Avithout this govern- ment, Ave can never attaine to a right and true feeling of Christian religion, but are to be reckoned among those Avho are accounted to saie of Christ, as it is in Luke, JVe will not have this man to raigne over ?/*. And their con- clusion upon this point against all Avho do Avithstand their govern- ment is this, according as it like- Avise folloAveth in the same place, Those mine cneinies which would not that I should raigne over Ihefn, bring hither, and slay tlieni before me." (Banckoft's Sermon at Panic's Crosse. Lond. 158H. p. D.) " I am fully of this opinion, that the hope Avhich manie men have conceived of the spoile of bishops' livings, of the subversion of cathcdrall churches, and of a havocke to be made of all the churclies revenues, is the chiefest and most principall cause of the greatest schismes that Ave have at this dnr in our Church." (Ibid. 24.) " I have thouglit good to dcvidc A.D. 1589.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 879 other respects, the sermon is an historical document of considerable value. Its most important use, was the the factions of our age into two sorts : the clergle factions, and the hiie factions. The clergie factions do contend that all the livings that now appertain to the Church ought of right to be emploied for the maintenance of tlieir presby- teries, and that rather than they should want, the old spoile of the abbeys, and such religious houses, should be restored again unto their use ; and in this course they are so earnest, that, in a supplication, exhibited in the name of tbe com- munaltie to the high court of Par- leament, 1585, they have set down as a resolute doctrin, that things once dedicated to a sacred use, ought so to remain by the word of God for ever, and ought not to be converted to anie private use. The laie factions, on the other side, are of a far contrarie opinion : for, sale they, (as it appeareth in the late Admonition to the People of England, as I conceive by the circumstances there noted,) our preachers ought to conforme them- selves to the example of Christ and his apostles. Their IMaster had not a house to put his head in. The apostles, their predeces- sors, had neither gold nor silver, possessions, riches, goods, nor revenues : and why, then, should they, being in gifts and pains infe- rior to them, have greater prefer- ments in the world than they had ? If they have a messe of pottage, and a canvas doublet, may it not content them ? Surelie, these ad- vancements which they have, do greatlie hinder and hurt them." {Ibid. 25.) " Whilest they" (the gentry) " heare us speake against Bb. and cathedrall churches, (saith the author of the Ecclesiasticall Dixcipline,) it tickle th their cares, looking for the like praie they had before of monasteries : yea, they have, in their harts, devoured alrcadie the Churches inheritance. They care not for religion, so they may get the spoile. They could be content to crucify Christ, so they might have his garments. Our ago is full of spoiling soldiers, and of wicked Dionyslus, who will rob Christ of his golden coate, as neither fit for him in Avinter nor somraer. They are cormo- rants, and seeke to fill the bottom - lesse sacke of their gredie appe- tites. They do yawne after a pray, and Avould thereby, to their perpetuall shame, purchase to themselves a field of blood. And whereas you have alreadie in your hands many impropriations and other church livings, they say that, in keeping them, you sinne against your owne consciences : that you ought to be so far from looking for any more, which doth now appertaine to the Church, as that you ought rather to fimre you lose not Avliat you have alreadie : espe- cially seeing 3'ou Avaste the same in courtly braverie, and consume it Avith most sacrilegious irapu- dency and boldness. I have not used a Avord of mine own herein, but have been a faithfuU relator to you, Avhat the clergie factions do thinke of their laie schollers." (Ibid. 28.) " Marie, now two or three 380 TROCiRESS OF [a.d. loOn. direction of public opinion to tli;it form of rclioious polity Avhicli had ever been established in En^j^land, but "vvhicli "vvas placed, by various necessities, in the beeinning of this reign, under some degree of seeming uncertainty. Bancroft laid it broadly down that episcopal government is a divine ordinance, and men might calmly consider, ■whether either learned inquiry, or national institutions, would sanction departure from it. The Puritans were violently offended, and Sir Francis Knollys made an attemj)t to aMaken the jealousy of Elizabeth, by repre- senting Bancroft's doctrine as an infringement of the royal supremacy'. But his mistress knew better. Nor yeeres studie is as good as twontlo. It is woondcrfuU to sec how some men get pci-fection. One of f'owcr or five-and-twenty yeeres' old, if you anger him, vill swear he knoweth more than all the ancient fathers. And yet in verie deed, they arc so earnest and fierce, that cither we must believe them, or else account their holdness to be, as it is, most untoUerable." — Ibid. 58. ' Strype. Whitpfl. i. iJoO. In August, l')i)0, Kuollys was harji- ing again upon tliis string, in a letter to J'uiighley. lie said, that he " sought not his own ambition, nor his covetousncss, as the bi- shops are accused to do, but her majesty's safety; which cannot otherwise be continued, but by the maintenance of her su])reme government against the i'alse- claimed superiority of hisliojis from God's own institution. For the pride of the bishops' claim must be pulled down, and made subject to her majesty's supreme government. And they must con- fess that they have no superiority of government at all, but by com- mission from her majest}- : for otherwise their claimed superiority is treasonable to her, and tyran- nous over the inferior clergy." {Ibid. ii. 52.) Probably, this very loyal eftusion should be inter- preted, as protestations often ought to be, by the rule of con- traries. ]\Iany sturdy disclaimers of " ambition and covetousncss," have unwittingly stumbled upon the very things uppermost in their minds. Knollys might have im- bibed some theological opinions really adverse to ej)iscopacy, but a man not ennobled, of great in- fluence, and small fortune, could hardly fail at that time, even with- out knowing it, to find strong con- firmation for imepiscopal convic- tions, in the convenient estates and envied ])recedencc of bishojts. The ridiculous pretences of loyalty, by which " this great i)atriot of that parly," as Strype calls him, souglit to enlist Elizabeth on his side, were wholly wasted upon her. .Si early as May, 15II0, she ex])ressed herself displeased with A.D. 1589.] DISCIPLINARIAN TURITANISM. 381 did the spirited and learned preacher fail of making a salutary impression upon tlie public. Unquestionably he was instrumental in correcting those loose notions of ecclesiastical government, Mdiich would have rent from the Church of England one of the most venerable and beneficial evidences of Catholicity '. Attempts to undermine this connecting link with apostolic times, were daily made under all the advantages of regular organization. Distant observers may suppose that a few polemics and their admirers were making a din for Presbytery, which neglect would soon have reduced to silence. But in fact, a systematic association had been zealously at work, during seven years at least \ his Puritanical spirit of meddling. Nor Avas this the first re^^rimand of the kind that she gave to the zealous treasurer of her household. He had received a similar dis- couragement some years ago ; which, probably, was the reason why he now covered his antipa- thies with such a thick coating of loyal varnish. ' Heylin considers Bancroft's sermon to have had a great imme- diate operation. He says, it " wrought so much upon his auditors of both Houses of Par- liament, that in the passing of a general pardon at the end of the sessions, there was an exception of Seditious Books, Disiurbaiices of Divine Service, and Offences against the Act of Uniformiti/ in the Worship of God." {I list. Fresh. 284.) Neal says of Ban- croft's reference of episcopacy to divine institution, that " it was new doctrine at this time." {Hist. Pur. i. 434.) Sir Francis Knollys might have taught him otherwise, mentioning it as " set down in a printed book, entitled Dr. Whit- gift against Carlivright." (Strype. Whiigift. ii. 51.) Mr. Price also says, " such a claim constituted a new ground of debate ;" and he thus winds up : " There is scarcely a dogma in the creed of any reli- gionist wliich is hehl in more deri- sion and contempt tlian that for which Bancroft pleaded." {Hist. Nonconf. i. 377-) Both historians, however, are at issue with Knollys, as to novelty, even under Eliza- beth. The talk of " derision and contempt," reminds one of Esop and the sour grapes. "'^ " There was an assembly of three score ministers appointed out of Essex, Cambridgeshire, and Norfolk, to meet on the 8th of INIay, 1582, at Cockefield, (Master Knewstubs towne,) there to con- ferre of the common booke, what might be tollerated, and what ne- cessarily to be refused in every point of it : apparel, matter, form, dayes, fastings, injunctions, S;c. 382 PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1589. When first formed, it had no code of principles but such as had been evolved by Cartwriglit, in his controversy with Whitgift. But Travers afterwards appeared with his fonious Book of Discipline, — a piece far Ijetter con- cocted, and more eloquently written. This became, henceforth, the Palladium of Presbytery'. Nor were or this meeting it is thus reported, — Our meeting tvas appoinied to be kept veri/ secrelli/, and to be made knuwne lo none." — Banciioft. Dangerous Positions. 44. ' " Hitherto, it shoukl seeme, that in all their proceedings, they had relied chiefly upon the First Admonition, and Cartwright's l)ooke, as having no particular and several plattbrnie that uas gene- : rally allowed-of among them for the Church of England. But now at length, ahout the year 15H3, 'I'fie Forme of Discipline, which is lately come to light, was com- piled, and thereupon an asscmhly, or councell, being helde, as I thiuke, at London, or at Cam- Inidge, ccrtaine decrees were made concerning the establishing and the practice thereof" {Ibid. 4j.) The confederacy having thus gotten its principles into a more satis- factory form, began to rise in con- fidence and menace. Cholmely writes to Ineld from Antwerp, June 2'}, ]')}!;?, in Latin, which Bancroft thus translates: — "I am glad with all my heart for the ' ]linarian clamour against subscription to the Thirty- nine Articles. No society can exist without terms of conformity. " II ICY LIN. HisL Prcsb. 28(5. Bancroft says, as must obviously be true, that the most important meetings were those in London. Cartwright, 'i'ravers, and Egerton, were chosen, at dilfcrent times, moderators, or presidents in them. — Ddiiiscroux Po.\ilions. 90. A.D. 1589.3 DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 885 it should be remembered, allowable combinations for obtaining liberty of conscience. They were essentially conspiracies to overthrow one of the most venerable and important in the national institutions. They sought the forcible, unrequited transfer of ecclesiastical patronage from those who had bought or inherited it, — the transfer of ecclesiastical discipline, but with new and inquisitorial appliances, to the paid favourites of a popular election. For the payment of these lucky candidates, they would have confiscated all the cathedral property, and seized, as now sacrilegiously alienated, all the monastic estates. They were utterly unfavourable to liberty of conscience among Protestants, and against Romanism they breathed a spirit of intolerance, far more sanguinary than any that had been hitherto adopted. They talked even of adding ferocity to the criminal code, by introducing capital felonies from the Mosaic law. Nor were all these pro- jects poured forth at random, as is usual when men are merely giving vent to favourite ideas which they have no prospect of seeing realised. So confidently did the Disciplinarians rely upon the speedy attainment of their ambitious ends, that they had even thought of j^lans for pensioning the bishops and others, whose incomes were to be confiscated \ Machinery for such ends, could not long work un- noticed by the wakeful government of Elizabeth. Nor can any administration regard a growing confederacy, illegally directed, without uneasiness. To check the growth of this, nothing appeared more politic and equi- table, than the arrest of Cartwright, its original mover. After his earlier troubles, he had resided at Antwerp, as ' Heylin. Hist. Presb. 287. This fact appeared from a letter of Lord to Fenn. — Strype. JVhilgifl. Append, in. iii. 240. 2 C 38G PROGRESS OF Qa.d. 1500. chajilain to the fiictorv, disj)laying, durino- several years, all those valuable qualities, \vhich really adorned his character, liut health gave way, and he was advised to try his native air. On landing in England, John Aylmer, bishop of London, somewhat ofiiciously, as it seems, though not without royal warrant, caused him to be ])laced in custody'. By Burghley's intervention, he soon regained his liberty, and Leicester preferred him to the mastership of an hospital at Warwick, lately founded by himself. Though no contemptible provision, the peer did not rest contented with it. His generous patronage added a pension of larger amount than a great majority of even the better parochial benefices'. Thus Cartwright ' Strype. Aijlmer. ^Q. The letter, in •\vliicli Bisliop Aylmer coni})lains of his misfortune in arresting Cartwright by the queen's command, and yet incurring her displeasure, by stating so, is un- dated. " But in the Lansdowne collection in the British Museum, are two letters from Cartwright to Burleigh, the one dated, April, 1585, requesting that nobleman to procure his liberty, and the other, June, 1585, returning thanks to his Lordship for having done so." — Price's Hist. Konconf. i. 357. note. * His mastership was 50/. a year, and a house. Leicester gave him an annuity of 5(1/. a year, besides. (Strvi'i:. Jl'/iili;i/'l. ii. 122.) The King's Books will shew that few beneficed clergymen then had any such income. His opu- lence was evidently notorious. " Master Cartwright died rich, as it was said, by the benevoh'nci- and bounty of his followers." (l*Ai Li;. 72.) Suteliiie, iu all the bitterness of controversy, will not allow his wealth to have been fairly gained. " What hath T. Cartw. to meddle with the charge of his hospitall, a matter meere civill, and wherein he hath done more good, then in ecclesiastieall causes? For he hath bestirred himselfe so, that, what byrewardes, what by availes of his hospitall, and ])iuching those that are com- mitted to his charge, and what by buying and selling, the man is growen fattc and rich. Of his ministry we see no fruit, but con- tention and trouble. — Tho. Cart- wright, a man that hath more landes of his own in possession, then an}" bishop that I knowe, and that farfth dayntily every day, and feedcth fayre and fatte, and that lyeth as soft as any tenderling of that broode, and hath wonne much wealth in a short time, and ! will leave more to his ])osteritie I tlicn any bishop. — If he keepe I himscHV' private, and seek(! not (o I advaunce himselfe by pillage of A.D. 1590.2 DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 387 reached advanced age, in far higher circumstances, than most men who enter upon the Church as a profession. Nor, as there was little or no disposition to interfere with his preaching, so long as it kept within its legitimate province of instruction, did his years pass either without great utility, or without the honest gratification of well- earnt applause. Probably, if left to himself, the elderly apostle of Puritanism would have quietly travelled on to eternity, in the thankful enjoyment of opulence, honour, and usefulness. But his position unhappily brought him under the constant notice of younger spirits, calcu- lating upon credit, and easy circumstances, through the Ho!?/ Discipline. JNIen's pride commonly keeps them both from frankly avowing early haste, and from declining present distinction. Cartwright, accordingly, could be brought from Warwick, to figure as leading adviser, or even moderator, in self-called, self-erected national synods, clandestinely convened, and illegally holden under cover of various pretences. Yet their members were banded Avith a view to change the constitution, and interfere with property; they threatened an eleemosynary pension, or the Church, I for my part will let him alone: neyther shall his frier- like begging, nor his covetous dealing Avitli his hospitall, nor his disloyall dealing -with his good friendes, nor his usuric, nor any other matters he touched, or carped at. — Qucete, because he asketh me certaine questions of Th. Cartw. l)y what mysterie, or science, a man may sell a coate, and 3 or 4 acres of land, and purchase there- Avith 3 or 4 good lordships, and yet maintaine a great familie, and fare well, and keepe a pedant to teach his daughters Hebrewe." {An Aiiswere to certaine calinn- nioiis peiitions, articles, and ques- tions of the Cojisistorian faction. 123. i55. 204.) It seems from p. 155 of this tract, that Avhen opponents taxed the opulence of Cartwright, his friends accounted for it by the fortunate sale of some small estate, probably patrimonial. SutcliflFe says,' " Hee is a most happy man, that, with selling a cottage, and so much ground as would scarse grase three goslings, worth, at the utmost, but twentie nobles yecrly, can purchase two or three hundred markcs land : and gladly would I learne that secrete." 2 C 2 388 PROGRESS OF Qa.d. 1590. absolute destitution, to a large body of independent pro- fessional men ; tliey must necessarily have often vented much rei)rehensible violence. Nay, the celebrated mode- rator himself is very precisely charged Avith repeated instances of an intemperance, disgraceful to any time of life, and rarely seen under the sedative operation of age'. He was brought into the consistory of St. Paul's, before John Aylmer, bishop of London, the two chief justices, and other law officers, for the purpose of answer- ing under oath c.v officio, thirty-one charges'. These accused him of renouncing his lawful calling to the dia- conate, and undergoing some new sort of ordination abroad ; of then conferring such ordination upon certain of the queen's subjects, some, like himself, previously ordained, others, not; of acting as president in an un- lawful eldership tliat exercised ecclesiastical authority; of breaking the promise, faithfully made on his return from the continent, to abstain from attacks upon the Church of England ; of setting at defiance the suspension of his diocesan, incurred by the frequency and offensive- ness of such attacks; of nurturing an uncliaritable spirit of faction ; of concealing a knowledge of those who wrote the Mar-Prelate, and other libels, and of pronouncing such pieces allowable, after the failure of grave argu- ments; of writing, or procuring to be written, and over- ' " In liis prayer before his sermons (at Banbury, loJii)) he uses thus to say, Because thet/ (meaning tl»e bishops) which ough/ to he pillars in the Church, do hand thcmselics against Christ, and his truth, therefore, O Lord, give us grace and power, all, as one man, to set ourselves against them. Which words, by way of emphasis, he would often repeat." (Paule's Whilgifl. ()2.) This cliargo foinis the eh'venth article of the aUef'a- tions, from which Cartwright was required to clear himself, upon oath. The article states him to liave used this inflammatory lan- guage " at sundry times." Neither Neal nor ^Ir. Price mentions it. " Sept. 1, ir><)0. FuLLEU. b. ix. p. 197. A.D. 1590.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 389 looking and authorizing, the two authentic declarations of Discipline, received among his followers'; of organizing with others a national confederacy to carry this Discipline through the country ; and of laying down various positions, reconcileable neither with religious, nor canonical usages, established by Law'. It seems, tliat, before these articles were read, an oath was tendered to the prisoner, binding him generally to answer Mhat should be objected to him. This he refused to take, although urgently assured by the lawyers, that such refusal was contrary to the laws of the realm. Even this he would not admit, adding that he thought himself, at all events, precluded by God's law from taking any such oath. Hence he jironounced it peculiarly unfit for a minister. Having, however, heard the articles objected to him, he thought some of them in their nature criminal, and from such, if allowed sufficient time and counsel, he offered to clear himself, as desired, although still of opinion, that the oath could not by any law be demanded. The articles to which his offer ex- tended, were the renouncing of his orders, the ordination of ministers, the holding of conventicles, and the calling ^ " 25. Item, That for, and in the behalf of the Church of England, he penned, or procured to be penned, all, or some part, of a little book, intituled in one part, Dixciplina Ecclesice sacra Verbo Dei descripla, and in the other part, DiscipUna Siji'odica ex Eccle- sianim iisu, Sf-c. And after it was perused by others, -svliom he first acquainted therewith, he recona- mended the same to the censures and judgements of moe brethren (being learned preachers) and some others, assembled by his means, for that, and other like purposes: Which, after deliberation, and some alterations, was by them, or most of them, allowed, as the only lawful Church government, and fit to be put in practice; and the ways and means for practising thereof in this realm, were also then, or not long after, agreed or concluded upon by them." — Ful- ler, b. ix. p. 201. ^ " The copy of these articles were found by a friend in Mr. Travers his study, after his death, who as kindly communicated, as I have truly transcribed them." — Ibid. VM 890 PROGRESS OF Ca.d, 1590. of synods. The JNIar-Prclate libels he utterly disclaimed, but u\)on other pieces, of something like the same cha- racter, although himself author of none such, ho professed bis readiness to answer. For silence upon any other points, he expressed himself M'illing to give reasons. If these were deemed unsatisfactory, he uould ])atiently undergo any [)unishment awarded by the court of High Commission'. Before this tribunal, after his first appear- ance in September, he stood twice during the following month*. In the course of "whicli two examinations, his offers ajipear to have been elicited'. lie very fairly j)leaded against going farther, that he miglit prejudice others likely to decline the oath under any circumstances. His own qualified acceptance of it seems to have been rejected, and he was remanded to the Fleet ; where he long remained. Jiurghley suggested to AVhitgift the pro- jn-iety of absenting himself, Mhile his old antagonist stood before the High Commission, and this prudent advice was taken'. Contemporary proceedings, ai)i)arcntly for less capable of extenuation, were instituted against John Udal, for- merly minister at Kingston-upon-Thames. In this cure he incurred a sentence of suspension from the arch- deacons ofHcial, and he then remained six months without clerical employment'. Ilis professional excellence, how- ever, being, in many points, nn(juestionable°, and his ' C;irt\vri<,'lit (o l{ur;,'lil. v. Nov. I 1-1, l.')!)0, (Sthyi'K. /// supra. 2;").) •1, liliM). .Sruvn:. H'/ii/i:!/}. u.2'J. JJotli the ( >clol)or sessions were, * J/)i(l. 25. j prohalily, iiftor that date, and it is * lie wrote to liurgliloy, (liat evident, tliat tlic arelibisliop was " this was the sum of what passed i not at .^t. Paul's in Sc'pteniher. at hoth their mectinfjs." («/ .v///>/Y/.) ' * Nkal. i. 444. Ih- had been I'uller speaks of him as utterly previously suspended, in 1. "»}{(). — refusing the oath, .Sept. 1. I'ltK i:. i. .MHO. * IJurghley to Whitgift. Oct. I * "lie was a learned man, A.D. 1590.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 391 opinions Disciplinarian, some of that party procured the earl of Huntingdon's concurrence, and found a church for him at Newcastle-upon-Tyne'. Without waiting for legal authority, he entered upon his new employment \ The preaching of a strong partisan was not likely to make such of the townspeople as differed from him, and fell under his lash, overlook an irregular appointment. He soon, accordingly, left Newcastle in custody^ After some preliminary appearances in London, he was tried for felony, at the Croydon summer assizes. The ground of this charge was a prefatory passage to the Demonstra- tion of Discipline, reflecting offensively upon the prelacy*. blameless for his life, powerful in his praying, and no less profitable than painful in his preaching. For as Musculus in Germany, if I mis- take not, first brought in the plain, but effectual manner of preaching, by use and doctrine, so Udal was the first who added reasons there- unto, the strength and sinews of a sermon. His English-Hebrew grammar he made whilst in prison, as appears l^y a subscription in the close thereof." — Fuller. 222. ' Neal. id supra. " " There was neither bishop of the diocese, nor archbishop of York, at that time." — Udal's answer to John Young, Bishop of Rochester, one of the Commission- ers, Jan 13, 1590. [Ibid.) This is, however, a subterfuge; means of exercising the jurisdiction of a see being always in action, although the see itself may be vacant. It appears, besides, that Udal spent about a year at Newcastle. Even, therefore, if there had really l)een any interruption in the ordinary course of ecclesiastical authority, on his entrance, there must have been subsequent opportunity to bring his apjiointment under re- gular cognisance. But he could feel little or no doubt that the northern authorities would be in- fluenced by the suspension awarded in the south; and he, probably, chose to consider, that a call, as the phrase goes, from his congre- gation, was his best warrant for preaching. ^ " He was sent-for up to Lon- don by the Ijord Hunsdon, and the lord chamberlain, in the name of the whole privy council. Mr. Udal set out December 29th, 1589." — Neal. tit supra. * " The indictment against John Udal, late of London, Clerk. " Deiim prce oculis suis nan hahens, sed insligaliouc diaboUca seductus, et sediliose inlendens et machinaiis ad rebellionem moveiid. et suscitand. infra hoc regnum Sfc. ulf. die Ocfobris, anno regtii diet, dncc regin. 30, at East IMouldsey; then and there set forth in English, a certain, wicked, scandalous, and seditious book, entitled, A Demon- stration of the truth of that Dis- 392 PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1591. He was not proved author of tlio work itself, nor is tiiis even the d." — ]{A( O.N. Ohsvivdlions on a I.ilnl. Works. Loud. 1!;03. iii. (51. * In the beginning of 1593. A.D. 1591.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 395 attendance of the party paid mournful honours to his corpse, as it was lowered, near that of Bishop Boner, into an untimely grave'. Tliis melancholy case retains con- siderable importance among Dissenting and political enemies to the memory of Elizabeth. But IJdal really was very wide of the liberality which all such historical speculators claim. One of the hardships of which he complained in the Gate-house, was his confinement among "seminary priests, traitors, and professed Papists ^" If particulars were known, a Romanist would, probably, say, even of the second parties, that religion was their only treason. In the earlier years of the queen, Romish prepossessions prevailed extensively among lawyers. But Travers had so filled the Temple pulpit, as to form a large Puritanical party at the bar. To the bias thus imbibed, is attributed a celebrated legal case'. Robert Cawdrey, formerly a schoolmaster, had obtained, under Burghley's patronage, the rectory of South Luffenham, in Rutlandshire. Uj)on this he lived several years, rearing a numerous fjimily, and seemingly rendering important services to his parish. But he had conceived an antipathy to the Common Prayer, and, besides taking liberties as to the use of it, he occa- sionally seasoned his sermons with attacks upon it. At length, his endeavours to undermine the institutions that ' In St. George's church-yard, Southwark. (Fuller. 223.) It is not unworthy of remark, that Uclal left a son, named Epliraim, who took orders, and obtained the rec- tory of St. Augustln's, by St. Paul's, London, from wliich he was se- questered, in 1G43, for the pul)li- cation of books against the Long Parliament's hostility to bishops and cathedrals. lie brands that famous assembly with hypocrisy and sacrilege ; so different were his views from his father's. As a preacher, he was highly popular, and Fuller pronounces him " a solid and pious divine." ^ Nkal. i. 440. ^ Collier, ii. 634. 9( 06 PROGRESS OF [A.n. loOl. frave bread to liimself ami his liouscliold, brought him nmlor cog-nizance of the High Commission Court. By this liis living was sequestered, and the bishop of Petcr- borougli sent a cliaphiin of his own to serve the church'. Cawdrey's imprudence having thus reduced him to beg- garv, he shewed some signs of relenting. But he had a vein of bigoted, intractable insolence at bottom, which withheld him from giving any real satisfoction*. After long delay, he was, accordingly, deprived. Some of his legal friends incited him to disj^ute the sentence ; main- taining that the commissioners had no ground for it, but the act of tlie queen's first year; which was insufficient for their purpose. The case was argued, in the Exchequer chamber, before all the judges, in Hilary term, this year, and Dr. Aubrey, a civilian, who acted as commissioner when Cawdrey was deprived, admitted that the Act of * Cawdrey was sequestered in ir)M7; he had then been at South I.ulteiiham sixteen years. lie had previously taii^fht school seven or eight years. — Stjiypk. Atjbncr. 84. * In a letter to Burghley, IMareh 22, 1 r)J58, he pronounces " these lord bishops the greatest enemies her Majesty had — indirect causes of the reltellion in litiVd — coun- tenancers of non-residents and idle shej)herds — extreme dealers against go: reprinted from a tract ])ulj- lishcd by Authority, lal»2. p. 128. The design of this tract is to exhibit Ilacket, and his two pro- pliets, as political conspirators. The facts of the case, however, being fully and fairly given, prove unfjuestional)ly that Ilacket had long been insane. Of his two friends, the particulars are not so copiously supplied, but it is evi- dent, that if not confirmed lunatics, they must have been very weak men, with a tinge of lunacy. Some coiifcniporaries appear to have explained the wliole case in tliis way, for Cosin takes considerable pains to prove the miserable par- ties sane. A more reasonable jiortion of his pamphlet details various j)articulars of the Ana- baptislical outrages in CJermany. These, unarties^ Hence Cartwright ' " Yea, the Arclibishop hath been heanl to say, that if blaster Caitwriglit, had not so far ingaged himself as he did in the beginning, lie thought verily he would in his latter time have been drawn to conformity. For when he was freed from his troubles, he oft repaired to the Archbishop, who used him kindly, and was con- tented to tolerate liis preaching in Warwick divers years, upon his promise, that he would not im- pugn the laws, orders, and govern- ment in this Church of England, but persuade and procure, so much as lie could, Ixtth jirivatdy and publickly, the estiniatic^n and peace of the name. Which albeit, ho acconlinglv jierfornu d, yet when her Majesty understood by others that Master Cartwright did preach again (tho' temperately, according to his promise made to the Arch- bishop) sh\Ti unto their oath, I will not stand to it ; but sworn they wore, and confessed all. AVhoroupon, Omnes in carccrem conjccli. They ivere all cast into prison." — BANcnoFT. Survey of the Pretended Holy Discipline. 250. ' " They called the spirit of op- position, a tender conscience, and complained of persecution, because tlu'v wanted power to persecute others." (Walton's //t»o/.tv. 143.) '• The Infjuisition of the Consisto- rio is like the Spanish Inquisition, and the papal proceeding. For as in the Spanish Inquisition, so in the Consistorio, a man is called, knowcth no accuser, and whether A.D. 1593.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 407 In all cases, the oath was not refused. Some of the ministers called in question, admitted an obligation to answer interrogatories put by lawful authority, and argued against silence as an useless provocation, when examiners acted with sufficient previous knowledge. Under this advantage, more or less completely, all the prosecutions of Puritanical ecclesiastics were conducted. Numerous letters had been intercepted, and so much private infor- mation gained, that but few of the obnoxious movements remained for discovery. The government merely wanted such proof as would suffice for judicial forms. This came, however, with an ill grace from individuals impli- cated. It is true, that no new particulars of importance were gleaned from them, and that their evidence revealed, jDcrhaps, little or nothing unquestionably illegal. But it furnished proof of Puritanical organization, and indicated parties who might now, with tolerable safety, be selected for punishment. Hence the clergymen who took the oath, naturally fell under considerable obloquy. For themselves they gained freedom from farther molestation ; a privilege that rendered them additionally odious to their former friends. In this unpopular obedience to autho- rity, the way seems to have been led by Thomas Stone, rector of Warkton, in Northamptonshire. Eight others are known to have been found similarly communicative'. hee confesse or not, liee is sure to abide tlie order of the Consistorie, and what they command the civill judge performeth. And therefore, if all must away that is borrowed from the pope, away must the Consistorie goe, with their excom- munication of princes, and their absolute tyrannie." — Sutcliffe. An Anstvere to certaine calumfii- ous petitions, ^-c. 161. ' " The worst part of their con- fession was their discovering the names of the brethren that were present, which brought them into trouble. — It is certain they pur- chased their own liberties at the expence of their brethren's, for they had the favour to be dis- missed, and lived without disturb- ance afterwards." (Neal, i. 461, 462.) Strype has printed (fVhit- 408 PROGRESS OF [a.d. l')OX Subscription to authorized systems of Disciplinarian principles, was very fairly made one ]>oint of in(|uiry. It is obviously necessary to every society, that some satis- factory test should be exacted from its members, as a bond of union. The Presbyterians, therefore, Avere not blameable in adopting the usual precautions for self- preservation. Unfortunately, however, for the credit of their consistency, declamations against subscription formed an important branch of their regular tactics against the Church. "When bishops called for it from individuals puritanically biassed, it became a grievous hardship and o])pression. When a classis, or other such assembly, met, those who shared in its deliberations were expected previously to subscribe the Holj/ DisciplineK gift. Append. IX. X. vol. iii. 271. 282) two sets of queries put to these defendants, with their an- swers. From these, it appears that the Northampton classis de- nied the name of brethren to mi- nisters who did not belong to their own party, and jironounced epi- scopal ordination merely a civil ceremony to be undergone for legal security, none being really minis- ters until aliowod by tlic bretbron of the classis. The same class is, however, did not go so far as to uncburch all bodies refusing to join the Disciitlinarians. It only pronounced such congregations less fully churches. But at a con- ference, in London, it was deter- mined, to use all suitable occa- sions, for inculcating tlic l>isci- plino, "as .1 part of the (lospcl." JSIany of the questions relate to politics, but tbe answers clear tbe Disciplinarians pretty effectually from political suspicions. Their association was rather the parent of a political party, than one itself. ' Littleton and .Johnson, two of the ministers who took the oath cd- officio, deposed that " none gave voice but such as had subscribed." (SiuvrE. IVItitgift. Append, ix. iii. 280.) Stone and Cleaveley contradicted this, but the former deponents must have given the general usage. A few persons iniglit have been admitted in tbe deliberations witbout formal sub- scription, but even these were known to be favourably disposed ; (a very dilferent case from that of such as denied or scrupled sub- scription in the Church.) The great bulk in a Disciplinarian con- ference evidently stood committed by a formal subscription. Decency would liardiy allow tbe rigid ex- clusion of a few known friends, too cautious as yet for such a decisive ste]). " 1'h, Cartw. and his fellowcs, contrary to the sta- A.D. 1593.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 4oa The Cliurch, it seems, was really less rigorous in her demands. The laxity as to subscription that prevailed in the queen's earlier years, appears never to have ceased. Bishops took upon themselves to dispense with that security, in a manner which was neither warrantable nor politic'. The truth is, that severe and arbitrary princi- ples were not uniformly at work under Elizabeth. They had only occasional seasons of activity. Temporising-, to a degree unknown in later times, was her ordinary policy in ecclesiastical affairs. Conscious of sound information, and right intentions, she seems to have reckoned upon justice for her opinions and herself, from the slow opera- tions of national good sense. Her council-board, also, was never without influential spirits with a strong puri- tanical bias. Hence there was continually a connivance at irregularities, favourable upon the whole to their growth; far from so, to that colouring of despotic tutes and lawes of the realme, assembled in secrete manner, made lawes, and subscribed them, and published them among them- selves : at Warwicke, Cambridge, London, &c., the actes thereof are sufficient evidence." — Sutcliffe. An Anstrere to certaine calumni- ous pelilions, c^-c. 59. ' " How carelessly subscription is exacted in England, I am ashamed to report. Such is the retchlessness of many of our bi- shops on the one side, and their desire to be at ease and quietness to think upon their own affairs ; and on the other side, such is the obstinacy and intolerable pride of that factious sort, as that betwixt both sides, either subscription is not at all required, or if it be, the bishops admit them so to qualifie it, that it were better to be omitted altogether. If the best and the learnedest man in Christendome were in Geneva, and should oppose himself to any thing that the Church there holdeth, if he escaped with his life, he might thank God: but he should be sure not to con- tinue as a minister there. There is no church established in Chris- tendome so remisse in this point, as the Church of England : for in effect, every man useth and re- fuseth what he listeth. Some few of late have been restrained, who had almost raised the land into an open sedition. But else they fol- low their own fancies, and may not be dealt withall (forsooth) for fear of disquietness." — Bancroft. Survey of the Preleiided Holt/ Discipiuie. 249. 410 PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1593. intolerance whicli is often tlirown over this remarkable reign. A new parliament, chiefly summoned for the relief of financial difficulties, opened ominously for the Romanists'. The famous lawyer, Edward Coke, solicitor-general, being elected speaker by the House of Commons, entered upon his office with an elaborate speech that bore evidence of recent attention to Cawdrey's case. After dwelling upon the aggressions of Rome and Spain, he passed on to a statutable refutation of papal claims over England. In every reign, from Henry HI. to Edward VI., he cited a statute maintaining the royal supremacy. Sergeant Puckering, now knighted, and become lord-keeper, having officially to speak next, added jn-oofs of the supremacy under Henry II. and the Saxon kings \ Papal partisans were thus branded as unpatriotic innovators, who blindly or corruptly offered violence to the constitution of their country. The practical evils of their politics had long furnished a theme for general remark and indignation. Popery lay under the undeniable infamy of eliciting a series of domestic treasons, and of crowning them by one of the most formidable foreign expeditions that had ever menaced England. While such facts were fresh in the memories of men, the court could find little difficulty in carrying coercive measures against adherents to Rome. It was thought advisable to use this facility, and recusants were disquieted by a bill of greater stringency than any that had hitherto been introduced'. On the following day, ISIorice, attorney of the Court ' Feb. 1!). — I)'l''wF,s. 456. | Majcslics Suhjccts in more due * IIi'kL 4r»i>, 1(50. Ohrdinirr. — 'I'ownsknd's Ilislori- ' I'd.. '2(!. Tlic Mil was en- | r«/ Cullcctions. Lond. KJHO. p. titled, All Act for cuiiliuiiing her i 55. A.D. 1593.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 411 of Wards, who had been Cawdrey's counsel, and un- doubtedly was of his party, made a long premeditated speech upon puritanical grievances. His attacks were principally levelled at subscription, the oath eoo officio^ and release from custody under securities for future good behaviour. He was answered by Dalton, of Lincoln's Inn ; who argued for the legality of recent proceedings in the episcopal courts, but laid his principal stress upon the queen's prohibition of such debates when parliament was opened. Morice, though he had been seconded by Sir Francis Knollys, w^as not long in finding, that his disregard of this, however honourable to his zeal, had nothing of worldly prudence to recommend it. He was first placed under the custody of Sir John Fortescue, and eventually sent to Tutbury Castle, where he underwent an imprisonment of several years'. A similar invasion of the House's deliberative privileges was provoked by Elizabeth's habitual antij^athy to legislative interference ' Wedn. Feb. 28. " This morning, Mi'. Morris was sent for to court, and from thence he was committed to Sir John Fortescue's keeping." (Townsend's Historical Collections. 61.) The speaker had been summoned to court on the preceding day, and the next morning he gave the House tlie particulars of his reception. The queen, as usual upon such occa- sions, was extremely higli, and Coke talks of himself as quite frightened. Elizabeth reminded him of her powers to call and dis- solve parliaments, and to refuse the royal assent ; then of her charge delivered by the lord keeper, that she did not mean the House " to meddle with matters of state, or in causes ecclesiasti- cal." Hence, " she wondered that any would be of so high com- mandment to attempt a thing con- trary to that which she had so expressly forbidden ; Avherefore with this she was highly dis- pleased." She concluded with commanding that no bills upon the forbidden subjects should be introduced, and that if an}^ such were introduced notwithstanding, the speaker, upon his allegiance, should forbear to read them. {Ibid. 63.) Morice Avas " kept some years in Tutbury Castle, dis- charged from his oflfice in the dutchy, and disabled from any practice in his profession as a common lawyer." — Heylin. Hist. Presb. 320. 412 PROGRESS OF [A.n. ir)03. with the succession'. Such acts were tyrannical and impolitic, callinpf for the resistance that was ultimately fatal to them. It may be doubted whether they did violence to prescription, or known provisions of any kind. Hence they mip^ht seem rather unwise, than unconstitu- tional. .\bstractedly, they bore the latter character, but usage concealed it from general observation. The age was, indeed, rude and arbitrarv. Even the crown's lejris- lative S})eeches often ludicrously remind one of a peda- gogue surrounded by full-groMn schoolboys*. Elizabeth found society under circumstances that seemingly war- ranted such assumption, and candour must alloM* her more excuse than is often conceded for having left it so. The House of Commons being thus arbitrarily closed ' Sat. Feb. 24. " This day I^Fr. IVtcr Wcntwoitli and Sir Ilonry Bioniloy dolivcrcd a peti- tion unto the lord keeper, therein desiring the lords of the Upper House to be suppliants M'ith them of the Lower House unto her majesty, for entailinj^ the succes- sion to the crown ; whereof a bill was ready drawn by thoni. Her majesty was highly displeased therewith, after she knew thereof, as a matter contrary to her for- mer straight commandment, and charged the council to call the parties before them. Sir Thomas Hcnagc presently sent for them, i and after speech with them, com- ' manded them to forbear coming to the parli.nment, and not to go out from tlieir several lodgings." — Tow.nsknd's Ilisloriccil C'ollec- [ I'lOtlS. .'>4. I * 'I'he Keeper Puckering said, " Ilcr majesty hath further willed me to signify unto you, that the calling of this parliament now is j not for the making of any more new laws and statutes, for there are already a sufiicient number both of ecclesiastical and tem- poral ; and so man}- there be, that rather than to burthen the subject with more to their grievance, it were fitting an abridgement were made of those there are alread}'. Wherefore it is her majesties pleasure that the time be not spent therein. But the principal cause of this parliament is, that her majesty might consult with her subjects for the better with- standing of those intended inva- sions which are now greater than were ever heretofore heard of. And whereas heretofore it hath been used fliat many have de- lighted themselves in long ora- tions, full of verbosity and vain ostentations, more than in speak- ing things of substance ; the time that is preci(»us would Jiot be thus spent." — D'EwLs. 4y}J. A.D. 1593.3] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 413 against puritanical complaints, the Consistorians them- selves could, notwithstanding", keep fully abreast of their time in despotic intolerance. The bill against recusancy was gradually modified, so as to press upon Protestant absentees from church, even more severely than u])on Romish'. In this state it passed both Houses, as did ' " The statute of the 35th Elizabeth, cap. 1, has no other title than this, An Act for Pun- ishment of Persons obstinately refusing coming to Church, and persuading others to impugn the Queen's authority in Ecclesiastical Causes. The body of the act mentions no other crimes but not coming to Church or Chapel, or persuading others not to come, or being present at any unlawful assembly or conventicle, under colour or pretence of religious exercise. All persons offending in these particulars are to be com- mitted to prison without bail or mainprize, till they conform. If they do not conform within three months, they are to aly'ure the realm, to go into banishment, and to forfeit their goods and chattels for ever. And if they refuse to abjure and depart, or return again without license, they are adjudged felons, and to suffer as in case of felony, without benefit of clergy. — And 'tis very remarkable that there is a proviso in this statute, That no Popish Recusant shall be compelled or bound to abjure, by virtue of this Act. Such was her majesty's tenderness for the Pa- pists, while she was putting to death Protestant Dissenters." (Neal's Pevicw of the Principal Facts objecled-to in the First Volume of the History of the Puri- tans. Lend. 1734. p. 63.) Under this statute, recusants were also to forfeit the income of a real estate, during their lives. " Even these penalties were not thought sufficiently severe : by the second act of the same year, popish recu- sant convicts were ordered not to remove five miles from the place of their abode, and if they re- moved to a greater distance, they were subjected to a similar penalty: a Jesuit, seminary, or other mass- ing priest, who, on his examina- tions before a magistrate, should refuse to answer directly, whether he Avere a Jesuit, seminary, or a massing priest, was to be com- mitted to prison, and to remain there, till answer, without bail or mainprize." (Butler. Hist. Mem. iii. 250.) " From the 35th Eliz. ch, 2, arose also the distinction between papists, and persons pro- fessing the popish religion, and popish recusants convict. Not- withstanding the frequent mention in the statute-book, of papists, and persons professing the popish religion, neither the statutes them- selves, nor the cases adjudged upon them, present a clear notion of the acts or circumstances, that, in the eye of the law, constitute a papist, or a person professing the popish religion. When a per- son of that description absented himself from church, he filled the 414 PROGRESS OF [a.d. ir)93. another persecuting statute. Thus the puritanical party, whose exertions, undoubtedly, rendered great eventual services to civil and religious liberty, stands forth as an accomplice in a gross violation of both'. As it evidently K'gal description of a popish rccti- s(i)il. When be was convicted, in a court of law, of absenting himself from cburcb, be was termed in tbe b\w a pupisfi recu- sant convict. To tbis must be added tlic constructive recusancy, hereinafter mentioned to be in- curred by a refusal to take tbe oatb of supremac}'." (Ihid.i. 172.) Mr. Butler thinks English Ro- manism to have owed tbis new severity to a scurrilous libel, in favour of tbe Spanish party, pub- lislu'd under tbe name of Andrew P/ii/opatcr, and attributed to Per- sons, but denied by him. ' " Tbough tlic House had clearly evinced its disposition to redress the wrongs of the Puritans, it possessed but little sympatby with tbe more violent sectaries, who denounced tbe constitution, and seceded from tbe worship of tbe Church. Tbesc were as yet regarded with suspicion and dread, even by maiiy who complained of the secularity, and felt tbe intole- rance of tbe bishops. So rapid had been tbe progress of this sen- timent, tbat Cartwrigbt was now in the rear of many of bis con- temporaries, and was regarded as the bead of the more moderate Puritans. lie had been censured by bis predecessors for denouncing tbe ejtiscopal order, and for ad- dressing biniKelf to tbe jiarliament for tbe correction of ecclesiastical abuses; but wliile he remained Htationary, others passed onward, and advocated opinions in com- parison with which his were mo- derate and tame. Tbis circum- stance explains tbe fact, which would otherwise be unaccountable, that tbis parliament should pass a law so foreign from the temper of many of its debates, and so con- trary to tbe example of all its predecessors. The law was di- rected, not against the Puritans, but against tbe Brownists. Tbe former would have been favoured, tbe latter were denounced. The one party were regarded as a con- scientious body, whose labours were eminently useful to tbe Church ; the other were con- demned as reckless adventurers, whose principles were destructive of religion, and subversive of the commonwealth." (Price. Hist. Nouconf. i. 404.) Tbis passage may serve to vindicate Elizabeth's general religious policy. First, nothing was wanted, but abolition of tbe habits, and a few ceremo- nies ; tben, tbe holi/ discipline was insisted upon as an integral mem- ber of tbe Gospel ; now, people who entertained this opinion, were " in tbe rear," others had " passed onward," wbile they " remained stationary," leaving them " mode- rate and tame," — qualities that bave rarely gained popularity. The parties, however, left behind, had no thought of abandoning any availahle advantage. Nothing could be too bad to say of a bishop and his court ; but such as bad A.D. 1593.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 415 came to parliament in its usual strength, such seeming dereliction of principle has occasioned surprise. But Puritanism was now jostled seriously by rival pretensions to popular favour. Within the House of Commons, religious discontent was yet monopolised by itself. Out of doors, it had a most formidable competitor in the principles of Brown, ultimately called Independency. Of these, little had lately been heard, and sanguine oppo- nents thought them worn out and suppressed ^ They were, however, now urged into fresh activity by the exertions of a new patron, named Barrow. The Brown- ists, or Barrowists, as they were henceforth indifferently styled, were no less hostile to the Disciplinarians, than to the Church. Hence both were equally bent upon their extinction. One subject of deliberation at Disciplinarian conferences, was the arrangement of plans for terminating the Romish and the Brownist schisms \ It had always been thought a Christian duty by admirers of the Con- sistory, to include Romanists among criminals. They now showed a similar intolerance towards their Brownist oj)ponents. This is, however, the party which Elizabeth and her ministry have undergone so much obloquy for resistinof- The government was embarked in no conflict with principles of free toleration, or enlightened civil liberty. Such principles appear to have been wholly hard sayings for themselves, they thought worthy of hanishment or hanging. Nor did they mean to overlook any power yet in their dispersed, they are now, thanks be to God, by the good remedies that have been used, suppressed and worn out ; so as there is scarce hands, for carrying this judgment j any news of them." — Bacon. Ob- into unsparing operation. se}'vatio7is om a Libel, published ' " And as for those which we [ this present year, 1592. Works, call Brownists, being, when they ! iii. GO. were at the most, a very small '" Examination of Thomas Bar- number of very silly and base ! bar. — Stuype. JVhifgiJ'l. Append, people, here and there in corners j ix. iii. 274. 416 PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1593. overlooked on every side. The queen was merely strug- gling against an exclusive sect, which aimed at the Church-establishment, and was ready to trample down opposition by the most tyrannical expedients'. The details of this resistance were often blameable ; sufficient inquirers into Elizabethan history have no longer a word for the thing resisted. Seemingly, to strike a greater terror into the Sepa- ratists, their leaders were capitally indicted, under an existing statute, while the parliament sate. The most conspicuous clergyman of their j^arty, since Brown's retirement, was named John Greenwood. He does not appear to have possessed any striking talent, but where this is wanting, zeal or violence will commonly, notwith- standing, command a temporary popularity. That Green- wood had attracted considerable notice, is evident from his arrest, six years ago. His lay associate, Henry Barrow, long remarkable for a restless tongue, and a disputatious temper, suddenly grew serious, and may be considered as a second founder of the Separatists. He remained for some time undiscovered, but a search was on foot for his apprehension. He Mas of gentlemanly origin in Norfolk, and had been a member both of the University of Cambridge, and of Gray's Inn^ He does ' The Act against Protestant faction, as liad before endangered recusancy " being made to con- tlie foundations of it." — IIkyltn. tinue no longer than the end of Hist. Prcsb. 322. tlie next session of parliament, * The Examinations of Henry •was afterwards kept in force from | Barrowe, John CJrenewood, and session to session, till the death of John Penrie, before the High the queen, to the great j)reserva- Cuniuiissioners and Lordes of the tion of the peace of the kingdom, Counsel. Penned by the Pri- the safety of her majesty's j)erson, soners ])efore their deaths. Printed and the tranquillity of the C'hurcli, !;')}!(!. — lliirlcian Misccllaiij/, iv. free from thenceforth from any 327 — 32U. such disturbauccs of the Puritan I A.D. 1593.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 417 not appear, however, to have been admitted a barrister. Indeed, Iiis early habits are charged with an irregnlarity, commonly fatal to professional acquirements, and which occasioned many severe comments when he came forward as a religious leader'. But although by-gone vice is always justly punished by sucli reflections, it may be superseded by fanaticism in minds really untainted by hypocrisy. The same intensity of impulse that has tempted one year into excessive pleasure, may guide the next, under pressure of remorse, into an overdone pro- fession of religion. Barrow's mind was evidently liable to be thus led away. He traced his principles originally to Cartwright, but he eventually spoke of that celebrated leader and his party, as a closer kind of hypocrites, who " strained at a gnat, and swallowed a camel." They came occasionally to church, and thus avoided the cha- racter of Protestant recusants. They professed themselves * " Greenwood is but a simple ; like atheists." (Bancroft. Survey fellow, Barrow is the man. And i of tJie Pretended Ilolif DiseipUne. "will sacrilegious people become \ 300.) The Brownists had not Barrowists? I easily believe it. " been much known at all, had Like will to like. When Barrow not Brown, their leader, written a by roisting and gaming had Avasted \ pamphlet, wherein, as it came himself, and was run so farre into into his head, he inveighed more many a man's debt that he durst against logic and rhetoric, than not shew his head abroad, he bent I against the state of the church; his Avits another way, and is now which -writing was much read : become a Julianist, devising by all and had not also one Barrow, means he can possildy imagine, being a gentleman of a good house, his hypocrisie, railing, lying, and but one that lived in London, at all manner of falsehood, even as ordinaries, and there learned to Julian the Apostate did, how all argue in table-talk, and so Avas the preferments which yet remain very much known in the city and for learning, benefices, tythes, abroad, made a leap from a vain glebe-land, cathedral churches, and libertine youth, to a precise- bishops' livings, colleges, universi- ness in the highest degree : the ties, and all, might be utterly strangeness of Avhich alteration spoyled and made a prey for made him very much spoken of." banckrouts, cormorants, and such — Bacox. ul supra. 9 E 418 PROGRESS OF Ca.d. 1593. members of the Church, .iiid merely wanted to reform it in their own way. Barrow, with his friends, woukl hear of nothing but its destruction. They denounced it as no true church, its worship as i(h)latrous, its congreo^ations as ungodly parish assemblies, its ministers as unauthorized, its government as antichristian. Such "was their hatred of all set religious forms, that they would not even use the Lord's Prayer, and all i)rinted catechisms they derided as the refuges for idleness, therefore disgraceful both to the framers and the users. Having adojitcd higli ascetic notions, they denied the lawfulness of baj)ti!sm to the children of such as did not reach their standard of sanctity; but they did not maintain the necessity of repeating that sacrament in cases where they thought it improperly administered. They did not disapprove of oaths, u])on occasions deemed fitting by themselves; but they would not touch a Bible, or any substance, in swearing. In naming months and days, they seem to liave anticipated some of the scruples which eventually became an integral portion of Quaker peculiarities'. BarroM', the great patron of these ojunions, having gone to see his friend Greenwood, then a prisoner, was recognised, and himself detained in custody*. Being- taken immediately to Lambeth, he assumed there, as he did afterwards elsewhere towards the })relacy, a bold and saucy tone. To the judges and lay councillors his beha- viour was always rt'sj)ectful. Thus his oi)inious were pretty fully elicited. It is said, that he and his asso- ciates were enlarged u})on some promise of considering attentively the arguments whidi might be urged upon ' pAlLh'fti ll'/ii'>si/'l. C)H. Exaiiiiiiatiuns ot" Ikiiiy Ijanuwc, &f. vt .supra. '.i'.iO. • Nov. 1!». ir,B2. ' Sir Walter Raleigh in the House of Commons, Ap. 4, 159U. — D'EwKs. 517. ■ " Tliis was according to the invariable practice of Tudor times: ail oppressive and sanguinary sta- tute was first made, and next, as occasion might serve, a construc- tion was put on it contrary to all common sense, in order to take away men's lives." — IIall.\31. Const. Hist. i. 290. note. =* 23 Eliz. ch. 2. * " IClias Thacker was lianged at St. Edmondsbury, in SuUulke, on the fourth of .June, and .John Coping, on the sixt of the same month, for spreading ccrtaine bookes, seditiously penned by one Robert Browne, against the booke of Common Prayer, establislu-d Ity the lawes of this realm. Their bookes, so many as could be found, were burnt before then)." (Stowe. (iiXi. snh an. 15H3.) "It ai»pears by the judges' letter, that it was for their denial of the Queen's su- premacy in all causes: which they aI!ow. fore Fanshaw and Young, April ' April ().—//;/>/. 10, ir>\m, he was asked, ''What * " AVhen Dr. Reynolds, nlio calling have you to preach ? Wrro attended them, reported their be- i you never made minister accord- liaviour to her Majesty, she re- ing to the order of (his land V" pented that she had yielded to, Ills answer was, "I might if I their death." — Nkal. i. 4'JV. \ liad been willing, liave been made *•' J'Mucated first at Cambridge, I either deacon, or priest; but I afterwards in St. Alban's Hall, thank the J^ord, I ever disliked Oxford, where he proceeded j\I.A. these I'opish orders ; and if I had ]">}{()." — Xi:.\L. i. 4M0. , taken them, 1 would utterly re- ■^ Neal states him to have "en- ' fuse thtiii, and not stand by them, tered into holy orders." In a dis- I at any hand." {llvliat office j Papists at liomc are hy this means had you in your church, Avhich [ kept still in remembrance of that meet in woods, and I know not Koniish Kgypt, and in continual where? Peiiri/. I liavc no office expectation of tlieir long-dcsired in that poor congregation : and as day: whereas if these offices and for our meetings either in woods, livings were once removed, the or any wliere else, we liave the ex- devised works and callings would ample of our Saviour Christ, of fall with them, the Pope and his Ills Church, and servants in all tratHckers would he utterly void of ages, for our warrant." — Exanii- all liope to set-up the standard of nations, &c. »/ supra. \\A2. the Man of Sin again in this no- * "The traitorous Jesuits and hie kingdom, here being not so Seminary priests, hoping to pos- much as an ofHce, or one penny of sess these execrable livings and maintenance left for any of liis offices again, are also thereby al- members, the Jesuits and Priests lured readily to become most un- would liave no allurements to make natural traitors, against their na- them rebclls against their prince, tural j>rincc and country; and the and the seduced Papists at liome A.u. 1593.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 425 edly justice in such views. Domestic Romanism, seeing the secular clergy and its endowments, yet remaining, must have built upon some revolution to bring both into their former channel. However prepared for martyrdom, a Romish emissary could not leave out of his calculations, the chance of a comfortable benefice instead, on sailing for his native land. But a preacher mIio made of such accidental disadvantages, a reason for decrying endow- ments altogether, would speak here to the mere passions of his auditory. His voice would really be greeted by cupidity, pride, and envy. This is quickly discerned by parties whom such doctrine tends to degrade and beggar. Some allowance, therefore, is fairly due for their natural dislike and irritation. Penry, besides, maintained opi- nions highly obnoxious to both the great Protestant par- ties, and marked-out, accordingly, by the general voice for suppression, whatever difficulty or obloquy might attend it. Being examined, on his apprehension, by two lay magistrates, Penry admitted himself an enemy to exist- ing ecclesiastical offices, the qualifications required for them, much of their business, and the endowments main- taining them. He stigmatized all such offices as false, the creatures of Antichrist, and inferred the necessity of separation, because every degree of conformity was a submission to the yoke of antichristian bondage. Of the Marian martyrs, he expressed a deference for no one but Latimer. In fact, he seems to have considered Wickliffe as his master, and to have chiefly venerated the martyred Lollards, with such Protestants as had been ■Nvould easily forget tlieir idolatry, there being here neither office, nor any other monument of that anti- christian religion left to put them in mind of that Babel." — Exa- minations, &c. id supra. 347. 42() PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1593. burnt in Ilenrv's time, after the rupture with Rome. As usual, he disclaimed all jjolitical intentions, and finely said, " I am assured, if her ^lajesty knew the equity and uprightness of our cause, we should not receive the hard measure Avliich wo now sustain. We and our cause are never brought before her, but in the odious weeds of sedition, rebellion, schism, or heresy. It is no marvel, therefore, to see the edge of her sword turned against us'." As a political offender, however, preparations were made for trying him. The first intention Avas to indict him upon certain passages in his published works, but means were supplied him for shewing the illegality of this course ^ Two indictments were then framed against him, unfairly founded on his own private papers". Among these were discovered an unpresented address, or petition to the queen, and sundry remarks upon England. Both were penned in Edinburgh, and the latter were described by the prisoner as little else than observations that he had heard in Scotland, made by ])ersons acquainted but slightly with English atiairs'. Both papers are intem- perate and offensive, not creditable to the possession of ' Examinations, &c. /// suprct. 341. 34.5. * Tlicsc lie cmltodicd in a de- claration, dated .Alay 10, ir)<)3. The particulars, evidently drawn- ' Both indictments are printed in Collier (ii. (i.SD). They are framed to bring the prisoner under the statute 2'^ Kliz. ch. 2, against .sedilious irords ami rumours ut- up by a lawyer, are printed in (ered against the Queen. t>trype. {U'liilgifl. ii. 181.) lie ' IViiry's rroteslalion before there identifies his priiici|)les with his death. (Strytf. Jl'/iilgift. Ap- liollardv, and argues, that the sta- j)ejidix .win. iii. 3()().) Mr. tute of 23 I-'liz. (neither having llallam truly says of this, that it revived ancient statutes against '" is in a styh- of the most aftecting Lollardy, nor abrogated that of and simple eloquence. It is a 1 J'.dw.N'l. which repealed them.) striking contrast to the course could not apjily to him. He also abuse for which he suftered." — • urges many other points. , Const. Jli.sl. i. 2/8. note. A.D. 1593.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 427 any man, favourable to tlieir general purport, much less to his handwriting. Still, it was an intolerable oppres- sion to ground a charge of felony upon unjiublished memoranda. The times, however, Avere not sufficiently spirited and discerning to foil such an attempt. Hence the miserable prisoner was convicted', and within four days was hurried, with barbarous abruptness, to die the felon's death". He was only thirty-four, and he left a widow, with four young children'. He was evidently a man of genius, but he wanted moderation, and he lived when power disdained forbearance. Although Barrowism did not propose to involve all ' May 25, at Westminster, be- fore Sir John Popham, lord chief justice, and the other judges of the Court of Queen's Bench. ^ "Executed at St. Thomas of Waterings, near London, on the 29th of the same" (month) "in the year of our Lord, 1593. He was not brought to execution the next second or tliird day, as most men expected, [but ivhen he did least look for it, he was taken while he Avas at dinner, carried in a close manner to his execution, and hastily bereaA^ed of his life, Avithout being suffered, (though he much desired) to make a declaration of his faith towards God, or his al- legiance to the Queen." (Preface to Penr\''s Hi.slorij of Corah, Da- tkan, and Abirani^ applied to the Prclacij and Ministrt/ of the Church of England, published after his death, apnd Heylin. Hisf. Presb. ^2Q.) Penry ap- pears, from Stowe, to have been confined in the King's Bench pri- son. This Avill, probably, account for the place of his execution. ^ Penry's Protestation, ul supra. 312. " As in the case of BarroAv and GreenAvood, his only crime Avas disaffection to the hierarchy. This Avas his unpardonable sin, for which the archbishop AA'ould ad- mit no other expiation than the shedding of his blood." (Price. Hist. Nonconf. i. 410*.) Neal says nothing of this kind about Penry, only that the archbishop AA'as " the first man AA'ho signed the Avarrant for his execution." (Statutable precedence AA'ill ac- count for this.) But he says of Barrow and GreenAA'ood : " Thus fell these two unhappy gentlemen, a sacrifice to the resentments of an angry prelate." (Hist. Pur. i. 479.) This charge is only sujj- ported by a violent letter from Barrow, in prison, Avhich seems to have been intercepted. (Strype. IVhilgift. ii. 1J59.) Such reflec- tions upon the memory of a pre- late, highly respected by a large portion of his contemporaries, re- quire more substantial evidence. 428 PROGRESS OF [A.n. 1593. England in tlio meslics of one dominccrino-, intolerant confederacy, it intended an eldership for every particular congregation'. The very key-stone of its ])rinciples \vas an unlimited abhorrence of everything Romish. Green- wood thanked dlod that he Avas not an Anabaptist*. Penry would admit no hope of salvation to such religion- ists as now call themselves Unitarians^ It is easy to see that a party Mith such opinions offered no ]irospect of unrestricted toleration. Its ascendancy must have ex- IDOsed others to persecution. Every religious body aimed, indeed, at undivided occupancy ; and this common error may excuse the government in seeking legal protection against sectarian intolerance. It is the manner and measure of its ])recautions that are indefensible. Among the niemoral)le religious occurrences of this time, was the conversion, or a])osta«.y, of Henry de Bour- bon, who had now filled, nearly four years, the throne of France, under the honoured designation of Henry IV.* During this whole period, he necessarily found his diffi- culties greatly enhanced by the profession of a faith odious to an overwhelming majority of his people. By ' " Barrow. The holy f(oveiii- iiicut of Clirist l)olong('tIi not to the profane, or unl)elioviiif;;: nei- tlier can it, witliout manifest sa- crilepe, be set over those parishes, as they now stand in confusion, no (lifi'erence made hetwixt tlic faithful and unhelievinfr, all hein^' iiKliircrontly received into the Ixxly of the ("hurch; hut over every particular conf^regation of Christ, there ought to he an eldership, and every such congregation ouglit to their uttermost power to endeavour thereunto." — l\xaminations, &c. 1 1 (III. Misc. iv. 'XW. * Ibid. 330. ' " I am free from denying any Church of Christ to he in this land : for I know the doctrine touching the Holy Trinity, the natures and offices of the Lord Jesus, free justification hy him, both the sacraments, Sfc. published by her Majesty's authority, and eoiiinianded by her laws, to be the Lord's ]>Iessed and undoubted truths, without the knowledge and profession whereof no salvation is to he had."— /A/V. 341. Mle acce.lcd August 2, ];")}{;>. A.D. 1593.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 429 himself, however, an invincible attachment to it could hardly have been felt at any time. The Bartholomew massacre easily made him turn his back u23on a Protes- tant education, and profess Romanism'. He was not, indeed, long in reverting to his original profession ^ But political expediency Avould sufficiently account for this. Hugonot and Romanist were the adverse party names which sought pojiularity for the rival houses of Bourbon and Lorraine. Henry soon found himself unable to receive divinity from the Vatican, without surrendering a most important advantage for the maintenance of a difficult position. But when the assassination of Henry III.'' extinguished the line of Valois, and opened its hereditary throne to that of Bourbon, the new king was required by interest, no less than duty, to sink, as much as possible, the character of a party-leader. For escajjing from Hugonot partisanship, he was not only prepared by a previous desertion, but also by the enervating pressure of a licentious life. His great and amiable qualities were grievously and shamefully alloyed by sensual facility. Experience proves that such men are little to be depended upon when assailed by the sterner calls of duty. Having avoided, accordingly, an appearance of discreditable pre- cipitancy, and found Hugonot principles all but irrecon- cileable with a Romish throne, Henry announced himself ' Being arrested after tlie mas- ' ^ Early in 1570. — Ibid. 134. sacre, and threatened ljy Charles ^ By James Clement, a Domi- IX. unless he would change his nican friar of 23, lihertine in ha- religlon, he "evinced little firm- bits, and wrought-up into a fana- ness, and readily temporized." tical phrensy, by the papal excom- He soon appeared at mass, and munication hurled against llcnry early in the following autumn, he III. for his politic disregard of WTOte to the Pope, deploring his Romish intei'ests. He struck the former blindness. — Sjikdlky. lie- fatal blow, August 1, 15iJ*J. — Ibid, formed lic/i^ion in France, ii. 277' "41.44. 430 PROGRESS OF [a.d. lorn. ready for infapal parti- sans had been modifying* their senseless plans. Philip's dauofhter, Isabella, was now their favourite candidate for the English throne. James of Scotland seemed likely to j)rove a confirmed Protestant, and his hereditary right was, therefore, unceremoniously dismissed. The Infanta had only heard of Protestantism as a monstrous heresy, hatched almost within memory, and little or nothing better than downright infidelity. Hence her claims to Romish confidence were unquestionable, and Persons can- vassed for subscriptions to them among English students in the Spanish seminaries'. Under the name of Dole- man, he also i)ublished a pamphlet, advocating so safe a title to the crown. In this, her descent was absurdly traced from various English monarchs, whose places in the genealogical tree would not really bear examination. Henry HI. and John of Ghent were, indeed, accurately numbered among her ancestors, though she was very far from representing the hereditary riglits of either^ ]5ut be not libuiiiloiKHl : uitli the new, I liave no concern. K. K. Nov. 12, 1.^)93." ' A lieplt/ lo a iioforiuiix Lihcl/, intituled a brir/'e Apuloiiic or De- fence of the Kcclexiasticall Ilie- rarchie. «1. 323. " " Yet all this was excused not lon^ after, •wlu'n K. James was proclaimed King of ilnj^huid hy the general votes of tljc people, hy Parsons, in a letter to a friend of his, as not having proceeded from any design to liindcr King .James's title, but from an eager desire to gain him over to the Itomish re- ligion ; and he hoped he should be easily excused, since these methods liad jiroved no real pre- judice to the King's claim, i. c. in eilect, because the success was not answerable to the villainv '»f his intention." (Camhdkx. r»77-) I'be ])iece was entitled A CoiiJ'ercnce (i/ioiit the nv.vl Succession lo the Crown of E/iiiland, had in ];')J)3, f)i/ It. Dolenian. " Tliis work, the j)roduction of different pens, was revised and edited by Persons." — Li.NOAun. viii. 405. A. D. 1594.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 433 English exiles in the pay of Spain, and a few doting- bigots whom they influenced at home, could see no diflS- culty here. Priority of claim would be gained at once by uncompromising subserviency to Rome, and Spanish power to back it. To the desperate party that indulged in these un- patriotic, senseless visions, Elizabeth's age and healthy constitution were serious mortifications. Even should Isabella succeed, it might not be soon enough to serve her existing friends. Their leaders now had hopes of relief under this disj^iriting suspicion. Anthony, claimant of the Portuguese throne, had found refuge in England, after his unsuccessful struggle with Philip. He was yet surrounded by a few of his countrymen, to whom Avere conceded unusual facilities of intercourse with the Penin- sula, in hope of service to their master's cause'. This, however, appearing ruined irretrievably, they became weary of an interminable connection with dethronement and poverty. Their present views were towards recon- ciliation with the Spanish government, and a return home as its loyal subjects'. From such men might reasonably be expected any peace-offering, within reach, and likely to prove acceptable. The most considerable person among them was Stephen Fereira da Gama, whose adherence to Anthony's cause had been punished by the forfeiture of an ample estate in his own country ^ He lodged in London, with Roderic Lopez, a Portuguese, long settled in England, and possessed of an empirical celebrity, which had made him a sworn physician to the royal household, although his real knowledge of medicine was by no means ■^ Bishop Carleton's Thankful Remeinbraiice. 151. ^ Bacon, nt supra. 2 F ' Bacon. A True Report of the Detestable Treason intended by Doctor Roger Lopez. Works, ill. 109. 434 PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1594. unqiiestionecl'. Professedly, the doctor was a Christian, but he really seems to have been a Jew, not only by birth, but also in belief. At first, he had hopes of some enormous gain from Anthony, by pressiuf^ his suits upon the queen, in the course of his own attendance upon her. But he had long seen the vanity of any promises from such a quarter, and he now thought only of using the Portuguese as a channel for transmitting projects of poisoning Elizabeth, into Spain. Anthony had pledged himself to fifty thousand crowns, and he now asked as much. His fladtious overtures meetino- \vitli some fa- vourable reception, a regular communication was opened with the Count de Fuentes, Spanish minister, at Brussells, and Stejdien Ibarra, war secretary in the Low Countries'. The plot having thus gotten into train, Anthony Perez, formerly secretary to Philip, now living disgraced in England, gained some knowledge of it'. Restoration to his old master s favour was unquestionably hopeless. But ' Bacon, ut supra. * Obscure intercepted letters from both are printed by Carleton. — Thankful Remembrance. ]()!, 1(52. ^ LiNOAiiu. vili. 3H(). Bishop Carleton does not mention the in- formant, l)Ut merely that the queen "was given to understand" Fe- rcira's intention of going to the king of Spain, accompanied by " the eldest sonne of the King Antonio, and diverse other Portu- gals, stTvants and followers of the said King, to olfer their service to the King of Spaine, and to secke their pe.ice with him." {Thankf. Rem. ir)2.) Perez "was fled for some commotions he had raised in Anigon, antl absconded at this time in England." (Camudk.n. 578.) "He was a statesman of parts and address, but vain and imprudent, deceitful and vindic- tive. As the possessor of impor- tant secrets, he probably expected a gracious reception from Eliza- beth: but the Queen refused him an audience; even Burleigh ad- mitted him but once into liis com- pany; Essex alone listened to his suggestions, and took him under protection." (Linciakd. ubi supra.) The (jueen "• declared he was sent over without her knowledge, by the French King to his ambassa- dor, and that she neither would relieve, nor protect him. Indeed, she had a j)erfect aversion to him fi>r betraying his prince's secrets.' — Camuuln. ubi supra. A.D. 1594.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 435 he might have reyenge by making him infamous, and secure for himself in exile, a degree of attention, which had hitherto been denied. He awakened, accordingly, some apprehension of mischief from the expatriated Por- tuguese, in Robert Devereux, earl of Essex, eventually so unfortunate'. By the queen's desire, Essex, with Burgh- ley, and Robert Cecil, his younger son, afterwards earl of Salisbury, went to the house of Lopez ^ Little or nothing was discovered', but notwithstanding, the searchers had no reason to believe themselves misled. Hence, when Essex left town for Windsor, he took Fereira, and left him, in a sort of honourable custody, at Eton College, where the dethroned king of Portugal was provided with lodgings. Orders were now given for transmission to court of all letters directed from abroad to any Portu- guese. A communication soon arrived with sufficient evidence to criminate Fereira, another of his nation, and Lopez besides". Confessions, perhaps, extorted on the rack, or from fear of it, explained and confirmed what mysterious letters hinted, or private information revealed. The three were, accordingly, tried at Guildhall, for high treason, and convicted'. Their lives were spared during three months, in the fruitless hope of new discoveries. They were then executed at Tyburn, with more than usual barbarity, consciousness being so little destroyed ' LiNGARD. nbi supra. ^ Carleton. nbi supra. ^ In Oct. 1593, Essex appre- hended Fereira at the house of Lopez. (Carleton. uhi supra.) His subsequent search there, with the two Cecils, was Jan. 28, 1594. (LiNGARD. nbi supra.) Lopez " had been made prisoner in 1588, and had since, on account of his skill, been retained in the royal service." (Ibid.) "And for the evasion and mask that Lopez had prepared for this treason, if it had not been searched and sifted to the bottom, it was, that he did intend but to cozen the king of Spain, without ill meaning." — Bacox. * Carleton. 153. " Feb. 28. Stowe. 766. 2 F 2 43G TROGRESS OF [a.u. 1504. bv their brief suspension, that men were actually obliged to hold them down, while the butchery proceeded which traitors were to undergo'. On the day after their con- demnation, Patrick Cullen, an Irish fencing-master, lately from the Netherlands, was convicted of treason. lie appears to have been sent over as a sort of ag-ent, by the disaffected English on the continent, and some of his admissions were deemed conclusive of designs upon the queen's life. He, too, was executed, although so ill as to render a natural death little likely to be long delayed". Two others also, named Yorke and AVilliams, were appre- hended as agents in the nefarious plots of assassination patronised by Fuentes, and conducted by Ibarra^ Tliey seem, at least, to have been concerned in some scheme for firing the navy'. This whole mass of treachery brought new obloquy upon Romanism ^ although undoubtedly, it ' SrowE. 766. * Cambden. 577' =• Ibid. * " Letters were certainly inter- cepted, Mhich proved the existenee of a ])lot to set fire to the Heet." (LiNCJAUD. viii. 387-) It was to liave been done " with balls pre- pared for that purpose." — Camu- DEN, ub't supra. * " Thus did the English fugi- tives, lewd juiests, and lay villains tofjcther, plot and contrive the ruin of the Queen, by all the arts they could use; and ail from a pernicious principle of bigotry rooted in their minds, that Princes crconntninicdlcd arc not Jit to lire; and (he Spanish ministers seconded tiic design, and improved their hatred as far as it would go." (Camudkn. ubi supra.) Dr. Lin- gard says of projects to assassinate Klizabeth, "• 'J'here exist in the archives at Simancas, several no- tices of such offers," fviii. 384. note.) But his text says, " it is extremely dirticult to fix on any one particular instance in which the guilt of the accused appears to have been fairly proved." Persons appears from him to liave discour- aged these atrocious plans, and in a note to the next page, he adds, " There are among the records at Simancas, several notices sent to I'liiiip (if plots to assassinate him. Probably both that prince and Kli/abeth attributed to each othiT projects of which they were equally incai)able." The queen shewed herself incapable of such baseness by her late reception of Perez, and by every action uf her life. Facts are by no means equally favour- able to Philip. Nor, in spite of subtle objections to amount of proof, in particular instauccs, is it A.D. 1594.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 437 bore a character more decidedly secular, than most of the discreditable transactions implicating the papal party* under Elizabeth. The pope was never compromised, nor any religious order, nor was there the least appearance of fanaticism in any quarter. Nothing came out but senseless and guilty projects, concocted by unprincipled adventurers for their own selfish ends, and encouraged by a foreigner of secondary distinction, equally to the dis- credit of his character and capacity. Romish hostility to the Church not only failed, in every stage, to deaden the concurrent energies of Puri- tanism, but it was indirectly, though really, seconded by many who professed friendship for the established religion. The bulk of Elizabeth's courtiers, or their immediate pre- decessors, had founded families, or mended fortunes, from monastic pillage. In some cases, an enormous mass of abiding jDroperty had been thus accumulated. No layman could rise to eminence without regretting these palmiest of all days for a royal favourite. It was true that service and sycophancy had already absorbed all the ample re- venues which once filled England with noble religious houses. But the seculars, especially those of high degree, had still much to tempt cupidity. Lambeth-house would make an admirable town-residence for Leicester \ Ely- easy to acquit contemporary Popery of a design to murder the queen, or to acquit Philip of a favour- able eye toAA'ards such M'ickedness. Bacon positively denies that he had ever received similar provo- cation from Elizabeth. " There ■vvas never any project by her Ma- jesty, or any of her ministers, either moved, or assented-to for the taking away of the life of the said king : neither hath there been any declaration or writing of estate, no, nor book allowed, wherein his honour hath been touched, or taxed, otherwise than for his am- bition, a point which is necessarily interlaced with her jNIajesty's own justification." — Observations on a Libel. Works, iii. 41. ' " Leicester cast a covetous eye on Lambeth-house, alledging as good arguments for his obtaining thereof, as ever were urged by 438 PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1594. house for Hatton'. The hall, or castle, might have an- other court, or rise a story higher, and he nobly filled, if its owner could but eke his rent-roll by some contiguous ecclesiastical estate. Or he who just began to feel the warmth of royal smiles, but was chilled by penury at home, might himself own a cheerful mansion, and wel- come clustering tenants, if he could only plunder any well-endowed preferment. Such hopes were fed by the queen's privilege of making exchanges, as they Avere called, on avoidances of bishoprics. Thus many a family gained land, or manor, which an ancient prelate, probably, had left to his see, instead of his heirs. But bishops, though often severely impoverished, still retained much that a courtier or statesman was ever longing and scheming to obtain. There were, besides, ecclesiastical estates in every quarter, unconnected with prelacy, hence unaffected by the statute which gave so convenient a hold upon more distinguished portions of religion's patrimony. Every piece of them w'ould, at least, round and improve. To gain any of the sjioil, yet so temptingly displayed, it was argued that a great mass Ahab for Nabotli's I vineyard." (Fuller. Ch. Hist. 130. Wal- ton's Huolc7\ 141.) In the mar- gin, Fuller says alliterativcly, " Lambeth-house, Grindal's guilt." Other accounts make Leicester alienated from him in consequence of a sentence that he gave against that powerful favourite's Italian physician. Julius Borgarucci, popularly known as Dr. Julio, a good Latin scholar, and specious person, left his own country, on account of religion, and settled in England. Leicester not only used his medical services, but al^o, con- temporary libels said, his talents for poisoning. lie could take people oft" by his drugs, just as if they died by a flux, or a catarrh, or any other ailment. This is very likely, when he had the disorder as a foundation, but Elizabeth's age saw no occasion for that pre- liminary, lie had married an- other man's wife, whom, after a tedious suit, he Avas compelled to dismiss; Crindal being then arch- bishop, and deciding against him. — SruYri:. Grindal. 33.'). ' Sruyi'ii. Annals, ii. 533. A.D. 1594.] DISCIPLINARIAN rURITANISM. 439 of property, once monastic, or otherwise legally granted away from its ancient holders, by the crown, was now retained under titles artfully concealed, because unfit for scrutiny. Let every suspicious ease be sifted narrowly, and the crown Avould have ample means of rewarding its faithful servants. Little to Elizabeth's credit, she seldom was backward in lending herself to the impoverishment of her ecclesiastical subjects. In resisting the demands which would have tampered importantly with the national religion, she generally shewed a firmness that merits the gratitude of posterity. But her views of churchmen stopjied short of the obvious truth, that, in all cases, a satisfactory supply can only be secured by an adequate remuneration. Hence she repeatedly gratified the mercenary spirits around her, by granting commissions of concealment'. The fortunate speculators, thus armed ' " When monasteries ■were dis- solved, and the hinds thereof, and afterwards colleges, chantries, and fraternities, were all given to the crown, some demeans here and there pertaining thereunto were still privily retained by private persons, or corporations, or churches. This caused the Queen, when she understood it, to grant commissions to some persons to search after these concealments, and to retrieve them to the crown. But it was a world to consider what unjust oppressions of the people and the poor this occasioned by some griping men that were concerned therein: for under the pretence of executing commissions for enquiry to be made for these la)ids concealed, and without colour of commission, contrary to all right, and to the Queen's meaning and intent, did intermeddle and challenge lands of long time pos- sessed by church-wardens, and such like, upon the charitable gifts of predecessors, to the common benefit of parishes; yea, and cer- tain stocks of money, plate, cattle, and the like. They made pretence to the bells, lead, and other like things, belonging to churches and chapels, used for common prayer. Farther, they attempted to make titles to lands, possessions, plate, and goods, belonging to hospitals, and such like places, used for the maintenance of , poor people; wath many other such unlawful at- tempts and extortions." (Strype. Annals, ii. 310.) In consequence of loud com- plaints excited by these extor- tioners, the queen revoked by *«- persedeas, all the commissions out in February, 1573, but as she then expressed an intention of 440 TROGRESS OF [a.d. 1594. witli means of raising, or repairing a fortune, immediately summoned the clergy of the district surrendered to their grille, and tortured them by a string of the most inquisi- torial enquiries. In many cases, they assumed episcopal powers of investigation, thinking seemingly, that some detected legal or canonical irregularity might, at least, extort a bribe, to console them, on the occurrence of a title vexatiously good'. If these concealment-harpies had roamed unimpeded, Barrowism would soon have lost an opportunity of complaining that so many benefices were left for tempting over Jesuits, and Seminary-priests. But the various archbishops were driven from time to time, into pressing such remonstrances as could not wholly be disregarded. Up to this very year, however, the greedi- ness of si)oil had outlived every check. A scheme was even afloat for making tangible the entire capitular pro- prosecuting the business by more unexceptionable means, tlie selfish people about ber merely waited for the storm to blow a little over; ■when fresh commissions were issued. It is fair to observe that a precedent for this iniquity was to be found under Queen iMary, ■who granted some letters patent of conceahnent, the first being to iSir George Howard. In the 21st of James I. an act was passed putting an end to commissions of conceal- ment. They were, in fact, a branch in that system of extortion that ran through the whole Tudor ad- ministration. Elizabeth did not commission harpies to fly upon the Church alone. Others roamed about the country, at times, under her authority, to look for persons ■who miglit be brought under the lash of various penal .statutes, and frightened into compositions for their forfeitures. ' The articles of enquiry in the diocese of Lincoln, in 1582, may be seen in Strype. (Annals, iii. 162.) The bishop, in remonstrat- ing with Burghley, seems to think that the concealment commission extended to benefices, formerly connected witli religious houses; but the commissioners summoned all the clergy indiscriminately, beneficed and unbeneficed, by the bailiff of the hundred, without consulting the ordinary. Indeed tliey assumed, it is truly said, •' more tlwni episcopal jurisdiction." (Ih. Kit!.) In consequence of his remonstrances, a supersedeas was sent down. Some of these men had even marked-out Ilartlebury Castle, chief seat of the bishops of Worcester, for their prey. A.D. 1594.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 441 perty settled by Henry VIII. upon the cathedrals that he had changed from monasteries, or wholly founded. Some pettifogging- pretences were set-up for cavilling at the acts which had confirmed his grants, and thus bringing many thousands a year under the crown's immediate disposal. Had this device gone forward, Elizabeth would have been instantly beset by hosts of hungry claimants for reward, and officious recommenders of ready j^urchasers. But Whitgift gained information of the nefarious project, seemingly, before confirmed by the great seal, and his indignant representations rendered it abortive'. If an excuse were sought for the queen's culpable facility, in granting commissions of concealment, perhaps, no better could be found than her limited means of remuneratino" services, support, and flattery. The immense revenues of later years have given such appliances to power, in offices, pensions, and commissions, as the sixteenth century would have pronounced altogether incredible. Elizabeth had really, therefore, temptations to answer pressing calls, by such expedients as would be far more infamous in a wealthier age. This year was distinguished by the appearance of the first four books of Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, a work that permanently affected English theology'. The erudite ' Aug. 28, 1594. Four men ' ^ Only the first four books of appear to have put themselves j the Ecclesiaslical Polity were pub- forwarcl as commissioners, upon ! lished in 1594. The fifth book this occasion. One of them, the archbishop says, " upon the death of the last bishop of Norwich, took upon him to grant out a com- mission for the exercise of eccle- siastical jurisdiction in some part of that diocese, if he had not for- bid him." — SxRYPE. Whilgifl. ii. 198. appeared in 1597- The remaining three were posthumous, and long desiderated. " The results of his" (Hooker's) " publications Avere great, and presently perceptible: a school of writers immediately sprang-up, Avho, Ijy express refer- ence, or style, or tone of thought, betray their admiration of Hooker; 442 PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1o04. and amiable author, born in Exeter, or its suburbs, about 1553, of M'ell-ilescendcd, but not wealthy, ])arentage, received his university education at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, under the kind patronage of Bishop Jewel. After a residence of five years, that excellent prelate rec(>m- mended hiui, though no more than nineteen, to Arch- bishop Sandys, who placed a son under his college-tuition, little younger than liimself '. Having taken orders, and vacated his fellowship l)y marriage, he was presented to the rectory of Drayton ]3eauchamp, in Buckinghamshire*. Upon this he resided about twelve months, in consider- able discomfort, an infant family, with scanty means, having added to the evils, even now all but inseparable from the first year's possession of a small benefice. Young Sandys, going with a fellow-pui)il, George Cranmer, great- nephew to the archbishop, to visit their valued college- tutor, at Drayton, was shocked by his poverty-stricken home, and discontented M'ife. Hence he begged his father, the archbishop, to make, without needless delay, some better provision for him. Sandys, accordingly, soon after, recommended him to the mastershi]) of the Temple; a situation mIucIi Hooker, shy, gentle-tempered, and studious, was far from willinir to undertake\ Covcl, Efbviii .Samlys, l^'icld, lla- leigli, and others; and \vliat was infinitt'ly more important, Hooker had his full share in training-uj) for the next generation, l^aud, Hammond, Sanderson, and a mul- titude more sueh divines: to which succession and series, humanly speaking, we owe it that the Anglican Church continues at such a distance from that of Geneva, and so near to primitive truth, and apostolical order." — Preface to Kkuli/s Ilouhcr. civ. It brought ' Walton's Hooker. 12(i. * ]}v John C'hency, Esq. Dec. 0, ^ " His wish was rather to gain a hetter country living where he might sec (Jod's blessing spring out of the earth, and he free from noise (so lie expressed the desire of his heart), and eat that bread which he might more ])ropcrly call his own, in jirivacy and quietness. But notwithstanding this averse- ncss, he was at last persuaded to accept the bishop's" (Sandys') A.D. 1594.;] DISCIPLINARIAN TURITANISM. 443 him, indeed, into immediate collision with Walter Travers, the learned, able, and courteous lecturer. This eminent man, the main literary prop of his party, was of unble- mished morals, but hasty temper. He studied first at Trinity College, Cambridge, then at Geneva'. To that famous model of pontifical democracy, he took a thorough fondness for Calvin's principles, and he left it excellently fitted for unfolding them in his Book of Discipline, the elaborate Latin volume, which answered every consistorian ajipeal. In his way home, he received ordination from the presbytery at Antwerp ^ Being again in England, his established reputation introduced him as domestic chap- lain and tutor, into the family of Lord Burghley. Through that statesman, and aided by two letters to the benchers, from Aylmer, bishop of London, Travers was named afternoon preacher at the Temple \ In this office his abilities rapidly gained him great attention, and an active party meant him for master on the death of Alvey, a venerable man, highly respected, of his own principles, whose age allowed no prospect of a much longer incum- bency. Hooker's promotion was naturally a severe dis- appointment, which Travers vented, by pronouncing him to have entered upon his charge by virtue only of a " j)roposal, and Avas by patent for life, made Master of the Temple, the 17th of March, 1585, he being then in the 34th year of his age." — Walton's Hooker. 137. ' lb. 153. IIkyun. Hist. Presb. 313. ^ Supplication of AValterTravers. Hooker's Works. Lond. 1(532. p. 458. Travers defends the legality of his ordination, by the case of Whittingham, who might, he says, have retained his preferment to that time, had he lived : but this Archbishop Whitgift denied. Fuller terms Travers " the neck, allowing JNIr. Cartwright for the head, of the Presbyterian party." — Ch. Hist. Book ix. p. \m. ^ IIeylin. Hist. Presb. 313. Travers contended that the bishop of London's recommendatory letters were a sufficient license. — Suppli- cation, ubi supra. 459. 444 pROCiREss OF C-v.i). iri94. human creature':" party shihholctJh unworthy of a superior niinil, meaning that he was not pojiuharly elected. The master and the lecturer soon found a single church (|uite unsiiited for them both. Tiie former, college-pupil to JieynoKls, entertained, indeed, many Calvinistic views, but he would not push them home. One, accordingly, preached a sermon, and the other attacked it ui)on the next opportunity'. Thus Hooker's new preferment became jierfectly intolerable. He was not jdiysically tempered for a long pulpit-controversy, and his qualifica- tions to secure popular attention were defective ; seem- ingly, very far below those of his opponent'. Under his disquietude he sought aid from Archbishop Whitgift, who silenced Travers, and ultimately removed him, by means of the High Commission Court, as unqualified for ministering in the Church of England, from Avant of episcopal ordination". ' Hooker's Answer to Travers's . in 1G44. lie had been rt^pulsed Supplication. — Works. A'JO. I in an application for a fellowship "^ " As one pleasantly expressed j of his college, under the master- it, The forenoon sermon xpakc Can- \ ship of Dr. Beaumont, " for his lerhiiri/; and the aflernoon, Ge- intolerable stomach :" but when neva." — Walton. loS. AV^hitgift succeeded, he was ad- ^ " His sermons were neither mittcd. The experiment, however, long nor earnest, but uttered with proved very unsatisfactory, con- a grave zeal and an humble voice: tinual quarrels arising between the his eyes always fixed on one i)lace two, and Whitgift rather allows to prevent his imagination from that he drove him from the college, wandering ; insomuch that lie saying that " ho was forced by due seemed to study as he spake." — punislimont so to weary him, till 11). lt)i>. he was fain to travel." Ho seems * kSTifVrE. IVhilgifl. i. 44H. to have lost his fellowship by Travers does not seem to have refusal . {M3, 344.) "But iificntly known as its author. It so it happened, (and it hajjpencd :i|ijM;ircd in an English dress, very well for Travers,) that the under the name of the Direclori/, (^ucen had erected an university A.D. 1594.] DISCIPLINARIAN CONTROVERSY. 445 While entangled in these unhappy polemics, Hooker bent all the energies of an acute, fertile, and scholarly mind, to examine the consistorian discipline, so loudly vaunted as an integral member of the Gosjiel. He found at once an impregnable ground in the extreme, and suspicious recency, of any notice respecting it. Hence he reasonably concludes that " those who defend it, devised it'." To his inquiries into the soundness of its claims upon society, we owe the Ecclesiastical Polity'\ at Dublin, in the year foregoing, 1591; founding a college therein dedicated to the Holy Trinity; to the provostship whereof he was invited by the Archbishop of Dublin, who had been once fellow of the same house with him. Glad of which opportunity to go off with credit, he prepares for Ireland. But long he had not dwelt on his new preferment, when either he proved too hot for the place, or the country, by reason of the fol- lowing wars, grew too hot for him : which brought him back again to England; where he lived to a very great age in a small estate, more comfortably than before, because less troublesome to the Church than he had been formerly." — IIeylin. Hist. Fresh. 315. ' Ecd. Pol. Ill, Keble'sEd. i. 493. — " The rapid progress of this system, wherever it was in- troduced at all under favourable circumstances, proved that it touched upon some chord in hu- man nature which ansAvered to it very readily : while the remark- able fact, that not one of the Re- formers besides ever elicited the same theory for himself, but that is in all instances traceable to Calvin and Geneva, would seem to be very nearly decisive against its claim to Scriptural authority." (Keble. Preface to Hooker, liii.) " Neyther for 1540 yeares did ever this foolish conceit come in any men's head that merchantes, men of occupation, musterd-sellers and tinkers, were men sufficient for the government of churches." — StiTCLiFFE. An Answere lo cer- taine calumnious petitions, &c. 30. ^ He finished the first four books on his rectory of Boscombe, near Salisbury, to which he was pre- ferred by Archbishop Whitgift, in 1591, the see of Sarum, which re- gularly lias the patronage, being vacant. This first portion of tlie Ecclesiastical Polity was entered at Stationers' Hall, March 9, 1592, though not published until 1594. Hooker vacated Boscombe, in 1595, for the rectory of Bishop's Bourne, near Canterbury, a valu- able benefice, in the archbishop's gift, but in the crown, that turn, by the promotion of Dr. Williant Redman to the see of Norwich. Whitgift asked it of the queen for Hooker, and at Bourne he died in 1000, being under forty-seven. (Walton. 1G3. 173.) That 446 PROGRESS OF [A.n. 1594. Tliat ilhistrions work is, therefore, triiunpliaiitly ajij^roved by the event, as the fruit of a disceriiiiig- and practical understanding. What many of Hoolcer's contemporaries Hooker was drawn into the com- position of his Eccleslaslical Po- liti/ Ijy tlie controversy witli Tra- vers, as stated by AValton, is in- cideiitallv confirmed by a passage (first printed by i\Ir. Kebk') in liis Sermon on Pride. " Accord- ingly, the summer of 1580, may be fixed upon as the time of his commencing the work : and after six years and more, /". e. on the yth "of ^larcli, 1592-3, the first four books were licensed to John fl'iudct, diveUing at the sigiie of the Crosse Kei/es, near Potvlcs Wharf} c: most of the work was, therefore, composed in London, amidst the annoyance of contro- versy, and the interruption of con- stant prcacliing to such an audi- ence as the Temple then furnished. — Four days after the entry at Sta- tioners' Hall, the IMS. was sent to IjOrd Burghley, and it is not un- likely that the delay which ensued in the jirinting was occasioned by him. — 'Die Edilio Priiiccps itself is a small folio, very closely, but clearly, and in general, most Jiccu- rately printed. — That second por- tion, containing the fifth book alone, came out, as it is well known, in 15!>7, altogether in the same form as its predecessors. It seems to have excited great and immediate attention." The re- maining three books appear to have been completed for jiublica- tion, at the author's death, but his widow either could, or would give no account of the IMS. when sent- lo by Anhbisliop Whitgift. Siib- se. He dtics not say where he got the MS. Of these three books, the sixth, though apparently of Ilook- er'd composition, docs not really 1594.] DISCIPLINARIAN rURITANISM. 447 daily pronounced indispensable, and certain of an eventual establishment in England, has long since fallen into universal contempt. Its predicted importance is abso- lutely hopeless : none think it essential to complete our Lord's institution, very few expedient, or even endurable. But although the Ecclesiastical Polity, historically viewed, is a slayer of the slain, its general principles bear impor- tantly upon existing controversies. Hence, indepen- dently of its majestic style, diversified learning, senten- tious acuteness, force and felicity of illustration, it main- tains a prominent rank among theological works. It was, in fact, the foundation-stone of a school in Pro- testant divinity. Hitherto there had been very little exact inquiry into the ground taken by England, at the Reformation. Divines were trammelled by fears of offending foreign Protestants, and of conceding any advantage to Popery'. Many of the more active and seem to be the missing book. That ought to discuss lay elders; what >ve have under its name, discusses little else than Romish views of penance. It has, therefore, been supposed, that some Puritanical examiners of tlie Hooker ]\ISS. conveyed away the real sixth book, its matter being that in whicli they felt extraordinary interest, and on which their party felt more acutely than almost any other. (Keble. Pref. to Hooker, v. vii. ix. xxi. xxvi.) Mr. Keble used for the sixth and eighth books an edition of IGol, and merely cites Wood for an edition in 1G48. Wood, however, is correct in naming such edition. ' " The feverish and exclusive dread of Romanism, which had for a long time so occupied all men's thoughts as to leave hardly any room for precautions in any other direction, was greatly abated by several intervening events. First, the execution of Queen Mary, though at the cost of a great national crime, had removed the chief hope of the Romanist party in England ; and had made it ne- cessary for those, who were pledged at all events to the violent pro- ceedings of that side, to disgust all British feeling by transferring their allegiance to the kin": of Spain. And when, two years as- terwards, his grand effort had been made, and had failed so entirely as to extinguish all present hope of the restoration of l*opery in Eng- land ; it is remarkable how imme- diately the ellect of that failure is discernible in the conduct of the 448 TROGRESS OF [a.d. 1594. zealous clergy, besitles, read no theology unsanctioned l)y Geneva. This class necessarily rested all liefornied Churches upon the narrow Ijasis taken there: ostensibly, an exclusive reference to Scripture'; really, tlie concur- rent authority of Calvin and Beza, as ])iblical inter- ])reters\ Hooker's key to Scripture Mas Catholic anti- (juity , an eU'ectual exclusion of ruling elderships, and of all such commentaries as Geneva produced in sup})ort of her peculiar system. He argues against a habit of expecting the sacred pages to be as full and precise upon questions of polity, as they arc upon articles of faith, contending that human discretion, guided by the consent of i)rimitive times, may allowably regulate ecclesiastical atfairs. His arguments maturely weighed, were })lainly seen by the majority of Anglican divines, to reveal the very grounds on which their own Reformers had pro- Clmrch controversy with the Pu- ritans. The Armada was de- strnyccl in July. In tlie Fe])ruary iollowlnjf was preached and pub- lislird tlie famous sermon of lian- croft at St. I'aul's Cross, on the duty of trying the spirits ; which ! sermon has often been complained- | of by Puritans and Erastians, as the first express develoj)ment of liigh church principles here." — Khule. Pref to Iluokcr. Ixv. ' " For whereas (iod hath left sundry kinds of law unto men, ' and by all these laws, the actions ! of men are in some sort directed ; tlicv hold that one only law, the {Scripture, must be the rule to di- rect in all things, even so far as to i\u' taking lip o/'a rush or si raw." — IlooKKR^ Eccl. Pol. i. .^tn. " " llemcmbcr to make a com- i parison between Calvin and lieza, ' how different they were in naturall disposition, and yeat how linked in amity and concord. Calvin be- ing of a stiff nature, Peza of a pliable, the one stern and severe, the other tractable and gentle. Both wise and discreet men. "\rhereby we see what it is for any one church or place of government to liave two, one succeeding ano- ther, l)oth in tlieirewaies excellent, although uidike. For Beza was one wliom no one iruiild displease, Calvin one whom no man diirsl." — Citation to illustrate Hooker's Preface, note. i. l(i(i. ^ "Altliough tlie Scripture be the ground of our belief; yet the autbority of man is, if we mark it, tbe key wliieh openeth the door of entrance into the knowledge of Scripture." — IIookeu. Eccl. Pol. i. 404. A.D. 1594.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 449 ceeded. When these venerated men were npon their inestimable work, Calvin was only rising towards his eventual prominence, and Beza Mas hardly known. Nor had both achieved their subsequent celebrity, was the English Reformation likely to have been largely affected by them. It was a very cautious movement, which aimed at disturbing nothing clearly connected M'ith pri- mitive times, and paid attention to existing lights only so far as erudition admitted them to be trustworthy. After Hooker published, these facts became generally understood, and men, however cautious, have been encouraged by settled institutions, to avow them. Thus an unlimited licence of private judgment no longer passes for the master principle of the Anglican Reformers. They are known to have been trammelled at every step by scholarly appeals to Christian antiquity. Tlie solidity of their work bears irresistible testimony to the wisdom of its construction. By Protestant Nonconformity, such ajipeals have always been, either sparingly made, or altogether dis- claimed. In reality, no religious teachers turn the igno- rant majority adrift, a translated Bible in hand, and desire each man to make out from it a relioion for himself. Individuals and societies, in fact, undertake to be the spiritual guides of those whom they can influence. But many, while performing this necessary duty, are driven to keep it out of sight, or even to profess principles at variance with it. In all cases, a disregard of Catholic antiquity, as to polity, and in some instances, a similar treatment of doctrine, obliges the Dissenter to claim the right of hearing no Scriptural interpreter but himself. Hooker's laborious, acute, and eloquent arguments against such an illusion, being at the head of their class, have 2 G 450 PROGRESS OF [a.d. 1594. never ceased, aecordiiii^ly, to find notice in Dissenting publications ; they all naturally pronounce his inferences unsatisfactory, and even mischievously favourable to Ro- manism'. None undervalue his mastery over the English ' " All that human genius, or that the most patient and scruti- nising inquiry into the nature of man and the constitution of hu- man society, can effect, is liere accomplished on behalf of the hie- rarchy. If, therefore, such a work fails to sustain its positions ; if many of its principles are unsound, and its course of argumentation is precisely similar to that which Popery employs ; if large sections of the Avork are as conclusive against the Protestant faith, as against that form of it to ^vhich Ilooker was 02)posed ; a strong presumption must be awakened that there was a radical unsound- ness in the cause he advocated, which no genius could remedy, or diligence correct." (Piuci:. i. 431.) "King James II. it is well known, ascribed to Hooker, more than to any other writer, his own ill- starred conversion to Romanism ; against which, nevertlieless, if he had tlionght a little more impar- tially, he might have perceived that Hooker's works everywhere incubate that which is the only sufficient antidote, resjicct for the true Cliurch of the Fathers, as subsidiary to Scripture, and a Avit- ness of its true meaning. And tlie rationalists, on the contrary side, and tlic liberals of (he school of Locke and Hoadley, are never weary of claiming Hooker as the first distinct cnunciator of their principles. AVhcrcas, even in rc- fcpect of civil government, though he might allow their theory of its origin, he pointedly deprecates their conclusion in favour of re- sistance. And in respect of sa- cramental grace, and tlie conse- quent nature and importance of Church communion, themselves have never dared to claim sanc- tion froni him." (KtnLE. Pref. cv.) Hooker's principles, how- ever, are expressly destructive to the Romish system, which depends uj)on a belief in the existence and necessity of traditions, as autho- rities for articles of faith. " ISuch as imagine the general and main drift of the body of sacred scrip- ture not to be so large as it is, nor that Cod did thereby intend to deliver, as in truth he doth, a full instruction in all things unto sal- vation necessary, the knowledge Avlicrcof man by nature could not otherwise in this life attain unto : they are by this very mean induced either still to look for new revela- tions from heaven, or else, dange- rously to add to the word of God uncertain tradition, that so the doctrine of man's salvation may be complete ; which doctrine we constantly hold in all respects, without any such thing added, to be so complete, that we utterly refuse as much as to acquaint ourselves Avith anything further. Whatsoever to make up the doc- trine of man's salvation is added, as in sujijily of the Sx-ripture's un- sufliciency, we reject it. Scrip- ture, purposing this, hath per- A.D. 1594.] DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. 451 tongue, the depth and patience of his reasoning powers, the industry Avith whicli he collected his information, and the skill with which he used it. He was, indeed, an admirable genius, an acute and indefatigable dialectician, a profound scholar, and a sincere Christian. Every reader rises from his jjages as from converse with a most able, amiable, upright, deeply-accomplished man. Time and circumstances gave his immortal work an immediate and enduring prominence, little likely to attend such a mass of laborious argument and profound research. But it is not a book to be disregarded and forgotten, under any disadvantages. The student must have known it as a vast mine of erudition, delightful to work. For gene- ral readers, its day, undoubtedly, is gone. Its learned materials are too numerous and too prominent, its train of reasoning is too scholastic, and its whole arrangement fectly and fully clone it." (EccL Pol. i. 420.) Nevertheless, Hooker's patronage of antiquity gave him a hold upon Romanists quite hope- less to Protestants generally of his day. Stapleton, accordingly, eagerly read his first four books at Rome, and spoke of them highly to Clement VIII. The pontiff desired him to read some of them to himself in Latin. This was done to the end of the first book : when Clement said : " There is no learning that this man hath not searcht-into ; nothing too hard for his understanding : this man indeed deserves the name of an author ; his books will get reve- rence by age, for there are in them such seeds of eternity, that if the rest be like this, they shall last till the last fire shall consume all learning." (Walton's Life of Hooker. Keble's Ed. i. 90.) Thomas Stapleton, who thus introduced a learned countryman to papal notice, was one of the most considerable English scholars of his day favourable to Roman- ism. He was son to AVilliam Stapleton, a gentleman of Hen- field, in Sussex, where he was born in the same year and month that ended Sir Thomas More's life : afterwards remarked as an especial providence. He was of the two St. JVIary Winton colleges, and took his degree in arts, at Oxford, December 2, 1556. (Dodd. ii. 84.) He died at Louvain, in 1598. " He was a most learned assertor of the Romish religion, wanting nothing but a true cause to defend." — Fuller. 13. ix. p, 234. 2 G 2 452 DISCIPLINARIAN PURITANISM. Cv.n. 1594. is too (liffuso. Learned aiul reflectino: minds will, how- ever, always turn to "judicious Hooker," as to one of tlie best men and ablest authors that sober-minded, intel- lectual Kndand has to boast. 453 Chapter VII. DOCTRINAL TURITANISM. 1595— 1604. KISE OF DOCTKINAL DISAGREEMENT IN THE CHURCH THE SAUBAT- ARIAN CONTROVERSY THE PREDESTINARIAN CONTROVERSY THEO- LOGICAL MOVEMENTS AT CAMBRIDGE THE LAMBETH ARTICLES FARTHER CONTROVERSY AT CAMBRIDGE THE CALVINISTIC PARTY CONTROVERSY ABOUT CIIRIST's DESCENT INTO HELL FANATICAL PRETENSIONS TO MIRACULOUS POWERS JUDICIAL ATTACK UPON BROWNISM PARLIAMENTARY ATTACK UPON THE ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS ACT FOR THE SECURITY OF DIGNIFIED INCUMBENTS ARTICULI PRO CLERO DISAGREEMENTS AMONG THE ROMISH PRI- SONERS AT AVISBEACH SQUIRE's TREASON PAPAL INTERFERENCE WITH IRELAND PAPAL VIEWS UPON THE ENGLISH SUCCF-SSION THE queen's last PARLIAMENT QUARREL BETWEEN THE ROMISH REGULARS AND SECULARS PROCLAMATION AGAINST JESUISTS AND THEIR ADHERENTS PROTESTATION OF THE THIRTEEN ROMISH PRIESTS CONDEMNED ABROAD BLACKWELL APPOINTED ARCH- PRIEST DEATH AND CHARACTER OF THE QUEEN PEACEFUL ACCES- SION OF JAMES I. THE ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS DISTURBED BY PROHIBITIONS APPREHENSIONS FROM THE KINg's EDUCATION THE MILLENARY PETITION UNEASINESS OF ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT UNIVERSITY MOVEMENTS AGAINST PURITANISM RALEIGIl's CON- SPIRACY THE HAMPTON-COURT CONFERENCE DEATH AND CHA- RACTER OF ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT — CONCLUSION, Elizabeth's reign ended, as it began, with a few years of comparative religious peace. Nonconformity, whether Romish or Protestant, had, indeed, lost none of its inhe- rent vigour, or uncompromising pretensions. It remained in perfect readiness to agitate again the whole frame of society, on receiving some fresh impulse. But its fever- fits were over for the present. One cause "vvas, probably, the queen's age. Nature now forbade a lengthened reign, and a succession left open to dispute, allowed each party to build upon a new sovereign Avith its own opinions. 454 DOCTRINAL [a. P. 1595. The next lioir, James of Scotland, had been strictly bred under the IloJii Discipline. Parliament, however, gratified Henry VITI. by powers over the succession that shook public expectations of a descent strictly lineal. Hence even Romish hope was not extinguished. Still, men who expect every year to prove the last of tlieir depression, are little disposed for dangerous efforts. Disciplinarian influence was, also, considerably impaired. The fierce and incessant contentions which Cartwright and others had once aroused, were no longer met at every turn. ]\Iany of the more zealous Consistorians were dead, others were cooled by age. A large portion of society, formerly neuter, or in a great measure so, was now decidedly biassed against Presbytery '. The reasoning of its oppo- nents had turned the scale. Brown and Barrow had excited a violent prejudice against it, even among Pro- testants bent upon nonconformity. It is true, that many of the more active and uncompromising Independents had sought a refuge abroad, chiefly in Holland, from domestic persecution*. But such emigrants leave a very tenacious influence behind. While their cause was thus uj)on the decline, the principal Disciplinarians were fast exhausting life. That latent am])ition, which is generally ' " Now of late years the heat of men towards the Discipline is greatly decayed ; their judgments Ix-ffin to sway on (he other side : the learned have weifjlied it, and found it light: wise men conceive some fear lest it prove, not only not the best kind of government, but the very bane and destruction of all government." — Cieo. Cian- nier to H. Hooker. Feb. 159«. "NVai.tiin's Lives. IHJ. ■ " Instead of being proceeded against for sedition, it was resolved to indict them on the statute of the 35th of Elizabeth, which in- flicted banishment for non-atten- dance at church. ]\Ir. Francis Johnson, the pastor of the Browii- ist church in Jjondon, and many of its members, were thus driven into exile. They retired into Hol- land, wlicre they formed churches on their own model, and published an Apology in vindication of their l)rinciples and character." — I'uicii:. Uisl. i\uiicunj'. i. 423. A.D. 1595.] PURITANISM. 455 at the bottom of man's earlier serious exertions, was become hopeless, favourite speculations no longer ap- peared infallible, nor opposition to them inexcusable, and most acts were vievAed in a light partly reflected from another world. Hence the stirring interest given to Puritanism, during many years, now Avanted master- spirits, intent upon maintaining its wonted height. Under this temporary calm, the fire was, however, seeking another vent. Puritanism hitherto had been a mere contest for externals, discipline, and power'. In doctrine, the defensive and objecting parties professed a complete identity ^ But a wide separation upon other questions, occasioned, perhaps imperceptibly, theological discordance. This new feature came distinctly under notice in the contentions between Travers and Hooker. Not only were these two eminent rivals differently or- dained, and altogether at variance upon the ministerial commission. Not only did one infer from Scripture, and all antiquity, the necessity of episcopal government, while the other found approval in every record, really venerable. ^ " Hitherto the controversy between the Church and the Puritans had been chiefly about ha])its and ceremonies, and church- discipline ; but now it began to open upon points of doctrine." — Neal. i. 495. ^ " All the Protestant divines in the Church, whether Puritans, or others, seemed of one mind hitherto about the doctrines of faith, but now there arose a party Church of England were thought by all men hitherto to favour the explication of Calvin ; but these divines would make them stand neuter, and leave a latitude for the subscriber to take either side of the question. All the Puritans to a man maintained the Articles of the Church to be Calvinistic, and inconsistent with any other interpretation, and so did fur the greatest number of the conforming which Avere first for softening, and clergy; but as the new explications then for overthrowing the received ' of Arminius grew into repute, the opinions about predestination, per- Calvinists were reckoned old- severance, free-will, effectual grace, fashioned divines, and at length and the extent of our Saviour's i branded with the name of Doc- redemption. The Articles of the | trinal Puritans." — Ibid. 497. 456 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 151)5. for the pastors and ruliiiof elders of Geneva. Not only uas one resolute for continiiinp: ])iil)lic uorsliij) as Eng- land's glorious martyrs had arranged it, only a few years before ; while the other could lend himself to unseemly confusion, rather than conform to anything then over- thrown, and now stigmatised as pestilently Poi)ish'. The breach daily grew more serious, by irreconcilable declara- tions ui)on questions of subtler character. Though Hooker's theology was cast in a Calvinistic mould, yet Travers charged it with a " sour leaven," engendering unsound views. It misrepresented predestination, al- lowed salvability within the Church of Rome, as a true, ' " Only I require, if any thing be shewed, it may be proved, and not objected only, as this is, That ] have joined mijsclf iv'ilh such as have alwaijs opposed to auij good order in the Church, and made titemselves to be thought indisposed to the present estate and proceed- ings. The words liave reference, as it sccnieth, unto some such things, as being attempted before my coming to the Temple, went not so elfectually, perhaps, for- ward, as he which devised them would liave wished. An order, as I learn, there was tendered, that communicants should neither kneel, as in most places of the realm, nor f-it, as in this ])lacc the custom is, but walk to the one side of the table, and there standing till they liad received, j)ass afterwards away round about by the other. AVliich being on a sudden begun to be practised in the church, some sate wondering what it should mean, others deliberating what to do ; till such time as at length by name one of them being called openly thereunto, requested that they might do as they had been accus- tomed, which was granted, and as Master Travers had ministered his way to the rest, so a curate was sent-for to minister to them after their way. "Which unprosperous beginning of a thing (saving only for the inconvenience of needless alterations otherwise harmless) did so disgrace that order in their conceit, that it took no j)lace. For neither they could ever induce themselves to think it good, and it so much offended JMaster Travers. who supposed it to be the best, that he, since that time, although contented himself to receive it as they do at the hands of others, yet hath not thought it meet they should ever receive it out of his, which would not admit that order of receiving it, and therefore, in my time, hath always been present not to minister, but only to be mi- nistered unto." — Master Hooker's Answerc to ]\Iaster Travers his Supjilication. H'orks. 471. Keblu's Ed. iii. 713. A.D. 1595.] PURITANISM, 457 but impure aud imperfect cliurcli, it loAvered tlie assur- ance of faith'. To these leading differences of opinion, ' " Whereas he had taught cer- tain things concerning predestina- tion, otherwise than the word of God doth, as it is understood by all Churches professing the Gospel, and not unlike that wherewith Coranus sometimes troubled this Church, I both delivered the truth of sucli points in a general doc- trine, without any touch of him in particular, and conferred also with him privately upon such articles. In which conference, I remember, when I urged the consent of all Churches, and good writers against him, that I knew, and desired, if it were otherwise, what authors he had seen of such doctrine, he answered me, that his best author was his OAvn reason." .... " Under colour of answering for himself, he impugned directly and openly to all men's understanding the true doctrine which I had de- livered, and added to his former points some other like (as Avillingly one error foUowetli another) that is, that the Galatians, joining with faith in Christ, circumcision as necessary to salvation, might not be saved. And that they of the Church of Rome may be saved by such a faith in Christ as they had, with a general repentance of all their errors, notwithstanding their opinion of justification, in part by their works and merits." (Wal. Travers his Supplication. Hookeu's Works. 462. Keble's Ed. iii. 695. 698.) " I have taught, he saith, T/iot the assurance of things which we believe by the Word, is not so certain as of that we perceive by sense. And is it as certain? Yea, I taught, as he himself, I trust, will not deny, that the things which God doth promise in his Word, are surer unto us than any things we touch, handle, or see. But are we as sure and certain of them?" (Master Hooker's Answcre, nt supra. 473. Keble's Ed. iii. 7\8.) Hooker seems to have heard that Travers talked of his sermons as containing " Absurdities, the like whereunto have not been heard in public places within this land, since Queen IMary's days." (Ibid. 47H. Keble's Ed. iii. 729.) Coranus, or Anthony de Corro, was a native of Seville, who preached in London to a congregation of Spanish Pro- testants. He was regularly a mem- ber of the Italian church, but gave offence by publishing some opi- nions, rather at variance with Cal- vin. The French congregation had already found fault with his treatment of the favourite Genevan theology. He was evidently, how- ever, no complete, or open im- pugner of it, for he wrote at least seven letters of appeal to Beza, in the winter of 1568, 9. They were most virulent compositions; an ill qualitj' which Beza rebukes, but he would not interfere in the dis- pute, referring it to Grindal, then bishop of London. Corro was then suspended. Notwithstanding, he was made reader of divinity in the Temple, in 1571, and held that ofhce about three years, very un- comfortably passed. In 1571, he came to Oxford with letters from Leicester. There a charge of Pe- lagianism Avas made against him by lieynolds and others, but this 458 DOCTRINAL [a.D. 1595. others were added less important, and many a contro- versial sermon was the stimuhiting fruit. The natural effect of elaborate opposition between two men, so justly celebrated, and publicly put upon their defence, was to surround each by a party with speculative distinctions, no less than disciplinarian. The line of division once boldly drawn, could not remain within the Temple, lliiih Calvinistic principles were soon questioned every- where. ]Most approvers of the established ecclesiastical polity agreed with Hooker doctrinally. Nearly all who thought with Travers as to discipline, were equally of his opinion upon doctrine. Nor was this the whole extent of that religious movement M'hich now began to be discernible. The Independents, who reprobated both Episcopalians and Consistorians, espoused universally the doctrinal constructions enforced by Travers, and now urged by opposition into unwonted prominence. Thus the whole body of English Protestant Nonconformists, though split irremediably upon government, became dis- tinguished by certain common principles that kept it under some uniformity of appearance. Doctrinal separation had hardly begun, when a new difference arose, which turned out unfortunately for the Church party. It is plain, from existing laws and canons, that considerable strictness i)revailed among the Gothic nations, duriug the earlier ages of their Christian j)rofes- sion, as to the observance of Sunday. This was, however, Itcing ovcr-ruU'd, lie Lccanic stu- liini. lie was evidently foremost dent of Christcliuich, and reader in •weakening Calvin's authority of divinity in sonic of the lialls. over the l"'nglisli theology of Kliza- 1I<; died in London, in 151)1. In heth's reign. — Ki;iii,k. Hooker, iii. an abstract of his liectures on the (595. Sriivi'i:. (iriiidul. lilo. L>j:za. Romans, j)ul)Iish95.] PURITANISM. 461 astic and ascetic temperament of the Cliurcli-party revolted by snch over-strained rhetoric, but also its oppo- sition Avas aroused by the general delivery of it from Puritanical pulpits. Sabbatarian rigours were denounced as mere pretences to discountenance the ancient festivals, and thus insidiously make a breach which direct assault had never attempted without a foil'. In the mistaken spirit, then prevailing, appeals Avere urgently made to power, and Bound's book was to be suppressed. Arch- bishop Whitgift, and Lord Chief Justice Popham, were so ill-advised as to issue orders for its delivery to the bishops and magistracy. Obedience naturally followed in some cases, but it had no other effect than to make the book more scarce, and the jieople more eager to read it. Soon was it upon clandestine sale for double its same, was as great a sin, as for a father to take a liiiife, and cut his child's throat : And in SuflFolk, That to ring more hells than one, on the Lord's-day, was as great a sin, as to commit a murther." — IIeylin. Hist. Presb. 340. ' " Some had been hammering on this anvil, ten years before, and had procured the mayor and aklermen of London to present a petition to the queen, for the sup- pressing of all plays and interludes on the Sabbath-day, (as they pleased to call it,) -within the liberties of their city. The gain- ing of ■which point made them hope for more, and secretly to retail those speculations -which afterwards Bound sold in gross, by publishing his Treatise of the Sabbath, which came out this year, 1595. And as this book ■was published for other reasons, so more particularly, for decrying the yearly festivals, as appears by this passage in the same, viz., That he seeth not where the Lord hath given any authority to his Church, ordinarily and perpetu- ally to sanctify any day, except that which he hath sanctified him^ self: and makes it an especial argument against the goodness of religion in the Church of Rome, That to the seventli day they had joined so many other days, and made them equal with the seventh, if not superior thereunto, as well in the solemnity of divine offices, as restraint from labour. So that Ave may perceive by this, what their intent was from the A'ery beginning, To cry-down the holi- days, as superstitious Popish ordi- nances, so that their new-found Sabbath being left alone, (and Sabbath now it must be called,) might become more eminent." — Ibid. 462 DOCTRINAL Ca.d. l.lOo. original price, and its ])rinciples daily came to be received as more and more oracular'. Vainly did ecclesiastical authorities recommend a continuance of those mirthful habits Mhicli had immemorially attended Sunday; they merely gained for themselves the reputation of blind guides and incorrigible worldlings. The more serious people sjiurned advice to recede from Sabbatarian strict- ness'. Many, more or less, approved of it, who had little or no affection for Puritanism in any shape ; and in spite of high-church opposition, a change was wrought in Eng- lish society, which survives to the present hour. This was an unfortunate point for the commencement of a general doctrinal separation. Whatever objection may be reasonably taken to Bound's principles, and still more to those of some Mho followed him, there can be no doubt of their soundness in the main. It is of great importance to fix that peculiar character upon Sunday, which is seen in the more serious and rational of English families. Nor could anything have been wiser, on Bound's attainment of notoriety, than such a modification of his views, as would have satisfied all the legitimate calls of Sunday. But such wisdom is very rarely in man. The leading church authorities could see no more than a novel theory propounded and adopted for sinister ends, ' Fllleh. B. ix. p. 229. I of the subjects' liberty, wliich * " Tlie more liberty people were offered, the less they used it, refusing to take tlie freedom au- thority tendered them. For the made them almost afraid of the recreations of the Lord's -day allowed them ; and seeing it is the greatest pleasure to the mind vulgar sort have the actions of' of man to do \\hat he jileaseth, it their sujx-riors in constant jea- lousy, suspecting each gate of was sj)ort for tliem to refrain from sports, whilst the forbearance was their opening to be a trap, every i in themselves voluntary, arbitrary, hole of their digging to be a mine j and elective, not imposed upon ■wherein some secret train is co- them." — Ibid. vcrtly conveyed to the blowing-up I A.D. 1595.] PURITANISM. 4G3 by their irreconcileable enemies, and supported by all that extravagance which heated spirits always use in advocating startling innovations. Hence they committed themselves, both in this reign and in the next, by inju- dicious opposition and unseemly expedients. A large portion of their contemporaries felt sure that such people must be reprobates. All posterity blames them for ill- timed interference, and serious minds, however favour- able, are driven to admit a degree of faultiness here, even in their principles. While the Sabbatarian controversy remained in full activity, another arose upon predestination. Ever since the queen's accession, this question, and others connected with it, had rarely attained any very striking prominence. Many of the more eminent clergy having brought from Switzerland and the Rhine, a high veneration for Calvin, his Institutes became a standard authority in theology'. The more speculative portions passed without particular examination, while religious party was exhausting its intensity, first upon externals of public worship, after- wards upon discipline. But it M'as natural for those who approved of Calvin's policy, to feel most respect for his divinity. On the other hand, objections to the legis- lator, could not fail of gradually shaking confidence in the divine. When Disciplinarian jDrinciples declined in popularity, this latent feeling found a new subject for the disputatious appetite of man. Materials for the explo- sion had been recently accumulating fast at Cambridge. The two divinity professors held and taught different Of>inions upon the stirring questions identified by later times with Calvin's name. William Whitaker, the ' The work was translated into English for the use of unlearned clergymen. — Strype. Annals, ii. pt. 2. p, 14G. 4()4 DOCTRINAL [v.n. 1">9'». regius professor, was doctriiially a decidtHl Calvinist. Peter Baron, a learned Frenchmen, more than twenty years Margaret professor, took far lower ground. As these conflicting views appear to have attracted no great attention until lately, they could hardly have been long advocated by either lecturer, so as to raise much jmrty sj)irit. A work published by William Perkins, in 1591, gave them a new and poAverful im})ulse'. Hereafter, men began to see the full consequences of Calvinistic speculations, and to be confirmed, or shaken in them, as they were severally inclined. Travers and Hooker had ])repared fuel for the rising flame, predestination and its kindred figuring in their famous Temi)le controversy. But all these contentions were merely prelusive, fSome- thing still was Manting to make the two ])artics look for all their armour, and range them in determined hostility aQ:ainst each other. The needed missile came from William Barret, fellow of Caius College, Cambridge. Preaching a clerum, for the degree of bachelor in divinity, in the beginning of Easter term", he made a formal attack upon Calvin's peculiar doctrines. Even that Reformer himself, with other eminent divines of his party, were treated in the most contemptuous manner, and students were exhorted to abstain from reading them. Tluj seniors heard indig- nantly such reflections ui)ou their own i)rincii)les and venerated authorities; from one, too, who could ]>lead neither age nor station. They con vented Barret before them', and easily brought him to see the indecency of ^ Armillii Aidca, or, The Golden "April 2i). — Fulm-u. Hist, clutin : run I ft i 111 /I IT (he Order of Univ. (amhr. \l*0. the Causes oj' Sii/raiioii and Dam- \ '•' May 5. — Ibid. nation, according lo the Word of (;ovs of Pem- hroke-hall ; who, in a sermon, preacliod at St. Paul's cross, the 27th of Octoljer, l.')H4, had so dis- sected the whole Zuinglian doc- trine of reprobation, as made it seem most ugly to the ears of his auditors, as afterwards in the eyes of all spectators, when it came to be printed. Which man he did not only entertain as his chaplain at large, but used his service in his house as a servant in ordinary, employed him in many of his afVairs, and finally commended liim to the can- of King .James ; by Avhom he was first made master of IVmbroke-hall, and afterwards preferred to the see of Chichester, from thence translated to Norwich, and at bust to York." — IIkvli.n. IJis/. Prcsb. 345. " The archbishop wrote to Cam- bridge, " Tiiat in some points of liisr(tractatioi:,tbey liad made him to affirm tliat which was contrary to the doctrine holden and ex- pressed by niany sound and learned divines in the Chureh of J')ngland, antl in other eliurcl.es likewise, men of the best account : and that which, for his own part, he thought to be false and contrary to the Scriptures. For the Scriptures were plain, that God, by his abso- lute Aviil, did not hate and reject any man, without an eye to his sin. There might be impiety in believing the one ; there could be none in believing the other. Nei- ther was it contrary to any article of religion established by authority in this Chureli of England ; but rather agreeable thereunto." lie thought likewise that Barret had not contradicted the Articles, in maintaining that " no one ought to be secure of salvation," and that '* faith niiiy fail totally, but not finally." lie disapproved of pulpit attacks upon Calvin and other learned men, but considered them no worse than the like upon Je- rome, and other Fathers, which had been often heard in the Uni- versity. Jle even deemed it al- lowable to censure Calvin for his reflections uj>on Henry VIII. and the Church of England. Parret, however, seems, in his ofl'ensive sermon, really never to have named Calvin, only to have uttered invcc- A.D. 1595.] PURITANISM. 467 When, however, he found Cambridge in a violent ferment, and Dr. Whitaker, whom every scholar highly valued, losing ground as a teacher of theology, he readily came into measures for asserting the supremacy of received opinions. In the autumn, Whitaker, with some other leading men from Cambridge, met at his town-residence', and from their deliberations came the celebrated Lambeth Articles. These embody, in nine propositions, the dis- tinctive principles of Calvinism, and such as approve that system, were long anxious to see them an authorized appendage to the Thirty-nine Articles 2. If this desire had been gratified, none but unflinching Calvinists could have taught in the Church of England. The Lambeth Articles are sufficient for carrying out Calvin's principles, to all those lengths tliat revolt opponents, and are little suspected by many of the predestinarian party \ The tives Avliich all knew to be meant for him. This reserve was insuffi- cient. The preacher could not obtain his degree. — Strype. Whit- gift, ii. 236. 237. 240. ' Nov. 10. — Collier, ii. 644. ^ This was formally proposed by Dr. Reynolds, at the Hampton Court conference, in 1604. He styled them, " The Nine Ortho- doxical Assertions." They were actually inserted, together Avith other puritanical principles, in the Irish Articles, in 1615. ^ The following are the Lam- beth Articles: — " 1. God, from eternity, hath predestinated cer- tain men unto life, certain men He hath reprobated. 2. The moving, or efficient cause of pre- destination unto life, is not the foresight of faith, or of perseve- rance, or of good works, or of any thing that is in the person predes- tinated, but only the good will and pleasure of God. 3. There is pre-determined a certain number of the predestinate, which can neither be augmented, nor dimi- nished. 4. Those who are not predestinated to salvation, shall necessarily be damned for their sins. 5, A true, living, and justi- fying faith, and the Spirit of God justifying, is not extinguished, falleth not away, it vanisheth not away in the elect, either finally, or totally. 6. A man truly faith- ful, that is, such a one who is endued with a justifying faith, is certain, with the full assurance of faith, of the remission of his sins, and of his everlasting salvation by Christ. 7- Saving grace is not given, is not granted, is not com- municated to all men, by which they may be saved, if they will. 8. No man can come unto Christ, 2 H 2 4G8 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1JI)5. queen was displeased with \Vliit2.) The .MS. ends there. It is chiefly valuable for showing that Hooker shrank from the doc- trine of divine reprobation, and was generally disposed for a more moderate view of these mysterious subjects than the bulk of his con- temporaries. ' Sir Robert Cecil, by royal command, to Archbishop "Whitgift. Dec. .'), 1")95. — Sthvi'K. Jl'hi/gift. ii. 2Ht). * " There goes a tradition, that the queen should, in mennment, say jestingly to the archbishop, Ml/ Lord, I now shall ivant tio nioneij,J'or I am infurined all ifour aoods are forfeited iiii/o me, hi/ your calling a council without »ii/ consenl : but how much of truth herein God knows." (Fuller. B. ix. p. 232.) Elizabeth's chief objection to the Lambeth Articles turned upon the imjtolicy of call- ing '' we.ik, ignorant minds" to such speculations. Otherwise, the archbishop wrote, " her majesty was persuaded of the truth of the propositions." — Stuytk. Whitgif). ii. 284. 28(5. A.D. 1595.] PURITANISM. 469 urgently needed at Cambridge, of some portions in the Thirty-nine Articles, and Elizabeth was easily appeased'. Many consider the archbishop's construction perfectly well founded. Others view the Lambeth Articles as hastily provided under temporary pressure. At all events, they are evidence that Calvinism need not be deduced from the Thirty-nine'. If these had been composed under the full influence of that system, an urgent call would ' In a letter to the Heads of Houses, carried home hy the Lambeth committee, Nov. 24. the archbishop says, " The proposi- tions, nevertheless, must be so taken and used as their private judgements ; thinking them to be true, and correspondent to the doctrine taught in the Church of England, and established by the laws of the land : and not as laws and decrees." (Strype, Whilgift. ii. 282.) Besides caution, hesita- tion appears to be in this passage. The archbishop goes only so far as correspondence. He does not ven- ture to say, that his party had merely drawn principles from the Thirty-nine Articles, unquestion- ably contained in them. ^ " We are fully persuaded that Mr. Barret hath taught untruth, if not against the Articles, yet against the religion of our Church, publicly received, and always held in her Majesties reign, and main- tained in all sermons, disputations, and lectures. Although these points were not concluded and defined hij public authority, yet forasmuch as they have been hitherto evermore in our Church held, I refer it to your Grace's wisdom to judge, how inconve- nient and offensive it is to have the same now controuled in this manner, and what consequence may depend thereupon." (Dr. "Whitaker to Archbishop AVhitgift. Ibid. Append, xxv. p. 338.) This admission from a decided Calvinist, living near the time Avhen the Thirty-nine Articles were drawn up, is valuable to those who consider them not Cal- vinistic. Perhaps it is not very consistent with the archbishop's representation of correspondence between the Lambeth Articles and the Thirty-nine. It was, however, written first, and probably the committee, when they came to examine narrowly, thought them- selves warranted in going so far as to claim correspondence, though they could not venture any fur- ther. Dr. Whitaker's labours closed with the Lambeth Articles. He caught cold in his absence from home, and only returned to Cam- bridge to die, being under forty- seven. He had been greatly dis- tinguished in controversy with Cardinal Bellarmine, and Avas learned and amiable above most men. His family was gentlemanly, seated in Lancashire, and he was nephew to Nowell, dean of St. Paul's. 470 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1595. never have been heard for nine supplemental propositions. The plea of explanation, merely, is obviously open to dis- pute. Prepossession might rather add and misrepresent. In this instance, it aimed, undoubtedly, at the imposition of an unauthorized commentary, as a rider to an autho- rized text : an assumption, which the queen acted wisely in repelling'. It is always injudicious to tighten the terms of conformity unnecessarily. Nor had such a mistake been legalised, after the Lambeth sessions termi- nated, is it at all certain, that even the private opinions of those who framed the Thirty-nine Articles would have been followed. A mere Calvinistic bias in them is far from universally acknowledged. It is hardly doubtful that their compilers rather looked for theology to the Confession of Augsburg, than to any other contemporary source. Hence those who contend against any necessity for construing them upon Genevan principles, have never been at any loss to make out a strong case. They have, in fact, a very powerful auxiliary in the Lambeth Articles. Upon their preparation, even AVhitaker entered, partial as he was, under an expressed conviction, that no test had been hitherto provided sufficient for the protection of his peculiar opinions. He and his associates neces- sarily disclaimed all intention of defining any thing out of strict correspondence with established formularies. ' The archbishop " declared in all humble maimer, tliat he and his associates had not made any canons, articles, or decrees, with that university. AVitli which an- swer her ]\[ajesty being somewhat pacified, commanded, iiotwith- standiiifj, that he should speedily an intent that they should serve i recall and suppress those Articles. hereafter for a standing rule to direct the Church ; but only had resolved upon some propositions to be sent to Cand)ndge, for quiet- ing some unhappy dlllcrcnccs in Whieh was performed with such care and diligence, that a copy of them was not to be found for a long time after." — IIlvlin. Jlisi. PrcsO. [Mi. A.D. 1596.] PURITANISM. 471 They had no authority, or pretence of any kind, for adding to the national creed. Any such attempt might even be punishable by prcB7riu7iire. Their plea, however, has upon the face of it no firmer foundation than indi- vidual judgment. From this others may allowably dis- sent, and very fairly urge the conduct of this very com- mittee as a corroboration of their views. Its labours were undertaken, because the Articles were found in- sufficiently Calvinistic. Upon its own agreement with doctrines really authorized, certainty may be unattainable. But it is perfectly plain, that Calvinism cannot claim assent from those who minister in the Church of Eno- land, until some test shall be provided more stringent than the Thirty-nine Articles. Hence it reasonably follows, either that the framers of these were not Cal- vinists at all, or that they were not so persuaded of the system as to feel under a necessity of imi^osing it upon others. A little before his journey to Lambeth, the learned Whitaker preached a clerimi at Cambridge, upon the controverted points. He appears to have taken that high Calvinistic ground which readily bewilders even the deepest heads'. The gauntlet thus thrown down by one professor, was promptly taken-up by the other. A clerum by Baron, in the following term, argued on the other side^ He professed merely to expose a foreign divine, and carefully avoided any direct collision with the recent * Whitaker's clcriim was deli- I at Lambeth. The aged Lord vcred at the beginning of Michael- Treasurer told him, " that as for mas terra. It was sent to Lord his sermon ad clcnnn, it contained Burghley, Nov. 19, from the mysteries too high for his under- deanery, St. Paul's, where the standing." — Strype. JVhilgift. ii. learned preacher was staying with , 287. his uncle, being then in attendance I '^ Jan. 12, 1596. — Ibid. 290. 472 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1596. Lambeth Articles'. But liis doctrine being really in their teeth, he gave serious offence to the Calvinistic seniors. A\'hen tlie (jueen heard of this new disturbance, slie, too, Avas dis])leased ; looking, })robably, ui)on the learned foreigner as an officious reviver of contentions, that might otherwise have died away*. The leading men at Cambridge immediately became anxious to give his dismissal to an instructor so much at variance Mith them, and, in their judgment, intent upon disseminating per- nicious errors. But Whitgift shielded him for a while. lie found himself, however, so uncomfortable, that he ' " In the midst of his sermon, he asserted tliese three things : — 1. That God created all men ac- cording to his own likeness in Adam, and so consequently to eternal life. From -which he chased no man, unless Lecause of sin. As Damasus taught, lib. 2. Dc Fid. Orlhodox. 2. That Christ died sufficiently for all : against Joh. Piscator, a foreigner, ■who denied it : -whose opinion he sho^vcd Avas contrary to tlic con- fession of the Churcli of England, and tlic Articles approved by the parliament of this kingdom, and confirmed hy the queen's autho- rity. And for proof thereof, re- peated the 31st Article. 3. That the promises of f Jod made to us, as they are generally propounded to us, -were to he gemrally under- stood : as it is sct-do^vn in tin- 17th Article." (Stuyi-i:. Whiltiift. ii. 290.) He wrote to the arch- hishop, Jan. 14, " That he spake according to those old and ortho- dox Articles, and did not so niudi as touch these new." {Ibid. 292.) In another letter to the archbishop, Feb. 4, he says, " Why should they so much urge that I spake against the Articles, when I said openly in my sermon, that I spoke against Piscator? From whose book, when I saw it to be read by, and in the hands of many, I thought I had a just cause to say what I did against him. And my accusers themselves had said that they did not like him." — Ibid. 308. " Archbishop Whitgift wrote to the Yice-chancellor of Cambridge, Jan. 16, that he had signified to Baron, by Dr. Neville, " how hardly her Majesty had been in- formed against him for these causes ; and how unfit it Avas, that he, being a stranger, and receiving such courtesy and friendship here, of good Avill, and not for any need we had of him, (God be thanked.) should be so busy in another com- monwealth, and make himself, as it were, author of ncAv stirs and contentions in thisChurch." — Ibid. 296. A.D. 1596.] PURITANISM. 473 gave up all thought of retaining his professorship, and retired to London'. Two doctrinal parties now took decidedly opposite positions, and on them they still remain entrenched. The Calvinists, though not exclusively Dissenters, form a compact body with several distinctive features. Espe- cially are they much more of partisans than Churchmen commonly reckoned Arminians. In this latter body, party character rather sIiom's itself in resistance than activity: thus impairing the influence of greater numbers. Another advantage to Calvinism is the little notice ordi- narily taken of extreme conclusions deducible from its premises. There are always individuals fully aware of these, and willing to admit them all, rather than abandon an iota of their cherished opinions. But followers, gene- rally, of the Genevese reformer, call themselves moderate Calvinists, being prepared only for such a qualified adhe- sion to their master as would exclude all startling admis- sions. Up to this point, Calvinistic principles have strong attractions for the human mind. Irres^Dective joredesti- nation has, indeed, elements for engendering despair. But it rarely does : perhaps never under mental health. Belief in it passes ordinarily as evidence of unquestion- able security. The holders feel sure of their own inde- feasible superiority over an unhappy mass created for destruction. Human passions listen readily to such * The Margaret professor was I Cambri*lge,^ and ■was buried witli chosen for two years, and cus- i considerable respect in the church tomarily re-elected, but Baron's | of St. Olavc, llart Street. He time having expired, he did not so much as offer himself again for re-election. (Collier, ii. (347.) Baron lived several years in Lon- don, after his retirement from left a numerous progeny. His name is commonly Avritten, even by himself, Bare. — Strype, An- nals, iv. 322. 474 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1596. flattery. Clmrclimeii, not so saiii^uino, or sliy of premises involving nnpalatablc conclusions, may fairly dwell both upon tlic time and manner in Avliicli Calvinistic theories first attracted considerable notice. They were then, undoubtedly, found in general possession. But England owes not her Articles to that generation, nor was its attention early fixed upon the doctrinal peculiarities of Calvinism, nor had it even time, until wearing away, for canvassing tliem minutely. It Mas long absorbed by externals and regulations, condemned or reconnnended at Geneva. Controversies ui)on these abated before Calvin doctrinally could come under a searching scrutiny. He was then pronounced wanting by theologians of unquestionable competence. Nor Mere these founders of a school, that many Mould call Arminian by anticipa- tion, admitted innovators. They professed merely to follow the standard authorities of reformed England'. If this position had been palpably untenable, what occa- sion M^as there for the Lambeth Articles? IIom', besides, would Whitgift have been justified in patronising able men unprepared for the full admission of them ? His conduct shoM's him sufficiently aware that Calvinism M'as no necessary condition of Anglican conformity. He pleaded only for its correspondence M'ith established tests*. ' Collier cites the Homilies for ■ Articles as innovations, at vari- thc nativity and the resurrection, ance with the " olil doctrine " upon as evidences that Calvinism did not prevail in those \\\\o prepared these authorized discourses, lie which the Church was reformed. —Eccl. Iliil. ii. (545. G4«. " " Some have adventured here- draws also the sanu- infercnco ' upon to rank this most reverend from Jkwki/.s Defence of lite Apo- archhisiiop in the list of these Cal- lu'nj, and from NoWEl.i/s Cale- vinists ; conceiving that he could cfiisni ; likewise from the general not otherwise have agreed to these stream of reformed theology, under the (jueen's father and hrother. Hence he considers the Lambeth Articles, if lie had not been him- self of the same opinion. And possible it is, that he might not A.D. 1596.] PURITANISM. 475 But that is a matter of opinion. Were it, however, certain that Calvinists drew the Articles, yet, unless they meant exclusion for all others, every such person is really within their view. Subscription is, in fact, honourably open to both parties. The Calvinist esteems the test especially calculated for him. His opponent can see no such intention, or even any reason to admit so much as a Calvinistic bias in the Articles. As the grounds taken look so far into them, as to con- sider the ill consequences which might follow on tliem ; or that he might prefer the pacifying of some present dissenters, before the apprehension of such inconveni- ences as Avere more remote ; or else, according to the custom of all such as be in authority, he thought it necessary to preserve Whitaker in power and credit, against all such as did oppose him ; the merit and abilities of the man being very eminent. For if this argument were good, it might as logically be inferred, that he was a Jesuit, or a Melanctho- nian at the least, in these points of doctrine, because he counte- nanced those men who openly and professedly had opposed the Calvinian." (Heylin. Hist. Presb. 345.) It is plain that Archbishop Whitgift had no very decided bias on either side. Doctrinal Calvin- ism had been very little canvassed in England, until after the date of his theological studies. " All the Protestant divines in the Church, whether Puritans or others, seemed of one mind hitherto about the doctrines of faith ; but noAV there arose a party which were first for softening, and then for overthrow- ing the received opinions about prcdcstiiialioJiy perseveratice, free- ivill, effectual grace, and the extent of our Saviour's redemption. The Articles of the Churcli of England were thought by all men hitherto to favour the explication of Cal- vin." (Neal. i. 497.) " The only light in which the Lambeth Arti- cles can properly be regarded, is that of a testimony to the opinions then prevalent in the English Church. In this point of view they constitute an interesting and an important historical document, to which the Calvinistic interpret- ers of the Thirty-nine Articles may confidently appeal." (Price. i. 436.) No doubt high Calvin- istic opinions were entertained by those who framed the Lambeth Articles, by the seniors at Cam- bridge, and by many other emi- nent persons ; but others, as emi- nent, Hooker among them, would go to no such lengths. Their pre- valence, though general, was not universal. Appeals to the Lam- beth Articles, by Calvinistic inter- preters of the Thirty-nine, are not likely to be made with any great conjidence by those who recollect Wliitgift's pica of correspondence merely, and AVhitaker's admission that the disputed points had 7iot been concluded and defined by public authority. 476 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1597. by l)<>tli i)artio.s labour uiuler some obscurity, each is (Mititleil to forbearance from the other. An exchisive spirit on either side, is liable to the censure earned by the Lambeth Articles. It Mould impose an arbitrary commentary to narrow an established text. Another doctrinal difference Avliich called out all the heat of j)arty, has long sunk into complete oblivion. Calvin understood our Lord's Descent into Hell, to mean, that he suffered in spirit, at Gethsemane and Calvary, all the torments in store for lost souls'. Early in Elizabeth's reign, Harpsfield, under the name of Alan Cope, had pointed to this o])inion, as a stain of heterodoxy upon the Reformation*. It passed, however, onwards, Avith very little notice. The j)ublic mind, occupied by Discii)linarian strife, wanted room for subtler speculations. Hence here, as elsewhere, Calvin's authority went undisputedly for law. When polity was no longer an engrossing question, this, like other doctrines, rushed into the void. Hugh Broughton, a learned, but arrogant Orientalist, charged the Genevese school with mistaking a local description ' Nkal. i. 501. ITeyllx. ///.y/. I of his dcatli. should otiierwise Picsh. .350. Bisliop Pearson thus j have oudurcd the same torments gives, from the Iiislilidcx, Calvin's j in hell Avhich nov/ the damned do view: "The Descent into Ileli is and shall endure, hut that lie, suffering the torments of liell : heing their surety, did Himself that the soul of Christ did really suffer the same for them even all and truly suffer all those pains | the torments, which wc should •>vhich are due unto the damned; ' have felt, and the damned shall." that Avhatsoever is threatened hy {Kxpositioii of ihc Creed. Lond. the law unto them which depart \i')V>'^. ]>. '2.30.) Calvin appears to tliis life in their sins and under have thought highly of this cx- tlie Avrath of CJod, was fully under- planalion, j)ronouniMi)g the clause taken and home hy Christ; that in the Creed, on which it is huilt, he died a true .and natural death, " quiP rei niaxime utile nc minime the deatli of deJienua^ and this spcrnendum mysterium continet." dying the death of (iefientia was , — Jti.s/. ii. xvi. 8. the (lesceudiniT into Jlrll ; that' * Dia/oul 11. ■p. iV2'l those who are now saved hy virtue j A.D. 1597.] PURITANISM. 477 for metaphor. Hell, he said, was the Greek Hades, no place of eternal punishment, but one for the general reception of disembodied spirits ; to the holy, a happy region, really synonymous vfith. paradise\ This interpre- tation, at first, gave great offence to elder men, persuaded of the other. Among them was Archbishop Whitgift ; whose doctrinal prejudices had largely been imbibed from Calvin. As, however, Broughton remained nnshaken, the local sense made continual progress among scholars. At length, Whitgift came over to it himself, and the question was canvassed more keenly than ever. To stay the contention. Bishop Bilson exposed a metaphorical construction, at St. Paul's cross, in the Lent of this year^ This new attack upon their master's divinity, was Avarmly resented by the Calvinistic party, and a young man, soon afterwards, from the same pulpit, controverted such doc- trine, as Jesuitic". Bilson now felt his professional ' " Broughton had also, in an- other letter to the Archbishop, shewed that hell, in our divinity and translations of the Old Testa- ment, interpreted but 7\)W sheol, which requires all to come (as that word in Hebrew signifieth) and a8r)v, i. e. the world unseen. And that hell is that which haleth all hence, whether joy of paradise, or torment of gehenna, be their lot there. And again that hell must be taken as in old Saxon (when they knew no gehenna) for the state after this life." (Strype. Whitgift. ii. 321.) The Orientalist was mistaken about Saxon. Helle, in that language, sometimes means gehenna, and it has no connection with haling, as is ridiculously said. It is, however, generally the trans- lation of (i8rif which he himself writ the history, and gave a copy of it to the Lady Bowes. This was about the year 1,58()." — Stkype. niiilii'tfl. u.WAij. A.D. 1597.] PURITANISM. 479 ing minister was weak enough to j^ublish a puffing pam- phlet upon the case'. Ignorant people were so caught by these exhibitions, that the exorcist became quite in- toxicated, and assumed a ridiculous importance. This was fed by an invitation into Lancashire, where several persons were impatient for his exhibitions. Seven ex- pectants were produced at once, and Barrel's part was acted with as much applause as ever^ Six of those who played demoniacs, were females, and one of them was quickly engaged by the Seminary-priests, who abounded in a district, like Lancashire, full of Romanists. They thought Popery quite equal to win a share in the harvest of renown, that Puritanism was reaping; and they thought correctly". Their pattern had now gone to Nottingham', ^ " Of this also a book was ■written by one Rice, a saddler in the same town, and contracted by one Mr. Dennison, a minister : which was seen and allowed by Darrel, and Mr. Ililderstrani, an- other minister." (Stuype. JV/iit- gift.'Si].) Ileylin says that the bulky draught of this production was lumbered-together by Jesse Bee, whom he calls " a religious sad lyar " a pun upon the author's trade Avhich posterity would have been at a loss to understand, if only acquainted with these trans- actions from the Ilislory of the Preshjilerians. ^ " Of this dispossessing of those seven spirits, one Mr. Deacon, a preacher at Leigh, wrote a book; which was justified from point to to point, by one More, another preacher of his own allowance ; but very childishly done : which More had joined himself with Darrel in that pretended dispos- session."— Strype. Whitgift. ii. 341. "" * ^ Ibid. * " He was importuned by one of the ministers and several inha- bitants of the town of Notting- ham, to visit one William Somers, a boy that had such convulsive agonies, as were thought to be preternatural, insomuch that when Mr. Darrel had seen them, he con- cluded with the rest of the spec- tators, that he was possessed, and advised his friends to desire the help of godly and learned ministers to endeavour his recovery, lest if the devil should be dispossessed, the common people should attri- bute to him some special gift of casting out devils ; but upon a second request from the mayor of Nottingham, he agreed with ]\lr. Aklridge, and two other ministers, with about one hundred and fifty neighbouring Christians, to set apart a day for fasting and prayer, 480 DOCTRINAL Ca.D. 1597. Mlierc lie was awaited by an artful hoy, secniinoly a ven- triloquist, with no common eouimand of muscle'. His case pushed Darrel's rej»utation to its zenith. It was also substantially beneficial, by recommending him to a lectureship". Society was really very little above these miserable impostures, even in its more intellectual grades, but party lent it an infusion of unusual discernment. Darrel, and his dupes, Mere zealous Puritans. Among his doings, was the testing of different prayers. He tried sometimes the Common Prayer, but nothing from it seemed of any great efficiency. When, however, he poured forth, as if by inspiration, some extemporaneous flight, the other performer shewed instant signs of im- ])ortant amelioration'. The Nottingham churchmen dis- to intreat the Lord to cast out Satan, and deliver the young man from his torments; and after some time, the liOrd, they say, was in- treated, and they blessed God for the same : this was November, 1597." (Neal. i. 503.) This is Darrel's own account, fiivourably abridged, wiili a sHght inaccuracy. His tirst opinion of the boy's case was not upon sight, but upon the contents of a letter. His '" dis- abling of liimself," as the phrase ran, Avas a piece of decency more than usually common in that age. Newly-eleeled speakers of the House of Commons especially, make tlu'inselves look ridiculous ]>y su(di words of course. ' He spoke sometimes distinctly with his mouth shut, at others, with it open, but without moving his lips. He seems to have had the power of raising a j)rotuber- anee on the surface of liis body, and of shifting it from one part to another. Five or six men liad been known hardly able to hold him. He could lie livid, and seemingly breathless, for an hour together. — SruYi'i:. JVhilnift. ii. 342. * " Darrel is hereupon made lecturer of the town of Notting- ham (that being the fish for which he angled) as being thought a marvellous bug to scare the devil. And though he had no lawful calling in that behalf, yet was this given out to be so comfortable u vocation, and so warrantable in the sight of CJod, that very few ministers have had the like; there being no ])reaeher settled there (as he gave it out) .since her i\Iajesty'3 reign; as if neither parsons, nor vicars, nor any that bear such IVijiish names, might pass for preachers." — Hkvlin. Ilisl. Prcsb. 34H. ^ " Now what this ])lot was may appear by tiiis which is dc- A.D. 1597.] PURITANISM. 481 credited by this kind of argument, took the celebrated boy from his jDarents, and placed him under the custody of two men. He soon fell into fits. But his keepers only talked of flagellation, and of pinching him, if birch failed, with pincers. Upon such modes of ejecting Satan, he had never calculated, and serious preparation for them wrought a sudden recovery'. A full confession followed, but this the boy retracted, on a prospect of escaping from the sceptical and stern exorcists. Darrel, with others, now interfered, and a commission sate for investigating the truth. This was entertained by tales and prevari- cations, until its two days' labour was abruptly closed by a seasonable series of fits'. The town generally could posed by Mr. More, one of Mr, Darrel's great admirers and com- panions, viz. That when a inayer was read out of the Common Prayer Book, in the hearing of those which were possessed in Lancashire, the devils in them were little moved hy it ; hut after- wards, when Mr. Darrel, and one Mr. Deacon did severally use such prayers, as for the presejit occasion they had conceived, then (saith he) the wiched spirits were much 7nore troubled (or rather, the "vvicked spirits did much more tor- ment the parties) so little, do pre- meditated prayers, which are read out of a book; and so extremely, do extemporary aiid co7iceived ])rayers tormeiit the devil." (Hey- LiN. Hist. Presb. 349.) " IVIore, one that was as cunning as Darrel in dealing -with Satan, saith, That the faith of the Church, established under pastors and teachers, S^c. shall bring forth this fruit, namely to cast out devils. And so Darrel, in this book, called an Apology, intimated; writing, That the work of God prosjyered, to the great good of that town (of Nottingham) for thereby the word of God grew mightily and prevailed. And shewing himself zealous for the platform, condemned himself for taking orders before he had a call to a flock, i7i becoming a stipen- diary jjreacher in that town, and having sought for the outward calling of our Church, before he had a fock to depend upon him. But this, he said, was done by him out of a zeal without knowledge'' — Strype. Whitgift. ii. 346. ' Ibid. 343. * The sheriff of the county was at the head of this commission. Heylin says that it was chiefly composed of Darrel's friends, and that its return Avas, That the boy was no counterfeit. Neal speaks of his fits before this body, as occasioned by fright. There is, however, no reason to think them different from their too-famous predecessors. The boy seems to 2i 482 DOCTRINAL Ca.d. 1597. only wonder and pity. But the more powerful parties, whose treatment had been so immediately successful before, insisted upon trying it again. The reluctant youth soon, accordingly, found himself once more under his inexorable guardians, with rods and pincers ready. For their medicine his appetite was not at all improved, and mere loathing of it immediately effected a perfect cure '. As, however, human nature, whether from pride or fondness, ])arts unwillingly with hallucination, the multi- tude Mould hear nothing of imposture. This famous possession-case was canvassed in all the acrimony of party zeal, and Nottingham became violently excited. Youth and ignorance were haunted by oj)}iressive a])prehensions of witches and devils. People cowered before darkness, and a servant begged for company, when sent into a cellar. Tlio pulpits were infected by this epidemic; weak or artful preachers seasoning their sermons with frightful pictures of Satanic agency". The government being driven to notice this commotion, Barrel was brouglit before the High Commission Court, at Lambeth. Ex- hibiting there a front of senseless audacity, he was at once considered an imi)ostor, and committed to i)nson. Subsequently, he and another clergyman were degraded from their ministry, and closely confined'. In the Gate- liavc admitted tliis, on the last day of the same month, before the mayor of Nottinj^^liam, and some justices of the peace, "and >vitliin three days after, acts all his tricks l)eforc the I^ord Chief Justice, at the jjuhlic assizes. Upon this news, the hoy of Burton also makes a like confession." — Ili.sl. Vrcsh. ' " And of late added this, that l>urrcl >vus coufederutc with him I therein ; and for these four lust years instructiid and trained liim up thereunto." — .Sruvi'ii. ll'/iilirl/'(. ii. 344. ■' Ibid. 345. ^ " After a full heariiiff before the Archbishop, Bisliop of Jjondon, the Lord Chief Justice of the (,iueen's Bench, and the Lord Chief Justice of the Common I'lejis, Dr. Ca-sar, IMaster of Ke- tj[uests, Dr. Byug, Dean of the A.D. 15970 PURITANISM. 483 house, lie wrote a pamphlet, apologising for himself, and the Nottingham lad. In this, he speaks witli a mixture of humility and confidence, that could hardly have been all counterfeit ^ He was, probably, a Aveak man with some good elements in his moral composition. But he must have lent himself to an inordinate vanity that seared his understanding, and half paralysed his conscience. Unless his intellects were greatly lower, than they must reasonably be rated, he could not have acted in so many fooleries, without some misgivings. Nor would the young people, who figured under him, have given a miserable testimony to Puritanism, without some degree of leading from himself Barrel's honesty, therefore, is far from unimpeachable, and his conduct had been so perseveringly mischievous, as to earn much of the severity that over- took him. Even this was far more excusable than many such proceedings under Elizabeth. The unfortunate prisoner, though personally contemptible and i^itiable, w^as no obscure impostor. Pamphlets blazoned his mere- tricious fame, and a halo of importance jilayed about him, from the glare of which, ignorance claimed protection. The last parliament, in its zeal against Brown and Barrow, brought religion more completely than ever Arches, and others, the said Darel, ■was by full agreement of the court, condemned for a counterfeit; and together with More, his companion, both deposed from the ministry, and committed close prisoners." — Strype. JVhitgift. ii. 346. ' " Surely, if these things prove true, let me be registered to my perpetual infamy, not only for a most notorious deceiver, but such an hypocrite as never trod upon the earth before. Yea, Lord, (for to thee I convert my speech, who best knowest all things) if I be guilty of these things laid to my charge, if I have confederated more or less, Avith Sommers," (the Nottingham lad) " Darling," (the boy of Burton) " or any of the rest; if ever I set eye on them before they were possessed, then let me not only be made a laugh- ing-stock and by-Avord unto all men, but rase my name also out of the book of life, and give me mv portion with hypocrites." — ■ Ibid. 347. 2 I 2 484 DOCTRINAL [a.D. 1597- under cognisance of the common law courts. An evil from this was painfally shewn by Sir Edmund Anderson, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, at two several assizes, for the county of Lincoln'. He seems to have imbibed a thorough detestation of Protestant Noncon- formity, especially of Brownism, and his antipathy burst forth upon the bench, with all the coarseness of a half- civilised aire. He could not mention the obnoxious doctrines without volleys of swearing and abuse. Lin- colnshire he denounced as over-run with Brownism, and be declared himself determined upon rooting all Puritans out of the circuit. His intemperance appears to have been principally ]u*ovoked by the trial of a clerg^nnan, for omitting some part of the prayers in favour of the sermon. This offender, spitefully prosecuted by a neighbouring gentleman, to whom he refused a lease, was placed at the bar, and ordered to hold up his hand, like a felon. While standing thus degraded, Anderson saluted him as a knave, and a rebellious knave. That he was not nuicli indisposed for some slight of the Common Prayer, is likely enough, as it is, that many of his neighbours were inclined in the same way. But he seems to have been both a subscriber to the Articles, and a general con- formist to the Liturgy. Nor does the relater of his case admit any Brownist, or even Presbyterian bias, among the Lincolnshire clergy generally. He says, however, that Anderson's violence had been found injurious to them. Ever since his offensive circuits, clerical influence had lessened in the country. Pooj)lc thought clergymen under the ban of power, and were emboldened in venting their ill humours ujion them^ ' In 159G. * " Since my Lord Auderson hath obtained to ride this circuit, the A.D. 1597.] PURITANISM. 485 In the autumn of this year, a new parliament was assembled'; chiefly for financial purposes. Its proceed- ministry is groAvn into intolerable contempt : "which is universally imputed to him, both by those that would, and those that ■would not have it so." ..." The simple people rejoiced in their return homeward, saying that a minister's cause could not be so much as heard at the assizes, and gathered, that all preaching was now, as it were, cried down." (Imperfect Letter from Alford, from a clergyman unknown to a person of quality. Strype. Annals. iv. 367.) " It has been observed, that the bishops had now wisely transferred the prosecution of the Puritans from themselves to the temporal courts, so that, instead of being summoned before the High Commission, they were in- dicted at the assizes, and tried at common law; this being thought more advisable, to take off the odium from the Church." (Neal. i. 504.) This is the introduction to Anderson's intemperance. It is afterwards said, " Thus the Puritan clergy were put upon a level with rogues and felons, and made to hold up their hands at the bar among the vilest criminals : there was hardly an assize in any county of England, but one, or more ministers, through the re- sentments of some of their pa- rishioners, appeared in this con- dition." Whence this last piece of information came, does not appear. As to the former, if Neal had been more alive to the Puri- tanical zeal against Brownism, lately displayed in the House of Commons, he would, probably, have spared the sneer upon epi- scopal wisdom. ' Monday, Oct. 24. "Arch- bishop "Whitgift Avas busy, this summer, about elections for the ensuing Parliament, which was to meet Oct. 24, 1597- Mr. Strype says, his Grace took what care he could to prevent such as were disaffected to the constitution of the Chufch, that is, all Puritans, from coming into the House; but some thought it a little out of character for an archbishop to appear so publicly in the choice of the people's representatives." (Neal. i. 506.) " The archbishop himself also, in order to prevent the return of persons disatfected towards the Church, actively ex- erted himself in the elections for the Parliament, which met Octo- ber 24, 1597." (Price, i. 438.) The authority cited is this: " The Archbishop took what care he could to prevent unfit men, espe- cially disaffected to the present constitution of the Church, from coming there" (to Parliament). " We have one instance of this about this time; that when Sir William Brook, knight of the shire for Kent, was dead, the election for a new knight coming-on, Janu- ary 16, he wrote to the suffragan of Dover, that his earnest desire was, that Sir Moyl Finch might be chosen thereunto. And prayed him, therefore, to use the utmost of his best endeavours, both by himself and friends, to gather what voices he could, against the same day, for the said Sir Moyl, and to bestow the same upon him. 486 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1597. iiiffs evidence the decline of those religions heats which Elizabetli had usually found in the House of Commons. The i)uritanical party had not, however, quite forgotten its quarrel with ecclesiastical authority. But its com- plaints, and proposed remedies, interested civilians rather than divines. It attacked ecclesiastical courts, and exist- ing facilities for contracting marriage. The queen heard of these proceedings, with her usual jealousy and irrita- tion. She did not deny the probability of some ground for finding fault, only the legality of seeking redress from any but herself. Ecclesiastical motions could not ori- ginate in the House of Commons without infringing her ])rerogative. The time had not come for disputing and defying such lofty pretensions. Hence those ■\\'ho hoped for a return to their constituents, decorated with the laurels of ecclesiastical reform, were merely mortified, as heretofore, by rebuke and disappointment. In some particulars, authority called legislative atten- Adding that it Avould be well, that his ])ailift's would have warning to give notice thereof to all his tenants, servants, and friends, to whom it should appertain. And so not doubting of their readiness lierein, he committed tliL-ni to God. Dated from Lambeth." (Strvpf. JVhilgiJhu. 373.) Thus a letter to a friend, in .January, is, perhaps, rather hastily, thought by Strvpe, sufficient for saying, that the archbishop " took what care he could" to keep men unfa- vourable to the Church out of the House of Commons. This hint suffices to charge him with being " busy about elections all the summer," and to discover that " some thought" his conduct " a little out of character." Now, he was a large Kentish proprietor, and an occasional resident in the county. The candidate for whom he interested himself, might bo a personal friend, and in his behalf, he sought assistance from a per- sonal friend of his own, as also from his own " tenants, servants, and friends." TN^e have no evi- dence of publicity in his conduct, or of his interference in any other election, or in any election, until a vacancy hap])ened during the ses- sion of Parliament. Even were appearances of a more decided character. Dissenters would be liable to a severe retort, in pres- sing them heavily against a mini- ster of religion. ' .Sruvi'i:. IVhilirifl. ii. 37(j. A.D. 1597.] PURITANISM. 487 tion to the Church establishment. Ejected Romish incumbents, or their representatives, yet claimed legal rights to benefices forfeited by nonconformity, and pro- vided for a favourable opportunity to assert them, by making secret appeals. As acts of this kind by educated men, generally proceed upon some legal grounds, it was thought advisable, to pass a statute, confirming the depri- vations that occurred soon after the queen's accession, and giving a new legal validity to all appointments of bishops and dignitaries, made during her first four years*. A similar service was rendered to the bishopric and chapter of Norwich. Some of the harpies who had obtained patents of concealment, found various flaws in the endowments conferred upon both. Pettifogging craft having made out a better case than common, it was referred to Sir Thomas Egerton, Lord Keeper, the two Chief Justices, and the Chief Baron, who regularly sate at York House, to hear and consider the pleadings of counsels The most eminent were employed, and it is clear that pillage had a fair prospect : otherwise, an act would hardly have been passed to cheat it of the prey. Such unhappy displays of legal erudition and acuteness raise, not unreasonably, popular prejudice against lawyers. Men overlook the labour and learning displayed in foiling ' Collier, ii. 658. ^ " The method of these con- cealers was to inform the crown that the suhject had usurped upon To make their patent pass the better, they commonly had only some little part of the estate in- serted, with other general words, it, either by keeping some part of 1 which reached to a great deal an estate surrendered to the crown, , more." [Ibid. 059.) The pleadings or l)y extending grants from the ' in this case inform us that the last crown to lands not comprised surviving monk, who had been attached to the cathedral of Nor- wich, in its conventual state, did not die until the 18th of the queen. within the conveyance. Upon this information, the concealers pro- cured patents, or conveyances of such pretended concealed estates. 488 DOCTRINAL Qa.d. 1598. a fraudulent aim ingeniously taken with a legal bow. They merely heap odium upon the profession, that gives to rapacious, unprincipled cunning, so many embarrassing advantages. The Convocation was not solely occupied, according to prevailing usage, in granting subsidies. The Articles passed by the Clerical Estate, some years ago', were introduced, with additions, and in this amplified form, were regularly sanctioned. Subsequently, they received the royal assent, and thus became legally binding*. They were evidently drawn to meet popular complaints of ecclesiastical courts, and of business transacted in them. They were, therefore, a concession to the House of Com- mons. Puritanical attacks upon the spiritual judicature, evidently retained a vigour which both discipline and doctrine had perceptibly lost. The Romish party was kept in a feverish state by the encroaching spirit of Jesuitism. Wisbeach Castle had been, during several years, the principal place of confine- ment for priests, both secular and regular. Except loss of liberty, they had little ground of complaint, and at first, unanimity prevailed among them. The most dis- tinguished individual of their party was Thomas Watson, ' Arllcidi pro clew, passed in j 4. The preaching of dignitaries by 1584. They were confirmed by , turns in cathedrals. 5. Marriage- royal authority, and are printed in licenses. 0. Divorces. 7« Ex- Bishop Sparrow's CuUcclwn. J 9;}. communications. 8. The public — AViLKiNs. iv. 'il5. denunciation of recusants and ex- * Capititla, sive Conslilutioucs communicates. !). Commutation Ecclesiastical per Arcliiep. S^-c. in of solemn penance. 10. Fees of Sipi. Land. 1597. Si'Aniiow, 245. j ecclesiastical officials. 11. Exccs- AViLKiNS. .352. They regulate: scs of apparitors. 12. Parish- 1. Admissions into orders, and registers. Those which apply to institutions to benefices. 2. Plu- ' dignitaries, divorces, recusants, ralities. .'{. Residence of dignita- apparitors, ami registers, are en- ries upon their parochial cures, i griiltcd upon the ///7robation of it, into important extenua- tions of Elizabeth's Romish policy. Their angry pens have left statements, equally explicit and undeniable, that severity was earned by politics. Had Romanists proved a more united body, i)osterity would have heard from ' Tins is an oxfipgoratioii. Tlie Jlonodictine system was not csta- Mished in England, until the latter half of the tenth century. Strag- gling monks of that order, were known earlier, and possibly, some slight attempts to introduce the society. "Wilfrid claimed the dis- tinction of introducing it, in the seventh century, and from this fact, prohahly, came the loose talk of a thousand years in round * Fuller. P,. ix. p. 22(5. " Such of us as remained in prison at Wisbech (and were committed thither loOO, and others not long after coniTuitted thither, to the numl)er of about thirty-three, or thirty-four) continued still in the several times of all the said most wicked designments, as we were before, and were never brought into any trouble for them, but lived there, cojbgc-like, Avithout any ntimbcrs. — Sec the Auirlo-Sa.ion want, and in good reputation with Cliiitcli. 1H4. 87; second edition, our ncighliours that were Catholics, ] 77' *J7- ' about us." — Imp. Cutis. 77* A.D. 1598.] PURITANISM. 491 their own mouths, only of wanton persecution. Over their own earnings from a menaced, alarmed, embarrassed government, suspicion might have been thrown, because professed opponents were the only chroniclers'. The queen had now lived, several years, without per- sonal alarm from Romish hostility. Both she and the public were, however, sufficiently prej^ared by former plots, for any new panic. She had one more to undergo, and rarely has come forward, a lamer story, or a more absurd scheme. Edward Squire, formerly an underling ' AVatson thus concludes an enumeration of the Romish pro- vocations oflfered in this reign, (the same that ordinary writers detail, and papal writers notice, more or less,) " If we at home, all of us, both priests and people, had possessed our souls in meek- ness and humility, honoured her Majesty, borne Avith the infirmities of the state, suffered all things, and dealt as true Catholic priests: if all of us (we say) had thus done, most assuredly, the state would have loved us, or at least, borne with us: where there is one Catholic, there should have been ten: there had been no speeches among us of racks and tortures, nor any cause to have used them; for none were ever vexed that way shnpltj, for that he was either jviest, or catho- lic, but because they were suspected to have had their hands in some of the said most traitorous design- ments." (Imp. Cons. 89.) The late ]Mr. Butler spoke of Watson's works, as " highly blaraeable for their virulence and misrepresenta- tions." {Hist. Mem. iii. 212. note.) In fact, however, AVatson only confirms the representations of others, and makes admissions that existing documents abundantly justify. Nor does he generally write in an unbecoming tone. Undoubtedly, his admissions are deeply galling to Romanists, espe- cially to such as are connected with Jesuits, or look favouraljly upon that order for its unquestion- able services to English Popery. Watson's relations are the very reverse of those Avhich a Romish posterity pares and varnishes for its own gratification, and for win- ning Protestant favour. But they are the relations of a contemporary, a zealous Romanist, and even a martyr to the Romish cause. Im- patience of Jesuitic encroachment might be the main cause of his admissions; but an angry man may speak the truth, and often does, when perfect calmness would have kept it locked-up in his breast. Watson's anger is capable of great extenuation. The Jesuits, who aroused it, he viewed not only as insolent, assuming upstarts, but also as unpatriotic Englishmen, abettors of regicide, injurious to Romish credit, and provokers of nearly all the hardships that Romanists underwent. 402 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1598. in the royal stables, enlisted under Drake, upon his last expedition, and was taken j)risoner, in the West Indies'. Thence he was sent to Seville, but by some means he got free, and returned home. lie M'as now denounced by another Englishman from Spain, named Stanley, as engaged in a design to kill the queen. At first, he stoutly denied, but the rack extorted from him the fol- lowing tale. While in a Spanish prison, Walpole, an English Jesuit, had him seized by the Inquisition, as a heretic. This new misfortune proved so intolerable, that he was tempted into a profession of Romanism, to escape from it. Walpole now told him, that his conversion would, indeed, be glorious and beneficial to him, if he would signalise it by relieving the Catholic cause, even from Essex, much more so from Elizabeth herself The enterprise was really without either difficulty or danger. He should be furnished with a poison, such as nothing could withstand. He had only to rub it on the pommel of the queen's saddle. She must hold her hand upon this, and its venom would soon circulate fatally with her life's blood. The experiment, Squire admitted himself to have tried, and, subsequently, a similar one with Essex's chair". Neither party, however, found any incon- ' Camuden. Gil. * '' Not long after he very ar- tificially ruljbcd the poison upon the pommel of the (Queen's sadcUo, ])r(t('ii(lin|:; to l)e busy al)0Ut some- thing else, an])ishly inclined. Stopjiing at Newcastle, in his way u])wards, he gladdened most of the miserable inmates in the gaol by a free j)ardon : but ])risoners for ]>apistry Mere ' " Eiititli'd, ./// Aiisii'cv oj the ford. Printed there." — SriiVi'K. rice-Chancellor, Duclurs, Pruc- lyiiil^ifl. ii. 4}i3. lors^ and other the Heads of " Ibid. 484. Houses in the University of Ox- A.D. 1603.] PURITANISM. 523 excejited'. Romanists were thus warned, with mortifying plainness, against expectations of favour from the son of her Avhom they represented as a martyr in their cause. They must have been galled by such a disappointment. The first explosion of their soreness came from a quarter in which it seemed least likely to be expected. William Watson and William Clarke, two Romish jDriests, were detected in some treasonable practices. Both had written against the Jesuits. The former, indeed, by his Important Considerations and Quodlibets, has vitally damaged English Romanism. Its opponents have to thank him for con- firming many of their most important views and state- ments. However honest may be such a witness, nothing but abandonment of his former princif)les will allow him much credit for worldly wisdom. Neither Watson, however, nor his unhappy friend, appears to have imbibed a Protestant bias. They were, seemingly, sincere Roman- ists, goaded into violence by Jesuitic assumption, and persuaded in happier times, that religion is endangered, rather than served, by political agitation. Men so behind in discerning the real necessities of their sect, were very likely to harbour absurd speculations, and few wear a less feasible air than those by which they threw their lives away. It is, indeed, some sort of extenuation of their folly, that Sir Walter Raleigh was one of their accomplices. Even he, however, with all his great abili- ties, and other valuable qualities, had never been prudent. He had not, indeed, sufficient principle. He was now writhing under all the bitterness of disappointment. His rival, Robert Cecil, had, like himself, been obnoxious to ' April Jl. " Ilee released all of money for tlie release of many prysoners, except for treason, mur- j that lay for debt." — Stowe. 819. ther, and papistrie, giving summes 524 DOCTRINAL [a. I). 1603. James, l)ut Elizabeth's reign ^vas then likely to continue. Its speedy termination no sooner became clearly dis- cernible, than Cecil opened a secret but zealous com- munication with Scotland, and he now basked under the meridian of royal favour. Raleigh had shewn no such tact, and felt his prospects blighted. He was thus easily led blindfold by rage, envy, and cupidity, into senseless projects which an intellect like his would ordinarily have scouted'. He, the two priests, and some other desperate men, embarked in a guilty scheme to place Lady Ara- bella Stuart upon the throne. She was equally near to Henry VH. with James himself, and lawyers had sufficient ground for pleading the superiority of her title '. Upon the use to be made of her, except as a tool for their own per- sonal aggrandisement", the conspirators, probably, thought loosely and differently: a more motley group having rarely joined in such an enterprise'. The two priests, however, • '' If Raleigh had ever shewTi a discretion bearing the least pro- portion to his genius, ^ve might reject the -whole story as impro- bable. But it is to be remembered that there had long been a Catho- lic faction, Avho fixed their hopes on Arabella ; so that the conspi- racy, though extremely injudici- ous, was not so perfectly unintel- ligible as it appears to a reader of Hume, •who has overlooked the previous circumstances." — IIal- LAM. Const. Ilixl. i. 4H3. * " Margaret," (daughter of Henry A' 1 1.,) " as we have seen, •was married, first to James IV. of Scotland, and after his decease, to Archibald, earl of Angus. James, the English king, was great-grandson and heir of the first marriage, Lady Arabella Stuart Avas the great-grand- daughter and heiress of the second. By the act of the twenty-st'vcnth of Queen Elizabeth, a person found guilty of pretending to the crown, or attempting any inva- sion, insurrection, or assassination against Queen Elizabetb, was ex- cluded from all claim to the suc- cession. The Queen of Scots was evidently Avitbin the provisions of this act, and supposing it to extend to James, the Lady Arabella •was legal heir to the crown." — Butlek. Ilisl. Mem. iii. 274. ^ " It •was agreed at Westmin- ster, that AVatson should be L. Clianccllor, Brooke, E. Treasurer, and Sir Grif. JMarkham, Secretary." — Stowk. «30. * " Raleigh •was generally thought to be a deist, Lord Grey A.D. 1603.] PURITANISM. 525 were to secure at least a toleration for their religion. But how the scheme generally was to be realised, or what was its precise nature, is very little known. There is, in fact, hardly any considerable political movement, so recent, and connected with such a name as Raleigh's, that is altogether more obscure'. After discovery, the parties implicated were long- detained without trial": Avhicli looks like a deficiency of evidence. They were conveyed, at length, from London to AVinchester, and there convicted of high treason^ Within a fortnight, the two priests were executed in the same city ; and being cut down, while perfectly alive, the brutal humours of spectators were sated to repletion \ was a puritan, Lord Cobham a professed debauchee ; tliey were joined by half-a-dozen other gen- tlemen, and by "Watson and Clarke, two Roman-Catholic priests." — Butler, iii. 275. ' " The whole of this trans- action is yet a mystery. Sir John Hawles, solicitor-general in the reign of William III., remarks, that what was proved against the Lords Cobham and Grey, Watson and Clarke, does not appear, or hon> their trials were managed." —Ibid. 276. * They were arrested early in July. — Stowe. 826. ^ Nov. 15. They were indicted for conspiring " to kill the king, to raise rebellion, to alter religion, to subvert the estate, to procure invasion by straungers. To effect these treasons, on the fourteenth of June, 1603, the 1. yeere of K. James the first, they intended their act against the king and his sonne, and to carry them to the Tower, and there to enter, and with the king's treasure in the Tower, to maintayne their intent. But if the Tower could not be taken, then to take the castle of Dover, and to carry the king thither, and then and there to obtayne of the king three things: viz. 1. Pardon for their own presumption. 2. Tolleration of religion. 3. To remove some from the counsell. Watson, the priest, devised oathes in writing, by which the parties were bound to conceale their trea- sons. Clarke and Watson, priests, did say, the fourteenth of June, the king was no king untill after his coronation," — Ibid. 829. " Nov. 29. (Stowe. 831.) Mr. Butler has reprinted from the Hardwicke Papers, the following account by an eye-witness, of this horrible execution. " The two priests were both very bloodily handled ; for they were both cut- down alive, and Clarke, to whom favour Avas intended, had the worse luck, for he both strove to help himself, and spoke after he 526 DOCTRINAL [a.D. 1(J03. Guilt Avas admitted by both, and considerable penitence exhibited : by Clarke especially. Watson insinuated that his fate Mas owing to Jesuitic craft'. He might have was cut-tlown. They died boldly both ; AVatson, as he Avould have it seeui, Avilling ; wishing he had more lives to spend, and one to lose for every one he had by his treachery drawn into this treason. Clarke stood somewhat upon his justification, and thought he had hard measure; but imputed it to his function, and therefore thought his death meritorious, a kind of martyrdom." — Hist. Merti. iii. 276. ' " AVatsou first acknowledged his offence, secondly asked mercy of the kinp; and state, desirine: God to prosper both in peace and amitie. Thirdly hee was sorry hee had drawne so many into that action, wishing he had so many bodies as might satisfy the king's majesty for all that liad conspired, and were in durance, and like to sufter for that action. Fourthly, he forgave, and desired to bee forgiven of all, namely, that the Jesuits would forgive him, if he had written over eagerly against them, saying also that it was occa- sioned by them, whom hee for- gave, if they had coningly and covertly drawn him into the action for which hee suffered. Hee de- sired al to witnessc that hee died a true catholike, and al true Komish catholikes to ])ray for liinj. Clarke in little differed from AVatson, only hcc seemed not engaged in the action so much, hee was drawne-in by AVatson. lice said hee hadde written a dialogue betweene a gentleman and a scholUr, concerning The obedience and hi/all if oj subicds lowardcs Ihcir king. And did therefore mention the booke, least happely if it were after printed, it might not bee thought to have bin written by him. Hi^ death was with more penitency than "Watson's was: hee confessed hee relied only on the mercies of God, not his owne merites; desiring all Christian catholikes, and all whicli were in the unitie of the Church, to pray for him. Then both ac- knowledged that they suffered the judgement of death, not for their religion, or their function of priest- hood, but for that their treasonable act, which the judges, by the lawes, whose wisedomes they rather com- mended than would blame, hadde censured for treason, though their intents and harts to God were cleare in that point; onely Clarke said, hee knew not the certaintie, yet hee thought his priesthood, at least by accidence, hadde hastened his execution." (Stowe. 831.) " Ilor per venire subito a capo, r Watsono compie 1' opere sue col tramar la morte a Jacopo lo Sco- zese, pochi mesi appresso all' esser unto e coronato re d' Inghilterra: e complice, e conguirato seco un certo Clark, stato un de' celebri seditiosi del seminario di lioma. I'resi, confessi, strascinati al sop- plicio de' traditori nella piazza d' Wincester, 1' Watson d' in su la forca, e col capestro alia gola, con- fessb in alta voce, primeramente, d' haver machinato contro alia vita del re, e alia i)ace del regno; ])oi rutitro a padr i dcUit conipagnia di Giesu scrilli e stampali varij A.D. 1603.] PURITANISM. 527 honestly believed so, even without sufficient evidence, and we have no trace of such. But although a Protestant partisan may be glad of the insinuation, a serious Chris- tian must regret it. He did not, however, die without acknowledging himself an offender against the Jesuits, and intreating their pardon. On their part, a display was made of forgiveness, by the celebration of masses for the repose of his soul. But he had sinned past all real for- giveness. He had been a servitor in the seminary at Rheims, and is charged with occasional conformity to Protestantism, and espionage on the Romanists, after his return to England. In the latter charge, there must have been something of truth, appeals being made to extant letters of his own, in support of it\ Watson, however, might have rendered some such services to the govern- ment without any compromise of integrity. The main lihri falsi e scandalosi^ e lor chied- erne perdonanza: il che detto, e accommanclato in afFetti, e parole (li salutevole pentimento, il suo spirito a Dio, compie a doveri della giustitia, impeso, e sviscerato nientre pur ancor era vivo : e simil- mente il Clark, I padri, come richiede il debito della carita Chris- tiana, ne accompagnarono 1' anime col suffragio di parecchi niesse: singolarmente il Personio, eh' era un de' piu mortalmente f'eriti dalle lor penne." (Bartoli. 439.) Upon this account, it is needful to remark that Watson does not seem to have admitted any substantial falsehood in his attacks upon the Jesuits, only intemperance. Bartoli, writ- ing sixty years after the event, was very likely to overlook this. ' " Guglielmo Watson, stato gia servidore nel seminario di Renis, poi a maul e a piedi salito a saper tanto che pote venir di Francia a fruttificare nell Inghilterra. Quindi scoperto e preso, si rende al volere de' ministri, e de' consiglieri della Reina: andb alle chiese di quegli, e a questi manifesto i Cattolici che gli havean dato albergo: e ve ne son lettere, nelle quali lor dimanda perdono. Indi fattosi come capo di parte, si die a scrivere tanto piu arditamente, quanto a calunniare, e mentire, non gli era necessario di saper molto; e stampb orribilis- simi libri, e quello infra gli altri che miiioXo Quodlibelici: de' quali, a dire il tutto in poco, un istorico Calvinista (R. Johnston) detto il peggio che gli venne alia penne, e di noi, e de' sacerdoti tenenti col Arciprete, soggiugne. Si quis plura videre velil, (duodlibetica JVatsoni coiisulaf. Nihil ibi sceleris, nihil Jiagilii prcclei'mitlilur." — Bartoli. 438. 528 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1G03. principle running through his writings, is a feeling of dis- grace and injury brought upon Romanism, by a secular, unpatriotic, pernicious alliance with foreign politics. That he felt soundly here, none will question, Mhatever may be thought of his discretion and shrewdness. A man so impressed, might give some degree of information with a view to lighten an undeniable evil, and still deserve respect for all the more substantial excellences of charac- ter. He might consider some sacrifice of confidence excusable, and even desirable, to wean a society which he regarded only in a spiritual point of view, from a hateful taint of worldliness in its most objectionable form. But, whatever may have been the rate of Watson's more sterling cpialities, they really affect his testimony very slightly. A few circumstances are jireserved by him, which have no great bearing upon controversy, and which, therefore, all parties receive contentedly at his hands. The bulk of those appeals to him which gratify Protestants, and offend Romanists, turn upon facts, proved abundantly elsewhere, and upon opinions, Avliich no one ventures openly to controvert. This authority is really valuable, as evidence that confirmation for Protestant history may be successfully sought even from Romish prejudice, under the process of calm conviction, or upon the rack of resentment. Such testimony is of consider- able advantage in controversy, and AVatson's church has ever smarted under the indiscretion that gave it over to the opposite side. Hence lives rashly jeoparded to pur- chase toleration for Romanism, have earned for the unfor- tunate victims no rejtutation of martyrdom. Both Watson and Clarke, excite contcm})t, or aversion, in all who cherish tlieir oj)inions'. ' " AVliatevor may liavc l)ccn the part of Watson or Clarke in A.D. 1(503.] rURITANISM. 529 A conference having- been requested by the millenary petitioners, it was determined early to give them this gra- tification. It seems, however, to have been very far from the king's intention, that Presbytery should prevail over the Established Church. He had, indeed, been so vexa- tiously thwarted, and grossly insulted by his native kirk, that ho was little likely to relish any farther contact with such a system. He published, accordingly, a proclamation \ denouncing the exertions for getting-up j^etitions, as tliis transaction, the Catholics liave never placed them among the suf- ferers on account of religion, or thought them entitled to particular commiseration. It is observable that both Watson and Clarke were strenuously opposed to the Spanish l^arty, and that each had written with great vehemence against the Jesuits, as its active partisans. Both, on the scaffold, acknow- ledged, and asked pardon of the society for the intemperance of their writings. // n'ax very _/t7, says Dodd, in his account of Wat- son, that he should make a dis- claim of his passion^ and several groundless aspersions which he had nltered." (Butler, iii. 2770 Milner says that James, before his accession to the English throne, liad corresponded with Watson, " who was a warm partisan of his interest against that of Spain, and to whom, amongst others, he made strong promises of shewing indul- gence towards the Catholics of England, whenever he should mount the throne of this country." (Lellers to a Prcbendart/. 194.) " Cecil began his ministry, under the present reign, by playing off that most absurd and incoherent farce, called Sir Walter Raleigh's plot, by means of which he put out of the way one man, who was peculiarly obnoxious to him, on account of his being privy to the king's promises in favour of Ca- tholics. This was the priest, ^Vatson, mentioned above." (Ibid. 195.) If such be the truth, Watson has a fair claim to take station among the Romish martyrs of these times, in spite of the indiscreet admissions wrung from him by antipathy to the Jesuits, lie was, in fact, a conspirator for the very cause in favour at Rome. " Clement YIIL, who had no other view than to secure the rc-esta- I)lishment of the Catholic faith in England, and had the judgement to perceive that the ascendancy of Spain would neither be endured by the nation, nor permitted by the French king, favoured the claim of Arabella, who, though apparently of the reformed reli- gion, was rather suspected at home of wavering in her faith ; and entertained a hope of manying her to the Cardinal Farnese, bro- ther to the Duke of Parma." — IIallam. i. 391. ' At Wilton. Oct. 24.— Strype. JVhi/gifL ii. 480. 2 M 530 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1(504 "unlawful, savouring of tumult, sedition, and violence'." In religious polity, he professed himself justified in think- injTf his now kincfdom conformable both to Scrii)ture and the Primitive Church. Thus he stood committed pretty thoroughly to the maintenance of existing institutions. At the same time, he professed himself " not ignorant that time might have brought in some corruptions which might deserve a review and amendment'." The Church party, therefore, was not freed from uneasiness, nor were the Puritans left without encouragement. The latter mio-ht reasonably reckon, if only moderate in present demands, upon some concessions, useful hereafter as points of a wedge ^ Impatience for this advantage was bridled by a contagious malady that raged in London. The desired conference was originally fixed for the 1st of November, but fear of infection rendered men shy of any consider- able assemblage, and it was deferred until the beginning of another year. It met at Hampton Court, in January ; Thursday, the ' Tliis language was confirmed by legal authorities. " But the most enormous outrage on the civil rights of these men was the cora- niitTnent to prison of ten among those Avho had presented the Mil- lenary Petition ; the judges ha^•ing dechired in the star-chamber, that it was an oft'ence finable at discre- tion, and very near to treason and felony, as it tended to sedition and rebellion." — IIallam. i. 4()(). * Strvpe. ut supra. ' " "NVe find that some of the rigid Nonconformists did confess in a pami)hlet, The Christian's modest o/fer of the silenced minis- ters, 1 ()()(>, tliat those who were appointed to speak for them at Hampton Court, were not of their nomination or Judgenient; they insisted that these delegates should declare at once against the whole church establishment, l.) This confession of the Non- conformists is also acknowledged by their historian, Neal. " — D'IsKAKLl. Incjuiri/ into the Lite- ran/ and Political Character of James 1. Lond. IHIG. p. 29. note. A.J). 1604.] PURITANISM. 531 12th, being the day originally appointed, when the parties summoned, were in attendance, at nine in the morning, although prepared for procrastination by a rumour of tlie preceding night. James then informed the bishops of his inability to preside on that day, and desired them, with the other parties, to come again on the following Satur- day, the 14th. Then mustered in an outer apartment, Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, the bishojDS, Bancroft, of London, ISIatthew, of Durham, Bilson, of Winchester, Babington, of Worcester, Rudd, of St. David's, Watson, of Chichester, Robinson, of Carlisle, and Dove, of Peter- borough ; the deans, Montague, of the chapel, Andrewes, of Westminster, Overall, of St. Paul's, Barlow^ of Ches- ter, and Bridges, of Salisbury; with the doctors, King, archdeacon of Nottingham, and Field, subsequently, dean of Gloucester ^ They were all canonically habited, and proceeded into the jDresence-chamber. There they found sitting on a form, habited in Turkey gowns \ the doctors, John Reynolds, and Thomas Sparke, from Oxford, with jNIr. Chadderton, and Mr. Knewstubbs, from Cambridge. The bishops were admitted into an inner room", and an order soon came forth for the five deans to come in like- wise, with any members of the privy council, but all others ' Barlow. The Summe and Substance of the Conference, whicli it pleased his excellent Majestic to have with the Lords, Bishops, and other of his Clergie (^at which the most of the Lordes df the Councell were present^ in his Majesties Privy-Chamber, at Hampton Court. Januarij 14, 1603. Loud. 1604. The author, then dean of Chester, was one of the parties. * Collier, ii. 673. ^ " These delegates had nothing of the canonical habit, but ap- peared in gowns of the shape of those then commonly worn by- Turkey merchants." (Ibid.) Yet RejTiolds was then president of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and had been dean of Lincoln. ^ " A witlidra wing-room within the Privy Chamber." — Semper Eadem: or a Reference of the Debate at the Savoy, 1661, to the Conference at Hampton Court) 1603-4. Lond. J 662. 2m2 532 DOCTRINAL Ca.D. 1G04. were to be excliulcd. Exception has been taken to this, but really with very little reason; the object being to consider M'hetlier any concessions might not be offered, without previous debate with objecting parties. Obvi- ously thus time might be spared, and irritation avoided. Complaints have also been made of the authority Avhicli brought the four puritanical divines to Hampton. They were not elected at any meeting of their friends, or party, but summoned by royal mandate'. It was, however, the same with their opponents, and a more eligible selection could not be made in either case. Reynolds was among the most learned of his party, and, indeed, of his age"; nor were his three coadjutors unworthy of acting with such a man. That all were less violent than many who agreed with them, will generally be thought equally an honour to themselves, and a reason why they should have been chosen to speak for their body. James lost no time in removing completely all those apprehensions which his education and habits naturally engendered. With much kindness of manner, he pro- fessed himself happier than any one of his four immediate predecessors, in being driven to religious innovation iiei- tlier l)y necessity, nor inclination. Puritanism he had disliked ever since ten years old, and although living among those who professed it, he 2ras not of tJiem'\ It was, indeed, reasonable to believe, that nothing short of ' " Their niinistors li;ul boon learned man in England. lie was invited by the kin{^, instead ot" censured by his faction for making being nominated by themselves, a weak defence; but the king's and liad argued for the indifVer- once, rather than the sinfulness of the ceremonies." — I'lUCK. i. 4(59. " " Reynolds, the principal dis- putant on tlie Puritan side, was nearly, if not altogether, the most partiality and intemperance plead liis apology. lie is said to have comj)lained of unfair representa- tion in Jlarlow's account." — IIal- I.A.M. i. 104. ' Baulow. 20. A.D. 1604.] rURITANISM. 533 compulsion could have kept him under a system, which ostentatiously trami^led his pride under foot, and was far from nice even as to his just expectations. Thus none could be surprised, at his pleasure in contrasting the coarse intemperance of his country's divines, with manners, degenerating, undoubtedly, into the other extreme, which he had found among the scholarly, well-bred churchmen of England. Still, it was impossible to calculate before- hand exactly upon the force of early 2)repossessions, especially as they might be made a convenient cloak for selfish designs upon an opulent hierarchy. But his homely candour now rendered it j^erfectly plain that James abhorred few things more than the preaching demagogues of Scotland, and was hence anxious to bid their system a final farewell. There were, however, a few points in the English Church, upon which he desired fuller satisfaction. Confirmation seemed as if baptism were blasphemously thought incomplete ; absolution had been pronounced akin to the pardons of Poj^ery ; private baptism by females and laymen, he utterly disliked; excommunication for light causes, appeared improper, and requiring in every case, the bishoji personally to pronounce it, assisted by his dean and chapter. The king also expressed himself desirous of consulting about fit and able ministers for Ireland'. Confirmation, he was told in reply, had all antiquity to support it, having been omitted nowhere until lately by the unadvised innovation of certain particular churches. Even Calvin, however, conceded authority for it in the Epistle to the Hebrews \ and expressed a wish for its restitution in churches that had discontinued it. In supposing the Church of England to cast any doubt upon ^ Barlow. 7- "'* Heb. vi. 2, 534 DOCTRINAL Z^.D. 1604. the completeness of baptism, it was shewn him, that he had been misled. To render any such error impossible for the future, it was proposed to introduce the Con- firmation service by an explanatory title, making' the rite a seal to ascertained religious proficiency. To all sub- stantial alteration, the king declared himself opposed'. U])on the Absolution, in the ordinary service, he was easily satisfied. Nor did he find any fault, upon examination, with that in the office for visiting the sick. It was conformable, he w^as told, with the Augsburg, Bohemian, and Saxon Confessions, and even with an expressed opinion of Calvin's. Tn conclusion, it Avas deemed advisable to insert the words, or o'cmission of sim, after the word absolution in the rubric, to the form in the daily service ^ Thus, it was thought, all appear- ance of exceptionable adherence to Romish theology might be avoided. Private baptism by females and laymen, the arch- bishop argued, was against the authority of the Church, and accordingly an irregularity into which inquiry was often made at episcopal visitations ^ Bishop Babington, ' "Tho conclusion was, for the fuller explanation (that wee make it not a Sacrament, or a corro- horation to a former Sacrament) that it should he considered hy their Lordships, whether it mip[ht not mthout alteration (whereof his IMajostie was still very wary) io resolve all douhts concerning Ihe manner how Io understand, do, and execute ihe things contained in the booh of Common Prai/cr,) unanimously resolved that CA'cn private haptism in case of neces- sity, was only to he administered hy a lawful minister, or deacon." hee intituled an Examination with I (Wiikati.y. liational Illustration a Con/irmation." — Barlow. 12. * I hid. 13. " " When some articles were passed hy hoth houses of Convo- (atinn, in l.'i7>'», the Archhishop imd liishops (who had power and authority in their several dioceses of the Hook of Common Prai/er. Oxf. 181!). p. 371.) This article was omitted in the printed copy, (one of those conciliatory liherties with authorized formularies for Avhich I'^lizaheth's reipi is so re- markahlc ) hut, prohahly, the hi- A.D. 1G04.] PURITANISM. 635 however, admitted that the king* was right in considering such baptism compatible with the words of the rubric, and that the compilers of the Common Prayer meant them to convey this latitude. He thought, indeed, that they would have spoken to that point more plainly, had not they been afraid of parliamentary opposition'. Of their intention to authorize baptism by persons incapable of other ministerial functions, Bishop Bancroft added, evidence remained in some of their letters : from which he read extracts, and he maintained the consonance of such views with primitive antiquity. The last plea James considered inconclusive, as drawn from a time when Christianity Avas altogether under circumstances different from the present. He professed himself, however, a believer in baptismal regeneration, and in the necessity of that sacrament, where it is lawfully attainable, that is, from a regular minister ^ Farther argument was found unavailing to move him from this position, and at last, it Avas determined to consult whether the words curate^ or latvful mitiister, should not be introduced into the rubric for the office of Private Baptism \ shops insisted upon observance of it, and Whitgift, now aged and declining, might have forgotten the authority adverse to it. ^ " And for this conjecture, as I remember, he cited the testi- mony of my Lord Archbishop of Yorke." — Baklow. 15. "'' " Hee also maintained the ne- cessitie of Baptisme, and always that the place of St. .John, Nisi quis renatus J'uerit ex aqua, &c. (.Job. iii. 5) was meant of the sa- crament of Baptisme." — lb. 17. * " When necessity requires that Baptism be privately admi- nistered, The Minister of the Pa- rish, or in his absence, some other lawful Minister^ is to be procured. Tliis is an order which was not made till after the conference at Hampton-court, upon the acces- sion of King James I. to the throne. In both Common Prayer books of King Edward, and in that of Queen Elizabeth, the ru- bric was only this : First, let them that be j)rese?it call upon God for his grace, and say the Lord's Prayer, if the time will sujf'er ; and then one of them shall name the child, and dip him in the water. 530 DOCTRINAL [a. P. I(ill4. As to cxcommiiiiicfition, James proposed, either that yoiiie new term shoiikl be found for an ecjuivalent cen- sure, ill cases of inferior importance; or that such cases should 1)0 met hereafter by some coercive remedy entirely new. To this projiosition no objection was made, popu- lar clamour against indiscriminate excommunications in ecclesiastical courts, having been felt as not altogether unreasonable. But such were conformable to ancient usage, and had been sanctioned by the late queen, a sufficient reason for leaving them undisturbed during her reign. She had adopted semper eadein for her motto, and took such a pride in adhering to the principle, that all about her M-ere very unwilling to talk of retractation'. Although the result of this day's conference was Aery far from unsatisfoctory to the Church party, yet James had shewn himself resolved upon certain changes, and or pour water upon liiiii, .saijbig these irords, X. / baptise l/ice, ^•c. Now this, it is plain from the Avritings and letters of our first Reformers, was originally de- signed to commission lay persons to liaptisc in cases of necessity: being founded on an error Avhich our Reformers had imlnl)cd in the Itomi^h Church, concerning the impossibility of salvation -without the sacrament of Baptism: which therefore being in their opinion so absolutely necessary, they chose should be administered by any- body that was present, in cases of necessity, rather than that any should die without it. But after- Avards, when they came to have clearer notions of tlic Sacraments, and perceived how absurd it was to confine the mercies of (iod to outwaiid means; and especially to consider that the salvation of the child might be as safe in God's mercy, without any baptism, as with one performed l)y jiersons not duly commissioned to administer it : when the governors of our Church, I say, came to be con- vinced of this, they thought it proper to explain the rubric above mejitioncd, in such a manner as should exclude any private person from administering Baptism." (A>'in:ATLY. ;i71-) "It had l)een customary in the Church of Rome, and the custom was not formally abolished, nor entirely disconti- nued, in England, after the Re- formation, to license midwives for the performance of the sacra- ment, an."». ' Bahlow. id. A.D. 1(J04.] rURITANISM. 537 his mode of proposing them seems to have awakened some misgivings in the prelates and deans present. Hence reports got abroad highly flattering to puritanical hopes'. These were effectually damped by the second meeting ^ At this, the only bishops present were Ban- croft, of London, and Bilson, of Winchester", who were assisted by the deans and doctors that attended on Satur- day*. This diminution in the number of their opponents was probably meant as an assurance to the Puritan divines of equitable treatment. The four were now admitted into the Privy Chamber, with Patrick Galloway, formerly a minister at Perth. Reynolds, as became his learning and station, took the lead in explaining their views. All knelt, according to established usage in addressing the sovereign. He first objected to a clause ^ " Tlie result of this clay's de- bate Avas reported by a Presbyte- rian minister (Patrick Galloway) to the presbytery of Edinburgh, in a manner A'cry unfavourable to the bishops. According to his state- ment, the King commanded them, as they would answer it to God, on their consciences, and to him- self, on their allegiance, to advise among themselves concerning the corruptions of the Church. The bishops reported that all ■was well, and when the King, with great earnestness, adduced many defects and abuses, they prayed him on their knees, that no alterations might take place. It is not im- probable that this Presbyterian minister might have exhibited the doubts and objections of the King in a different light from that which Avas intended by James himself. He might have placed the objec- tions of the Puritans in the strongest point of view, and have clothed them in the most offen- sive garb, to see Avhether they could be answered. Andrewcs, afterward bishop of AVinchester, penetrated into the motive of James ; for he said, that on the first day, the King during Jivc hours did ivonderJ'uUy plai/ Ihc Purilan." — Caravitiien. ii. 106. ^ ]\ I on day, January 10. ^ The king " admitted only two bishops to be present, to be named by ray lord's grace of Can- terbury; Avho sent thither the bi- shops of London and Winchester, Avhile Ave, the rest, AA'cre Avith him, setting down the form of the other points." — Toby MatthcAA", Bishop of Durham, to Matthew Ilutton, Archbishop of York. Jan. 19, 1004. Stryi'k. U'/iidrifl. iii. 40-1. * Bauloav. 21. 538 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1G04. ill the Sixtecntli Article, as insuflicient, it so standing as to be available against the doctrine of assurance. Now, both he and his party had adopted all the sonl-stirring flights of Calvinistic theology, and Avere, therefore, natu- rally impatient of such sentences in the national formu- laries, as might make our own Reformers a])pear of a different opinion. Their next desire, accordingly, was that the nine Lambeth Articles, which were complimented as orthodo.val, should be incorporated in the Thirty-nine. Reynolds then objected to the article which denies the liberty of preaching and administering the sacraments, in the congregation, without lawful calling. It seemed like an universal permission, tacitly given, to do these things out of the congregation. He now complained of inconsistency. Confirmation appeared in the Articles as " a corrupt following of the Apostles ;" in the office itself, " the examjDle of Apostles," was pleaded, and even expectations given, apjiarently, of the spiritual gifts conveyed by them. Such inconsistencies ought to be rectified, and the grounds of such expectations carefully examined. In another article, the papal authority was insufficiently disclaimed. It was not enough to say that the bishop of Rome hath no authmity in this land. Tt ought to be added, nor ought to have. Again : the Articles were insuflicient from the want of an express assertion that the intention of the minister is not of the csse?ice of the sacrament, — a deficiency that suggested a second mention of t/ie nine orthodod'a/ assertio7is concluded at Lambeth. The ordinary catechism also was too brief, and Newel's ran into the other extreme. The Sabbuth- day required new regulations lor its l)etter keeping. The existing vernacular versions of Scripture were all faulty. Sufficient restrictions were not imposed u])on A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 539 the press, and upon tbe importation of books ; Romish pieces, especially, of objectionable tendency, being in pretty free circulation. A learned minister ought to be planted in every parish : which was rendered needlessly difficult by requiring* subscription to the Book of Com- mon-Prayer, and the reading of a])ocryphal lessons, containing manifest errors. Reynolds then found fault with interrogatories in baptism : against which Knew- stubbs farther argued, and went from them to the cross in baptism, which, however, Reynolds admitted might be traced up to the apostolic age. Exception was then taken to the surplice, as a kind of garment worn by the priests of Isis ; to the words in the matrimonial office, With my body I thee worship ; to the churching of women ; and to excommunication by lay chancellors. To the ring in marriage, and the square cap, no objection was made. The last point in the day's business was a restoration of the iwophesyings. These were desired in every rural deanery, with liberty to refer questions found incapable of decision within its limits, first, to the archdeacon's visitation, then to an episcopal synod, in which the bishop, assisted by his presbyters, might give a final judgment. While Reynolds was talking of confirmation, Bancroft lost his temper. The reason of his heat is hardly appa- rent, but it seems from the sequel, to have arisen from a suspicion, that confirmation by presbyters would be the next concession demanded. He hoped that his majesty would remember the ancient canon, which denies a hearing to schismatics against their bishops'. To this the ' " The Bishop of London, much moved to .heare these men, wlio, some of them, the evening before, and the same morning, had made sem])Uiiice of joyning with the bishops, and that they sought for 540 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1G04. jn'oscnt parties were especially obnoxious, if they were among the millenary subscribers, men who had before subscribed to the Liturgy. It was intolerable that any should thus retract their own acts. The indulirence, however, which these jiarties had experienced, Avas a signal clemency. Their attacks upon the Liturgy, and established discipline, were clearly against the Statute of Uniformity. He would be glad to know where they meant to end. Mr. Cartwright had pronounced con- formity with Turks, better than with Papists'. Perhaps, they were of that oi)inion, and came, accordingly, not liabited like scholars from the University, but in Turkey gowns. notliing hut unity, now strike to j and amongst us. For in docdc it overthrow (if they coukl) all at were more safe for us to conforme once, cut him" (Reynolds) "oft", our indiflercnt ceremonies to the and kneelinf; downe, most humbly ■ Turkes, which are farre off, than desired his Majestic first, that the ! to the Papists which are so ncarc. ancient canon might he remem- bered, which saith that Sc/iis7na- tici coiiira cpiscopos twii .iimf au- dkndi." — Barlow. 2(). ' '' Now I will adde this further, that when as the Lorde was care- full to sever them by ceremonies from other nations, yet was he^not so carefull to sever them from any, as from the Egyptians amongst whome th.) I'pon the whole, however, Cartwright's reasoning, though not built ujion premises strictly accurate, is not fairly lialile to the severe treatment which it received. A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 541 The king now interposed, slightly rebuking Bancroft for liis passion, but admitting that it was not unprovoked, the opposing parties having encouraged expectations which were now frustrated. The bishop then observed upon the doctrine of assurance. Men leant upon it as an excuse for palpable defects in practical holiness. They said, If I shall be saved, I shall be saved. They did not reason, Obedience to God, and love of my neighbour, make me trust that I have been elected, and predestinated to sal- vation. Their argument was, God hath predestinated and chosen me to life. Let my sin be never so grievous, I am safe : whom He loveth, He loveth to the end. The Church of England stood committed to no such doctrines. She had used a wise caution in treating of God's promises, refusing to give them any other construction than such as is warranted by the very letter of Scripture. As for the Article, taxed with deficiency, because it said nothing of ministering out of the congregation, any such addition to it was wholly superfluous, no ministration being per- mitted, without episcopal license. Private baptism would be soon placed under satisfactory regulations. The Article charged with oi)position to the Liturgy, from speaking of Confirmation, as a corrupt following of the Apostles, really said no such thing: the corruption alleged being merely the Romish notion that makes Confirmation a sacrament'. Nor is there any pretence to confer cxtra- ^ " Those five, commonly called sacraments, that is to say, Con- firmation, Penance, Orders, Matri- mony, and extreme Unction, are not to be counted for sacraments of the Gospel, being such as have grown partly of the corrupt fol- lowing of the Apostles, partly are states of life allowed in the Scriptures." (Art. XXV.) " AVe make our humble supplications unto thee for these thy servants, upon whom (after the example of thy holy Apostles) we have now laid our hands." (Collect in the Order of Confirmation.) Probably, the particular corruption intended by the Article, is the Romish use 542 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1604. ordinary spiritual gifts, by the imposition of hands, only prayer that the parties may be strengthened and eon- firmed by the Holy Ghost. But in truth, objections to confirmation really turn upon its restriction to bishops. Let presbyters have it open to them, and it would soon be reckoned an apostolical institution. Dr. Reynolds was challenged for a denial of this view, but he evaded a direct answer', and the bishop went on to shew that confirmation had ever been confined to his own order. His other appearances in this day's proceedings, were to assert scriptural authority for episcopacy, to mention a foreigner's commendation upon the Church of England"', to throw doubts upon the policy of re-translating Scripture % to clear himself from blame for the circu- lation of objectionable books', to deny the exclusive of chrism, in -whicli is found the matter of a sacrament. It must he owned, that the puritanical ohjection, though captious, and substantially inaccurate, is not incapable of a plausible appear- ance. ' " This -was it that vexed them, that tliey had not the use thereof in tlicir own handes, every pastor in Ills parish to confirme, for then it would be accounted an aposto- licall institution ; and willed Dr. Reyn. to speak herein what he thought ; who seemed to yield thereunto, replying that some dioceses of a bishop having therein (iOO ])arish churches, (which num- ber caustd the IJishop of London to thinke himself personally touched, because in his diocese there are C()9, or thereabouts) it was a thing very inconvenient to commit con- firmation unto the bisliop alone, supposing it impossible that he could take due examination of them al which came to be con- firmed."— Bauloav. 33. "^ " ^[y Lord of London there seriously put his JMajest}' in mind of the speeches which the French emljassador, Mo*"" Rognc gave out concerning our Church of England, both at Canterbury, after liis ar- rivall, and after, at the Court, upon the view of our solemnc service, and ceremonies, namely, ihal ij' t/ie rcfonucd churclies in Fraunce had kept Ihc same orders among them ivhich ive have, he 7ras assured that there would have bene vkuii/ thousands of Protest- ants more there than now there arc"—Ih. 3H. •"' " ]\Iy Lord of London wil added, that if every man's humour should be followed, there would benocnde of translating." — Ih. 4C. * " Tlie l^ishop of London sup- posuig, as it seemed, himsclfe to A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 543 claims of preaching upon clerical attention, to apologise for pluralities', to deprecate ])u]pit personalities, and to defend lessons from the Apocrypha. Bishop Bilson called upon Dr. Reynolds, as a scholar, to produce ancient authorities for confirmation by any other than bishops. Clerical insufficiency, he attributed be principally aimed at, aunswered first, to the generall, that there was no such licentious divulging of these books, as he imagined or complained of: and that none, except it were such as D. Reyn, who were supposed, wold confute them, had liberty, by authority to buye them : again ; such books came into the realme by many secret conveyances, so that there could not bee a perfect notice had of their importation." (Baklow. 49.) "At length it pleased his excellent Majestic to tell D. Reyn. that he was a better coUedge man than a statesman; for if his mean- ing were to taxe the Bishop of London for suffering those books, betwixt the Secular Priestes, and Jesuites, lately published, so freely to passe abroad; his Majestie would have him and his associates to know, and willed them also to acquaint their adherents and friends abroad therewith, that the saide Bishop was much injured and slandered in that behalfe, who did nothing therein, but by warrant from the Lordes of the Councell, whereby, both a schisme betwixt them Avas nourished, and also his Majesties own cause and title handled: the Lord Cecill affirming thereunto, that therefore they were tollerated, because in them was the title of Spaine con- futed. The L. Treasurer added, that D. Reyn. might have observed another use of these books, viz. that now, by the testimony of the Priests themselves, her late Ma- jestie, and the State were cleared of that imputation of putting Papists to death, for their con- sciences only, and for their religion, seeing in those books, they them- selves confesse, that they were executed for treason. D. Reyn. excused himself, expounding his complaint, not meant of such books, as had been printed in England, but such as came from beyond the seas, as commentaries both in philosophy and divinity." —lb. 51. ' " Somewhat was here spoken by the Lord Chancellor, of livings rather wanting learned men, than learned men livings : many in the universities pining, maisters, batchelors, and upwardes; wishing therefore, that some might haue single coats, before other had dublets : and here his L. shewed the course that he had ever taken in bestOAving the Kinges benefices. My Lord of London commending his honourable care that way, withall excepted, that a dublet was necessary in cold weather. The L. Chancellor replied, that he did it not for dislike of the liberty of our Church in granting one man 2 benefices, but out of his own private practice and purpose grounded upon the foresaid reason." —lb. 57. .544 DOCTRINAL [a.p. 1604. largely to tlic ^vant of selection hv lav patron*; : an evil above ci)iscoj)al control, legal qnalifications for a benefice being low, and a Qikwc impcdit deterring bishops from insisting upon more. The Apocrypha, he said, was useful for moral instruction, though not for articles of faith. Baptismal interrogations he justified from St. Austin, the sign of a cross by other significant usages, as kneeling, knocking the breast, and raising the hands in jirayer. Overall, dean of St. Paul's, taught that justification ■was effectually, though not finally lost, by a relapse into sin. Such a fiill did not even totally deprive the party of God's grace, but he needed a new repentance, in order to recover his former condition. Some, however, denied any loss of justification at all, where it had been once truly received. Let subsequent iniquity be what it might, the sinner continued just before God, and sudden death, or forgetfulness to repent, would be found no bar to salvation. Three of the other deans took part in defence of the ceremonies, chiefly by scholarly appeals to an- tiquity. The king expressed a dislike to rash dealing with the doctrine of predestination ; on one side, was the danger of questioning God's omnipotence, on the other, of en- couraging a desperate presumption in individuals. The alleged discrejiancy between the Articles, and the Con- firmation-service, he dismissed as a mere cavil. To epi- sco|)acy he declared an unalterable attachment, closing his testimony in its favour, by l)luntly exclaiming. No bishop, no king. AN'licn iJcyiiolds expressed himself dis- satisfied with a bare disclaimer of the ])0])e's authority, ])ro])osing, iwr ouqht 1o have, as an addition, he burst out into a hearty laugh. The courtiers, of course, found this infectious. Some of them then helped him to a little A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 645 more mirtli, by deriding the Puritan objections as idle and frivolous, reminding them of a Cambridge man, who pronounced a Puritan, a Protestant frayed out of his 2vits. The opening thus given to banter, was unfortunate for the credit of James. Ilis natural disj)osition for drollery became irresistible, and hurried him into occasional sallies, little suited to the time, and resented ever since, as gross insults. The doctrine of ministerial intention, led him to pun upon the intentions of Dr. Reynolds and his friends'. The cross in baptism was to be forborne, on account of weak brethren, yet " some of them Avere strong enough, if not headstrong," and in spite of pretences to weakness, really thought themselves able to teach him, with all the bishops. The churching of women, he thought quite desirable, their sex being so little fond of coming to church, that anything to draw them thither must have his approbation. The prophesT/ings and proposed reference of questions to diocesan synods, made him say, " They are aiming at a Scottish presbytery : which agrees as well with monarchy, as God with devil. Then meet Jack, and Tom, and Will, and Dick, to censure at their pleasures, me, and my council, and all our proceedings. Up stands Will, and says. It must be so: Nay, marry, follows Dick, we will have it thus. Therefore, I must say again, Le Roy s'avisera. Pray, stay one seven years before you ask me this. If you then find me fat and pursy, with my windpipe stuffed, I may, perhaps, hearken ' " Because you speake of In- tention, sayth his Highnesse, I will apply it thus, If you come hither ■with a good intention to be in- formed and satisfied Avhcre you shall find just cause, the whole work will sort to the Letter cfl:ect; but if your intention boo to goo as you came (whatsoever shall be sayd) it will prove that the inten- tion is very matcriall and essentiall to the eude of this present action." — Baulow\ 40. 2 N 54G DOCTIUNAL Ca.D. ]t)04. to you. Let that government once be up, and I am sure to be ke])t in l:>reatli. We shall all have \vork enough ; both our hands full. So, Dr. Reynolds, till you find me grow lazy, let that alone'." From such language it is plain, that Scotland was below the average of contemporary civilisation. While, however, James was thus playing the buffoon, most of his remarks did honour to his understanding and infor- mation. To the Lambeth Articles, he objected as enun- ciating theological conclusions, fit for discussion in uni- versities, not to swell the terms of national communion. As might be expected, he was quite at home upon pre- destination and reprobation. But he pronounced it hv]iocrisy, not real, justifying laith, which Mas uncom- bined with repentance, and holiness of life. Of some new catechetical instruction for popular use, he spoke with approbation, but it ought to be conveyed in the fewest and plainest afiirmative terms that may be found". The call for a new translation of the Bible, he admitted, none of those already provided being satisfactory, espe- cially the Genevan : but he would suffer no marginal notes ^ warned by that particular translation, Miiich had some teaching jjolitics, of a very exceptionable kind'. Against the rejection of things merely because they had been abused by Papists, he argued, that even the Trinity ' Barlow. 'Jd. l " " Upon a Avonl cast out liy * " Taxiiif; -withall the number my Lord of London." — If). 4(5. of ignorant C'atccliismes set out * " As fur example, ICvud.i. IV. in Scotland, by evcrie one that where the marginall note allowetli •was the sonnc of a good man : disobedience to kings : and 2 insomuch as that whicli was cate- Chron. xv. 1(5. the note taxetli chisme doctrine in one congrc- Asa for deposing his mother onely, gation, was in another scarcely and not killijig her." — lb. *17. accepted as sound and orthodox." — lb. 44. A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 547 might be rejected upon such ground. Ho would retort popish charges of novelty, by fixing them upon their own corruptions, which alone were liable to the censure. By objections to the surplice, as worn by the priests of Isis, he professed himself surprised, having hitherto heard it scornfully designated a rag of PoperyK But this new reason for its rejection was particularly weak, there being no nations of conterminous heathens, who might receive encouragement from its continuance. Nor was it enough to connect things with Popery in order to condemn them. DejDarture from Rome had no occasion to be wider, than her own departure from herself, during the time of her purity. By the words With my hody^ I thee worship, he had once been made to believe, that some sort of divine worship was intended, but he now found Englishmen generally speaking of a gentleman of worship, and that the matrimonial office meant no more than to exact a promise of givinf) honour to the ivife\ The royal supremacy had ' James appears to have gone farther than the mention of this designation, so ordinarily fitted upon tlie surplice. Sir John Ila- rington says, " I must write my newes to my poor wyfe. The bishops came ahoute the petition of the Puritans. I was by, and heard much dyscourse: the Kynge talked much Latin, and disputed with Dr. Reynoldes at Hampton, but he rather used upbraidinges than argumente, and told the petitioners that they Avanted to strip Christe againe, and bid them awaie with their snivellinge ; more- over, he wishede those who Avould take awaie the surplice, might Avant linen for their own breech." (Nt/gce Aniicjiicu. ii. 228.) It has been observed that liarington must be an unexceptionable wit- ness, because he was unfavourable to the Puritans. But he was at least equally so to James, and it is not clear that he actually heard the vulgar language attributed to him. '^ This ancient form of espousal, the immemorial usage of England, came again under notice on the third day. " A little disputing there was about the wordes of marriage, JVith m\) body I ihcc 7vorship, and arguing no other to be meant, by the word worship then that which St. Paul willetli (] Cor. vii. 4) the man thereby acknowledging that hereby he worshippcth his wife, in fhat he appropriafelh his body unto her alone: nor any more then that 2 N 2 548 DOCTRINAL t\.V. 1C04. been twice iiientionecl inciilcntiiUy by Dr. Reynolds, as concerned in the questions under discussion, but James denied any prospect of securing it by jjuritanical means. In Scotland, his grandmother, the queen-regent, had been told by the reformed preachers, that it was vested in the crown, as long as the Popish prelacy retained hold upon the country, but that body was no sooner overthrown, than ecclesiastical supremacy was wholly usur])ed by tlie presbytery. That such principles had made way into England, he had found since his arrival, some of the preachers praying for him as sovereign, but omitting to add, .supreme (jovernor., in all causes, and over all persons as tvell ecclesiastical as civil. It is imi^ossible that any sovereign who had not been educated carefully amid the din of theological controversy, could have been ready witli so many pertinent, and even scholarly remarks, upon such an occasion. His courtiers took care to be in raptures. Cecil, who was working upwards by services really valuable, thought them likely to be rendered more effective by some well-timed flattery. He acknowledged England very much bound to God, for the gift of a king with an understa7iding heart. The chancellor naturally thought of his law-books in framing a comj)liment. He had often heard and read, that Rea,' est midia persona cum sacerdote. Never till to-day, had he seen the truth of this. Another courtly sycoi)hant, who, ])robably, could seek no selfisli ends, by means of useful services, or ■Nvliic-li S. IVtcr counsi'lloth (1 seoins not to Imvo been "thought l*ct. iii. 7) T/ial the man should fit:" thus Kiifilishmen arc still give honour to his wife., as to the ; married with the very same words weaker vessel: yet for their satis- that were their forefathers in every faction sliould he put in, IVHh 7ni/ age, and cavillers may still shew f)0(li/ I thee worship and honour^ their malicious ignorance in rcpre- if it were tiiought lit." (Harlow, scnting tluin tinder a solemn pro- 07-) This explanatory addition , mise to make idols of their wives. A.D. 1G04.] rURITANISM. 549 receive any tlireetioii from professional acquirements, blasphemously declared a full persuasion, that his ma- jesty spoke by the instinct of the Spirit of GocV. This most indecent folly, or rather the prelatical echo of it, figures ordinarily in the fore-ground of Hampton-court pictures, the composition besides, being chiefly supplied by the royal moderator's own jokes and violence". But such treatment is every way unfair. Prelacy merely followed a bad example, and however inexcusably James occasionally behaved himself, his general conduct shewed him quite equal to the post which he was called upon to fill. The third and final meetino- was on the followino; Wednesday : when the alterations agreed-upon were proposed. The term, absolution, was to be qualified by an explanation, lay baptism to be forbidden, examination ' " And this Avas the summe of the second daycs conference, which raysed such an admiration in the Lordes, in respect of the King his singuhir roadincs and exact know- ledge, that one of them saide, hee ■was fully persAvaded his iMajestie spake h)^ the inslinct of the sjnrite of God." — Barlow. 83. ^ " The king it must be con- fessed, from the beginning of the conference, shewed the strongest propensity to the established church, and frequently inculcated ji maxim, which, though it has some foundation, is to be receiA^ed with great liniitations. No his/iop, no king. The bishops, in their turn, were very liberal in their praises towai'ds the royal dispu- tant, and the archbishop of Can- terbury said, that iiiiduuhlcd/ij, /iis Majestij spake hij the special as- sistance of God's spirit." (Hume.) Miss Aikin cites the passage from Harington, used in the next page, which mentions the bishops talking of the king as inspired, and subse- quently says, " Archbishop Whit- gift, that strenuous high-church- man, who, on hearing the ecclesias- tical commission, and especially the ex officio oath defended by James, had exclaimed in a kind of rapture, that his Majesty spoke by the special assistafice of God's spirit." {Memoirs of the Court of King James the First. Lond. 1822. i. 178. 181.) Mr. Price {Hist. Non- conf. i. 467.) has adopted the latter of these passages, almost without alteration. Now, how far Whitgift's weakness in paying this absurd and blasphemous compli- ment, may be extenuated by its origin from a lay courtier, need not be discussed, but the fact should be stated. 550 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1604. to be connected indispensably with confirmation, and a Scriptnral inaccuracy to be corrected'. The Puritan representatives had de]^recated schism, from the first, and they professed satisfaction at these concessions. Besides l)roposing them, James entered largely upon the practice of the high commission and ecclesiastical courts, defend- ing, among other things, with considerable skill, the oath ex officio. A discerning mind might have seen an inhe- rent rottenness in this, from the eagerness that hailed its royal advocate's exertions. On INIonday, James had occasionally forgotten himself, the prelates and deans, abating Bancroft's heat, never. Now the scene was most painfully reversed. There was no royal buffoonery. But prelacy was found infected by the worst examples of IMonday's courtly sycophancy, and indelibly disgraced. Whitgift defiled his aged lips, by saying that his majesty spoke undoubtedly by the special aid of God's Spirit*. ' " The next scruple against subscription was that old Crambe bis posila, that in the Common Prayer Booke,it is twise set downe, Jesus said lu his Disciples^ when as liy the text originall it is plain, that he spake to the Pharisees. To which it was aunswercd, that for aught that could appeare by the places, hcc might si)cake as well to his disciples, they beiug present, as to the I'harisees. But his I^Iajestie keeping an even hand, willed that (he word Disciples, should bee omitted, and the wordes Jesus said, to bee printed in a dif- ferent letter, that it might appeare not to bee a part of the text." (n.VHLow. ().S.) ".lesus said lo llinii, twise to be put into the DominicuU (iospels, instead of Jesus said to his Disciples." — Third day's Conference. — //;. 86. * lb. 93. — " The bishops seemed much pleased, and said his IMajes- tie spoke by the power of inspira- tion; I wist not what they mean, but the spirit was rather foule- mouthcde. I cannot be present at the next meetinge, though the Bishope of London said I myghti' be in the anti-chamber : it secin- eth tlie Kynge will not change the religious observances. There was muche discourse aboute the rynge in marriage, and the crosse in bap- tisme, but if T guesse aryghte, the petitioners againste one crosse, wyll finde another." (IIauinotov. \iiisa- .1ii/i(iua\ ii. 22H.) ]\Ir. llalhun considers llarington "the best evidence of James's beha- A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 551 Bancroft protested on his knoe, that his heart melted with joy. This was merely ridiculous and base. But he profanely crowned his degradation, by acknowledging to God, as a singular mercy, the gift of such a king, as he thought, had never been since our Saviour's time. He might have stooped thus low from the slavery of ambi- tion, often an overmatch for the sound principles even of virtuous men. The primate was above such bondage. He had long stood upon the summit of professional suc- cess, and an attack of his old enemy, the jaundice, in December \ must have made him feel himself on the very edge of another world. Sinking health, faculties ruined, and overdone anxiety for the Church, may fairly ask him some excuse ; but, notwithstanding, such an appearance at such a time, reads a most humiliating lesson to human nature. Besides these corrections in the public service, the version of Scripture yet in use, and the latter part of the Catechism, explanatory of the sacraments ^ flowed from viour." {Const. Hist. i. 404. note.) He certainly seems to be the fa- vourite evidence, but his accuracy is open to doubt. It does not ap- pear from Barlow, that any bi- shop spoke of the King's inspira- tion, on Monday, when alone Harington was present. Whit- gift's discreditable fall into this offensive sycophancy, was on Wed- nesday, when the relator says, " I cannot be present." He seems, in fact, to have had no opportunity of being present in any better place than the ante-chamber ; which, probably, was his position, on Monday. If so, he was not likely to hear quite perfectly, and the whole account might be made uj) from his own insufficient observa- tion, and the accounts of others, after the Conference was closed, on Wednesday. He might not unreasonably think such a degree of accuracy sufficient for a private communication to his wife : which is the real nature of his evidence. Barlow's stands on very different grounds. It was the careful re- port of a dignified clergyman, meant for publication. ' Strype. JVhitgjff. ii. 505. ^ " The primitive catechisms (i. e. all that the Catechumens were to learn by heart before their bap- tism and confirmation) consisted of no more than the Renimciatiu)i, or the repetition of the baptismal 552 DOCTRINAL [A.n. Km. tlie Jlamptoii-coiirt conference. It was, therefore, very far from tlie fruitless mockery of just expectations which has often passed for its real character. On tlie contrary, every objection, really found tenable, met a suitable remedy; and a discussion that left the Church of England very much as we now find it, i)rovod how little ground of exception could be taken to its formularies by scholarly and moderate men'. Even the surplice, which the vow, the Creed, and the Lord's Praijcr: and these Avith the Ten Commandments, at tlie Reforma- tion, were the whole of ours. But it heing afterwards thought de- fective as to the doctrine of the Sacraments (which in primitive times were more largely c'xj)lained to haptized persons) King James I. appointed the hishops to add a short and plain explanation of of them; which was done, accord- ingly, in that excellent form Ave sec ; heing penned hy Bishop Overall, the dean of 8t. Paul's, and allowed hy the hishops. So that now, in the opinion of the hest judges, it excels all cate- chisms that ever were in the world ; heing so short, that the youngest children may learn it by heart, and yet so full that it con- tains all things necessary to he known in order to salvation." — WlIEATLV. 382. ' James appears to have heen surprised hy the fewness and un- importance of the objections urged. On Monday, " as liee was going to his inner chamber, If this bee al, quoth he, that they have to say, I shall make them conforme themselves, or I will harrie them out of the land, or else doe worse." (Daiilow. 83.) This urbitary coarseness was foolish enough, but it shews disappointed expectation of a stronger case. The same thing may be collected from ano- ther specimen of royal ill-breed- ing, conceit, and indiscretion, di- rected to some unknown Scottish correspondent, named Blake. '"We have kept such a revell with the Puritans here this two days, as was never heard the like: quahaire I have peppered thaime as sound- lie, as yce have done the Papists thaire. It were no reason, that those that will refuse the airy sign of the cross after baj)tism, should have their purses stalled with any more solid and substantial crosses. They Hed me so from argument to argument, without ever answering me directly, nl est eoruiti inorisy as I was forced at last to say unto thaime ; that if any of thaime had been in a college disi)uting with thair scholars, if any of thair dis- ciples had answered them in that sort, they would have fetched him up in place of a reply ; and so should the rod liave plyed upon the poor boyes buttocks. I have such a book of thaires as may well convert inlidels, but it shall never convert me, except by turning me more earnestly against thayme." — Sruvi'i:. iVItili^ifi. iii. -108. A.D. 1G04.] PURITANISM. 553 Puritan representatives branded as an adoption from tlic jiricsts of Isis, has long* ceased to arouse antipathy in any quarter. Not only does the Calvin istic party, Avithin the Church, really the successor of Elizabethan Puritanism, wear it contentedly, but also a similar body of Dissenters voluntarily follows the example. Thus experience has proved it needless to consult unsubstantial scruples. James has been thought to have thrown away 'at Plampton-court an invaluable opportunity for healing the religious wounds of England'. But nothing was likely to be gained by opening a wide field for debate. The more violent Puriftms could be expected to require no less than an absolute surrender of the Establishment. Until episcopacy was overthrown, and the consistorian system raised upon its ruins, the Gospel must still, accord- ing to their doctrine, have been fatally curtailed of its full integrity. Nor could even a sweeping alteration like this have given general satisfaction to opponents of the hierarchy. Of the Brownists, little or nothing had long been heard. They were not, however, extinct. Consis- torian platforms might seem, to such as had a prospect of importance under them, and to many besides, the per- fection of ecclesiastical discipline. To a large proportion of those who saw no chance of anything but obedience, or who were otherwise averse from such arrangements, they would appear just as tyrannical and intolerable as the reprobated episcopacy, or even as Popery itself. Such opinions were certain to come forward in the ordinary course of events, but their growth must have been violently forced, if Presbytery v/ere legally to knock at every man's door in the tone of a master. Brownism would immediately and fiercely dispute its authority. ' IIallam. i. 403. 654 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1G04. As, therefore, it was deemed advisable to hear and con- sider the grounds of religious dissatisfaction, })rudence required a judicious selection of the parties to state them. A\'ith a few individuals of high character, headed by such a man as Reynolds, there was a hope of treating satisfac- torily'. A debate with men of less eminence, and of ' Reynolds, originally fellow of Corpus Christi College, hail been tutor there to Hooker. He re- signed his fellowship in 1586, be- ing appointed lecturer in contro- versial divinity, with a stipend of 20/. a year, provided by Sir Fran- cis Walsinghara. He then re- moved to Queen's College, and re- siiled there several years. (Keble's Hooker, i. 137-) His great repu- tation seems to have been thought but barely supported at Hampton- court. " It is generally said, that herein, he" (James,) " went above himself, that the Bishop of London appeared even with himself, and that Dr. Reynolds fell much be- neath himself. Others observed that Archljishop Whitgift spake most gravely, Bancroft (when out of passion) most politicly, Bilson most learnedly. And of the di- vines, Mr. Reynolds most largely, Knewstubbs most affectionately, Chaddertou most sparingly. In this scene, onely Dr. Sparks was (((ppwv TrpocTMTrov, making use of his hearing, not speech, con- verted (it seems) to the truth of what was spoken, and soon after setting forth a treatise of I'niti/ and Uiiijoninli/. " But the Nonconformists com- plained that the king sent for their divines, not to have tlieir .scru]tles (satisfied, but his pleasure pro- pounded ; ]iot that he might know what they could say, but they, what he would do in the matter. Be- sides, no wonder if Dr. Reynolds a little lost himself, whose eyes were partly dazzled with the light of the king's majesty, partly daunted with the heat of his dis- pleasure. Others complain that this conference is partially set forth only by Dr. B.arlow, dean of Chester, their professed adversary, to the great disadvantage of their divines. And when the Israelites go down to the Philistines to whet all their iron tools, no wonder if they seta sharp edge on their own, and a blunt one on their enemies' weapons." (Fuller. B. x. p. 21.) The first reports, however, of the Conference, raised Puritan hopes. People said that James had gratified Reynolds in every- thing ; that the concessions ob- tained, were but the beginnings of reformation, the preludes to mat- ters of more importance ; that Bancroft had, indeed, called Rey- nolds a schismatic, for which he thanked him, but spoke otherwise very little to the purpose ; that Bilson said lianlly any thing ; tliat the king was very hard upon the bishops, but embraced Reynolds, and addressed him in the kindest manner; that either the arch- bishop, or the bishoj) of London, on liis knees, besought the king to take their cause into his hands, A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 555 discordant opinions, could only have ended in confusion and increased irritation. Although the conference terminated satisfactorily, Archbishop Whitgift's uneasiness was merely lightened. Parliament was soon to meet, and spirits undermined by his illness in December, made him dread the House of Commons'. To be sufficiently prepared for any move- ment there, he went, under an appointment with some of the prelacy, and leading civilians, to the Bishop of London's, at Fulliam. He used his barge, according to custom : it was a February day of extraordinary coldness. His attendants, with youth on their side, shivered before the wintry blast, and would fain have broken it off by letting down the barge-cloth. But the archbishoji's practice had been to keej) it up, and he was the less willing now to do otherwise, because the water was rough, and he wished to see his way. It was, however, a fatal adherence to customary usage. At night he com- plained of a severe cold. Still, he saw no reason to aud to bring about sucb an issue as might save their credit. — Bar- low. ' Barlow was chosen by Whit- gift to publish an account of the Hampton-court conference, and speaking in his preface of the delay in its appearance, he says, that one reason was "his untimely death, who first imposed it upon mc, with whome is l)uried the famousest glory of our English Church, and the most kind incou- ragcment to paines and study : a man happie in his life and death, loved of the best while he lived, and hearde of God for his decease ; most earnestly desiring, not many daycs before he was stroken, that he might not yet live to see this Parliament, as neare as it Avas." Cambden also says, " Whilst the king began to find fault with some things used in the Liturgy, and thought it convenient that they should be altered, John Whitgift, the archbishop, died for grief." (^Annals of King James I.) " There was a Directory drawn up by the Puritans, prepared to be offered to the next parliament; whicli, in all probal)ility, would have created a good deal of disturbance in the House, having many favourers there ; which paper the aged arch- bishop Avas privy to, and was very apprehensive of." — SxuYrE. IVhit- gijl ii. 500. 55G DOCTRINAL [a.D. 1001. apprehend any serious seizure, and accordingly, on the luUuwinn; Sunday, the first in Lent, he -svent, as usual, to Avait upon the king. Both before and after chapel, he had a long conversation Avith the Bishop of London, and thus the cravings of nature were wholly disregarded. But this was no longer safe. He had fasted until near one o'clock, and then going from the king to dine in the council-chamber, he was attacked by palsy. Having suf- fered under that malady before', he might, excusably, have been more sparing of himself. The chancellor and the Bishop of London, assisted by some of the royal servants, carried him innnediately into the lord treasurer's room. Thence he was promjitly conveyed across the water to Lambeth. On the following Tuesday, James came over to visit him, and spoke in the kindest manner, declaring his recovery of great importance to himself. The archljishop was evidently much gratified, aiid made an effort to speak, but nothing could be understood besides the words, pro Ecclcsia Dei, which he uttered several times. After the king was gone, even this imperfect articulation ceased, and the dying prelate made signs for AM-iting-materials. When brought, he found himself quite unable to handle the pen, and sighing deei)ly, he quietly lay down again. On Wednesday evening, at eight o'clock, he passed without a struggle out of life". His chaplains had been with him, employed ui)on devotional exercises, from the first, and it Avas evident to all around, that holy feelings within cordially gave that response which the lips denied. He was in the seventy-fourth year of his age '. His primacy extended over more than twenty eventful ' IlAniNGTON. Nugw Anliqiia: i. 10. * Feb. 21). '' Paule. 121. A.D. 1G04.] PURITANISM. 557 years. It opened with a Church reeling under vigorous and combined assaults, to build a consistorian despotism on its ruins. When it closed, popular ardour for this cherished inlatform was most materially cooled. Some of the Disciplinarian leaders had been removed by death, others, chilled by age, were merely seen as exemplary candidates for a better world. Their scheme, too, had no longer the charm of novelty, and numerous exposures of its M'oak points had lost it innumerable partisans. Whitgift himself, however, Avas largely instrumental in saving England from a democratical pontificate. His early exertions as a scholar, shook Cartwright's authority when at its height, and his able services as archbishop of Canterbury, repressed a disposition to live by the Church, and undermine it all the while. In exacting this needful honesty, Whitgift exhibited a never-failing courage, but alloyed with no unnecessary harshness. He discharged a difficult and painful task with acknowledged moderation'. ' Stowe. 835. " The errors ■which we seek to reform in this kind of men, are such as both received at your hands their first Avound, ancj from that time to the present have been proceeded in •with that moderation, Avhich useth by patience to suppress bokhiess, and to make them conquer that suffer." (Hooker. Dedication to Archbishop Whitgift. Eccl. Pol. B. 5. Keble's Ed. ii. '.).) " Though the Archbishop was in this singular favour and grace with her J\la- jcsty, so that he did all in all for the managing of clergy-affairs, and disposing of bishoprics, and other ecclesiastical promotions, yet was lie never puffed up with pride, nor did any thing violently, by reason of his place, and greatness with her Majesty, against any man. For he ever observed this rule, that he would not wound, where he could not salve. And I leave it to the report of the adversaries themselves, when he had that sway in government, and favour with her Highness, whether his carriage were not exceeding mild and temperate, and whether he did not endeavour rather by gentle persuasions and kind usages to win them, than (as the law and his place required) to pronounce sentence, or lay any sharp censure upon them. Hath he not, many a time, when sentence had been ready to be given by consent of all the commissioners, found some 558 DOCTRINAL Qa.d. 1004. His temper was naturally hasty, but Christian princi])les kept it ellectually in check, and he was habitually kind'. Thus the severities to which he necessarily became a party, never lost him the general esteem of his contemporaries. He was too well known as magnanimous and liberal*. His occasion to delay the sentence to another court-day, and in the mean time so plied the delinquents, and set on others to persuade them, as thereby many of them were won, which otherwise never would have been brought unto conformity?" (Paule. 7«'-) " It was truly noted in him by a great counsellor in the iStar Chamber, when Pick- ering Avas there censured for libel- ling against him after his death, Thai I he re ivas nulhiug more lo he Jcared in his government (especi- allij toivard his latter time) than his mildness and clemency." — Ibid. 80. ' n,id. 108. * "Cartwright, the distinguished antagonist of AV^hitgift, expired a short time before him. lie died Dec. 27, 1C03, aged sixty-eight years. His published works were numerous, and his confutation of the Khemist translation of the New Testament, published after his death, greatly extended his fame. He had been urged by several parties to undertake this •work. Sir Francis AValsingham sent him one hundred pounds towards the purchase of such books as he might require. Seve- ral of the doctors and heads of houses, at Cambridge, united in a letter earnestly calling him to this work, as did also many ministers in London and .SulVolk. With these requests he complied, and had made some progress in the work, when the suspicious Whit- gift, jealous of the honour liis antagonist might thus obtain, in- terdicted his proceeding any far- ther." (Price, i. 471. note.) " No sooner bad Whitgift gotten notice what Cart\^Tight Avas a writing, but presently he prohibited his farther proceeding therein. It seems Walsingham was secretary of State, not of Religion, wlierein the Archbishop overpowered him. jNlany commended his care, not to intrust the defence of the doctrine of England to a pen so disaflected to the discipline thereof. Others blamed his jealousie to deprive the Church of so learned pains of him, whose judgement would so solidly, and affections so zealously confute the common adversary. DistastfuU passages, shooting at Rome, but glancing at Canterbury, if any such were to be found in his book, might be expunged, whilest it was pity so good liuit should be blasted in the bud for some bad leaves about it. Dis- lieartcned hereat, Cartwright de- sisted ; l)ut some years after, en- couraged by a honourable lord, resumed the work ; but prevented by death, perfected no farther than tlu' lifteenth chapter of the licvc- laliun. ^lany years lay this worthy work neglected, and the copy thereof mouse-eaten in part, whence the printer excused some A.D. 1G04.] PURITANISM. 559 professional elevation was the honourable prize of ascer- tained competence. As a controversialist, he grappled successfully with principles then highly popular, but which no man any longer defends, from their undeniable hostility to civil and religious liberty. Being unmarried, he had no temptation to hoard for others, and his domestic expenditure ever bore an imposing port of feudal mag- nificence'. He was, however, no thoughtless waster of defects therein in his edition ; which, though late, yet at last came forth, Anno 1G18. A book, which, notwithstanding the fore- said defects, is so compleat, that the Rhemists durst never return the least answer thereunto." (Fuller. B. 9. p. 171.) While the work remained incomplete and in MS., it seems to have been loudly praised by the Disciplina- rians, and represented by their opponents as unprinted, because unfit for examination. Sutcliffe says, " Qu(V7-e, of those that make braggs of T. Cartw. great worke against the Rhemists, whether there be not many points therein conteined contrary to all the Fa- thers, to the faith of the Church, and all good divinitie ? And why, if all bee cleere with him, he dare not suffer the same to abide the censures of lerned men? And lastly, why any should wonder that such thinges should not be published, considering what dan- gerous effects doe follow printing of hereticall and schismaticall bookes?" (Aji Ansivere to cer- taine calumnious petitio7is, arlicles, and questions of the Consistorian Faction. 206.) Walsingham's liberal overtures to Cartwright were in 1583. The applications made to him from Cambridge were all of his own party there ; as the signed Latin epistle before the published book shews. The applications from the London and Suffolk ministers were suppressed " for some personal and special reasons." They are not likely to have come from any other than well-known Disciplinarians. With- out casting any unworthy impu- tations upon the archbishop, ho might merely look upon the pro- jected work as bidding fair to be found a blind for disseminating Cartwright's peculiar opinions. Pie might also look upon holders of such opinions as unsuited for the Romish controversy. Expe- rience, undoubtedly, has shcAvn that papal polemics fix upon the principles of ?/. lOfj.) These accounts have given rise to invi- dious remarks : but it should be remembered that AVhitgift's housc- liold was that of great persons in his day; that his train, uj)on visi- tations, was increased three, four, or five fold, by no members of his I establishment, but by such as came from duty or respect, and as were to be entertained at his ex- pense ; and that a time which knew nothing of standing armies, and had no better police than a scattered body of common con- stables, required individuals to retain about them some means of defence proportioned to their seve- ral stations. " lie kept likewise for the exercise of military disci- pline, a good armoury, and a fair stable of great horses : insomuch as he was able to arm at all points, both horse and foot, and divers times had one hundred foot, and fifty horse, of his own servants mustered and trained; for which purpose, he entertained captains." [l/Acl. 1)7.) Whitgift had thought favourabl}' of Essex, and oi'ten expressed himself so to the queen, when her own opinions were turn- ing the other way, and she heard his intercessions im]>atiently. " Within a while after, the Earl, forgetting that unto princes the highest judgement of things is given, and unto us the glory of obedience is left, went out indeed. The Archl)ishop, being that Sunday morning at the court, (whether by direction, or by his own accord, I know not,) hastened home without any attendant, and commanded as many men as he then had in the house to be presently armed, and sent them over to tlie court, but not to go within the gates until blaster Secretary Cecill, or some other, by his instruction, slioiiM appoint them a leader. 'I'liere were immediately presented unto -A.n. 1(504.] PURITANISM. 561 him equally a careful steward, and a ready dispenser of abundance'. His royal i^atroness, delighted with a liliu threescore men ■well armed, and appointed, who, with a mes- sage from the archhishop, shewed themselves before the court, of whose arrival there blaster Secre- tary Cecill, Avith the rest of the lords of the council, were right glad, and said he was a most worthy prelate. They had speedily a leader appointed unto them, and marched presently, and were the first that entered into the gates of Essex House ; and in the first court made good the place, until the Earl yielded himself, and was by the Lord Admiral brought to Lambeth House, where he re- mained an hour or two, and was from thence conveyed to the Tower. The archbishop had like- wise in readiness, that afternoon, forty horsemen, well appointed, and expected directions from the court how to dispose of them. The next morning he sent a gen- tleman to know how the queen did, and how she rested all night. To whom she made answer, that she rested and slept the better for his care the day before : ' but I beshrew his heart,' said she, ' he would not believe this of Essex, though I had often told him it would, one day, thus come to {Ibid. 94.) It is obvious, time in which the sove- reign was thus defenceless, and first found relief from the re- sources of a private establishment, bears no analogy to the present day. Elizabeth's own taste in such a case might not be her only reason for approving the arch- bishop's magnificent household. pass, that She might view it as likely to be useful in an emergency. It was also a refutation of slanders upon English Protestantism current abroad among Itomanists. The " intelligencer from Rome," who saw Whitgift at Dover, was astonished, and said that the English fugitives had gi"eatly blinded the papal court. It was, no doubt, often represented, that Englishmen had only made an outcry for reforma- tion, in order to pillage the Church. Foreigners in England had an op- portunity, from an establishment like Whitgift's, of seeing that such representations were, in a great measure, unfounded. As for the impropriety of a large retinue, with a clerical master, however called-for by the habits and necessities of the age, it is not very clear that the revenues of Canterbury, confiscated to swell the rent-rolls of private families, and keeping long trains of " tawny coats " for them, would have been any real improvement. There is no reason why clergymen should be chained down to hopeless infe- riority, and thus a whole profes- sion be liable to that insolence which jjride has always in store for poverty. Besides, as ecclesi- astics ordinarily come from mode- rate or humble stations, the ad- mission of some few among them to the gratifications of superior life, really strengthens the here- ditary possessors of such, by widening the interest felt in them. ' He not only kept habitually a watchful eye over the necessities of his neighbours, and did innu- 2 O 5()2 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1()04. prelate every way so much to her taste, and so thoronghly worthy of esteem, regarded him with unfailing fricndsliip, and was frequently his guest. But AMiitgift, even when ambition had yet a field before it, would not stoop to poison her mind, and compromise his own integrity, by unworthy flattery. Though the powerful Leicester had gained her consent to projects of ecclesiastical pillage, he remonstrated with a boldness hardly to be expected from an age in which rank, especially the royal, usuallv met with more than servile deference'. In reli- merable acts of liberality at-a dis- tance, but also he founded an hospital and a free-school at Croy- don, permanent witnesses to the faithfulness of his pecuniary stew- ardship. In this hospital, he often dined " among his poor brethren, as he called them." (Pat'le. 112.) " Upon some chief festival-days, he was served with great solera- nit}', sometime upon the knee, as well for the upholding of the state that belonged unto his place, as for the better education and prac- tice of his gentlemen and atten- dants in point of service." (Ihid. 103.) A repast, at one time, with attendants kneeling, at ano- ther Avlth paupers in an hospital, shews the man, and shews the age. Had ^Vhitgift been solely swayed by pride, he would have found hosjiital moals intolerably irksome, and modern times would have thought them utterly inconsistent with the stately banquets in which occasionally he appeared. But these latter were truly exhibitions, in which the primate was to be gazed-at, surrounded by formali- ties, usual in his day, wlicrc the station was elevated. "NVe learn, also, that one of his objects in re- taining this antiquated state, was to make his attendants familiar with it, so that another service, where it might be required, would find them perfectly prepared. ' His speech is preserved in Walton's Life of Hooker, (i. 52. Keble's Ed.) He was then bishop of "Worcester. Those who judge of him from his discreditable fall at Hampton Court, when worn- out by age, paralysis, and jaundice, would hardly suppose him capable of such a remonstrance. People of his own day knew better, and accordingly, AVilson, who wrote the life of James I., although a man of moderate religious princi- ples, thus writes of James's lan- guage to the Puritan leaders. " The king managed his discourse with such power, (which they ex- pected not from him, and tliere- fore were more danted at,) that AVhitgift, archbishop of Canter- bury, (though a holy, grave, and pious man,) highly pleased with it, with a sugred bait, (which ])rinces are apt enough to swal- low,) said, He tvas veri/i/ pcr- sivaded, that the kitig spake ht/ the Spirit of God. This confer- ence was on the Hth of January, A.D. ]604.] PURITANISM. 563 gion, Whitgift adopted Calvinistic views, general in his youth, and accordingly he lent himself to the Lambeth Articles. But his theological partialities betrayed him into no narrow prejudices against holders of more mode- rate opinions. Hence he secured the honour of patro- nising Hooker'. His religious profession was highly exemplary, and, unless when hindered by business, he was a constant preacher ^ As a secular politician, the arch- bishop never appeared. At first, after his promotion to Canterbury, he was no member of the privy council, Leicester having exerted himself to prevent it. But when the favourite went over into the Low Countries, Whitgift was admitted at the council-board ^ and ever and this good man expired the 29th of Fehruary following, in David's fullness of days, leaving a name like a sweet perfume behind him." — Kennett's Hist. Engl. ii. 665. ' " With regard to the points usually called Calvinistic, Hooker undoubtedly found the tone and language which has since come to be characteristic of that school, commonly adopted by those theo- logians to whom his education led him as guides and models ; and therefore uses it himself as a mat- ter of course, on occasions Avhere no part of Calvinism comes ex- pressly into debate. It is possible that this may cause him to appear to less profound readers, a more decided partisan of Calvin than he really was. At least, it is cer- tain, that on the following sub- jects, he has avowed himself de- cidedly in favour of very consider- able modifications of the Genevan theology. First, of election ; the very ground of his original con- troversy with Travers, was his earnestly protesting in a sermon at the Temple, against irrespective predestination to death : a protest which he repeated in the Ecclesi- astical Polity." (Keble. Pref. to Hooker','! Works, c.) Other mo- difications, evidently levelled at the Lambeth Articles, follow. ^ " When he was bishop of Worcester, unless extraordinary businesses of the Marches of Wales hindred him, he never failed to preach upoA every sab- bath-day; many times riding five 'or six miles to a parish-church, and after sermon, came home to din- ner. The like he did when he was archbishop, and lay at Croy- don, the queen being in her pro- gress. No Sunday escaped him in Kent, as the gentlemen there can well witness, who would ex- ceedingly resort unto him." — Paule. 87. * " Whereat the Earl was not a little displeased." {Ibid. 49.) Archbishop Grindal never was a 2 0 2 564 DOCTRINAL Ca.T). 1(304. afterwards attended r(\uidarly. He waited, however, only long cnouf^h to ascertain whether any ecclesiastical business might be expected. If he found none in prepa- ration, he said, Tlicn^ my lords, here is no need of me, and immediately withdrew'. His memory, notwithstanding, has constantly been assailed by political animosity, no less than sectarian. The Disciplinarian platform, though seldom connected oft'ensively with politics under Eliza- beth, was really the first step towards that mighty move- ment which shipwrecked Charles I. Whitgift retarded its progress, and has never l)een forgiven, either hy democratic jiartisans, or those who seek such for their tools. The resentment of Nonconformity naturally rises at his name. He was its active and uncompromising op])onent. But his opposition can only be fastened on an abstract principle. He knew nothing of the dissenting body long seen in England. AMiitgift's Nonconformists would have levied, if they could, a war of extermination against all who now pass under that comprehensive desig- nation. Thus the enemies to his fame have sprung from parties posterior to his day, therefore never brought into collision with him. A lay contemporary, whom his generous love of literature hnd served, speaks of him as " a man born for the benefit of his country, and the good of the Churcli'." Another eminent layman, who knew him well, says that '* he was a man of reverend and sacred memory; and of the primitive temper; a man of such a temjier, as when the Church did flourish in highest examples of virtue'." Cambden says, that " he devoutly privy-counfillor. — \'\ iA.VM. B. ix. p. 177. ' " A commendable practise, clearing himself from all asj)cr- sions of civill-pragmuticalluess, and tending much to the just support of his reputation." — Ihld. 11>7. " SrowK. «.15. ' Sir Jlenry Wotton, in tlu* A.u. 1()04.3 PURITANISM. 5(j5 consecrated both his Mhole life to God, and his painful labours to the good of his Church'." Such testimonies from able, upright men, acquainted personally both with the archbishop and his time, allow very little value to party detraction from those who had no personal know- ledge of either. A fair, though favourable churchman, within half a century of his death, was therefore fully justified in pronouncing him " one of the worthiest men that ever the English hierarchy did enjoy ^" During the whole period of Whitgift's public life, two great principles of national polity were steadily maintained. The settlement of religion, accomplished when he A\as a young man, was not to be disturbed, and but one reli- gious profession was to be allowed. The former determi- nation has long since been approved by the majority of Englishmen. The latter was almost equally popular in its day, though now it is universally reprobated, as unjust and impracticable. The sixteenth century, however, thought only of exclusive possession, and for it every 2)arty felt a conscientious call to struggle. All were quite unprepared, by experience, for toleration. There might even seem hardly any necessity for it in England. The nation had worn a Protestant appearance with little ReUqu'tcc WoUoniance. (Keble's Hooker, i. 49.) Such characters, from those who knew the man and his times, render the party violence that has assailed his memory of very little weight. It Hatton's deatli, the queen would have made Whitgift chancellor; but he declined it. He had, how- ever, when bishop of Worcester, been vice-president of the marches of "Wales, Sir Henry Sidney, the is not, however, wholly of modern lord deputy of Ireland, being lord date. Jjcwis Pickering published president. — Paule. 77- 31- an attack \ipou him, treated as a ' "Camuden's Britannia, tranr.- libel in the Star Chamber, soon lated by Holland, p. 338, ed. after his death, and subsequently ' 1010." — Keble's Hooker, i. 50. Prynue made free with his cha- j * Fuller. B. x. p. 25. racter. Upon Sir Christopher I 566 DOCTRINAL C^.n- 1604. difficulty under Henry and Edward. Roniisli partialities could not fail of giving place, in many instances, to loathing and horror, under the frightful atrocities of jMary's reign. To these the clergy generally must have been considered more or less committed, and have thus declined in the people's love. They had naturally, too, some of that unpopularity which alloys the jdeasure of possession. Many of them were opulent. Such men are always envied. Others, free from that objection, were, notwithstanding, independent enough to disappoint expectations of pecuniary advantage, or subserviency. Thus Elizabeth found a clergy possessed of very little influence, and which the country generally seemed quite 'willing to disregard. Even its cherished princi[)les were rather unsettled. It held, indeed, opinions, now distin- fiuishino- the Church of Rome. But these had never been sufficiently authenticated, and were under actual examination. Such of the body as had been beneficed for any length of time, had shown a discreditable and suspicious pliancy of belief. Men smarting under public observation of this, were shamed out of any decided opposition to the queen's arrangements. Even if they chose to stand aloof themselves, they could hardly, with foiiinutn decency, say much against the conformity of tlioir friends and congregations. Thus they w^ere divided as to the propriety and laMfulness of attending church'. ' " fn the hr^hniimr also, saitli | great occasion of llie lolall over- he, of //lis Qncciic's dat/es, the ^ f/iroir of religion, whereupon also Utile affection which the laitie did ' the same devill brought in the hcare unto the clergie, procured hy some lOKpiiet spirits, as also the small union of divers clergie men among themselves, some hold- ing nith the heretikes and poli- tikes 1)1/ heatc of faction, nas a division of opinions about going to the hereticall churches and service, which vwst part of Catholikes did follow for many i/cares: and when the better and truer opinion was taught them bt/ priests and religi- A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 567 It is probable that a negative judgment chiefly came from juniors among tlie discontented clergy; men, whom age had screened from much of recent inconsistencies, and ^A•llom warmer passions easily hurried into unsparing opposition. But although persons of their own standing- overlook the peculiar circumstances of half-ripe coun- sellors, and see nothing in their warmth but a generous ardour ; yet elder heads take full cognisance of both, and think but lightly of advice from such quarters. Bene- ficed clergymen, besides, however united by general views, have really few opportunities of intimate connexion with each other. A sudden change of position, therefore, like Elizabeth's adoption of Protestantism, would necessarily find them very ill prepared for acting in concert. The natural result of all these things, was a general appear- ance of acquiescence in the national abandonment of Romanism. It was impossible that individuals could be unaware of strong partiality to that system in many families. But still, there were very few known professors of it'. Statesmen, therefore, and observers generally, ous men from hei/ond the seas, as more perfect and ?iecessai'ie, there wanted not many that opposed themselves, especially of the elder sort of priests of Q. Maries dayes. And this division was not only favoured by the councelfbut nour- ished also for many yeeres, by divers troublesoyne people of our owne, both in teaching and wri- ting."— A Reply to a notorious Lihell, intituled, A Briefe Apo- logie, &c, 69. ' " For ^first, sayth this good fellow, how well manured and ripe the English Cath. harvest was 22 yeeres agoe, when the Jesuits were ^first sent, there being then but few priests in England, and having but one onely setninary un- lill that time, and fewe knowen Catholikes also, in respect of the number that after had ensued, this we say is knowen to all men that understand our case. We are not here to stand upon the encrease of Catholikes which hath heene within these 22 yeeres : for no doubt there hath bene more knowen, then were before. And if the Jesuits will take it upon them, that they have bene greater encreasers of Catholikes than the ►Secular priests, they will discover in themselves too much both false- hood and vanitie." — Ibid. 22. 508 DOCTRINAL [a.i>. UH)4. vt'ie justified in ctmcluding that it must yradually ami imperceptibly wear out, at no very great distance of time. Only forbid an open profession of it, and Romish pre- judice, like Pagan, would soon sink into mere matter of history. Elizabeth's advisers were naturally fortified in this opinion by the sul)stantial failure of interference from abroad, when first tried in Romish houses. Their inha- bitants were sutHciently assm'ed of disapprobation to con- formity, from quarters which they cordially respected : but, notwithstanding, domestic authorities demurred. Some of the priesthood, either secretly or o})enly Romish, came over at once to the propriety, or necessity, of refraining from church. Others could see nothing in the Trentine reasons, enforcing any such conclusion'. Thus the national })ublic Morsliip was not forsaken, even by many strongly prejudiced against it'. Tn a few years afterwards, this general conformity became a stumbling- block to Romish partisans. The Jesuits brought it forward as an evidence that some agency, like their omu, was indispensable for recovering England. Had not the seculars been incompetent and remiss, the country never would have worn a lace, during many years, all but com- pletely Protestant. The seculars, on the other hand, ' See note (1). \k .")()(!, go vas not likely to went to church, untill he under- intnnluee any hahit of going to stood, that now it was become a church. It was general, when he siiltie distinclirc, and was excused left England, and it was by no for that fact \>y his ignorance of means discontinued on his return, the then ])resent state of our It was only, when he found absti- couiitrey: biinselfc coniniing from nenee from it grown into a ba-lgo such places, where it was not \ of party, that he was under the taken for so heinous a matter to necessity of pleading for excuse. A.I). 1(J04.] I'UiaTANlSM. 0{j[) insisted, that its altered aspect was really owing to them- selves, and that Jesuitic detraction had given prominence, for its own ambitious ends, to a fact alike mortifying to Romanists, and injurious to their cause'. But, in truth, Romish conformity was too notorious and valuable in argument for pressing backward under any skill in tactics. To the queen's ministers, while continuing general, it necessarily seemed an irrefragable testimony to the soundness of their policy. It must also have betrayed them into an erroneous estimate of the secession Mhich events ultimately ]:>roduced. When absence from Protestant worship became a sectarian badge, it was also the handmaid of exasperated party-spirit. Hereditary rank, long deprived of influence, had been beaten and foiled in attempting to recover it by violence and trea- chery. The envied upstarts remained firmly in their seats, and had been driven to visit with severity those who sought, in arms or secret conclaves, to thrust them into their original obscurity. Their severities, too, natu- rally took that sweeping i-ange, without which a stern and half-civilised age could not rest contented. Thus the smart of defeat reached more widely, and galled more intolerably, than actual occasion for it required. The ' '• Omittuig, therefore, what is here propounded to his llolinesse, concerning the Catholikcs their going to the Protestants' churcljcs, at the beginning of her Majesties raign, who now is (a thing Avhicli wouhl not have bene published to tbe world by any who tendered their honour, unlesse there had bene some greater cause for it,) the subornation of some to poyson 1). Allen (afterwards Cardinal!) and tlie Students, and raising of sedition among the Catholikcs beyond the sea, the evill successe which some had about the Queene of Scots, and divers Gentlemen, (which is here attributed to their secret keeping of their practises from Fa. Parsons and other,) the inducing of two Priests to write two bookes in favour of heretikes, as it were by reason of state, and to become spies, the one in France, the other in Spaine. ' — A Reply lo a itolorious LibcU^ &c. 40. 670 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1604. same spirit, however, that appeared in this impolitic excess, wonkl urge a continuance of its unrelenting efforts, as the soundest course for extinguishing a factious oppo- sition. The birth of this might fairly seem almost entirely attributable to faction, and its arms furnished from no other arsenal. Boys were inveigled from their schools and families, into foreign seminaries, needy persons eagerly thought of them as a new resource ; both were bound by oaths, and sent home again, as missionaries, chiefly among the discontented rich'. It M'as but yesterday, when their ' '• Thco. Do none flee the realme to come to your seminaries? Phi. They may flee that be perse- cuted. Theo. Doth the prince persecute children in grammer- schooles? Phi. That in conscience •were too much. Thco. Yet you confcsse, Grammer schulers from al parts of the realme have yeelded yoii many ijonlhes, and mam/ {gen- tlemen's sonnes specially) adven- ture over to you without their parents' consent^ and sometimes much against their «'//,y. And think you this lawful to entice children from tlieir parents, and subjects from their prince, to be infected by you before they can judge of you? Phi. AVc do not entice tliem to come, but instruct them when tlicy come. 'J'hco. Kcmember you not, your third purpose was to draw into these colleges, the best wittcs out of England? So that your own •wordes convince you to be drawers, which is al one with enticers of boves from their schooles, of chil- dren from their ]>arcnts, and this 1 ween, you can hardly defend to be Catholike. Besides, your pur- pose was to draw, for this is your terme, those that were desirous of exact education, or had scruple of conscience to take the olh of the Queenes supremacie, or that mis- liked to be forced to the ministericy or that were doubtful whether of the two religions were true. So that your seminaries be not only rcceits for such as be lightly touched by the lawes of this realme, but harbours for al that be desirous, scrupulous, dislikers, or doubters: that is, in effect, for al men's appetites, and marts for al men's purposes, that be any way greeved with the state, or affect novelties." (Bilson. The True Difference betweenc Christian Sub- jection and unchristian liebcUion. 110.) " And for the further vex- ation of the priests, this author proceedeth in his third chaj)ter, to bring them into the highest degree of contempt and hatred: ho endea- voureth to bring them into con- tempt, by telling liis reader, that they went over sea, some of them poDrc serving-men, other souldiers, other wanderers in the worlde ; good stufVe to make ]uiests of A.D. 1604.3 PURITANISM. 571 opinions were taught in every church, and the teachers lodged in every parsonage, installed in every cathedral., A revolution, or Elizabeth's demise, would place JVIary of Scotland upon the throne, and probably, give preferment to those who thought with her in religion. It could hardly miss in such a case, the labourers in her cause, while depressed, and even dangerous. Whatever self- devotion might warm the returned Seminarist, it is im- A^'liom Catholikes are to reverence, and at whose feet princes are to kneele. And although our Saviour made choice of his apostles out of the meaner sort of men, to give us to understand that it was their function which, was honourable in them, yet these words in this place, might for divers respects have bene spared. First, for that if any such be among them, it is litle for the Jesuits credit, Avho procure them to take orders. Secondly, because these who are named to have bene the authors of the bookes against which this Apologie is written, and seeme by this discourse to be here girded at, have some of them left more to betake themselves to that calling, then all our English Jesuits have done: others are so abundantly provided-for out of their owne patrimonies, as they do malntaine divers others of their friends: others, (If al their wor- shipful! friends should have failed them,) were so well placed in the universities of England, as they needed not to come to any such bare estate as to become poore serving-vien, xouldicrx, or wan- derers." {A Rcplij to a notorious Lihell, &c. 143.) It is obvious that the majority of those who went over to the foreign semina- ries, must have taken this despe- rate step, either from the restless- ness of youth, or from difficult circumstances. ^But, of course, no hint of this kind was to be ex- pected from any Romish quarter, unless under the pressure of some feud. Persons, accordingly, says, " Albeit divers of them" (the English Avho went abroad) " were of that kindred and parentage, and so qualified also in themselves, that they might have lived both wealthfully, and at their ease, yf they would have followed the world, and present course of times; yet they made choise rather to fall into manifold daungers, imprison- ments, and even death itselfe, then to forsake the truth of the Cath. Religion, or forbeare to communi- cate the same to others." {Three Conversions. Lond. 1003. i. 266.) In another place of this A^olume, he speaks completely like one wlio wished to recommend the foreign seminaries, and owed a resentful grudge to the universities at home. " I doubt much, whether England, yf it had continued Ca- tliollke, had ever enjoyed such excellent education for their youthe, as by reason of this tri- bulation, God hath given them abroad in forraine nations." — 271. 572 DOUTKINAL [a.o. 1GI)4. possible that lie should not have been something- of an adventurer, building upon such speculations. Hence his enemies naturally painted him as little else than a crafty, ravenous animal of prey'. Nor were they likely to think his means less worldly than his aims. However spiritual might be the character claimed for reconcilements to Popery, those who disaj)proved and dreaded them, neces- sarilv looked only to the probability of their abuse, as political weapons. Habitual confession, always debasing and pernicious, corruptive alike of priest and people, became a most suspicious engine, under Elizabeth, with confessors imported from the Continent*. Hence con- ' " Romanistae lupi sunt, iuhiant piajdae, et ovibus insidiantur, ti- mete: vulpes sunt, et esuriunt, capite aut cavete: vultures sunt, cadaver expectant, providete." — Humphrey. Jcsuitisml Pars Se- cunda. Kp. Pref. ^ " But when about the twen- tieth year of her reign, she had discovered in the king of Spain an intention to invade her dominions, and that a principal point of the plot was to prepare a party within the realm that might adhere to the foreigner; and that the seminaries began to blossom, and to send forth daily priests, who should by vow taken at shritt. reconcile her sub- jects from their obedience; yea, and bind many of them to attempt against her majesty's sacred per- son ; and that l)y the poison they spread, the liumours of most I*a- pists were altered, and that (hey were no more Papists in custom, l»ut Paj)ists in treasonable taction: then were there new laws made for the punishment of such as should submit themselves to recon- cilements, or renunciations of obe- dience. For it is to be understood, that this manner of reconcilement in confession, is of the same na- ture and operation that the bull itself Avas of, with this only ditt'er- ence, that whereas the bull assoiled the subjects from their obedience at once, the other doth it one by one. And therefore, it is both more secret, and more insinuative ijito the conscience, being joined with no less matter than an abso- lution from mortal sin. And because it was a treason carried in the clouds, and in wonderful secresy, and seldom came to light; and that there was no presumption thereof so great as the recusants to come to divine service, because it was set down by their decrees, that to come to church before reconcilement, was to live in schism; but to come to church after reconcilement, was abso- lutely heretical and damnable; therefore, there were added new laws, containing a j)unisliment pecuniary against the recusants, not to enforce consciences, but to cnfee))le thof^e of whom it rested A.D. 1604-3 PURITANISM. 573 temporaries ever branded it as cousin-germaii to treason, and even if this view were occasionally pushed beyond equitable bounds, there was always, undoubtedly, consi- derable justice in it. None could speak of the proscribed priests as merely liable to infection from extravagant ultramontane doctrines, little known out of books, and long obsolete among practical men. Their acknowledged head was imder the actual assumption of a hostile political position. The popes, Mhose reigns were nearly commen- surate with hers, successively excommunicated Elizabeth. Had the term only meant, a solemn declaration that she was cut off from the Roman Church, their thunder might have passed for nothing more than idle vapouring, and senseless impertinence. But Elizabeth was pronounced an illegitimate usurper, to be deposed, if possible. Nay, indifferent and ambiguous, 'whe- ther they were reconciled or no. — It appeareth by the records of the confession of the said Ballard, and sundry other priests, that all priests at that time generally were made acquainted Avith the inva- sion then intended, and afterwards put in act; and had received in- structions not only to move an expectation in the people of a change, but also to take their vows and promises in shrift to adhere to the foreigner." (Bacon. Ohser- valiuns on a Libel. Works, iii. 74, 75.) " It appeared by divers secret letters, that the design of Spain was for some years before the invasion attempted, to prepare a party in this kingdom, to adhere to the foreigner at his coming. And they bragged that they doubted not so to abuse and lay asleep the queen and council of England, as to have any fear of the party of Papists here; for that they knew, they said, the state would but cast the eye, and look about to see whether there were any eminent head of that party, under whom it might unite itself, and finding none worth the think- ing on, the state would rest secure, and take no apprehension : whereas they meant, they said, to take a course to deal with the people, and particulars, by reconcilements, and confessions, and secret pro- mises, and cared not for any head of party. And this was the true reason, why after that the semi- naries began to blossom, and to make missions into England, Avhich was about the three and twentieth year of Queen Elizabeth, at what time also Avas the first suspicion of the Spanish invasion, then, and not before, grew the sharp and scA^ere laAVS to be made against the Papists." — Of a ivar with Spain. Ibid. .')]!. 574 DOCTRINAL [a. D, 1604. more : two of these enemies to her throne, had striven to shako it, by the appliances of ordinary 'warfare. Both had advanced money, and one troops l)esidcs. A third had contributed superstitious aids to Philip's highly for- midable Armada, and pledged himself to the more sub- stantial assistance of an important subsidy. One of the least concessions that Elizabeth's ministers could require from agents, avowedly connected with such hostile foreigners, was a manly disclaimer of their odious pre- tensions. Nor could any complain with justice, of severity "within reasonable bounds, who were known to come from places where such principles were maintained, and who refused to repudiate all participation in them. It may seem a needless aggravation of the severity to which these unfortunate persons were subjected, that interroga- tories upon their judgment of pontifical politics, were generally tendered to them. But this really was mercy. Had the detected reconciler been willing to renounce the antichristian sentences that insulted his country, and menaced his sovereign, the forfeited life Mould have been immediately redeemed. While the kingdom was pervaded by known importers of such dangerous doctrines, and under constant appre- hension of the effect M'hicli they might give to Spanish hostility, a merciful consideration of the teachers was hardly to be expected. JSIany of these, too, became addi- tionally suspicious from the Jesuitic profession. Even a free toleration of Romanism, requires none for the religious combinations engendered by it. Then the Jesuits had avowedly been instituted as a counterpoise to the Reformation. They were notoriously trained and draughted by skilful superiors ; they merged individual responsibility, in the capacious, elastic conscience of a A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 575 community ; their machinery was necessarily very much at the command of the most powerful and bigoted of Romish sovereigns. A new class of agents like this, could not appear upon the stage, without augmenting the uneasiness of Elizabeth's cabinet. Nor was Jesuitic agency ever such as to allay the fears and exasperation of Protestants. It was always essentially popish. Some persons partial to tlie belief of Rome, were unfriendly to her secular pretensions : but Loyola's compact band knew nothing of any such distinctions. It might send into England, Avith a strong executive, specious instructions to steer clear of politics. Ireland, ready for rebellion, was to receive simultaneously consignments of a very different character. The constant appearance of Jesuitism, during Elizabeth's reign, was on the side of high pai)al preten- sions. Whenever moderation seemed winning' its way among Romanists, Jesuitic influence stood in the gap, and old feelings quickly re-appeared in all their former inten- sity. No blending ever stood better than the coarse energy of Persons \ and the plausible cleverness of Cam- pion. A foundation was laid which resisted very severe assaults within the citadel, and derided them from without. But this, however creditable to the workmen, was galling to the assailants, and power, in the sixteenth century, would hear a call in it for unrelaxing severity. Passion was also enlisted, on both sides, against a calm and merciful exercise of reason, by an uninterrupted * Moore attributes to Persons, " virtus, inclustria, zelus, reruni experientia publicarum." (Hist. Miss. Atigl. Soc. Jes. 229.) That famous Jesuit died in the English college, at Rome, April 15, 1610. (Butler. Hist. Mem. iii. 426.) There had been a talk, in 1596, of making him a cardinal, to succeed Allen, as ecclesiastical director of the English Komanists, and when he -was dying, the pope sent him the indulgences usually granted to cardinals, at such a time. 57G DOCTRINAL [a.i.. i<;o4. series of mutual aggressious. Tlie uortlioru rebelliou was to liave becu aided from the Netherlauds ; Westmore- land, M itli other rebels, Mere harboured and pensioned by Spain ; some of sucli Englisli subjects landed in Ireland, botli as religious incendiaries, and as combatants, Phili])'s ])atronage of all these treasons laid him open to the cupidity of Elizabeth's more daring subjects. His Ame- rican mines Averc tlie envy of Europe. Why not inter- cejit a treasure, so unworthily employed, and so justly forfeited by unslee])ing, treacherous hostility? Thus Drake was protected in buccaneering, and angry recrimi- nation destroyed every semblance of good understanding between the courts of England and Spain'. Complaints ' " As in the year, 15G9, when the rebellion in the north part of Kngland broke forth ; who but the duke of Alva, then the kino's lieu- tenant in the Low Countries, and Don (juerres of Espes, then his ambassador lieger here, were dis- eovered to be the chief instruments and practisers: having complotted with the duke of Norfolk, at the same time, as Vias proved at the s:ime duke's condemnation, that an army of twenty thousand men should land at Harwich, in aid of that party, which the said duke had made within the realm, and the said duke having spent and employed one hundred and fifty thousand crowns in that pr(j)ara- tioni* Not contented thus to have consorted and assisted her majesty's rebels in Ihigland, he procured a rebellion in Irelan. new liis return to Spain, "She spoke cil. vii. 'JlJ/. note. A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 581 sedition. They seemed confident of eventual success, from occasional displays of a determination to prohibit any external religious profession unauthorized by law. All semblance of injustice in this restraint, was considered out of the question, provided that there was no inter- ference with jjrivate opinion. If tests were not forced upon men, as they might have been under the queen's father, and as they were habitually by the Spanish Inqui- sition, spiritual tyranny was thought sufficiently avoided' The council was, undoubtedly, hostile to Popery, both ' " I find her majesty's pi'O- ceetlings generally to have been grounded upon two principles: the one, That consciences are not to he forced, but to he won and re- duced by the force of truth, by the aid of time, and the use of all good means of instruction or per- suasion: the other, That causes of conscience, when they exceed their bounds, and prove to be matter of faction, lose their nature ; and that sovreign princes ought dis- tinctly to punish the practice or contempt, though coloured with the pretences of conscience and religion. "According to these two princi- ples, her majesty, at her coming to the crown, utterly disliking of the tyranny of the Church of Rome, which had used by terror and ri- gour to seek commandment over men's faiths and consciences ; al- though as a prince of great wis- dom and magnanimity, she suf- fered but the exercise of one reli- gion, yet her proceedings towards the Papists were with great lenity, expecting the good eftects which time might work in them. And therefore, her majesty revived not the laws made in 28 and 35 of her father's reign, w hereby the oath of supremacy might have been of- fered at the king's pleasure to any subject, though he kept his con- science never so modestly to him- self; and the refusal to take the same oath, without farther circum- stance, "was made treason : but contrariwise, her majesty, not lik- ing to make windows into men's hearts and secret thoughts, except the abundance of them did over- flow into overt and express acts and affirmations, tempered her law so, as it restraineth only manifest disobedience, in impugning and impeaching advisedly and ambiti- ously her majesty's supreme power, and maintaining and extolling a foreign jurisdiction. And as for the oath, it Avas altered by her majesty into a more grateful form; the harshness of the name, and appellation of supi-eme head was removed ; and the penalty of the refusal thereof turned into a dis- ablement to take any promotion, or to exercise any charge ; and yet that with a liberty of being re vested therein, if any man shall accept thereof during his life." — Bacon. Observations on a Libel. Works, iii. 73. 582 DOCTRINAL Z^.T). 1604. from theological antij^athy, and fear of a reaction. Eli- zabeth's ministers held places which Romanists enjoyed under her sister. The chief advantages of birth and opu- lence Merc still in Romish families : hence, many hope- lessly excluded from employment, or the council-board, were highly welcome as courtiers, and complaints of Pa- pists in royal favour, were continually heard'. Habits of private friendship in the sovereign were thus a guarantee against unprovoked attacks upon the Romish body. Such wanton injustice also clashed with ministerial exigencies. The cabinet was very far from a mere puppet of an unrelenting high-church influence. Around Elizabeth's council-board sate very able men, generally leaning towards Puritanism. Her two great personal favourites, Leicester and Essex, were avowed patrons of Noncon- formity. Nor do these persons generally appear to have sided with Geneva from abstract conviction alone, liable to ebbs and flows of intensity. Their thoughts were necessarily often fixed on gain. They were aspiring- men, more or less needy : incessantly met by incongruity of ways and means. Human nature, placed as they were, habitually revels in golden visions of a magnificent old age, and a splendidly-seated posterity. Several families, raised within memory from comparative insignificance, to great hereditary importance and profusion, were pregnant instances of hopes, even inordinately gratified, by means of ecclesiastical pillage. Only let seculars find prizes for insatiate cupidity, as regulars had, under the queen's father, and her ministers might sufler imagination to take its fill. To whet an appetite for the spoil, facilities were ■ ' " As soon was the I'apist fa- voured, as the true Protestant." — Aniibishop J'iirkir to (he Lord Treasurer. Stbype. Parker. ii. 120. A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 583 even provided, in the act which allowed exchanges of episcojDal lands for impropriate tithes and tenths of bene- fices. The indiscriminate proscription of bishoprics and dignities, advocated successfully as a religious duty, would bring, however, completely, Henry's halcyon days to shine at court again. Puritanical friends out of doors directly tempted ministers with a prospect so inspiring. The low-church party often spoke, indeed, of property, once devoted to religious uses, as inalienable for any other. Hence even imjDropriate rectories and abbey lands might be reclaimed from their present sacrilegious maintenance of pride and waste'. Ancient piety, how- ever mistaken, had really j^rovided in them a fund for ' Sutcliffe uses tlie existing ap- propriation of monastic property as an argument against confiscation of the episcopal. " If any man think that the spoile of the church should come into the princes hands, he abuseth himselfe. The spoiles of other places do teach us what ■would fall out : yea, our owne ex- perience may herein sufficiently instruct us. For albeit in the overthrow of abbeys the prince had some share : yet are not now the princes of this land able to maintaine that force that in time past they were, when great nom- bers both of horsemen and foot- men were maintained at the charge of religious houses ; the revenues whereof are now wholly employed, and yet scarce able percase to buy some one meane gentlewoman a verdugal : so leudly are they spent, and so great is the pride and waste of men. The reason of it is this, that what they spent then in main- teining of men, the same is now spent in velvets, silks, and glitter- ing coats. Suppose then that the church goods should come to spoyle, do you thinke they would be bet- ter spent ? It should seeme, no : for all is now spent in surfet and excesse, that in time past was spent in mainteining of men. And I knowe, where, in certaine ma- nors taken from bishops, thou- sands of men were mainteined, the revenues of all which do not now buy peticoates for my mistres, the owner's wife, and her maydens, and not a man of all their tenants scarce able to do her Majesty ser- vice at his owne charge, they are so fined and skinned." (An An- swere to certaine calumnious Pe- titions^ &c. 32.) It is by no means unlikely that the recent pillage of monasteries weakened public de- sire for a similar course with other ecclesiastical property. People could not wish to see any more of these wholesale augmentations to the resources of a few haughty and luxurious families, which had crept into court favour. 584 DOCTRINAL l.K.U. 1()(>4. the best of purposes. The scanty livings of pains-taking pastors might be augmented, ruling ciders pensioned, who could not otherwise give up their time to the church, pious widows kept in readiness for services within their ])ower'. At other times, however, such claims upon religion's ancient patrimony could be overlooked. Con- sistories would never stud all England without political support. Influential men, therefore, were to be tempted by ecclesiastical plunder. Their party could occasionally tell them, that a lofty hierarchy would be well despoiled in favour of themselves. Thus Walsingham, one of the most disinterested of Elizabeth's councillors, yet noto- riously poor, was reminded of a ready way to opulence in the pillage of prelacy*. It is unlikely that men so linked * To these charges, Bancroft says that the Holy Discipline added anotlier, namely for maintaining the Avives and families of deceased pastors. — Sin-vci/. 184. * '• Few of her council imitated the nohle disinterestedness of Wal- singham, Avlio spent liis own es- tate in her service, and left not sufficient to pay his debts. The documents of that age contain ample proofs of their rapacity. Thus Cecil surrounded his man- sion-house at Burleigh with estates once helonging to the see of Pe- terborough. Thus Ilatton built his liouse in llolborn, on the bi- shop of Ely's garden." (IIallam. i. :H\4.) " But sayth bee, U'/io irould vol til in kethcsupcrjlu ilics (>f hishop's living licllcr hcsluired upon .such a vuni, as Sir Francis n'alsin<^lia>n, that right hunourahlc chanccllour, and benefactor of the church and countrt/, then upon anij bishop ? AV herein hec doetli Avrong to the memory of that good knight, and in needlesse discourse, bringeth his name in question. To his supposall I answere, that there be very wise men, that thinke the livings of bishops better as they ai'e, and I thinke bee would so say, if he were alive, and Avere asked the question : for no man was more desirous then bee of true honour : neyther is any thing more dishonourable then to rise by the spoyles of the church that hee pretendeth to love, nor to take that to himselfe which was given to other uses. Neyther do Avec reade of any that hath risen by the spoyles of the church, that hath long prospered, or enjoyed them, nor have the Papistes any thing to object against us more, then sacriledge and sj)oyle of the church. As for the superfluities of bishops there is order taken. Take four of the best bishops of the ICngland, and there will be found eight knights, every one wlieroof will farre overmatch A.i). Ui04.] PURITANISM. 585 with depressed and struggling supporters, both from princijile and selfish views, should have been harder upon the Romanists than they thought circumstances required. It is true that their friends out of doors would have eagerly applauded, if they had resolved upon crushing, by an unsparing persecution, everything denounced as antichristian. But their own good sense and feelings ; the queen's equity and early habits ; the religious profes- sion of many upon terms of acquaintance with her ; were adverse to wanton attacks upon Romish professors. All such persecution was evidently quite inconsistent with lenity towards their own opinions. To this constitution of the council-board, is owing the religious vacillation so remarkable under Elizabeth. Severe laws were no sooner made than a strict observance of them was evaded. Even the national formularies might appear in a garbled state, to gratify either Papist or Puritan. The age, however, made intervals of laxity fearfully treacherous. Abused connivance alternated with vengeance ; then farewell to gentle counsels, until apprehension was allayed, and anger spent. Public opinion bore, in truth, strongly ujion govern- ment, under Elizabeth. All parties eagerly used the press, and to its influence, hastily obeyed, much of indi- vidual hardship may be reasonably traced. Romish pub- lications complained of exclusive persecution, although tliem in revenues. Take eight bishops next in living to the greatest, and there will be found two hundreth esquires, every one of which shall overpasse them: divers yeomen, clownes, and mar- cliantes doe farre excell the rest. AVhy then should any envie to men of learning and qualitie the estate and living of knights, es- quires, yeomen, and clownes ? It will bee sayde, These have it by inheritance : but why should it not, as well be lawfull to have it, and winne it by Industrie, as by inheritance?" — Sutcliffe. An Aiiswere to certa'tne cnhnnn'tuus Petitions^ &c. 85. 686 DOCTRINAL [a.d. 1604. Puritanism was equally bold in bearding authority'. Protestant Nonconformity suffered next. The council, however favourable generally to low-church views, was shamed into this imjiartial severity. IMuch, however, done against Puritanism, has a character strictly de- fensive : being the deprivation of incumbents who defied or evaded the conditions on which their benefices were holden. It is plain that such cases admit of no solid objection. Their number is an evidence that considerable laxity really prevailed in enforcing the law. Had a call for subscription been regularly enforced upon incumbents at institution, there would never have been so much necessity for subsequent removals. Bancroft, however, assures us that such unauthorized dispensation with esta- blished tests was very far from unusual*. As might be expected, this lenity was often afterwards abused, and men, whom their superiors had uuM-arrantably sought to conciliate, became so intractable as to render farther indulgence impossible. It is idle to declaim about per- secution in such cases. Elizabeth's ministers, however willing to shield Puritanism, could never deny the ne- cessity of visiting occasionally cases of embarrassing con- tumacy, by insisting that engagements either should be fulfilled, or appointments forfeited. Nor could conscientious and comprehensive minds overlook many exceptionable features gradually unfolded by Puritanism. At first, an opinion highly favourable, might be won by loud jirofessions, zealous and ascetic habits. But strong intellects quickly remember that expectation is naturally far more active tliaii possession, and are equally quick in tlisccrning the perfect compati- ' Bacon. Ohseroaliuns on a I.ihcl. Works, iii. fil. " Si/nci/nf'l/ii' Ilnl,/ Di.u-iplinr. 248. A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 587 bility of specious morals and an exterior strictly religious, with unchristian pride, malice, and selfishness'. The objecting party, too, displayed very suspicious features in widening its claims, and altering its tone. At first, a few dresses and ceremonies, were mildly represented as desecrated by Popery, hence the reverse of edifying: none, therefore, could use them without violating an apostolic injunction. But such arguments rapidly fell into the back ground. Not only were demands fiercely made, that certain externals be cast aside as antichristian ; the whole form of church-government must also be changed, and at every hazard, or nothing would be gained ^ Every parish must have its elective consistory, and each of these meddling, inquisitorial courts was to take impulse and direction from an irresistible system of national organisa- tion. Ministers of a monarchy, themselves, too, candi- dates for hereditary wealth and distinction, could not overlook the democratic aspect of such a scheme. Its leading patrons, indeed, had been sufficiently explicit in political theories, then of the most startling kind. Idol- atrous princes might be driven from their thrones : a * "Of this party" (the Puri- tan) " there were many that were possest with a high degree of spi- ritual wickedness ; I mean with an innate restless pride and ma- lice. I do not mean the visible, (•arnal sins of gluttony, drunken- ness, and the like (from which good Lord deliver us) but sins of a higher nature, because they are more unlike God, who is the God of love, and mercy, and order, and peace ; and more like the Devil, who is not a glutton, nor can be drunk, and yet is a devil ; but I mean those spiritual wick- ednesses of malice and revenge, and an opposition to government : men that joyed to be the authors of misery, which is properly his work, that is the enemy and dis- turber of mankind ; and thereby greater sinners than the glutton and the drunkard, though some will not believe it." — Walton. Life of Hooker. Keble's ed. i. 43. ■^ Fuller says that the Noncon- formists " of this age were divided into two ranks. Some milde and moderate, contended only to en- joy their own conscience : others fierce and fiery, to the disturbance of church and state." — Ch. Hist. B. ix. p. 76. 688 DOCTRINAL [a.d. lb"04. nation defrauded of the holy discipline, by the aversion, or })rocrastination of its rulers, might establish it in defiance of them. Papal pretensions were thus matched with puritanical. Homish partisans, accordingly, range Rome and Geneva side by side, when tliey want an excuse for ultramontane politics. Even domestically, the Discipline revolted wealth', and alarmed a cautious mi- nistry. Interference with property was threatened, an encroaching spirit of artful fanaticism might gradually render consistorian tribunals superior to all other-. If sectarian bias, or interested hopes, could keep Elizabeth's cabinet from seeing these objections, her ecclesiastical friends would not allow them to be forgotten. Upon her advisers generally, therefore, they must have commanded considerable weight. Two, in her confidence, Leicester and Walsingham, are said eventually to have entertained convictions unfavourable to Puritanism \ ' " Qiia're, whether it be a mat- ter tolerable, and beseeming wise governors, that clownes and men of occupation, should determine matters of religion, or that ideots should judge of lawe, and go- verne all matters ecclesiasticall ; and by what rule of divinitie it may be surmised, that an ignorant man, being chosen an elder, sholde sodenly be endued with new graces, and as Tii. Cartwright, the great disciplinarian patriarkc saith, become a new man, as if he were new perboylcd in Peleus his tubbe ?" — StTCLiFFE. An Answcrc to cciiain calumnious J'ctiliuns, &c. IHH. " '■ The reasons wherewith ye wolde persuade that .Scrij)ture is the only rule to frame all our ac- tions by, are in every respect as effectual for proof thart the same is the only law whereby to deter- mine all our civil controversies. And then, Avhat doth let, but that, as those men may have their de- sire, who frankly broach it already that the work of reformation will never be perfect, till the law of Jesus Christ be received alone ; so pleaders and counsellors may bring their books of the common law, and bestow them as the stu- dents of curious and needless arts did theirs in the Apostles' time." — IlooKKR. Pref. to the Eccl. Pol. Keble's ed. i. 225. ' " It is well knowen, that both the l-'arle of Leycester and Sir Francis Walsingham, in their latter times renounced these men, con- fessing tliat they had bene greatly abused b}- their hypocrisie." — Sut- CLiFFK. An Answere to certaine calumnious Pdll'wns^ &c. 178. A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 589 Upon the propriety of rejecting disciplinarian oli- garchy, posterity has been long agreed. Yet the struggle, Avhich has involved Elizabeth in Protestant complaints of persecution, was almost entirely for its establishment. Liberty of conscience occasioned no dispute ; merely the transfer of exclusive rights from one party to another. Those who retained possession, however chargeable with actual intolerance, were, undoubtedly, the more tolerant in principle. Their divinity ranked no religionists among capital offenders, unless they set at nought the first four general councils. This reservation will seem bad enough in modern times ; but it was really a great advance to- wards an enlightened toleration. Romanists would have burnt Protestants for denying transubstantiation, the weakest point, though vital, in Romish belief Puritans called upon the civil magistrate to punish Romanism capitally, though, perhaps, not at the stake, its adherents being idolaters, whose lives Avere forfeited by the Mosaic law. If the Brownists had been able to take a more effective position, it is probable, that no milder sentence would have come from them. Their own opinions, on the other hand, hardly met with a more merciful consi- deration from irritated Puritanism. It is true, that many Romanists, and some Protestants, suffered capitally, under Elizabeth : solely, too, their friends maintain, on account of religion. But no such cause was alleged. Nay, more : it was eagerly disclaimed. Some of these unhappy per- sons died as traitors, others, as felons. Unquestionably, religion was the principal ingredient in their treasons or felonies, but it made no appearance in an indictment. Positive laws, enacted for offences merely civil, were the sole ostensible causes of condemnation, whatever may be said, and however truly, of the real motive that shed their 590 DOCTRINAL Ca.d. 1604. blood. To them ])crsonallj, as religion, undeniably, earnt their untimely deaths, it might be very little material, whether any such accusation were brought against them, or no. But a great principle was involved in the sj)ecified grounds of their condemnation. However crying might be its injustice, jjosterity was precluded from pleading it as a precedent for naked religious intolerance. Thus the party espoused by Elizabeth, although chargeable with serious faults in practice, really laid a solid foundation for sounder national feelings. Its views, in fact, M'ere far more enlightened, just, and liberal, than those enter- tained by any of its opponents. This also appeared in pure theology, when opportunity came for sufficient and calm consideration. The anti- consistorians, engrossed by Calvin's i:)olity, took little notice of his abstract belief, during many years. But by degrees, externals lost ground, and immediately, Geneva found her divinity under examination. Leading autho- rities in the Church, undoubtedly, now shewed a dispo- sition to stand by their theological master. Attacks upon him were new, and hitherto time had not been given for inquiry. Whitgift, however, was known as the supporter of Hooker, one of those very moderate Calvinists, whose doctrine was rightly esteemed subversive of the system itself. Nor, although the archbishop was a party to the Lambeth Articles, did he sulfer them to narrow the terms of national conformity, at nam])ton-court. By this time, Calvin's peculiar theology had attracted sufficient notice, and Romish hostility denounced it as a revolting fruit of the Reformation '. ft was, unquestionably, very ill suited ' " liut Ciilviii ami liis followers I reached tlicm " (the ancient here- (as it is easier to adde tlian invent) I tics) '' in malice, avouching that Lave farre exceeded and over- I CJod, iniinediatcly and directly, is A.D. 1604.] PURITANISM. 591 for obtrusion upon the consciences of a whole people. However unable man's finite understanding may be to see a clear way out of some among the mysterious questions which Calvinism stirs, the manner in which it disposes of them, very often gives offence when broadly stated. Unless Calvinists generally, like every other large body, knew little exactly of their distinctive creed, it would be impossible to retain very many of them as adherents. But ministers of religion are necessarily better informed. Hence the Lambeth Articles must have proved a serious inroad upon the principles of an enlightened liberality, and the Hampton-court conference, however scorned by those who say most against narrow views, really claims their approbation, for declining to impose a test which would have been found highly exclusive. As it is, Calvinists make no difficulty in accepting the terms of Anglican conformity. They even consider the Articles framed by holders of their opinions, and consequently, meant for their views, only not sufficiently full and precise, to exclude opponents. Now this, is an admis- sion, that national terms of conformity were judiciously arranged. Two parties, differing upon some deep matters of speculation, are both willing to take the test, and each maintains, upon grounds satisfactory to itself, that prin- ciples of its own, really penned the formulary to which assent is given. It is obvious, that if one had succeeded in excluding the other, tolerant principles would have retrograded, and national rights have been impaired. The religious party, therefore, that prevailed, was the author of al wickednes, which Simon ]\Iagus durst not say; yea, the good and the only God work- eth and effectuatcth this malice, which those ancient heretikes were ashamed to say." — Kellison. Sur- vey of the new Religion. Doway. 1()U5. p. 241. 592 DOCTRINAL [a.D. 1604. really more wise and liberal, than any that opposed it. Rome contemporaneously, Mitli equal arrogance, un- charitablencss, and absurdity, stamped a long addition to the Nicene creed, as the Catholic faith, which alone has any promise of salvation. Had her ascendancy been restored, the jNIarian pyres must soon have blazed again'. Her cause, indeed, was intimately linked with Spain, the first and most bigoted of Romish powers, but bond-slave to the Inquisition. Successful consistorian ambition in- volved an odious tribunal, with intolerant and inquisitorial principles, in every petty neighbourhood. Nor, as it was gradually seen, were all, agreed at one time, theologically, Mitli pontifical democracy, likely to continue so when questions of polity gave place to those of doctrine. Lambeth and Hampton-court shewed how a sectarian oligarchy, with tyrannical intentions, and narrow prin- ciples, would have encountered opposition. Such facts fairly under view, make even the religious jtolicy of this prosperous, well-governed, improving, glorious period, seem not unworthy of the civil : m hicli bitterest enemies were driven to hail with unc[ualified ap})lause'. JMuch, undoubtedly, was indefensible, sometimes highly so. Connivance, alternating Mith severity, acted with frightful ' " Roinanistarum leges, qua; non atramento spfl sanguine cxa- r-Ativ, tot in Anglia, Germania, moruni gloria, clarissimoruin sena- toiunj perspicacia, nobiliuni viro- rum splendore, privatoruni opu- llispania, Italia, nuirtyrcs sustule- lentia, ut qui bcatiim di.vcrc Vupit- ruiit." — IIuMi'iiRicv. Jesuit is)ni hivi cut line sinil, lioilit'tjiio dies Pars Secimda. Kpist. Prcf. illos mcinoicnt lialcyonoos, in fjui- " "Itognaverat Elizabctha annos , bus caelum, terra, niaria, convc- (juatuor supra quadraginta, in ea ' nisscnt ad Principeni in Populo conitnodoruin omnium redundan- ^ obscqucntissimo, t-t l'oi)ulum in tia, liixu dclitiaruiii, pacis domes- Principe ornatissima omnibus gra- tieio (juictc, oxtrrnorum bfllorum liis tunuilatidum." — Moour. Hist. cventu prosjx'ro, ncgotiatorum Miss. Aiii;!. Sue. Jcs. 12H!>. fopia et potentia, ducum iurlisisi- ' A.D. 1G04.] PURITANISM. 593 treachery upon discontented men. The blame, however, justly falls between embarrassing-, irritating, dangerous acts, and stern, arbitrary times. All parties wanted the entire poj^ulation, and were equally ready to retain it in subjection, by restraint upon each other. But enlightened civilization gained an invaluable advantage in the ascend- ancy of that among them, which alone repudiated violence in theory. The establishment and early progress of this great principle have obvious claims upon all who would read men in history. Those, indeed, who consider the reign of Elizabeth, under a superficial affectation of con- tempt for controversy, must misunderstand its real cha- racter. It was essentially religious in its whole course. Foreign politics were wholly coloured by religion. Do- mestic party had no other pivot. The great families, pining under lost influence, were united by Romish pre- possessions. The ])opular party in the House of Commons Avas wholly puritanical. In the country, it was chiefly so. Neither aristocratic, nor democratic feeling, had any separate existence : Romanism was an impersonation of the one ; generally Puritanism, sometimes Independency, of the other. The queen, and her leading churchmen, steered a middle course. Thus moderate adherents were continually won over, from ultra views, and Englishmen generally became that religious community, which still exists, and with every prospect of permanence. Catholic in doctrine, discipline, and liturgy, uncompromising as to personal obligations, majestic, yet simple, in worship, tolerant in principle, judiciously comprehensive in the terms of communion, every year naturally adds tenacity to its hold upon a moral, sober-minded, grateful, and enlightened nation. 2 Q 594 DOCTRINAL PURITANISM. [a.d. 1604. Tlic masculine intellect of England is above a theatric ■worship, and superstitious toys ; auricular confession, and sacramental absolution; mediators, whom neither Scrijiture warrants, nor reason says, can hear ; a belief that Holy ^^'rit is maimed of information, vital to the soul. Nor, again, M'hcn free from prejudice and passion, would a generous English mind strip religion of her ancient patri- mony, and becoming garb, or degrade her ministry below the liberal professions, or flatter ignorance by delirious hopes of internal illumination, or even by exclusive refer- ence to a narrow section of the sixteenth century. The venerable Church, however, of our fathers, which mounts uninterruptedly to apostolic times, disjilays no gaudy shew, yet shuns repulsive meanness, feeds no delusive expecta- tion, takes no doubtful ground. Hence, candid, able scrutiny, even of the most searching kind, must rank its preservation among the brightest glories of Elizabeth's auspicious reign. END OF THE HISTORY 595 ON THE NUMBER OF EXECUTIONS FOR RELIGION, UNDER QUEEN ELIZABETH. The professed principle of this reign was, that none should suffer capitally for religion. It is a profession, however, branded by Nonconformists, both Romish and Protestant, as a false pretence. This is evidently unde- niable as to anti-Trinitarians ; but all parties of any weight, when discussing persecution, appear to have thought holders of such opinions quite below notice. There were, however, five of these unfortunate persons, cruelly burnt, under Elizabeth : viz. John Wielmacker, and Hendrick TerWoort, in London, 1575: Matthew Hammond, 1579, John Lewis, 1583, and Francis Kett, 1588, all in Norwich. An equal number of orthodox Protestant Noncon- formists was hanged for felony ; viz. Elias Thacker, and John Coping, at Bury, in Suffolk, in 1583 ; Henry Barrow, John Greenwood, and John Penry, in 1593, all in London. John Udal, capitally condemned, in 1591, died in prison'. ' Sir Jolm Ilavington, thus I liimselfc to (lye at the Assizes, but mentions anotlier capital convic- ■ at my request, Judge Adderton tion of a Protestant. " There Avas reprieved him, and he was .suffered a craftsman at Bath, a recusant ! to remain at Bath upon baile. Puritan, Avho, condemning our church, our bishops, our sacra- ments, our prayers, was condemned The Bisliop" (Still) " conferred with him, in hope to convert him, and first, my lord alledged for the 2 Q 2 596 EXECUTIONS FOR RELIGION. To the ten opponents of Popery who actually suffered, are to be achled, as it seems, one hundred and eighty of its adherents, mIio were convicted of high treason. Such, at least, is known to be the case M'ith those among them of whom any particulars are preserved, and it can hardly be otherwise, as to the rest. The first upon the list, is John Felton, hanged, drawn, and quartered, in 1570, for posting the deposing bull upon the door of London House. He was a violent fanatic, unquestionably, and his offence resulted from that cause, but he really seems rather en- titled to a place among civil offenders, than religious. In the following year, 1.571, John Story was executed, at Tyburn. With his death, commercial vengeance might seem to have had some concern. In the next year, there was no religious execution ; but in 1573, Thomas Wood- house, a Lincolnshire priest, long prisoner in the Fleet, was found guilty of high treason, at Guildhall, June 16, and executed at Tyburn, June 19'. In 1577, Cuthbert IVIayne was executed, at Launceston. In 1578, Nelson and Sherwood, at Tyburn. There also suffered, in 1581, Campion, and three others. Thus there had l)een now authority of the Cliurch, .St. Au- gustine : the Shoomakcr answered, Austin was but a man: he pro- duced for antiquity of bishops, tlie fathers of the councell of Nice: lie answered, they were also but men, and mi^^ht erre: ^Vhy, then, said the bishop, thou art Itut a man, and mayest and doest erre. No, sir, saith he, the Sj)irit beares witnesse to my spirit that I am the child of (Jod. Alasse, saith the bishop, thy Idinde spirit will lead thee to the gallowes. If I die, saith he, in the J^ord's cause, I shall be a martyr. The bishop, turning to me, stirred as much to pitty as impatience, This man, said he, is not a sheepe strayed from the fold, for such may be brought in againe on the shep- hcard's shoulders; but this is like a wihl buck ])rokcn out of a ])arke, whose pale is throwiie downc, that Hies the farther off, the more he is hunted. Yet this man that stopt his eares, like the adder, to the channes of the bishop, was after perswaded by a layman, and grew comfortable." — Xmra- Aiilifjinr. i 143. ' .Stowk. ()7(>. EXECUTIONS FOR RELIGION. 597 ten executions of Romanists: subsequently, every year has one, or more : viz. 1582 . . 11 1594 . 8 1583 . . 4 1595 . 7 1584 . . 9 1596 . . 2 1585 . . 9 1597 . 1 158G . . 10 1598 . 5 1587 . . 8 1599 . 1 1588 . . 30 IGOO . 10 1589 . . 7 1601 . 6 1590 . . 4 1602 . 6 1591 . . 18 1603 . 1 1592 . . 1 1593 . . 6 170 Of these 180 executions, in all, of Romanists, the places, besides London, were Launceston, York, Win- chester, Lancaster, Wrexham, Chelmsford, Gloucester, Dorchester, Chard, Stafford, Hounslow, Chichester, Can- terbury, Kingston, Ipswich, Derby, Holywell, Oxford, Rochester, Durham, Newcastle, Beaumaris, and Lincoln. By far the greatest number, out of London, took j)lace at York ; and it will be observed that 1588, the year of the Armada, was much more severe than any other. As the numbers, though supplied by a Romanist, are not disputed by a Protestant opponent, these 180 unfortunate jjersons must be supposed to have suffered, more or less, on religious accounts : but if their cases were accurately known, probably, the government would appear, in many of them, in something of a better light than in that of a wanton persecutor ^ ' " A Bead-roll of such traiter- ' ^ " The whole numher of such ous priests, Jesuits, and Popish priests, Jesuits, and Recusants, as Recusants, as hy I. W. Priest, in j Avcre executed in all the time of his English JMartjrologie are by I Queene Elizabeth's Raigne, being him recorded for martyrs, in this 44 yeares and 4 moneths, accord- kingdom." — The Fijeric Trijall of ing to the martyrologist's owne God's Saiiils. Lond. 1612. I account (as he falsely pretends for 598 EXECUTIONS rOlt liELlGION. Other accounts make the Romish victims more nume- rous', and loose dissenting declamation would cast an air of sanguinary Protestant persecution over this reign, charging it also wholly upon the hierarchy*. The real truth, however, seems to be (and it is bad enougli) that 190 persons suffered capitally for offences, connected with religion, under Elizabeth : five, only, being actually con- demned as religious offenders. The other five Protestants were convicted of publishing seditious libels. The Ro- manists were evidently open to a charge of treason, although it might be pushed too far, as, undoubtedly, were the severities to which it led. The laws under which their priests suffered, did not, however, affect such of that body as were ordained under Queen IMary", only parties from abroad, connected with foreigners, in open religion) amounts to but 180." It is easy to tlirow such imputa- (Fi/cric Trijall of God's Saints.) tions, and to assume that all the Protestants naturally enough esti- supposed victims were " saints," mated this hy jMary's carnage in \ to ■whose deaths the archbishop a much shorter time. was a party. Most readers, how- ' " The total number of these ever, vould know something about sufferers is calculated by Dodd, ; names, and numbers, and charges, in his Church Hislonj, at lOJ.Iand parties to whom committals Further inquiries by Dr. Milner, increase their number to 204. Fifteen of these, he says, were condemned for denying the queen's spiritual supremacy; 12(j for the exercise of priestly functions; and can be traced. * " These lawes against which you complaine, drcAve not in your priests which were made in Queeue Maries tinac, though they were catholique priests, and exercised the others for being reconciled to i their priestly function, and though tlie catholic faith, or aiding or they had better meaues to raise a assisting ])riests." — Butler. Jlisl. partie in lOngland, because they Mem. i. lyU. were ac<|uainted with the state, * " The Protestant Church of i and knew where the seeds of that FnglaTul is deeply steeped in the j religidii remained : but in that blood of the saints." (Price, i. catholique religion of which they 472.) This passage occurs in an were priests, they found not this attack upon Archbishop AVhitgift, article of tumult, and sedition, and charging him with atrocious cru- withdiawing sulgecls from their city, but chiefly talking of un- named persons, killed in prison. obedience." — DoNNK. Pseudo-mar I jr. l.ond. IGIO. 1). IGl. EXECUTIONS roil RELIGION. 599 hostility with Enghind. Even these appear to have had universally the power of redeeming their lives by a pa- triotic, manly, christianlike disavowal of the odious prin- ciples by which hostile aliens sought to undermine the English government'. Their obstinate adherence to such anti-social delusions was greatly to bo lamented, because many of these unhappy men were highly respectable in their general conduct, and all must have come over with an enviable spirit of self-devotion. Still, none could have brought home any sound views of religious obligation ^ Men really thus happy were not likely to scruple about an exjilicit renunciation of the execrable papal politics. They ^vere, in fact, chiefly, if not entirely, jioor men, seeking for a living among discontented members of the nobility and gentry of England : hence alike willing to feed the ill humours of their patrons, and to indulge in sanguine visions raised by revolutionary hopes within themselves. The dangers faced, were analogous to those encountered in the battle-field. A soldier enters it fully alive to them, but anticipating escape, and promotion. His bosom, indeed, may glow with genuine patriotism : still, Avithout a large alloy of humbler motives, men rarely brave the chance of war. ^ " When some priests in Eng- land were examined what they would thinke of the oath of alle- giance, if the pope were to pro- nounce that it Avere to be held De Fide, that he might depose princes, they desired to he spared, because they could not pronounce De fuluris conlingenlibns." (Donne, Psendo-marh/r. 191.) " Rcfusall of the oath is an implied aflirming of some doctrine contrarie to it." — Ibid. 206. ^ Of course, their own party thought otherwise. Dr. Donne, accordingly, says, " I have scene, at some executions of trayterous priests, some bystanders, leaving all old saints, pray to him whose body lay there dead." — Ibid. 222. (301 POPES DURING THE ELIZABETHAN TERIOD. Official Designation. Name ami Surname. John Peter Carrafa - Paul IV. John Angelo de' Medici Pius lY. ' JMicliael Ghislieri - Pius V. Hugh Buoncompagno Felix Peretti Accession. Dcatli, - ]\ray23, 1555 Aug. IH, 1559. - Dec. 28, 1559 Dec. 9, 1505. - Jan. 8, 1500 May 1, 1572. Gregory XIII.^ May 13, 1572 Ap. 10, 1585. SixtusV.-^ - Ap. 24, 1585 Aug.27,1590. ' It is this pope ■who added tlurteen articles to the Nicene creed (the last a sweeping approhation of " the sacred canons, and cecnmenical councils, es- pecially the council of Trent "), and stamped all the mass, as " tlie true Catholic faith, without which no one can be safe." - " Gregory XIII., of the age of seventy years, by surname Buoncom- pagno, born in Bolonia of the meanest state of tlie people, his father a shoe- maker by occupation ; of no great learning, nor understanding, busy rather in practice, than desirous of wars, and that rather to further the advancement of his son and his liouse, a respect highly regarded of all the popes, tlian of any inclination of nature, the which, yet in these j'cars, abhorrcth not liis secret pleasures." (Bacox. Of the State of Europe. AYorks. iii. 1.) " We are indebted to this pope for the new calendar : for it was in his jionti- ficate, and by his order, that the calen- dar was rectified, and the Nexv Style, as they call it, introduced. It first took place in the month of October, 1582, and was immediately received in all Catholic countries, but rejected by the Protestants, choosing rather to continue in their error, than to be rectified by the pope. It has been adopted, within tlie.se few years, by the British I'arliament. I find nolhing laid to the charge of this pope, but his having had a natural son, before he was cardinal, John Buoncompagno, whom lie created cardinal as soon as ho was preferred to the popedom, and his raising him, as well as the rest of his relations, to the first honours both in the state and the church." — Bower. Hist, of the Popes. Lond. 176S. vii. 4C6. 4G». ^ "In lofiS, there sat in the see of Rome, a fierce, tlumderiug friar, tliat would set all at six and seven, or at six and five, if you allude to his name : and though he Avould after have turned his teeth upon Spain, yet he was taken order with, before it came to that." (Bacon. Of a War ivilh Spain. Works, iii. 529.) " Pope Sixtus V. also, that he might not seem wanting to the cause " (when the Armada was to sail) " sending C!ardinal Allen, an English- man, into the Low Countries, renewed the bulls declaratory of Pius V. and Gregory XIII. excommunicated the Queen, dethroned her, absolved her suljjects from all allegiance, and pub- lished his Croisado in print, as it were against Turks and Infidels, wherein, out of the treasury of the Church, he granted plenary indidgences to all that gave their help." (Ca bidden. 543.) " Sixtus entertained no small jealousy of the overgrown ]iower of I'hilip of Spain, and was, therefore, glad to keep 002 roPES. Name and Surnamo. Olicial Dcsii'iiation. Accession. Death. Johu Baptist Castagna •- Urban TIL* - Sept. 15, 1590 Sept. 27, 1590. Nicholas Sfondrati - Gregory XIV.* Dec. 5, 1590 Oct. 15, 1591. JolinAntonyFacchinetti Innocent IX." Oct. 29, 1591 Dec. 30, 1591. llippolytusAklobrandini Clement YIII.' Jan. 13, 1592 ]\Iar. 3, 1605. on pood terms with Queen Elizabctli, (lecliuing luidor various pretences, to lend any assistance to Pliilip against lier, besides his useless anathemas, which he could not well refuse, and wliich he knew would do the Queen very little hurt. Sixtus had, from the beginning of his pontificate, formed a design of conquering tlie kingdom of Naples, and uniting it to tlie dominions of the Church. This design be re- solved to carry into execution upon the fii-st news he received of the total defeat of the Spanish Annadn, in 1588, and ordered with that view 2r),0!)0 men to be raised with all possilile expedition. But in the mean time, death put an end to all his designs." — liov.cit. vii. 47 1 . ■* A Itonian by birth, but of a Ge- noese family, lie died on tlie twelfth day after his election. — Ibid. 474. •' A ^.lilaneso, and consequently, born a sultject of Spain. To gratify Pliilip, Jiis native sovereign, lie excom- municated Henry IV., and gave all the assistance in liLs power, to that monarch's enemies. In France, liis bull was declared scandalous, and con- trary to tlie rights of the (jallican Church. — Ibid. " A native of Bologna, crowned Nov. 12. ' " Clement VIII. is represented by the contemjiorary writers as a man of micommon abilities; of great discretion and prudence. It was at the pressing instances of this pope, that the restor- ation of the Jesuits, who had been banished France upon the nunder of Henry III. was lirought about in UJO;?, by his successor, Henry IV." — Bower. vii. 470". go: ENGLISH PRELACY DURING THE ELIZABETHAN PERIOD. Name ami Surname. Matthew Parker Edmund Grindal John Whito-ift Canterbury. Death, or Trauslation. Consecration, or Confirmation. Dec. 17, 1559 - May 17, 1575. Feh. 15, 1576 - July 6, 1583. Sept. 23, 1583 - Feh. 29, 1604. Thomas Young Edmund Grindal Edwin Sandys John Piers' Matthew Ilutton^ York. Jan. 27, 1561 May 22, 1570 Mar. 8, 1577 Feb. 19, 1589 Mar. 24, 1595 June 20, 1568. Canterbury. Aug. 8, 1588. Sept. 28, 1594. Jan. 15, 1605. Edmvind Grindal Edwin Sandys - John Aylmer^ - London. Dec. 21, 1559 July 1, 1570 Mar. 24, 1576 York. York. Junes, 1594. ^ This prelate's name was also written, though rarely, Pearse. He had been fellow of jNIagdalen College, Oxford, afterwards dean of Christ- church. When consecrated bishop of Rochestei", he was made royal almonei-. In 158(5, being then bishop of Salis- bury, he preached the thanksgiving sermon, Nov. 4, before the queen, at St. Paul's, on the destruction of the Spanish ^rm«'/«. lie died at Bishops- thorpe. — Godwin, de Prcesul. TW. Stuype. IVhUfjifl. i. 549. Annals, iii. pt. 2, p. 28. '■^ A native 01 Lancashire, first fellow of Trinity College, afterwards master of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, also successively Margaret and Regius pro- fessor of divinity there. He was highly eminent for his learning, especially in the Fathers. Like most of his con- temporaries, his theological principles Avere decidedly Calvinistic, and he expressed a strong approval of tiie Lambeth Articles. Predestination he pronounced a " comfortable doctrine," and he considered that " God had used Augustin as a special instrument to set it forth." — Godwin, de Praisul. 71 L Strype. WhUgift. ii. :{12. ■' Formerly tutor to Lady .Jane Grey. Soon after iMary's accession he tied, and resided, tirst at Strasbui-g, after- wards at Zurich. He was rather 604 PRELACY. Name and Surname. Richard Fletcher* Richard Bancroft' Consecration, or Confirmation. Jan. 4, 1595 lAIay 8, 1597 Death, or Translation. June 15, 159(5. Canterbury. miclcr-sizod, ami seems to have oeea- sionally shown a constitutional infimiity of temper. He liad, liowever, taken liis part so decidedly ajjainst Puritan- ism, and thus l)eeome so obnoxious to its adherents, that much has been said to ])lace him in an unfavom-able light. Among till- of^onees, as contemi)oraries considered it, of wliich ho was really guilty, must be placed a spirit of accu- mulation. Long aciiuaiutancc with an unmarried clergy made people think it criminal in a bishop to raise his de- scendants above mediocrity. Aylmer, however, was willing to brave the calumnious envy of obscrvci'S, rather than to lose the prospect of leaving his portrait to bo pointed-out in a country seat, as foimdcr of the family. 5Icn who had no such opportunities, or hated new candidates for their own elevation, or thirsted for episcopal plunder, took their revenge by reflec- tions upon the bishop of London's covetonsness. Fulham liad been fa- mous for its elms, and Aylmer lopjied tlicm, though it seems not excessively. His name suggested a pun. He was r.lm-mar. Constant uneasiness in the see of London, made him apply for a translation to Ely. Had he gone thi- ther, it must liave l)cen on hard con- ditions, and it was said he would not be that Ely-mar. As these witticisms had some jjrotcction in the liishop's imdi'uialile habits, the zeal with wliieh lie had jireaehed against ecclesiastical supeifluities, in early life, was invidi- ously remembered. He died at I-'ul- ham, aged seventy-three, and was buried in St. I'aul's Cathedral. — Hah- INGTOX. Niii/ic Anliqna;, i. 20 — 22. fcJTiiYi'E. Aylmer. 112. * Bishop Fletcher was a polished, handsome ICentish man, fonnerly fel- low of Corjius Christi College, Cam- bridge. ^Vllih• (lean of Peterborough, and (jueen's chajdain, he had the un- enviable office of adilressing Mary of Scotland, when brought out to suffer, ami he made use of tlu- opportunity to attack that ill-fated princess upon her religious opinions. He successively filled the sees of Bristol, Worcestei", and London. Soon after his prefer- ment to the last, he fell grievously under the (juccn's displeasure. She had more than the usual degree of prejudice against the marriage of clergymen, and would never allow u new validity to the acts of her l)rother's first and third years, annulling all laws, statutes, and canons against it, or to the statute of ids fit"th and sixth years, which formally legitimated clerical families, and marriage - settlements, Mary's repeal of these acts continued unrevei-sed. Hence, for the protection of their families, ecclesiastics were compelled, under Elizabeth, to piocure acts of legitimacy, or license from the ordinary and two justices of the peace, on contracting marriage. Bishop Fletcher, however, had not only lived as a married man, but losing his wife, foinid another in a gay, well-connected widow. EIizal)eth could not brook this. Ho was thus what Romanists call a dhiamist, a term denoting 'one inadmissible into holy orders among them, although the second wife should be dead. The queen seems to have thought some such view of clerical matrimony capable of extension into the reformed church of England, and by her command, Fletcher was sus- peiuled. His disgrace, however, did not last long, even so far as the queen's own countenance went, for she sub- sequently honoured him with a visit. Her objections were ]irobably found incapable of legal enforcement. Soon afterwards, the ofl'ending \ivi late sud- denly died. — llAUiX(.rox. i. 20. 31, 32. Sruvi'E. J'arkcr. ii. 4(il. Whit- gift, ii. 21(;. SiTCi.iiKE. An Ansu'cre to ccrtdiiir rahnintious Petitions, &.Q. 129. •'■ Bom at I'arnworth, in Lancashire, in Si'pteinlier, ir)44, of a gentleman's family. His mother was .Mary, daugh- ter of .lohn Curwyn, and niece of Hugh Curwyn, bishoj) of Oxford. He took his bachelor's degree, in arts, at PRELACY. G05 Name and Surname. James Pilkington*^ Richard Barnes^ Matthew Huttou Tobias Matthew *■• DURUAM. Consecration, or Confirmation. JMar. 2, 15(51 May 9, 1577 - July 27, 1589 - Ap. 7, 1595 Death, or Translation. Jan. 23, 1575. Aug. 24, 1587. York. York. Robert Ilorne John Watson Winchester. Feb. 16, 1561 Sept. 18, 1580 June 1, 1580. Jan. 23, 1584. Christ's College, Cambridge, in 15GC; his master's, at Jesus, in 1570. He was college-tutor to Lord Cromwell, who complained of liim as austere and sliarp, but siibsecpiently admitted his competence, and regretted that he had not stayed under him longer. The spirit and ability of Ids controversial pieces against Puritanism, rendered liim highly obnoxious to its adherents, wlio branded him with Popery. He had shown his activity, by obtaining tlie first clue to the Mar-j)relate press, and his boldness, by preaching at Bury against Puritanism, when the place and neighbourhood seemed wholly pi'ostrate before it. The desired inno- vations had already begun there, " wiiJiout staying for tlie magistrate, as the term then was." He had been successively chaplain to Archbishop Whitgift, and to the Lord Chancellor JIatton, and it was by the former's interest, and Lord Burghley's aid, that lie was made bishop of London. On Whitgift's death, lie Avas advanced to the see of Canterbury, being, as the late queen Avould have dcsii'ed, a single man. He died of the stone, Nov. 2, 1610. — Additions to Godwin, de PrcB- suL 157. 193. Harington. i. 12. Strype. Whitgift. ii. 380. * Bom at Rivington, in Lancashire, of an ancient gentleman's family. After his i-eturn from exile, under Mary, he was made master of St. John's College, Cambi'idge, where ho liad received his academical education. He founded and endowed a free-school at his native place. — Additions to Godwin, de Prcesul. 750. Strype. Cheke. 5. '■ Of a respectable family at Bolde, near Warrington, in Lancashire, a branch of the baronial family of Bernes. He was originally of Brazenose Col- lege, Oxford, where he took his mas- ter's degree, but he proceeded bachelor of divinity at Cambridge. In 1501, he was made chancellor of York, and in 1507, he was nominated by the arch- bishop of that see to the queen, with another, for the olHce of suftragan, under the act of 20 Henry VIII. The choice falling iipon him, he was con- secrated suffragan of Nottingham. When made bisliop of Carlisle, ho had license to hold his chancellorsiiip of York ill commendam. During his oc- cupancy of Durham, he was very ac- tive, especially against Romanism, and thus became highly obnoxious in many quarters. He died at fifty-five. — Additions to Godwin, de Prcesul. 757. Strype. Parker, i. 477- Annals, ii. pt. 2, p. 112. Le Neve. 318. ** Born at Bristol, 'of reputable pa- rentage, and educated academically at St. John's College, Oxford. In 1570, he became dean of Christchurch, a relation having induced him to take orders, against tlie original intent of Iiis i^arents, who seem to have been disaffected to the established religion. He proved a brilliant preacher, and an accomplished divine. One of his pass- ports to distinction was a Latin sermon, eventually printed, preached against Campion. In 1584, he was removed from Christchurch to the deanery of GOG PRELACY. Xanic and Surname. Thomas C'owper' "William AVicklmm'" "William Day - Thomas Bilson" Richard Davies Thomas Davies William Hughes "William JMorgan Rowland Merick Nicholas Robinson Hugh Bellot - Richard Vaughan Henry Rowlands Consecration, "r Confirmation. Mar. 2.1, ir)C4 - Feb. 22, 159o - Jan. 25, 1596 - May 13, 1597 - St. Asaph. Jan. 21, 1560. - May 26, 1561 - Dec. 13, 1573 - Sept. 17, 1601 - Bangoh. Dec. 21, 1559 - Oct. 20, 1566 - Jan. 25, 1585. Jan. 25, 1595 - Nov. 12, 1598 - Deatli, or Translation. Ap'. 29, 1594. June 12, 1595. Sept. 20, 159(). June 18, 1616. St. David's. Sept. 1573. Nov. 18, 1600. Sept. 10, 1604. Sept. 27, 1565. Feb. 13, 1584. Chester. Chester. July 6, 1616. Duiliam, rather against the queen's good will. She tliought him too young, and ol)jocted Lcsidos to his marriage, lie died arclibishop of York, ^larch 2!), 1G2(J. — IIahingtok. NugcB An- tir/tice. i. 22fi. Stuype. Annals, i. 514. Le Neve. 231. " Born in Oxford, of obscure parent- age. He was of Magdalen College there, and, at one time, master of tlie scliool attached to it. His fitness for tills appointment was shown in a new and imi)roved edition of Sir T. Eliot's Latin Dictionary, dedicated to Edward VI. Ho was one of tlie learned Ox- ford men, wlio cliarged Hisliop Cheney with unsound doctrine. I5y liis Admo- nilion to the People of England, lip gave deadly oftencc to the I'uritaiis, and his name Kuggested their punning title, More Work for the Cooper. His do- uu'stic peace was undermined by a wife who grossly misconducted hci'self. — Additions to (Jodwiv. dr J'rwsul. 2'M. Stuvi'E. MemoriaJn. ii. l)t. 2, J). 121. Haiiinoton. NvgcB Antiqua. i. 72. '» Bom at Enfield, in Middlesex, lie liad been fellow of King's College, Cambridge, and subscipiently was vicc- provost of Eton, in wliich situation his kindness and attention to the scliool, in the master's absence, gained liim great respect. A short time before his deatli, lie preached liefore the queen and parliament, eloquently re- proving the prevailing disposition to pillage episcoj)acy. He admitted an excess of wealth in former years, fully justifying curtailment, but ho de- nounced a continuance of the actual system, as threatening speedy ruin to prelacy and cathedrals. Jllizabeth bore the rebuke with that patience, which a strong mind fairly censured, generally shows. — II.\niNr.rov. Xuffcc Aniiquw. i. "Jo. Additions to Godwik. de Prasul. 240. " Born at ^Yinchcster, and educated in the two St. Mary AVinton Colleges. His family was of Cierman origin. He was first sehoohnaster in AN'inchester College, and afterwards warden. By his True Difference lietween Christian Snhjeetion and Unchristian llciellion, his Perpetual Government of Christ^s Church, and j)ublieations njjon Christ's descent into lull, lu> cstahlished a high character among contenqioniry contro- versialists. PRELACY. G07 Name anJ Surnanic. Gilbert Berkeley Thomas Godwin Jolm stiir= - Bath and Wells. Death, Translation, Consecration, or Confirmation, or Resignation. Mar. 24, 1560 - Nov. 2, 1581. Sept. 13, 1584 Feb. 11, 1592 Dec. 19, 1590. Feb. 26, 1607. Ricliarcl Cheney ^^ John Bullingham Richard Fletcher Bristol. Ap. 29, 15G2 Sept. 3, 1581 Dec. 14, 1589 Ap. 25, 1579. 1589' Worcester. AVilliam Barlow Richard Curteis Thomas Bickley Anthony Watson'^ CniCHESTER. Dec. 20, 1559 May 21, 1570 Jan. 30, 1585 Aug. 15, 1596 Aug. 13, 1568. Aug. 1582. Ap. 30, 1596. Sept. 10, 1605. Richard Cox'" - Martin Heton - Ely. Dec. 21, 1559 Feb. 3, 1599 July 22, 1581. July 14, 1609. '^ Dr. Still was a native of Lincoln- shire, ■who had been fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. Subsofiuently, j lie was master of Trinity, and Margaret ! professor. He had also been cliaplain to Archbishop Parker, rector of Had- leigh, in Suffolk, and archdeacon of Sudbury. Like his predecessor, Bi- shop Thomas Godwm, he Avas recom- mended to the queen by the want of a wife, both being widowers, and there- fore approaching the state which she thought fittest for a clergyman, that of a baclieloi'. Both prelates, however, oiFended her by marrying again, and some of the courtiers were on the alert to profit by her displeasure. Bishop Godwin immediately had urgent appli- cations for a hundred years' lease of the manor of Banwell, and at last ho i coidd only make his peace by leasing Wilscombo for ninety-nine j'ears. | Bishop Still seems to have escaped \ with little worse than some royal jests ] upon his marriage, Wickham's l)old ; sermon against the pillage of bishoprics being thought to have operated in their favour. — Additions to Godwin, de PrcBsul.\ 390. IIarington. Niigce Antiquce. 130. 132. 140. '^ He held Bristol in commendam with Gloucester. '■* This was a resignation. Bishop Bullingham, like his predecessor, Che- ney, had hitherto holden Bristol in commendam with Gloucester. '•^ Formerly fellow of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, afterwards dean of Bristol. AVhen the queen became offended with Bisho}) Fletcher of Lon- don, she removed him from the office of royal almoner, and appointed Bishop Watson in his room. — Godwin, de Prcrsv.l. 314. "= After the death of Cox, who had been sclioolmaster of Eton, and subse- COS PRELACY. Name aiul Suriminc "William Alley - William Bradbridge John Wool ton" CJcrvase Babington William Cotton EXETEK. Cousi'cration, or Confirmation. July 14, ir>(iO - Mar. 18, 1571 - Aug. 2, 1579 Mar. 11, 1504 - Nov. 12, 15S)8 - Death, or Translation. Ap. 1(), 1570. June 27, 1578. .Alar. 13, 15i)3. AN'orcestcr. Aug. 20, 1G21. Kichard C'honcy John BuUingliam Godfrey Goldsborough Gloucester. Ap. 11), 1562 Sept. 3, 1581 Nov. 12, 15i)8 Ap. 25, 1579. ]May 20, 15i)8. May 2G, 1604. •John Scory Herbert Westfaling Robert Bennet IIekeford. Dec. 20, 1559 Jan. 30, 1586 Feb. 20, 1602 June 26, 1585. Mar. 1, 1601. Oct. 25, 1617. Lichfield and Coventuy. Thomas Bentham'" - - Mar. 24, 1560 - Fel). 2], 1579. William Overton - - Sept. 18, 1580 - Ap. 9, 1603. qnontly tutor to Edward VI., tlic sec of Ely was kept vacant tor nearly twenty years. lOlizabeth could not bear to nlin. Godwin, dc rranul. 47-. '^^ Ifc was n nnlivo of Carlisle, and liad lieen iirovowt of Queen's College, Oxford. PRELACY. 611 Name and Suruamo. ]\rarmaduke JMitldleton Anthony Riidd*^ Consecration, or Confirmation. Oct. 1582 June 9, 1594 Death, or Translation. Nov. 1,^93. Mar. 1G14. Hugli Jones William Bletlun CJervase Babington William JMorgan^' Francis Godwin*" Llandaff. May 5, 1566 Ap. 17, 1575 Aug. 29, 1591 July 20, 1595 Nov. 22, ICOl Nov. 15, 1574. Oct. 1590. Exeter. St. Asaph. Hereford. ^* A Yorksliireman, formerly fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, after- wards dean of Gloucester.^GoDwiN. de Prasul. 587- ^^ Born at Gwibernant, in Carnar- vonshire, and edncated at St. John's College, Cambridge. He is worthy of immortal honour as the translator of Scripture into Welsh. — Ibid, and Ad- ditions. 613. *^ Son of Thomas Godwin,' bishop of Bath and Wells ; born at Harrington, in Northamj)tonshire, and educated at Christchurcli, Oxford. He published in KjO], his Catalogue of the English Bishops, being then sub-dean of Exctei'. The queen Avas so pleased with the work, that she gave him immediately the see of LlandatF, though barely tAVo months vacant. The temptation to retain it was, indeed, small; Bishoji Kitchen, the last Romish incumbent, having stripped it unmercifully. Hence, when Babington held it, he called himself bishop of Aff, the land being gone. Bishop Godwin pubhshed a second edition of his Catalogue, in 1614, and a third, in Latin, in 1616. He was trans- lated to Hereford, Nov. 18, 1617, and he died at Whitbourn, near that city, April 29, 1633. He says that he was born, when Elizabeth had been four years on the throne. — Ibid. 613. 496. Hakington. NugcB Antiquce, i. 192. 2 R 2 INDEX. Adbf.y lands inalienably devoted to religion, 379 Abbot, Archbishop, testimony respecting Persons, 266 Abdy, Patrick, arrested, 322 Absence from church, penalties against, 12. increased, 283 Absolution, treatment of, at Plampton-court, 534. .549. papal, made high treason, 134 Ackworth answers Sanders, 209 Admonition to the Parliament^ 163. proclamation against, 193 Admonition^ Allen's, 346 Advertisements, the, 43 AgfiHs Dei, 134 Alan Cope, a name assumed by Harpsfield, 476 Albert, Archduke, the, married to the Infanta Isabella, 499 Aldobrandini, Hippolytus: see Clement VIII. Algrind, 218 Allen, William, Cardinal, particulars of, 92. argues against attendance at church, 93. applies for Jesuits to undertake the English mis- sion, 262. attacks the English government for persecution, 307. sends priests to Stanley, 351. offensive publications, 355. cited as an authority for assassination, 331, an answer to his politics thought incumbent on English Romanists, 339. regarded as their chief, 489 Allen, the Irish Jesuit, 279. slain, 281 Alva, duke of, sends Vitelli into England, 110 Ambrose, St., cited for ruling elders, 179 Anabaptists persecuted, 213 Anderson, C. J., intemperance of, 484 Andre wes. Dean, at Hampton- court, 531 Angus, Archibald Douglas, earl of, 84 Anjou, Francis de Valois, duke of, suitor to Elizabeth, 235 Anointing, Queen Mary's, considered unlawful, 36 Anthony, claimant of the Portuguese throne, 433. 608 Apocr}^ha, lessons from, denounced, 139. defended at Hampton- court, 544 Archpriest, appointment of the, 506 Arden, Edward, 310 Armada, the Spanish, 355 Arran, James Hamilton, earl of, descent, 84 Arthington, 399 G14 INDEX. Article, T^vont^ctll, contested clause In the, 152. omission in, paralleled, 222. Twenty-ninth, omission of, 15(5 Articles, Thirty-nine, passed in convocation, (5. long without parlia- mentary sanction, 148. ohtain it, 141). hill for their partial rejection, 1()2 Articles, the Fifteen, 222 Arliciili pro Clero, royal assent to, 488 Arundel, Henry Fitz- Alan, carl of, commanded to court, 112. Philip Howard, earl of, arrest and particulars of, 347- said to have celc- hrated mass for the success of the Armada, 351) Asser, puhlished hy Archhishop Parker, 209 Association, the, 322 Assurance, doctrine of, thought insufficiently maintained in the Arti- cles, 538. evils of the doctrine, 541 Attrition, doctrine of, 90 Augshurg, Confession of, apprehensions of its adoption hy England, 1 6 Austria, Don .John of, seeks to marry JMary Queen of Scots, 254 Aylmer, John, hishop of London, particulars of, 003. commits for vending the AdmonUiun to lite Parlia»icn(, 228. convenes the city clergy upon Stuhhe's Gaping Gii/Jl 241. displeased Avith translations of Campion's 7'e« Bcasons, 289. arrests Cartwright, 386. writes to the henchers of the Temple in favour of Travcrs, 443. surprised at AVhitgift's retinue, 559 Bahlngton, Anthony, conspires, 343. arranges a correspondence with the queen of .Scots, //). connected with Savage, Ih. finds accom- plices among his friends, 344. tried, lb. executed, 345 Bahington, Bishop, particulars of, 010. present at Hampton-court, 531 Bacon, Sir Nicholas, speech of, 101 Bagnal, Sir Henry, defeat of, 490 Bagshaw, an opponent of Persons, 265. has the hells rung to insult him, 2(]8 Ballard, treason of, 342, confesses that the priests were privy to the intended Spanish invasion, 573 Balsham, Familists discovered at, 214 Balthasar, Widow, dance at the house of, 405 Bancroft, Richard (successively hishop of London, and archhishop of Canterhury), sermon at St. Paul's Cross, 377- complained of, as the first to develop high church principles, 448. protects the discontented Romish seculars, 502. apprehensive of .James's accession, 517. at Hampton-court, 531. nominated for the second day's conference, 537. out of temper, 53!). argues against Jtey- nolds, 541. ohjects to a new translation of Scripture, 542. otlen- sively compliments the king, 551. jiarfieiilars of, 004 Barlow, Dean, at Ilaiupton-court, 531 Barnes, Bisliop, particulars of, 005 Baron, Peter, opposes Calvinism, 454. }>reaches an anti-Calviiiistic clcru7it, 471. shielded l)y Archhishop Whitgift, 472. dies, 473 INDEX. 615 Baronius embarrasfscd by IMatthew Paris, 209 Barrett, W., prcach.es against Calvinism, 464 Barrington, Bishop, munificence of, 213 Barrow, Henry, early history of, 415. tried, 421. executed, 422 BarroAvism, nature of, 418. 419. 424. 425. 428. extent of, 420 Baptism by women denounced, 139. treatment of, at Hampton-court, 534. 549. original rubric for, 535 Bartholomew massacre, 248. reprobated among English Romanists, 251 Bellarmine, Cardinal, acknowledges the learning of AVhitaker, 290 Benedictines, alleged antiquity of, in England, 490 Benefices competent for their incumbents, small number of, 501 Bentham, Bishop, particulars of, 608 Berga, Peter, accomplice of Felton, 125 Bernold, 243 Beza, political principles of, 37- letter of, insisting upon j)i(re disci- pline, 164 Bible, Genevan, 207. Breeches, lb. Bishops', 208. Genevan objected- to by James I., 546. a new translation desirable, Ih. ordered, 551 Bilson, Bishop, preaches upon our Lord's descent into hell, 477- Jit Ilampton-court, 531. 543. particulars of, 606 Binius embarrassed by Matthew Paris, 209 Birchet, Peter, outrage of, 195 Bishop, active in procuring signatures to the protestation of the thir- teen priests, yet afterwards made vicar apostolic, 505 Blackwater, battle of the, 496 Blackwell, George, appointed archpriest, 506 Blake, letter of James to, 552 Bolton castle, 99 Boner, Bishop, molested by Bishop Ilorne, T\. denies his episcopal character, 72. relieved from the consequences of refusing the oath of supremacy, lb. Book of Discipline, publication of, 382 Borgarucci, Julius, 438 Bosgrave, renounces the deposing power, 305. attends church, 568 Bothwell, .James Hepburn, earl of, 87 Bound, Dr., originates the Sabbatarian controversy, 459 Bowing at the name of Jesus objected-to, 139 Boy of Burton, the, 478 Briant, equivocation of, 304. executed, 307 Bridges, Dean, at Hampton-court, 531 Bromley, Sir Henry, displeases the queen by a motion about the suc- cession, 412 Broughton, Hugh, controverts the prevailing doctrine as to our Lord's descent into hell, 476. taunts Archbishop Whitgift with appre- hensions of the Scottish succession, 517 BroAvne, Robert, founder of the Brownists, 228 Brownism thought to be almost extinct, 415. revived by Greenwood and Barrow, 416 GIG INDEX. Brownists, principles of, 220. expatriation of, 454 ]?uccr, vicAvs of, as to the liabits, 30 liullinije'r, testimony of, to the general satisfaction given by Edward's refonnatioii, KJ. letter of, in favour of vestural conformity, (ij- unites -witli Ciualtcr in a letter to the earl of Bedford, soliciting his interference for the dissentients, lb. Bulls, procurement and importation of, made high treason, 134 Buoncompagno, James, 27B. GOl Burghley, "William Cecil, Lord, probably procured the Twenty-ninth to be omitted in an edition of the Articles, 157. patronises Travers, 443. examines Lopez, 535. gains estates from the see of Peterborough, 5{{4 Burial-service, oltjection to, 132 Burton, accusation of the bishops by, 153 Cadwallader, Roger, one of the thirteen protesting priests, subsequently executed, 505 Calendar, Gregorian, 601 Calvin, no party to the ordination of Whitingham, 34. his political principles, .SO. evaded, Ih. careful to prevent Whitingham's ordi- nation from being used as a precedent, 233. compared Avith Beza, 448. doctrine of, respecting the descent of Christ into hell, 476. uses the oath ex oj/iciu, 405. authorizes confirmation, 533. his theology denounced by Romanists in certain points, 590 Calvinistic works, growing unpopularity of, 565 Cambridge, preaching licenses, 58. jmljtit personalities at, 147 Cam])ion, Edmund, chosen for the English mission, 261. orders for his apprehension, 263. early history, 269. commissioned for England, 273. arrives, 274. in London, 275. thinks of a chal- lenge, 277- attends a meeting of the missionaries in London, 285. answers the royal jn-oclamation, 286. goes into the country, lb. his Ten Reasons^ 287. meets Persons at Uxbridge, 290. taken, 292. tortured, 294. 300. disputes, 297. pledges himself to inviolable secresy to his friends, 300. tried, 301. equivocates as to the deposing power, 304. .305. executed, 306. characters of him, .308. Coke's judgment that his act was treason, 310. difierent spellings of his name, lb. his Ten Reasons, the alleged cause of Lonl Arundel's conversion, .347 Canons of 1571, 158 Caj), square, not objected- to at Hampton-court, 539 Carter, ^Villiam, 313 Cart Wright, Thomas, jiartieulars of, 141. controverts "NVhitgift's an- swer to the Advuniilion In tlie Parliament, 175. lightly esteemed l)y Jewel, 177- gieatly oHended, 178. yet so esteemed by AVhit- akcr, lb. named as author of the Admonition to the Parlia- ment, 163. extravagantly commended, 177- order for his arrest, 198, eluded, lb. answered by Archbishop Parker's means, 209. approves of Dering's proiiheey, tli;it J'arker would be the last INDEX. 617 archbishop of Canterbury, 218. acknowledges the kindness of Archbishop Whitgift, 369. disclaims Mar-Prclale, 372. arrested, 38(5. final provision for, Ih. intemperance of, 388. release of, 401 . death, 402. 558. alleged regret for the troubles that he had caused, lb. confers -with Barrow, 421. prevented by AVhitgift from publishing against the Rhemish Testament, 558 Catechism, Calvin's, used at Northampton, 159. Trentine, publication of, 19. liable to mislead, 90. objections to the authorized, at Hampton-court, 538. additions ordered, 551 Catechisms, inconvenient number of, in Scotland, 546 Cathari, 52. 53 Catharine de' Medici, takes exception at the Trentine decrees, 6. mor tifies Mary Queen of Scots, 80 Cathedral dignitaries, pronounced unscriptural, 128. service, de- nounced, 139 Catholicity, test of, according to Vincent of Lerins, 7 Cawdrey, 395 Cecil, Robert (afterwards earl of Salisbury), examines Lopez, 435. extorts a second confession from Squire, 493. obnoxious to James, 523. makes overtures to him, 524. flatters him at Hamp- ton-court, 548 Ceremonies, bill passed by the Commons for the abolition of, 162 Chadderton, Mr., at Hampton- court, 531 Chaderton, Dr. William, resignation of, 144 Charke, "William, opinions of, 189. expelled from Cambridge, 190. replies to Campion's letter, 286. disputes with him, 299 Charles IX., accession, 82. conduct as to theCartholomeAv massacre, 248 Chateaubriand, researches of, as to the Bartholomew massacre, 249 Cheney, Richard, bishop of Gloucestei*, ordained Campion, 270. parti- culars of him, 271 Christmas and Easter kept at Geneva, 517 Churching of women, denounced, 139. objected-to, at Hampton-court, 539 Clark answers Sanders, 209 Clarke, William, conspiracy of, 523. arrested, 525. executed, Ih. not respected as a martyr, 528 Clement, James, assassinates Henry III., 429 Clement VIII. , particulars of, 602. admires Hooker, 451. interferes in Ireland, 495. sends a phoenix plume to O'Neil, 497. endea- vours to influence the English succession, 498 Clergy, little influence of, at Elizabeth's accession, 566. divided as to the propriety of attending church, Ifj. Codreto, an alleged authority for regicide, 332 Coke, Sir Edward, judgment of, as to subscription, 151. tracks tbe royal supremacy through every reign, 397- states the illegality of papal pretensions in the House of Commons, 410. figure of, at Squire's trial, 493 G18 INDEX. Cole, R., exhibited as an example of clerical conformity, 47 Colleton, falsely chargocl on Campion's trial, 302 Commcndone, papal legate, privately gains the king of Poland, 5 Conio, Canlinal, letter of, to I'arry, 333 Concealers, nature of the attacks by, 487 Concealment, commissions of, 437- abolished, 440 Conciliatory nature of Elizabeth's religious policy, t) Conferences, Puritanical, 188 Confession, Romish, danger of, 257. evils of, 572. 573 Confirmation, qualified censure of, 139. treatment of, at Ilampton- court, 533. 541. 543. 550 Confiscation, undergone by Protestants, under Mary, 578 Consecrations, episcopal, act for confirming, 72 Copes, to be Avorn in cathedrals, 44. reprobated, 50 Coping, John, hanged for a seditious libel, 420 Coppinger, 398 Coranus: see Corro, Anthony de Corona obIatiuuis\ 24.3 Corro, Anthony de, 457 Cosin, Richard, defends the oath c.f officio, 404 Coverdale, Bishop, particulars of, 73. one of the translators of the Geneva Bible, 207 Cowper, Bishop, publishes an Admonition to the People of England, 374. particulars of him, (306 Cox, Bishop, assists Parker in arguing for the retention of crosses, 15. particulars of him, 607 Cranmer, Archbishop, ignorance of, as to eldership, an infirmity, 193 Cranmer, George, pupil to Hooker, 442 Creighton, an-est of, 322. condemns regicide, 331 Crompton, opinion of, against the oath c.v officio, 403 Cross, sign of, denounced, 139. admitted antiquity of, 539 Crucifix, retention of, in the royal chapel, 14. thoughts of retaining it generally, 15 Cullen, Patrick, 436 Cummin, Faithful, 78 Cup, sacramental, temporary allowance of, to Romanists, in the Aus- trian states, 1 1 Dacre, George, Lord, death of, 118 Dacre, Leonard, rising of, 118. defeated, 115) Dal ton, argues for the oath cr officio, 41 1 Darnley, Henry Stuart, Lord, marriage, 8;^. ancestry, 84. ill conduct, 85. appearance, Ih. proclaimed king, Ih. murdered, 87- Darrcl, John, delusions of, 478. deprived, 482 l)avenj)ort, INIr., puritanical motion of, .375 Davison, William, ruined by transmitting tlic \varrant for executing the queen of .Scots, 349 INDEX. 619 Day, William, disputes witli Campion, 297 Degrees, university, denounced, 14G Democratic spirit favourable to Puritanism, 35 Deportation of Romish priests, 3-10 Deposing bull, Jesuitic explanation of, 263. evasions of, 304. dis- claimed by some, 305 Deprivations at the queen's accession, 33 Derby, Henry Stanley, carl of, discovers tlio Mar-V relate press, 371 Dering, 191. 193. prophecies that Parker would be the last archbishop of Canterbury, 218 Descent into Hell, our Lord's, controversy upon, 470 Diaconatc, the, denounced in the Admonil'wn to the Parlinmeiit^ 168 Directory, puritanical, pi-oposed introduction of, into parliament, 555 Disciplinarian controversy, rise of, 137. 144 Discipline, puritanical, nature of, 169. democratic tendency of, 180. date assigned to it, 445. decline of its influence, 454 Disputations, Campion's, 297 Doleman, book under the name of, 432 Douay college, 92. 97 Dove, Bishop, at Hampton-court, 531. particulars of, 609 Drake, buccaneering of, 577 Drury, Robert, one of the thirteen protesting priests, subsequently exe- cuted, 505 Dublin, Trinity college, founded, 445 Dudley, Ambrose, earl of "Warwick, 49 Durey, John, defends Campion from Whitaker, 289 Durham, outrage to the service books at, 115 Ecclesiastical courts, objections to, in Elizabeth's last parliament, 501 Ecclesiastical Polity, publication of, 441 Edification only to be consulted in regulating cliui'ch usages, 66 Egerton, Lord Keeper, in commission on the Norwich case, 487 Elders, ruling, office of, 180. pontifical nature of, 181 Eldership, particular, intended by Barrow, 428 Elfric, publications from, by Archbishop Parker, 210 Elizabeth, Queen, refuses the Emperor Ferdinand's application, 10. allowed by Knox to have a special privilege to govern, 35. opposed to the anti-vesturists, 38. charges the bishops to sup- press irregularities, 40. refuses to sanction the Advertisements, 42. partial to handsome men, 49. insists upon Archbishop Parker's enforcement of conformity, 61. observation upon Darnley, 85. judicious government in her earlier years, 90. denounced by the pope as incapable of sovereignty, 108. removes to Windsor under apprehension of some danger, 110. peremptorily orders the attend- ance of Norfolk at Windsor, 112. excommunicated by Pius Y,, 120. thirteenth anniversary of her accession kept with unusual joy, 131. new parliamentary provisions in favour of her title, 134. 620 INDEX. visits Cambridge, 142. interferes to suppress Mr. Strickland's motions in the House of Commons, 148. probably desired tlic omission of the Twenty-ninth, in a printed edition of the Articles, 257. disapproves of the y;7-o^)//Mj////i:.v, IGl. quashes parliamentary bills upon ecclesiastical questions, IGl. would have bad Birchet executed by martial law, 11)0. irreconcilable to the prophesi/iiigx. 1J)0. uneas}' on account of intelligence falsely given to Archbishop Parker, 201. reproves him for his visitation in the Isle of "Wight, 204. highly respected Foxe, 215. again suppresses puritanical movements in the House of Commons, 221. thought preaching too general, 225. suppresses the prop/iesi/ijigs, 220. courted by the duke of Anjou, 235, announces her intention to maintain the established religion, 240. complains of dangers to her life, 248. professes to abstain from forcing consciences, 251. alleged to have forfeited Ireland, 279. anxious for Campion's apprehension, on account of Anjou, 290. complains of the necessity of pro- secuting Campion and others, 300. orders the discontinuance of torture, 301. thought to be marked for assassination in Martin's Treatise of Schisme, 313. informed of projects against her life upon the Continent, 319. retrenches some of the clauses in the bill for legalising the Association, 323. speaks arrogantly upon ecclesiastical affairs, 324. said to be surrounded by dissolute cha- racters, 347. libelled by Allen, 350. refuses to treat the leading Romanists with severity, on the eve of the Spanish invasion, 357. resolute against religious innovation, 300. termed a goddess, 370. rebukes the attacks of Knollys upon bishops, 380. testimony of Arthington to her freedom from common sins, 400. angry that Cartwrigbt should preach without subscription, 402. uses very high language in parliament, 41 1. displeased with a motion about the succession, 412. regrets the execution of Barrow and Green- wood, 422. indirect testimony of Henry lY. to her chastity, 431. ■writes to him on his Komish conformity, lb. plots of Lopez and others against her, 433. displeased Avith the Lambeth Articles, 408. displeased Avith Baron, 472. thought slightly of, by Cle- ment VI 11., 495. compelled to sell some of the crown lands by Irish expenses, 501. her last illness, 507. death, 509. character, 510. above mere obstinacy, 514. highly spoken of by James I., Ih. names James I. for her successor, 515. perhaps uneasy by finding her courtiers making overtures to him, ]b. jileased •with large episcopal retinues, 559. impatient of Archbishop AVhitgift's favourable ojjinion of b^ssex, 500. 501. inclined to the Confession of Augsburg, 580. Elliot, George, 291 Kly, bishopric of, long vacancy of, 513. 007 Ely-house, Ilatton's attempt upon, 438. 584 Emerson, 202 Eiiglefield, Sir Francis, implicated Avith Thrograorton, 318 INDEX. 621 Episcopacy, puritanical attacks upon, 138. Romisli petition for, 506 Espionage, Romanists harrassecl by, 34G Essex, Robert Devereux, earl of, examines and arrests Fereira, 435. thought well of at one time by Archbishop Whitgift, 500. con- veyed, on his arrest, to Lambeth, 501 Estates of the realm, disputes about the term, 393 Exchanges of episcopal revenues, disadvantageous act for, 219. evil of, 513 Excommunication, treatment of, at Hampton-court, 530. objections to its exercise by laymen, 539. bull of, against Elizalietli, not gene- rally approved by English Romanists, 124. posted by Felton, 120. and in Paris, lb. Execution of' Juslice, publication of, 309 Family of Love, persecuted, 214 Farnese, Cardinal, proposed husband for Lady Arabella Stuart, 499. 529 Fasts, stated, denounced, J 39. placed exclusively on civil grounds, 245 Fausley, puritanical press at, 371 Felonies, severe treatment of, 259 Felton, outrage of, 120. executed, 127. his act disapproved by most English Romanists, lb. Ferdinand, the emperor, intercedes for the English Romanists, 11. for the sacramental cup, and clerical marriage, lb. Fereira, Stephen, da Gama, 433 Feria, duke of, parting conversation of, Avith Elizabeth, 580 Field, concerned in the Admonition to the Parliament, 103. committed, 173. a leading agent, 174 Field, Dr., at Plampton-court, 531 Finch, Sir JMoyl, candidate for Kent, 485 Fitz-Gerald, Gerald, 280 Fitz-Maurice, James, 278 Fletcher, Bishop, particulars of, 004 Flowerdew, Serjeant, opinion of, unfavourable to the legality of sacra mental wafers, 244 Formularies, printed, falsifications in, 22.3 Fortescue, Sir -John, entrusted with the custody of Morice, 411 Foxe, John, objects to the vestures and subscription, 74. edits the Saxon Gospels, 211. intercedes for the foreign sectaries, 215. an annuitant under the duke of Norfolk's will, 252 France, declines acceptance of the Trentine decrees, 6 Francis II., king of France, 80 Fuentes, Count de, 434 Fugitives, Romish, misconduct of many, 92 Fulke, Dr., disputes with Campion, 299 Galloway, P., representation of the Ilampton-court conference, by, 537 Gaping Gii/f, the, 230 G22 INDEX Garnet, IIcniT, provincial of the Jesuits, supports '\^'"cston, 489. receives briefs concerning the succession, 500 Gauden, Bishop, an editor of Hooker, 44G Geneva, Platfunn of Discipline, established at, 182 (ihislieri, ^Micliacl: see Pius V. (Jifford, Dr. AVilliam, encourages the regicide projects of Savage, 342 Gilby, Anthony, representation of, as to Knox's principles, 3(5. con- cerned in the Admonilloii to ihe Parliament, 1G3. also in trans- lating the Geneva Bible, 207- his violence, 227 Gnesna, 5 Goad, Dr., disputes -with Campion, 29U Godwin, Francis, bishop of Llandaff, particulars of, 610. Thomas (his father, afterwards dean of Canterbury, and bishop of Bath and AVells, successively), made dean of Christchurch, 54 Golden daij, Romish expectation of, 131 Goldwell, Thomas (deprived bishop of St, Asai)h), ordained Sanders, 103. was to have returned with Persons and Campion, 2(53 Goodman, attack of, upon female government, 35. summoned before the High Commission, 159 Gospels, Anglo-Saxon, pubHshed by Archbishop Parker, 210 Greenwood, John, a reviver of Brownism, 41G. tried, 421. executed, 422. hostile to the anabaptists, 428 Gregory XIII., particulars of, 001. oft'ers thanksgivings for the Paris massacre, 249. desires the Jesuitic mission into England, 202. makes hostile movements upon Ireland, 278. gives an indulgence to Parry, 334 Gregory XIV,, particulars of, 002 Grindal, Edmund (successively prelate of London, York, and Canter- bury), argues against crosses, 15, opposes the habits, 21, thought decidedly puritanical, 02, collates Coverdale to St. Magnus, 74. has an altercation with a body of Puritans, 7G. advises the refusal of Cartwright's degree, 145, throws doubts upon the canons of 1571, 158, particulars of, 218, endeavours to regulate the pro- phexijings, 224, writes to the fjueen in their favour, 220, declines to act against them, lb. disgraced, 238, death, 307. never a privy-councillor, 503 Guest, Bishop, writes in favour of the habits, 51 Gunpowder first manufactured in England, under Elizabeth, 91 TlabitSj'opposition to, 17. nature of, 28. danger of surrendering them, 38 Ilackct; 398 Hall, Hugh, 311 Hammond, Matthew, burning of, 234 Hampton-court conference, 530 Hance, 250. 258 Hanmcr rcjilics to Cani])ion's letter, 280 Harding, llmnuis, ijitiniate with Allen, iC particulars of, 101 INDEX. 623 Ilarpsfielcl denounces Calvin's doctrine of our Lord's descent into hell, 476 Harsnct, Samuel (eventually archbishop of York), preaches against Calvinism, 466. patronised by Archbishop Whitgift, lb. Ilartlebury-castle endangered by a commission of concealment, 440 Hartley, William, circulates Campion's Ten Reasons, 288 Hatton, Sir Christopher, marked for assassination, 195. charged with contriving the earl of Northumberland's death, 348. built a house on the garden of Ely-house, 584 Hawkins, Sir John, wounded, ]95 Heath, Thomas, assumes collusively the character of a Puritan, 78 Hell, Broughton's explanation of the term, 477 Henry II., king of France, 80 Henry III., assassination of, 420 Henry lY., accession, 428. first conformity to Romanism, 429. final conformity, 430. excuses it to Wilkes, lb. bears indirect testi- mony to the chastity of Elizabeth, 431 Heywood, Jasper, the first English Jesuit that returned to his native country, 262. offensive to Persons, 284. holds a sort of synod, 285 High Commission Court, nature of, 46 Hooker, Richard, particulars of, 442. controversy Avith Travers, 444. 456. death, 445. modification of the Lambeth Articles, 468. college-pupil to Reynolds, 554. his Calvinism, 563 Home, Robert, bishop of Winchester, opposes the habits, 24. did not think them a sufiicient cause for secession, 38. tenders the oath of supremacy to Boner, 71. "\vho represents his consecration as defi- cient in legal validity, 72 Host, Romish, date of the modern, 243 House of Commons, disciplinarian care for influence in, 185 Howard, Charles, lord admiral, interferes to save Campion from muti- lation before death, 306 Humbert, 243 Humphrey, Dr. Lawrence, opposes the habits, 29. declines conformity, 45. deprived of his professorship, 54. vainly presented to a living, 56. eventually conforms, lb. answers Campion's Ten Reasons, ^Qd Hunsdon, Henry Carey, Lord, defeats Leonard Dacre, 119 Huntingdon, Henry Hastings, earl of, favourable to Whittingham, 231 Hutton, Matthew (eventually archbishop of York), approves AVhit- tingham's ordination, 230. charged with money-lending, 234. particulars of, 603 Ibarra, Stephen, 434 Important Considerations, publication of, 95 Infanta, Isabella, the, movements in favour of, 432. marriage of, 499 Injunction-men, 242 Injunctions, directions of, as to the habits, 27 Innocent III., charged with the introduction of the pyre, as a punish- ment of heresy, 215 624 INDEX. Innocent IX., particulars of, G02 Inc^uisition, Spanish, English sutiorcrs hy, 577 Intention, ministerial, alleged insufficiency of the disclaimer of, in the Thirty-nine Articles, 538 Interrogatories, baptismal, objections to, at Hampton-court, 539 Ireland, Spanish invasion of, in 1601, 501 Jackson, Dr. Thomas, testimony of, as to the prophexyings, 224 James I., approves, while in Scotland, of plans to deliver his mother, .310. spoke highly of Elizabeth, 514. named by her, when dying, to succeed, 515. encounters no difficulty in taking the crown, lb. spoke contemptuously of the English church, 517. insulted by the Scottish clergy, 518. gives a favourable answer to Dr. Xeville, Jb. represented as favourable to the millenary petitioners, 520. severe upon popery, in his way to London, 522. publishes a pro- clamation against puritanical movements, 529. commits himsell to the church party, 532. but desires satisfaction in certain points, 533. assents to baptismal regeneration, 535. said to have played the Puritan, on the first day of the Hampton-court conference, 537. speaks moderately of predestination, 544. decidedly main- tains episcopacy, JO. laughs at Dr. Reynolds, lb. objects to the Lambeth Articles, 546. mentions the inconvenient number of Scottish catechisms, lb. objects to the Genevan Bible, lb. says that the Scottish presbytery had usurped the royal supremacy, 548. grossly flattered at Hampton-court, 549. defends the oath ex officio, shows considerable coarseness and indiscretion, 552. shows more ability than the Puritans expected, 562 James II., conversion of, ascribed largely to Hooker, 450 Jerome, cited for ruling elders, 1 79 Jesuits, proclamation against, 281. native, made liable to the penalties of high treason, 324. proclamation against them and their adhe- rents, 502. the utility of the quarrel between them and the seculars asserted at Hampton-court, 543. represent Komish con- formity as discreditable to the seculars, 569 Jewel, John, bishop of Salisbury, argues against crosses, ]5. seems to have intended resignation, if unsuccessful, lb. opposes the habits, 24. refuses institution to Humphrey, 56. entrusted with a revi- sion of the Articles, 152. death and particulars of him, 153. thought lightly of Cartwright, 177- reported to have died favour- able to Komanism, 178 Johnson, Francis, 454 Joscolyn, compiler of the work Dc A/ili(pii/(ilc IJrilamiiciv Ecclcsiu; 208 Judith and Holofcrncs, 313 Julio, Dr., 4.38 Justification, doctrine of, treated at Hampton-court, 544 Keswick, mines at, 91 Kctt, Francis, burnt at Norwich, 351 INDEX. 625 King, Dr., at Hampton-court, 531 Kirkby, Luke, 2G2 Kneeling at the sacrament objcctecl-to, 139 Knewstubbs, Mr., at Hampton-court, 531 Knightly, puritanical family of, 371 Knollys, Sir Francis, a friend to the anti-vesturists, 42. brings in a bill to abolish pluralities, 375. attacks Bancroft's sermon, 380. seconds Morice, the Puritan, 411 Knox, John, attacks female government, 35. arrives in Scotland, 82, expresses disgust at the outrages committed on ecclesiastical buildings, 83. one of the translators of the Geneva Bible, 207. has considerable influence in some towns in the north of Eng- land, 224 Lambeth Articles, 467. Hooker's modification of them, 4G8. sup- pressed, 476. their insertion in the Thirty-nine, demanded at Hampton-court, 538 Lambeth-house, Leicester's desire of, 437 Langside, battle of, 79 Latimer, the only Marian martyr respected by Penry, 425 L'Aubespine, the French ambassador, implicated in designs against Elizabeth's life, 350 Laud, Archbishop, speech of, on the contested clause in the Twentieth Article, 154 Lauro, Vincent, bishop of Mondovi, fruitless mission of, towards Scot- land, 98 Law, common, to be superseded by the Discipline, 588 Lawyers, common, contemptuous mention of, 516 Laynez, Diego, 12 Leases, ecclesiastical, restriction upon, 152 Leicester, Robert Dudley, earl of, a friend to the anti-vesturists, 42. advises conformity, 46. account of him, 48. 49. obtained the deanery of Durham for Whittingham, 232. offended by Arden, 310. charged with poisoning Sir N. Throgmorton, 315. exerts himself to prevent Archbishop Whitgift from being a privy-coun- cillor, 563. aims at Lambeth-house, 437- patronises Dr, Julio, 438. said to have renounced the puritanical party at last, 588. libelled by Allen, 356. death, lb. Lennox, jNIatthew Stuart, earl of, descent, 84. Margaret, countess of, descent, Ih. Le Quien, erroneous view of, 208 Lesley, bishop of Ross, intrigues for Mary, 109. unsuccessfully inter- rogated, 112 Lever, summoned before the High Commission, 159. concerned in the Achnonitio7i to the Pai-Uament, 163 Lewis, John, burnt at Norwich, 354 Liturgy, Cienevan, used by Puritans, 158 Livery to retainers, 310 2 S 626 INDEX. Lollanly idontitlod ^\ itli liiirrouism, 42(! London t'nll ot" ononiics to cap and surplico, 37 Longwortli, apologises for irregularities in his college, (51 Lopez, Roderic, 4',V^ Lumley, John, Lord, commanded to court, 1 12 Lutheran party, 1") Lyfford, 21)1 ^Machiavellian policy charged upon the government, }i'>7 jMackbray, influence of, in certain towns in the north of I'ngland, 224 ]\Ianwood, Judge, charge of, against JMayne, 25C ]\Iargaret professor, election of, 473 Mar-Prelale, 370 ]\larriage-service, objection to, 13S). ring, a Romish device, 140 jNIartin, (Iregory, Campion's friend, 272. his Trc(disc uf Schis)ne, 313. death, lb. Martyrs, JMarian, no authorities for the Discipline, 184 IMary Queen of Scots, lauds in England, 79- her early history, 80. assumes the royal arms of England, 81. returns to Scotland, 82. hardly obtains personal religious toleration, 83. marries Darnley, Jb. legal objections to her claims upon England, 84. her judg- ment upon Daridey's appearance, 8;"). accused as an accessory to Darnley's murder, 87- attends English prayers, S)!). Avritcs in excuse to the Pope., 100. sought in marriage by the duke of Norfolk, lOi). her letters to him, 253. her correspondence con- ducted by means of Throgmorton, 31"). otters to join the Associa- tion, 323, denies the truth of Parry's accusation, 332. corre- sponds by means of Babington, 343. implicated in his conspiracy, 34.">. writes to Persons, approving of Philip's designs, 348. tried, 340. executed, //>. 3Iass, attendance at, in the houses of foreign ambassadors, 251 ]\Iatchet, 200 IMatrimonial ofHcc, -words in objected-to, at Ilampton-court, 539 Matthew, Tobias (successively bishop of Durham, and archbishop of York), at Ilampton-court, 531. particulars of, ()05 Maur, Ralian, decisive testimony of, against transubstantiation, 21 1 Mayne, Cuthbert, 255 ^ledina Sidonia, duke of, said (o jiave determined upon sliewing no particular favour to English Romanists, 350 Melvil, Sir James, remark of, upon Darnley, 85 Mendoza, Pernardin dc, concerned with Throgmorton, .31(5. with- draws to Paris, 319 Mercuriano, general of the Jesuits, objects to send his order into England, 201 Mey, Dr., refu^ed a grace to Cartwright, 140 Midnight services, luglect of, 132 Mildmay, Sir "Walter, communicates a royal answer to the House of Commons, 221. speaks in parliament against Romish reconcile- jnents, 282 iNDE}^. 627 Millenary Petition, the, 518. answered by the two universities, 521. arbitrary treatment from it, 530 iVlonaster Neva, 2}>1 ]\ronastic pillage, abuse of, 583 JMonks, one of the last old English, death of, 487 IMonopolies, royal abandonment of, 514 j\Iontague, Dr., at Ilampton-court, 531 Moore, the Jesuit historian, testimony of, to the glory of Elizabeth's reign, 592 ]\Iore, pretences of, to cast out devils, 481. deposed from the ministry, 483 IMorgan, Thomas, intent upon the deliverance of Mary Quocu of Scots, 318. implicated with Ballard, 342. refuses to join the Spanish party, 359 ]\Iorgan, William, successively bishop of Llandaff and St, Asaph, par- ticulars of, Gl 1 Morice, attorney of the -Court of Wards, puritanical speech of, in the House of Commons, 411. imprisoned, lb. Morton, Dr. Nicholas, mission of, 108 Morton, the regent, delivers up the earl of Northumberland, 118 ]\Iosaic law taken as the pattern of Christian jurisprudence, 304 i\Iountacute, Lord, objection of, to Jesuits and Seminarists, 300 MuUins, Archdeacon, procures extensive conformity at his visitation, 44 Names of heathen origin, denounced, 139 Nash replies to Mar-Prelale^ 374 National synod holden by the Disciplinarians, 383 Navy, project for firing the, 43(5 Nelson, 250. 257 Neville, lulmund, connected with Parry, 330 Neville, Dean, sent into Scotland by Archbishop "Whitgift, 517 Nicholas, Henry, founder of the Family of Love, 214 Norfolk, tumult in, 125 Norfolk, Thomas Ilowai'd, duke of, tempted by the prospect of mar- rying the queen of Scots, 109. ordered to court, but delays. 111. committed to the Tower, 112. executed, 252 Northampton, puritanical movements at, 159. prayers for the dead discontinued in, 244 Northumberland, Thomas Percy, earl of, summoned to court, 113. rebels, 114. flees into Scotland, 117- delivered up and executed, 118. Henry Percy, earl of, death and particulars of, 347 Norton, Richard, standard-bearer in the northern rebellion, 115 Norwich, dean and chaptci', case of, 487 Novatians, 52 Nowell, Alexander, dean of St. Paul's, Paci/ication of, 51. attendance of, upon the duke of Norfolk, at execution, 252. disputation Avith Campion, 297. 2 S 2 628 INDEX. Oath, e.r officio, nature of, 40:{. its legality questioned, Ih. defended by Cosin, 404. used l>y Calvin, 403. taken by some ministers, 407. refused by Cartwriglit, 389 Oflet, 243 Old Hall fJreen, Romish college at, 93 O'Xeil, Hugh, earl of T}Tone, insurrection of, 496. his phoenix plume, 497 Ordination, hastiness of, at the queen's accession, 34. episcopal, some- times dispensed with, If), of non-preachers, denounced, 139. AVhitingham's case of, 230. Presbyterian, legal validity of, maintained by Travers, but denied by AVhitgift, 443 Organization, puritanical, 383 Orthodoxy, Protestant, questioned by Romanists, 234 Orton, renounces the Pope's deposing power, 305 Ossat, Cardinal d', reasons against the paj^al plan for changing the English succession, 50(3 Overall, John, dean of St. Paul's (afterwards successively bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, and Norwich), at Hampton-court, 531. .1 44. prepares the addition to the catechism, 552 Page, disperser of Stubbe's pamphlet, 238 Paget, Charles, implicated with Throgmorton, 31(5. joint admini- strator of her French dowry for jMary Queen of Scots, 342. received at Petworth-house, 347- not of the Spanish party, 359 Palmia, an alleged authority for regicide, 332 Papal pretensions, unconstitutional, 410. said, at Ilampton-court, to be insufficiently disclaimed in the Thirty-nine Articles, 538 Paris, jMatthew, published by Archbishop Parker, 209 Parker, Archbishop, argues in faA'Our of retaining crosses, 15. his views of the habits, 19. interferes for Sampson, 55. makes an-angements for suppressing irregularities, 42. has an alterca- tion with Mr. Wentworth, 149. complains of JMachiavellian ]iolicy, 157. complains of ill usage of the bishops, 102. provides for answering the //f/w/o;////o« tof/ic Pnrliatiicnl, 174. disapproves of the restoration of Bering, 192. thought lightly oi' his learning, 193. corresponds about the prophesyings, 200. alarmed by tlie intelligence of a sham ])lot, 201. visits the Isle of Wight. 20:5. reproved by the queen, 204. death, 205. his remains disturlxd, 20(5. procures a revised edition of the Bible, 208. overlooks the work Dc Antiquitate Brilaiiiiira- Ecclciia; 208. has both Sanders and Cartwriglit answered. 201). publishes some valuable }>iec(S of English history, lb. also l^lliie against transubstantiation, 210. also the Anglo-Saxon (Jospels, //;. wrote upon the mar- riage of priests, 21 1. an important ])reserver of jMSS., 212. writes about a congregation of anabaptists, 213. thought Grindal too lenient, 220. denounced as Pope of Lambeth, 227- refused to excuse the attendance of IJrowne, under ])lea of privilege, 229. alarmed by the Paris massacre, 250. kept the queen firm to her religious choice. 514 INDEX. 629 Parkhurst, John, bisliop of Norwich, forljids the prophcsyings, 200. particulars of him, lb. deluded by some impostures, 203 Parliamentary, improper use of the term towards the English preUicy, 72_ _ Parr, William, marquess of Northampton, 62 Parry, William, speaks against additional severity to Romanists, 32j. early life, 326. sues for the mastership of St. Catharine's, 330. a])peals to Allen's authority to justify assassination, 331. arrested, 335. expelled the House of Commons, 336. tried, lb. executed, 337 Patronage, ecclesiastical, denounced as an usurpation, 131) Paul lY., 601 Pearson, chaplain to Archbishop Parker, visits Field and Wilcox in prison, 174 Pembroke, William Herbert, earl of, ordered to court, 112 Penry, John, early history of, 422. principally concerned in the Mar- Prelate tracts, 371. 423. apprehended, lb. his principles, 421. 425. 428. tried, 426. executed, 427 Peretti, Felix: see Sixtus Y. Perez, Anthony, 434 Perkins, W., Golden Chain, by, 4()4 Persons, Robert, seminary-oath attributed to him, 94. selected for the English mission, 261. orders for his apprehension issued, 263. his early history, 264. ari-ives again in England, 274. begins upon political agitation, 275. offended Avith Heywood, 284. holds a meeting of the missionaries in London, 285. partially admitted as a superior by the Romish clergy, lb. prepares an answer to the roA'al proclamation, 286. goes into the country, lb. his final meeting with Campion, 2!)0. escapes to the Continent, 293. his own account of himself, lb. character of him, 301). charged with privity to Parry's treason, 332. secretly travelling iii England during Babington's conspiracy, 348. receives a letter from the queen of Scots approving of Philip's designs, lb pro- fesses her intention of leaving the English crown to Philip, Jb. defends the desertion of Stanley, 353. charged with the real authorship of Allen's Admoniliou, 35(5. attacks Sir E. Coke upon the supremacy, 398. denies the Pliilopaler, 414. canvasses for the Infanla, 432. publishes Doleman, lb. ajjologises for it to James I., lb. said to have discouraged plots against the life of Elizabeth, 436. his view of the succession, 498. leaves the court of Spain, 499. thinks Romish prelacy desirable for Enghmd, 506. speaks highly of the seminarists, 571. death, 575. talked-of for a cardinal, lb. Perth, mischievous effects of a sermon there by Knox, 83 Petition in favour of Romanism, 338 Philip, forbearance of the English court towards, 437 Phoenix plume, alleged, papal present of, 497 Pickering, Lewis, a libeller of Archbishop AVhitgift, 565 G30 INDEX. Piers, Archbishop, particulars of, ()03 Pilkiiitrtoii, James, bishop of Durham, opposes tlic habits, 22. urites against them to Leicester, 4l). particuUirs of him, GOo Piscator, attacked by Baron, 472 Pits, embarrassed by :Matthew Paris, 20!) Pius IV. confirms tlie Trentinc decrees, and labours for their general acceptance. "). his creed, (501 Pius V. early history, 88. elected pope, 80. superstition, Ih. autho- rizes the Trentine Catechism, lb. violent language, 109. excom- municates the queen, 120. canonized, 123. death,//;, dates, GOJ. Platform, ])uritauical, 138 Plowden. counsel to Boner, 72 Plumbers' Hall, puritanical congregation at, 7'> Pluralities, bill brought in for the abolition of, 37"). attacked in I'^liza- beth's last parliament, oOl. justified at Hampton-court, i^yA'S Popes, during the Elizabethan period, GOl I'opham, C. J., endeavours to suppress Ur. Bound's book, 401 Possevino, embarrassed b}' jMatthcw Paris, 20!) Pound, Thomas, prints Campion's answer to the royal proclamation, 28t). committed to the Tower, 287 Prayers for the dead, continuance of, 244 Preacher, and no Sacrament minister, 242 Preachers, deficiency of, 33 Preaching, exclusive claims of, denied at naraj)ton-court, 543. licenses for, called in, 158 Predcstinarian controversy, 4G3 Predestination, doctrine of, treated at Hampton-court, 544 Prelacy, during the Elizabethan period, 003 Presbytery, assumed certain prevalence of, 3(54 Press, liberty of the, restrained, 70. objected-to by the Puritans, at Hampton-court, 530 Preston, Thomas, opponent of Cartwright in a idiilosoidiy act, 142 Proclamations against Puritanism, 103. 104 Prohibitions, motions for, 51(5 Prup/icxi/ifiirx^ instituted at Northampton, 1(50. disliked by the queen, !!(!>. partially sui)pressod, 200. completely so, 22(5. restoration of, required at Hampton-court, 530 Prynne, attacks the memory of Archbishop "Whitgift, 5(55 Puckering, Serjeant, Speaker of the House of Commons, 325. as lord keeper, states ancient cases in favour of the royal supremacy, 410. states tlie (lueeu's pleasure to parliament, 412 Puritans, irregularities in ministration by, .3!). treated as few and con- ceited, 41. (51. origin of th«.' name, 52. avail themselves of the Cambridge preaching licenses, 58. their vestural scruples termed fanatical, (50. many of their sermons chiefly invectives against (;xternals, (53. Avritc against the vestures, Jh. originally objected to little else, (57. extend their objections, (i8. injudiciously met, (>!). make great us(! of the press, 70. display considerable vio- INDEX. 031 Iciicc against the vestures, 74. think of separation, 7>J- use the Genevan liturgy, lb. make a congregation at numbers' Hall, 7^« their character assumed by Papists, 78. date given l)y Cecil to their objections to the liturgy, 79- agreed doctrinally with the Cliurcli party, 137- their principles, 138. formed into a discipli- narian party jjy Cartwright, 144. discredited by some impostures, 202. consider Archbishop Grindal their own., 218. undermine ancient religious usages, 243. take the Mosaic law as obligatory upon Christians, 364. much supported in the cabinet, 36t). maintain that property once given to religion is inalienably belonging to it, 370. require subscription, 408. intolerant to Independency, 414. consult about terminating both the Romish and the Brownist schisms, 41.5. denounced as hypocrites by the Barrowists, 417. declared by them to shrink from the full conse- quences of their own principles, 421. date assigned to their dis- cipline, 445. their friends at the council-board, 514. endeavour to win James I. on bis accession, 515. move for prohibitions, 516. many of them outward conformists, 519. their objections on the accession of James, lb. evidently not the extent of their views, 521 , 530. object to liberty of the press, 539. surprised by James's ability at Hampton-court, 562 Raleigh, Sir Walter, countenances the report of Northumberland's assassination, 348. conspires, 522 Reading and ministering ministers, 242 Reasons., Ten., Campion's, 287 Rebellion, the northern, 114 Reconcilements to Rome made penal, 282. evils of them, 573 Recusancy, Romish, legal nature of, 413. chiefly among females, 578. compositions for, 361. Protestant, act against, 413. continued, 416 Reformatio Leguvi Ecclesiasticannn, laid before the House of Com- mons, 148 Regeneration, baptismal, maintained by James I., 535 Religion, number of executions for, 595 Re-ordination, 255 Retainers, 310 Reynolds, Dr., particulars of, 554. accuses Coranus of Pclagianism, 457. proposes to add the Lambeth Articles to the Thirty-nine, at Hampton-court, 467 Rhclms, disputes upon regicide at, 341 Rhemish Testament, animadversions upon, undertaken by Cartwright, 558 Riario, Cardinal, treats with Spain about an invasion of I'^lizabcth's dominions, 576 Ridolfi, Robert, seditions agency of, 98. arrested, 110 Ring in marriage, not objccted-to at Hampton-court, 539 Rippon, Roger, libellous inscription upon the coffin of, 419 632 INDEX. Rishton, Edward, 262 Rizzio, murder df, 86 Kolnnson, Bishop, at Hampton-court, 531. particulars of him, 010 Kognc, M., testimony of, to the Church c)f I'.jigland, r)42 Komanism merely in possession at the lu'fonnation, 5 Romanists, attendance of, at church, durinj;' the queen's first years, 10. thought to he two-thirds of the nation then, 13. yet few certainly known, 567- flee to the Continent, 38. object discordancy to Protestantism, 39 Romish conformity, general, 128. Declaration a^amst, 12i). recusancy, beginning of, on a large scale, 127- 129. priests, protestation of the thirteen, 504 Rudd, Bishop, at Ilampton-court, 531. particulars of, 611 Ruthven, concerned in Rizzio's murder, 86 Sabbatarian controversy, 459 Sahhalh, ancient application of the word, 460 St. Paul's spire, burning of, 131 Saints' days, keeping of, denounced, 139 Sampson, Dr. T., opposition of, to the habits, 29. declines conformity, 45. deprived, 54. subsequent history of, 55. summoned Ix-fore the High Commission, 159. preached the sermon that inflamed Birchct, 195. concerned in the Admomtion to the Parliament, 163 Sanders, Nicholas, particulars of, 103. answered by Archbishop Parker's means, 209. lands in Ireland, 278. publishes a letter to the nobility and gentry there, 280. his death, Jh. Sandys, Edwin, archbishop, opposition to the habits, 25. motion of, in convocation, in 1562, against the cross in baptism, and the admi- nistration of that sacrament by women, 67. advises the restora- tion of Dering, 192. wishes for a puritanical disputation, Jh. presides in convocation, 222. questions Whittingliani's ordination, 230. proposes to execute the Queen of Scots, 345. death of, 365. recommends Hooker to the Temple, 442 Savage, John, treason of, 341 Scambler, Bishop, approves the prophcsyings, 160. condemned by Kctt, 354. particulars of, 609 Scott, Colonel, disturbs the remains of Archbishop Parker, 2(^6 Scottish ministers, visit of, to Oxford, 382 Scripture, presumed impolicy of rc-traiislating, 542 Sebastian, king of Portugal, 279 Sctlitious pieces, writing or j)ublishiiig of, made fclonv, 420 Scignory, qualified, admitted by Whitgift, 179 Seminaries, Jiomish, 94. 97- nature of the persons chiefly who entered them, 570 Seminarists, represented as interested, 572 Seminary ])riests, oath of, 94. accusations against, 95. mmle liuMe to the penalties of higli treason, 324 INDEX. 633 Shelley, Richard, presents a petition in favour of the Romanists, 338. able only to substantiate it imperfectly, 339 Sherwin, Ralph, 262. ec^uivocation of, 303. executed, 306. particulars of, 310 Sherwood, 256. 258 Sigismund, king of Poland, obtains the recognition of the Trentine decrees, 5 Siniancas, projects of regicide, in the archives of, 436 Simier, agency of, for Anjou, 235 iSu/giug cake, 244. Singleton, printer to Stubbe, 238 Sixtus Y. renews the bulls against Elizabeth, 355. promises a subsidy to Philip, 361. particulars of, 601 Smerwick, 278 Smith, John, ansAvers for Puritans in custody, before Bishop Grindal, 76. qualified subscription of, 161 Snape, re -ordination of, 255 Soraerville, John, case of, 310 Sommers, William, 479 Soto, Peter, 12 Spain, accepts the Trentine decrees, 6 Spanish party, the, 360 Sparke, Dr., at Hampton-court, 531 Speaker of the House of Commons, right of voting denied to, 502 Spenser, Dr. John, an editor of Hooker, 446 Sponsors denounced, 139 Squire, treason of, 491 Squire, Dr., offended with Persons, 266 Stafford, Sir Edward, acquaints Elizabeth of plots against her, 319 Stanclitfo, 266 Standon, 93 Stanihurst, R., 271 Stanley, Sir William, desertion of, 350 Stapleton, Thomas, intimate with Allen, 93. admires Hooker, 451. particulars of, lb. Statute-Protestants, 242 Still, Bishop, particulars of, 607 Stonar, Mrs., has a secret press for the printing of Romish books, 313. committal of, lb. Stone, Tliomas, takes the oath ex officio, 407 Story, Dr. -John, case of, 253 Strickland, Mr., motion of, in the House of Commons, 147 Stuart, Lady Arabella, pedigree of, 498. legal advantage of, 524 Stubbe, particulars of, 2.36. loses his right liand, 239. answers Allen, 240 Stukely, Thomas, 278 Subscription qualified by act of parliament, 49. not intended for pcr- manence, 151. legally abolished, 158. puritanical, ,38-1. puritan, 408. loosely enforced in the Church, 409. irregular enforcement of, 586 G34 IXDEX. Sunday, new regulations for the observance of, denianilcd at Hamplon- court, 538 Sunday plays, 4;')l) Suproniaey, oath of, mitigated under Elizaheth, 581 ^>urj>liee, Protestant, difterent from the Komibh, 28. ohjections to, at Hampton-court, 531) Surplice and ceremonies, objected to, 140 Ter AVoort, Ilendrick, burning of, 217 Thacker, Elias, hanged for sedition, 420 Throgmorton, Sir (Jeorge, 314. Sir Nicholas, Ih. Sir John, 315. Francis, conducts a clandestine correspondence -with ]\Iary of Scotland, Ih. arrested, 31 (i. tortured, 317- tried and executed, 320. George, arrested, 321 Toleration, not thought of by Foxe, 316. not maintained in the Advio- nil'ion to the Parliament., lt)5 Travcrs, AValter, writes the Book of Discipline., 382. forms a puri- tanical l)arty among the lawyers, 3J)5. particulars of, 443. con- troversy with Hooker, 444. 450. goes to Dublin, 415 Treason, loose construction of the law of, 259 Tregian, case of, 256 Trcntinc council, a committee of, decides against Romish attendance at church, 12 Trcntine decrees, when confirmed by the pope, 5. first accepted by the Venetians, Ih. by Poland, //;. by Spain, 6. never formally by France, lb. Turks, conformity with, better than with papists, 540 Tyrlough Lynogh, 496 Ucanzius, archbishop of Gnesna, proposes to have the Trcntine decrees examined, before approval, 5 Udal, John, influence of, in certain towns of the north, 224. 390 Udalrie, St., 243 Underbill, Bishop, particulars of, ()09 Unljhnnlty, Act uf\ habits j)rescribcd by, 2(5 Unitarians, pronounced by Penry incapable of salvation, 1"2<{ I'rban VII., particulars of, (102 I'tenhovius, 16 Van ^lildcrt. Bishop, munificence of, 2i:i A'eils, worn by women at churching, 245 Venetians, first acce])tance of the Trcntine decrees by, 5 Vcstnn nts dischiimed as princijjal objects of contention, in the Atlnio- nit ion to the I'arlldnicnt, 1()() Vesture controversy, sul)s(antial insignificance of, admitted by Sampson and Hunijibrey, 4(i. 50 A'incent of Lerins, Catholicity defined by, 7 INDEX. 035 virgin jNfary's dowiy, England rcprcsentofl as, rt'Jd Visitations, episcopal, royal reflections upon, 194 Vitclli, sent into England, in contemplation of the northern rehellion, 110 VohiHlarij Sijxlem, Penry's advocacy of, 424 Waad, Sir William, 322 "Wafers, sacramental, 244 "Walker, Archdeacon, disputes Avith Campion, 290 AValpole, accused hy Squire, 492. exonerated by him, 494 "WaUinghivm, Sir Francis, donation of, to C'artwright, for the confuta- tion of the Rhemish Testament, r)")8. founds a lectureship of con- troversial divinity, 554. letter of, to Critoy, 251. published by Archbishop Parker, 209. secretly apprised of Babington's plot, 344. charged with contriving it, 345. proposed endowment for, from the Church, 584. said to have renounced the puritanical party at last, 583 "Wandsworth, the first presbytery established at, 186 "Watson, Anthony, bishop of Chichester, at Hampton-court, 531. parti- culars of, ()()7 AVatson, Thomas, deprived bishop of Lincoln, modest behaviour of, at Wlsbeach, 489 "Watson, AYilliam, conspiracy of, 523. arrested, 525. executed, //;. attributes his end to the Jesuits, 526. asks their pardon, 527- particulars of him, lb. not respected as a martyr, 528 Watts, a Romish authority against regicide, 333 AVebb, mission of, 108 AVeutworth, Peter, altercation of, with Archbishop Parker, 140. reflection upon the bishops by, 162. sequestered, J/>. parlia- mentary boldness of, 220. displeases the queen by a motion about the succession, 412 AVestminster, Matthew of, published by Archbishop Parker, 209 AVestmoreland, Charles Neville, carl of, summoned to court, 113. flees into Scotland and escapes into Flanders, 117 AVeston, nlici.s- Edmonds, desires to be acknowledged agent of the pri- soners at AVisbcach, 489 AVhitaker, Dr. AA'illiam, thinks lightly of Cartwrlght, 178. a high Calvinist, 464. principal framer of the Lambeth Articles, 467. death, 469. his clennii, 47L answers Campion's Ten lieasotiSj 289. esteemed bj- Bellarmlne, 290 AA^hitgift, .John, offers disputation to Cartwrlght, 140. deprives him of his fellowship, 145. answers the /Ichiioni/ion to Parlicnne/it, 175. consecrated to AVorcester, If), dissuaded from continuing the controversy with Cartwrlght, 179. admits some sort of a seignory, Ih. claims largo privileges for the sovereign, 180. declares against the validity of AVhlttlngham's ordination, 232. refuses Canterbury during Grlndal's life, 367- accepts it, 368. directed to search for the authors, &c., of the Mar-Prelate libels, 636 INDEX. 371. assists Bishop Cowpcr in answering them, 374. absent from court ^\hon Cartwright appeared, 390. seems to ]»ave inter- ceded for Udal's life, 394. testifies the obstinacy of Cawdrey, 39(5. disapproves of releasing the Puritan leaders without a full submission, 401. latterly upon good terms with Cartwright, 402. wishes a second conference between him and Barrow, 421. libelled in the coftin-plate inscription of R. Rippon, 420. charged with procuring the deaths of Barrow, Greenwood, and Penr\', 427. frustrates a commission of concealment, 441. says that "NVhittingham, if he had lived, Avould have been deprived, 443. protects Hooker, 444. obtains Bishop's Bourn for him, 4-1"). endeavours to suppress Dr. Bound's book, 461. biassed gene- rally in favour of Calvinism, 465. patronises Archbishop Ilarsnet, 466. censures some of the retractation extorted from Barret, lb. excuses himself to the queen for authorizing the Lambeth Arti- cles, 468. declares her favourable to their general tenour, lb. represents them as conformable to the Thirty-nine, 469. protects Baron, 472. the probable extent of his Calvinism, 474. abandons Calvin's view of Christ's descent into hell, 477- sits upon Darel's case, 483. charged with electioneering interference, 480. recom- mends regulations for the ecclesiastical courts, 501. draws up reasons for the continuance of pluralities, 502. attends the queen in her last illness, 508. kept her firm to her religious choice, 514. displeased l)y motions for prohibitions, 516. speaks con- temptuously of common lawyers, lb. uneasy at the prospect of -James's accession, 517. sends Dr. NcA^ille into IScotland, lb. uneasy during his last summer, 521. procures answers to the puritanical publications, lb. comes to the Hampton-court confe- rence, 531. denies any regular authority for private baptism by females and laymen, 534. nominates two bishops for the second day's conference at Hampton-court, 537- pays a blasphemous compliment to the king, 550. 562. uneasy at the prospect of a new parliament, 555. chooses P>arlow to pul)lis]i an account of the Hampton-court conference, Jb. seized with his last illness, Tb. death, 55(5. character, 557. prevents Cartwright from pub- lishing against tiie Rhemish Testament, 558. kejtt a large esta- blishment, 559. thought favoural)ly of Ksscx, 560. 561. reasons for his large establishment, lb. charitable, lb. founds an hospital ajid free-school at Croydon, 5(52. his huiiiility there, lb. his occasional state, lb. his freedom of expostulation with the queen, Jb. his Calvinistic bias, 5(53. a constant preacher, lb. made a privy councillor when Leicester was abroad, Jb. never interfered in secular business, 564. libelled after his death, 565. his memory attacked by Prynne, Jb. offered the chancellorship, Jb. vice-president of the marches of Wales, /b. Whittingliani, Dean, view oi" the habits taken by, 18. writes ngainst tliein to licicester, 49. irregular ordination of, 34. not sanctioned by Calvin. lb. conformity of, 57- one of the translators (jf the IxNDEX. 637 Genevan Bible, 207- ordination of, questioned, 230. particulars of him, 232. ordination of, pronounced legally insufficient by Whitgift, 443 Wickham, Bishop, particulars of, 606 Wickliffe, high estimation of, by Penry, 425 Wielmacker, John, burning of, 217 Wilcox, concerned in the Admonition to the Parliament, 163. impri- soned, 173 Williams, a treasonable agent for Fuentes, 436 Wisbeach Castle, Komish committals to, on the approach of the Armada, 358. quarrels of the prisoners in, 488 Withers, G., puritanical violence of, 57- suspended, 58. conforms, 59 Wolton, Bishop, particulars of, 608 Workington, 70 IVorship with my body, explanation of, 547 Wray, Sir Christopher, judgment of, as to subscription, 151 AVj'at, Sir Thomas, case of, drawn into precedent, 196 Yates, Edward, 291 York, Rowland, desertion of, 350 Yorke, a treasonable agent for Fuentes, 436 Young, T., Archbishop of York, opposition of, to the habits, 20 . l.ONDOX : John \V. Pa-^kf;., Sr. Mahtin's L\m B Y THE SAME A UTHOR. Octavo, 10s. diL THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH; ITS HISTORY, REVENUES, AND GENERAL CHARACTER. THE SECOND EDITIOX, REVISED AND COliUECTED. PARKER'S LIST OF NEW WORKS AND NEW EDITIONS. No. II. JSeptember, 1842. A TRANSLATION OF THE BOOK OF PSALMS, by WILLI AxM FRENCH, D.D., Master of Jesus Collcfre, Cambridcre, ami Canon of Ely ; and Rev. GEORGE SKINNER, M. A., late Fellow and Tutor of Jesus College. A New Edition, Revised, with Critical and Philolocrical Notes. Octavo, ]2s. PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANITY, Exemplified and Illustrated by the ACTS of PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. By Rt. Rev. RICHARD MANT, D.D., Lord Bishop of Down and Connor. Octavo, 12s. A MANUAL OF CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES; or. an Account of tlie Constitution, Ministers, Worship, Discipline, and Customs of the Early Church. By the Rev. J. E. RIDDLE, M.A. \8s. THE BIBLE CYCLOPEDIA; a Comprehensive Digest of the Civil and Natural History, Geography, Statistics, and General Literary Information connected with the Sacred Writings. Printed in small Folio, with several Hundred Illustrations. Volume I. 25*., bound in cloth. To be completed in Two Volumes, or in Thirty Monthly Numbers at Is. (id. each. BIBLE MAPS. A series of new and Accurate Maps, with Explanatory Memoirs, and a copious Index of Scriptural and Modern Names, and forming a complete Historical and Descriptive Atlas of Scrip- ture Geography; the Ancient Authorities being verified and corrected up ' to the present time. By WILLIAM HUGHES, F.R.G.S. Uniform with the Bible Cyclopaedia. 7*- 6d. LECTURES IN DIVINITY, delivered in the University of Cambridge, by JOHN HEY, D.D., as Norrissian Professor, from 1780 to 1795. A New Edition. Revised, in Two large Volumes. 30*. GEMS of SACRED POETRY; A Collection of Beautiful Poems from the Works of British Writers, between 1540 and 1840. Two handsome Pocket Volumes, bound and gilt. 8*-. GEMS of SACRED LITERATURE; or, Choice Pieces from the Works of celebrated Writers, from IGOO to 1840; with Select Passages from the Early Fathers, and an Introductory Essay on Sacred Literature. Uniformly with the above, Two Volumes. 8*. THE CHURCHMAN'S GUIDE; a Copious Index of Sermons and other Works, by eminent Church of England Divines. Digested an/. By the Rev. Sir G. W. CRAUFURD, Bart., M.A. 2s. ()./. PALEY'S EVIDENCES EPITOMISED; with a view to exhibit his Argument in a small compass, without omitting or weakening any of its component parts. 5s. ON THE FOUNDATIONS OF MORALS: Fonr Sermons preached before the L'niversity of Cambridge. By Professor AVHEWELL, B.D., Master of Trinity College. New Edition, with a Preface. 3.*. OW. THE NEW CRATYLUS ; or, CONTRIBUTIONS towards a more Accurate Knowledge of the Greek Language. By the Rev, J. "W. DONALDSON, M.A., Head Master of the Bury School. 17s. SYNCHRONOLOGY : a Treatise on the History, Chronology and Mythology of the Ancient Egyptians, Greeks, and Phoenicians, and the Ilannony between the Chronology of those Nations and that of the Holy Scriptures. By the Rev. CHARLES CROSTHAVAITE. I,")*-. '^T^yt:^T] THE GUIDE of the HEBREW STUDENT; con- taining an Epitome of Sacred History, with Easy Passages in Pure Bib- lical Hebrew, with Keys, and Glossary, adapted for English Learners. By II. II. BERNARD, Hebrew Teacher in the University of Camb. IQs.Gil. LEO'S HEBREW GRAMMAR for the Use of Schools and Students in the I'^niversities. \2s. 6(1. THE CHALDEE TEXT OF Daniol, V., and the SYRIAC of St. Matthew, VI. 1 — 13, analyzed; for the use of Students. By the Rev. T. R. BR( )WN, JNI.A. Ss. 6d. ELEMENTS OF SYRIAC GRAMMAR, by the Rev. G. PHILLIPS, ISI.A., Fellow and Tutor of Queen's College, Cambridge. 10*-. A PliACTICAL ARABIC GRAMMAR. By DUNCAN STEWART. Octavo, \6s. FRAGAn<:NTS OF THE GREEK CO]\IIC WRITERS, with Latin and English Notes. By JAMES BAILEY, JM.A., Trin. Coll. Cainh. Octavo, 9». 6rf. London: JOHN W. PARKER, Publisher, West Strand. Date Due ■5ii5BSP^*o»^ \ BW5125 .S67 Elizabethan religious history Pnncrton Theological Scminary-Sperr Library 1 1012 00081 6456