I^wss /f LIBRARY OF THE Theological Seminary, PRINCETON, N. J. BR 145 .A37 1823 v. 2 Allen, Benjamin, 1789-1829 History of the church of Christ '^^.. \\ ^^^^ ^ts^^'^^jt. // I. O • 'i^SS t ^ ^v-^^ ..•^ ^ 4»V- t BISTORT ©1* ©MJiai BY THE REV. BENJAMftj ALLEN, njiCTOR OF ST. Paul's cKuncH, philadelphja. VOL. II. PHILADELPHIA: PUBLISHED BY E. BACON, No. 39, CHERRY STREET. Clark & Baser, Printers, 33 Carter's Alley. 1824. Hastern District of Pennsylvunia, to tuit: BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the twenty-thud day oJ Auguit,iu the forty-eighth year of the independence of the United States of America, A.D. 1823, the Rev, Benjamin Allen, o{ the said district, hatli deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following, to wit: " History of the Church of Christ. By the Rev. Benjamin Allen, Rector of St. Paul's Church, Philadelphia. In conformity to the act of the Congi'ess of the United States, intituled, "An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of Ma])-!, Charts, and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned"' — And also to the act, entitled, " An Act supplementary to an Act, entitled, ' An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the authors and propiietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and oUier prints." D. CALDWELL, Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. .'^riT.O HISTORY mtf) § Gibbon, vol. v. c. 55. 32 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. Toward tlie close of this century, the northern nations ceased to invade the southern entirely. Tlie last attempt was made by Magnus, king of Norway, on the isle of Anglesea; but he was repulsed by Hugh, earl of Shrews- bury,* in the eleventh year of William Rufus. '• That restless people seem about this time to have learned the use of tillage, which thenceforth kept them at home, and freed the other nations of Europe from the devastations spread over them by those piratical invaders. This proved one great cause of the subsequent settlement and im- provement of the southern nations." So writes the infidel Hume; but we may attribute the change to the gospel, and not to agriculture. But what more especially distinguished the 11th cen- tury, was the beginning of the crusades. Even before the violation of Palestine by the Saracen arms, it iiad been a prevailing custom among the Christians of Europe to visit those scenes rendered interesting by religion, partly through delight in the effects of local association, partly in obedience to the prejudices or commands of superstition. These pilgrimages became more frequent in latter times, in spite, perhaps in consequence, of the danger and hardships which attended them. For a while the Mohammedan possessors of Jerusalem permitted, or even encouraged a devotion which they found lucrative; but this was interrupted, whenever the ferocious inso- lence, with which they regarded all infidels, got the bet- ter of their rapacity. During the eleventh century, when from increasing superstition, and some particular fancies, the pilgrims were more numerous than ever, a change took place in the government of Palestine, which was overrun by the Turkish hordes from the north. These * Hume, vol. i. c. v. Cenf.n.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 33 barbarians treated the visitors of Jerusalem with still greater contumely, mingling with their Mohammedan bigotry, a consciousness of strength and courage, and a scorn of the Christians, whom they knew only by the debased natives of Greece and Syria, or by these humble and defenceless palmers. When such insults became known throughout Europe, they excited a keen sensation of resentment. Twenty years before the first crusade, Gregory VII. had projected the scheme of embodying Europe in arms against Asia; a scheme worthy of his daring mind, and which, perhaps, was never forgotten by Urban II. who in every thing loved to imitate his great predecessor.* This design of Gregory was founded upon the supplica- tion of the Greek Emperor Michael, which was renew- ed by Alexius Coninenus to Urban, with increased im- portunity. The Turks had now taken Nice, and threat, ened, from the opposite shore, the very walls of Constan- tinople. Peter, a hermit of Picardy, roused by witnessed wrongs, and imagined visions, journeyed from land to land, the apostle of an holy war. The preaching of Peter was powerfully seconded by Urban In the councils of Pia- cenza and of Clermont, the deliverance of Jerusalem was eloquently recommended and exultingly undertaken. It is the will of God! was the tumultuous cry that broke from the heart and lips of the assembly at Clermont. This was in 1095. Every means were used to excite an epidemical frenzy; * Gregory addressed, in 1074, a sort of encyclic letter to all who would de- fend the Christian faitli, enforcing upon them the duty of taking up arms against the Saracens, who had almost come up to the walls of Constantinople. No mention of Palestine is made in this letter. Labb6, Concilia, t. x. p. 44. St. Marc, Abr^ge Chron. de I'Hist. de I'ltalie, t. iii, p. 614. Vol. II. E 34 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. the remission of penance, the dispensation from those practices of self-denial which superstition imposed or suspended at pleasure, the absolution of all sins, and the assurance of eternal felicity. None doubted that such as perished in the war received immediately the reward of martyrdom. False miracles and fanatical prophecies, which were never so frequent, wrought up the enthu- siasm to a still higher pitch. The priests left their pa- rishes, and the monks their cells; and though the pea- santry were then in general bound to the soil, we find no check given to their emigration for this cause. Num- bers of women and children swelled the crowd; it ap- peared a sort of sacrilege to repel any one from a work which was considered as the manifest design of Provi- dence. But few undertakings have been attended with more disasters. So many crimes and so much misery have seldom been accunudated in so short a space, as in the three years of the first expedition. We should be warranted by contemporary writers in stating the loss of the Christians alone during this period at nearly a mil- lion: but, at the least computation, it must have exceed- ed half that number.* To engage in the crusade, and to perish in it, were almost synonymous. Few of those myriads who were mustered in the plains of Nice return- ed to gladden their friends in Europe, with the story of their triumph at Jerusalem. Besieging alternately and besieged in Antioch, they drained to the lees the cup of misery: three hundred thousand sat down before that * William of Tyre, says, that at the review before Nice, there were found 600,000 of both sexes, exclusive of 100,000 cavalry armed in mail, I. ii. c. 23. But Fulk of Chartres reckons the same number, besides women, children, and priests. An immense slaughter had previously been made in Hungary of the rabble under Gualtier Sans-Avoii*. CeiitU.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. -%^ n 35 place; next year there remained but a sixth J7art.to pur- sue the enterprise. But llieir losses were least in the field of battle; other causes combined with the sword. €ttJeIft{) Ccnturp. CHAPTER I. . Crusades. — Bernard. — The Cathari. Just at the close of the foregoing century, pope Urban* held a synod of one hundred and fifty bishops, in order to promote the crusades, and exhorted the Christian world to concur in supporting the same cause. He died in the year 1099, and Jerusalem was taken by the cru- saders in the same year.f The pale of the visible church was extended by the conquests of the western warriors, and several episcopal sees were again formed in regions, w^hence the light of the gospel had first arisen to bless mankind. But these were of short duration; and, what is much more material to be observed, while they con- tinued, they gave no evidence, that I can find, of the spirit of true religion. This is a circumstance, which throws a very unpleasing shade on the whole character of the fanatical war which at that time agitated both Europe and Asia. Among a thousand evils which it produced, or at least encouraged, this was one, namely, that indulgencies were now diffused by the popes through Europe, for the purpose of promoting what they called the holy war. These had indeed been sold before by * This pope, viz. Urban U. held the famous council here mentioned, at Cler- mont in Auvergne, A. D. 1095, for the recovery of the Holy Land, f Baronius, Cent. XH. 36 HISTORY OF THE \_Chap. 1. the inferior dignitaries of the church, who, for money, remitted the penalties imposed on transgressors: they have not, however, pretended to abohsh the punishments, which await the wicked in a future state. This impiety was reserved to the pope himself, who dared to usurp the authority which belongs to God alone. The cor- ruption having once taken place, remained, and even in- creased from age to age, till the time of the reformation. It is needless to say, how subversive of all piety and vir- tue this practice must have been. That the Romanists did really promote this impious traffic is but too evident from their own writers.* Hence the strict propriety of St. Paul's representation of the man of sin, as showing himself that he is God,j is evinced; hence, the charac- ters of those, who opposed the power and doctrine of popery in those times, received the most ample vindica- tion, and hence the merit of the reformation itself may, in a great measure, be appreciated. I only add, that the whole discipline of the church was now dissolved, and men, who had means to purchase a license to sin, were emboldened to let loose the reins of vice, and follow, at large, their own desires and imaginations. The conquests obtained by the first crusade were con- stantly molested by the Mohammedans of Egypt and Syria. They were exposed, as the out-post of Christen- dom, with no respite, and few resources. A second cru- sade, in which the emperor Conrad III. and Louis VII. of France were engaged, each with seventy thousand cavalry, made scarce any diversion; and that vast army wasted away in the passage of Natolia. • See Moshejm, Cent. XU. p. 595. Qu. Edit. Morinus, Simon, and Mabil- lon, are the popish authors, who are not ashamed to vindicate this system of iniquity. 1 2 Thess. ii. Cent. 12.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 37 But a perpetual supply of warriors was poured in from Europe, and in this sense, the crusades may be said to have lasted without intermission during the whole period of the Latin settlements. Of these defenders, the most renowned were the mihtary order of the Knights of the Temple and of the Hospital of St. John,* which were instituted, the one in 1124, the other in 1118, for the sole purpose of protecting the Holy Land. The Teu- tonic order, established in 1190, when the kingdom of Jerusalem was falling, soon diverted its schemes of holy warfare to a very different quarter of the world. Large estates, as well in Palestine, as throughout Europe, en- riched the two former institutions; but the pride, rapa- ciousness, and misconduct of both, especially of the Templars, seem to have balanced the advantages derived from their valour. At length the famous Saladin, usurp- ing the throne of a feeble dynasty which had reigned in Egypt, broke in upon the Christians of Jerusalem; the king and kingdom fell into his hands: nothing remained but a few strong towns upon the sea-coast. These misfortunes roused once more the princes of Europe, and the third crusade was undertaken by her three greatest sovereigns, in personal estimation as well as dignity; by the emperor Frederic Barbarossa, Philip Augustus of France^ and Richard Coeur de Lion of Eng- land. But this, like the preceding enterprise, failed of permanent effect; and those feats of romantic prowess, which made the name of Richard so famous both in Eu- rope and Asia,! proved only the total inefficacy of all • The St. John of Jerusalem was neither the Evangelist, nor yet tlie Baptist, but a certain Cypriot, surnamed the Charitable, who had been patriarch of Alexandria. ■j- When a Turk's horse started at a bush, he would chide him, Joinville says, with, Cuides tu qu' y soit le roy Richard ? Women kept their children quiet with the threat of bringing Richard to them. 38 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. exertions in an attempt so radically absurd. Palestine was never the scene of another crusEide. One great ar- mament was diverted to the siege of Constantinople; and another wasted in fruitless attempts upon Egypt. The emperor Frederick II. afterwards procured the restora- tion of Jerusalem by the Saracens; but the Christian princes of Syria were unable to defend it, and their pos- sessions were gradually reduced to the maritime towns. Acre, the last of these, was finally taken by storm in 1291; audits ruin closes the history of the Latin do- minion in Syria, which Europe had already ceased to protect. A man of great eminence in this century, was Ber- nard, abbot of Clairval. He was born at Fontaine, a village of Burgundy, in the year 1091; and was the son of Tecelinus,* a military nobleman, renowned for piety, at least according to the ideas of religion prevalent at that time. The san)e character is given of his mother Aleth. She had seven children, of whom Bernard was the third. From his infancy he was devoted to religion and study, and made a rapid proficiency in the learning of the times. He took an early resolution to retire from the world, and engaged all his brothers and several of his friends in the same monastic views with himself The most rigid rules were agreeable to his inclinations: and, hence, he became a Cistertian, the strictest of the orders in France. The Cistertians were at that time but few in number: men were discouraged from uniting with them on account of their excessive austerities. Bernard, however, by his superior genius, his eminent piety, and his ardent zeal, gave to this order a lustre and a celebrity which their institution by no means deserved. At the * Life of Bernard by Gulielmus, 1077. Cent. 12.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 39 age of twenty-three, with more than thirty companions, he entered into the monastery. Other houses of the or- der arose soon after, and he himself was appointed abbot of Clairval.* To those novitiates, who desired admission, he used to say, " If ye hasten to those things, which are within, dismiss your bodies, which ye brought from the world; let the spirits alone enter; the flesh profile th no- thing." Strange advice this may seem, and very dilfer- ent from the meekness and facility which our Saviour exhibited towards young disciples. f Nor would it be worth while to have mentioned it at all, but that it evinces the extreme disadvantages, which then attended the pur- suit of religious knowledge, and the cultivation of piety. Yet, amidst all these disagreeable austerities, the soul of Bernard was inwardly taught of God; and, as he grew in divine life he gradually learned to correct the harsh- ness and asperity of his sentiments. Finding the novi- tiates to be terrified at his severe declarations, he used to preach to them the mortification of carnal concupis- cence, and lead them on with a mildness and clemency, which, however, he did not exercise toward himself. He injured his health exceedingly by austerities, and, as he afterwards confessed, threw a stumbling block in the way of the weak, by exacting of them a degree of perfection which he himself had not attained. He had induced all his brethren to follow his example of retirement. They were five in number; and his only sister still remained in the world, who, coming to visit the brethren in the monastery, in the dress and with the attendance of a lady of quality, found herself treated with such neglect, that bursting into tears, she said, " though I am a sinner, nevertheless for such Christ died." Bernard, moved » Life of Bernard, 1085. f Matthew ix. 14. 40 HISTORY OF THE \_Chap. 1. with an expression so truly evangelical, remitted his se- verity, gave her directions suited to the taste of the age, and, probably, still better advice. Bernard, however, having reduced himself to the great- est weakness by his absurd excesses, and being obliged to take more care of his health, was humbled under a sense of his folly, and frankly confessed it, in the strong- est terms * He recovered his strength, and began to exert himself, by preaching, and travelling from place to place, for the real good of mankind. It is wonderful to observe, with what authority he reigned in the hearts of men of all ranks, and how his word became a law to princes and nobles. His eloquence, indeed, was very great; but that alone could never have given him so ex- tensive a dominion. His sincerity and humility were eminent, and his constant refusal of the highest ecclesi- astical dignities, for which he was, doubtless, as well qualified as any person of his time, gave, in his circum- stances, an unequivocal testimony to the uprightness of his character. That which eminently marked the character of Ber- nard, anjidst the profusion of honours heaped on his cha- racter throughout Europe, was his undissembled humility. Though no potentate, whether civil or ecclesiastical, pos- sessed such real power as he did in the Christian world, and though he was the highest in the judgment of all men, he was nevertheless, in his own estimation, the lowest. He said, and he felt what he said; namely, that he had neither the will nor the power to perform the services, for which he was so much extolled, but was wholly indebted to the influence of divine grace. At in- tervals, from the employments of ecclesiastical affairs, he * Id. 1094. Cent. 12.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 41 meditated on the subject of the book of Canticles. The love of Christ toward liis church, his great condescension towards it, though sullied and dishonoured by sin, the reciprocal affection also of the church toward the divine Saviour, the prelibations of his love afforded toward her, varied however with anxieties and interruptions, these subjects engaged his attention, and he wrote on them in that manner which experience only can dictate.* Abelard, a self-sufficient teacher, of shallow^ knowledge, but great pretensions, having advanced certain errors concerning the Trinity, and, as a necessary consequence, denied the doctrine of atonenient and the influences of divine grace, Bernard opposed him, and demonstrated the inconsistency of his views, with the gospel. In so doing, he thus presented the truth: — As in Adam all die, so in Christ shall all be made alive. The fault has truly laid hold of me, but grace has also visited me. If the judgment was by one to condemnation, the free-gift was of many offences unto justification.! Nor do I fear, being thus freed from the powers of darkness, to be re- jected by the Father of lights, since I am' justified freely by the blood of his Son. He who pitied the sinner, will not condemn the just. I call myself just, but it is through his righteousness. For Christ is the end of the law for righteousness,| and he is made of God for us righteous- ness.§ Thus is man made righteous by the blood of the Redeemer; though Abelard, this man of perdition, thinks the only use of his coming was, to deliver to us good rules of life, and to give us an example of patience and cha- rity. Is this then the whole of the great mystery of god- liness, this which any uncircumcised and unclean person may easily penetrate.^ What is there in this beyond the * Life of Bernard, 1123. f ^o™- v- 16. t Rom. x. 4. § 1 Cor. i. 30. Vol. II. F 42 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. common light of nature? But it is not so: for the natu- ral man receiveth not tlie things of the Spirit of God.* Thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent;| and, if our gospel be hid, it is hid to them that are lost. J — He asks, had the devil dominion over Abraham and the other elect? No; but he would have had, if they had not been freed by faith in him that was to come. As it is written, Abraham believed God, and it was im- puted to him for righteousness; and Abraham rejoiced to see my day; he saw it, and was glad. It was the blood of Christ, which like dew distilled on LazarUs, and preserved him from the flames of hell through faith in him who was to suffer. We must believe of iall the elect of that time, that they were born as we are, under the powei"s of darkness, but were thence delivered before they died; and that only by the blood of Christ. There were some faithful champions of primitive spi- ritual devotion in this century, who opposed the reigning superstitions into which Bernard had fallen. Evervinus of Stemfeld, in the diocese of Cologne, wrote to Bernard, a little before the year 1140, a letter, preserved by Mabilion, concerning certain heretics in his neighbourhood. § lie was perplexed in his mind con- cerning them, and wrote for a resolution of his doubts to the renowned abbot, whose word was law at that time hi Christendom. Some extracts of this letter are as fol- lows: " There have been lately some heretics discovered among us near Cologne, though several of them have, with satisfaction, returned again to the church. One of their bishops and his companions openly opposed us in the assembly of the clergy and laity, in the presence of * 2 Cor. ii. 14. f Matt. xi. 25. + 2 Cor. W. 3. § AUix, Churches of Piedmont, p. 140. Cent. 12.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 43 the archbishop of Cologne, and of many of the nobility, defending their heresies by the words of Clirist and the apostles. Finding timt they made no impression, they desired that a day might be appointed for them, on which they might bring their teachers to a conference, pro- mising to return to the church, provided they found their masters unable to answer the arguments of their oppo- nents, but that otherwise they would rather die, tlian de- part fiom their judgment. Upon this declaration, having been admonished to repent for three days, they were seized by the people in the excess of zeal, and burnt to death; and what is very amazing, they came to the slake, and bare the pain, not only with patience, but even with joy. Were I with you, father, I should be glad to ask you, how these members of Satan could persist in their heresy with such courage and constancy, as is scarcely to be found in the most religious believers of Chris- tianity?" This people of Cologne were true Protestants. Egbert, a monk, and afterwards abbot of Schonauge, tells us,* that he had often disputed with these heretics, and says, " These are they who are commonly called Cathari." Egbert adds, that they were divided into several sects, and maintained their sentiments by the authority of scrip- ture. See by the confession of an enemy their venera- tion for the divine word, and their constant use of it, in an age when the autliority of Scripture was weakened, and its light exceedingly obscured, by a variety of tradi- tions and superstitions. " They are armed," says the same Egbert, " with all those passages of Holy Scripture, which in any degree seem to favour their views; with these they know how to defend themselves, and to oppose * AUix, p. 149. 44 HISTORY OF THE IChajj. 1, the Catholic truth, though they mistake entirely the true sense of Scripture, which cannot be discovered without great judgment/' — " They are increased to great multi- tudes throughout all countries — tlieir words eat like a canker. In Germany we call them Cathari; in Flanders they call them Pipiiles: in Frencli Tisserands, because many of them are of that occupation/^* The Cathari were a plain, unassuming, harmless, and industrious race of Chiistians, condemning, by their doc- trine and manners, the whole apparatus of the reigning idolatry and superstition, placing true religion in the faith and love of Christ, and retaining a supreme regard for the divine word. Their numbers were very considerable in this century; and Cologne, Flanders, the south of France, Savoy, and Milan, were their principal places of residence. " They declare/' says Figbert, " that the true faith and worsliip of Christ is no where to be found but in their meetings, which they hold in cellars and weaving-rooms. If ever they do accompany the people with whom they dwell, to hear mass, or to receive the sacrament, they do it in dissimulation, that they may be thought to believe what they do not; for they maintain, that the priestly or- der has perished in the Roman church, and is preserved only in their sect." They attended the public worship, much in the same manner, as the apostles themselves did to the Jewish church, while it existed, still preserving an union among themselves in worship, and in hearing ser- mons, so far as the iniquity of the times would permit. It were to be wished, that all serious Christians had acted in that manner, and had not been so hasty as some of them have been, in forming a total separation from the * Thut is, weavers; see Du Pin, Cent. xii. p. 88. Cent. 12.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 45- general chiiVch, then the happy influence of their views in religion might have spread more powerfully; nor is there any particular danger that they themselves would have received infection from the world, while they were estranged from it in practice and in manners. After all, circumstances may arise, when an entire separation from the whole body of nominal Christians may become necessary to the people of God. But this should never be attempted with precipitation. And the meekness and charity, which the Cathari exhibited in this point, seem highly laudable. Such was the provision of Divine grace, to take out of a corrupt and idolatrous world of nominal Christians, a people formed for himself, who should show forth his praise, and who should provoke the rest of mankind by the light of true humility, and holiness; a people, singu- larly separate from their neighbours in spirit, manners, and discipline; rude indeed, and illiterate, and not only discountenanced, but even condemned by the few real good men, who adhered altogether to the Romish church, condemned, because continually misrepresented. I know not a more striking proof of that great truth of the divine word, that, in the worst of times, the church shall exist, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. In the east, it is probable the church existed among the remains of the Paulicians. For in the year 1118, Alexius Comnenus, who had zealously persecuted this people in the latter end of the foregoing century, burned a supposed Manichee, who was charged with maintaining all the absurdities of Manes. We have the account from the female historian, his own daughter, Anna Comnena, who every where idolizes the character of her father.* * Anna Comnena, b, xv. 4G HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. The supposed heretic, however, it ought to' he known, rejected the worship of images as idolatry;* a circum- stance, which at least affords a strong presumption in favour of his Christian character. The reader will hence be; led to believe it not improbable, that there were even then some relics of a church of God in the east. It is no small consolation to the mind of a true believer, that the most disastrous as well as the most glorious scenes of tiie church, are predicted in Scripture. The evidence of prophecy constantly accompanies the light of history, and "behold I have told you before," is the voice of our Saviour, which we hear in every age. In a coun- cil held at Loudon in 1108, in the reign of Henry I. a decree was issued against clerks who should cohabit with women. f This council did not mean to give an attesta- tion to the truth of the prophecy of St. Paul, concerning the apostacy of the latter days, one circumstance of which was the prohibition of marriage,J but they fulfilled the prophecy in the clearest manner. The voices of natural conscience and of common sense were, however, by no means altogether silenced during this gloomy season. Fluentius, bishop of Florence,§ taught publicly, that antichrist was born, and come into the world; on which account pope Paschal II. held a council there in the year 1105, reprit'ianded the bishop, and enjoined him silence on that subject. Even Bernard himself in- veighed so strongly against the popes and the clergy, that nothing but the obstinate prejudices of education pre- vented him from seeing the whole truth in this matter. It was natural for men, who reverenced the Scriptures, and who compared what they read of antichrist with * Baron. Cent. xii. f Baron. Cent. xii. i 1 Tim. iv. § See Bp. Newton on the Prophecies, vol. iii. p. 167. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. ' 47 what they saw in the church of Rome, to express some suspicions, that the propliecy was then fullilhng, though the glare of fictitious holiness, vvliich covered t!ie pope- dom, prevented them from beholding their object with perspicuity. Pomerania received the gospel during this century, as did also the island of Rugen in its neighbourhood. Here shone Absalom, archbishop of Lunden, by whose pious labours, at length, the gospel received an establishment in this island, which had so long baffled every attempt to evangelize it. Absalom* ought to be classed among those genuine benefactors of mankind, who were willing to spend and be spent for the good of souls. . The truth made its way into Finland also. Notwithstanding the corruptions that accompanied the gospel, such and so great is its intrinsic excellence, that, wherever it went, it carried a large measure of improve- ment and of happiness. The light of the sun, though shining through clouds, is preferable to midnight. CHAPTER I. TValilo and the TValdenses. We are approaching the dawn of a brighter era, and it becomes us gratefully to contemplate its commence- ment. Enjoying the pure light of the gospel, we ought frequently to look at the trials and the efforts of those who w^ere the instruments of preserving for us that light. * Mosheim, xii. Cent. 351. Cent, Magd. xii. Cent. 13. 48 HISTORY OF THE . IChap. 1. But for the reformers, we of Protestant lands, should have been groaning under the abominations of the papacy, having no more than the glimmering reflected upon us through its darkness. May our souls be sensible of their privileges, and may we be grateful to their Divine Author. In the latter part of the 12th century the Cathari re- ceived a great accession of members from the learned labours and godly zeal of Peter Waldo. They were pe- culiarly numerous in the valleys of Piedmont. Hence the name Vaudois or Yallenses was given to them, par- ticularly to those who inhabited the valleys of Lucerne and Angrogne. A mistake arose from similarity of names, that Peter Valdo or Waldo, was the first founder of these churches. For the name Vallenses being easily changed into Waldenses, the Romanists improved this very easy and natural mistake into an argument against the antiquity of these churches, and denied that they had any existence till the appearance of Waldo. During the altercations of the papists and Protestants, it was of some consequence that this matter should be rightly stated; because the former denied that the doctrines of the latter had any existence till the days of Luther. But from a just account of the subject, it appeared that the real Protestant doctrines existed during the dark ages of the church, even long before Waldo's time; the proper founder of them being Claudius of Turin, the Christian hero of the ninth century. About the year 11 GO, the doctrine of transubstantiation, which, some time afterwards, Innocent III. confirmed in a very solemn manner, was required by the court of Rome to be acknowledged by all men. A very pernicious prac- tice of idolatry was connected with the reception of this doctrine. Men fell down before the consecrated host. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRISTr^ 49 and worshipped it as God: and the novehy, absurdity, and impiety of this abomination very much struck the minds of all men, who were not dead to a sense of true religion. At this time Peter Waldo, a citizen of Lyons, appeared very courageous in opposing the innovation. A providential event had given the first occasion to this reformer's concern for religion. Being assembled with some of his friends, and after supper conversing and re- freshing himself among them, one of tiie company fell down dead on the ground, to the amazement of all that were present. From that moment it pleased God that Waldo should commence a serious inquirer after divine truth. This peison was an opulent merchant of Lyons, and as his concern of mind increased, and a door of use- fulness to the souls of men was more and more set open before him, he abandoned his mercantile occupation, dis- tributed his wealth to the poor, and exhorted his neigh- bours to seek the bread of life. The poor, who flocked to him, that they might partake of his alms, received from him the best instructions which he was capable of com- municating; and they reverenced the man, to whose liberality they were so much obliged, while the great and the rich both hated and despised him. Waldo himself, however, that he might teach others effectually, needed himself to be taught; and where was instruction to be found .^ Men at that day might run here and there for meat, and not be satisfied. In some convents, among the many who substituted formality for power, there were particular persons who "held the Head," and drew holy nourishment from him. But a secular man, like Waldo, would not easily find them out, and were he to have met with some of them, their pre- judiced attachment to the see of Rome would either have Vol. II. n 50 HISTORY OF THE IChap, 1. prevented them from imparting to him the food which was necessary for his soul, or have led him into a course of life, by which he would, after their example, have buried his talent in a napkin. The conduct of Bernard, one of the most eminent and best of them, too plainly shows that one of these two things would have been the case. But Bernard was gone to his rest not long before this time, and seems not to have left any monastic brother behind him at all to be compared with himself Divine Providence reserved better things for Waldo: darkened and distressed in mind and conscience, he knew that the Scriptures were given as infaUible guides, and he thirsted for those sources of instruction, which at that time were in a great measure a sealed book in the Christian world. To men who understood the Latin tongue, they were accessible. But how few were these, compared with the bulk of mankind! The Latin Vulgate Bible was the only edition of the sacred book at that time in Europe; and the languages then in common use, the French and others, however mixed with the Latin, were, properly speaking, by this time separate and distinct from it. It is a certain mark of the general negligence of the clergy in those ages, that no provision was made for the igno- rant in this respect, though I do not find, that there ex- isted any penal law to forbid the reading of the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue. It is certain that Waldo found means to diffuse the precious gift of the Scriptures among the people. Whether Waldo himself entirely performed the work, or encouraged others to do it, or what is most probable, executed it himself with the assistance of others, it is certain, that the Christian world in the west was indebted to him for the first translation of the Bible into a modern Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 51 tongue, since the time that the Latin had ceased to be a living language. As Waldo grew more acquainted with the Scriptures he discovered, that tlie general practice of nominal Chris- tians was totally abhorrent from the doctrines of the New Testament: and in particular, that a number of customs, which all the world regarded with reverence, had not only no foundation in the divine oracles, but were even condemned by them. Inflamed with equal zeal and charity, he boldly condemned the reigning vices, and the arrogance of the pope. He did more: as he himself grew in the knowledge of the true faith and love of Christ, he taught his neighbours the principles of practi- cal godliness, and encouraged them to seek salvation by Jesus Christ. John De Beles Mayons, the archbishop of Lyons, could not but be sensible of the tendency of these proceedings, and being jealous of the honour of the corrupt system, of which he was a distinguished member, he forbad the new reformer to teach any more, on pain of excommu- nication, and of being proceeded against as an heretic. Waldo replied, that though he was a layman, yet he could not be silent in a matter which concerned the salvation of men. On this reply, the archbishop endeavoured to apprehend him. But such was the power of his friends, he lived concealed at Lyons for the space of three years. Among other scriptural discoveries, the evils of the popedom struck the mind of Waldo; and Pope Alexan- der III. having heard of his proceedings, anathematized the reformer and his adherents, and commanded the archbishop to proceed against them with the utmost rigour. Waldo could no longer remain in Lyons. He escaped; 52 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. his disciples followed him; and hence a dispersion took place, similar to that which arose in the primitive church on occasion of the persecution of Stephen. The effects were also similar: the doctrine of Waldo was hence more widely disseminated through Europe. He himself retired into Dauphiny, where his tenets took a deep and lasting root. Some of his people did probably join them- selves to the Vaudois of Piedmont, and the new transla- tion of the Bible, was, doubtless, a rich accession to the spiritual treasures of that people. Waldo himself, how- ever, seems never to have been among them. Persecuted from place to place, he retired into Picardy. Success still attended his labours, and the doctrines which he preached appear to have so harmonized with those of the Vaudois, that with reason they and his people were henceforward considered as the same. Philip Augustus of France took up arms against the Waldenses of Picardy, pulled down three hundred houses of the gentlemen who supported their party, destroyed some walled towns, and drove the inhabitants into Flan- ders. Not content with this, he pursued them thither, and caused many of them to be burned. From the account of a very authentic French histo- rian,* it appears, that Waldo fled into Germany, and at last settled in Bohemia. There he ended his days in the year 1179, or before that time. It is evident, from good records, that the churches of Dauphiny corresponded with those of Bohemia, and that these last were, on some occasions at least, supplied with pastors from Piedmont. These things show the mutual connexion of the Walden- sian churches, and prove the superior antiquity of those * Thuan. Hist sui temp. 457. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 53 of the valleys, the severity of the persecution, and the important services of Peter Waldo. The Waldenses vi'ere treated with as great contumely by papal as the primitive Christians u^ere by heathen Rome. Poor men of Lyons, and dogs, were the usual terms of derision. In Provence they were called cut- purses: in Italy, because they observed not the appointed festivals, and rested from their ordinary occupations only on Sundays, they- were called Insabathas; that is, regard- less of Sabbaths. In Germany, they were called Gazares, a term expressive of every thing flagitiously wicked. In Flanders they were denominated Turlupins, that is, in- habitants with wolves, because they were often obliged to dwell in woods and deserts: and because they denied the consecrated Host to be God, they were accused of Arianism, as if they had denied the divinity of Jesus Christ. It was not possible for these poor sufferers to speak a word in defence or explanation of their doctrines, but malice, which discolours every thing, was sure to misrepresent it. If they maintained the independency of the temporal powers on the ecclesiastical, a doctrine now believed almost universally in Europe, they were called Manichees, as if they favoured the notion of two princi- ples. The old odious name of Gnostic also was revived, with every other term of ancient or modern opprobrium, which might infix a stigma on the character of the suf- ferers, and seem to justify the barbarity with which they were treated. Another charge brought against them was, that they denied baptism to infants. In answer to this, in their spiritual almanac, they say, " neither the time nor the place is appointed for those who must be baptized. But we do bring our children to be baptized; which they 54 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. ought to do, to whom they are nearest related; their parents, or those whom God hath inspired with such charity/' If this be tlie case, — and the evidence of their own books appears to be unanswerable, — it seems im- proper to look on the Waldenses as averse to infant bap- tism. Yet, that some of them were regarded as professed enemies to the baptism of infants, is affirmed on respectable authority,* and it possibly might be the case with a few of them. The greater part of them are, however, vindi- cated in this respect by an authority from which Hes no appeal, their own authentic writings. However, having been for some hundreds of years constrained to suffer their children to be baptized by the Romish priests, they were under frequent temptations to defer it, on account of the superstitious inventions annexed to that holy ordi- nance in those times: and very frequently on account of the absence of their own pastors, whom they called Barbs, who were travelling abroad for the service of the churches, they could not have baptism administered to their children by their ministry. The delay occasioned by these things exposed them to the reproach of their adversaries. And though many, who approved of them in all other respects, gave credit to the accusation, I can- not find any satisfactory proof, that they were, in judg- ment, antipsedo-baptists strictly. And it is very probable that some of the supposed heretics, who have been men- tioned above,! delayed the baptism of their children on the same account; because similar circumstances would naturally be attended with similar effects. On the whole, a few instances excepted, the existence of antipaedo- baptism seems scarcely to have taken place in the church * Cent. Magd. xii. 833. f See Milner, vol. 3, p. 259. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 55 of Christ, till a little after the beginning of the reforma- tion, when a sect arose, whom historians commonly call the anabaptists. I lay no great stress on this subject; for the Waldenses might have been a faithful, humble, and spiritual people, as I believe they were, if they had differed from the general body of Christians on this arti- cle. But when I find persons accused as enemies to infant baptism who were not so, it seemed to be a part of historical veracity to represent things as they really were. One charge more against them is, that they compelled their pastors to follow some trade. How satisfactory their answer! " We do not think it necessary that our pastors should work for bread. They might be better qualified to instruct us, if we could maintain them with- out their own labour; but our poverty has no remedy." So they speak in letters published in 1508.* We have hitherto rather rescued their character from infamy than delineated its real nature. They appear, on the whole, to have been most unjustly aspersed; and the reader will be enabled to form some idea of their piety and probity, from the following testimonies of their ene- mies: A pontifical inquisitorf says, " heretics are known by their manners. In behaviour they are composed and modest, and no pride appears in their apparel.^' Seysillius says, it much strengthens the Waldenses, that, their heresy excepted, they generally live a purer life than other Christians. They never swear but by compulsion, and seldom take the name of God in vain: they fulfil their promises with good faith; and, living for the most part in poverty, they profess that they at once preserve the * Usher de Christ. Eccl. sncc. & statu. M 56 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. apostolical life and doctrine. Lielenstenius, a Dominican, speaking of the Waldenses of Bohemia, says, " 1 say that in morals and life they are good; true in words, and unanimous in brotlierly love; but their faith is incorrigi- ble and vile, as I have shown in my treatise." It is remarkable that Thomas Walden, who wrote against Wickliff, says, that the doctrine of Waldo was conveyed from France into England. It may not, per- haps, be thought improbable, that the English, being masters of Guienne for a longtime, should have received some beams of divine truth from the followers of Waldo. By the general confession of the Romanists, indeed, the Protestants and the W^aldenses were looked on as holding the same principles. The churches of Piedmont, however, on account of their superior antiquity, were regarded as guides of the rest; insomuch, that when two pastors, who had been sent by them into Boheniia, acted with perfidy, and oc- casioned a grievous persecution, still the Bohemians ceased not to desire pastors from Piedmont; only they requested, that none but persons of tried characters might be sent to them for the future. I can only give the general outlines: if the finer and more numerous lines of this scene could be circumstan- tially drawn, a spectacle more glorious could scarcely be exhibited to the reader. From the borders of Spain, throughout the South of France, for the most part, among and below the Alps, along the Rhine, on both sides of its course, and even to Bohemia, thousands of godly souls were seen patiently to bear persecution for the sake of Christ, against whom malice could say no evil, but what admits the most satisfactory refutation: men distinguished for every virtue, and only hated because of godliness Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 57 itself. Persecutors with a sigh owned, that, because of their virtue, they were the most dangerous enemies of the church. But of what church. Of that, which in the thirteenth century and long before had evinced itself to be antichristian. Here were not an individual or two, like Bernard, but very many real Christians, who held the real doctrines of Scripture, and carefully abstained from all the idolatry of the times. How obdurate is the heart of man by nature! Men could see and own the su- perior excellence of these persons, and yet could bar- barously persecute them! What a blessed light is that of Scripture! By that the Waldenses saw the road to heaven, of which the wisest of their contemporaries were ignorant, who, though called Christians, made no use of the oracles of God! How marvellous are the ways of God! How faithful his promise in supporting and main- taining a church even in the darkest times! But her livery is often sackcloth, and her external bread is that of affliction, while she sojourns on earth. But let no factious partizan encourage himself in sedition by looking at the Waldenses. We have seen how obedient they were to establish governments; and that separation from a church, so corrupt as that of Rome, was with them only matter of necessity. The best and wisest in all ages have acted in the same manner, and have dreaded the evils of schism more than those of a defect in disci- pline. We shall now see what the Waldenses were in point of doctrine and discipline: for their virtues had an evangelical principle, and it is only to be regretted that the accounts are so very scanty on a subject worthy the attention of all who desire to understand the loving kind- ness of the Lord. The leading principle of this church, which God raised Vol. IL H 58 HISTORY OF THE ICIiap. 1. up ill the dark ages to bear witness to his gospel, is that, in which all the Protestiint churches agreed, namely, " that w^e ought to believe that the Holy Scriptures alone contain all things necessary to our salvation, and that nothing ought to be received as an article of faith but what God had revealed to us."* Wherever this principle is not only assented to in form, but also received with the heart, it expels superstition and idolatry. The worship of one God, through the one Mediator, and by the in- fluence of one Holy Spirit, is practised sincerely. For the dreams of purgatory, the intercession of saints, the adoration of images, dependance on relics and austerities, cannot stand before the doctrine of Scripture. Salvation by grace, through faith in Christ alone, as it is the pecu- liar truth and glory of the Scriptures, so it is the boast and joy of the Christian, who knows himself to be that guilty polluted creature which the same Scriptures de- scribe. How abominable to such a one is the doctrine of indulgencies, and of commutation for offences, and the whole structure of the papal domination! The true love of God and of our neighbour, even the true holiness, which is the great end and aim of Christ's redemption, must be subverted by these human inventions. The Waldenses were faithful to the great fundamental princi- ple of Protestantism. Enough appears on record to prove, that they were formed by the grace of God to show forth his praise in the world; and great as the resemblance appears between them and the reformed, if we had as many writings of the former, as we have of the latter, the resemblance in all probability would appear still more striking. * Vignaux in his Memorials of tlie Waldenses. See this principle expressed in a similar manner in the sixth article of the Protestant Episcopal Church. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 59 "They* affirm, that there is only one Mediator, and therefore that we must not invocate the saints." " That there is no purs^atory; but that all those who are justified by Christ go into life eternal." " They receive two sacraments. Baptism and the Lord's Supper. They affirm that all masses are damnable, especially those which are repeated for the dead, and that therefore they ought to be abolished; to which they add the rejection of numberless ceremonies. They deny the supremacy of the pope, especially the power which he hath usurped over the civil government; and they ad- mit no other degrees, except those of bishops, priests and deacons. They condemn the popedom as the true Babylon, allow the marriage of the clergy, and detine the true church to be those who hear and understand the word of God." They appear to have had all the ess'entials of church discipline among them; and their circumstances of dis- tress, of poverty, and of persecution, however disagree- able to flesh and blood, favoured that spirit of submission and subordination, which ever promotes a salutary exer- cise of discipline; through the want of which, among ourselves, church rules are too commonly treated as in- significant A state of refinement, of wealth, of luxury, and of political speculation, was unknown to the Wal- denses: how subversive such a state is of the most whole- some ecclesiastical authority, the experience of our own age demonstrates. In a book concerning their pastors we have this ac- count of their vocation: " All, who are to be ordained as pastors among us, while they are yet at home, entreat us to receive them * Vignaux. 60 HISTORY OF THE IChaiJ. 1. into the ministry, and desire that we would pray to God, that they may be rendered capable of so great a charge. They are to learn by heart all the chapters of St. Mat- thew and St. John, all the canonical epistles, and a good part of the writings orSoloinon, David, and the prophets. Afterwards, having exhibited. proper testimonials of their learning and conversation, they are admitted as pastors by the imposition of hands. The junior pastors must do nothing without the license of their seniors; nor are the seniors to undertake any thing without the approbation of their colleagues, that every thing may be done among us in order. We pastors meet together once every year, to settle our affairs in a general synod. Those whom we teach afford us food and raiment with good will, and without compulsion. The money given us by the people is carried to the said general synod, is there received by the elders, and applied partly to the supply of travellers, and partly to the relief of the indigent. If a pastor among us shall fall into a gross sin, he is ejected from the community, and debarred from the function of preaching." They unquestionably received the Apostles' Creed, and that commonly ascribed to Athanasius They acknow- ledged the same canon of Scripture, which the Protestant Episcopal church does in her sixth article; and, what is very remarkable, they give the same account of the Apo- cryphal books, accompanied with the same remark of Jerom, which the reader will find in the same sixth arti- cle. They say, " these books teach us, that there is one God, almighty, wise and good, who in his goodness made all things. He created Adam after his own image. But through the malice of the devil, and the disobedience of Adam, sin entered into the world, and we became sin- Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 61 ners in and by Adam. That Christ is our life and truth, and peace, and righteousness, our shepherd and advocate, our sacrifice and priest, wiio died for the salvation of all who should believe, and also rose again for our justifica- tion " The confession of the Bohemian Waldenses, published in the former part of the sixteenth century, is very ex- plicit on these articles. They say, that men ought to acknowledge themselves born in sin, and to be burdened with the weight of sin; that they ought to acknowledge, that for this depravity, and for the sins springing up from this root of bitterness, utter perdition deservedly hangs over their heads, and that all should own that they can no way justify themselves by any works or endeavours, nor have any thing to trust to but Christ alone. They hold, that by faith in Christ, men are, through mercy, freely justified, and attain salvation by Christ, without human help or merit. They hold, that all confidence is to be fixed in him alone, and all our care to be cast upon him; and, that for his sake only God is pacified, and adopts us to be his children. They teach also, that no man can have this faith by his own power, will, or plea- sure; that it is the gift of God, who, where it pleaseth him, worketh it in man by his Spirit.* They teach also the doctrine of good works as fruits and evidences of a lively faith. The Waldenses in general express their firm belief, that there is no other Mediator than Jesus Christ: they speak with great respect of the Virgin Mary, as holy, humble, and full of grace; at the same time that they totally discountenance that senseless and extravagant ad- miration, in which she had been held for ages. They * Moreland, p. 48. 62 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. 1. assert, that all, who have been and shall be saved, have been elected of God before the foundation of the world. It deserves to be noticed, that in their exposition of the Apostles' Creed, the Waldensian reformers give us the well known text in 1 John v. 7, as a proof of the doctrine of the Trinity. They were, it seems, perfectly satisfied of its authenticity, and, most probably at that time had never heard of any suggestions to the contrary. " The Son of God, by the commandment of God the Father, and by his own free will, was lifted up upon the altar of the cross, and was crucified, and hath redeemed mankind with his own blood; which work being accom- plished, he arose from the dead the third day, having dif- fused through the world a light everlasting, like a new sun; that is, tlie gloVy of the resurrection, and of a heavenly inheritance, which the Son of God hath pro- mised to give to all those who serve him in faith." On the Lord's Prayer, in a very sensible introduction, they observe, that " God, who seeth the secrets of our hearts, is more moved by a deep groan or sigh, with complaints and tears which come from the heart, than by a thousand words." There is among the records of this people a very an- cient confession of sin, which was commonly used, and which shows that they taught every person to apply to himself that hideous picture of human depravity which St. Paul delineates,* " that every mouth may be stopped, and all the world become guilty before God." Hear how they speak, "excuse myself I cannot; for thou, 0 Lord, hast showed me both what is good and evil. I have understood thy power; I have not been ignorant of thy wisdom; I have known thy justice; and have tasted * Horn. iii. 10—20. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 63 of thy goodness. Yet all the evil which I do proceeds from my own depravity. I have committed many evils from tlie beginning of my life; covetousness is rooted in my heart; 1 love riches, I se)^k after applause, and bear little love to those who have obliged me by their kind- ness. If thou do not pardon me, my soul must go down to perdition. Anger likewise reigns in my heart, and envy gnaws me; for I am naturally without charity. I am slow to do good, but industrious to do evil. I have blinded myself, and have had many evil thoughts against thee. I have cast mine eyes on vain delights, and have seldom lifted them up to thy face. I have lent an ear to empty sounds, and to many evil speakings; but to hear and understand thy laws hath been grievous and irksome to me. I have taken more pleasure in the noisome sink of sin, than in divine sweetness; I have even worshipped sin; I have endeavoured to conceal my own guilt, and to lay it upon another. My mind and body are wounded; my heart hath been delighted with evil things; with many foolish and unprofitable objects. I have turned aside into by-paths, and, by my levity, have given an ill example to others. I have slandered my neighbour, and have loved him only because of my ten)poral interest.^^ There is not, in any age, a truly humble and serious Christian, who will not acknowledge himself guilty in all these respects before God, even though his conduct has, comparatively speaking, been blameless before men. It is the want of self-knowledge which keeps men ignorant of their ill desert before God; and, in truth, nothing is so much unknown to men in general as the propensity of their own hearts. This knowledge, however, was found among the Waldenses; and hence they were a humble people, prepared to receive the gospel of Christ from the C4. HISTORY OF THE [_Cliap. 1. heart, to walk in his steps, to carry his cross, and to fear sin above all other evils. Hear what a character an ancient inquisitor gives of this people: " The heretics*are known by their manners and words; for they are orderly and modest in their man- ners and behaviour. They avoid all appearance of pride in their dress, they neither wear rich clothes, nor are they too mean and ragged in their attire. They avoid commerce, that they may be free from falsehood and de- ceit: they live by manual industry, as day-labourers or mechanics; and their preachers are weavers and tailors. They seek not to amass wealth, but are content with the necessaries of life. They are chaste, temperate, and sober; they abstain from anger. They hypocritically go to tlie church, confess, communicate, and hear sermons, to catch the preacher in his words. Their women are modest, avoid slander, foolish jesting, and levity of words, especially falsehood and oaths."* Their directions to pastors in visiting the sick are full of evangelical simplicity. The afflicted person is exhort- ed to look to Christ as the great pattern of patient suf- ferers, " who is the true Son of God, and yet hath been more afflicted than we all, and more tormented than any other.— Let the sick man consider with himself, that he is grievously afflicted as his Saviour was, when he suffer- ed for us; for which thanks should be returned to God, because it hath pleased him to give this good Saviour to death for us, and at the same time mercy should be im- plored at his hands in the name of Jesus. And we Christians ought to have a perfect confidence and as- surance, that our Father will forgive us for his goodness sake. Let the sick person commit himself wholly to the * Allix, p. 235. * Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 65 Lord. Let him do to his neighbour, as he would have his neighbour do to him, making such arrangements among liis relations, that he may leave them in peace, and that there may be no suits or contentions after his death. Let him hope for salvation in Jesus Christ, and not in any other, or by any other thing, acknowledging himself a miserable sinner, that he may ask mercy of God, finding himself in such a njanner culpable, that of himself he deseryeth eternal death. If the pastor find the sick person alarmed and terrified with the sense of the divine displeasure against sinners, let him remind the distressed soul of those comfortable promises which our Saviour hath made to all those, who come to him, and who from the bottom of their heart, call upon him; and how God the Father hath promised forgiveness, whenso- ever we shall ask it in the name of his Son. These are the things, in which the true preacher of the Word ought faithfully to employ himself, that he may conduct the party visited to his Saviour." " And whereas, in former times, it hath been the cus- tom to cause the disconsolate widow to spend much money on singers and ringers, and on persons who eat and drink, while she weeps and fasts, wronging her fatherless children; it is our duty, from motives of com- passion, to the end that one loss be not added to another, to aid them with our counsel and our goods, according to the ability which God hath bestowed on us, taking care that the children be well instructed, that they may laboifr to maintain themselves as God has ordaijied, and live like Christians." The directions, which they gave to new converts, were, to study the epistolary instructions of St. Paul, that ihey might know how to walk in such a manner as not to Vol. II. I (J6 HISTORY OF THE [C/inp. 1. give occasion of falling to their neighbours, and that they might not make the house of the Lord a den of thieves. They were zealous in directing the education of chil- dren. "Despair not," say they, " of thy child, when he is unwilling to receive correction, or if he prove not speedily good; for the labourer gathereth not the fruits of the earth, as soon as the seed is sown, but he waits till the due season. A man ought to have a careful eye over his daughters. Keep them within, and see they wander not. For Dinah the daughter of Jacob was cor- rupted by seeing strangers." In ecclesiastical correction, they were directed by our Lord's rule, in first reproving a brother in private; se- condly, in the presence of two or three brethren; and last of all, and not till other methods failed, in proceeding to excommunication. Private correction, they observe, is sufficient for faults not made known to many; but in the case of open sins, they followed the apostolical rule. *Them that sin, rebuke before all, that others may fear. " Marriages are to be made according to the degrees of kindred permitted by God. The pope's dispensations are of no value, nor deserve the least regard. The band of holy matrimony must not be made without the consent of the parents of botli parties; for children belong to their parents." Against the disorders of taverns, and the mischiefs of dancing, they are exceedingly severe. Remark one sen- tence; "They, who deck and adorn their daughters, are like thq^e who put dry wood to the fire, to the end that it may burn the better. A tavern is the fountain of si n and the school of Satan." For conversing with those that are without, they give rules full of Christian sim- » 1 Tim. V. 20 Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 67 plicity; and they direct their people also in Christian morals after a style and manner much superior to the spirit and taste of the thirteenth century.* A treatise concerning antichrist, dated in 1120, before the days of Waldo, was preserved by the Waldenses of the Alps; and a brief summary of it is as follows: " He is called antichrist, because, being covered and adorned under the colour of Christ and his church, he opposes the salvation purchased by Christ, of which the faithful are partakers by faith, hope, and charity. He contra- dicts the truth by the wisdom of the world, and by coun- terfeit holiness. To make up a complete system of re- ligious hypocrisy, all these things must concur; there must be worldly-wise men, there must be religious orders, Pharisees, ministers, doctors, the secular power, and lovers of this world. Antichrist, indeed, was conceived in the apostles^ times, but he was in his infancy, unform- ed and imperfect. He was therefore the more easily known and ejected, being rude, raw, and wanting utter- ance. He had then no skill in making decretals, he wanted hypocritical ministers, and the show of religious orders. He had none of those riches, by which he might allure ministers to his service, and multiply his adherents: he wanted also the secular power, and could not compel men to serve him. But he grew to a full age, when the lovers of the world, both in church and state, did multiply and get all the power into their hands: Christ had never any enemy like to this, so able to per- vert the way of truth into falsehood, insomuch that the church with her true children is trodden under foot. He robs Christ of his merits, of justification, regeneration, sanctification, and spiritual nourishment, and ascribes the * Moreland, p. 86. 68 HISTORY OF THE ICIiap. 1. same to his own authority, to a form of words, to his own works, to saints, and to the fire of purgatory. Yet he has some decent quahlies, which throw a veil over his enormities; such as an external profession of Christianity, tradition, and catalogues of episcopal s«ccession, lying wonders, external sanctity, and certain sayings of Christ himself, the adnnnistration of the sacraments, verbal preaching against vices, and the virtuous lives of some who really live to God in Babylon, whom, however, anti- christ, so far as in him lies, prevents from placing all their hope in Christ alone. These things are a cloak, with which antichrist hides his wickedness, that he may not be rejected as a pagan. Knowing these things, we depart from antichrist, according to express scriptural directions. We unite ourselves to the truth of Christ and his spouse, how small soever she appear. We de- scribe the causes of our separation from antichrist, that if the Lord be pleased to impart the knowledge of the same truth to others, those, who receive it, together with us, may love it. But, if they be not sufficiently enlight- ened, they may receive help by our ministry, and be washed by the Spirit. If any one have received more abundantly than we ourselves, we desire the more hum- bly to be taught, and to amend our defects. — A various and endless idolatry marks the genius of antichrist, and he teaches men by that to seek for grace, which is essen- tially in God alone, exists meritoriously in Christ, and is communicated by faith alone through the Holy Spirit." "Christ is our advocate: he forgives sins. He presents himself in some measure to us, before we bestir ourselves. He knocks, that we may open to hitn: and, to obstruct all occasions of idolatry, he sits at the right hand of the Father in heaven, and desires that every faithful soul Cmf. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 69 should have recourse to his Redeemer alone. For all the care of the faithful should be directed toward Christ, imitating him that is above. He is the gate: whosoever entereth by him shall be saved. lie alone hath the pre- rogative to obtain whatever he requests in behalf of man- kind, whom he hath reconciled by his death. To what purpose should we address ourselves to any other saint as mediator, seeing he himself is far more charitable and far more ready to succour us than any of them?" CHAPTER H. Persecutions, In 116S, two years after Waldo had begun to preach the gospel in Lyons, Lewis VH. of France, and Henry H. of England, on foot, holding the bridle of the horse of Pope Alexander VII, walking one on one side of him, the other on the other, conducted him to. his habitation; exhibiting, says Raronius,* a spectacle most grateful to God, to angels, and to men! The piinces of the earth, as well as the meanest persons, were now enslaved to the popedom, and were easily led to persecute the children of God with the most savage barbarity. In 1 176, some of the Waldenses, called heretics, being examined by the bishops, were convicted of heresy. They were said to receive only the New Testament, and to reject the Old, except in the testimonies quoted by our Lord and the apostles.f This charge is confuted by the whole tenor of their authentic writings, in which they quote the Old Testament authority as divine, without * Baronius, Annals, Cent. xii. f Raron. Cent. xii. 70 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 2. reserve or hesitation. Being interrogated concerning their faith, we are told that they said, " we are not bound to answer/^ In 1178, the same Lewis and Henry, who had sixteen years before, in so unkingly a manner, given their " power and strength to the beast,"* hearing that the Albigenses grew in numbers, determined to attack them by the svi^ord, but afterwards thought it more prudent to employ preachers.f They sent to them several bishops and ecclesiastics; and they employed Raymond of Toulouse and other noblemen to expel the refractory. The com- missioners arriving at Toulouse, exacted, by an oath, of the Catholics there, that they should give information of the heretics whom they knew. Great numbers were hence discovered. Among these was a rich old man called Peter Moraniis, who had pretended to be John the Evangelist.J This person, denying the bread to be the body of Christ, was condemned: his goods were con- fiscated: his castles, the conventicles of heretics, were thrown down. Peter abjured his heresy, and was brought naked and barefoot into the church before all the people; the bishop of Toulouse and a certain abbot beating him on each side from the entrance of the building to the steps of the altar, where the cardinal legate celebrated mass. There, being reconciled to the church, he again * Rev. xvii. 13. f Baron. Cent. xli. It is evident that the term Albigenses, or rather Albienses, employed by our author, was taken from the town of Albi, where the Waldenses flourished. And, indeed, through the dominions of Raymond, earl of Toulouse, and through the south of France, including the territories of Avignon, their doctrines, at that time, spread with v.ist rapidity. All these were called in general, Albi- genses, and, in doctrine and manners, were not at all distinct from the Wal- denses. + It should be recollected, that this is the account given by Baronius, a very determined enemy of the Waldenses. Cent. 13.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 71 abjured his heresy, anathematized heretics, and submit- ted to another penance, which was this, namely, after forty days to leave his country, to serve the poor at Jeru- salem three years; and, during the forty days, each Sun- day to go round the churches of Toulouse naked and barefoot, disciphned by rods, and to make various resti- tutions. It was ordered, however, that if he should re- turn after three years from Jerusalem, then the rest of his property, till that time held in sequestration, should be restored to him. Many others abjured their heresies; but some refusing to take the oaths of subjection were excommunicated, with candles publicly lighted; and princes were ordered to expel them from their dominions. Roger, prince of the Albiensian diocese, was excommu- nicated. It was reserved to Innocent the Third, than whom no pope ever possessed more ambition, to institute the In- quisition;* and the Waldenses were the first objects of its cruelty. He authorized certain monks to frame the process of that court, and to deliver the supposed heretics to the secular power. The beginning of the thirteenth century saw thousands of persons hanged or burned by these diabolical devices, whose sole crime was, that they trusted only in Jesus Christ for salvation, and renounced all the vain hopes of self-righteous idolatry and supersti- tion. Whoever has attended closely to the subjects of the two epistles to the Colossians and the Galatians, and has penetrated the meaning of the apostle, sees the great duty of holding the head, and of resting for justification by faith on Jesus Christ alone, inculcated throughout them as the predominant precept of Christianity, in op- position to the rudiments of the world, to philosophy and * Some chronologists place the commencement of the Inquisition in 1204. "72 HISTORY OF THE [C/m;;. 2. vain deceit, to will-worship, to all dependance for our happiness on human works and devices of whatever kind. Such a person sees what is genuine Protestantism, as contrasted to genuine popery; and, of course, he is con- vinced, that the difference is not merely verbal or frivo- lous, but that there is a perfect opposition in the two plans; and such as admits of no coalition or union; and that therefore the true way of withstanding the devices of Satan, is to be faithful to the great doctrine of justifi- cation by the grace of Jesus Christ, through faith alone, and not by our own works or deservings.* Hence the very foundation of false religion is overthrown; hence troubled consciences obtain soHd peace: and, faith, work- ing by love, leads men into the very spirit of Christianity, while it comforts their hearts, and stablishes them in every good work. Schemes of religion so extremely opposite, being ar- dently pursued by both parties, could not fail to produce a violent rupture. In fact, the church of Christ and the world were seen engaged in contest. Innocent, however, first tried the methods of argument and persuasion. He sent bishops and monks, who preached in those places, where the Waldensian doctrine flourished. But their success was very inconsiderable. I need not dwell on the insidious customs of the In- quisition: they are but too well known. From the year 1206, when it was first established, to the year \22S, the havoc made among helpless Christians was so great, that certain French bishops, in the last mentioned year, de- sired the monks of the Inquisition to defer a little their work of imprisonment, till the pope was advertised of the great number apprehended; numbers so great, that it * Eleventh article of religion. Gent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 73 was impossible to defray the charges of their subsistence, and even to provide stone and mortar to build prisons for them. Yet so true is it, that the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church, that in the year 1530 there were in Europe above eight hundred thousand who professed the religion of the Waldenses. When the Albigenses saw that the design of the pope was to gain the reputation of having used gentle and reasonable methods of persuasion, they agreed among themselves, to undertake the open defence of their prin- ciples. They therefore gave the bishops to understand, that their pastors, or some of them in the name of the rest, were ready to prove their religion to be truly scrip- tural in an open conference, provided the conference might be conducted with propriety. They explained their ideas of propriety, by desiring that there might be moderators on both sides, who shall be vested with full authority to prevent all tumult and violence; that the conference should be held in some place, to which all parties concerned might have free and safe access; and, moreover, that some one subject should be chosen, with the common consent of the disputants, which should be steadily prosecuted, till it was fully discussed and deter- mined; and that he, who could not maintain it by the word of God, the only decisive rule of Christians, should own himself to be confuted. All this was something more than specious: it was perfectly equitable and unexceptionably judicious; so much so, that the bishops and monks could not with de- cency refuse to accept the terms. The place of confer- ence agreed upon was Montreal near Carcassone, in the year 1206. The umpires on the one side were the Vol. II. K 74 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 2 bishops of Villeneiise and Auxerre; on the other, R. de Bot, and Anthony Riviere. Several pastors were deputed to manage the debate for the Albigenses, of whom Arnold Hot was the princi- pal. He arrived first at the time and place appointed. A bishop named Eusus, came afterwards on the side of the papacy, accompanied by the monk Dominic, two of the pope's legates, and several other priests and monks. The points undertaken to be proved by Arnold, were, that the mass and transubstantiation were idolatrous and unscriptural; that the church of Rome was not the spouse of Christ, and that its polity was bad and unholy. Arnold sent these propositions to the bishop, who required fifteen days to answer him, which was granted. At the day ap- pointed, the bishop appeared, bringing with him a large manuscript, which was read in the conference. Arnold desired that he might be allowed to reply by word of mouth, only entreating their patience, if he took a con- siderable time in answering so prolix a writing. Fair promises of a patient hearing were granted him. He discoursed for the space of four days with great fluency and readiness, and with such order, perspicuity, and strength of argument, that a powerful impression was made on the audience. At length, Arnold desired that the bishops and monks would undertake to vindicate the mass and transubstan- tiation by the word of God. What they said on the oc- casion we are not told; but the cause of the abrupt con- clusion of the conference, a matter of fact allowed on all sides, showed which party had the advantage in argu- ment. While the two legates were disputing with Arnold at Montreal, and at the same time several other confer- ences were held in different places, the bishop of Ville- Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 75 neuse, the umpire of the papal party, declared, that no- thing could be determined, because of the coming of the crusaders. What he asserted was too true; the papal armies advanced, and, by .fire and faggot, soon decided all controversies. Three hundred thousand pilgrims, induced by the united motives of avarice and superstition, filled the coun- try of the Albigenses with carnage and confusion for a number of years. The reader, who is not versed in his- tory of this kind, can scarcely conceive the scenes of baseness, perfidy, barbarity, indecency, and hypocrisy, over which Innocent presided: and which were conduct- ed partly by his legates, and partly by the infamous earl Simon of Montfort. But let it suflicc to have said this in general: it is more to our purpose to observe the spirit of the people of God in these grievous tribulations. The castle of Menerbe on the frontiers of Spain, for want of water, was reduced to the necessity of surrendering to the pope's legate. A certain abbot undertook to preach to those who were found in the castle, and to exhort them to acknowledge the pope. But they interrupted his discourse, declaring that his labour was to no purpose. Earl Simon and the legate then caused a great fire to be kindled; and they burned a hundred and forty persons of both sexes. These martyrs died in triumph, praising God that he had counted them worthy to suifer for the sake of Christ. They opposed the legate to his face, and told Simon, that on the last day, when the books should be opened, he would meet with the just judgment of God for all his cruelties. Several monks entreated them to have pity on themselves, and promised them their lives if they would submit to the popedom. But 76 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 2. the Christians "loved not their lives to the death:"* only three women of the company recanted. Another castle named Termes, not far from Menerbe, in the territory of Narbonne, was taken by Simon in the year 1210. " This place," said Simon, " is of all others the most execrable, because no mass has been sung in it for tiiirty years." A remark which gives us some idea both of the stability and numbers of the Waldenses: the very worship of popery, it seems, was expelled from this place. The inhabitants made their escape by night, and avoided the merciless hands of Simon. A single act of humanity, exercised by this general on the principles of chivalry, toward several women, whose persons he preserved from military insult and outrage, is the only one of the kind recorded of him. But the triumphing of the wicked is short: after he had been declared sovereign of Toulouse, which he had conquered, general of the armies of the church, its son and its darling, after he had oppressed and tyrannized over the Albigenses by innumerable confiscations and exactions, he was slain in battle in the year 1218. Secuhir and ecclesiastical ambition united to oppress the churches of Christ. The monk Reinerius, whom we have had occasion repeatedly to quote, acted as in- quisitor in the year 1250. There is evidence of the ex- treme violence of persecution continued against the Albi- genses, now altogether defenceless, to the year 1281. Long before this, in the year 1229, a council was held at Toulouse, one of the canons of which was, that the laity were not allowed to have the Old or New Testament in the vulgar tongue, except a psalter or the like; and it forbad men even to translate the Scriptures. * Rev. xii. 7. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 77 The people of God were thus, at length, for the most part, exterminated in Toulouse, and found no other re- source but, by patient continuance in well-doing, to com- mit themselves to their God and Saviour. Antichrist, for the present, was visibly triumphant in the south-west parts of France, and the witnesses " clothed in sack- cloth," there consoled themselves with the hope of heaven- ly rest, being deprived of all prospect of earthly enjoy- ments. Dauphiny is a province of France, which was very full of the Waldenses, who inhabited valleys on both sides of the Alps. On the Italian side, the valley of Pregela in particular had, in our author's time, in 1618, six churches, each having its pastor, and every pastor having the care of several villages, which appertained to his church. The oldest people in them, Perrin observes, never remember- ed to have heard mass sung in their country. The valley itself was one of the n)ost secure retreats of the Walden- ses, being environed on all sides with mountains, into whose caverns the people were accustomed to retreat in time of persecution. Vignaux, one of their preachers, used to admire the integriry of the people, whom no dan- gers whatever could seduce from the faith of their ances- tors. Their children were catechised with the minutest care; and their pastors not only exhorted them on the Sabbaths, but also, on the week days went to their ham- lets to instruct them. With much inconvenience to themsel\[es, these teachers climbed the steepest mountains to visit their flocks. The word of God was heard with reverence: the voice of prayer was common in private houses, as well as in the churches: Christian simplicity and zeal abounded; and plain useful learning was dili- gently cultivated in the schools. 78 HISTORY OF THE [C/wp. 2. A monk inquisitor, named Francis Borclli, in the year 1380, armed with a bull of Clement VII. undertook to persecute the godly Waldenses. In the space of thirteen years he delivered a hundred and fifty persons to the secular power, to be burned at Grenoble. In the valley of Fraissiniere and the neighbourhood, he apprehended eighty persons, who also were burned. The monkish inquisitors adjudged one moiety of the goods of the per- sons condemned to themselves, the rest to the temporal lords. What efforts may not be expected, when avarice, malice, and superstition unite in the same cause? About the year 1400, the persecutors attacked the Waldenses of the valley of Pragela. The poor people seeing their caves possessed by their enemies, who as- saulted them during the severity of the winter, retreated to one of the highest mountains of the Alps, the mothers carrying cradles, and leading by the hand, those httle children who were able to walk. Many of them were murdered, others were starved to death: a hundred and eighty children were found dead in their cradles, and the greatest part of their mothers died soon after them. But why should I relate all the particulars of such a scene of infernal barbarity? In 1460, those of the valley of Fraissiniere were per- secuted by a monk of the order of Friar Minors, or Fran- ciscans, armed with the authority of the archbishop of Ambrun. And it appears from documents preserved till the time of Perrin, that every method which fraud and calumny could invent, was practised against them. In the valley of Loyse, four hundred httle children were found suffocated in their cradles, or in the arms of their deceased mothers, in consequence of a great quan- tity of wood being placed at the entrance of the caves Cent 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 79 and set on fire. On the whole, above three thousand persons belonging to the valley were destroyed, and this righteous people were in that place exterminated. The Waldenses of Pragela and Fraissinieie, alarmed by these sanguinary proceedings, made provision for their own safety, and expected the enemy at the passage and nar- row straits of their valleys, and were in fact so well pre- pared to receive them, that the invaders were obliged to retreat. Some attempts were made afterwards by the Waldenses in Fraissiniere to regain their property, which had been unjustly seized by their persecutors. The favour of Lewis XII. of France, was exerted toward them; yet they could never obtain any remedy. In Piedmont the archbishops of Turin assiduously laboured to molest the Waldenses, having been informed by the priests in those valleys, that the people made no offerings for the dead, valued not masses and absolutions, and took no care to redeem their relations from the pains of purgatory. The love of lucre, no doubt, had a princi- pal share in promoting the persecutions; for the sums collected by the means of these and similar vanities, were immense. The princes of Piedmont, however, who were the dukes of Savoy, were very unwilling to disturb their subjects, of whose loyalty, peaceableness, industry, and probity they receive such uniform testimony. A fact, which seemed peculiarly to demonstrate their general innocence, must be noticed; their neighbours particularly prized a Piedmontese servant, and preferred the women of, the valleys above all others, to nurse their children. Calumny, however, prevailed at length; and such a num- ber of accusations against them appeared, charging them with crimes of the most monstrous nature, that the civil power permitted the papal to indulge its thirst for blood. 80 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 2. Dreadful cruelties were inflicted on the people of God; and these, by their constancy, revived the memory of the primitive martyrs. Among them Catelin Girard was distinguished, who, standing on the block, on which he w^as to be burned at Revel in the marquisate of Saluces, requested his executioners to give him two stones: which request being with difficulty obtained, the martyr, hold- ing them in his hands, said, when I have eaten these stones, then you shall see an end of that religion, for which ye put me to death. And then he cast the stones on the ground. The fires continued to be kindled till the year 1488, when the method of military violence was adopted by the persecutors, Albert de Capitaneis, archdeacon of Cre- mona, was deputed by pope Innocent VIII. to assault the sufferers with the sword. Eighteen thousand soldiers were raised for the service, besides many of the Pied- montese papists, who ran to the plunder from all parts. But the Waldenses, armed with wooden targets and crossbows, and availing themselves of the natural advan- tages of their situation, repulsed their enemies; the wo- men and children on their knees entreating the Lord to protect his people, during the engagement. Philip, duke of Savoy, having been informed, that their young children were born with black throats; that they were hairy and had four rows of teeth, he ordered some of them to be brought before him to Pignerol; where, having convinced himself by ocular demonstration that the Waldenses were not monsters, he determined to pro- tect them from the persecution. But he seems not to have had sufficient power to execute his good intentions. The papal inquisitors daily endeavoured to apprehend these sincere followers of Christ, and the persecution Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 81 lasted till the year 15S2. Then it was that the Pied- montese began openly to perform divine worship in their churches. This provoked the civil power, at length, against them to such a degree, that it concurred more vigorously with the papal measures of military violence. The Waldenses, however, defended themselves with courage and success: the priests left the country: the mass was expelled from Piedmont; and, whereas the people had hitherto only the New Testament and some books of the Old translated into the Waldensian tongue, they now sent the whole Bible to the press; for, till 1535, they had only manuscripts, and those few in number. They procured, at Neufchatel in Switzerland, a printed Bible from one, who published the first impression of the word of God which was seen in France. They en- deavoured to provide themselves also with religious books from Geneva, but their messenger was apprehended and put to death. The persecutions were continued against this people by Francis I. king of France, with savage barbarity; and, in particular, Jeffrey, who was burned in the castle yard at Turin, made a strong impression on the minds of many, by his piety, meekness, and constancy. About the year 1370 some of the Waldensian youths of Dauphiny sought in Calabria a new settlement, be- cause their native country, was too small for the number of the inhabitants. Finding the soil fertile, and the re- gion thinly peopled, they applied to the proprietors of the lands, and treated with them concerning the conditions of dwelling there. The lords of the country gave them the most kind reception, agreed with them on fair and equitable terms, and assigned them parcels of lands. The new colonists soon enriched and fertilized their respec- VoL. II. L 82 HISTORY OF THE [C/mp. 2. tive districts by superior industry: and, by probity, peace- able manners, and punctual payment of their rents, they gained the affections of their landlords, and of all their neighbours. The priests alone, who found that they did not act like others in religion, and that they contributed nothing to the support of the hierarchy by masses for the dead, or by other Roniisli formalities, were highly offend- ed. They were particularly vexed to find, that certain foreign schoolmasters, who taught the children of tliese strangers, were held in high respect, and that they them- selves received nothing from them except tithes, which were paid according to the compact with their lords. From these circumstances, the priests concluding that the strangers must be heretics, were tempted to complain of them to the pope. The lords, however, withheld them from complaining of the people. " They are just and honest," say they, " and have enriched all the coun- try. Even ye, priests, have received substantial emolu- ment from their labours. The tithes alone, which ye now receive, are so much superior to those, which were formerly produced from these countries, that you may well bear with some losses on other accounts. Perhaps the country whence they came is not so much addicted to the ceremonies of the Roman church. But as they fear God, are liberal to the needy, just and beneficent to all men, it is ungenerous anxiously to scrutinize their consciences. For are they not a temperate, sober, pru- dent people, and in their words peculiarly decent? And does any person ever hear them utter a blasphemous ex- pression?" The lords admiring their tenants, who were distinguished from the inhabitants all around by probity and virtue, maintained and protected them against their enemies till the year 1560. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 8S Pope Pius IV. determined to extirpate a people who had presumed to plant Lutheranism, — so he called their religion, — so near to his seat What follows of the his- tory of this people is a distressful scene of persecution. Numbers of them being murdered, by two companies of soldiers, headed by the pope's agents, the rest craved mercy for themselves, their wives, and children, declaring, that if they were permitted to leave the country with a few conveniences, they would not return to it any more. But their enemies knew not how to show mercy; and the persecuted Christians at length defended themselves from their invaders, and put them to flight. The viceroy of Naples hearing of these things, appeared in person to prosecute the diabolical business of the pope; and in a little time, the Calabrian Waldenses were entirely exter- minated. The most barbarous cruelties were inflicted on many: some were tortured, in order to oblige them to own, that their friends had committed the most flagi- tious incests; and the whole apparatus of pagan persecu- tion was seen to be revived in the south of Italy. A certain youth, named Samson, defended himself a long time against those, who came to apprehend him. But being wounded, he was at length taken and led to the top of a tower. Confess yourself to a priest here present, said the persecutors, before you be thrown down. I have already, says Samson, confessed myself to God. Throw him down from the tower, said the inquisitor. The next day the viceroy passing below near the said tower, saw the poor man yet alive, with all his bones broken. He kicked him with his foot on the head, say- ing, Is the dog yet alive? Give him to the hogs to eat. This was in the close of the sixteenth century. The Waldenses of Provence fertilized a barren soil bv 84 HISTORY OF THE [C7iap. 2. their industry, but, like their brethren elsewhere, were exposed to persecution. An attempt was made to pre- judice the mind of Lewis XII. against them, about the year 1506, by such calumnies as those, with which the primitive Christians were aspersed. The king, struck with horror, directed the parliament of Provence to in- vestigate the charges, and to punish those, who were found guilty. But afterwards, understanding that some innocent men were put to death, he sent two persons to inquire into the conduct of these people, by whose dis- tinct information he was so thoroughly convinced of their innocence, that he swore they were better men than him- self and his Catholic subjects; and he protected them during the rest of his reign. Thus the candour, hu- manity, and generosity of that monarch, who was de- servedly looked on as the father of his people, was pro- videntially instrumental in the defence of the Waldenses. Some time after, these Provenc'al Protestants wrote a letter to the reformer Ecolampadius of Basle, which, as a monument of Christian humility and simplicity, well deserves to be transcribed. " Health to Mr. Ecolampa- dius. Whereas several persons have given us to under- stand, that He, who is able to do all things, hath reple- nished you with his Holy Spirit, as it conspicuously ap- pears by the fruits; we, therefore, have recourse to you from a far country, with a steadfast hope, that the Holy Ghost will enlighten our understanding by your means, and give us the knowledge of several things, in which we are now doubtful, and which are hidden from us, be- cause of our slothful ignorance, and remissness, to the great damage, as we fear, both of ourselves and the peo- ple, of whom we are the unworthy teachers. That you may know at once how matters stand with us, we, such Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 85 as we are, poor instructors of tliis small people, have un- dergone, for above four hundred years, most cruel per- secutions, not without signal marks of the favour of Christ; for he hath interposed to deliver us, when under the harrow of severe tribulations. In this our state of weakness we come to you for advice and consolation.'^ They wrote in the same strain to other reformers, and were, it seems, so zealous to profit by their superior light and knowledge, that they willingly exposed themselves, by this means, to a share of the same persecutions which at that time oppressed the Lutherans, — so the reformed were then generally called, — both in France and through all Euiope. About the year 1330, Echard, a Dominican monk, an inquisitor, grievously oppressed the Waldenses of Ger- many. At length, after many cruelties, he urged the Waldenses to inform him of the real cause of their sepa- ration from the church of Rome, being convinced in his conscience of the justice of several of their charges. This was an opportunity not often vouchsafed to this people by their enemies, of using the weapons of Chris- tian warfare. The event was salutary: Echard was en- lightened, confessed the faith of Christ, united himself to his people; like Paul he preached the faith which once he destroyed; and, in the issue, was burned at Heidelberg, and the Christians glorified God in him. Raynard Lollard was another convert of the same kind, at first a Franciscan and an enemy to the Wal- denses. He was taken by the inquisitors after he had diligently taught the gospel, and was burned at Cologne. From him the Wickliffiles in England were called Lol- lards, and he it was wlio instructed the English who re- sided in Guienne, in the Waldensian doctrine. The 86 HISTORY OF THE {^Chap. 2. connexion between France and England, during the whole reign of Edward III. was so great, that it is by no means improbable, that Wickliffe himself derived his first impressions of religion from Lcllard. Princes and states may carry on wars and negotiations with one another; while He, who rules all things makes every event sub- servient to the great design of spreading the kingdom of his Son. Flanders was also a violent scene of Waldeusian per- secution. Persecutors in Flanders tormented the Christians by means of hornets, wasps, and hives of bees. The people of God, however, were strong in faith and love. They turned the Scripture into Low^ Dutch rhymes, for the edification of the brethren; and they gave this reason for the practice: " In Scripture there are no jests, fables, trifles, or deceits; but w^ords of solid truth. Here and there, indeed, is an hard crust; but the marrow and sweetness of what is good and holy may easily be dis- covered in it." A peculiar regard for holy writ amidst ages of darkness, forms the glory of the Waldensian churches. England, because of its insular situation, knew less of all these scenes than the Continent. But the striking narrative of the sufferers, in the time of Henry II. which has been recorded, ought to be added to the list of Wal- densian persecutions. No part of Europe, in short, was exempt from the sufferings of these Christian heroes. Paris itself, the metropolis of France, saw, in 1304, a hundred and fourteen persons burned alive, who bore the flames with admirable constancy. Thus largely did the " King of Saints"* provide for * Rev. sv. 3. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 87 the instruction of iiis church, in the darkness of the mid- dle ages. The Waldcnscs are the middle link, which connects the primitive Christians and fathers with the reformed; and, by their means, the proof is completely established, that salvation, by the grace of Christ, felt in the heart, and expressed in the life, by the power of the Holy Ghost, has ever existed from the time of the apos- tles till this day; and that it is a doctrine marked by the cross, and distinct from all that religion of mere form or convenience, or of human invention, which calls itself Christian, but which wants the Spirit of Christ. CHAPTER nr. Corruptions. The corruptions of Rome are made still more glaring- ly manifest by the following circumstances. Pope Gre- gory IX. willing to revive the cause of the eastern cru- sades, which, through a series of disastrous events, was now much on the decline; and feeling the connexion be- tween this cause and the credit of the popedom, by a bull directed to all Christendom invited men to assume the cross, and proceed to the Holy Land. " Notwith- standing," says he, " the ingratitude of Christians, the goodness of God is not withdrawn from them. His* providence is still actively engaged to promote the hap- piness of mankind: his remedies suit their temper; his prescriptions are proportioned to the disease. — The ser- vice to which they are now invited is an effectual atone- * Collier's Ecc, vol. i. 88 HISTORY OF THE ICImp. 5. mcnt for the miscarriages of a negligent life; the disci- phne of a regular penance would have discouraged many offenders so much, that they would have had no heart to venture upon it: but the Holy ivar is a compendious method of discharging men from guilt, and restoring them to the divine favour. Even if they die on their march, the intention will be taken for the deed, and many in this way may be crowned without fighting." The Franciscans and Dominicans were employed in enlisting men into the service of the crusades by Gregory IX. the author of the impious bull mentioned above. They engaged in the business with much ardour: and as it often happened that persons, who in the warmth of zeal had taken the cross, repented afterwards, when they began to think seriously of the difficulties of the enter- prise, these friars were employed to release such devotees from their vows, on the payment of a fine. It may easily be conceived, that much wealth would be amassed by this dispensing power.* The Franciscans and Dominicans had ample buildings and princely houses.f They attended the death-beds of the rich and great, and urged them to bequeath immense legacies to their own orders. The subtle jargon of the schools infected their whole semblance of learning. However, as they appeared more knowing, and were certainly more studious than the other orders, they gain- ed much ground in this century; and indeed till the time of the institution of the Jesuits, they were the pillars of the papacy. Persecution of heretics, so called, formed a great part of their employment. The Dominicans| in * Collier, vol. i. f History of the Abbey of St. Alban's, by Newcome. i These were also calledjacobins, from their settlement in St. James's street in Paris. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 89 particular were the founders of the Inquisition. These last came into England about the year 1221, and first appeared at Oxford. The Franciscans were first settled at Canterbury in 1234. They both cultivated the Aris- totelian philosophy, and being the confidential agents of the pope, they, under various pretences, exacted large sums of money through the kingdom, and fleeced even the abbots of the monasteries. A remarkable- instance of papal tyranny, exercised through their means in this century, will show the abject slavery and superstition under which England groaned. In 1247, Innocent IV. gave a commission to John the Franciscan, as follows: " We charge you, that if the major part of the English prelates should make answer, that they are exempt from foreign jurisdiction, you de- mand a greater sum, and compel tiiem, by ecclesiastic: 1 censures, to withdraw their appeals, any privilege or in- dulgence notwithstanding.*^ This was the famous " non obstante clause,^' by which the pope, in the plenitude of his dominion, assumed to himself the same dispensing power in the church, which king James 11. did long after in the state. But the punishment of the former for his temerity and arrogance followed not so soon as in the latter. For God had put into the hearts of princes and statesmen to fulfil his will, and to agree and give their kingdom to the beast, until the words of God should be fulfilled.* And thus the wickedness of men in neglecting his gospel was justly punished. So shameless were the popes at this time in their ex- actions, and so secure was their hold on the abject su- perstition of mankind, that they grossly defrauded even * Rev. xvii. 17. Vol. II. M 90 HISTORY OF THE ICJiap. 3. the Franciscans themselves, and were not afraid of the consequences. Men, who received not the testimony of Jesus Christ, and refused subuiission to his easy yoke, were induced to kiss the iron rod of an Itahan tyrant. The greater part of mankind throughout Europe at that time were given up to Pharisaism. We have seen, however, that the Waldenses could find peace and rehef of conscience, and the expectation of lieaven through Jesus Christ alone, by faith; and hence, were enabled to despise the whole popedom with all its appendages; while others, who trembltd in conscience for their sins, and knew not the holy wisdom of resting on Christ alone for salvation, might swell with indignation at the wickedness of the court of Rome, yet not dare to emancipate them- selves from its bonds. At this time, during the prevalence of the Aristotelian philosophy, the doctrine of " grace of congruity^' was in high repute: in other words, justification by men's own works was insisted on: and while some decent show of respect was paid in words to the merits of Christ, the real meritorious objects, on which men were taught to place their hope, were some performances, by which they might, in a lower sense, deserve grace, and purchase the application of it to themselves.* Thus, a religion prevailed, which accommodated all sorts of sinners. Those of a more decent cast were taught to expect the Divine favour by their own works, which deserved grace of congruity; and the most scandalous transgressors, by the doctrine of commutation for offences, might still ob- tain forgiveness: the exercise of munificence toward the hierarchy was sure to cover all crimes; but the humble and the contrite alone, who felt what sin is, and sighed * Thh'teenth article of tlie Protestant Episcopal church. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 91 for a remedy, found no relief to consciences, which could not admit the delusive refreshments provided by the papacy. These, either mourned in secret, and poured out their souls to that God, who says to his creatures^ "seek and ye shall find," or if they united themselves in a body of faithful people, maintained the character of those " of whom the world was not worthy," and suffer- ed the extremities of persecution, under the name of Waldenses. On the subject of the propagation of the gospel, scarce any thing occurs in this age. The godly spirit of mis- sionaries, which had been the glory of the declining church, was by this time exfiausted; so extensively had the papal corruptions prevailed. The only accession to the Christian name in Europe seems to have been the conversion, as it is called, of the Prussians, Lithuanians, and some adjoining provinces. Prussia was one of the last regions of the north, which bowed under the yoke of the popedom. The ignorance, brutality, and ferocity of the inhabitants, were uncom- monly great. The Teutonic knights, after they had lost their possessions in Palestine, took the cross against the Prussians, and, after a long and bloody war, forced them to receive the name of Christ; but I know no evidences of piety, either in the missionaries or in the proselytes. The destruction, however, of the old idolatry, and the introduction of something of Christianity, would eventu- ally, at least, prove a blessing to this people. In the east, Othman was proclaimed sultan, in 1299, and founded a new empire. The people afterwards, as well as the emperor, were called after his name. The mixed multitude, of which his people was composed, were the remains of four sultanies which had for some 92 HISTORY OF THE lChap,4' lime subsisted in the neighbourhood of the river Eu- phrates. Thus the four angels, which were bound in Euphrates, were loosed, and under the name of Turks succeeded the Saracens both in the propagation of Ma- hometanism, and in diffusing the horrors of war* Pro- vidence had destined them to scourge the people of Eu- rope for their idolatry and flagitiousness; and Europe still repented not. CHAPTER IV. Eminent Men. Arsenius, bishop of Constantinople, deserves atten- tion. After that Constantinople was taken by the French and Venetians, the seat of the Greek empire had been transferred to Nice in Bithynia, of which metropolis, under the reign of Theodorus Lascaris, Arsenius was appointed bishop. He was renowned for piety and sim- plicity, and had lived a monastic life near Apollonia. Theodorus, a little before his death, constituted him one of the guardians of his son John, an infant in the sixth year of his age. But the integrity and virtue of the bishop were no security against the ambition and perfidy of the times. Michael Pateologus usurped the sove- reignty; and Arsenius at length, with reluctance, over- powered by the influence of the nobility, consented to place the diadem on his head, with this express condition, that he should resign the empire to the royal infant when he should come to maturity. * Rev. ix. — Newton, 3cl vol. Prophecies, page 116. Cent. IS.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 93 Arsenius, after he had made this concession, had the Wiortihcation to find his pupil tieated with perfect disre- gard; and, probably, repenting of what he had done, he retired from his see to a monastery. Some time after, by a sudden revohition, Palreologus recovered Constanti- nople from tlie Latins; but amidst all his successes he found it necessary to his reputation to recal tiie bishop, and he fixed him in the Metropolitan see. So great was the ascendancy of the character of a virtuous pre- late over the politics of an unprincipled usurper, though covered with secular glory! Palfeologus, however, still dreaded the youth, whom he had so deeply injured, and to prevent him from recovering the throne, he had re- course to the barbarous policy of putting out his eyes. Arsenius hearing this, excommunicated the emperor, who then made some pretences of repentance. But the bishop refused to admit him into the church; and Palas- ologus had the baseness to accuse him of certain crimes before an assembly of priests. Arsenius was convened before the venal assembly, condemned and banished to a small island of the Propontis. But, conscious of his in- tegrity, he bore his suiferings with serenity and compo- sure, and, requesting that an account might be taken of the treasures of the church, he show^ed that three pieces of gold, which he had earned by transcribing Psalms, were the whole of his property. This same emperor, who had the meanness, by false accusation, to expel Ar- senius from his see, still confessed, how much wicked- ness stands in awe of virtue, by soliciting him to repeal his ecclesiastical censures. The deprived prelate, how- ever, who never had been fond of sacerdotal dignity, re- mained content with his obscurity, and, to his last breath, 94 HISTORY OF THE [CViap. 4. refused the request of the usurper, who still retained the wages of his iniquity.* Seval, archbishop of York, wrote to pope Alexander IV. against his violent and oppressive conduct, and ex- horted him to follow Peter, — to feed, not to devour, the sheep of Christ. The particular occasion of this letter was, that the pope had intruded a person named Jordan into the deanery of York.f The courage and integrity of Seval, enraged the pope, who, on some pretence, ex- communicated liim: he still however persisted, and with- stood the intrusion of unworthy clergymen. The Ro- manists harassed him with their utmost malevolence; but he was honoured by the people. He died in 1258, in the fourth year of his archbishopric, of which he seems to have kept possession till his decease. William de St. Amour, doctor of the Sorbonme, and professor of divinity in the university of Paris, was one of the greatest ornaments of Christianity, which appear- ed in the Roman communion in this century. He had his name from St. Amour in Tranche Compte, the place of his nativity. The mendicant orders seldom met with a more vigorous and able adversary. The Dominicans in particular seemed desirous to engross all the power and influence of the university to themselves, while the doctors, resisting their unjust encroachments, excluded them from their society. In the year 1255, the debate was brought before pope Alexander IV. who, with in- tolerable arrogance, ordered the university not only to restore the Dominicans to their former station, but also to grant them as many professorships, as they should re- quire. The doctors of the university of Paris now loudly * Cent. Magd. 461. Nicephones. f Cent. Magd. xiii. p. 550. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 95 joined in the cry of the secular clergy against the inva- sions of the mendicants; and indeed the papal power at this time ruled with absolute dominion. No pastor of a church couid maintain any due authority over the laity, if a Franciscan or Dominican appeared in his parish, to sell indulgences, and to receive confessions; and the most learned body of nien at that time in Europe, were now subject to the government of those agents of pope- dom. The magi-trates of Paris, at first, were disposed to protect the university; but the terror of the papal edicts reduced them at length to silence; and not only the Dominicans, but also the Franciscans, assumed what- ever power they pleased in that famous seminary, and knew no other restrictions, except what the Roman tyrant imposed upon them. The genius and spirit of St. Amour were remarkably distinguished in this controversy. He wrote several treatises against the mendicant orders, and particularly a book published in the year 1255, concerning the perils of the latter days. Persuaded as he w^as, that St. Paul's prophecy of the latter times* was fulfilling in the abomi- nations of the friars, he laid down thirty-nine marks of false teachers. A few years before the unrighteous decision of the pope in favour of the friars, a fanatical book, under the title of " Introduction to the Everlasting Gospel,^' was published by a Franciscan, which, by exalting Francis above Jesus Christ, and arrogating to his order the glory of reforming mankind by a new gospel substituted in the room of that of Christ, attempted to exalt that mendicant tribe to the height of divine estin)ation in the eyes of mankind. The universal ferment excited by this im- * 2 Tim. iii. 1. 96 HISTORY OF THE ICIiap. 4. pious book, obliged Alexander IV. to suppress it in the year 1255, and he ordered it to be burnt in secret wil- ling to spare the reputation of the mendicants. But the university of Paris, which, in the same year, received that grievous injury fi-om the pontiff, which has been mentioned, insisted upon a public condemnation of the book, and Alexander, mighty as he was in power, was constrained, for once, to give way to the feelings of man- kind; and he publicly committed the Franciscan's per- formance to the flames. The next year, however, he revenged himself on St. Amour, by ordering his book on the perils of the latter days to be also committed to the flames, and by banishing him out of France. John Scot, bishop of Dunkeid, died in the year 1202. He was an Englishman, who had been archdeacon of St. Andrews, and thence was preferred to this see.* He was conspicuous in that corrupt age for pastoral vigilance and a conscientious conduct. The county of Argyle was part of his diocese, and, in that county, the people understood only the Irish tongue. Scot, unwilling to receive emoluments from a people, whose souls he could not edify, wrote to Pope Clement III. desiring him to constitute Argyle a separate see, and to confer the bishopric on Evaldus his chaplain, who was well qualified for the purpose, and could speak Irish. " How," says he, " can I give a comfortable account to the Judge of the world at the last day, if I pretend to teach ihose, who cannot understand me? The revenues suffice for two bishops, if we are content with a competency, and are not prodigal of the patrimony of Christ. It is better to lessen the charge, and increase the number of labourers in the Lord's vineyard." His whole request was granted, * Collier, vol. i. page 411. Cent. 15.'} CHURCH OF CHRIST. 97 but the election appears not to have been made till the year 1200. Clement the TJiird died in 1191. Senti- ments such as these would have done honour to the purest ages It seemed worth while to give some illus- tration to the opinion of the Waldenses, " who professed that there were pious men, who lived in Babylon;" and John Scot deserves to be regarded as a practical teacher of bishops and pastors in all ages. Francis and Dominic, the founders of the two orders of friars so distinguished in this century, were eminent, but for superstition. Francis was born at Assisium, in the ecclesiastical state, and was disinherited by his father, who was disgusted at his enthusiasm. In 1209,* he founded his order, which was but too successful in the world. His practices of devotion were monstrous, and he seems ever to have been the prey of a whimsical imagination. Pride and deceit are not uncommonly con- nected with a temper like his, and he gave a memorable instance of both. It is certain that he was impressed with five wounds on his body resembling the wounds of Christ crucified. It is certain also, that he pretended to have received the impressions as a miraculous favour from heaven. Francis sought for glory among men by his follies and absurdities, and he found the genius of the age so adapted to his own, that he gained immense ad- miration and applause. He died in 1226, in the forty- fifth year of his age.f Posterity saw his order splendid in secular greatness, though under the mask of poverty; and we have already recounted the dreams of one of his disciples, who was no mean imitator of his master.| * Alban Butler. f Alban Butler, vol. x. — Cave, vol. i. page 704. ^ Viz. the author of "Introduction to the Everlasting Gospel." See the bottom of p. 95. Vol. II. N 98 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 4. Dominic was a Spaniard, born in the year 1170. In fictitious miracles and monstrous austerities, he resem- bled Francis.* He seems to have shown no one evidence of genuine humility, or of evangelical piety. In religious pride he lived; and, it is much to be feared, he died in the same temper and in the greatest ignorance. For in his last hours he promised his brethren, that he would never forget them, when he was gone to God. To Dominic belongs the glory of completing the scheme of mechanical devotion. He directed men to recite fifteen decads of Hail Mary, &c. and one pater-noster before each decad. Thus men were taught to repeat a hun- dred and fifty times the angel's salutation of the Virgin, interlarded with a number of pater-nosters, and to believe that this practice would be as acceptable as the recital of the hundred and fifty Psalms. I suppose very zealous devotees would go through all this work at one time: perhaps others, less laborious, might perform it at suc- cessive intervals. — But is this the spirit of grace and supplication^ promised to the Christian church .'^ Is this the spirit of adoption, whereby men cry Abba, Father.-^ What is it but the spirit of bondage and miserable super- stition, the religion of the lips, a self-righteous drudgery of so much devotional work, with a view to purchase the remission of sins, and to ease the consciences of men, who lived without either understanding the doctrines, or practising the precepts of Scripture.^ Observe hence, with how much propriety the Waldenses, as we have seen, taught men the true nature of prayer; and, what a dreadful vacuum of all true piety was now the portion of nominal Christians, who had departed from the grace of Christ Jesus! * Butler, vol. viii, f Zech, xii. 10. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 99 This ccntuiy saw also a pope, who deserves to be cominemoratcd in the annals of the church of Christ. Peter Celestine* was born in Apulia, about tlie year 1215, and lived as a hermit in a little cell. He was ad- mitted into holy orders; but after that, he lived five years in a cave on Mount Morroni, near Suhnona. He was molested with internal temptations, which his confessor told him were a stratagem of the enemy, that would not hurt him, if he despised it. He founded a ;nonastery at Mount Morroni, in 1274. Tiie see of Rome having been vacant two years and three months, Celestine was unanimously chosen pope on account of the fame of his sanctity. The archbishop of Lyons.f presenting him with the instrument of his election, conjured him to sub- mit to the vocation. Peter, in astonishment, prostrated himself on the ground; and, after he had continued in prayer a considerable time, he rose up, and fearing to oppose the will of God, he consented to his election, and took the name of Celestine V. Siiice the days of the first Gregory, no pope had ever assumed the pontifical dignity with m.ore purity of inten- tion. But he had not Gregory's talents for business and government; and the Roman see was immensely more corrupt in the thirteenth than it was in the sixth century. — Celestine soon became sensible of his incapacity: he was lost, as in a wilderness. He attempted to reform abuses, to retrench the luxury of the clergy, to do, in short, what he found totally impracticable. He committed mistakes, and exposed himself to the ridicule of the scornful. His conscience was kept on the rack through a variety of scruples, from which he could not extricate himself; and, from his ignorance of • Butler, Vol. V. f Vertot's Knights of Malta, "\'ol. 11. 100 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 4. the world, and of canon-law, he began to think he had done wrong in accepting the office. He sjient much of his time in retirement: nor was he easy there, because hiig conscience told him, that he ought to be discharging the pastoral office. Overcome witii anxiety, he asked cardinal Cajetan, whether he might not abdicate? It was answered, yes. Celestine gladly embraced the op- portunity of assuming again the character of brother Pe- ter, after he had been distressed with the phantom of dignity for four or five months. He abdicated in 1294. The last act of his pontificate was wortiiy of the sincerity of his character. He made a constitution, that the pon- tiff might be allowed to abdicate, if he pleased.* — It is remarkable, that no pope, since that time, has taken the benefit of this constitution. That same Cajetan, who had, in effect, encouraged his resignation, contrived to be elected his successor, and took tlie name of Boniface VIII. Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, was an active, zealous man, who laboured hard to reform abuses and to instruct the people, but who was evidently in the dark. He saw the gross ignorance and dissolute manners of the secular clergy, and endeavoured to correct them, but the hypo- crisy of the Dominicans and Franciscans escaped his penetration. Such were the methods by which the prince of dark- ness seems to have prolonged the reign of Antichrist. The orders of ancient times, having filled up their sea- son in supporting the man of sin by a specious appear- ance of holiness, when this was gone, other orders arose, who undertook the same task, and defended the system of iniquity by a severer course of life and manners. * Platina. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIS 1'. 101 The work of the Holy Spirit in rehgion is diversified with an endless variety of operations. Tlie instance be- fore us deserves attention. The holy soul of Robert Grosseteste, which was favoured with so much discern- ment, as just to understand and receive the essentials of godliness, and no more, could not endure with patience the manifold corruptions of the times. He took pains in his diocese to reform various gross abuses, among which was the practice of clergymen acting plays, and main- tainins; connexion with Jews. The friars were still his favourites: and he rebuked the rectors and vicars of his diocese, because they neglected to hear them preach, and because they discouraged the people from attending and confessing to them. His devoted attachment to the popedom appears hence in a striking light, and still more so in some other transactions, which it is not necessary to particularize. He continued to patronize the friars. These were his most intimate companions: with these he used to hold conferences on the Scriptures; and at one time he had thoughts of entering into the Franciscan order himself But however defective he was in doc- trine, he was exceedingly strict in his views of morality: and, like all reformers of the merely active class who labour to promote external good conduct, witii low and inadequate ideas of Christian principle, he excited great offence and disgust, and produced very little solid benefit to mankind. Events, however, occurred, which in some measure unfolded to the eyes of the bishop the real character of the friars. In 1247, two English Franciscans were sent into England with credentials to extort money for the pope. They applied to the prelates and abbots, but seem, at this time at least, to have met with little sue- 102 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 4. cess. Grossetcste was amazed at the insolence and pom- pous appearance of the friars, who assured him that they had the pope's bull, and who earnestly demanded six thousand marks for the contribution of the diocese of Lincoln: "Friars,"' answered he, "with all reverence to his holiness be it spoken, the demand is as dishonoura- ble, as it is impracticable. The whole body of the clergy and people are concerned in it equally with me. For me then to give a definite answer in an instant to such a demand, before the sense of the kingdom is taken upon it, would be rash and absurd." The native good sense of tlie bishop suggested this answer; but the true Anti- christian character of the pope was as yet unknown to Grosseteste. — The blood of our Saviour was about the same time pretended to be brougiit into England, and he had the weakness to vindicate the delusion. The bishop continued still to exert himself with the most upright intentions for the good of the cliurch. But, it was his usual infelicity to "labour in the fire for very vanity,"* because lie had no distinct perception of the fundamental truths of Christianity. The value of solid and perspicuous views of evangelical truth was never more forcibly exhibited than in tliis case. Most bishops or pastors, who have been possessed of this advantage, though inferior to Grosseteste in magnanimity, industry, and activity, have yet, if truly pious, far exceeded him in promoting the real good of the church. In 1248, he obtained, at a great expense, from Inno- cent IV. letters to empower him to reform the religious orders. If lie had understood at that time the real cha- racter of Antichrist, he would have foreseen the vanity of all attempts to reform the church, which were grounded * Habak. ii. 13. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 103 on papal authority. The rectitude however of his own mind was strikin«;ly apparent in the transaction. He saw with grief the waste of large revenues niade by the monastic orders, and being supported by the pope, as he thought, he determined to take into his own hand the rents of the religious houses, most probably with a de- sign to institute and ordain vicarages in his diocese, and to provide for the more general instruction of the people. But the monks appealed to the pope; and Grosseteste, in his old age, was obliged to travel to Lyons, where Inno- cent resided. Roman venahty was now at its height, the pope dcteimined the cause against the bishop. Grieved and astonished at so unexpected a decision, Grosseteste said to Innocent, " I relied on your letters and promises, but am entirely disappointed." What is that to you, answered the pope, you have done your part, and we tsre disposed to favour them: is your eye evil, be- cause I am good? With such shameless effrontery can wicked men trifle with scriptural passages. The bishop, in a low tone, but so as to be heard, said with indignation, 0 money, how great is thy power, especially at the court of Rome! The remaik was bold and indiarnant, but perfectly just. It behoved Innocent to give some an- swer; and he used the common method of wicked men in such cases, namely, to retort the accusation. " You English," said he, " are always grinding and impoverish- ing one another. How many religious men, persons of prayer and hospitality, are you striving to depress, -that you may sacrifice to your own tyranny and avarice!" — So spake the most unprincipled of robbers to a bishop, whose unspotted integrity was allowed by all the world. All that the bishop could do Vvas to leave his testimony at the court of Rome; and he delivered three copies of a 104 HISTORY OF THE lCh(q).4. long sermon, one copy to the pope, tlie other two copies to two of the cardinals. In this discourse he sharply en- veighs against the flagitious practices of the court ofRome, particularly the appropriation of churches to religious houses, the appeals of the religious to the pope, and the scandalous clause in the bulls of non obstante, which was the great engine of the pope's dispensing power. He observes, that the Son of God submitted to a most igno- minious death for the redemption of human souls, which, without mercy, were delivered to wolves and bears. His uprightness and magnanimity were evidenced by this step, but no good effect appeared. To explain and en- force the doctrines of the Gospel, and to prove the whole structure of the papacy perfectly inconsistent with those doctrines, would have been a far m,ore likely method of promoting the edification of the church; but to this task the light and knowledge of the bishop were unequal. He was for some time so dejected with the disappointment which he had met with, that he formed intentions of re- signing his bishopric. But, recollecting what ravages of the church might be the consequence of such a step, he felt it his duty to remain in his office, and to do all the good, which the infelicity of the times would permit. The bishop often preached to the people in the course of his perambulation through his diocese; and he required the neighbouring clergy to attend the sermons. He ear- nestly exhorted them to be laborious in ministering to their flocks: and the lazy Italians, who, by virtue of the pope's letters, had been intruded into opulent benefices, and who neither understood the language of the people, nor wished to instruct them, were the objects of his de- testation. He would often with indignation cast the papal bulls out of his hands, and absolutely refuse to Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 105 comply with them, saying, that he should be the friend of Satan, if he should commit the care of souls to foreign- eis. Innocent, however, persisting in his plan, peremp- torily ordered him to admit an Italian, perfectly ignorant of the English language, to a very rich benetice in the diocese of Lincoln, and Grosseteste, refusing to obey, was suspended. Whether the sentence of suspension was formally repealed, or not, does not appear. Certain it is, that the bishop continued to exercise his episcopal functions. In January, 1253, Innocent was desirous of preferring his nephew, an Italian youtb, in the cathedral of Lincoln: and for this purpose, he, by letter, directed the bishop of the diocese to give him the first canonry that should be vacant. This was to be done by proinsxon; for that was the decent term employed by the pontiff when he undertook to provide a successor to a benefice before- hand, under pretence of correcting the abuse of long va- cancies. Innocent seems to have been determined in this instance to intimidate the bishop into submission. He declared, that any other disposal of the canonry should be null and void; and that he would excommuni- cate every one who should dare to disobey his injunction. He wrote to two Italians, his agents in England, order- ing them to ensure and complete the appointment, with his usual clause of non obstante; a clause pregnant with the most intolerable abuses; for it set aside all statutes and customs, and obliged them to give way to the present humour of the pope.* Grosseteste, resolute in his disobedience, wrote an epistle on this occasion, which has made his name im- mortal. As he advanced in years, he saw more clearly * Fascic. rer. Vol. II. 399. Vol. II. 0 106 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 4. the corruptions of the popedom, which, however, he still looked on as of divine authority. But if we set aside this remnant of the prejudices of education, he argues altogether on Protestant principles. Some extracts of the epistle may deserve the readers attention.* " I am not disobedient to the Apostolical precepts. — I am bound by the divine command to obey them. Our Saviour Christ saith, whosoever is not with me, is against me. — Our lord the pope appears to be his type and representa- tive. It is impossible then that the sanctity of the apos- tolical See can be repugnant to the authority of Jesus Christ. The 7wn obstante clause overflows with uncer- tainty, fraud, and deceit, and strikes at the root of all confidence between man and man. Next to the sin of Antichrist, which shall be m the latter time, nothing can be more contrary to the doctrine of Christ, than to de- stroy men's souls, by defrauding them of the benefit of the pastoral office. Those, who serve their own carnal desires by means of the milk and pool of the sheep of Christ, and do not minister the pastoral office to the sal- vation of the Hock, are guilty of destroying souls. Two enormous evils are in this way committed. In one re- spect they sin directly against God himself, who is essen- tially good; in another against the image of God in man, which, by the reception of grace, is partaker of the di- vine nature. — For the holy apostolical See to be acces- sory to so great wickedness, would be a horrible abuse of the fulnesss of power, an entiie separation from the glorious kingdom of Christ, and a proximity to the two princes of darkness. f No man, faithful to the said See, can, with an unspotted conscience, obey such mandates, * See Fox, Vol. I. p. 365. and M. Fans, p. 870. Fascic. rer. Vol. II. 400. t He seems to mean the Devil and Antichrist. Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 107 even if they were seconded by the high order of angels themselves; on the contrary, every faithful Christian ought to oppose tlieni with all his might. It is therefore in perfect consistence with my duty of obedience, that I withstand these enormities, so abominable to the Lord Jesus Christ, so repugnant to the holiness of the apos- tolical See, and so contrary to the unity of the Catholic faith. I say then, this Sec cannot act but to edification; but your provisions are to destruction. The holy See neither can nor ought to attempt any such tiling: for flesh and blood, and not the Heavenly Father, hath revealed such doctrines." Innocent, on receiving the positive denial, accom- panied with such warm remonstrances, was incensed be- yond measure: and "Who," said he, " is this old dotard, who dares to judge my actions.'* By Peter and Paul, if I were not restrained by my generosity, I would make him an example and a spectacle to all mankind. Is not the king of England my vassal, and my slave.-^ and, if I gave the word, would he not throw him into prison, and load him with infamy and disgrace?" In so low a light did the bishop of Rome behold the monarch of Eng- land! But king John had reduced his kingdom into a state of subjection to the pope; and the same vassalage continued all the days of his pusillanimous successor. The cardinals, however, who saw the danger which the pope incurred by his arrogance and temerity, endeavour- ed to moderate his resentment. Giles, in particular, a Spanish cardinal, said,*' " It is not expedient for you to proceed against the bishop in that violent manner. For what he saith is certainly true, nor can we with decency condemn him. He is a holy man, more so than we our- * Fox-, Vol. I. p. 366. Pegge, p. 248. 108 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 4. selves are; a man of excellent genius, and of the best morals; no prelate in -Christendom is thought to excel him. By this time, it is possible, that the truths express- ed in this epistle are divulged among many; and they will stir up numbers against us. The clergy, both of France and England, know the character of the man, nor is it possible to cast any stigma upon him. He is believed to be a great philosopher, an accomplished scholar in Latin and Greek literature, zealous in the administration of justice, a reader of theology in the schools, a popu- lar preacher, a lover of chastity, and an enemy of simony." Others joined with Giles in the same senti- ments. On the whole, the cardinals advised the pope to cotu)ive at these transactions, lest some tumult might arise in the church, for they said, it was an evident truth, that a revolt from the ciiurch of Rome would one day take place in Christendom. It seems there were even then some discerning spirits, who could foresee, that so unrighteous a domination would in time be brought to a close. Yet the prevalence of ambition and avarice in- duced them to support their domination, though they were convinced of its iniquity. But the fury of Innocent was not to be allayed. He pronounced the sentence of excommunication against Grosseteste; and nominated Albert, one of his nuncios, to the bishopric of Lincoln. The bishop appealed to the tribimal of Christ, and paid no regard to the decree. What the cardinals foresaw, came to pass; the pope^s commands were universally neglected; and the bishop continued in quiet possession of his dignity. In the latter end of the summer of the same year, 1253, he was seized with a mortal disease at his palace at Buck- den; and he sent for friar John de St. Giles, to converse Cent. 13.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 109 with him on the state of the church. He blamed Giles and his brethren the Dominicans, and also the Francis- cans, because, tliough their orders were founded in vo- luntary poverty, they did not rebuke the vices of the great. "I am convinced," said he, "that both the pope, unless he amend his errors, and the friars, except they endeavour to restrain him, will be deservedly exposed to everlasting death." The following abridgment of part of one of the ser- mons by this intrepid man, shows that he was by no means ignorant of that which is essential to salvation. "Poverty in spirit is wrought in the heart of the elect by the Holy Spirit. Its foundation, he tells us, is laid in real humility, which disposes a man to feel, that he has nothing, except what he has received from above. But this is not all; for humility in this view belonged to Adam before he fell. But the humility of a sinner has a still deeper root. The humble man not only sees that he has nothing in himself, but he is also stripped of all desire to possess in himself the springs of self-exaltation. Con- demned in himself, and corrupt before Ood, he despairs of help from his own powers, and in seeking he finds HIM, who is the true life, wisdom, and health, who is all in all, even the Incarnate Son of God, who descended into our vale of sin and misery, that he might raise us from their depths. By leaning on him alone, every true Christian rises into true life, and peace and joy. He lives in fiis life, he sees light in his light, he is invigorated with his warmth, and he grows in his strength, and lean- ing upon the Beloved, his soul ascends upwards. The lower he sinks in humility, the higher he rises toward God. He is sensible that he not only is nothing in him- self, but that he has also lost what he had gratuitously 110 HISTORY OF THE lChap.4, received, has precipitated himself into misery, and so sub- jected himself to the slavery of the devil; and lastly, that he has no internal resources for recovery. Thus he is induced to place his whole dependance on the Lord; to abhor himself, and always to prefer others, and '' to take the lowest seat" as his own proper place. — The humble soul is called on by our author, solicitously to examine himself, whether he really demonstrates in his tempers and practice this grace of huuiility; and to beware lest, even if he do find some evidences of it in his soul, he be inflated with the discovery, because he ought to know, that it is from the Lord alone that he is what he is; and that he ought no more to boast of himself than the shining co- lours in the glass should glory in that splendour, which they derive entirely from the solar rays. He observes, that the temptations to self-complacency are the effect of Satanic injections; and that it behoves him, who would be found unfeignedly humble, to see whether he has the genuine marks of humility in practice; whether, for in- stance, he can bear to be rebuked by an inferior, whe- ther he is not rendered insolent by honours, whether he is not inflated by praise, whether anions; equals he is the first to labour, and the last to exalt himself, whether he can render blessings for curses, and good for evil. By such methods of self-examination he is to check the ebul- litions of vain-glory, with which the tempter is apt to in- . spire those, who seem to have made some proficiency in grace. If that proficiency be real, let them take care never to conceive of it as something separate from Christ: he alone dw^elling in them by his Spirit produces all that is good, and to him alone the praise belongs.^' Thomas Aquinas, called the angelical doctor, filled the Christian world in this century with the renown of his Cenf. IS.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. m name. He was a Dominican, who, by his comments on four books of Peter Lombard, master of the sentences, and, particularly, by his expositions of Aristotle, made himself more famous than n)ost men of that time, on ac- count of his skill in scliolnstic divinity. His penetration and genius were of (he first order; but he excelled in that subtile and abstruse kind of learning only, which was better calculated to strike the imagination, than to improve the understanding. He maintained what is com- monly called the doctrine of free-will, ihou^h he largely quoted Augustine, and retailed many of his pious and devotional sentiments. His Aristotelian subtilties ena- bled him to give a specious colour to the absurd doctrine of transubstantiation, which in him found a vehement de- fender. The new festival of the body of Christ was, by this divine, adorned with an idolatrous ritual, which strengthened the fashionable superstitions. He was the great supporter of the doctrine of supererogation, which, at the same time that it established the most pernicious views of self-righteousness, by leaving the disposal of the superfluous treasure of the merits of saints to the discre- tion of the papal see, added one strong link to the chain, which dragged the nations into ecclesiastical slavery. Nor were his voluminous writings much calculated to in- struct mankind. For he supposed, that whatever sense any passage of Scripture could possibly admit, in gram- matical construction, it was the real sense intended by the Holy Spirit: whence tiie imaginations of every spor- tive genius were regarded as of divine authority. And thus the Scriptures were perverted and exposed to the ridicule of profane minds. Nor were they rescued from this miserable abuse, till the a^ra of the reformation. His 112 HISTORY OF THE ICIwp. 1, sentiments on the all important doctrine of justification, were deplorably corrupt; and that "good works deserve grace of congruity,"* was one of his favourite axioms. His notions of the nature of repentance were egregiously trifling. On the other hand, there are in his writings, and particularly in the account of his discourses during his last sickness, traces of great devotion, and a strain of piety very similar to that of Augustine. But I confess, that, interlarded as they are with Romish idolatry, and an unbounded attachment to the pope as the intallible guide of the church, I feel no inclination to transcribe them; because I am thoroughly convinced of the frauds by which the Dominicans supported the popedom; and because some glare of solemn devotion seemed necessary to be employed by the agents of that See, in order to maintain the reputation of a system intolerably corrupt. f ourteentji Centurp. CHAPTER I. Corruptions. — Wickliff. We are beginning to approach the dawn of a brighter day, when God said concerning part of the Western Church, Let there be light. The same darkness and superstition, the same vice and immorality were upheld by Rome in this as in the last century. * See Article XHI. of the Protestant Episcopal Church. Cent. 14.^ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 113 Boniface VIII. filled the Christian world with the noise and turbulence of his anribition. He followed the steps of Hildebrand, and attempted to be equally despotic in civil and ecclesiastical matters. He it was, who for- bad- the clergy to pay any thing to princes witliout his permission.* He also instituted a jubilee, which was to be renewed every hundred years, by which he granted plenary indulgences to all strangers, who should visit the churches of St. Peter and St. Paul in Rome.f This un- principled pontiff died in extreme misery in 1303, in the ninth year of his papacy. The schism which afterwards took place in the pope- dom was providentially a blessing to mankind. While, for the space of fifty years, the church had two or three heads at the same time; and, while each of the contending popes was anathematizing his competitors, the reverence of mankind for the popedom itself was insensibly dimi- nished; and the labours of those, whom God raised up to propagate divine truth, began to be more seriously re- garded by men of conscience and probity. The morning star of the reformation appeared in Eng- land. Wickliff was born, about the year 1324, at a vil- lage near Richmond in Yorkshire. lie was admitted a student at Q,ueen's College, Oxford, but soon removed to Merton College, which was at that time esteemed one of the most famous seminaries of learning in Europe. In the long list of men of note and eminence belonging to this College, we observe the names of William Occham, called the venerable Inceptor; and of Thomas Bradwar- dine, called the Profound Doctor. * Du Pin. I The successors of Boniface, finding that the Jubilee augmented the reve- nue of the Roman church, fixed its return to every twenty-fiftli year. Vol. II. P 114 HISTORY OF THE [C7m]7. 1. Our renowned reformer soon became master of all the niceties of the school-divinity. He seems to have reign- ed without a rival in the public disputations, which were then in hipjh repute. The Aristotnlian logic was at its height; and WicklitT, in opposing ei-ror, made use of. the same weapons, which his adversaries employed in main- taining it. Such were his labours on the week-days, proving to the learned the doctrine concerning which he intended to preach; and on the Sundays he addressed the common people on the points which he had proved be- fore. He always descended to particulars: He attacked the vices of the friars, and many of the prevailing abuses in religion. On the question of the real presence in the Eucharist, WicklifF has been considered as remarkably clear. In this matter the reader will be better enabled to judge for himself, when certain authentic documents, tending to elucidate this early reformer's opinion of the nature of the Sacrament, shall have been submitted to his consideration. Wickliff's defence of the University of Oxford, against the encroachments of the Mendicant friars, seems to have been one of the first things which brought him into pub- lic notice. This religious order not only pretended to a distinct jurisdiction from that of the University, but took every opportunity of enticing the students into their convents, insomuch that parents feared to send their children to the respective colleges, lest they should be kidnapped by the friars. We are informed that, owing to this cause, the number of students, from having been thirty thou- sand, was reduced to about six thousand, in the year 1357. The zeal and ability of Wickliff manifested itself on Cent.U.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 115 this occasion. He composed and published several spirited treatises, against able bes:^garij, against idle beggary, and on the poverty of Christ. Tlic consequence of these lau- dable exertions was his advancement to the mastership of Baliol College; and four years after he was chosen warden of Canterbury Hall. From this oflice he was ejected, with circumstances of great injustice, by Langham, archbishop of Canterbury. Wickliff appealed. to the pope, who for the space of three years artfully suspended his decision. In the mean time Wickliff, regardless of consequences, continued his at- tacks on the insatiable ambition, tyranny, and avarice of the ruling ecclesiastics, as also on the idleness, debauch- ery, and hypocrisy of the friars. Then these things were not done in a corner or by halves; nor did there want in- formers to carry the news to Rome. Accordingly, no- body was surprised to hear of the confirmation of the ejec- tion of so obnoxious a person as Wickliff. The pope's definitive sentence to that effect arrived at Oxford in 1370, to the great satisfaction of all the monastic orders, whose dignity and interest were intimately connected with the question of W^ickliff's right to hold his office. The pope and his cardinals feared him, and minutely observed his proceedings; and on the other hand, we find that the first parliament of England held under king Richard H. entertained so high an opinion of his inte- grity and knowledge, that in a case of the utmost emer- gency, and on a very nice and delicate question, they apphed to him for the sanction of his judgment and au- thority. The question was, " Whether, for the defence of the kingdom, that treasure which the lord pope de- manded on pain of censures, might not be lawfully de- tained.'' The affirmative answer of the casuist was un- 116 HISTORY OF THE IChap. \. doubtedly foreseen; but still the application of the king and parliament to a man who had been persecuted by the pope and the archbishop of Canterbury, proves be- yond contradiction the high estimation in which he was held. It proves also, that, tliough deprived of his war- densliip, and surrounded by exasperated friars, and nar- rowly watched by the rulers of the church, he must have been supported at this time by worldly friends of the greatest weight and consequence. It could not therefore easily happen, that a man in the splendid situation of Wickliff should remain long without an ample mainte- nance. Accordingly, it appears, that in 1374 he was presented by Edward III. to the rectory of Lutterworth in Leicestershire, and afterwards in 1375, was confirmed in the prebend of Auste in the collegiate church of West- bury. Tlie duke of Lancaster is supposed to have been the chief friend of Wickliff, in obtaining for him the royal patronage. Many persons indeed considered the reformer as in the high road to some dignified prefer- ment; but there is no account of any such offer being made to him. Wickliff was now become independent. He had a great many admirers, some powerful friends, and a host of bitter enemies. He was profoundly learned; uncom- monly eloquent; and, to complete the character, he was inflamed with a zeal for truth, he abhorred hypocrisy, was hostile to every species of vice, and was himself a man of unexceptionable morals. This was precisely the man who, one might predict, would be likely to fall with- out mercy on proud popes and idle friars. The following is a short specimen of the manner in which Wickliff sometimes treated the pope. He called him Antichrist, the proud worldly priest of Rome, and the Cent. 14.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 117 most curs^ of clippers and purse-kervers. He averred, that the pope and his collectors drew out of the land poor men's livelihood, to the amount of many thousand marks a year: and added, that though the realm had a huge hill of gold in it, and no other man took thereof except this proud worldly priest's collector, yet in process of time this hill would be levelled. His attacks on the friars are innumerable. They draw, said he, children - from Christ's religion by hypocrisy; they tell them that men of their order shall never go to hell. They praise their own rotten habit more than the worshipful body of our Lord Jesus Christ. They teach lords and ladies, that if they die in Francis's habit, the virtue of it will preserve them from hell. St. Paul la- boured with his own hands; and it is the commandment of Christ, to give alms to poor, feeble, crooked, blind, and bed-ridden men; but it is leaving this commandment, to give alms to such hypocrites as the begging friars, who feign themselves holy and needy, when in fact they are strong in body, and possess overmuch riches, as well as great houses, precious cloths, jewels and other valuable things. It was not to be expected that the Romish clergy should tamely submit to reiterated flagellations of this kind. They forthwith selected, from Wickliff's pubHc lectures and sermons, nineteen articles of complaint and accusation, and despatched them to Rome. The pope was so completely alive to the business, that he sent no fewer than five bulls to England on this occa- sion. Three of them were directed to the archbishop of Canterbury and the bishop of London. In the first he orders these prelates to apprehend the rector of Lutter- worth, and imprison him, provided they found him guilty 118 HISTORY OF THE [CVi«;7. 1. of the heresy with which he was charged. " In the se- cond, he enjoins them, if they cannot find him, to fix up public citations in Oxford and in other places, for his personal appearance before the pope within the space of three months. In the third, he commands them to ac- quaint the king and his sons with the heresy of Wickliff, and to require their assistance for its effectual extirpa- tion. A fourth bull was addressed to the king himself, de- siring his royal help and patronage in the prosecution of the heretic. And lastly, a fifth was despatched to the university of Oxford, in which the pope laments the sloth and laziness of the chancellor and heads of the university in permitting tares to spring up among the pure wheat. Wickliff's doctrines, he said, would subvert both church and state. They ought to forbid the preaching of such tenets, and assist the bishops in their endeavours to bring the offender to punishment. It is not too much to say, that, both by the university of Oxford, and by the government of the country, these bulls were treated with the utmost contempt. The uni- versity for a long time were disposed wholly to reject with disgrace the pontifical injunctions; and when after much deliberation they had received the bull, they re- fused to be active in giving to it the smallest degree of effect. The regency and parliament of England manifested their disapprobation of the persecution of Wickliff, in a manner which must have mortified the haughty pontiff exceedingly. For it was at this moment that they chose to honour this celebrated reformer with their confidence, as aforementioned. The archbishop of Canterbury and the bishop of Lon- Cent. 14.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 119 don, however, did not hesitate to execute the pope's com- mands. They cited Wickhfif to appear before them at St. Paul's in London, on tlie thirtieth day after the no- tice; and this interval of a month, was by him wisely em- ployed in taking precautions for his safety. To be briefj he saw no way of evading the present storm of persecu- tion, but by putting himself at once under the protection of the duke of Lancaster, who had long known him, and entertained a high opinion of his learning and integrity, and who was no great admirer either of the monks or of the prelates. This duke, well known by the name of John of Gaunt, not only advised WicklifFto obey the citation; but also in person, together with Henry Percy, lord marshal of Eng- land, accompanied him to St. Paul's. But the conduct of these great personages in the council, I fear, added no real honour to the cause of Wickliff. Sudbury, the arch- bishop, was a moderate man, for the times in which he lived; but Courtney, the bishop of London, was an in- temperate bigot, no doubt; yet that circumstance will not justify the duke for declaring in court, that " rather than take at his hands what the bishop had said to him, he would drag him by the hair of his head out of the church." The bystanders heard these words, and were so enraged, that they cried aloud '' they would rather lose their lives than suffer their bishop to be so contemp- tuously treated." The court was compelled to break up in tumult and confusion; and it would have given real pleasure to a lover of Christian reformation, if he could have discovered any proof that Wickliff protested against the disorderly and insolent behaviour of his patrons. But this does not appear. Nor is it more than historical jus- tice to say, that the deportment of the archbishop and 120 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. bishop seems to have been more unexceptionable than that of Wickhff and his friends in this transaction. Wickliif having escaped, in the manner that has been mentioned, those severities which his persecutors, the pope and prelates, had no doubt intended to inflict, paid little regard to the strict charge which they are said to have given him, to be silent in future respecting all the subjects which had given so much offence. He con- tinued in the year 1377, during the minority of Richard the Second, to preach and instruct the people with una- bated zeal and courage.* This perseverance in the good cause induced the Eng- lish prelates, now encouraged by the decline of the duke of Lancaster's power after the death of king Edward III. to make another attempt at carrying into execution the tyrannical designs of the Roman pontiff. The heretic was not disobedient to their second cita- tion: for in 1378 we find him before the same papal de- legates, assembled on the present occasion, not in St. Paul's, but in the more private archiepiscopal church at Lambeth. However, many of the citizens of London, who revered VVickliff, forced themselves, together with a multitude of common people, into the chapel, where thej spoke in behalf of the prisoner, and exceedingly terrified his judges. Moreover the Q,ueen dowager, widow of the Black Prince, ordered Sir L. Clifford to go and peremptorily forbid them to proceed to any definitive sentence. Here the papal advocate Walsingham loses all patience. " The bishops," says he, '• who had pro- fessed themselves determined to do their duty in spite of threats or promises, and even at the hazard of their lives, became so intimidated during the examination of the • Fox, p. 491. Cenf. 14.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 121 apostate, that their speeches were as soft as oil, to the public loss of their dignity, and the damage of the whole church. And when CHfford pompously delivered his message, they were so overcome with fear, that you would have thought them to be as a man that heareth not, and in whose mouth are no reproofs. Thus," con- tinues the historian, " this false teacher, this complete hypocrite, evaded the hand of justice; and could no more be called before the same prelates, because their com- mission expired by the death of the pope, Gregory XL* But it must not be here dissembled, that our reformer, though evidently still protected by the great, did not rest his safety entirely on their authority and hiterference. He delivered into the court a solemn protest, and an ex- planatory qualification of several of his positions which had been deemed erroneous or heretical. Politics was the rock on which this great and good man split; and in this case it clearly appeared, that the work of God is not to be carried on by the "arm of flesh." After the last mentioned conflict with the university of Oxford, Wickliif appears to have been, in the main, de- livered from persecution; and to have been still support- ed, in some degree, by the secular power, and by indivi- duals of distinction, though he was induced, I fear, as the price of that protection, to make such sacrifices as are inconsistent with a direct and open sincerity. He had no trouble from his superiors, at least none that de- serves any particular detail, though he certainly continued to the end of his days, in the unremitted exercise of zea- * Fuller's observation on this event is as follows. The bishops were struck with a panic fear And the person of this John W'icklift" was saved as was once the doctrine of his godly namesake ; " The;/ feared the people, for all men counted John that he -was a prophet indeed." Mark xi. 32. Vol. II. Q 122 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. lous pastoral laT>ours in his parish church of Lutterworth; though he persevered iu attacking the abuses of popery hy his writings against the mendicants, against transub- stantiation, and against indulgences; and though he pro- duced a translation of the Bible from the Latin into the Enghsh tongue. This work alone sufficed to render his name immortal. The value of it was unspeakable; and his unwearied pains to propagate the genuine doctrines of revelation among mankind, indicated the steady zeal with which he was endowed; while the rage, with which the hierarchy was inflamed against a work so undeniably seasonable, demonstrated, that the ecclesiastical rulers hated the light, and would not come to the light, lest their deeds should be reproved.* Wickliff died in peace at Lutterworth, of the palsy, in the year 1387. In the year 1410, his works were burn- ed at Oxford; and in 1428, his remains were dug out of his grave and burned, and his ashes thrown into the river of Lutterworth. The number of his volumes committed to the flames by order of Subinco,* archbishop of Prague, amounted to about two hundred. His labours indeed appear to have been immense; and beyond all doubt, he was in that dark age a prodigy of knowledge. Little more need be said of the state of the church in this century. In the east the profession of Christianity still pervaded that contracted empire of the Greeks, of which Constantinople was the metropolis. But no Chris- tian records are come down to us of any thing like the primitive gospel. Even the profession of Christianily, which had existed in China, was extirpated through the jealousy of the reigning powers; and the famous Tamer- lane, the Tartar, cruelly persecuted all who bore the • John iii. ver. 20. f Fox, p. 509 CenLU.y CHURCH OF CHRIST. 123 Christian name, being persuaded, as a Mahometan, that it was highly meritorious to destroy them. Thus even the form of godhness dechned in Asia: the power of it, alasl had vanished long before. Nor were the atteuipts, which were made in Europe to renew the Crusades, by means of indulgences, calculated to revive the light of the gospel in the east, even if they had succeeded. The Holy Land had been lost in 1291; and an army was collected in 1363, under the auspices of pope Urban V. commanded by John, king of France, that same monarch, who had been taken prisoner by Edward the Black Prince, at the battle of Poictiers. But John departed this life, and Urban's hopes from the crusade were blasted. In the mean time the boundaries of Christianity had been gradually extended in Europe.* Jagello, duke of Lithuania, was now almost the only pagan prince in that quarter of the world. And he, influenced by secular views, became a Christian in name and profession, and by this means acquired the crown of Poland. The Teu- tonic knights continued also the military methods of obliging the Prussians and Livonians to profess the gos- pel, and completed in this century, what they had begun in the last. We are glad to confine our attention chiefly to the progress of reformation. Im, vol, i, p. 713. 124 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. fifteentji Centurp* CHAPTER I. Lord Cobham. — The Lollards. Henry IV. of England, and Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, impelled by the church of Rome, commenced a furious presecution against the Lollards — a term given in derision to the followers of Wickliff. William Sawtre was the first man who was burnt in England lor opposing the abominations of popery. He was a clergyman in London, who openly taught the doctrines of Wickliff. Glorying in the cross of Christ, and strengthened by di- vine grace, he suffered the flames of martyrdom in the year of our Lord, fourteen hundred.* In the year 1413, died Henry IV. — His successor, Henry V. trode in his steps, and countenanced Arundel, in his plans of extirpating the Lollards, and of support- ing the existing hierarchy by penal coercions. In the first year of the new king's reign, this archbishop collect- ed in St. Paul's church at London, a universal synod of all the bishops and clergy of England. The principal object of the assembly was to repress the growing sect; and, as sir John Jldcastle, Lord Cobham, had on all oc- casions discovered a partiality for these reformers, the resentment of the archbishop and of the whole body of the clergy, was particularly levelled at this nobleman. Certainly, at that time, no man in England was more obnoxious to the ecclesiastics. For he made no secret * Wilkins, Convoc, p. 254—260. Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 125 of his opinions. He had very much distinguished him- self in opposing the abuses of popery. At a great ex- pense, he had collected, transcribed, and dispersed the works of Wicklifl' among the common people without re- serve; and it was well known that he maintained a great number of itinerant preachers in many parts of the coun- try, particularly in the dioceses of Canterbury, Rochester, Loudon and Hereford.* But Lord Cobham was a favourite both of the king and of the people; and therefore to effect his destruction was an undertaking that required much caution. The archbishop however was in earnest, and he concerted his measures with prudence. His first step was to procure the royal mandate for sending commissioners to Oxford, whose business should be to examine and report the progress of heresy. These commissioners are, by Mr. Fox, not improperly called " the twelve inquisitors of heresies.^^ The issue of their inquiries proved highly ungrateful to the hierarchy. They found Oxford overrun with heretics: they were, indeed, respectfully received by the rulers of the univer- sity, but the opinions of Wickliff had made their way among the junior students; and the talents and integrity of their master were held in high esteem and admiration by his disciples. This information, with many other minute particulars, Arundel laid before the grand con- vocation, who, after long debates, determined, that, with- out delay, the Lord Cobham should be prosecuted as a heretic. Him they considered as the great offender: to his influence they ascribed the growth of heresy: he was not only, they said, an avowed heretic himself, but, by stipends encouraged scholars from Oxford, to propagate * Fox, p. 635. Walden cont. Wiclev. Goodwin's Hen. V. 126 HISTORY OF THE iChap. 1. his opinions, many of which were in direct opposition to the sentiments of the holy church of Rome; and lastly, he employed the disciples of Wickliff in preaching, though they had not obtained the licenses of their respec- tive bishops for that purpose. With great solemnity a copy of each of Wickliff 's works was publicly burnt, by the enraged archbishop, in the presence of the nobility, clergy, and people: and it happened that one of the books burnt on this occasion, had belonged to Lord Cobham. This circumstance tended much to confirm the assembly in their belief that that nobleman was a great encourager of the Lollards.* At the moment when the convocation seemed almost in a flame, and were vowing vengeance against Lord Cobham, some of the more cool and discreet members are said to have suggested the propriety of sounding how the young king would relish the measures they had in view, before they should proceed any farther. Arundel instantly saw the wisdom of this advice, and he resolved to follow it. For the purpose of giving weight to his proceedings, this artful primate, at the head of a great number of dig- nified ecclesiastics, complained most grievously to Henry, of the heretical practices of his favourite servant Lord Cobham, and inti^eated his majesty to consent to the prosecution of so incorrigible an offender. The affections of the king appear to have been, in some measure, already alienated from this unfortunate nobleman: Mr. Fox observes,! that he gently listened to those " blood-thirsty prelates, and far otherwise than be- came his princely dignity." But there is a circumstance, which seems to have escaped the notice of this diligent • Fox, p. 636. Collier, p. 632. Wilkins Concilia, p. 352. f Fox, ibid. Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 127 searcher into ancient records. Through the manage- ment of the archbishop, the king's mind was previously impressed with strong suspicions of Lord Cobham's heresy and enmity to the church. That very book above mentioned, which was said to belong to this excellent man, and which the convocation condemned to the flames, was read aloud before the king, the bishops and the tem- poral peers of the realm: and the fragment of the ac- count of these proceedings informs us, that Henry was exceedingly shocked at the recital; and declared that, in his life, he never heard such horrid heresy.* However, in consideration of the high birth, military rank, and good services of sir John Oldcastle, the king enjoined the con- vocation to deal favourably with him, and to desist from all further process for some days: he wished to restore him to the unity of the church without rigour or disgrace; and he promised that he himself, in the mean time, would send privately for the honourable knight, and endeavour to persuade him to renounce his errors. The king kept his promise, and is said to have used every argument he could think of, to convince him of the high offence of separating f»-om the church; and at last, to have pathetically exhorted him to retract and submit, as an obedient child to his holy mother. The answer of the knight is very expressive of the frank and open intrepidity which distinguished his character. " You I am always most ready to obey,^' said he, " because you are the appointed minister of God, and bear the sword for the punishment of evil doers. But, as to the pope and his spiritual dominion, I owe them no obedience, nor will I pay them any; for as sure as God's word is true, to me it is fully evident, that the pope of Rome is * Fragmentum Convoc. Cantuar. Arundel, 128 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. the great antichrist, foretold in Holy Writ, the son of perdition, the open adversary of God, and the abomina- tion standing in the holy place." The extreme igno- rance of Henry in matters of religion, by no means dis- posed him to relish such an answer as this: he imme- diately turned away from him in visible displeasure, and gave up the disciple of WicklifF to the malice of his ene- mies.* Arundel, supported by the sovereign power, sent a citation to the castle of Cowling, where Lord Cobham then resided. But feudal ideas w^ere at that time no less fashionable than those of ecclesiastical domination. The high spirited nobleman availed him.self of his privileges, and refused admission to the messenger. The archbishop then cited him,t by letters affixed to the great gates of the cathedral of Rochester; but Lord Cobham still dis- regarded the mandate. Arundel, in a rage, excommuni- cated him for contumacy, and demanded the aid of the civil power to apprehend him. Cobham, alarmed at length at the approaching storm, put in writing a confession of his faith, delivered it to the king, and intreated his majesty to judge for himself, whe- ther he had merited all this rough treatment. The king coldly ordered the written confession to be delivered to the archbishop. Lord Cobham then offered to bring a hundred knights, who would bear testimony to the inno- cence of his life and opinions. When these expedients had failed, he assumed a higher strain, and begged that he might be permitted, as was usual in less matters, to vindicate his innocence by the law of arms. He said he was ready, " in the quarrel of his faith," to fight for life • Fox, p. 636. Goodwin, Heniy V. t Citatio Arund. Wilkins, p, 329, Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 1^9 or death, with any man living, the king and the lords of his council being excepted. Nothing can be said by way of extenuating so gross an absurdity, except that he had been educated in the military habits of the fourteenth century. AjkI such was the wretched state of society in the leign of Henry V. whose history we are accustomed to read with so much pride and admiration, that no juethod of defence remained for this Christian hero, but wiiat was as con- trary to all ideas'of justice and equity, as that by which he was persecuted. In the issue, Cobliam was arrested by the king's express order, and lodged in t!ic tower of London. Tiie very zealous and honest Mr. Fox,* gives the following account of his first examination. On the day appointed, T^homas Arundel, the arch- bishop, " sitting in Caiaphas' room, in the chapter-house at St. Paul's," with the bishops of London and Winches- ter, sir Robert Morley brought personally before him Lord Cobham, and left him there for the time. Sir, said the primate, }ou stand here, both detected of here- sies, and also excommunicated for contumacy. Not- withstanding, we have, as yet, neither shown ourselves unwilling to give you absolution, nor yet do to this hour, provided you would meekly ask for it. Lord Cobham took no notice of this offer, but desired permission to read an account of his faith, which had long been settled, and which he intended to stand to. He then took out of his bosom a certain writing respect- ing the articles whereof he was accused, and when he had read it, he delivered the same to the archbishop. The contents of the paper were, in substance, these: • Pages 638 and 639. Vol. II^ R 130 IIISTORY OF THE IChap.l. 1. That the most worshipful sacrament of the ahar is Christ's body in the form of bread. 2. That every man, who would be saved, must forsake sin, and do penance for sins already committed, with true and very sincere contrition. 3. That images might be allowable to represent and give men lively ideas of the passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of the martyrdom and good lives of saints; but, that if any man gave that worship to dead images whi» h was due only to God, or put such hope or trust in the help of them as he should do in God, he became a grievous idolater. 4. That the matter of pilgrimages might be settled in few words. A man may spend all his days in pilgrima- ges, and lose his soul at last: but he, that knows the holy conimandnients of God, and keepeth them to the end, shall be saved, though he never visited the shrines of saiiits, as men now do in their pilgrimages to Canterbury, Rome, and other places. Then the archbishop informed the prisoner, that, though there were many good things contained in his paper, he had not been sufficiently explicit respecting several other articles of belief: and that upon these also his opinion would be expected As a direction to his faith, he promised to send him, in writing, the clear de- terminations of the church; and he warned him very particularly, to attend to this point; namely, whether, in the sacrament of the altar, the material bread did, or did not, remain, after the words of consecration. The gross superstition and unscriptural notions of the church at that time, are strikingly exhibited in this au- thentic determination of the primate and clergy, which, Cent.rs.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 131 accorvlin* to promise, was sent to the Lord Cobham in the Tower 1. Tiie faith and determination of the holy church, touching the bhssful sacrament of the altar, is this, that after the sacramental words be once spoken by a priest in his Mass, " the material bread, that was before bread, is turned into Christ's very body; and the material wine, thai was before wine, is turned into Ciirist's very blood/' And so there remaineth, thenceforth, neither material bread, nor material wine, which were there before the sacramental words were spoken. 2. Every Christian man living here bodily on earth, ought to confess to a priest ordained by the church, if he can coii»e to him. 3 Clnist ordained St. Peter to be his vicar here on earth, whose See is the holy church of Rome: and he granted that the same power, which he gave to Peter, should succeed to all P«'ter's successors; whom we now call popes ol' Rome; and whom Christian men ought to obey after the laws of the church of Rome. 4. Lastly, Holy Church hath determined, that it is meritorious to a Christian man to go on a pilgrimage to holy places; and there to worship holy reliques, and images of saints, apostles, martyrs, and confessors, ap- proved by the church of Rome. On Monday, the day appointed for the next examina- tion, Arundel accosted Lord Cobham with an appear- ance of great mildness, and put him in mind, that, on the preceding Saturday, he had informed him, he was " ac- cursed for contumacy and disobedience to the holy church;" and had expected he would at that time have meekly requested absolution. The archbishop then de- clared, that even now it was not too late to make the 132 HISTORY OF THE [Cftap.l. same request, provided it was made in due form, as the chnrcl) liad ordained* " I never yet trespassed against you,'' said this intrepid servant of God; "and therefore I do not feel the want of your absolution." He then kneeled down on the pavement; and lifting up his hands to heaven, he said, " I confess myself here unto thee, my eternal living God, that I have been a grievous sinner: how often in my frail youth have I offended thee by ungoverned passions, pride, concupiscence, intemperance! How often have I been drawn into horrible sin by anger, and how many of my fcllovv-croatures have I injured from this cause: Good Lord, 1 humbly ask thee mercy: here I need ab- solution." With tears in his eyes, he then stood up, and with a loud voice cried out, "Lo! these are your guides, good people. Take notice; for the violation of God's holy law and his great commandments they never cursed me; but, for their own arbitrary appointments and traditions, they most cruelly treat me and other men. Let them, however, remember, that Christ's denunciations against the Pharisees shall all be fulfilled." The dignity of his manner, and the vehemence of his expression, threw the court into some confusion. After the primate had recovered himself, he proceeded to ex- amine the prisoner respecting the doctrine of transub- stantiation. " Do you believe, that after the words of consecration there remains any material bread .^'' "The Scriptures," said Cobham, " make no mention of mate- rial bread; I believe, that Christ's body remains in the form of bread. In the sacrament there is both Christ's body and the bread: the bread is the thing that we see * Fox, p. 639. Wilkins, p. 356. Cent. 15.2 CHURCH OF CHRIST. 133 with our eyes; but the body of Christ is hid, and only to be seeu by faith."* Upon which, with one voice, they cried, Heresy! heresy! One of the bishops, in particu- lar, said velieinenlly, "That it was a foul heresy to call it bread." Cobham answered smartly, "St. Paul, the apostle, was as wise a man as you, and perhaps as good a Christian; and yet he calls it bread. The bread, saith he, that we break, is it not the communion of tiie body ofCiirist.'* To he short with you; I believe the scrip- tures most cordially, but I iiave no belief in your lordly laws and idle determinations; ye are no part of Christ's holy church, as your deeds do plainly show." Doctor Walden, the prior of the Carmelites, and Wickliflf s great enemy, now lost all patience, and exclaimed, '* What rash and desperate people are these followers of Wick- liff!" '• Before God and man," replied Cobham, " I solemn- ly here profess, that till I knew WicklifF. whose judgment ye so highly disdain, I never abstained from sin: but after I became acquainted with that virtuous man and his despised doctrines, it hatb been otherwise with me; so much grace could I never find in all your pompous in- structions." " It w ere hard," said Walden, " that in an age of so many learned instructors, you should have had no grace to amend your life, till you heard the devil preach." " Your fathers," said Cobham, "the old Pharisees, ascribed Christ's miracles to Beelzebub, and his doctrines to the devil. Go on; and, like them, ascribe every good thing to the devil. Go on, and pronounce every man a heretic, who rebukes your vicious lives. Pray, what • The learned reader cannot fail to obsen'e, that both WicklifF and his fol- lowers, seem sometimes to lean to the notion of consubstantiation. 134. HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. warrant have you from Scripture, for this very act you are now about? Where is it written in ail God's law, that you may thus sit in judgn)ent upon the life of man? Hold — perhaps you will quote Annas and Caiaphas, who sat upon Christ and his apostles!" " Yes, sir," said one of the doctors of law, " and Christ too, for he judged Judas.'' "I never heard that he did," said Lord Cobhara. "Judas judged himself, and thereupon went out and hanged himself Indeed Christ pronounced a wo against him, for his covetousness, as h^ does still against you, who follow Judas' steps." At the conclusion of this long and iniquitous trial, the behaviour of Lord Cobham was perfectly consistent with the tempers he had exhibited during the course of it. There remained the same undaunted courage and reso- lution, and the same Christian serenity and resignation. Some of the last questions which were put to him, re- spected the worship of the cross; and his answers prove that neither the acuteness of his genius was blunted, nor the solidity of his judgment impaired. One of the friars asked him, whether he was ready to worship the cross upon which Christ died. Where is it? said Lord Cobham. But suppose it was here at this moment? said the friar. A wise man indeed, said Cobham, to put me such a question; and yet he himself does not know where the thing is! But, tell me, I pray, what sort of worship do I owe to it.^ One of the conclave answered; such worship as St. Paul speaks of, when he says, " God forbid that I should glory save in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ." Cent 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 135 Right, replied Cobliam, and stretched out his arms; that is the true and the very cross, far better tlian your cross of wood. Sir, said the bishop of London, you know very well that Christ died upon a material cross. True, said Cobham; and I know also that our salva- tion did not come by that material cross, but by liim who died thereupon. Further, 1 know well t!iat St. Paul re- joiced in no other cross, but in Christ's passion and death only, and in his own sufferings and persecutions, for the same truth which Christ had died for before* Mr. Fox's account of these transactions, collected from ancient manuscripts, does not, in general, differ materially from the archbishop's own registers of the proceedings of the convocation. But there are some circumstances noted by Mr. Fox, which we may well suppose to have been designedly omitted in the registers last mentioned. For example, Mr. Fox informs us that the court were so amazed a^ the spirit and resolution of the Lord Cobham, as well as at the quickness and per- tinence of his answers, that they were reduced to a stand, " their wits and sophistry so failed them that day." From Arundel's own reports it is sufficiently clear, that it was the custom of that artful primate to make, on these occasions, a great external show of lenity and kindness to the prisoners, at the very moment in which he was exercising towards them the most unrelenting barbarity. In the case of William Sawtre, when the archbishop degraded that faithful clergyman, pronounced him an incorrigible heretic, and delivered him to the secular power, he then, with the most consummate hypo- crisy, requested the mayor and sheriffs of London, to • Fqs, p. 642. Convoc. prselat. Wilkins, p. 356. 136 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. treat their prisoner kindly,* though he well knew they would dare to show him no other kindness, than that of burning him to ashes. Sq in the trial of Lord Cobham, nothing could exceed the mild and affable deportment of Arundel during the course of the examinations. The registers of Lambeth Palace inform us, that the archbishop repeatedly n»ade use of the most " gentle, modest, and sweet terms," in addressing the prisoner; that with mournful looks he entreated him to return into the bosom of the church; and that after he had found all his endeavours in vain, he was compelled with the bitterest sorrow to proceed to a definitive sentence. "The day," said Arundel, "passes away fast: we must come to a conclusion." He then, for the last time, desired Lord Cobliam, to weigh well the dilemma in which he stood: "You must either submit," said he, "to the ordinances of the church, or abide the dangerous consequences." Lord Cobham then said expressly before the whole court, '' My faith is fixed, do with me what you please." The primate, without further delay, judged, and pro- nounced, Sir John Oldcastle, the Lord Cobham, to be an incorrigible, pernicious, and detestable heretic; and having condemned him as such, he delivered him to the secular jurisdiction.! Lord Cobham, with a most cheerful countenance, said, " Though ye condemn «ny body, which is but a wretched thing, yet I am well assured ye can do no harm to my souf any more than could Satan to the soul of Job. He, that created it, will of his infinite mercy save it. Of this * Wilkins' Coiicil. p. 260, Fox, p. 589. t Kymer, vol. ix. p. 61—66. Fox, p. 642 k 3. Cent.15r\ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 137 I have no manner of doubt. Arid in regard to the articles of my behef, I will, by the grace of the eternal God, stand to them, even to my very death. "" He then turned to the people, and stretciiing out his hands, cried with a very loud voice, " Good Christian people! for God's love, be well aware of these men; else, they will beguile you, and lead you blindfold into hell with themselves." Having said these words, he fell down upon his knees, and, lifting up his hands and eyes to heaven, he prayed for his enemies- in the following words: ''Lord God Eternal! I beseech thee of thy great mercy to forgive my persecutors, if it be thy blessed will!" He was then sent back to the Tower, under the care of Sir Robert Morley. Though the ecclesiastical judges of Lord Cobham, by condemning him as a heretic, and delivering him to the secular power for the execution of their sentence, appear to have done their utmost to complete the destruction of the man whom they feared and hated, there is yet reason to believe that both the king and the archbishop remain- ed in some perplexity respecting this business. In reli- gious concerns, this able monarch seems to have entirely resigned his understanding to the direction of tlie clergy; and therefore we need not wonder that he was highly provoked with Lord Cobham for his opposition to the church, and still more for his incurable obstiHacy, in ad- hering to heretical sentiments, after that his sovereign had personally condescended to persuade him to recant. Yet, after all, it is not improbable that such a prince as Henry V. should still retain some esteem for the charac- ter of the prisoner in the Tower, who on many occasions had formerly distinguished himself by his valour and military talents. Though the memory of Henry is by no Vol. II. ' S 138 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1 means free from the imputation of cruelty, it must at least be admitted, that the present situation of Cobham was likely to soften animosity, and to revive in the king's mind any latent affection for his favourite. Even Wal- singham, a bigoted papist, and bitter enemy of the Lol- lards, though in many respects a very useful historian, says, that Cobham, " for his integrity, was dearly beloved by tlie king."* This same ancient historian informs us, that the arch- bishop in person went to the king, and requested his majesty to postpone, for the space of fifty days, the pu- nishment of Lord Cobham.f If this be true, the motives of Arundel can be no great mystery. The persecution of this virtuous knight was a most unpopular step. His rank and character, and his zeal for the doctrines of Wickliff, had pointed him out to the primate as a proper victim of ecclesiastical severity; but his condemnation involved, in a general odium, the rulers of the church who had been his judges. It was necessary, therefore, to temporize a little; and before the whole sect of the Lollards were to be terrified by the public execution of a person so highly esteemed as Lord Cobham, it was thought expedient to employ a few weeks in lessening his credit among the people by a variety of scandalous aspersions. Mr. Fox assures us, that his adversaries scrupled rrot to publish a recantation in his name; and that Lord Cobham directed a paper to be posted up in his own defence, and in contradiction to the slander. But, whether the lenity of the king, or the politic cau- tion of the clergy, was the true cause of the delay, it is certain, that Lord Cobham was not put to death imme- * Regi propter probltatem cliarus et uQceptiis. Walsingham, Henry V. j- Pa!?e 385. Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 139 diately after being condemned for a heretic. lie remain- ed some weeks in the Tower, and at lenglii by unknown means made his escape: so that it is now impossible to say, whether the clergy would ultimately have pressed the sovereign to proceed to extremities in this instance, or, whether Henry could have been induced to commit to the llames, for heresy, a favourite of such exalted rank and high reputation. For as yet, there had not been any instance of a nobleman suffering in that igno- minious manner. After Lord Cobham had escaped out of the Tower, he is said to have taken the advantage of a dark niglit, evaded pursuit, and arrived safe in Wales, where he concealed himself more than four years.* If he had re- mained in prison, he would have effectually prevented the calumny, with which the papists have endeavoured to load his memory; nevertheless, when we reflect on the intrepid spirit of the man, his unshaken resolution, and the cruel^ unjust treatment he met with, we cannot wonder at his eagerness to fly from those flames, which his persecutors ardently longed to kindle. It seems as easy to comprehend Lord Cobham's motives for wishing to escape, as it is diflicult to censure them. The clergy were not a little mortified to find, that this grand heretic and destined victim, had slipped out of their hands; and their uneasiness was increased, by ob- serving that the king discovered no anxiety to have Lord Cobham retaken. Soon after this event, however, a very remarkable transaction afforded them every advantage they could wish, to gratify their resentment against the noble chief oi the Lollards. These peaceable and truly Christian subjects had been accustomed to assemble in * Bale. — Gilpin. *; 140 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. companies for the purposes of devotion; but the bishops represented their meetings as of a seditious tendency, and they found no great difficulty in obtaining a royal proclamation* for suppressing the conventicles of persons who were supposed to be ill inclined to the government. Historians have observed, that "jealousy was the ruling foible of the house of Lancaster;" and though Henry V. was naturally of a noble and magnanimous temper, he could never forget that he was an usurper: his suspicions of the evil designs of the Lollards increased to a high degree: he thought it necessary to watch them, as his greatest enemies; and he appears to have listened to every calumny, which the zeal and hatred of the hierar- chy could invent or propagate against the unfortunate followers of Wickliff. The royal proclamation, however, did not put an end to the assemblies of the Lollards. Like the primitive Christians, they met in smaller companies, and more privately, and often ^in the dead of night. St. Giles's Fields, then a thicket, was a place of frequent resort on these occasions. And here a number of them assembled in the evening of January the sixth, 1414; with an in- tention, as was usual, of continuing together to a very late hour. The king was then at Eltham, a few miles from Lon- don. He received intelligence, that Lord Cobham, at the head of twenty thousand of his party, was stationed in St. Giles's Fields, for the purpose of seizing the per- son of the king, putting their persecutors to the sword, and making himself the regent of the realm. The mind of Henry, we have seen, had been prepared, by the diligent and artful representations of the clergy, * Rvmer, vol. ix. Cent. 15.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 141 to receive any impressions against the Lollards, which might tend to lix upon that persecuted sect the charges of seditious or treasonable practices. To his previous suspicions, therefore, as well as to the gallantry of his temper, we are to ascribe the extraordinary resolution, which the king took on this occasion. He suddenly armed the few soldiers he could muster, put himself at their head, and marched to the place. He attacked the Lollards, and soon put them into confusion. About twenty were yjj'ed, and sixty taken.* Among these was one Beverly, t^ir preacher, who with two others. Sir Roger Acton, mid John Brown, was afterwards put to death. The king marched on, but found no more bodies of men. He thought he had surprised only the advanced guard; whereas he had routed the whole army! It has been supposed that, in process of time, the king '^disbelieved the report of any actual conspiracy in this transaction: and it must be confessed, that when we re- flect on the great understanding and military skill of this prince, it seems extraordinary, that he should not at the first have reflected, that the very marshalling of such a number of soldiers, and the furnishing of them with ne- cessaries, could never have been managed with secrecy. He appears, however, to have given sufficient credit to the calumny to answer all the designs of the ecclesiasti- cal rulers. He became thoroughly incensed against the Lollards, and particularly against the Lord Cobham. A bill of attainder against that unfortunate nobleman pass- ed the commons, through the royal influence:! the king set a price of a thousand marks upon his head, and pro- mised a perpetual exemption from taxes to any town, that should secure him. J * Rapin, Henry V. f Gilpin, :|: Rapin. — Rymer. 142 HISTORY OF THE IChap.l. It was to be expected that these strong measures, aid- ed by the active zeal and unrelenting hatred of his ene- mies, should be effective to the discovery of Lord Cob- ham: and, it is matter of some surprise, how he was able, for several years, to elude the vigilance of the many, who narrowly watched him. Wales was his asylum; and he is supposed to have frequently changed the scene of his retreat. Through the diligence of Lord Powis, and his dependants, he was at length discovered and taken. It was on the tenth of October, 1413, that Lord Cobham was, by Arundel, condemned as a heretic and sent to the Tower. The affair of St. Giles's happened on the evening of the sixth of January, 1414; and it was not till nearly the end of the year 1417, that this persecuted Christian was apprehended and brought to London. His fate was soon determined. He was dragged into St. Giles's Fields with all the insult and barbarity of en- raged superstition; and there, both as a traitor and a heretic, he was suspended alive in chains, upon a gallows, and burnt to death. This excellent man, by a slight degree of dissimulation, might have softened his adversaries, and have escaped a troublesome persecution and a cruel death. But, sin- cerity is essential to a true servant of Jesus Christ; and Lord Cobham died, as he had lived, in the faith and hope of the Gospel; and bearing, to the end, a noble testimony to its genuine doctrines; and "choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the plea- sures of sin for a season."* Henry Chicheley, now archbishop of Canterbury, con- tinued at the head of that See, from February, 1414, to April, 1443.1 This man deserves to be called the fire- * Heb. xiv. 25, f Biograph. Britan. — Henry's Hist, book v. Cent. 13.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 143 brand of the age in which he lived. To subserve the purposes of his own pride and tyranny, he engaged king Henry in his famous contest with France, by which a prodigious carnage was made of the human race, and the most dreadful miseries were brought upon both king- doms. But Henry was a soldier, and understood the art of war, though perfectly ignorant of religion; and that ardour of spirit, which, in youth, had spent itself in vicious excesses, was now employed, under the management of Chicheley, in desolating France, by one of the most un- just wars ever waged by ambition, and in furnishing for vulgar minds matter of declamation on the valour of the English nation. While this scene was carrying on in France, the archbishop at home, partly by exile, partly by forced abjurations^ and partly by the flames, domineer- ed over the Lollards; and almost effaced the vestiges of godliness in the kingdom. This was one of the most gloomy seasons, which the church ever experienced. The doctrines of Wickliif, indeed, had travelled into Bohemia; but, as we shall afterwards see, the fires of persecution were also lighted up in that country, at the same time that in England, no quarter was given to any professors of the pure religion of Christ. Even the duke of Bedford, the brother of the king,* one of the wisest men of his age, thought it no dishonour to be the minister of Chicheley s cruelties. A chaplain of Lord Cobham, through terror of punish- ment, was induced to recant his creed: the strictest search was made after Lollards and their books; and while a few souls, dispersed through various parts, sighed in secret, and, detesting the reigning idolatry, worshipped God in spirit and in truth, they yet found no human con- * Fox, page 729. 144 HISTORY OF THE (^Chap. 1. solation or support whatever. The principal use to be made of these scenes, is to excite a spirit of thankfulness for the superior privileges of the times in which we live. The diocese of Kent, was particularly exposed to the bloody activity of Chicheley. Whole families were obliged to relinquish their places of abode, for the sake of the gospel. In the midst of these tragedies, and in the year 14S2, died Henry V. whose military greatness is known to most readers. His vast capacity and talents for government, have been also justly celebrated. But what is man, with- out the genuine fear of God? This monarch, in the former part of his life, was remarkable for dissipation and extravagance of conduct; in the latter, he became the slave of the popedom; and for that reason, was called the prince of priests. Voluptuousness, ambition, super- stition, each in their turn, had the ascendant in this ex- traordinary character. Such, however, is the dazzling nature of personal bravery and of prosperity, that even the ignorance and folly of the bigot, and the barbarities of the persecutor, are lost or forgotten amidst the enter- prises of the hero and the successes of the conqueror. Reason and justice lift up their voice in vain. The bat- tle of Agincourt throws a delusive splendour around the name of this victorious king. The persecution of the Lollards continued during the minority of Henry VI. William Taylor, a priest, was burnt, because he had asserted, that every prayer which is a petition for some supernatural gift, is to be directed only to God.* The four orders of friars were directed by the archbishop to examine him; and they convicted • Fox, p. 749, ■%. Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 145 him of heresy, for asserting a maxim, which pecuHarly distinguishes true rehgion from idolatry. Not to dwell on the cases of many persons of less note, who suffered much vexation in this calamitous pe- riod of the church, it may be proper to mention William White, who, by reading, writing, and preaching,* exerted himself in Norfolk so vigorously, that he was condemned to the stake in 1424'. His holy life and blameless man- ners had rendered him highly venerable in that country. He attempted tospeak to the people before his execu- tion, but was prevented. It is remarkable, that his widow, following her husband's footsteps in purity of life and in zeal for the gospel, confirmed many persons in evangelical truth; on which account she was exposed to much trouble from the bishop of Norwich. Nor did the civil wars between the houses of York and Lancaster, which filled the whole kingdom with confusion, put an end to the persecution of the Lollards. A person, named John Gooze, was burnt at Tower-hill, in the reign of Edward IV. in the year 1 473.1 This victim was delivered to one of the sheriffs, with an order to have him executed in the afternoon. The officer, compassionating the case of his prisoner, took him to his own house, and endeavoured to prevail on him to retract. But the martyr, after listening to a long exhortation, de- sired him to forbear: and then, in strong terms, request- ed something to eat, declaring he was become very hun- gry: the sheriff complied with his request. " I eat now a good dinner," said th^ man very cheerfully, " for I shall have a brisk storm to pass through before supper." After he had dined, he gave th&nks to God, and desired * Fox, p. 752. t Ib'.d. p. 814. Vol.. n. T ^' 146 HISTORY OF THE IChap.l. to be led to the place, where he should give up his soul to his Creator and Redeemer. The civil contests, with which the kingdom were con- vulsed, were at length terminated by the union of the two houses of York and Lancaster, at the accession of Henry VII. But the church of God continued still an unremitted object of persecution. The sufferings of the Lollards were even greater during the established govern- ments of Henry VII. and Henry VIII. than they had been during the civil wars. Neither age nor sex were spared. Mr. Fox has collected, from the registers of the diocese of Lincoln, for the year 1521, a most shocking catalogue, both of the accusers and of the victims, who suffered under the grievous and cruel persecution of bishop Langland, the king's confessor. He has also, with singular industry, recorded the particular names of many, who, through fear of a painful death, renounced their faith during the memorable persecution of that same year. Upon these unfortunate persons, various penances, and many very severe and ignominious punishments, were inflicted. Several, who were found to have ab- jured before, were condemned for relapse, and commit- ted to the flames. A concise account of a person named John Brown, of Ashford, in Kent, shall conclude this distressing detail of the sufferings of the Lollards. This martyr suffered in the year 1511, under the per- secution of William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury. He was discovered to be a heretic, as follows:* A slight altercation had taken place between him and a priest, as they were both passing down to Gravesend, in the com- mon bai-ge. The priest perceived symptoms of heresy; * Fox, p. 551. Cent. 15.^ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 147 arid immediately upon landing, lodged, with the arch- bishop, an information against Brown. The man was suddenly apprehended by two of the archbishop's ser- vants, who, by means of assistants, placed him on his own horse, bound his feet under the horse's belly, and carried him to Canterbury, where he remained in con- finement forty days; during which time neither his wife, nor any of his friends, could receive the smallest intima- tion concerning him. At length he was brought to Ashford, the town where he lived, and placed in the stocks. It was now almost night; but, one of his own female domestics, in passing by the place, happened to become acquainted with his situ- ation, and she instantly carried home to her mistress the afflicting news. His mournful wife sat near her husband all the night, and heard him relate the melancholy story of every thing that had happened to him. The treat- ment this good man had met with, from Warham, the archbishop of Canterbury, and from Fisher,* bishop of Rochester, was infamous in the extreme. With un- paralleled barbarity, they had directed his bare feet to bp * Fisher was born at Beverly in Yorkshire, in 1459. He was educated at Cambridge, and became master, or president of Queen's College in that Uni- versity. He was made bishop of Rochester in 1504. It was during the time of his presidentship that Erasmus came to study at Cambridge, and took up his residence at Queen's College. This prelate was beheaded, by Henry VIU. in 1535, for denying the king's supremacy, and for speaking with freedom m behalf of the queen. The pope was so pleased with his conduct, that, even while Fisher was confined in the Tower and attainted of high treason, he made him a cardinal, and sent him the proper hat belonging to that dignity. Henry was so much provoked, that he would not permit the liat to be brought into the kingdom : he also sent Cromwell to sound bishop Flslier, whether he intended to accept it. "Yes," said Fisher. The king then exclaimed with an oath, " Well, let the pope send him the hat when he pleases, he shall wear it on his shoulders, for I will leave him never a head to set it on." The tyrant was as good as his word. — Erasmus speaks of Fisher in strong terms of com- mendation. i. 1: ' 148 HISTORY OF THE [C/iflj;. 3. placed upon hot burning coals; and lobe kept there, till they were burnt to the bones. Notwithstanding all this. Brown would not deny his -faith, but patiently endured the pain, and continued immovable, fighting manfully the " good fight." To his wife he then said, " The bishops, good Elizabeth, have burnt my feet, till I cannot set them on the ground: they have done so to make me deny my Lord; but, I thank God, they will never be able to make me do that: for, if I should deny him in this world, he would deny me hereafter. Therefore, I pray thee, continue, as thou hast begun, and bring up thy children in the fear of God. Thy husband is to be consumed at the stake to-morrow." He was burnt, on Whitsun-even, lifting up his hands, and uttering the most fervent prayers, particularly the words of the psalmist, " Into thy hands I commend my spirit; for thou hast redeemed me, 0 Lord, thou God of truth."* Such were the sanguinary methods by which the pre- lates of England attempted to extirpate LoUardism and heresy. And they so far succeeded, that the few dis- ciples of Wickliff, who still remained alive, seem to have been afterwards confounded with the favourers of the grand reformation: but, in their main object of strength- ening the Roman Catholic religion, they utterly failed. The burning of heretics, was found to be not the way to extinguish heresy. On the contrary, both in England and on the Continent, such detestable cruelty increased the compassion of the people for the sufferers, excited their indignation against the persecutors, and roused a spirit of inquiry and of opposition to the existing hierar- chy, which at length, under tiie direction of a kind, over- * Mr. Fox tells us, he had tliis account from Brown's nwn daughter. Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. MS ruling Providence, proved fatal both to papal corruptions of sound doctrine, and also to papal usurpation of do- minion. When the human mind has been thus fatigued and disgusted with a review of the cruelties of popish perse- cutors, it is disposed to pronounce the Roman religion wiiolly a pretence, and all the ecclesiastical judges and rulers of those times, barbarous hypocrites and deceivers. "It is impossible," we are apt to say, " but that natural conscience should have informed them they were doing wrong, in committing to the flames, for slight diflerences of opinion, so many innocent victims; nay, often, persons of the most exemplary life and conversation." However, a more cool and sedate reflection may convince us, that though, in all ages, there have existed wicked men of great ability, who have shown themselves ever ready to sacrifice principle and conscience to their ambition and avarice, and even to wade through much blood in support of their darling objects, yet all tormentors of the human race have not been precisely of this class. These are of the first magnitude, and we suppose them to have had their eyes open. But there are others, who knew not what they did;* and towards such, therefore, though we are never to palhate their faults, much less to defend their enormities, yet are we bound to exercise an equit- able discrimination. The reader will understand me to have in view, those deluded votaries, who have had the misfortune to be taught, and the weakness to believe, that the favour of God is to be obtained, chiefly by paying a scrupulous regard to external forms and observances. * Luke xxiii. 34 150 HISTORY OF THE IChap. % CHAPTER II. John IIuss, and Jerom of Prague. In the year 1414, met the council of Constance. Its objects were various and of high importance.* The ne- cessity of the times had called aloud for an assembly of this kind. Ecclesiastical corruptions had increased to an intolerable magnitude: and Christendom had been distracted, nearly forty years, by a schism in the pope- dom. To settle this dispute, and restore peace to the church, was the most urgent concern of the council. Three pretenders to the chair of St Peter, severally, laid claim to infallibility. The very nature of their struggle was subversive of the authority to which each of them made pretensions; and " of their vain contest there seem- ed no end.^' The princes, statesmen, and rulers of the church, in those times, wanted not discernment to see the danger to which the whole ecclesiastical system was exposed by these contentions; but it seems never to have come into the minds of them, or of any of the members of the council, to examine the foundation on which the popedom itself was erected. That, on all sides, was looked on as sacred and inviolable, though allowed to be burdened and incumbered with innumerable abuses. However, they deposed the three existing popes, and chose a fresh successor of St. Peter, Martin V.; and we are to remark a providential benefit, which arose from the accomplishment of this first object of the council: * L'Enfant's History of the Council of Constance. — It is foreign to my de- sign to follow this author through the details of his very accurate and circum- stantial narration. The affairs, however, of John Huss and of Jerom, deserve a minute attention. Cent. 15.2 CHURCH OF CHRIST. 151 namely, that while they had their eye only on the resto- ration of the unity of the Roman See, they were led to decree the superiority of councils over popes. Thus a deep wound was given to the tyrannical hierarchy, which proved of considerable service to those real reformers, who arose about a hundred years after the council of Constance. I say real reformers; for, I cannot give this venerable name to the members of that assembly. That there needed a reformation of the church in all its component parts, and that church discipline ought to be re-establish- ed, these w^ere ideas, indeed, which lay within their com- petence; and the members of this council universally confessed, that reformation and discipline ought to be prosecuted with vigour. But they brought not to the council the materials, which only could qualify them for such a work. In general, the best individuals among them were merely moralists; had some " zeal for God, but not according to knowledge;" and knew no higher principles than the voice of natural conscience, the dic- tates of common sense, and some information concern- ing the preceptive part of Christianity. Their system of religion was letter, not spirit; law, not gospel. They had some degree of insight into the distemper of human nature, little or none into the remedy. To promote the recovery of depraved mankind, they knew no methods but those of moral suasion, upon principles merely natu- ral. The original depravity of man, salvation through the atonement of a Redeemer, and regeneration by the Holy Spirit, were doctrines, the use and efficacy of which they did not understand: yet, these are the only effectual instruments for the reformation either of a cor- rupted church, or of a corrupted individual, though they 152 HlSTOllY OF THE [C/iap. 2. are, by the world, generally suspected to be productive of enthusiasm, and are also too often professed by men of counterfeit religion. How could it be expected thstt popes and cardinals, bishops and clergy, would enact, and, what is still more, would execute, laws, which bore hard on their own pride, their sloth, and their love of gain? Or, that the laity, noble or vulgar, would submit to strict rules of church discipline? Nothing but the principle of divine love in the heart could effect these things; and divine love is learnt only in the school of Christ, and under the fostering influence of Scripture doctrine, connected with spiritual discernment.* I need not put the reader in mind, how ignorant in general, in regard to these things, men were in the fifteenth century. And hence we are no more to wonder at the failure of the attempts of the council of Constance, than at the inefficacy of the com- plaints, made from age to age, of the wickedness of men, both by philosophers of old and by nominal Christians in our own times, while those who complain, and even en- deavour to effect reforms, are destitute of real Christian perceptions, and regard no other light than that of mere nature. Thus the institution of mere laws, however good, " can never give life;'"f "the motions of sin by the law work in our members to bring forth fruit unto death."J If even the best characters, among the pro- digious congregation at Constance, thus failed, through ignorance of the true method of relieving human evils, we need not be surprised, that those who were actuated by bad motives, should contribute nothing towards a real reformation. The consequence was, that the prevailing abuses remained in the cluirch in full force. The coun- '" 1 Cor. ii. 14. T Gal. iii. i Rom. vii Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 153 cil managed to restore unity to the popedom, which was indeed a very difficult point; but they found it more easy to procure consent to the deposition of wicked popes, than to compel the clergy to divest themselves of that avarice, auibition, and sensuality, which were the grand sources of the existing ecclesiastical disorders.* How- ever, that which men attempted in vain by methods merely human, God himself, about a century afterwards, effected, by the foolishness of preachiijg,f and by his own spirit of grace. The knights of the Teutonic order, at this time ranged through all their own neiglibourhood with fire and sword, under the pretence of converting infidels, and had been justly complained of by the king of Poland: yet this council supported them in their enormities; nor would they even condemn a libel written by a monk, who had exhorted all Christians to murder that monarch, and to massacre the Poles. John Petit, a friar, had publicly vindicated the assassination, committed by the duke of Burgundy's order on the duke of Orleans, brother to the king of France. It may seem incredible, but it is true, that the king of France, who prosecuted this friar before the council of Constance, could not procure his iiondemnation. All the dignified orders in Europe, there assembled together, had not sufficient spirit and integrity to punish crimes of the most atrocious nature. Yet they could burn without mercy those whom they deemed he- retics, though men of real godliness. This part of the conduct of the assembly, particularly deserves our atten- tion; and stiff more so, if we keep constantly in mind who the members were that composed it. Italy, France, Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, Poland, England, Den- * L'Enfant. f 1 Cor. i. Vol. II. U 154 HISTORY OF THE iChap.C:. mark, Sweden were represented by deputies: four elec- tors were present, namely, those of Mentz, and Saxony, the elector of Palatine, and the burgrave of Nuremberg, who there received the electoral cap; besides envoys from the other electors: the emperor Sigismund was never absent, unless employed in the express business of the council. Many other German princes were present, besides the clergy, among whom were twenty arch- bishops, nearly one hundred and fifty bishops, about one hundred and fifty other dignitaries, and more than two hundred doctors. John Huss had been summoned to the council, to answer for himself, though already excommunicated at Rome. He obtained, however, a safe conduct* from the emperor, who, in conjunction with his brother Wences- laus, king of Bohemia, had committed him to the care of several Bohemian lords, particularly of John de Chlum. These travelled with him to Constance, where they ar- rived six days after the pope. John Huss was born in Bohemia, in 1373. He was of mean parentage, but was raised to eminence by his superior genius and industry. All the authors of that time acknowledged, that he was a man of capacity and eloquence, and highly esteemed for the probity and de- cency of his manners. This is the testimony of the famous ^neas Sylvius, afterwards pope of Rome. But the letters of Huss, written from Constance, which he especially requested might never be published, afford a still more striking attestation to his character. He was appointed rector of the university of Prague, which was * A safe conduct here means an engag-ement in writing that he should be allowed to pass and repass without molestation. The very words of it were, " oiflni prorsus innipedimento remote ; stare, morari &: redire, libere permittati? slbique Sc stiis." Cent. 15.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 155 then in a very flourishing state. His character was no less eminent in the church than in the academy. He was nominated preacher of Bethlehem in the year 1400; and was in the same year made confessor to Sophia of Bavaria, the wife of Wenceslaus king of Bohemia, a princess who highly esteemed John Huss, and was a personage of great merit: how far she was allected by the doctrine which he preached, it is not easy to ascer- tain, but there is no doubt that, after his condemnation, she was obliged, by the order of the emperor Sigismund, to retire to Presburg. In 1405 Huss preached in the chapel of Bethlehem with great celebrity. Some of Wickliff's works had been brought into Bohemia by a Bohemian gentleman named Faulfisch, when he returned from Oxford. Hence, and probably by other modes of conveyance, the evan- gelical views of the English reformer were introduced into that country. It is not easy to determine tlie point of time, when John Huss received a favourable impres- sion of the works of Wickliflf. At first he is said to have held them in detestation. The effect of prejudice in- deed on a serious mind, against a person who has been condemned for heresy, was not easily to be overcome; and it is not impossible, but that Luther's account of his own first reception of the works of Huss might resemble the celebrated Bohemian's reception of the works of Wickliff. " When I studied at Erford," says that truly great man, " I found in the library of the convent, a book entitled, 'The Sermons of John Huss.^ I was anxious to know the doctrines of that arch-heretic. My astonishment in the reading of them was incredible. What, thought I, could move the council to burn so great a man, so able and judicious an expositor of Scripture! 156 HISTORY OF THK lChap.2. But then the name of Huss was held in abomination: if I mentioned him with honour, I imagined the sky would fall, and the sun be darkened; I therefore shut the book with indignation. But I comforted myself with the thought, that perhaps he had written this before he fell into here- sy!" Such were the juvenile reflections of that renown- ed reformer. But it is not in the power of prejudice to prevent the progress of the Divine counsels, and the work of the Holy Spirit on the heart. Notwithstanding the opposi- tion of prejudice, habit, and natural corruptions, Huss was gradually convinced of the power and excellency of evangehcal doctrine. It was not necessary that he should see all things in the same light as other reformers; but there are certain truths, in which all, who are taught of God, in every age, do and must agree; and certain points of experience also in religion, in which it is even impos- sible for them to differ. The doctrinal knowledge of the Bohemian reformer was indeed always very limited and defective; but the little fundamental light which, through grace, he attained, was directed to the best practical purposes. He preached loudly against the abuses of the Romish church, and particularly against the impostures of false miracles, which then abounded. And about the same year, 1405, he also preached in a synod at Prague, in the archbishop's presence, with amazing freedom against the vices of the clergy. It was impossible, that a man who rendered himself so obnoxious to the hierarchy, should escape the aspersions of calumny: accordingly we find, that in the latter part of the year 1408, and the beginning of 1409, a clamour was raised against him on the following occasion.* Gre- * Page 29, L'Enfunt. fenM5.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 157 gory XII. one of the three popes, whose schism g-ave rise to the council of Constance, was received by Bohemia. But when measures were proposed for calling a gene- ral council to compose the schism, Huss engaged the university to support those measures, and exhorted all Bohemia to the same purpose. The archbishop of Prague, who was attached to Gregory, opposed Huss, call- ed him a schismatic, and forbad him to exercise the pasto- ral functions in his diocese. About the same time, on oc- casion of a dispute between the natives and the foreign- ers who belonged to the university, FIuss having support- ed the former, and gained his point, the Germans in dis- gust retired from Prague. This circumstance enabled the Bohemian teacher to speak more publicly according to the views of WicklifT. The archbishop of Prague committed the books of the latter to the flames in 1410. But the progress of his opinions was rather accelerated than retarded by this step. The troubles of John Huss were now multiplied. He was excommunicated at Rome. He had sent his proc- tors thither, to answer for him; but they were committed to prison,* after having remained there to no purpose a year and a half. Huss, after his excommunication, had no other remedy, but to appeal to Almighty God in very solemn terms. In his appeal, which was charged on him as a crime, among many other things, he says, " Almighty God, the one only essence in three persons, is the first and last refuge of those who are oppressed. Our Lord Jesus Christ, very God and very Man, being desirous to redeem, from eternal damnation, his children, elected before the foundation of the w^orld, has given, by suffer- ing a bloody and ignominious death, this excellent ex- "' L'Enfant, page 33. 158 HISTORY OF 'HiE IChap.Q. ample to his disciples, to commit their cause to the judg- meut of God." He continued stil! to preach on subjects, which he deemed seasonable and useful. In one sermon he treated of the uses of the commemoration of the saints, among which, he reckons meditation on the misery of man, subject to death for sin; and on the death which Jesus Christ suffered for our sin. In this ^me sermon, while he zealously opposes the abuses of the times, he discovers that he himself was not yet entirely clear of the popish notion of purgatory. " In praying devoutly for the dead," says he, " we procure relief to the saints in purgatory." It is sufficiently plain, however, that he could not lay much stress on the prayers of the living for th« dead; for he also says expressly, "that there is no mention of such a practice in the Holy Scriptures; and, that neither the prophets nor Jesus Christ, nor his apos- tles, nor the saints that followed close after, taught prayer for the dead." " I verily believe," continues Huss, " this custom was introduced by the avarice of priests, who don't trouble tliemselves to exhort the people to live well, as did the prophets, Jesus Christ, and the apostles; but take great care to exhort them to make rich offerings, in hopes of happiness and a speedy delivery from pur- gatory." At length John Huss was forbidden to preach at Prague any more. All that he could then do was to in- struct his countrymen by writings. Being summoned, as we have seen, to Constance, he obeyed; and before his departure, offered to give an account of his faith in the presence of a provincial synod at Prague, but was not able to obtain an audience. In this and some other particulars, he appears to have acted with great frank- ness aud sincerity; and, though his mind strongly for- Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. i59 boded that which happened in the issue, his resolution to appear at the general council was constant and unmoved. By a letter,* which he wrote to a friend, immediately before he left Prague, he intreats him, on the outside of it, not to open the letter, till he should have had certain news of his death. And among other things, he says, ''You know, wo is me! — before my priesthood I freely and frequently played at chess, neglected my time, and often unhappily provoked others and myself into blame- able heat of temper by that game." About the same time he wrote a letter to his flock, in terms which show- ed how much their spiritual advantage lay at his heart. He exhorted them to steadfastness in the doctrine which he had taught them; prayed for grace that he himself might persevere, and not betray the gospel by cowardice; and he begged them also to pray, that he might either glorify God by martyrdom, or return to Prague with an unblemished conscience, and with more vigour than ever to extirpate the doctrine of antichrist. He expressed' himself to be very uncertain of the event; but spake like one resigned to the Divine will, and joyful to die for the cause of Christ. In the course of his journey to Con- stance, he acted the same open part, and every where declared his readiness to be heard by all mankind. Such was the character and conduct of Huss, who arrived at Constance six days after the pontiff John XXHI. On the succeeding day, he gave notice of his arrival to the pope, through his friend John de Chlum, who at the same time implored for bim the protection of his ho- liness. This pope himself was then in much fear on his own account, and it behoved him not, in his present cir- cumstances, to exercise the fulness of papal domination. * L'Enfant, p. 40. 160 HISTORY OF THE lChap.% He therefore answered courteously; declared that he would use all his power to prevent any injustice being* done to him while at Constance; and he took off his ex- communication. John Huss appears to have expected that he should have been allowed to preach before the council; for he had prepared for that purpose, sermons, which are in- serted among his works. Those who look only at the surface of religion, might be tempted to think, that the council in general was in- fluenced by the Spirit of God. In all their public ses- sions they sang an anthem, and then they prayed kneel- ing.f After having remained some time in this posture, a deacon called out to them to rise; and the president, with a loud voice, addressed himself to the Holy Ghost in a collect, which, in very solemn and explicit terms, supplicated his effectual influence, that, notwithstanding the enormity of their sins, which filled them with dread, he would deign to descend into their hearts, to direct them, to dictate their decrees, and to execute them him- self, and also to preserve their minds from corrupt pas- sions, and not suffer them, through ignorance or selfish- ness, to swerve from justice and truth. The ideas, and perhaps the very words, of the prayer, were taken from better times, when the operations of the Holy Ghost were not only professed, hui felt, in Christian assemblies. The formalities of true religion often remain a long time, after the spirit of it has been almost extinguished. It is not easy to say how much wickedness may be united with religious formalities. The rulers and great men of the Jewish nation, in the time of Christ, were remarkable examples of the hypocrisy here alluded to; and those, * L'Enfant, p. 43. t L'Enfant, p. 50.- Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 161 who are acquainted with the history of their flagitious conduct, will not be surprised to hear of similar instances. Both the emperor Sigismund and his consort Barba at- tended the religious ceremonies of this council, and both were infamous for lewdness.* Sigismund in a deacon's habit read the gospel, while the pope celebrated mass! Huss was soon deprived of his liberty, in the following manner. He was accused by Paletz, professor of di- vinity at Prague, and by Causis, a pastor of one of the parishes of the same city. These men caused bills to be posted up against him in Constance, as an excommuni- cated heretic. When Huss complained, the pope re- plied, " What can I do in the case? your own country- menf have done it." The bishops of Augsburg and of Trent were directed to summon him to appear before John XXni. " I had expected,'' said Huss, " to give an account of myself before the general council, and not before the pope and his cardinals; however, I am willing to lay down my life, rather than to betray the truth." He set out therefore without delay, accompanied by his generous friend John de Chlum. On his arrival at the pope's palace, he was committed to prison. Chlum made loud complaints to the pope, but in vain. Eight articles were exhibited against Huss by Causis; and the pope appointed commissioners to try him. The vexations and insults, to which he was exposed, were endless: and there was this peculiar injustice practised against him, that he was accused of being more inimical to the doctrines of the church of Rome, than he really was. Whatever * iEneas Sylvius, Hist. t Pilate answered. Am I a Jew ? thine own nation, and the chief priests have delivered thee unto nie. John xviii. 35. Vol. II. X IQ2 HISTORY OF THE lChap.% Wickliff maJHtained, Hiiss was accused of maintaining: nor were his own express declarations respected, par- ticularly in regard to transubstantiation, a doctrine, which he certainly believed, and on which he wrote his thoughts while under confinement at Constance. Such, however, was the strength of mind with which he was endowed, that during the same period, he wrote also several tracts on subjects of practical godliness, which were sent to Prague by friends whom he had at Constance, With great clearness he vindicated himself against the charge of heresy; but, his holy life was unpardonable in the eyes of his enemies: moreover, all those, whom the faithful- ness of his pastoral services in Bohemia had provoked, now found an opportunity to wreak their vengeance upon him. The generous count de Chlum, grieved and incensed at the imprisonment of Huss, wrote to Sigismund on this subject. That prince immediately sent express orders to his ambassadors, to cause him to be set at liberty, and even to break the gates of the prison in case of resist- ance. We naturally expect to hear, in the next place, of the prisoner's enlargement; for, independently of this application of count de Chlum, the honour of Sigismund himself, who had positively promised a safe conduct to Huss, seemed to require it. But notwithstanding all this, the unfortunate Bohemian teacher was not released! The crooked arts and intrigues both of the pope and of the emperor, were too powerful for the sincerity and open dealings of Huss: and, he soon found, that to commit himself to Him, that judgeth righteously, was his only expedient. In the mean time, the doctors, in their preachings, exclaimed most pathetically against the pre- vailing evils and abuses, and exhorted the council to re- Cent. 15.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. J 63 form the church with vigour. Its growing corruptions and enormities were by them exposed ia the strongest colours. Wickhff himself, or Huss, could scarcely have spoken in a more pointed or in a severer manner. But these innovators, we find, were not permitted to censure, with impunity, even the most shameful practices. The explanation is, their attachment to the See of Rome itself was doubted; whereas the divines just mentioned, preach- ed by order of Iheir superiors, and constantly took par- ticular care, in the midst of their keenest animadver- sions, to express an unequivocal respect to the popedom in general. In th3 beginning of the year 1415, the commissioners for examining Huss, found themselves impeded by the emperor's grant of a safe conduct; and they scrupled not, at once to intreat that prince to violate his most solemn engagenient. To be brief; Sigismund was at length persuaded, that his conscience ought not to be burdened in this matter; but that he was excused from keeping faith with a man accused of heresy; and that to acquiesce in the desires of the venerable council, was the proper line of conduct for an obedient and '' good son of the church."* Such was the language of the Romanists. A direct breach of faith is, however, so strong a violation of the law written in the heart of man, that it was not easy even for the most able defender of a bad cause, to vindicate actions of this kind. Laboured apologies have been published, to soften the transactions before us.f But to what purpose is it to multiply words, in order to misrepresent a plain fact, which may be told * Nauclerus. t Mainiburg's Hist, of the Western Schism, Part 11. — Varilla's Hist, of Wick- liff, Part I. 164 HISTORY OF THE lChwp.9.. in very few lines? The authority of Sigismund extend- ed over the empire: hc^ by virtue of that authority, re- quired all his subjects, to suffer Huss to pass and repass secure; and, for the honour of his Imperial Majesty, if need be, to jyrovide him with good passports* Constance was an imperial city: from this city he was not cdtoived to repass, but was detained in prison, till he was unjustly burnt by the order of the council. Was this for the honour of his imperial majesty? The perfidious character of Sigismund indeed was well known. It appears from one of the letters of John Huss, that, before his departure, he had been told by some persons, that the emperor would betray him. But, this servant of God, in honour of his master, ventured every thing for the cause of divine truth. Before the death of their countryman, the Bohemian nobility, enraged at the perfidy of Sigismund, repeatedly remonstrated, by letters, against his proceedings: but all to no purpose. At the solicitation of Paletz, Huss was confined in the Dominican convent, where he became dangerously sick, through the bad air and other incon- veniences of a noisome dungeon. But suffering is not the peculiar lot of godly men: wickedness has, also, its hardships and its inconveniences. That same John XXHI. who had most unrighteously persecuted Huss, gradually found himself in so disagree- able a situation at Constance, partly from the accusations of his enemies, to the justice of which his own conscience could not but assent, and partly from the intrigues and manosuvres of Sigismund and the majority of the council, that he determined to depart, in secret, from the assem- bly. Four nations were represented at Constance, name- * I.'Enfant, p. 61. See the Avords in Latin, p. 149, the note. Cent.15.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 165 ]y, the Italians, the Germans, the French, and the Eng- lish. The last of these had proposed even to arrest the pope; and, though this proposal did not take effect, there seemed a general agreement in the four nations to oblige him to resign his authority. The other two anti-popes. Benedict XHI. who was cliiefly owned in Spain, and Gregory XII. who had some partizans in Italy, were also pressed to resign; but, like John XXIII. they were de- termined to preserve the shadow of power as long as pos- sible. The three popes seemed to vie with one another in equivocation, artifice and disingenuity. However, Benedict and Gregory were not present at Constance, but sent thither their respective legates, during the ses- sions. At this moment, when the council seemed not a little embarrassed what course they should take, William Fillastre, a cardinal and a French divine, composed a memorial, which was highly acceptable both to the em- peror and to the nations. He even advanced a senti- ment, which, at last, very much prevailed in the assembly, and was actually reduced to practice; namely, that a "general council was authorized to depose even a lawful pope." This, as we have already observed, was the most beneficial effect of the council of Constance. The wisdom of Divine Providence weakened the strength of antichrist by the measures of a council, which, in the main, was destitute both of piety and probity. It is a remarkable instance of the love of power, in men who have been habituated to it, that John XXIII. even in the decline of his authority, was glad to signalize the relics of his pontificate by the canonization of Bridget, a Swedish woman, which took place in this same year, 1415. After numberless intrigues, in which the pope and the 1^5 HISTORY OF THE [C/mp. 3. emperor seemed to strive which should exceed the other in dissimulation, the former fled from the council to Schaffhausen; whence he wrote to the emperor, a letter couched in the most respectful terms. Schaffhausen, it should be observed, was a city belonging to Frederick, duke of Austria, who had promised to defend pope John. By this step, the designs of those, who really intended to put an end to the schism, seemed to be quashed en- tirely. Among these was the emperor himself, in whose conduct, scandalous and hypocritical as it was in the ex- treme, one object is yet plainly discernible, a sincere de- sire of restoring the unity of the hierarchy. He assured the council, on the day after the departure of pope John, that he would defend their authority to the last drop of his blood. He observed, that there were many antichrists in the world, who sought their own interest, not that of Jesus Christ: he inveighed against the conduct of John; he exposed his tyranny, simony, chicanery, and insince- rity, and exhorted them to judge him according to his deserts. Thus, while the members of this assembly agreed in persecuting the church of God, and still de- tained in prison the excellent John Huss, they were in- volved in extreme difficulties, and scarcely knew how to support the system of idolatry, and secular formality of religion, to which they were in general attached. The doctrine of the superiority of a council, started by Fil- lastre, was, however, maintained and pressed at this time in an elaborate discourse of John Gerson, chancellor of the university of Paris, who was looked upon as the soul of the assembly, and who, in fact, was one of the greatest men in that age, in erudition and knowledge. He admits the pope to be Christ's vicar on earth; but asserts that his power is limited, and ought to be restrained by cer- Cent.15.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 167 tain rules and laws for the edification of the church, to which the autliority of the pope, and all other persons ought to be devoted. Gerson seems to have disregarded the authority of Scripture, which knows nothing of such a vicar of Christ: common sense, however, and the ex- perience of the necessity of some restrictions of the papal power, appear to have suggested to this great man seve- ral salutary arguments and propositions. Nor is this the only instance in which we may see, that even mere natu- ral principles, without the aid of revelation, can proceed to a certain length in correcting the enormous abuses of a corrupt church. While the imperial and papal parties were thus con- tending, the commissioners endeavoured to oblige John Huss to retract, but in vain. Though infirm, and harass- ed, during his confinement in prison, with a variety of vexations, he answered to every particular inquiry and objection; at the same time, always desiring to be heard by the council itself The pope's oflScers hitherto guard- ed him; but these being gone to their master, he was de- livered to the bishop of Constance, arid was afterwards carried to the fortress of Gottleben. In his letters to his friends, he commends the pope's officers, for their gentle treatment, and expresses his fears of worse usage in his new circumstances. It was one of those remarkable instances of the con- duct of Divine Providence, with which the history of the council of Constance abounds, that John XXIII. himself, the unrighteous persecutor of Huss, was soon after brought as a prisoner to the same castle of Gottleben, and lodged in the same place with the victim of his cruelty. For Sigismund, determined to support the au- thority of the council, took such ineasures as effectually 168 HISTORY OF THE [C/m^p. 2. quashed the power of Frederick, duke of Austria, re- duced him to surrender at discretion, and obliged him to abandon the cause of the pope. Whence this pontiff, who at first had presided at the council, after having been driven to the necessity of fleeing from place to place, was at length confined at Gottleben, which was within half a league of Constance. Seldom has there been a case, which more remarkably showed, that, in external things, the same events often attend the righte- ous and the wicked. The real difference of condition between the pope and the martyr was internal, and ought to be measured by the different frame of their minds. The one was harassed with all the pangs of disappointed ambition, and had neither the knowledge nor the dispo- sition to console himself with the divine promises; the latter " in patience possessed his spirit, and rejoiced in hope of the glory of God.'^ John XXIII. was, at length, solemnly deposed, and was also rendered incapable of being re-elected. The same sentence was issued against Benedict XIII. and Gregory XII. The conduct of these three men, par- ticularly of the first, had been so infamous, that all the world applauded these determinations of the council. In general, the members of this assembly were influenced by superstitious, selfish, worldly motives; but this decision is among the very few important instances in which they merit commendation. While, contrary to every principle of justice, honour, and humanity, the Bohemian reformer was still detained in confinement, and still in vain solicited a fair hearing of his cause, there was exhibited at this council another striking example of the same spirit of persecution. Jerom of Prague arrived at Constance. He was a Cent. 15.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 169 master of arts, but had neither the clerical nor the mo- nastic character. He is universally allowed to have been a man of very superior talents. He had adhered to John Huss, and very vigorously seconded all his endeavours to promote a reformation in Bohemia. He had travelled into England for the sake of his studies, and had thence brought the books of Wickliff into his own country.* When Huss was setting out from Prague, Jerom had exhorted him to. maintain with steadfastness the doctrines which he had preached; and had promised that he would himself go to Constance to support him, if he should hear that he was oppressed. Huss, in one of his letters, expressly desired a fiiend to prevent Jerom's performance of this promise, lest he should meet with the same treat- ment as he himself had experienced. But Jerom had the generosity to disregard the intreaties of Huss, and came directly to Constance. Hearing, however, that Huss was not allowed a fair examination, and that some secret machination was carrying on against himself, he retired to Uberlingen, whence he wrote, to the emperor, to request a safe conduct. Sigismund refused to grant his petition. Upon which Jerom published a paper, de- claring it to be his desire to answer any charges of heresy that could possibly be brought against him. And for the purpose of executing so laudable an intention, he beg- ged, in the name of God, to have a safe conduct granted to him. '' If," says he, " I am put in prison, and violence is used against me before I am convicted, the council will manifest to the whole world their injustice by such a proceeding." The publication of this writing produced no satisfactory answer; and Jerom finding it impossible to be of any service to his friend Huss, resolved to re- * Camerar. Histor. NaiT. Vol. IT. Y 170 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 2. turn to his own country. After his departure from Con- stance, he was summoned to appear before the council; and a safe conduct or passport was despatched to him, which promised him, indeed, all manner of security, but it contained such a salvo to justice and the interests of the faith, as rendered it, in effect, a mere nullity: and as to the citation for his appearance, Jerom protested, on his first examination, that it had never reached his hands. To omit a long detail of uninteresting particulars, this persecuted reformer was arrested at Hirsaw on his re- turn to Bohemia, and led in chains to Constance. He was immediately brought before a general congre- gation, which seems, on this occasion, to have assembled for the express purpose of insulting, ensnaring, and brow- beating their virtuous prisoner. A bishop questioned him concerning his precipitate flight from Uberlingen, and his non-obedience to the citation. " Because," an- swered Jerom, " I was not allowed a safe conduct; not- withstanding, however, if I had known of the citation, I would have returned instantly, though I had been ac- tually on the confines of Bohemia." Upon this answer, there arose such a clamour in the assembly, that no one could be heard distinctly: every mouth opened at once, against Jerom; and the impartial spectator saw rather the representation of the baiting of a wM beast, than of a wise assembly investigating truth, and dispensing jus- tice. When order was restored, Gerson, who had for- merly known Jerom in France, and who discovered much acrimony towards both the Bohemian reformers, reproached him for having formerly given much offence to the university of Paris, by introducing several errone- ous propositions. With great spirit Jerom answered, that it was hard to have opinions objected to him, of so Cent.l5r\ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 171 long a date; and that, moreover, the disputations of young students were never to be considered as strict disquisi- tions of truth. " As I was admitted master of arts,"'' said he, " I used the liberty of discussion, allowed to philoso- phers; nor was I then charged with any error: I am still ready to maintain what I advanced at that time, if I am allowed; and also to retract, if I be convicted of mis- take." This was not the only instance in which Jerom had occasion to show his promptitude in answering calumnies. He was repeatedly attacked in a similar style; for a per- secuted follower of Christ is looked on, by the world, as lawful game The governors of the universities of Co- logne and of Heidelburg made heavy complaints of the heresies which the prisoner had maintained in those places respectively. " You vented several errors in our university," said a doctor from Cologne. " Be pleased to name one," answered Jerom. The accuser was in- stantly stopped in his career, and pleaded that his memo- ry failed him. " You advanced most impious heresies among us," said a divine from Heidelburg; " I remember one particularly, concerning the Trinity. You declared that it resembled water, snow, and ice." Jerom avowed, that he still persisted in his opinions, but was ready to retract with humility and with pleasure, when he should be convinced of an error. However, no opportunity was allowed either for explanation or defence: all was confusion and uproar: voices burst out from every quar- ter, " away with him, away with him; to the fire, to the fire." Jerom stood astonished at the gross indecency of this scene; and as soon as he could, in any degree, be heard, he looked round the assembly with a steady and most 172 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 3. significant countenance, and cried aloud, " since notliing but my blood will satisiy you, I am resigned to the will of God/' With suflicient adroitness, if the passage had but been quoted in support of a better cause, the arch- bishop of Saltzburg replied, "No, Jerom, God hath no pleasure in the death of the wicked, but that he turn from his way and live." After this tumultuous examination, Jerom was deliver- ed to the officers of the city, and immediately carried to a dungeon. Some hours afterward, Wallenrod, arch- bishop of Riga, caused him to be conveyed privately to St. Paul's church, where he was bound to a post, and his hands were chained to his neck. In this posture he remained ten days, and was fed with bread and water only. His friends, all this time, knew not what w^as be- come of him; till at length one of them received notice of his pitiable situation from the keeper of the prison, and procured him better nourishment. But notwith- standing this, the various hardships he had undergone, brought upon him a dangerous illness, in the course of which Jerom pressed the council to allow him a confes- sor. With difficulty he at length obtained his request: and, through the means of his confessor, the poor heretic procured some small mitigation of his sufferings from bonds and other cruel treatment. But he remained in prison till his execution. CHAPTER nr. John Russ, and Jerom of Prague, continued. The enemies of Huss laboured night and day for his destruction. His health and strength were decayed by Cent. 15.'} CHURCH OF CHRIST. 173 the rigour of confinement. The great men of Bohemia, repeatedly insisted on justice being done to their coun- trymen. But justice was a stranger at Constance: tiio emperor hiniseh" had perfidiously given up this fuitiiful servant of God to the malice of his enemies; and the council, as if conscious of the difikulty of condemning him openly, had recourse to the despicable means of at- tempting, by repeated insults and vexations, to shake his constancy, and render a public trial unnecessary. Me was frequently- examined in private. An air of violence and of menace was employed on those occasions, of which we may form some idea from one of the letters of Huss. " Causis,^' says he, " was there, holding a paper in his hand, and stirring up the bishop of Constantinople to oblige me to answer distinctly to each article it contain- ed. Every day he is brewing some mischief or other. God, for my sins, has permitted him and Paletz to lise up against me. Causis examines all my letters and words with the air of an inquisitor, and Paletz has written down all the conversation which we have had together for many years. I have this day suffered great vexation." The approbation of a good conscience, and the com- forting presence of the Spirit of God, appear to have supported this holy man in all his sufferings. He gave his adversaries no advantage over him either through warmth or timidity; he refused to give answers in private; he reserved himself to the public trial which he had always solicited; he retracted nothing of what he had openly preached, and he possessed his soul in patience and resignation. The unrighteous views of the council being thus far baffled, he was conducted to Constance, lodged in the 174 HISTORY OF THE ICliiip. 3. Franciscan monastery, and loaded with chains; in which condition he remained till the day of his condemnation. His first hearing before the council was attended with so much confusion through the intemperate rage of his enemies, that nothing could be concluded. In the se- cond, in which the eujperor was present, for the purpose of preserving order, Huss was accused of denying the doctrine of Iransubstantiation. Some Englishmen, who knew what Wickliff held on that point, and who were ready to take for granted, that Huss dissented in no arti- cle from their countryman, pressed him vehemently on the subject. It appeared, however, that the Bohemian teacher followed the church of Rome on this important doctrine; and the sincerity of his creed, though a mis- taken one, appears from his treatise on the body of Christ. John de Chlum, however, was not to be dismayed by the power and multitude of the adversaries of Huss: he supported the insulted victim of their fury with courage and constancy. In his third hearing, John Huss answer- ed the inquiries made to him concerning articles of sup- posed heresy, which were extracted from his own works. He answered severally to the questions with much clear- ness and candour, owning, denying, or explaining, as oc- casions required. He was vehemently pressed to retract his errors, to own the justice of the accusations, and to submit to the decrees of the council. But neither pro- mises nor menaces moved him. " To abjure," said he, " is to renounce an error that hath been held. But, as in many of those articles, errors are laid to my charge which I never thought of, how can I renounce them by oath? As to those articles, which I own to be mine, I will renounce them with all my heart, if any man will Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 175 teach me sounder doctrines than what I have advanced." His conscientious integrity, however, availed him not. The court demanded a universal retraction; and nothing short of that could procure him their favour. The tedious malignity of the third day's examination oppress- ed at length bolii the mind and body of Huss; and the more so, because he had passed the preceding night sleepless, through pain of the toothach. For some days before, he had -also been afllicted with the gravel, and was, in other respects, in a weak state of health. At the close of the examination he was carried back to prison, whither John de Chlum followed him. " Oh, what a comfort," said he, " was it to me, to see that this nobleman did not disdain to stretch out his arm to a poor heretic in irons, whom all the world, as it were, had for- saken!" In the same letter, in which he mentions this, he begs the prayers of his friend, because " the spirit in- deed is willing, but the flesh is weak." Such is the treatment, which the dearest and most faithful servants of God are frequently called upon to endure from an evil world. After the departure of Huss, Sigismund, with the most unrelenting barbarity, express- ed himself against him, as a heretic worthy of the flames. On the next day a form of retractation was sent to this persecuted prisoner, which, though it was penned in equivocal and ambiguous terms, plainly appeared, on the whole, to imply a confession of guilt. Huss therefore refused to sign it: and added, that he would rather be cast into the sea with a millstone about his neck, than give offence to his pious neighbours by acknowledging that to be true, which they knew to be false; that he had preached patience and constancy to others, and that 176 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 3. he was willing to show an example of these graces, and hoped by divine assistance to be enabled to do so. Tiie integrity of the Bohemian martyr was severely tried by the solicitations of several persons. But divine grace had given him the virtue of sincerity to a very eminent degree, so that the very least equivocation was abominable in his eyes. Even his enemy Paletz, in- wardly reverencing his virtue, took pains to induce him to retract. " Put yourselves in my place,'' said Huss; " what would you do, if you were required to retract certain errors, which you were sure you never held." '•' I own, it is a hard case," answered Paletz, with tears in his eyes. It is not improbable, that this man had never meant actually to expose his countryman to the flames: and it is extremely probable that he had never before considered the dilemma to which the spirit of per- secution must reduce a person of real integrity, namely, either to perjure himself, or to be consumed in the flames. One of the doctors, who visited Huss, said to him, " If the council should tell you, that you have but one eye, though you have really two, you would be obliged to agree with the council." " While God keeps me in my senses," replied Huss, " I would not say such a thing against my conscience, on the intreaty or command of the whole world." This holy personage foreseeing his end to be near, redeemed* the little time which was left to him, by writing letters, which were publicly read at Prague, in his chapel at Bethlehem, the once delightful scene of his ministry. One of these letters may be considered as a farewell sermon addressed to his flock. He intreats them to adhere solely to the word of God, and not to fol- * Eplies. V. 16. Cent.15.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 177 low himself, if they have observed any thing in him not agreeable to it; and he particularly begs them to pardon him, where he had been guilty of any levity in discourse or behaviour. He begs them to be grateful to John de Chlum, and another nobleman, who had been faithful to him in his sufferings. He adds, that he hears no news of Jerom, except that he was a prisoner like himself, waiting for the sentence of death; and he concludes with an earnest prayer, that the gospel of Christ may be always preached to them in his dear chapel of Bethle- hem. His firmness was tliat of a Christian, not of a stoic; founded in humility, not in pride. He experienced some attacks of the fears of death, but soon recovered his courage. " I am far," said he, " from the strength and zeal of the Apostle Peter. Jesus Christ has not given me his talents: besides I have more violent con- flicts, and a greater number of shocks to sustain. I say, therefore, that, placing all my confidence in Jesus Christ, I am determined, when I hear my sentence, to continue steadfast in the truth, even to the death, as the saints and you shall help me." Thus modestly does he write to a friend; and it is from his private epistolary cor- respondence, that the most genuine features of his cha- racter may be drawn. John Huss appears indeed to. have been one of those of whom " the world was not worthy;'"* and of no mere man could it ever be said with more propriety, that the world hated him, because he testified of it, that its works were evil. Undoubtedly, his open rebukes of sin, both by his public preaching and writings, and by the uniform purity and innocence of his manners, had inflamed the tempers of the great men of the age, both in church and state; yet, it was " Ileb. xi. 38, Vol. II. Z 178 HISTORY OF THE \_Chap. 5. scarcely to be expected, that the council of Constance should, even upon their own principles, proceed, without the least proof of heresy, to condemn to the flames, the most upright of men, because he refused to acknowledge that to be true which he believed to be false; or that this same council should justify the deceit and perfidy of their imperial president. Their conduct, therefore, is to be considered as a striking proof, not only of the general depravity of human nature, but also of the general wickedness and hypocrisy of the Roman church at that time. The council settled beforehand after what manner he was to be treated, in case he should retract* He was to have been degraded from the priesthood, and to be for ever shut up between four walls. This was the only reward which the unfeeling tyrants had intended to bestow on him, in the event of his wounding his con- science to gratify them. To lay the whole weight of blame on the popes, on account of the enormities of the Roman church, is to view that church superficially. It was generally and systematically corrupt: it had recently deposed three popes: it was, at present, without a pope; and yet could be guilty of crimes, not less heinous than some of the worst which the popes ever committed. The council, so lluss wrote the night before his deaths exhorted him to renounce every one of the articles, which iiad been extracted from his books; but he abso- lutely refused to accede to so unreasonable a requisition, except they could, from the Scriptures, prove his doc- trines to be erroneous, as they asserted them to be. It may he proper to have mentioned this circumstance here by way of anticipation, to obviate a misrepresentation * L'Enfunt, p. 363, vol. i. Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 179 which was studiously made concerning John Huss, as if he had iwomised to retract. On the contrary, it appears that he persisted to the last in the defence of his inno- cence with unshaken intepity. While the council was preparing the formalities of his condemnation, they enacted a decree to forbid the re- ception of the communion in both kinds; and assigned no other reason for it, except their regard to the doctrine of transubstantiation; at tiie same time they owned, that in the pnniiHve church, this sacrament in both kinds was received by the believers.^ Tiius the triumph of tlie Ro- man church seemed to be complete. She dared to own, that she contradicted primitive Cin'istianity, and she dared to enact, that those, who refused to obey her insti- tutions, though confessedly contrary to those of the pri- mitive church, ought to be treated as heretics! What is this but open, undisguised opposition to the commands of Jesus Christ? And what other name but that of anti- christ, can so well express the corrupt and presumptuous domination of the Romish hierarchy? But there is a voice in natural conscience, which it is not in the power of Satan easily to silence. Sigismund, inwardly ashamed of his baseness and perfidy towards Huss, wished to save the life of that good man, though. he saw that, according to the wicked policy of the coun- cil, this was not to be done, except the prisoner could be induced to forswear himself. Many persons, to second the views of the emperor, endeavoured to overcome the constancy of Huss: even the council sent several depu- tations to him for that purpose. One of this martyr's letters throws some light on these transactions.! " Pa- letz," says he, " attempts to persuade me, that I ought * L'Enfant, p. .386, vol. i. f Ibid. p. 397. 180 HISTORY OF THE IChap.S. to abjure, because of the great advantage which will accrue to me from it. I told him, that to be condemned and burned was not so scandalous, as to be guilty of falsehood." He speaks thus of his other accuser, Causis: " That poor man has been often with the deputies before the prison. I heard him say to the guards, If it please God, we shall shortly burn this heretic^ who has cost me so many florins in persecuting him." He wrote about the same time to a preacher of his acquaintance, concerning the decree of the council lately mentioned: They have condemned the communion of the cup with regard to the laity, as an erroi', and have condemned of heresy every one who violates their de- cree, though they have nothing but custom to oppose to an institution of Jesus Christ." The council now ordered the works of Huss to be burnt; on occasion of which circumstance, he writes to his friends, '■ That he was not discouraged on this ac- count; that Jeremiah's books met with the same treat- ment;* nevertheless the Jew^ suffered the calamities, which that faithful prophet had foretold. Consider, that they have condemned the pope, their god upon earth, for his crimes, particularly for selUng indulgences, bishoprics, and the like. But in this they are his ac- comphces. The bishop of Litomissel, who is at the council, went twice to buy the archbishopric of Prague, but others outbad him. They follow this traffic even at Constance, where one sells and anothers buys a bene- lice." At length he received another solemn deputation, in which were two cardinals and some prelates, who tried their utmost to induce him to recant. Huss, however, " .Terem. xxxvi. Gent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 181 persisted in his integrity, and announced Iiis resolution in terms of great vehemence and solemnity. Having withstood one more attempt of the emperor to shake iiis resolution, he was thus accosted by his friend John do Chlum. " I am a person of no learning, my dear Huss, and unfit to advise so learned a person as you. If you are convinced of any error, I venture, however, to advise you to retract it; if not, to endure whatever punishments shall be inflicted on you, rather than to do violence to your conscience!" An instance this of common sense and artless honesty, which deserves to be contrasted with the subtilty and intriguing spirit of the council. Huss answered with tears, that he called God to witness, how ready he was to retract sincerely and upon oath, the moment he was convinced of an error by the testimony of Holy Scripture. One of the prelates observed, " For my part, I am not so presumptuous as to prefer my pri- vate opinion to that of the whole council." " Let the meanest member of that council," replied Huss, " con- vince me of a mistake, and I am perfectly disposed to obey their injunctions." Some of the bishops observed, " See, how obstinate he is in his errors." He was now presented before the council in the pre- sence of the emperor, the princes of the empire, and of an incredible concourse of people. The bishop of Lodi preached a sermon from those words of St. Paul, " That the body of sin might be destroyed."* With the grossest ignorance or the most virulent and indecent malice he perverted the words to the purpose of the council: " De- stroy heresies and errors," said he, " but chiefly that ob- stinate heretic," pointing to the prisoner. While they were reading the articles extracted or pretended to be * Rom. vi. 182 HISTORY OF THE IChap.S. extracted from his works, Huss was beginning to answer to each distinctly, but was told that he might answer to them all at the same time, and was ordered at present to be silent. He expostulated against the unreasonableness of this injunction in vain. Lifting up his hands to heaven, he begged the prelates in God's name to indulge him with the freedom of speech, that he might justify himself before the people; " after which," said he. "you may dispose of me, as you shall think fit." But the pre- lates persisting in their refusal,* he kneeled down, and with uplifted eyes and hands, and with a loud voice, he recommended his cause to the Judge of all the earth. Being accused in the article of the sacrament, of having maintained that the material bread remains after conse- cration, he loudly declared, that he had never believed or taught so. Nothing could be more iniquitous than this charge, which he had fully refuted on his former examination. But the council was determined to burn him as a heretic, and it behoved them to exhibit, at any rate, some show of proving his heretical opinions. A still more shameless accusation was introduced: it was said, '-'A certain doctor bears witness, that Huss gave out, that he should become the fourth person in the Trinity." "What is the name of that doctor.^" replied the prisoner, protesting against the charge as a flagrant calumny, and making an orthodox confession of his faith on the subject of the Trinity. Nevertheless, the bishop, who had read the accusation, refused to mention the doctor^s name. Being again upbraided with his appeal to Jesus Christ, " Behold," said he, with his hands lifted up toward heaven, " most gracious Saviour, how the council condemns as an error what thou hast prescribed * Page 421, L'Enfant. Cknt. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 183 and practised, when, overbornBby enemies, thou com- mittedst thy cause to God thy Father, leaving us this ex- ample, that when we are oppressed, we may have re- couise to the judgment of God. Yes, continued he, turning toward the assembly, I have maintained and do still maintain, that an appeal made to Jesus Christ is most just anlp-ight, because He can neither be corrupt- ed by bribes, nor be deceived by false witnesses, nor be overreached by any artifice. — I came voluntarily to this council, under the public faith of the emperor here pre- sent." In pronouncing these last words, he looked earn- estly at Sigismund, who blushed at the sudden and un- expected rebuke.* Sentence was now pronounced against both John Huss and his books; and he was ordered to be degraded. The bishops clothed him with the priest's garments, and put a chalice into his hands. While they were thus em- ployed, he said, that •' the Jews put a white garment on our Lord Jesus Christ, to mock him, when Herod de- livered him to Pilate;" and he made reflections of the same kind on each of the sacerdotal ornaments. When he was fully apparelled, the prelates once more exhorted him to retract; and to thi| exhortation he replied with his usual firmness. They then caused him to come down from the stool, on which he stood, and pronounced these words, " 0 cursed Judas, who having forsaken the council of peace, art entered into that of the Jews, we take this chalice from thee, in which is the blood of Jesus Christ." But God was with the martyr, who cried aloud, " I trust, in the mercy of God, I shall drink of it * We are told, that when Charles V. was solicited at the diet of Worms to arrest Luther, notwithstanding the safe conduct which he had granted him, he replied, " I should not choose to blush with my predecessor Sigismund." — Op. Hus. torn. ii. 184 HISTORY OF THE [C^/mp. 5. this very day in his kin|Pom." Then they stripped him of all his vestments, one after another, uttering a curse on stripping him of each. Having completed his degra- dation by the addition of some other ridiculous insults not worthy of a distinct relation, they put a paper coro- net on his head, on which they had painte^three devils, with this inscription, arch-heretic, and saicflr^' We devote thy soul to the infernal devils." " I am glad," said the martyr, " to wear this crown of ignominy for the love of Him, who wore a crown of thorns." When the painted paper was placed upon his head^ one of the bishops said, "Now we commit thy soul to the devil." " But I," said Huss, " commit my spirit into thy hands, 0 Lord Jesus Christ; unto thee I commend my spirit which thou hast redeemed."* The council now ordered this sentence to be pronounced, namely, " The holy synod of Constance declares, that John Huss ought to be given up to the secular power, and does accordingly so give him up, considering that the church of God has no more to do with him." Sigismund committed the execution of Huss to the elector Palatine. The martyr, walking amidst his guards, declared his innocence to th4^ people. When he came near the place of execution, he kneeled and prayed with such fervour, that some of the people said aloud, " What this man has done before, we know not; but now we hear him offer up most excellent prayers to God." The elector Palatine prevented him from speaking to the people, and ordered him to be burned. " Lord Jesus," said Huss aloud, " I humbly suffer this cruel death for thy sake, and I pray thee to forgive all my enemies." His paper crown falling from off his head, the soldiers • Fox, Acts, 8ic. vol. i. p. 709. Cent. 15.^ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 185 put it* on again, saying, that it must be burnt with the devils, whom he l)ad served. His neck was fastened to the stake, and the wood was piled about him. The elector advanced, to exiiort him once more on the often repeated subject of retractation. " What I liave written and taught/'— these were the words of Huss, — " was in order to rescue souls from the power of the devil, and to deliver them from the tyranny of sin; and I do gladly seal, what I have written and taught, with my blood."' The elector withdrawing, the fire was kindled, and Huss was soon suffocated, having called on God as long as he could speak. Many other circumstances of the cruel indignity with which he was treated, it is not necessary to relate. It is more to our purpose to observe what iEneas Sylvius, a Roman Catholic historian, records of John Huss and of Jerom of Prague. " They went,^' says he, " to the stake, as to a banquet; not a word fell from them, which dis- covered the least timidity; they sung hymns in the flames, to the last gasp, without ceasing." The council, with Sigismund at their head, still pre- served the most solemn forms of religion, though their conduct continued to be destitute of humility, justice, and humanity. Gerson preached a sermon concerning the reformation of the church, the object of which seems to have been, to transfer to the general council, that despotic power, which had been supposed, on divine authority, to rest with the pope. * In the mean time, Jerom of Prague was repeatedly examined; and he continued to sustain the rigour of his confinement with patience and con- stancy. Toward the latter end of the same year, 1415, a letter • Page 429, L'Enfswit. Vol. it. 2 A 186 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 3- was sent to the council from Bohemia, signed by about sixty principal persons, barons, noblemen, and others of Bohemia,* an extract of which is as follows: " We know not from what motive ye have condemned John Huss, bachelor of divin^-^, and preacher of the gospel. Ye have put him to a cruel and ignominious death, though convicted of no heresy. We wrote in his vindication, to Sigismund, king of the Romans. This apology of ours ought to have been communicated to your congregations; but we have been told that ye burnt it in contempt of us. We protest therefore, with the heart as well as with the lips, that John Huss was a man very honest, just, and orthodox; that for many years he conversed among us with godly and blameless manners; that during all those years he explained, to us and to our subjects, the gospel and the books of the Old and New Testament, according to the exposition of holy doctors approved by the church; and that he has left writings behind him in which he constantly abiiors ail heresy. He taught us also to detest every thing heretical. In his discourses he constantly exhorted us to the practice of peace and charity, and his own life exhibited to us a distinguished example of these virtues. After all the inquiry which we have made, we can find no blame attached to the doctrine or to the life of the said John Huss; but on the contrary every thing pious, laudable, and worthy of a true pastor. Ye have not only. disgraced us by his condemnation, but have also unmercifully imprisoned, and perliaps already put to death, Jerom of Prague, a man of most profound learn- ing and copious eloquence. Him also ye have condemn- ed unconvicted. Notwithstanding all that hath passed, we are resolved to sacrifice our lives for the defence of * L'^nfant, p. 506, vol. i. Cent. 15.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 187 the gospel of Christ, and of his faithful preachers/' This letter was unanimously approved in an assembly of Bo- hemian lords, held at Prague. John de Trocznovv, chamberlain to Wenceslaus king of Bohemia, known by the name of Zisca, or the one- eyed, was one of the Bohemian noblemen, who highly resented the base conduct of the council, Wenceslaus asking him one day what he was musing upon, I was thinking, said he, on the aflfiout offered to our kingdom by the death of' John Huss. " It is out of your power or mine to revenge it," said the king: " but if you know which way to do it, exert yourself" From that time Zisca meditated those military projects, for which he was afterwards so famous in history. The council, startled at the expostulations of the Bo- hemian lords, yet being still determined to maintain their own unjust authority; at length, partly by promises, and partly by threatenings, induced Jerom of Prague to re- tract his sentiments. To carry this point, they appear to have used their utmost efforts: and it is not difficult to comprehend their motives. They were anxious to avoid the infamy which would unavoidably be connected with their execution of another great and good man. Jerom's retractation was at first ambiguous and equivocal, afterwards explicit and circumstantial. He anathema- tized the articles both of WicklifF and of Huss, and de- clared that he believed every thing which the council be- lieved. He even added, that if in future any doctrine should escape from him contrary to his recantation, he would submit to everlasting punishment! Thus was dis- graced before all the woiid, and humbled in his own eyes, a man of most excellent morals, of superior parts, and of great learning and fortitude. Reader! this is an 188 HISTORY OF THE ICIwi). 3. event, memorable in the annals of human imbecility. Consider dihgcntly the instruction it affords. The power and the mercy of God, in owning his fallen servant, and m afterwards restoring and supporting him, were mag- nified, in this instance, in a very striking manner. Jerom, notwithstanding his retractation, was remand- ed to prison, where, however, we find he was allowed a little more liberty than before.* There were those, who, not content with the unhappy retractation of Jerom, insisted upon his being tried a second time; and Gerson himself, with his usual zeal against heresy, was not ashamed to use his utmost efforts in promoting this most iniquitous measure. The council actually proceeded to examine Jerom again upon the articles formerly exhibited against him, and also upon fresh articles, collected in Bohemia by certain Carmelite friars, and now for the first time brought forward. The prisoner refused to be sworn, because they denied him the liberty of defence. Then it was that this great man, whom a long series of afflictions and cruel persecution, and above all, the consciousness of his late prevarication, had brought into the lowest distress, began to exhibit that strength of mind, that force of genius and eloquence, and that in- tegrity and fortitude, which will be the admiration of all ages. How bitterly he had repented, and mourned over his fall, and with what exercises of soul he had been disciphned in secret, the intelh'gent Christian may easily conceive, though we have no particular account on record. We know, indeed, that after he had acted against his conscience, he retired from the council with a heavy heart. His chains had been taken from him, •* L'Enfant, p. 513, vol. i. Cent. 15.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 189 but the load was transferred from his body to his mind; and the caresses of those about him served only to mock his sorrow. The anguish of liis own reflections rendered his prison a more gloomy sohtnde than he had ever found it before. Jerom, howevQr, was not an apostate; and the God whom he served, had compassion on the in- firmities of his nature, and did not desert him in his bumihation. No, he made his latter end to be blessed and glorious. "How unjust is it," exclaimed this Christian hero, "that ye will not hear me! Ye have confined me three hundred and forty days in several prisons, where I have been cramped with irons, almost poisoned with dirt and stench, and pinched with the want of all necessaries. During this time ye always gave to my enemies a hear- ing, but refused to hear me so much as a single hour. I wonder not, that since ye have indulged them with so long and so favourable an audience, they should have had the address to persuade you, that I am a heretic, an enemy to the faith, a persecutor of the clergy, and a villain. Thus prejudiced, ye have judged me unheard, and ye still refuse to hear me. Remember, however, that ye are but men: and as such ye are fallible, and may suffer others to impose on you. It is said, that all learning and all wisdom is collected in this council. The more then does it behove you to take heed that ye act not rashly, lest ye should be found to act unjustly. I know that it is the design of this council to inflict sen- tence of death upon me. But when all is done, I am an object of small importance, who must die sooner or later. Therefore what I say is more for your sakes than my own. It ill becomes the wisdom of so many great men to pass an unjust decree against me, and by 190 HISTORY OF THK IChap. 5. this to establish a precedent for consequences much more pernicious tlian my to 1541, composed by Frederic Myconius, a very able coadjutor of Luther and Melancthon, the author de- scribes the state of religion in the beginning of this cen- tury in striking terms. '• The passion and satisfaction of Christ were treated as a bare history, like the Odyssey of Homer: concerning faith, by which the righteousness of the Redeemer and eternal life are apprehended, there was the deepest silence: Christ was described as a severe judge, ready to condemn all who weref destitute of the intercession of saints, and of pontifical interest. In the room of Christ, were substituted as saviours and inter- cessors, the Virgin Mary, like a pagan Diana, and other saints, who from time to time had been created by the * 2 Cor. iv. 7. f Seckendorf, vol. i. p. 4. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 209 popes. Nor were men, it seems, entitled to the benefit of their prayers, except they deserved it of them by their works. What sort of works was necessary for this end was distinctly explained; not the works prescribed in the decalogue, and enjoined on all mankind, but such as enrich the priests and monks. Those who died neglect- ing these, were consigned to hell, or at least to purgatory, till they were redeemed from it by a satisfaction made either by tliemselves or by their proxies. The frequent pronunciation of the Lord's Prayer and the salutation of the Virgin, and the recitations of the canonical hours, constantly engaged those who undertook to be religious. An incredible mass of ceremonious observances was every where visible; while gross wickedness was practised, under the encouragement of indulgences, by which the guilt of the crimes was easily expiated. The preaching of the word was the least part of the episcopal function: rites and processions employed the bishops perpetually, when engaged in religious exercises. The number of clergy was enormous, and their lives were most scanda- lous. I speak of those whom I have known in the town of Gothen," &c. If we add to this the testimony of Pel- licanus, another of Luther's followers, " that a Greek Testament could not be procured at any price in all Ger- many,"* what can be wanting to complete the picture of that darkness in which men lived, and in what did the Christian nations differ from pagans, except in the name.-^ It may be proper to mention, that even the university of Paris, the first of all the famous schools of learning, could not furnish a single person capable of supporting a controversy against Luther on the foundation of Scrip- ture. And scarcely any Christian doctor in the begin- * Seckendorf, vol. i. p. 132. Voi,. II. 2 D flO HISTORY OF THK IChap. 1. ning of this century had a critical knowledge of the word of God. The reader may tind it useful to be detained a little longer in contemplating the situation of the Chris- tian world at the time of Luther's appearance. The ob- servations I have to offer for this purpose shall be ar- ranged under four distinct heads; and they will, I trust, assist us in demonstrating the importance of the reforma- tion, and fully evince that the difference between Popery and Protestantism is not merely verbal. 1. The popish doctrine of indulgences was then in the highest reputation. We shall be in no danger of mis- representing this doctrine, if we state it according to the ideas of one of the ablest champions of popery.* The church, he tells us, imposes painful works or sufferings on offenders; which, being discharged or undergone with humility, are called satisfactions; and when regarding the fervor of the penitents, or other good works, she re- mits some part of the task; this is called " an indulgence." For he pretends that the infinite satisfaction of Christ may be applied in two ways, either by entire remission, without the reservation of any punishment, or by the changing of a greater punishment into a less. " The first, he says, is done in baptism, the second in the case of sins committed after baptism." And here he gives us -the authority of the council of Trent, to support his as- sertion, namely, " The power to grant indulgences has been committed to the church by Jesus Christ, and the use of them is beneficial to salvation." Those, he ob- serves, who depart this life indebted to divine justice for some of the pains reserved, must suffer them in another life in the state of purgatory. * Bossuet, bishop of Meaux, in an Exposition of the Doctrine of the Catho lie Church in matters of Controversy. Cent. 16.} CHURCH OF CHRIST. 211 Reliefs are however provided in this case also; the benefit of indulgences extends, it seems, beyond the grave, and the doctrine of commutation for offences, ap- pHed in real practice by the friends of the deceased, was held to be valid in heaven. Tlie foundation of all this system was generally believed to be this: There was sup- posed to be an infinite treasure of merit in Christ and the saints, which was abundantly more than sufficient for themselves. Thus, what is strictly true of the Divine Saviour, was asserted also of saints, namely, that they had done works of supererogation. This treasure was deposited in the church, under the conduct of the See of Rome, and was sold, literally sold for money, at that See's discretion, to those who were able and willing to pay for it; and few were found willing to undergo the course of a severe penance of unpleasant austerities, when they could afford to commute for it by pecuniary payments. The popes, and under them the bishops and the clergy, particularly the Dominican and Franciscan friars, had the disposition of this treasure; and as the pontiffs had the power of canonizing new saints at their own will, the fund was ever growing; and so long as the system could maintain its credit, the riches of their church, thus secularized under the appearance of reli- gion, became a sea without a shore. No impartial ex- aminer of authentic records will say, that I have over- charged this account of indulgences. In fact, these were the symptoms of the last stage of papal depravity; and as the moral evils, which they encouiaged, were plain to every one not totally destitute of discernment, they were the first objects assaulted by the reformers. 2. But the views of those wise and holy personages were far more extensive. They saw, that a practice so 212 HISTORY OF THE iClwp. 1. scandalously corrupt, was connected with tlie grossest ignorance of the nature of gospel grace. The doctrine of justification, in its explicit form, had been lost for many ages to the Christian world. If men had really believed, that by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ sal- vation was obtained, and that God "justifies the ungodly" through faith alone, how could they have been imposed on by the traffic of indulgences.'^ In whatever manner the papist might subtilize and divide, he was compelled by his system to hold, that by a compliance with the rules of the church, either in the way of indulgences, or by some severer mode, pardon was to be obtained: and that the satisfaction of Christ was not sufficiently meritorious for this end; in other words, that the gift of God is not eternal life by Jesus Christ our Lord.* And in fact the preachers of indulgences, whether popes themselves or their ministers, held out to the people with sufficient clearness, that the inheritance of eternal life was to be purchased by indulgences. Proofs of this have already appeared in the course of this history, and more will be given hereafter. The testimony of Sleidan, one of the most judicious and dispassionate historians, to the nature of indulgences, well deserves to be transcribed in this place. It is contained in the begijining of his excellent history. " Pope Leo X. making use of that power, which his predecessors had usurped over all Christian churches, sent abroad into all kingdoms his letters and bulls, with ample promises of the full pardon of sins, and of eternal salvation to such as would purchase the same with money!!!" Even when the traffic of indulgences was checked by the pontiffij, as being carried on in too gross a manner, no clear account was given in what the * See Roin. vi, end. Cent.XG.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 213 abuse consisted. Iti fine, it was evident, that no refor- mation could take place through the medium of quahfy- ing and correcting abuses of this traffic. The system itself was wliolly impious, and the right knowledge of justitication was the only remedy adeqfuate to the evil. This, therefore, the reader is to look for, as the most capital object of the reformation: and thus, in the demo- lition of one of the vilest perversions of superstition, there suddenly arose and revived, in all its infant simplicity, that apostolical doctrine, in which is contained the great mystery of the Scriptures. 3. The state of mankind at that time was peculiarly adapted to the reception of so rich a display of gospel grace. God sent a plentiful rain, whereby he refreshed his inheritance, when it was weary.* Men w^ere then bound fast in fetters of iron: their whole religion was one enormous mass of bondage. Terrors beset them on every side; and the fiction of purgatory was ever teeming with ghosts and apparitions. Persons truly serious, and such there ever were and will be, because there ever w^as and will be a true church on earth, were so clouded in their understandings by the prevailing corruptions of the hierarchy, that they could find no access to God by Jesus Christ. The road of simple faith, grounded on the divine promises, connected always with real humility, and always productive of hearty and grateful obedience, was stopped up with briers and thorns. No certain rest could be afforded to the weary mind, and state of doubt, of al- lowed doubt and anxiety, was recommended by the papal system. What a joyful doctrine then was that of the real gospel of remission of sins through Christ alone re- ceived by faith! a doctrine, which is indeed to be found * Ps. bcviii. 9. 214 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 1. every where in the Scriptures; but the Scriptures were almost unknown among the people at the beginning of the Reformation. 4. Should the philosophical sceptic, or the pharisaical formalist, express his surprise, that I should lay so great a stress on the Christian article of justification, and won- der that any persons should ever be at a loss to discover the way of obtaining true peace of conscience; it may be useful towards satisfying his scruples, to remind such a character of a fourth mark of corruption, which much prevailed in the times previous to the reformation. This is, the predominance of the Aristotelian philosophy in Europe at that period; a philosophy, which knew nothing of original sin and native depravity, which allowed no- thing to be criminal but certain external flagitious actions, and which was unacquainted with the idea of any righte- ousness of grace, imputed to a sinner. How many in this age, who neither know nor value Aristotle, do yet altogether follow his self-righteous notions of religion! These are congenial to our fallen nature, and are inca- pable, while they prevail in the mind, of administering any cure to papal bondage, except that which is worse than the disease itself They tend to lead men into the depths of atheistic profaneness. But the person, whom God raised up particularly at this time to instruct an ignorant world, was most remarkably eminent for self- knowledge. Only characters of this sort are qualified to inform mankind in subjects of the last importance to- wards the attainment of their eternal happiness. Luther knew himself; and he knew also the scriptural grounds on which he stood in his controversies with the ecclesi- astical rulers. His zeal was disinterested, his courage undaunted. Accordingly, when he had once erected Cenf.ie.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 215 the standard of truth, he continued to uphold it with an unconqueral^le intrepidity, which merits the gratitude and esteem of all succeeding ages * CHAPTER II. The Beginning of the Controversy concerning Indulgences. Pope Alexander VI. the most flagitious of men,, died in the year 1503. After the short interval of the domi- nion of Pius III. who ruled tlie church less than a year, Julius II. was elected pontiff. A circumstance attended this election, which deserves to be recorded! as a memo- rable indication of those times. The cardinals agreed upon oath before the election, and obliged the new pontiff after his election to take the same oath, that a general council should be called within two years, to reform the church. The effect of this measure, which so strongly implied the consent of the Christian world to the necessity of a re- formation, was the council of Pisa. 5ut nothing good was to be expected from Julius, a man, in the language of worldly greatness, renowned for military ambition. By his intrigues the council of Pisa was dissolved, and Julius died in 1513, after he had filled the Christian world with blood and confusion by his violence and ra- pacity. Leo X.,| a man famous for the encouragement of let- * Milner. f Seckendorf, vol. i. p. 3. i Tliis prelate, the son of Lorenzo the Magnificent, was ordained at the age of seven years, nnade an abbot before he was eight years old, and at the age of thirteen became a cardinal ! Such was the influence of his father in the court of Rome ! Lorenzo, in a prudential letter to his son, tells him, that he had heard with pleasure of his attention to communion and confession; and that there was no better way for him to obtain the favour of heaven, than bv ha- 21tJ HISTORY OF THE iChap. Q. ters and the fine arts, and deservedly celebrated among the patrons of learned men, succeeded. But historical veracity can scarcely admit any further encomium on his character, lie was a Florentine of the illustrious house of the Medici, and inherited the elegant taste and mu- nificent spirit of that family. He was elected pope in the thirty-seventh year of his age. Though refined and humanized by his love of the liberal arts, and extremely abhorrent from the savage manners of Alexander and of Julius, he possessed other qualities, no less inconsistent than theirs with the character of a pastor of the church of Christ. An excessive magnificence, a voluptuous in- dolence, and above all, a total want of religious principle, rendered him perhaps more strikingly void of every sa- cerdotal qualification than any pontiffs before him. He has been accused of open infidelity; but the proofs are said to be only negative; certainly, however, he at no time took the least pains to discover to mankind, that he had a sincere reverence for religion. It was during the pontificate of this man, that Providence gave the severest blow to the authority of the Roman hierarchy, which it had ever received since the days of Gregory II. Both before his exaltation and after it, he opposed with dexterity and success the laudable attempts after a re- formation, which have been mentioned. A council call- ed by this pope, and held in the Lateran palace, was di- rected under his auspices against the determinations of the council of Pisa. Afterwards, in the year 1517, the university of Paris, renowned at that time through Eu- rope for learning and knowledge, appealed from its de- bituating himself to the performance of such duties, Roscoe'sLife of Lorenzo de Medici. — Lorenzo appears to have known the art of rising in this world, better than the narrow road to eternal life. Cent.l6r\ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 217 cisions to a future general council. It is not necessary to enter into the detail of these transactions. They are here briefly mentioned in a general way, for the purpose of showing that common sense and the voice of natural conscience had agreed to the necessity of a reformation, though men knew not the principles on which it ought to proceed The greatest personages of the times had delivered their sentiments to the same effect. The ex- istence of tiie distemper was admitted. The true re- medy was unknown; that was to be drawn only from the word of God; and almost all parties were equally igno- rant of the contents of the sacred volumes. In this same year, however, the spirit of Luther was raised up, to in- struct the ignorant, to rouse tHfe negligent, and to oppose the scandalous practices of interested and ambitious ecclesiastical rulers. No reformer had ever an opportunity more favourable to his designs. Such was the temerity of the existing hierarchy, that they might seem even to have purposely afforded to their opponents an advantage for the begin- ning of a contest, or rather to have been providentially infatuated. Leo X. after he had presided almost five years, having reduced himself to straits by his prodigal expenses of various kinds, and being desirous to com- plete the erection of St. Peter's church, begun at Rome by his predecessor Julius II., after his example had re- course to the sale of indulgences, the general nature of which Maimbourg describes much in the same manner as has been done in the foregoing chapter.* These he * Seckend. p. 8. Let the reader remember that this incomparable author, Seckendorf, gives us all along the very words of his antagonist, whence the papal as well as the protestaiit materials are continually held up to view. Even Du Pin allows, that Leo was naturally proud and lofty; and he con- fesses, that the erection of St. Peter's church was the occasion of tiiat pope's having recourse to the sale of indulgences. Book ii. chap. L Vol. n. 2E 218 HISTORY OF THE [C/mp. 2. published throughout the Christian world, granting freely to all, who would pay money for the building of St. Peter's church, the license of eating eggs and cheese in the time of Lent. This is one of the many ridiculous circumstances which attended Leo's indulgences, and it is gravely related by the papal historians. The promul- gation of these indulgences in Germany, was committed to a prelate, the brother of the elector of Brandenburg. His name was Albert, a man who at that very time held two archbishoprics, namely, those of Mentz and of Magdeburg, and who himself received immense profits from the sale. Albert delegated the office to John Tetzel, a Dominican inquisitor, well qualified for an employment of this kind. He was a l/bld and enterprising monk, of uncommon impudence, and had already distinguished himself in a similar transaction. He had proclaimed in- dulgences in support of the war against the Muscovites, and by that means had much enriched the Teutonic knights, who had undertaken that war. " This fronlless monk," says a celebrated ecclesiastical historian,* " exe- cuted this iniquitous commission not only with matchless insolence, indecency, and fraud, but even carried his im- piety so far as to derogate from the all-sufficient power and influence of the merits of Christ. Myconius assures us, that he himself heard Telzel declaim with incredible effrontery, concerning the unlimited power of the pope and the efficacy of indulgences. The people believed, that the moment any person had paid the money for the indulgence, he became certain of his salvation, and that the souls, for whom the indulgences were bought, were instantly released out of purgatory. So Maimbourg al- lows; and if the people really believed the current doc- * Moslieim. Cent. 16.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 219 trine of the times, and looked on the preachers of indul- gences as men worthy of credit, tliey must have believed so. We have formerly seen popes themselves to hold this confident language. John Tetzel boasted, that he had saved more souls from hell by his indulgences, than St. Peter had converted to Christianity by his preaching. He assured the purchasers of them, that their crimes, however enormous, would be forgiven; whence it be- came almost needless for him to bid them dismiss all fears concerning their salvation. For remission of sins being fully obtained, what doubt could there be of salva- tion? In the usual form of absolution, written by his own hand, he said, "May our Lord Jesus Christ have mercy upon thee, and absolve thee by the merits of his most holy passion! And I, by his authority, that of his apostles Peter and Paul, and of the most holy pope grant- ed and committed to me in these parts, do absolve thee, first, from all ecclesiastical censures in whatever manner they have been incurred; and then from all the sins, transgressions, and excesses, how enormous soever they may be, even from such as are reserved for the cog- nizance of the holy see: and as far as the keys of the holy church extend, I remit to thee all the punishment which thou deservest in purgatory on their account; and I restore thee to the holy sacraments of the church, to the unity of the faithful, and to that innocence and purity which thou possessed at baptism, so that when thou diest, the gates of punishment shall be shut, and the gates of the paradise of delight shall be opened; and if thou shalt not die at present, this grace shall remain in full force when thou art at the point of death. In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost."*— Such * Seckend. p. 14. 220 HISTORY OF THE \_Chap. 2. was the style in which these formulas were written. It is impertinent to blame the abuses committed by the offi- cials; it is not to be supposed, that these formulas were without papal authority; neither has any thing of that kind ever been asserted. In regard to the effect of in- dulgences in delivering persons from the supposed tor- ments of purgatory, the gross declarations of Tetzel in public are well known: " The moment the money tinkles in the chest, your father's soul mounts up out of purga- tory." It does not appear, that the rulers of the hierarchy ever found the least fault with Tetzel as exceeding his commission, till an opposition was openly made to the practice of indulgences. Whence it is evident, that the Protestants have not unjustly censured the corruptions of the court of Rome in this respect. Leo is declared to have granted, immediately and without hesitation,* the profits of the indulgences collected in Saxony and the neighbouring countries as far as the Baltic, to his sister, the wife of prince Cibus, by way of gratitude for per- sonal favours which he had received from the family of the Cibi. The indulgences were farmed to the best bidders, and the undertakers employed such deputies to carry on the traffic, as they thought most likely to pro- mote their lucrative views. The inferior officers con- cerned in this commerce were daily seenf in public houses, enjoying themselves in riot and voluptuousness. In fine, whatever the greatest enemy of popery could have wished, was at that time exhibited with the most undisguised impudence and temerity, as if on purpose to render that wicked ecclesiastical system infamous before all mankind. It may not be improper to introduce the following • >Lumbourg, p. 11. f ^d- P- 12. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 221 auecclote concerning Tetzel, the audacious vender of the papal indulgences. When the emperor Maximilian was at Inspruck, he was so offended at the wickedness and impudence of Tetzel, who had been convicted of adultery, that he con- demned him to death, and had intended to have him seized and put into a bag, and flung into the river (Eno- ponte; but he was prevented by the solicitations of Fre- derick the elector of Saxony; who, fortunately for Tetzel, happened to be there at the time.* Burnet informs us, that the scandalous sale of pardons and indulgences had by no means so completely ceased in popish countries as is commonly taken for granted. He says, that in Spain and Portugal there is every where a commissary, who manages the sale with the most in- famous circumstances imaginable. In Spain, the king, by an agreement with the pope, has the profits. In Por- tugal, the king and the pope go shares. "In the year 1709, the privateers of Bristol took a galleon, in which they found five hundred bales of bulls" for indulgences " and sixteen reams were in a bale. So that they reckon the whole came to 3,840,000. These bulls are imposed on the people, and sold, the lowest at three ryals, a little more than twenty pence, but to some at about eleven pounds of our money. All are obliged to buy them in Lent." The author adds, " Besides the account given of this in the cruising voy- age, I have a particular attestation of it by Captain Dam- pier."t Protestants in our times are not sufficiently aware of the evils from which, under the blessing of God, a great part of Europe has been delivered, by the rational, ani- • Adam. Melch. f ^ol. iii. Introd. p. xx. 222 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 2. mated, and persevering exertions of Luther, his associates, and other early reformers. Indulgences were granted also under the pontificate of Leo X. on many particular occasions. The consecrated Host had been lost at the parish church at Schiniedeberg in the diocese of Misnia: in consequence of which, the pastor had excommunicated the deacon and the porter of the church. These men, whom the superstition of the times had made culprits, had, however, recourse to the generosity of Tetzel, who was in the neighbourhood, and who furnished them with a diploma of absolution.* The prices of these indulgences were accommodated Vo the various circumstances of petitioners; and thus a plan was formed and was successfully carrying into execution, which would infallibly lay all orders of men under con- tribution. The prodigious sale of indulgences evinces both the profound ignorance of the age, and also the power of superstitious fears, with which the consciences of men were then distressed. This however was the very situation of things, which opened the way for the reception of the gospel. But who was to proclaim the gospel in its native beauty and simplicity .-' To give a satisfactory answer to this question was no easy matter. The princes, the bishops, and the learned men of the times, saw all this scandalous traffic respecting the par- don of sins; but none was found who possessed the knowledge, the courage, and the honesty, necessary to detect the fraud, and to lay open to mankind the true doctrine of salvation by the remission of sins through Jesus Christ. But at length an obscure pastor appear- ed, who alone and without help, began to erect the standard of sound religion. No man who believes that, * Seckend. p. 15. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 223 *• the preparation of the heart is from the Lord," will doubt whether Martin Luther, in this great undertaking, was moved by the Spirit of God. This extraordinary person, at that time an Augustine monk, was professor or lecturer of the university of Wittemberg in Saxony. That academy was at once a college of students and a society of monks. Frederick the Wise, elector of Saxony, ardently desirous of promoting Mterary know- ledge, had added the former character to the latter, and always showed a steady regard to Luther, on account of his skill and industry in advancing the reputation of that infant seminary of knowledge, which then was very low and abject both in its revenues and its exterior appear- ance. Luther preached also from time to time, and heard confessions.* In the memorable year 1517, it happened, that certain persons, repeating their confes- sions before him, and owning themselves to be atrocious offenders, yet refused to comply with the penances which he enjoined them, because they said they were possessed of diplomas of indulgences. Luther was struck with the evident absurdity of such conduct, and ventured to refuse them absolution. The persons thus rejected, complain- ed loudly to Tetzel, who was preaching in a tow^n at no great distance. The Dominican inquisitor had not been accustomed to contradiction. He stormed and frowned, and menaced every one who dared to oppose him; and sometimes he ordered a pile of wood to be constructed and set on fire, for the purpose of striking terror into the minds of heretics. Luther was at that time only thirty-four years old, vigorous both in mind and body, fresh from the schools, and fervent in the Scriptures. He saw crowds flock to Wittemberg and the neighbour- * Seckend. p. 17. 224. HISTORY OF THE IChap, 2. ing towns to purchase indulgences, and having no clear idea of the nature of that traffic, yet sensible of the ob- vious evils with which it must be attended, he began to signify, in a gentle manner, from the pulpit, that the people might be better employed than in running from place to place to procure indulgences. So cautiously did this great man begin a work, the consequence of which he then so little foresaw. He did not so much as know at that time, who were the receivers of the money. In proof of this, we find he wrote to Albert, archbishop of Mentz, who, he understood, had appointed Tetzel to this employment, but with whose personal concern in the gains he was then unacquainted, intreating him to withdraw the license of Tetzel, and expressing his fears of the evils which would attend the sale of indulgences. He sent him likewise certain theses, which he had drawn up in the form of queries, concerning this subject. He expressed himself with the greatest caution and modesty. In fact, he saw enough to alarm a tender conscience, but he knew not well where to fix the blame. He was not, as yet, fully satisfied in his own mind, either as to the extent of the growing mischief, or the precise nature of its cause. In this state of doubt and anxiety, he wrote also to other bishops, and particularly to his own dio- cesan the bishop of Brandenburg,* with whom he was a particular favourite. Nothing can be more orderly, candid, and open, than this conduct of our reformer.f Zeal and charity were * Seckend. p. 16. f Du Pin, in conjunction with all the Roman Catholic writers, asserts that Luther's zeal for the interest of his own order, led hira to oppose the doctrine of indulgences. The best refutation of this calumny is to be derived from a fair statement of facts. It has been said hkewise, that Staupitius, the vicar- general of Luther's order of monks, and that the elector of Saxony, stimulated Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 225 here united with the most perfect regard to ecclesiastical disciphne. The hishop of Brandenburg reverenced the integrity of Luther, while he was aware of the dangerous ground on which he was advancing. " You will oppose the church/' he replied, "you cannot think in what troubles you will involve yourself; you had much better be still and quiet." This was not a language calculated to repress the firm and intrepid spirit of the Saxon monk; for, though by no means as yet a competent master of the points in debate, he saw they were of too great mag- nitude for a conscientious pastor to pass them by un- noticed: he knew too the manners of lower life, and could judge, far better than the bishops in general could do, of the mischievous consequences whicli were to be apprehended. With deliberate steadiness he ventured therefore to persevere; and having tried in vain to pro- cure the concurrence of the dignitaries of the church, he published his theses, ninety-five in number; and in fif- teen days they were spread throughout Germany. Their effect on the minds of men was rapid and powerful, though Tetzel, by threats, had silenced some pastors who had faintly opposed him, and though bishops and doctors, through fear of the flames, remained perfectly silent, " Thus," says Luther, for much of the foregoing ac- count is taken from his own words, " I was commended as an excellent doctor, who alone had the spirit to at- tempt so great an undertaking; but the fame which I had acquired was by no means agreeable to my mind; be- cause I had then some doubts concerning the nature of Luther to commence his opjjosition. But tliere is no where to be found the smallest proof of these assertions. The love of truth itself appears from his whole conduct to have influenced his measures, and the story needs only to be fairly told, in order to convince any candid person that this was the case. VoT.. II. 2 F 226 HISTORY OF THE [C/mp. 2. indulgences, and because I feared that the task was be- yond my powers and capacity/'* But the real motives of Luther will be discovered in the surest manner by a brief review of the manners and spirit of the man, previous to his open declarations re- specting indulgences. This Saxon reformer was born in the year 1483, at Isleben, a town belonging to the county of Mansfield. His father wrought in the mines of Mansfield, which were at that time very famous; and, after the birth of his son Martin Luther, removed to that town, became a proprietor in the mines, discharged pub- He offices there, and was esteemed by all men for his in- tegrity. He gave a very liberal education to Martin, who was remarkable for dutiful affection to his parents in general, though in one instance, to be mentioned pre- sently, he was led away by the superstition of the times, so as to offend his father exceedingly. After he had made great proficiency in his studies at Magdeburg, Eisenach, and Erfurt, he commenced master of arts in the university of Erfurt, at the age of twenty; and having now finished his course of philosophy, he began to give close attention to the science of the civil law, and is said to have intended to advance himself by pleading at the bar; but he was diverted from his purpose by an acci- dent.f As he was walking in the fields with one of his most intimate friends, his companion was suddenly killed by lightning; and Luther himself was so terrified, partly by this event, and partly by the horrid noise of the thun- der, that while his mind was in the utmost consternation, he formed the sudden resolution of withdrawing from * Seckend. p. 16. f Du Pin. — Moreri. — Maimbourg. Some authors say, that Luther's intimate friend was found murdered about the same time that he himself was so terrified by the thunder. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. P27 the world, and of throwing himself into the monastery at Erfurt. His father, a man of plain, but sound under- standing, strongly remonstrated. The son as strongly pleaded what he considered as a terrible call from heaven, to take upon himself the monastic vow. " Take care," replied the father, " that you are not ensnared by a de- lusion of the devil." But the mind of Martin was de- termined; and filial disobedience, in such a case, was looked on as a. virtue. To the great grief and mortifi- cation of his father, he entered the monastery in the year 1505. In one of his letters, he owns, that from the very be- ginning of his monastic life he was constantly sad and dejected;* and being unable to give peace to his mind, he at length opened his griefs to John Staupitius, vicar- general of the Augustine monks in Germany, a man highly esteemed by Frederick the Wise, and consulted by him particularly in things which concerned the uni- versity of Wittemberg. Staupitius himself appears to have had some serious views of religion, and a degree of knowledge at that time very uncommon. After Luther had explained to him the uneasy thoughts with which he was burdened, " You do not know," said he, *' bow use- ful and necessary this trial may be to you; God does not thus exercise you for nothing: you will one day see that he will employ you as his servant for great purposes." The event gave ample honour to the sagacity of Staupi- tius, and it is very evident, that a deep and solid convic- tion of sin, leading the mind to the search of Scripture truth, and the investigation of the way of peace, was the main spring of Luther's whole after conduct; and indeed this view of our reformer's state of mind furnishes the * Seckend, p. 19, 228 HISTORY OF THE IChap. i2. only key to the discovery of the real motives, by which he was influenced in his public transactions. Rash and prejudiced writers, of the popish persuasion, choose to represent him as having been under the dominion of avarice or ambition; but till they can produce some proofs beyond their own suspicions or bare affirmations, all such slanderous accusations must fall to the ground. In truth, no man was ever more free from avarice and ambition: the fear of God predominated to a very high degree in Luther's mind; and a nice sensibility of con- science, attended with an uncommon insight into the depth of our natural depravity, allowed him no rest. As yet he understood not the Scriptures; nor felt that peace of God which passeth understanding. He had too much light to sit down in slothful content and indifference, and too little to discern the rich treasures of the gospel, and apply its healing promises to deep convictions of sin and misery. He remained for above a year not only in con- stant anxiety and suspense, but in perpetual dread and alarm. All these things are abundantly evident, and be- yond all contradiction, to those who are acquainted with his writings. In the second year after Xuther had entered into the monastery, he accidentally met with a Latin Bible in the library. It proved to him a treasure. Then he first discovered, that there were more Scripture passages ex- tant than those which were read to the people: for the Scriptures were at that time very little known in the world. In reading the word of God with prayer, his un- derstanding was gradually enlightened, and he found some beams of evangelical comfort to dart into his soul. The same year he was refreshed in his sickness by the discourse of an old monk, who showed him that remis- Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 229 sion of sins was to be apprehended by faith alone, and referred him to a passage in Bernard's sermon on the annunciation, where the same doctrine was taught. With incredible ardour he now gave himself up to the study of the Scriptures and the books of Augustine. He was at length regarded as the most ingenious and learned man of his order in Germany. But the soul of Luther was constantly panting for something very different from secular glory. He was ordained in the year 1507, and in the next year w^as called to the professorship of Wittemberg by Staupitius, where a theatre was opened for the display of his talents both as a teacher of philosophy and as a popular preacher. He excelled in both capacities. Elo- quent by nature, and powerful in moving the affections, acquainted also in a very uncommon manner with the elegancies and energy of his native tongue, he became the wonder of his age. These things were allowed very liberally by his enemies;* but it ought to be observed, that the exercises of his own mind, by which, under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, he was led more and more into Christian truth, would naturally add a strength to his oratory, unattainable by those who speak not from the heart. Martin Polichius, a doctor of law and medi- cine, exclaimed, " This monk will confound all the doc- tors, will exhibit new doctrine, and reform the whole Roman church; for he is intent on reading the writings of the prophets and apostles, and he depends on the word of Jesus Christ; this, neither the philosophers nor the sophists can subvert/' He, who spake thus, was himself looked on as a prodigy of wisdom; and, I sup- pose, a degree of discernment, less than his, might have * Page 18, Maimbourg. Page 22, Varillas, 230 HISTORY OF THE ICIiap. ^2. shown an attentive observer, that the didactic plan of Luther was that of an original thinker, who was not likely to confine himself to the beaten track, but to pro- duce something new to mankind. Melancthon's concise account entirely agrees with this statement: " Polichius,^'* says he, " often declared, that there was a strength of intellect in this man, which he plainly foresaw would produce a revolution in the popular and scholastic reli- gion of the times/' Nor does it seem at all improbable, that if Luther had followed merely the dictates of his own adventurous genius, he might have been the inventor of some novel theological schemes and doctrines. But all tendency to fanciful excursions in the important con- cerns of religion, was effectually restrained and chastised in the mind of our reformer, by his profound reverence for the written word: moreover, from his first entrance into the monastery, he appears to have been taught of God, and to have been led more and more into such dis- coveries of native depravity, as to render a man low in his own eyes, and dispose him to receive the genuine gospel of Christ. In the year 1510, he was sent to Rome on some busi- ness, which related to his own monastery; and this he discharged with so much ability and success, that on his return he was compelled by the vicar-general to assume the degree of doctor of divinity. He writes, that he did this with great reluctance, and entirely from obedience to his superiors. It is easy indeed for a man to say this; but, from the mouth of Luther it is with me decisive of its truth. For veracity and integrity do evidently appear to have remarkably entered into the character of this reformer, as indeed these virtues are always eminently to be found in those, who have had the most genuine ex- Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 231 perience of Christianity. The expenses attending this high degree were defrayed by the elector of Saxony, who ahvays admired Luther and was perfectly convinced of the profundity of his learning and the rectitude of his views of religion. While he had been at Rome, he had discovered something of the singularity of his character, which had attracted the attention of the Italian priests. The external rights of religion, which to them were mat- ter of political formality, with him were serious exercises. While they hurried over their exercises of the mass, he performed his with a solemnity and devotion which ex- cited their ridicule, and they bad him to repeat them with more rapidity. A thoughtful mind like his, could not conceive that religious employments should be dis- charged with levity, and he returned to his monastery more fully convinced than ever, that Rome was not the scene, in which a serious pastor could properly learn the rudiments of religion. He studied and taught the Scrip- tures with increasing ardour and alacrity, and after he had been created doctor, in the year 1512, he expound- ed the Psalms and the Epistle to the Romans, to the great satisfaction of his audience. He studied the He- brew and the Greek languages, and highly valued the philological labours of the famous Erasmus of Rotter- dam, the renowned reviver of classical literature; and while he concurred with that great man in his contempt of monastic trifles, he was intensely studious to learn better and more scriptural notions of God and his attri- butes, than those which Erasmus so ingeniously satirized. To build was, however, found much more arduous, as it is certainly a far more important work, than to pull down; and from the time that Luther was created a doc- tor of divinity, he conscientiously devoted his time and 2S2 HISTORY OF THE [C/iflp. g. talents to the sacred office. Already he was suspected of heresy, because of his dislike of the scholastic doc- trines; and he was induced, both from the natural sound- ness of his understanding, and from the spiritual exer- cises of his own heart, to reject the Aristotelian corrup- tions of theology, and to study the genuine doctrines of Scripture. In 1516, he thus wrote to a friend:* " I desire to know what your soul is doing; whether, wearied at length with its own righteousness, it learns to refresh itself and to rest in the righteousness of Christ. The temptation of presumption in our age is strong in many, and specially in those who labour to be just and good with all their might, and at the same time are ignorant of the righte- ousness of God, which in Christ is conferred upon us with a rich exuberance of gratuitous liberality. They seek in themselves to work that which is good, in order that they may have a confidence of standing before God, adorned with virtues and merits, which is an impossible attempt. You, my friend, used to be of this same opi- nion, or rather this same mistake; so was I; but now I am fighting against the error, but have not yet prevailed." This interesting and instructive letter demonstrates what was the religious frame of our monk at that time. He had received the grace of Christ, and knew the true and only way of salvation; though, in his own eyes at least, he was weak in the faith. He both felt and preach- ed the fundamentals of the gospel, before he appeared in the field against popery; and if he had not been abso- lutely persecuted into a secession, such was his modesty and love of peace and order, and so little had he then studied the particular corruptions of the hierarchy, that * Seckend. p. 20. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 033 he would, in all probability, have conliniied to his death an obedient son of the Roman church. Many excellent men had done so before him; because, through inad- vertency, they had remained unconscious of the absurdi- ties of the predominant religion. The methods of Pro- vidence were, however, admirable in conducting Luther into the depths of a controversy, to which he seems to have had no inclination. Indulgences were preached, and he saw the evil of them in a practical, rather than a theoretical light, and was thence drawn undesignedly into a contest, the effects of which were salutary to so many nations. Those, who apprehend that when he began the contest, he was ignorant of the nature of the gospel, appear not to have known the order and method, by which the mind of the Saxon reformer was conducted into religious truth. In the same year he was appointed, by Staupitius, su- baltern vicar: by which office he was authorized to visit about forty monasteries in Misnia and Thuringia. Re- turning to Wittemberg in June, he wrote to Spalatinus, who was the secretary of the elector, and always showed himself a steady friend of Luther, in terms which ex- pressed the frank effusions of his own heart, on a review of the state of religion in the country, which the visita- tion had given him an opportunity of accurately observing. " Many things please your prince, and look great in his eyes, which are displeasing to God. In secular wisdom, I confess that he is of all men most knowing; but, in things pertaining to God, and which relate to the salva- tion of souls, I must own that he is blind sevenfold."' This was the true character of Frederick, at that time, though justly esteemed the wisest prince of the age; and though he was sincerely and ingenuously desirous of Vol. II. es G 234 HISTORY OF THE IChap. Q. promoting religion and virtue. In fact, his good under- standing was oppressed with a heavy load of the most pitiable superstitions. He was, however, by no means displeased with Luther for using freedom of speech, and there is reason to beheve that, afterwards, he learnt more of the true nature of the gospel, though by very slow degrees. In tlie October of the same year, Luther communi- cated to his learned friend Spalatinus, his thoughts con- cerning certain of the fathers, and also concerning Eras- mus's method of interpreting the Scripture.* This me- morable epistle deserves the particular attention of the reader, as it furnishes judicious and connected observa- tions on Augustine and his contemporaries, and on the fathers both who preceded and who followed them; and as it likewise suggests very useful reflections on the com- parative merits of theologians in different periods, from the days of Cyprian to those of Luther and Erasmus. Luther, to Georg. Spalatinus: — "That, which strikes my mind in considering Erasmus, is this; in interpreting the apostle's account of the righteousness of works, or, of the law, he understands by these terms ceremonial ob- servances only. In the next place, though he admits the doctrine of original sin, he will not allow, that the apostle speaks of it in the fifth chapter to the Romans. Now, if he had carefully read Augustine's Anti-Pelagian tracts, especially his account of the spirit and the letter, of the guilt of sin and the remission of it; and had ob- served how he speaks in perfect unison with the best of the fathers, from Cyprian to Ambrose, he might have better understood the apostle Paul, and also have con- ceived more highly of Augustine as an expositor, than * Lib. I. ep. 20. See also Appendix, Spalatinus. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 235 he has hitherto done. In dissenting from Erasmus's judgment in this point, I must frankly declare, that I as much prefer Augustine's expositions to tliose of Jerome, as he prefers those of Jerome to Augustine's. I am, it is true, an Augustine monk; but that circumstance has no influence on my judgment; for till I had read this father's works, I had not the least prejudice in his favour. But I see that Jerome studiously endeavours to draw every thing to a merely historical meaning;* and, what is very extraordinary, where he expounds the Scriptures as it were occasionally or accidentally, as in his epistles for instance, he does it in a much sounder manner than when he interprets professedly and on purpose. The righteousness of the law is by no means confined to cere- monies; for though it includes these, it still more direct- ly respects an obedience to the whole decalogue, which obedience, when it takes place to a certain degree and yet has not Christ for its foundation, though it may pro- duce such men as your Fabricius's, and your Regulus's, that is, very upright moralists according to man's judg- ment, has nothing in it of the nature -of genuine righte- ousness. For men are not made truly righteous, as Aristotle supposes, by performing certain actions which are externally good, — for they may still be counterfeit characters; — but, men must have righteous principles in the first place, and then they will not fail to perform righteous actions. God first respects Abel, and then his offering.! I beg you would put Erasmus in mind of these things. In so doing, you will discharge the duties both of a friend and of a Christian. As on the one * A merely historical meaning. A mere narration of facts, as opposed to a spiritual meaning-, and a practical application to every man's conscience. t Gen. iv. 236 HISTORY OF THE \_Chap. 2. hand, I hope and wish that he maybe celebrated through the whole Christian world, so on the other I fear many may be induced, by the authority of his name, to patro- nise that hteral and Hfeless mode of interpreting Scrip- ture, into which ahnost all commentators have fallen since the time of Augustine. I may be thought pre- sumptuous and perhaps severe, in thus criticising many great men: my apology is, that I feel a concern for the cause of true theology, and for the salvation of the brethren/' A little before the controversy concerning indulgences, George, duke of Saxony, intreated Staupitius to send him some learned and worthy preacher. The vicar- general, in compliance with his request, despatched Luther with strong recommendations to Dresden. George gave him an order to preach: the sum of Luther's ser- mon was this;* That no man ought to despair of the possibility of salvation; that those, who heard the word of God with attentive minds, were true disciples of Christ, and were elected, and predestinated to eternal life. He enlarged on the subject, and showed that the whole doctrine of predestination, if the foundation be laid in Christ, was of singular efficacy to dispel that fear, by which men, trembling under the sense of their own unworthiness, are tempted to fly from God, who ought to be our sovereign refuge. An honourable matron, who attended the palace, and who had heard Luther, was asked by George the duke, at dinner, how she liked the discourse. I should die in peace, said she, if I could hear such another sermon. The duke, in much anger, replied, " I would give a large sum of money, that a ser- mon of this sort, which encourages men in a hcentious * Seek. p. 23- Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 237 course of life, had never been preached." And he re- peated this several times. Within the space of a month, the lady was confined in bed by sickness, and soon after died, rejoicing in her prospects of future glory. Fabri- chis concludes the account with saying,* " From that time Luther came no more to Dresden." That capital of modern Saxony was then part of the dukedom of George, who proved one of the most virulent enemies of Lutheranism. He was the uncle of prince Frederick the Wise. Like pharisaic formalists in all ages, he per- versely misconstrued the doctrine of free salvation by Jesus Christ, which Luther preached, and which is in- tended to enable humble and repenting souls to serve God with lively faith and cheerful hope. The duke of Saxony, I observe, perversely misconstrued this doctrine, as though it had a tendency to persuade men to live in sin; but the good matron above mentioned, who resided at his court, appears to have tasted of that bitterness of true conviction of sin, which only can render the doc- trine of grace delightful and salutary to the mind. How precious this doctrine must have been to the mind of Luther himself, may be conceived from a well authenticated circumstance,! wdiich evinces the state of mental bondage in which he had been held. Having for many days neglected, through the intenseness of his studies, to recite the canonical hours, he, in compliance with the pope's decrees, and to satisfy his conscience, actually shut himself up in his closet, and recited what he had omitted, with punctilious exactness, and with such severe attention and abstinence, as reduced his strength exceedingly, brought on nearly a total want of sleep for the space of five weeks, and almost produced * Orig. Sax. Lib. vii. f Vol. i. p. 344. Bavar. Seek. p. 21. 238 HISTORY OF THE iCIiap. 3. symptoms of a weakened intellect. Is it to be wondered at, that he, who at length found relief and liberty by the grace of Christ, should be zealous to preach the mystery of the cross to his fellow creatures? CHAPTER III. J'he Progress of the Controrersy concerning Indulgences, till the Conclusion oj the Conferences between Luther and Cajetan. Tetzel, the Dominican, alarmed at the publication of Luther's theses, opposed to them one hundred and six propositions, in which he attempted to refute the argu- ments of the Augustine monk; and not content with this, by virtue of his inquisitorial authority, he also directed Luther's compositions to be burnt. It appears from very authentic documents,* that this shameless monk was an experienced veteran in the traffic of indulgences. He himself, in the year 1507, that is, ten years before the present dispute with Luther, had collected at Friberg two thousand florins in the space of two days by the iniquitous sale of that article. The sale of indulgences, therefore, was no new thing in the papal system; and the instance before us proves, that occasionally at least, the scandalous practice might be carried to a very great extent. It is, however, a relief to the indignant mind, to find that ecclesiastical history furnishes some few ex- amples of pious Christians with enlightened understand- ing, who had bravely withstood the growing corruption. To mention one: John, bishop of Misnia, had effectually discharged from his own diocese the popish proclaimers * Moller. Cron. Fribergen, Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 239 of indulgences, who like merchants, had been vending every where their certificates of pardon of sins, as if they were an ordinary commodity.* He had blamed the peo- ple for foolishly putting their money into a chest, of which they had not the key; and had declared that, by reading the Bible, he had discovered the apostolical re- ligion to be very different from that which prevailed at present. This good prelate, a little before his death, happening to hear that Tetzel was again employed in a similar way, prophesied he would be the last of the deal- ers in indulgences, on account of his shameless audacity.f Notwithstanding this, and every other warning or re- monstrance, the Dominican commissioner persevered in the traffic with augmented industry; and so much in- censed the minds of Luther's disciples at Wittemberg, that they ventured, by way of retaliation, to burn pub- licly his propositions, or theses,! as they were called, * Chytr. Lib. II. f " A soul," said Tetzel in his theses, " may go to heaven, in the very mo- raents, in which the money is cast into the chest. The man, who buys off his own sins by indulgences, merits more than he who gives alms to the poor, un- less it be in extreme necessity." Other extraordinary assertions are likewise contained in his tracts, which demonstrate that Protestant writers have not misrepresented the controversy before us. Suffice it to mention two sen- tences more. "The ministers of the church do not barely declare men's sins forgiven, but do really pardon them by vii-tue of the sacraments, and by the power of the keys. They may impose a punishment to be suffered aftei'- death; and it is better to send a penitent with a small penance into purgatory, than by refusing him absolution to send him into hell." Du Pin, B. 11. Seek. Lib, I. t When Tetzel was at Leipsic, and had scraped together a great deal of money from all ranks of people, a nobleman, who suspected the imposture, put this question to him, " Can you grant absolution for a sin, which a man shall intend to commit in future ?" " Yes," replied the frontless commissioner, " but on condition that the proper sum of money be actually paid down." The nobleman instantly produced the sum demanded ; and in return, received a diploma sealed and signed by Tetzel, absolving him from the unexplained crime, which he secretly intended to commit. Not long after, when Tetzel was about to leave Leipsic, the nobleman made inquiry respecting the road he 240 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 3. with every mark of disapprobation and ignominy. Lu- ther was much grieved at this rash action; and finding himself to be accused of instigating his followers to com- mit it, writes thus to a friend. " I wonder, you could believe, that I was the author of the deed. Think you that I am so destitute of common sense, as to stigmatize, in such a manner, a person in so high an office.'^ I know better the rules of ecclesiastical subordination, and have more regard to my own character, both as a monk and as a theologian, than to act so." There were also persons, who, pretending to be in possession of court in- trigues, were fond of circulating the report, that Luther had published his theses by the secret instigations of the elector Frederick. Luther, with great concern, takes notice of this false surmise. In a letter to his friend Spalatinus, he thus expresses his feehngs: " I am hearti- ly vexed at the scandalous report, which is diffused with much malignity, namely, that in all I do, I am only the engine of our illustrious prince, for the purpose of dis- gracing the archbishop of Mentz. What do you think I ought to do on the occasion.^ Shall I open the matter to the elector.^ I am extremely concerned, that the prince should be suspected on my account, and I cannot bear the thought of being the origin of contention among persons of so great dignity." Luther also published a sermon, preached against in- dulgences, which Tetzel answered; and this produced a would probably travel, waited for him in ambush at a convenient place, attack ed and robbed him; then beat him soundly with a stick, sent him back again to Leipsic with his chest empty, and at parting said, " This is the fault I in- tended to commit, and for which I have your absolution." — This humorous story may seem scarcely worthy of the dignity of history; but it is recorded by the cautious Seckendorf, and may serve to show the almost incredible lengths to which the popish agents proceeded in the detestable traffip so clearly laid opeti by this anecdote. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 24>l reply from Luther. About the same time, Henry, duke of Brunswick, vviio was afterwards distinguished among the most active enemies of Lutheranisni, appeared in the contest; and in a public writing accused Frederick of secretly suppoiling Luther. The well known character of the elector, for caution and prudence, seems however to have prevented the report from gaining much credit. This prince took extraordinary care not to involve him- self unnecessarily in the concerns of Luther. Our in- trepid reformer, in all his opposition to Tetzel, most cer- tainly had no colleague or assistant; and he himself de- clared, that he never had conversed with the elector Frederick in his whole life. Luther never did things by halves. Accordingly, as the affair of selling indulgences had laid firm hold of his mind, he could neither quiet his uneasiness, nor smother his indignation. He still continued to preach and to write on the same subject, till the end of the year 1517. In the next year he w^ent to Heidelberg, and was courte- ously received by Wolfgang, the brother of the elector Palatine, who was the scholar of Ecolaiiipadius, a name, afterwards renowned among the reformers. Luther had been advised by his friends not to go to Heidelberg, on account of the danger to which he might be exposed. But, as a general assembly of the Augustinian monks had been called at that place, he thought it right to obey his superiors, whatever might be the event. The official business of the assembly was of no great moment; and therefore we need not be surprised that the zealous and active spirit of Luther was not content with barely dis- charging the duties of his order. A providential oppor- tunity was offered of propagating divine truth, and it be- hoved him not to neglect it. While, therefore, he re- VoL. II. 2 H 24^ HISTORY OF THE [C/iap. 5. mained at this place, be wrote some propositions, in which he opposed the prevaiHng notions* concerning justification, faith, and works. His capital object in them was to demonstrate the doctrine of justification, be- fore God, by faith, and not by our works and deservings. The theses or positions, which he intended to defend, were publicly exposed to view in writing, according to custom: and he called upon Leonard Bejar, a monk of the Augustinian order, to be his respondent. The pro- fessors of the university disapproved of the controversy: and therefore it was held in the Augustinian monastery. A large concourse of people attended, and a nun)ber of the learned bore a part in the disputation. Among the hearers were Martin Bucer, and John Brentius, men, afterwards eminent in the work of reformation. These and other persons, who in process of time became cele- brated theologians, admired the acuteness, promptitude, and meekness of Luther, were struck with the truths of the gospel, which were new to their ears, and desired further instruction of him in private. This was the seed- time of the gospel in the Palatinate; and these were the beginnings of the reformation in that electorate. Lu- tiler's disciples cultivated and taught the same doctrines in private, and after a time ventured to teach them pub- licly in the university. While the cause of evangelical truth was thus making gradual advances in Germany, two celebrated Romanists, Eckius of Ingolstadt, and Prierias a Dominican, master of the sacred palace at Rome, took up their pens against the theses of Luther, who, by these means was led into a fresh literary contest. Luther published elaborate answers on all the disputed points; and managed this * Seckend. 29, from a MS. Hist, of the Palatine Churches by Altingius. Cent. 16.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 24S part of the controversy with so much moderation and gentleness, that his inimical historian Maimbourg, has no way left of reviling the man he dislikes, but by say- ing, " On this occasion he acted contrary to his natural disposition." Let the reader infer the real disposition of Luther from authenticated facts, and not from the in- sinuations of prejudiced papists. At this time, he wrote also to his own diocesan, and to his vicar-general. To his diocesan, the bishop of Brandenburg, he declared, that he did not determine, but dispute, using the liberty allowed to scholastic men in all ages. " I fear not/' says he, " bulls and menaces; it is the audaciousness and the ignorance of men, that induce me to stand forth, though with much reluctance: were there not a weighty cause for it, no one, out of my own little sphere, should ever hear of me. If the cause I defend, be not the work of God, I would have nothing to do with it; let it perish. Let him alone have glory, to whom alone glory belongs." He endeavoured to rouse the spirit of his vicar-general, thus: "When I first heard you say, 'that true repent- ance begins with the love of righteousness and of God,' the words made a deep and durable impression on my heart, as if they had come by a voice directly from heaven." Hence, he said, he was filled with grief to see the true doctrine of repentance, superseded by in- dulgences. He expressed his great unwillingness to be drawn into the contest; but, being defamed as an enemy of the pope, he felt himself constrained to defend his own character. He, therefore, begged Staupitius to transmit his trifling writings, as he calls them, to pope Leo X. that they might speak for him at Rome. " Not," says he, " that I would involve you in my dangers. I desire alone to stand the shock of the contest. Let 2U HISTORY OF THE IChap. 3. Christ see to if, whether the cause be mine or his. To the kind admonitions of my friends, who would warn me of danger, my answer is, The poor man has no fears. I protest, that property, reputation, and honours, shall all be of no estimation with me, compared with the defence of truth. I have only a frail body to lose, and that weighed down with constant fatigue. If, in obedience to God, I lose it through violence or fraud, what is the loss of a few hours of life.^ Sufficient for me is the lovely Redeemer and Advocate, my Lord Jesus Christ, to whose praise I will sing as long as I Vi\e." Luther was far advanced in evangelical knowledge, and appears to have been an experienced Christian some time before he became known to the world. Yet was he still strongly wedded to the habits of superstition; and he slowly admitted the conviction of the antichris- tian character of the hierarchy. He dreaded the sin of schism: and the impetuous fire of his temper was per- petually checked by the admonitions of conscience, and by the fear of offending his Maker. In this singular character, there was certainly united an assemblage of qualities, rarely found together in the same person; in particular, the greatest caution in conduct with a temper remarkably ardent and choleric. Too often this last be- trayed him into a blameable asperity of language, yet seldom does it seem to have influenced his measures or plans of action. The poet's simple, but sublime descrip- tion of one of his heroes, " he feared God, and he feared none besides," is eminently true of the Saxon theologian. While the literary contest was carrying on between Luther and his antagonists, there were at Rome those, who blamed the pope for not interesting himself in a controversy, which, by exciting a spirit of resistance, and Cent. 16.1 CHURCH OF CHRIST. 245 producing divisions, daily increased in magnitude and importance, and which, in its termination, might prove extremely injurious to the authority of the Romish church. With how much indifference and contempt Leo X. at first beheld the ecclesiastical disputes in Ger- many, how indolent was the disposition of this pontiff, and how improvident he showed himself in. defending the papal jurisdiction, all this appears in the strongest light from the absurd and careless answer which he is said to have given to Silvester Prierias,* when that zeal- ous and learned Dominican show^ed him some of Luther's heretical publications concerning indulgences. '-Brother Martin,'' said he, " is a man of a very fine genius, and these squabbles are the mere effusions of monastic envy." Prierias, however, undertook the support of tlie pontifi- cal authority; but, in writing against the reformer, he managed the Romish cause with so much heat and im- prudence, that the pope himself presently directed him to be silent in future.f This writer, in the event, did much service to Lutheranism. In an affair, which required the utmost delicacy, he expressed his sentiments without the least caution or moderation; and exalted the pope's power even far beyond that of all general coun- cils. Luther availed himself of the temerity of his ad- versary, and publicly exposed, with much severity, the odious doctrines which he had inculcated. In the same year 1518, a rash author of a similar de- scription, attacked Luther with all the virulence of an enraged and bigoted Roman Catholic. This was Ho- gostratus, a German Dominican inquisitor, who repre- * Prierias was master of the sacred palace, and g'cneral of liis order. He died of the plague in 1;)23. f Erasm. Epis. 246 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 3. sented the growing heresy as now become incurable by any of the milder methods. Penal and compulsory re- medies, he said, were absolutely necessary; and he ex- horted the pontiff, by means of the sword and fire, to deliver mankind from the detestable innovator * Many of the monksf joined in this clamour with incessant vociferation among the people. Scarcely a word came from their mouths, except, Heresy! Blasphemy! Schism! "' I relate," says Erasmus, " what I saw with my own eyes; and I am convinced that no one thing tended more to dispose the people in Luther's favour, than this im- prudent conduct of the clergy. His propositions con- cerning the indulgences were soberly stated; and if they had but argued the points in dispute in the same cool way, these ruinous consequences would never have taken place." At length the Roman pontiff was roused from his state of indolence and security. Not only the avaricious ven- ders of indulgences vociferated against Luther, as De- metrius and the silversmiths did against St. Paul, when their craft was in danger,! but, from all quarters, com- plaints of the progress of heresy were sent to Rome. Even the emperor Maximilian I. represented to the pope, how necessary his interference was become. The Au- gustine monk, he said, was disseminating heretical and destructive doctrines, was obstinate in adhering to his opinions, and active in propagating them; and he had made many converts, even among persons of rank and distinction.§ The imprudence of Leo X. at this critical moment, may seem almost the consequence of judicial infatuation. * Maimb. p. 38. f Erasm. Epis. t Acts, xix. 24. § Maximilian's Letter. Op. Luth. vol. i. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 247 At once he passed from the extremes of neglect and in- difference to those of tyrannical violence and blind teii^e- rity. He ordered Luther to appear at Rome within sixty days, to answer for himself before certain judges, of whom his antagonist Silvester Prierias, was appointed one. Our reformer took the wisest method to protect himself against the impending storm. He instantly sent an account of the pope's citation to his friend Spalatinus, who vvas then with the elector Frederick at the diet of Augsburg; and in the strongest terms requested, that, through the interposition of the prince^, his cause might be heard in Germany and not at Rome. Frederick the Wise understood the arts and practice of the court of Rome, and was convinced of the propriety, and even the necessity of seconding Luther's wishes. Accordingly he urged the competency of a German tribunal in an eccle- siastical controversy of that nature; and it seems entirely owing to the address, the penetration, and the firmness of this great prince, that the Roman pontiff, at last con- sented, that cardinal Cajetan, who was then his legate at Augsburg, should take cognizance of the matter. If the delinquent showed proper marks of penitence and sub- mission, he was to be kindly received again into the bosom of the church; but if he refused to appear before his appointed judge, the legate was commissioned then to denounce publicly, against him and his adherents, all the thunders and anathemas of papal indignation.* Leo X. perceiving how great a favourite Luther was with the elector of Saxony, judged it expedient, by all the means in his power, to secure the support and con- currence of that prince in an affair, which he had now begun to consider as of the greatest moment. For this * The pope's directions to Cajetan. Luther, Op, vol. i. 248 HISTORY OF THE ICIiap. 3. purpose he acquainted Frederick, in a polite and affec- tionate, but very artful epistle, of the measures which he had been compelled to adopt, through the disobedience of an Augustine monk, whose very "order and profes- sion should have perpetually reminded him of the duties of hun)ility and obsequiousness." He styles Luther a son of iniquity, a prevaricator, who boasts of the protec- tion of the elector, but, in fact, reverences no superior whatever. 1 know, says the pope, he has no ground for representing you as one, who encourages and supports him; nevertheless, I exhort you in the Lord, and as you would preserve the reputation and dignity of a good Catholic prince, to be on your guard, lest the lustre of your highly honoured ancestors should be in any degree tarnished by this calumny. I know of no blame respect- ing you; but I would wish you to avoid the very suspi- cion of blame, in which the rashness of this man may involve you. He then proceeds: As many learned and religious persons, and in particular, our beloved son, Prierias, the master of our sacred palace, have informed us of the heretical proceedings of Martin Luther, we have ordered him to be called upon to answer for him- self; and for this purpose, we have given explicit direc- tions to cardinal Cajetan, our legate. Lastly, he con- cludes with a strong exhortation and injunction, that Frederick, in virtue of the holy obedience which he owed to the Roman church, should contribute his utmost to secure the person of Luther, and deliver him up to the power of the Holy See: he declared, however, at the same time, that if he was found innocent, he should be dismissed in peace and in favour; and even if he was guilty, he would exercise clemency towards him largely upon his repentance.* * Pope's letter to the Elector of Saxony. Tom, I, Witt, p, 204. Cent. IG.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 249 Frederick provided for the safety of his favourite Lu- ther in the following manner. • He gave him letters of recommendation to tiie senate and principal inhabitants of Augsburg; who, instantly on his arrival, exhorted him not to appear before the cardinal, till he had obtained a promise of sate conduct from the emperor, who was then hunting at some distance from the city. Through the influence of these same persons, this important request of safe conduct was granted; and after three days the emperor's council announced to the cardinal, that the public faith was pledged to Luther, and therefore he must take no violent steps against him. The cardinal answered, "It is very well; nevertheless, I shall do my duty.'' Luther informs us, that during those three days he was constantly pressed, by a very troublesome emissary of Cajetan, to recant. If I would but recant, he said, all would be right. He further relates a curious conver- sation which took place between himself and this emissary. He came on the third day, and expostulated as follows: Why will you not go to the cardinal.? he is waiting to receive you in the kindest manner. I must listen to the advice of those excellent persons to whom I am recommended by the elector; and they tell me, I must by no means go to him till I have obtain- ed the public faith. The moment that is obtained, I am ready to go. What, said he, evidently in much agitation, Do you think that prince Frederick will take up arms on your account.? It is very far from my wish. Where do you mean to stay.? Vol. II. ■ 21 250 mSTORY OF THE [^Chap. 3. In the open air. Pray, suppose you had the pope and his cardinals all in your power, what would you do with them? I would treat them with the greatest respect and honour. So; said he, waving his hand in the ItaHan manner, and went away, and returned no more.* At the tirst interview, Lutiier prostrated himself be- fore tlie cardinal, and was courteously received. But, at the same time, he was required to retract his errors, to avoid them in future, and to abstain from every thing, which might disturb the peace of the church. And these three things were stated expressly to be the order of the most holy pope. Luther desired that he might be permitted to see the pope's brief. But this request was peremptorily refused. The heaviest charge against him seems to have been, that he had transgressed the bull of Clement VI. which had defined the nature and extent of indulgences; and it may easily be conceived, with how much indignation the cardinal would hear the defence of Luther, namely, that the holy Scriptures, which he could produce in sup- port of his own doctrines, had abundantly more weight with him than a pontifical bull, which in fact proved no- thing, but merely recited the opinion of Thomas Aquinas, Cajetan, in answer, exalted the authoiity of the pope above all councils, above the church, and even above the Scriptures themselves. To this Luther opposed the ap- peal of the university of Paris, whose reputation had always stood high, as the parent of science, and the de- fender of the purest Christianity. Cajetan, in a rage, declared that the Parisians would meet with due punish- * Luth. Prjrf. Cent.ie.^ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 251 ment; and that Gerson,* whose writings Luther had quoted, was damned, (ogetlicr with all- his followers. So extravagantly high wore the ideas of papal power con- ceived by this cardinal, that even the very moderate con- tradiction, given in France to the pontilT^ appeared in his eyes an unpardonable sin. Little did he then ima- gine how much more openly his magnificent lord and master was to be opposed within the short space of a few months. Frowns and menaces were by no means adapted to intimidate the determined mind of the Saxon reformer. He continued to insist on the authority of Scripture. He owned he might have erred, but he thought it rea- sonable that his errors should be pointed out, on scriptu- ral grounds, before he should be required to retract. When Luther found, that not the smallest progress was made by conversation with the cardinal, and that all his fine promises of kind treatment amounted precisely to this, "you must either recant, or suffer punishment/' he wisely determined to commit his answers to writing. In so doing, says he, the oppressed find comfort in two ways; in the first place, what is written, may be submit- ted to the judgment of others; and in the second, one has a better opportunity pf working upon the fears and the conscience of an arrogant despot, who would other- wise overpower one by his imperious language.! Agreeably to this resolution, he appeared before the cardinal with a notary and witnesses, repeated his pro- testations of general obedience to the church, and his perfect readiness to recant any error of which he could * The reader will remember, that this celebrated chancellor of the univer- sity of Paris, maintained, at the council of Constance, the superiority of a general council over the pope. t Luther's letter to Fred 252 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 3. be convicted. Cajetan replied with so much acrimony, that the accused monk had no opportunity of explaining or of vindicating his sentiments. He absolutely refused to dispute with Luther, either in public or in private; he would not even consent that a single word of his own answers should be put down in writing. He continued to press for a recantation. Staupitius, who was present at the scene, and who hitherto had acted the part of a steady friend of Luther, rose up, and intreated the legate to permit the accused to return his answers at length in writing. To which request, he, with great difficulty, at last acceded. At the next conference, Luther exhibited his written explanation and defence, which the cardinal treated with the greatest contempt. He told him, he had filled his paper with passages of Scripture, which were irrelevant, and in general that his answers were those of a perfect idiot. He condescended, however, to say, he would send them to Rome. Lastly, he ordered Luther to de- part, and to come no more into his sight, unless he dis- posed to recant. Notwithstanding this rough treatment, it was Luther's firm opinion, that it would have given the cardinal great pleasure to hear him recant. It may be thought some confirmation of tliis sentiment, that in the evening of the very day in which this last conference took place, he sent for the vicar-general Staupitius, and desired him to persuade his young monk to retract. Staupitius pro- mised to do his utmost. " You must answer his scriptu- ral arguments," said Cajetan. Staupitius replied ingenu- ously, " That is above my power. I am his inferior both in capacity and in knowledge of the Scriptures." Throughout this whole conference at Augsburg, car- Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIS'1\ 253 dinal Cajetan appears to have been conscious how ill qualified he was to enter the lists with Luther, as a dis- putant in theological questions. Indeed, the doctrines of the gospel, as far as we can judge, gave him little concern. His anxiety was, how he might best ensure obedience to the pontifical mandates. He inquired not whether these mandates were reasonable or repugnant to Scripture, it was sufficient for him to know that they were the dictates of a pope. The decretal of pope Cle- ment VI. which he urged with so much heat and posi- tiveness against Luther in the dispute respecting indul- gences, maintained, that •' One drop of Christ's blood being sufficient to redeem the whole human race, the remaining quantity, that was shed in the garden and upon the cross, was left as a legacy to the church to be a treasure from ivhence indulgences were to be drawn and administered by the Roman pontiffs:"* the Augus- tine monk had, for some time past, been too much en- lightened to digest such wild superstitious inventions; and the man, who could call upon him, upon these grounds, to renounce his errors, was not to be reasoned with. Still it required extraordinary courage to deliver in a formal protest against the belief of tenets, which at that time were both established by the highest authority, and also supposed to have been dictated by an infallible judgment. Some objections were made to Luther's ideas of justi- fication by faith: but Cajetan did not scruple to confess, that, if he would but have retracted his opposition to the indulgences, all other differences might have been com- posed in an amicable manner; and that his opinions con- cerning the efficacy of faith in justification and in the * Maclaine in Mosheim, vol. ii, chap. ii. 1»V i 254 HISTORY OF THE \_Chap. S. sacrament, admitted of being modified and interpreted, so as to be inoffensive. When Staupitius was informed of this circumstance, he expressed a wish, that the car- dinal had avowed that sentiment in the presence of the notary and the witnesses; because, tl)en, said he, there would liave been clear proof that, at Rome, moiuy was held in greater estimation {h?in faith. Luther, on the contrary, considered the Scripture doc- trine of justification by faith as of infinite importance. He declared, that he would rather retract eveiy thing which he had said upon other subjects, than that, which he must adhere to with his dying breath. That in re- gard to indulgences, their intrinsic nature, whatever it might be, could not be altered by ostentatious praises and honours, but that if he gave up the article of justification by faith, he should, in fact, deny Jesus Christ himself. That, though the cardinal had promised to conduct the inquiry according to the Sacred Scriptures, and the rules of the church, he had not produced a single text of Scripture against him, nor any one authority from the holy fathers. Lastly, that he was confident no answer could ever be given to the scriptural arguments and the authorities, which he had produced in support of the doctrine in question.* Our peace, says he, consists in coming to Clirist in lively faith: if a man believe not the promise, he may practise confession to all the world, and he may be absolved a thousand thousand times even by the. pope himself, but he will never obtain, on good grounds, a quiet conscience.! It was on Friday, the fourteenth of October, 1518, that Luther made his last appearance before the pope's legate. A report was spread, that, notwithstanding the * Eplst. ad Fred, f Resolut. de Indulg. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 255 engagement of a safe conduct, he was to be seized and confined in irons. He remained, however, at Augsburg till the succeeding Monday. He heard nothing from the cardinal. How great must have been his anxiety! On the Monday, by a letter couched in the most respect- ful terms,. he begged pardon for any irreverent or unbe- coming language towards the pontiff, which might have escaped him in the heat and hurry of the debate; he even promised to desist from treating the subject of in- dulgences any more, provided his antagonists were en- Joined to observe a similar silence. But to retract his sentiment, or give up the truth, he absolutely refused. He said, his conscience would not permit him to act in that manner. He acknowledged that his friends, and especially his vicar-general, had taken great pains to make him think humbly, submit his own opinion and form a right judgment: but, said he, neither the favour nor the advice, nor the command of any man ought ever to make me do or say what is contrary to my conscience. To this letter he received no answer. On the next day he sent another letter to Cajetan, ex- pressed in more spirited language and nearer to his usual strain. " He conceived he had done every thing which became an obedient son of the church. He had under- taken a long and dangerous journey; he was a man of a weak body, and had very little money to spend. He had laid the book, which contained his opinions, at the feet of his holiness the pope; he had appeared before his most reverend father the cardinal; and he was now wait- ing to be instructed how far he was right in his opinions, and how far wrong — it could no longer serve any good purpose to spend his time there, and be a burden to his friends. He was really in want of money. Besides, 256 HISTORY OF THE IChap.S, the cardinal had told him viva voce, to come no more into his sight, unless he would recant;" and, said Luther, " in my former letter I have distinctly pointed out all the recantation I can possibly make." He then signified his positive determination to leave the place; but not be- Ibre he had formally appealed from the pope's legate, nay from the pope himself, " ill informed, to the same most holy Leo X. that he might be better informed." In prosecuting this appeal he confessed that he acted rather from the judgment of some persons of distinction than from his own. If he had been left entirely to him- self, he should have thought an appeal unnecessary in this case. He wished to refer every thing to the deter- mination of the church. What could he do more? He was not a contentious adversary, but a tractable scholar. Even the elector Frederick, he knew, would be better pleased with his appeal than his recantation. He there- fore besought the cardinal to consider both his departure and his appeal as the effect of necessity and of the au- thority of his friends. They said what will you retract.'' Is your retractation to be the rule of our faith? If any thing, which you have advanced, is to be condemned, let the church decide, and do you obey. This reasoning, in his mind, was irresistible. Luther waited four whole days, reckoning from the day of his dismission by the cardinal; and still received no further orders. The suspense was extremely afflict- ing; and both himself and his friends began to suspect that this total silence portended violence to his person. To prevent being seized and imprisoned, he quitted Augsburg very early in the morning of the nineteenth of October, 1518. A friendly senator ordered the gates of the city to be opened, and he mounted a horse, which Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 251 Staupitius had procured for him. He had neither boots nor spurs, nor sword; and he was so fatigued with that day's journey, that wlien he descended from his horse, he was not able to stand, but fell down instantly among the straw in the stable.* He had, however, taken care before his departure, that every thing relative to his ap- peal, should be done in a proper manner and in the pre- sence of a notary public. Such was the conclusion of the conferences at Augs- burg, in which the firmness and plain dealing of Luther was no less conspicuous than the unreasonable and im- perious behaviour of tiie cardinal. CHAPTER IV. The Controversy continued^ Luther, foreseeing the manner in which he should probably be treated at Rome, and desirous of anticipating the papal censures, of which he was in daily expecta- tion, had recourse to the wise expedient of appealing formally to a general council. In the instrument of his appeal, he still professes obedience to the authority of the apostolic See; but as the pope was only a man, and like other men liable to err, and as St. Peter, the most holy of all his predecessors, had actually erred, he appealed to the next general council, which when legally assem- bled, was a power superior to that of the pope, and could afford redress to the oppressed. It soon appeared, that Luther was not mistaken in his * Tom I. Altemb. p. 150. — Paul Sarpi says, what is not at all improbable, that Luther had John Huss's case in his head. Vol., IK 2 K 25S HISTORY OF THE ^Chap. 4. conjectures respecting the intentions of the Romish Court. His appeal to a future council is dated Novem- ber 28, 1518. But Leo X. without mentioning the name of Luther, on the 9th of November of the same year is- sued a bull, in which he confirmed tlie doctrine of indul- gences in the most absolute manner. But the mercenary prostitution of indulgences had not been confined to Germany. In the summer of this same year, 1518, Samson, a Franciscan, of Milan, came to Zurich, to prosecute the scandalous traffic. There he was opposed by Huldric Zuinglius, afterwards the famous Swiss reformer.* In the month of September, Samson came to Zug, where a servant seeing the people press in crowds, addressed them: "Be not so importunate, I be- seech you; let those enter first, who are furnished with money, care shall be taken afterwards of the poor.^f At Bern, the enormities exceed, if possible, those which had been practised in Germany. When the sale of the indulgences was over, baptismal innocence was restored to all present, who should confess their sins, and thrice recite the Lord's prayer, in the Angelic salutation: those also, who thrice went round the great church daily, re- peating prayers, might free what souls they pleased from purgatory. Still grosser corruptions than these were practised. But the infatuation of the hierarchy was in- curable. Evangelical light and liberty was fast advancing to the relief, both of Germany and Switzerland, yet the rulers of the church shut their eyes, and hardened their heart. Scarcely roused from a state of shameful sloth and sensuality, they seem to have instantly fallen into the opposite extreme of blind presumption and impetuous * Father Paul, B. I. p. 8. f Page 60, Seckendorf— Hottingen. Cent.ie.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 259 rage. Pride, rasliness, and a most tyrannical ambition, appeared in all their councils. At length, however, Rome had recourse to negotiation. Frederick was courted by the offer of the golden conse- crated I'osc, but in vain. A new legate, Charles Miltitz, a Saxon knight, had several conferences with Luther. These too were fruitless. Luther wrote a submissive letter to the pope, for he was by no means disposed to break with the pontiff; and it is not improbable he would have continued an obe- dient subject of the Roman See all his days, if he might have been permitted, without molestation, to discharge the office of a faithful pastor of Christ. He said, it was a great giief to him to find himself ac- cused of want of respect to the church of Rome: that his design in all he had done, was to maintain the honour of that church; and that as his writings were now spread throughout all Germany, he could not retract his asser- tions without dishonouring the said church: that the per- sons who really injured the holy See, were the very preachers whom he had opposed: they disgraced their sacred office by the most absurd discourses, and by seek- ing only to gratify their avarice under the protection of his Holiness. Lastly, he declared, that he was ready to observe silence in future respecting indulgences, pro- vided his adversaries would also forbear their provoca- tions. In concluding, he solemnly protested, that all along he had aimed at nothing but to prevent the mother- church from being polluted by the vile imputation of ava- rice, and the people from being seduced by a false no- tion, that the indulgences were preferable to truly bene- volent actions.* * Luth. Op. Vol. I.— Du Pin. Cent. 16. 260 IIISTORV OF TIIK [^Chap. A. Leo X. disdained to accept the submission, and open the door of reconciliation. While the Roman pontiff, rejecting counsels of peace, was listening to enraged bi- gots, greedy Dominicans, and ambitious cardinals, the inquisitive spirit of the humble professor of Wittemberg, was enabled, by degrees and a constant study of the Scriptures, to acquire a practical conviction that the ty- ranny of the papal hierarchy was no longer to be en- dured. It was undoubtedly this gradual insight into the enormities of the popedom, which, co-operating with the infatuation of the pontifical advisers in their unaccount- able aversion to healing and pacific measures, raised that general spirit of indignation, and of opposition to the es- tablished religion, which at length terminated in the blessed Reformation. Luther had almost as much to fear from timid friendship as from open enmity. When prompt, bold, and efficient support was necessary, he found himself called upon to encourage the doubting and cheer the trembling. Eras- mus wrote to him, but Erasmus was resolved to venture nothing. Even the elector Frederick was full of anxie- ties. His friends cold, and irresolute, who could Luther repose upon but Christ. The immediate circumstance, which seems to have given the alarm at this time* to the friends of Luther, was the bold declarations of this theologian, in his an- swers to the positions of Eckius, respecting the founda- tion of the pope's authority. He had written to Spala- tinus very explicitly on this subject, but seems not com- pletely to have satisfied his scruples. To call in ques- tion the origin of the power of the pope, was to treat tender ground; the nations, as yet, secretly revered his * Viz, about the middle of 1519. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 261 majesty, and dreaded his vengeance; though, in reggird to ecclesiastical abuses in general, they had indeed begun to open their eyes, and were receiving Iresji hghi apace. After his literary defeat in the affair of iiuhdgences, Eckius circulated thirteen propositions, all of them level- led against the heresies of Lutheranisnfj. One of the?e propositions affirmed the grand article of a papist's faith, namely, "That the pontiffs are vicars of Christ, and the successors of St. Peter."* Luther had the sagacity in- stantly to see through his design, and expressed himself to the following effect: " I never so much as touched upon this subject in any of my discourses. Eckius now brings it forward to serve several purposes. He thinks, he shall hereby cast an odium upon me, and at the same time flatter the court of Rome, to his own profit, and to the ruin of his brother Martin Luther." It will here be proper to give a brief account of the famous disputation which was carried on publicly at Leipsic, for many days together, in the course of this year. Eckius, relying on the brilliancy of his own talents and the popularity of his cause, earnestly sought for a public exhibition of theological skill; and, with this view, chal- lenged Carolstadt, the colleague and adherent of Luther, and even Luther himself, to try their strength with him in a contest on the points in dispute. Carolstadt was a doctor of divinity, and archdeacon of Wittemberg, and is esteemed one of the first open defenders of Luther. The challenge was accepted; and George, duke of Saxony, uncle of the elector, offered the combatants his city of Leipsic, as the scene of debate, with an engagement for their security, and a promise of every convenience. He * Propos, Ecc. Luth. Op. Vol. I. 2Q2 HISTORY OF THE ICIiap. 4. was himself a strenuous Roman Catholic, and he expect- ed that great glory would accrtie to the papal cause from the well-known abilities and attainments of Eckius. Lu- ther obtained leave to be present at the contest as a spec- tator, but was expressly denied the grant of a safe con- duct, if he attempted to appear in the character of a dis- putant. The assembly was splendid; the expectations of mankind were strongly fixed; and it was vainly imagined that some decision would be made concerning the objects of cont^;ntion. The first subject of debate between Eckius and Ca- rolstadt, respected the limits of nature and grace. The whole controversy was carried on with much cla- mour and confusion; the Roman party prevailed in popu- larity at Leipsic; Eckius delivered what he had to say with prodigious animation, and is allowed to have far ex- ceeded Carolstadt in energetic exertions of voice and ac- tion. Luther protests, in the most solemn manner, that as long as an appeal to books and written documents were admitted, his friend Carolstadt defended himself with a rich variety of apt and excellent quotations. "But," says he, "Eckius made a proposal, that all books should be laid aside, and the dispute go on without them; the multitude gave a shout of approbation; and then, I freely own, that Eckius, who had the better memory and a greater flow of words, supported his side of the ques- tion in a more plausible manner than his opponent.^^* This disputation continued for six days;f during which time, the superior eloquence and acuteness of Eckius seems to have afforded a temporary triumph to the ene- mies of the reformation. Flushed with success, and thirsting for glory, this champion of the papal system, * Seek. 75. t From June 27, 1519, to July 4. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. .-> 26S came to Luther at his lodgings, and, with an air of con- fidence, said, "I understand you will not dispute with me in public." " How can I dispute with you," said Lu- ther, " when the duke George refuses me my request of a safe conduct?" Eckius replied, " If I am not to com- bat you, I will spend no more time on Carolstadt. It was on your account that I came here. Suppose I could obtain the public faith for your safety, would you then meet me and try your strength,''"* Luther consented; and very soon after he had the duke's leave to take Ca~ rolstadt's place in the public debate. This second theological conflict was carried on for ten days, with uncommon ardour and without intermission. Among the articles of controversy were the doctrines of purgatory and indulgences, the nature of repentance and remission of sins, and, particularly, the foundation of the supremacy of the Roman pontiffs. It was in this last article of the controversy, that Eckius placed his chief strength and expectation of victory. His numerous au- dience in general, with the duke of Saxony at their head, favoured the papal cause: long habits of ignorance, su- perstition, and prejudice, in religious matters, had esta- blished the Romish doctrines; and the few, who ventured to inquire for reasons of their faith, were deemed im- pious and accursed, and worthy of expulsion from the community. Moreover, this question concerning the superiority of the Roman See was well contrived to promote the ambi- tious designs of Eckius in every way. Luther, it was foreseen, must either shun the main point in debate by disgraceful evasions; or, by a direct avowal of his doc- a trines, expose himself to the charge of open heresy. He • Melch, Ad 2Q4, HISTORY OF THE \_Chap.4, must eilher yield the palm of eloquence and of theologi- cal skill to his crafty adversary, or he would inevitably furnish such decisive proofs of rebellion against the hie- rarchy as would ensure his own condemnation at the court of Rome. Thus the troublesome innovator was supposed to be entangled in an inextricable dilemma; while the prudent defender of the established religion, looking forward to nothing but conquest and glory, anticipated the praises and honours of the Roman pontiff. Luther, whom we have observed to have been fully sensible in how nice and critical a situation he was placed, was much hurt by the ungenerous conduct of Eckius in this busi- ness, and severely reproached him for it afterwards. To the talents and the artifices of the popish advocate, the Saxon reformer, besides his superior abilities and more intimate knowledge of the Scriptures, opposed a good conscience, a firm determination to hazard every thing in the cause of butk, and a confident expectation of the blessing of the Almighty. In particular, against Eckius's doctrine of the divine right of the popes, he ad- vanced the following proposition: "All the proofs, which can beproduced to show that the church of Rome is su- perior to other churches, are taken out of insipid decre- tals of the popes themselves, made within these four hun- dred years; and against this notion of supremacy, there are passages of the Holy Scriptures, approved histories for eleven hundred years, and the determinations of the council of Nice/^ When Eckius contended, that the expressions " Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church.'' " And I will give unto thee the keys," evinced the supre- macy of St. Peter and his successors; that this was the explanation given by the holy fathers, and that the con- Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 2Qo trary opinion was among the errors of Wickliif and John Hiiss; Luther in reply said, that he could produce more passages from the fathers in support of his own interpre- tation of the passages in question than Eckius could of his; but that he had no hesitation to add, that even if all the fathers, without exception, had understood the pas- sages in that sense, he would confute them by the autho- rity of St. Paul, and St. Peter himself, who say, that Je- sus Christ is the only foundation and corner stone of his church. He further observed, that the words, "Thou art Peter,^' .... if construed strictly, must be confined to the person of Peter, and therefore the authority con- veyed by them ceased when that apostle died; and that if their meaning was to be extended to the church and to Peter's successors, no reason could be given, why all the apostles and all their successors should not be under- stood to be the successors of Peter: lastly, he intimated that his adversary had been very unfortunate in appeal- ing to the authority of Cyprian. "If," said Luther, "the learneddoctor will agree to stand or fall by the au- thority of Cyprian, we shall quickly put an end to this controversy: For, in the first place, Cyprian never ad- dresses Cornelius, the bishop of Rome, in any other man- ner than * My dear brother;' and in the second, he ex- pressly says, that every bishop has a distinct jurisdictioH of his own, and that bishops ought not to interfere with each other, but wait for the day of judgment by our Lord Jesus Christ."* Eckius was so much struck with the reasonings of Luther, and especially with the neat and well digested order in which his materials were arranged, that he was compelled to acknowledge, before a splendid audience, * Revolut. Lmheri Vol. IX, 2 L 2(je HISTORY OF THE [C/mp. 4. the " qualifications and attainments of his Reverend op- ponent." He even besought their illustrious and magni- ficent mightinesses to pardon himself, who was so much occupied with other concerns, if he should not be able to produce such a mass of accurate testimonies as the learned doctor had laid before them. He came to Leip- sic, he said, not to write books, but to dispute. Shortly after this contest, Luther wrote thus to a fi'lend: "That I may be the better qualified for the en- suing debates at Leipsic, I am turning over the decretals of the popes; and I would whisper into your ear, that I begin to entertain doubts, whether the Roman pontiff be not the very Antichrist of the Scriptures, or his Mes- senger; so wretchedly corrupted by him, in the decretals, are the pure doctiines of Christ."* The victory in the theological contest at Leipsic, as might have been expected, was claimed by both sides. It was in an accurate acquaintance with the Holy Scriptures, and with ecclesiastical history, that Luther more particularly manifested his superiority over Eckius. Very full and exact documents are in existence, both of what was said and what was written in the disputation; and no well-informed Roman Catholic will deny this to be a fair statement of the case. But, notwithstanding the increased reputation with which the German theolo- gian departed from the scene of controversy, it was easy to foresee, that the court of Rome would now be more incensed against him than ever. He had indeed almost agreed with his adversary on some of the disputed points: he had even defended the authority of the Roman See, so far as to place it on the foundation of human right; in short, he had exhibited a spirit of fidelity, moderation * Ep. p. 100. eent, 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIS I. 26? and obedience; but all this could not expiate the unpar- donable offence of searching the sacred oracles for him- self, of confuting the papal pretensions to divine appoint- ment and infallibility, and, what was deemed, perhaps, if not the most heinous, the most dangerous crime of all, of resisting and exposing the flagitious practices of the in- ferior agents and instruments of ecclesiastical rapine and tyranny. The man, who had proceeded to such extre- mities, was not to be managed by mild and gentle admo- nitions; neither was he to be gained over by bribes and flattery; he was an enemy of the holy church, and justly merited all she could inflict in her utm.ost fury and indig- nation. Moreover, popery was not a religion which betrayed only occasional defects and errors: It had long been a system of corruption; all the parts of which were tho- roughly connected with each other, and conspired toge- ther to deceive, defraud, and domineer over mankind. The members of the system sympathized with their head in a remarkable manner: they saw their very existence in its safety; and flew to its defence on the slightest ap- pearance of danger. In return, the sovereign head of this vast body superintended the respective interests of all the members with exquisite care, and even with pa- ternal solicitude. If, in some instances, the conduct of the Roman pontiffs does not exactly accord with this re- presentation, the deviation will be found to have arisen, never from a relaxation or a change of principle, but from pride, contempt, indolence, and a sense of security. This was the case, we have seen, with Leo X. in the very early stages of Lutheranism. That some good might result from the contentions at Leipsic, and that mankind might be less bewildered in 2QS HISTORY OF THE [C7m/7.4. the mazes of subtle disputation, this dihgent servant of God determined to review carefully all his own positions, which had been the subject of debate in his conference with Eckius. and to publish them with concise explana- tions, and with arguments in their support, consisting of appeals to Scripture and ecclesiastical history. These positions, or, as they were sometimes called, theses or conclusions, amounted in number to thirteen, and related chiefly to Roman Catholic peculiarities. Several of them, however, gave the author occasion to state and studiously illustrate the scriptural doctrine of grace, and the nature of indwelling* sin, as described by St. Paul in the se- venth'chapter to the Romans. In fallen man, he ob- serves, there remains an internal principle of evil, even after he is renewed by the grace of God. Every Chris- tian needs daily repentance, because he sins daily, not indeed by daily perpetrating flagrant crimes, but by fall- ing short of perfect obedience. Hence there is not a just man upon earth, because even in actions that are good in themselves, there is precisely so much sin as there is repugnance, or difficulty, or want of cheerful- ness in the will. He owns, that divines were accustom- ed to evade the positive testimony of such passages of Scripture, as, " There is not a just man upon earth, who doeth good and sinneth not;" but, says he, let us listen to St. Paul, " The good that I would, I do not; but the evil which I would not, that I do." And again: "I delight in the law of God after the inward man, but I see ano- ther law in my members warring against the law of my mind. Let human reasoning and human authority, * This word, though not a very common one, has been thought, by excel- >cnt divines, to express St. Paul's meaning In Romans vii. verse 30, better than iiiy other. . . . "Sin that dwcileth in me." Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 2^^ whether of the churcli or of councils, give place and submit: If an angel from heaven should teach the con- trary, I would not believe him.^' If, continues Luther, the evil principle, called the ilesh, prevented the operation of the good principle, call- ed the spirit, in a man so holy and full of grace, as the apostle Paul, how can our theologians maintain that there is no sin in good works? " It is not,"" say they, " sin;, it is defect, it is infirmity." — This is an unscriptural and a dangerous way of speaking. In fact, every Christian feels a continual conflict between the flesh and the spirit as long as he lives; and therefore in the very best actions there is, in this world, a mixture of the etTects of the flesh: but it is not so in heaven. Wherefore, what know- ledge other persons may have derived from the scholastic divinity of the times, it is for them to consider: In regard to myself, I am sure I learnt from it nothing of the real nature of sin, of righteousness, of baptism, or of the whole Christian life; nor any thing of the excellency of God or his works, his grace, his justice. Faith, hope, charity, were to me words without meaning. In short, I not only learnt nothing right; but I had to unlearn every thing which I had acquired in that way. I shall be much surprised if others have succeeded better; but should there be any such, I sincerely congratulate them. In the schools I lost Jesus Christ, I have now found him in St. Paul. " Search the Scriptures,'' is the precept, which of all others seems to have most deeply impressed the anxious, inquisitive mind of Luther. And further, in his inqui- ries, he never forgot that he himself was personally inte- rested in the great truths of revealed religion. He stu- died the Bitile, not through curiosity, or the love of fame. 210 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 4. but from a sense of the importance of its contents, and of his own dangerous situation. How little have those understood the real character of this reformer, who have looked on him as a turbulent, ambitious innovator, im- pelled by selfish and worldly motives. Nothing can be iT)ore affecting than the following account, which he him- self gives of his own internal troubles. " However blameless a life I might lead as a monk, I experienced a most unquiet conscience; I perceived myself a sinner before God; I saw that I could do nothing to appease him, and I hated the idea of a just God that punishes sinners. I was well versed in all St. Paul's writings; and, in particular, I had a most wonderful desire to un- derstand the epistle to the Romans. But I was puzzled with the expression, " therein is the righteousness of God revealed." My heart rose almost against God with a silent sort of blasphemy: At least in secret I said with great murmur and indignation. Was it not enough that wretched man, already eternally ruined by the curse of original depravity, should be oppressed with every spe- cies of misery through the condemning power of the commandment, but that, even through the gospel, God should threaten us with his anger and justice, and there- by add affliction to affliction.'' Thus I raged with a troubled conscience. Over and over I turned the above- mentioned passage to the Romans most importunately. My thirst to know the apostle's meaning was insatiable. " At length, while I was meditating day and night on the words, and their connexion with what immediately follows, namely, ' the just shall live by faith,' it pleased God to have pity upon me, to open mine eyes, and to show me, that the righteousness of God, which is here said in the gospel to be revealed from faith ^o faith, re- Cent. 16.-\ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 271 lates to the method by which God, in his mercy, justifies a sinner through faith, agreeably to what is written, ' the just shall live by faith.' Hence I felt myself a new man, and all tiie Scriptures appeared to have a new face. I ran quickly through them as my memory enabled me; I collected together the leading terms; and I observed, in their meaning, a strict analogy, according to my new views. Thus, in many instances, the ivork of God, means that which he works in us; and the power, and wisdom of God, mean the power and wisdom, which his Spirit operates in the minds of the faithful; and in the same manner are to be understood the patience, the sal- vation, the glory, of God. "The expression, ' lighteousness of God,' now became as sweet to my mind as it had been hateful before; and this very passage of St. Paul proved to me the entrance into paradise."* The publications of Luther were circulated through- out Germany, and were read with the greatest avidity by all ranks and orders. Eckius and other advocates of the Roman Catholic cause answered the heretic with great heat and indignation. Luther replied with the prompti- tude and precision, and also with the zeal and confi- dence, of a man who was perfectly master of the argu- ments on both sides of the questions in dispute, felt deeply interested in the establishment of truth, and had thoroughly examined the foundations of his opposition to the prevailing corruptions. By these means the discus- sions at Leipsic were detailed with minuteness, and con- tinued with spirit; they every where became topics of common conversation; and, as Luther constantly appealed to plain sense, and the written word of God, the scholas- * lAith. Op. prsf. Vol. t 2^2 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 4. tic subtilties of Eckiiis lost thtjir weight and reputation among the people. It is not difficult to see, that the ad- vantages, which, in this way, the cause of the reforma- tion derived from the public contest at Leipsic, and its consequences, must have been very considerable. Among others, the elector of Saxony became more fa- vourably disposed towards Luther: and Melancthon, then twenty-three years of age, and already distinguished for his learning and skill, was effectually convinced, inso- much that he devoted his attention to theology, and be- came the most powerful coadjutor of Luthef . The pope's nuncio made several attempts to get Lu- ther in his power, but without effect. " Charles Mil- titz," said he, " is so ridiculous, that he would have me go 10 Coblentz, and defend myself before the archbishop, elector of Treves, in the presence of cardinal Cajetan; and yet this pleasant man owns, that he has received no precept from Rome concerning the matter. Every where, from all quarters, and by any method, I perceive, my life is sought! ! 1'-* Towards the end of this same year, 1519, Luther began to preach on the propriety of administering to the laity the communion in both kinds. This step gave great of- fence to George, duke of Saxony, who complained to his nephew, the elector, of the violent proceedings of the Wittemberg theologian. The elector replied with his usual caution; but pru- dential lessons did not suit the temper of Luther. "I am oppressed," says he, "with a multitude of concerns; and I heartily wish I could be relieved from the duty of teaching and reading lectures. Nothing could be more agreeable to me than to be loosed fi'om this employment * Luth. Epist. HO and HI. Lib. I. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 073 But if I am to continue a teacher, I cannot comprehend the notion oi" yourself, my Spalatinus, and of the friends you mention, namely, tliat sacred theology may be taught without giving oifencc to the pontilFs. The Scriptures themselves, in the most explicit manner, lay open men's abuses of the Scriptures, which abuses the pontilfs can- not bear to have mentioned. I have given up myself to this work hi the name of the Lord. May his will be done! The cause is that of mankind in general; let us, in faith and prayer, commit the event to God and we shall be safe. For what can our adversaries do.^ Will they murder us? They cannot do that twice. Will they asperse us as heretics.'^ Was not Christ himself treated as a malefactor.'' When I contemplate Ids suf- ferings, I blush for shame to think that my trials should be thought so considerable, when in reality they are no- thing; and so we should reckon such trials, had we right views of mortification, of self-denial, and, in a word, of the Christian cross, to which in our days we are perfect strangers. Cease then your attempts to divert me from my purpose. My enemies may rage, but I shall smile in security. I am determined to abide the event, and not to give way to any unbecoming fears. I should, indeed, be sorry to involve the prince in my concerns; otherwise, at this moment the uoild should see a very explicit pub- lication of my sentiments, a publication, which though it might still more provoke the Junes, would at the same time expose their folly." In, much the same spirit of determined resolution and of confidence in the justice of his cause, he wrote to the new emperor Charles V. imploring, however, in modest and submissive terms, the assistance atid protection "of so great a prince." ''Nothing," he said, "was nearer Vor. If. -2^1 274 HISTORY OF THE lamp. 4. his heart, than that he might he permitted to discharge his duty quietly in his own httle sphere. The violent and deceitful practices of others had compelled him to appear in public; but the very best men living, as well as his own conscience, would witness, that his sole object was, the propagation of evangelical truth, in opposition to the superstitions of human tradition. For this cause,'^ continues he, "during almost three years I haVebeen per- secuted in every way that my enemies could invent. In vain have I proposed terms of peace, in vain have I offer- ed to be silent, in vain have I begged for information and correction of my errors. After having tried all me- thods without success, I have judged it advisable to fol- low the example of St. Athanasius, in applying to your imperial majesty, if so be it may please God in that way to protect his own cause. I humbly therefore beseech your most serene majesty, that as you bear the sword for the praise of the good and the punishment of the bad, you would deign to take under the shadow of your wings the cause of truth; and as to myself, I crave your sup- port not one moment longer than while I shall appear to have reason on my side. Abandon me the instant I am found impious or heretical. All I beg is, that my doc- trines, whether true or false,- may not be condemned un- heard and without examination. If your most sacred ma- jesty, by your interposition, should prevent the exercise of tyrannical power, such a conduct would be worthy of your, royal and imperial throne, would adorn your go- vernment, and consecrate to posterity the age in which you live."* His celebrated letter to the pontiff Leo X. in the year 1520, and his treatise on Christian Liberty, were the ef- * Epistol, Luth. ad Carol. V. ant. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 27.0 feet of the last effort of Cliarles Miltitz, to produce a re- conciliation between the reformer and the court of Rome. As Luther was an ecclesiastic of the Au2;ustine order, Miltitz endeavoured to persuade the fathers of that fra- ternity to depute, from tiieir general assembly, then held in Saxony, some persons who should persuade their re- fractory brother to desist from his opposition to the law- ful commands of his superiors. This measure was tried; and Luther received the deputation with the most kind and dutiful attention; and very soon afterwards he had a friendly conference with Miltitz himself A distinct ac- count of this part of the negotiation of the pope's nuncio is contained in the following letter of Luther to Spalati- nus;* and it is the more expedient that we should have recourse to this authentic document, because the whole affair has been miserably misrepresented by papal wri- ters, and particularly by Maimbourgj who compares Lu- ther to the traitor Judas, and Augustiiiian fathers to the holy apostles. "Miltitz and myself/' says Lutiier, "met at Litchtemberg; and we have agreed upon the following terms, — from which Iw entertains the most sanguine hopes. I am to print and publish some little tract, and preface it with a letter to the pontiff. That letter is to contain a narrative of my proceedings, and an assurance that I never intended any personal affront to his holiness; at the same time I am allowed to lay a heavy load of blame upon Eckius. As this plan is founded in the most perfect truth, it is impossible that I should have the small- est objection to it. In the most submissive manner, I mean to propose silence on both sides; in order that no- thing of a conciliatory nature may be omitted on rny part. I need not tell you, that it has always been my wish to * Lib. i.Ep. 111. f Maimbourg-, in Seek. p. 94. 276 HISTORY OF THE 'iCIiap. 4. bring about peace. I shall have every thing ready in a few days. II" the event should answer our hopes, all will be well; but if it should not, I have still no doubt, that good will be the consequence.'* This is evidently the language of a man, who was not very anxious concerning the success of the project in contemplation. Early in the year 1520, he writes to Spalatinus thus; "I am extremely distressed in my mind. I have not much doubt hut the pope is the teal Antichrist. The Jives and conversation 'of the popes, their actions, their decrees, all agree most wonderfully to the descriptions of him in Holy Writ." It is to these views of the true na- ture of the papacy, — which were every day becoming clearer in Luther's mind, — that we are to ascribe that species of indilTerence with which he looked to the ter- mination of the present negotiation. The man, who was almost convinced of the antic hristian character of the whole Romish system, could feel no great anxiety to ob- tain the approbation of the sovereign pontiff. With a truly Christian spirit he seems to have resigned the event to the Divine disposal, and to have cherished a full per- suasion in his own mind, that some great good to the Church of God would result from the step, which he was about to take. If the court of Rome should adopt pru- dent and temperate counsels, a reformation of abuses and a revival of pure religion might still take place under the established hierarchy; and if they continued to turn a deaf ear to entreaty, advice, and remonstrance, such pre- sumption and arrogance would more strongly mark the features of Antichrist, and hasten his downfall. Cent.ier\ CHURCH OF CHRIST 211 CHAPTER V. Pope's liuU. — Conduct of Frederick. — Lnlher's Condiirf. While Leo was consulting, Luther was writing. At length, after the court of Rome bad hesitated almost three years, during all which time the ivord of God had grown and. multiplied, it was on the fifteenth of June, one thousand five hundred and twenty, that Leo X. published that famous damnatory bull against Luther, which in the event proved so fatal to the established hierarchy. Forty- one propositions extracted out of Luther's works are therein condemned as heretical, scandalous and oflensive to pious ears; all persons are forbidden to read his wri- tingSj upon pain of excommunication; such as had any of them in their custody, are commanded to burn them; and he himself, if he did not, within sixty days send or bring his retractation in form to Rome, is pronounced an ob- stinate heretic, is excommunicated, and delivered unto Satan for the destruction of his flesh; and all secular princes are required, under pain of incurring the same censures, and of forfeiting all their dignities, to seize his person, that he might be punished as his crimes de- served.* There was a time when the most powerful monarchs would have trembled at such a sentence. That time was now elapsed; and though Eckius and his party tri- umphed, as if by one decisive blow they had at length annihilated Lutheranism, the more judicious and dispas- sionate part of mankind beheld this rash step of the Ro- * Luth. Op. II. Wit. Parlavic. 27. 278 IIISTOIIY OF THE [^Chap. 5. man court as the certain prognostic of increased tumults and distractions. Spalatiuus lias informed us how httle intimidated or disconcerted he found his friend Luther to be on the ar- rival of the bull; but, it should seem, that some weeks before their interview, Luther knew the long-expected event had actually taken place. We collect this from one of his letters to Spalatinus, dated October the thir- teenth, 15:20; an extract of which we shall lay before the reader, who will, doubtless, be gratified to see his very first thoughts and resolutions on this memorable occasion. "At last the Roman bull is come: and Eckius is the bearer of it. I treat it with contempt. I consider it in all respects as a machination of Eckius, and I attack it as impious and false. You see, that the express doc- trines of Christ himself are here condemned; no cause assigned why I should be deemed a heretic; and, lastly, I am called, not to a hearing, but to a retractation. I shall, however, as yet, not seem to know that it is a papal bull, but treat it as a fiction and forgery. Oh! how I wish that the emperor Charles V. would act like a man; and in behalf of Christ oppose the emissaries of Satan. On my own account I have no fear. Let the will of the Lord be done. Neither do I see what steps the prince should take; perhaps, a silent connivance is his truest wisdom. Every where, even at Leipsic, I understand that both the bull and Eckius are extremely despised; so that I almost suspect it will, of itself, come to nothing, if we ourselves do not procure it importance, by discover- ing too great an anxiety. I send you a true copy of the bull, that you may see what these Romans are. If they prevail, there is an end of the church, and of the faith of the Gospel. From the bottom of my heart I rejoice Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 279 that I suffer this persecution in the best of causes; though I am not worthy to undergo tribulation in so holy a con- flict. I feel myself now more at liberty, being assured that the popedom is antichristian and the seat of Satan. My only prayer is, that God may preserve his own peo- ple from the impious seductions of Romish adherents. Erasmus writes, that the emperor's court overflows with beggars and dependants, all disposed to promote tyranni- cal principles, so tliat there is no hope in Charles. No wonder! Trust not in princes, or in any child of man, for there is no help in them."* An emissary of the Pope demanded of the elector of Saxony: 1. That he would cause all Luther's books to be burnt; and, 2. That he would either put the author of them to death, or imprison him till he should be sent to Rome. Frederick, after due consideration, and by the advice of his privy counsellors, replied with great prudence, firmness, and spirit. He expressed much surprise, that after the many proofs he had given of piety and obedi- ence, the pope should make such extraordinary demands. He besought that the business might be committed to learned, pious, impartial, and disinterested judges, who might meet in a convenient place, and have the parties before them, with the public faith pledged for their safety. "Whenever," he continued, "this supposed heretic shall have been convicted by solid Scriptural arguments, the Elector of Saxony will be the last person to protect him; and I must believe that even then His Holiness will not require me to do any thing dishonourable." Erasmus continued to act with his usual caution, but when Frederick pressed him for his opinion, he said iro- * Seek. IM. 2S0 HISTORY OF THE IChap.S. nically, "Luther has committed two great faults: he has touched the pope on the crown, and the monks on the belly." The elector smiled; and was so much impressed with the sarcastic observation, that he inentioned it a lit- tle before his death. Erasmus then subjoined, with great seriousness, '^ that Luther was just in his animadversions on the ecclesiastical abuses; that a reformation of the church was become absolutely necessary; that the re- foiHiier's doctrine was true in the main; but that there was a w'ant of mildness in his manner." The legates of the pope, in their turn, are said to have plied Erasmus closely with the offer of a rich bishopric, if he would undertake to write against Luther; but he answered them: "Luther is too great a man for me to encounter. I do not even always understand him. Hovv- evfer, to speak plainly, he is so extraordinary a man, that 1 learn more from a single page in his books, than from all the wn'itings of Thomas Aquinais." — Such was the re- putation of Luther for profound knowledge in divinity. From little anecdotes of this kind we often learn more of the real judgment of mankind concerning extraordi- nary characters, than from long historical details. For example: Count Nassau, governor of Fianders, Brabant and Holland, exhorted the divines at the Hague in the following manner: "Go and preach the Gospel in simplicity and truth, as Luther does; and you will otfend nobody, nor suffer any molestation." Again: The Academicians of Louvain complained to Margaret, the emperor's sister, governess of the Nether- lands, that Luther, by his writings was subverting Chris- tianity. Who Js this Luther.^ said she. They replied, He is an illiterate monk. Is he so.^ said she: then do you, who are very learned and numerous, write against Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 281 this illiterate monk; and surely the world will pay more regard to many scholars, than to one ignoramus. Another instance: At the emperor's table, mention being made of Luther, Uavcnstein said,- "Here is one Christian arisen among us, at last, after four hundred years; and tiie pope wishes to kill him. Our teachers at Louvain, by dint of bribes, obtained the burning of Lu- ther's books. The pile was kindled, and great was the concourse of the students and others around it. But what books, think ye, did they bring? Not those of Martin; but a great deal of monkish trash, was commit- ted to the flames."* The active mind of Luther was not a moment idle. He appealed from the pope's bull to a general council. He wrote several tracts which were widely circulated and read with the greatest avidity. In these he laid open the corruptions of the papacy, showing Rome to be the Babylon predicted in scripture, and calling on all to study the Scriptures. "The primitive church," says he, "act- ed thus: she must have acted so; for she had seen no writings of the fathers. The Scripture is its own inter- preter, trying, judging, and illustrating all things. If it be not so, why do Augustine and other holy fathers ap- peal to the Scripture as the first principles of truth, and confirm their own assertions by its authority.-^ Why do we perversely interpret the Scriptures, not by themselves, but by human glosses, contrary to the example of all fa- thers? If these fashionable modes of exposition be right, we had better at once admit, that the writings of the fa- thers are more perspicuoiis than the Scriptures. Again: If this be the case, the fathers themselves acted very ab- surdly, when they undertook to prove their own writings * Ex. Libell. in Biblioth. Paul. Lips. per. Seek. Vol.. If. ^ N 2S2 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 5. by the authority of Scripture; and it will follow, that we ought to pay more regard to expositors than to the word of God. The Apostles themselves proved their asser- tions by the Scriptiu'es; yet they surely had more right to plead their own authority than any of the fathers had. Let the fathers be allowed to have been holy men; still, they were only men, and men inferior to apostles and prophets: let them however be an example to us; and, as they in their time laboured in the word of God, so let us in our days do the same. There is one vineyard, and there are labourers employed at different hours. It is enough that we have learned from the fathers the duty of studying, and diligently labouring in the Scriptures; it is not necessary that we should approve of all their works. There are seasons, when the diligence of many does not afford what a critical opportunity alone gives to one, — provided that that opportunity be connected with the in- comprehensible energy of the Holy Spirit." Sentiments like these had scarcely, for many ages, been whispered in the Christian world. Even the best and wisest of men had long been accustomed to lay an undue stress on human authority; and, in many instances, the most unwarrantable tenets had rested on the credit of real or pretended fathers. "I own,^^ said he to Spalatinus, "that I am more ve- hement than I ought to be: I have to do with men who blaspheme evangelical truth; with wolves; with those, who condemn me unheard, without admonishing, without instructing me; and who utter the most atrocious slan- ders against myself and the word of God: even the most senseless spirit might be moved to resistance by their un- reasonable conduct; much more I, who am choleric by nature, am possessed of very irritable feelings, and of a Gent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 28S temper easily apt to exceed the bounds of moderation. I cannot however but be surprised, whence this novel taste arose, to call every thing spoken against an adver- sary, abusive language. What think ye of Christ.'' Was he a reviler, when he calls the Jews an adulterous and perverse generation, a progeny of vipers, hypocrites, the children of the devil? What think ye of Paul, who calls the enemies of the Gospel, dogs, and seducers; who, in the thirteenth chapter of the Acts, inveighs against a false prophet in this manner: ' 0 full of all subtilty and all malice, thou child of the devil, thou enemy of all righteousness.' Why does not Paul gently sooth the im- postor, rather than thunder at this rate.-^ A mind con- scious of truth cannot with easy indifference endure the obstinate enemies of truth. — I see that all persons de- mand of me moderation, and especially those of my ad- versaries who least of all exhibit it. If I am too warm, I am yet frank and open; in which point I think that I excel those, who always act with artifice and guile."* Again, in a dedication to the elector, of one of his Commentaries on a portion of the Gospels, he freely acknowledges, that he had not obeyed that prince's ad- monitions to avoid all acrimony in his controversies. When Luther, by his publications, had opened men's eyes to the impiety and injustice of the sentence of the Roman court, he proceeded to perform one of the bold- est actions recorded in history. He was convinced that his appeal to a general council would be disregarded by the pope and his cardinals; and he foresaw, that if he did not soon r6cant his heresies, the thunder of actual ex- communication would be levelled against the man who had so long been the object of ecclesiastical indignation. • Lib. I. Ep. 084 HISTORY OF THE iCIuqi. 5, He determined therefore to separate himself from the communion of the church of Rome: and as Leo, in the execution of the bull, had appointed Luther's books to be burnt, he, by way of retaliation, erected an immense pile of wood without the walls of Wittemberg, and there, in the presence of the professors and students of the uni- versity, and of a vast multitude of spectators, committed to the flames the papal bull of his excommunication, to- gether with the volumes of the decretals and canon law which relate to the pontifical jurisdiction. It has been thought probable that Luther was directed in this spirit- ed measure by persons well skilled in the law. For by thus voluntarily withdrawing himself in a public manner from the Romish church, it was supposed he had eluded and rendered insignificant any further exercises of papal authority against his person. The nian was now no longer a subject of the pontiff, and therefore it must be deemed superfluous and absurd to eject him by force from an ecclesiastical community of which he had ceased to be a member.* To convince mankind that the measure which he had just executed with so much firmness and intrepidity, was not a hasty thought, or the ebullition of a sudden gust of passion, he immediately selected thirty arlidcs from the code of papal laws, as a specimen of the iniquitous con- tents of the books which he had just consumed. Upon these he vi'rote concise and pointed remarks; he then printed the whole, and circulated the little tract among the people, calling upon them in the most animated strains to exercise their own judgments in matters of such vast importance. " Let no man's good sense," said he, " be so far seduced as to reverence the volumes which I have * Moshelm. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 285 burnt, on account of their great antiquity or tlieir high titles. Let every one first hear and see what the pope teaches in his own books, and what abominable, poison- ous doctrines, are to be tbund among the sacred, spiritual laws; and then let him freely judge whether I have done right or not in burning such writings." The two last of the articles selected by Luther were as follows: Art. 29. The pope has the power to interpret Scrip- ture, and to teach as he pleases; and no person is allowed to interpret in a different way. Art. 30. The pope does not derive from the Scripture, but the Scripture derives from the pope, authority, power, and dignity. Luther then affirms, that, comparing together the dif- ferent parts of the canon law, its language amounts to no less than this; "That the pope is God on earth; above all that is earthly or heavenly, temporal or spiritual; That all things belong to the pope; and. That no one must venture to say. What doest thou?" The established character of Frederick the Wise, as the elector of Saxony was called, made him so much more respected than the profane and prodigal pope of Rome, that he was well qualified to afford Luther efficient protection. Moreover, Frederick had generously re- signed the empire when it was offered to him, and thus prepared the way for the elevation of Charles, so that the emperor was under great obligation to him. Charles having ordered an imperial Diet to assemble at Worms, in January, 1521, deferred all severities against Luther until that time; though urged by the pope's nuncio to immediate persecution. At that diet the pope's legates pressed hard for an immediate edict 2S6 HibTORY OF THE IChap. 5, of condemnation against the man who had so long dis- turbed the peace of the Church, and who, for more than six months, had been under actual sentence of excom- munication, as an incorrigible heretic. But the members of the diet openly withstood the pope's advocates, in their attempts to procure Luther's condemnation without deliberation or inquiry. Such a proceeding they considered as inconsistent with justice, and unauthorized by precedent. Moreover, the emperor himself admonished the principal nuncio, Aleander, that it behoved him to explain to the Diet some just and weighty causes of Luther's excommunication; causes too, which should be abstracted from the particular interests of the court of Rome and of the pope, and be evidently connected with the general concerns of religion. With considerable eifect Aleander opened the cause against Luther. Beside the force of his eloquence, he was armed with money, and was empowered to distribute among persons of distinction, the most efficacious diplo- mas. The elector of Saxony, foreseeing the important ques- tions, of a political as well as of a religious nature, which would be agitated at the next Diet, took care to be at Worms some weeks before the meeting of the General Assembly. There this wise and good prince, from the conversations with the emperor and others, soon disco- vered that mischief was meditated against Luther. His enemies, in general, were contriving to have him brought before the Diet, with the design, no doubt, of securing the person of the heretic: and we find that the emperor had once so far acceded to their wishes, as to issue ex- press orders for his appearance. The summons for this purpose was sent to the elector; but this prince refused Cent. 16.] CHURCH of CHRIST. 287 to concur in that mode of conducting the business, and Charles recalled his summons. All this took place be- fore the middle of January, 1521.* In fact, at this mo- ment the cautious Frederick scarcely knew what course to steer. Perfectly upright and conscientious, he wished for nothing so much as an impartial hearing of the whole cause, and an equitable sentence in consequence; but he had great fears lest by calling Luther to Worms, he should entangle him in the dangerous snares of his adver- saries; and moreover, he did not then know what Luther himself might think of such a proposal. In this obscu- rity of circumstances the good sense and good principles of the elector determined him to adhere steadily to two points: 1. By no means to compel Luther to appear among his adversaries against his own will; and, 2. In every event not to permit him to stir a step towards Worms without a complete and unequivocal safe con- duct, nor to write any letters of passport in his behalf without the express directions of the emperor. — In the mean time he caused Luther to be made acquainted with the intentions of his malignant adversaiies; and the ques- tion to be put to him, what he would do if he should be cited to appear at the Diet? The answer of our intrepid reformer was perfectly in character. He said, if he should be called by so high an authority as that of the emperor, be would conclude it to be the Divine will that he should go; and if violence was done to him, as probabljTmight be the case, he would recommend his cause to God, who had saved the three children from the fiery furnace. And if it should not please God to preserve him, his life was but a small thing compared with that of Christ * Com. de Lulh. XC. 28S HISTORY OF THE IChap. 5. and His sufferings. "Though knigs and princes," said Luther, "conspired against the Lord and his Christ, yet, as it is written in the same psalm, Blessed are they that put their trust in him. It is not our business to deter- mine whether more or less benefit will accrue to the Church from my life or my death; but it is our bounden duty to beseech God that the reign of Charles may not commence with blood, shed in an impious cause. And for my part, as I have often said, I w^ould much rather die by the Romanists alone, than that he should be in- volved in this business. But if I must die, not only by pontifical but also by civil injustice, God's will be done. You have here my resolution. Expect from me any thing rather than flight or retractation. I mean not to flee; much less to retract. So may the Lord Jesus strengthen me! I can do neither without scandalizing godliness, and hurting the souls of many." This letter was addressed to his friend Spalatinus, the elector's se- cretary.* To the elector himself he writes, as being t|ie subject of this prince, with more ceremonious respect; and pro- bably with a suspicion also, that his letter might be shown to the emperor. He calls the elector his most illustrious prince and gracious master, and says, " I rejoice from my heart that his Imperial majesty is likely to undertake the management of this cause, which is indeed the cause of the Christian world in general, and of the whole German nation in particular. — I have ordered copies of all my writings to be transmitted to your Grace; and I now most humbly offer again, as I have repeatedly offered before, to do every thing which becomes a servant of God and of Christ to do, the mo- • Com. de Luth. XC. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST, 289 ment I shall be informed what my duty is from the clear evidence of the Holy Scriptures. "I have therefore with ail submission to entreat your Grace to present my himiblc petition to his Imperial Ma- jesty, that he would graciously be pleased to grant me a safe conduct, and suflicient security against every kind of violence, as I have great reason to be apprehensive on this account; and that he would also appoint learned and good men, unsuspected, and well skilled in the knowledge of their Bibles, to try this cause; and that for the sake of Almighty God I may be protected from every outrage till I have been indulged with a fair hearing, and have been proved to be an unreasonable, ungodly man, and, in short, no Christian. " I humbly beg also, that the secular power may so far interfere in my behalf, that my adversaries, the defenders of the Roman See, may be compelled, during this state of the business, to desist from their wicked and malicious attempts against my life, honour and dignity, and in par- ticular from publicly burning my writings; though as yet I have never been tried, much less convicted of any crime. " In regard to myself, provided I am but allowed a safe conduct, I shall in humble obedience to the emperor's summons, most cheerfully appear before tlie next general Diet at Worms; and there by the help of Almighty God, so conduct myself before just, learned and impartial judges, that all may be fully convinced'that I have done nothing from an inconsiderate, rash, Refractory spirit, or with a view to temporal honours and advantages; but that- every line I have written, and every doctrine I have taught, has proceeded from a conscientious regard to my oaths and obligations, I own myself unwortliy to be Vol.. II. C! o i'^Q HISTORY OF THE [C/iap. 5. styled a Doctor in sacred learning; nevertheless, it will appear that I have constantly intended to promote the praise and glory of God, the happiness and salvation of tlie Catholic church, the prosperity of all Germany, the overthrow of dangerous abuses and superstitions, and the emancipation of the whole Christian world from innume- rable, tyrannical, impious, and disgraceful grievances. "That the gracious elector of Saxony, together with his Imperial Majesty, may deign to turn a Christian eye to the present state of religion, burdened and enslaved as it is in so many ways, is the prayer of, "The elector's obedient and suppliant Chaplain, " Martin Luther/' The extraordinary piety and firmness so manifest in these letters, must have been highly pleasing to the elec- tor of Saxony; especially as both the public and private proceedings at Worms every day convinced him more and more of the necessity of our Reformer's presence. He was disgusted to find that secret consultations, to which he was not admitted, were continually held at the emperor's apartments, for the purpose of ruining Luther: moreover, an Imperial mandate was issued, by which the magistrates were conimanded to collect together all the writings of the heretic. Lastly, attempts, though fruit- less, were made by the emperor, to persuade Frederick, that it was his peculiar duty to call his own subject, Dr. Luther, before the assembly by his single authority, and also to supply hifti with the necessary passports.* The tendency of these machinations was sufficiently evident; and nothing was so likely to disconcert them all, as the actual appearance of the accused, secured by an effectual safe conduct. Also, if Aleander's malignant sophisms * Id. Add. II, LXXXVIII, and Add. XC. Cent. 16.2 CHURCH OF CHRIST. 29\ and gross misrepresentations had impressed or puzzled the minds of any of his hearers, nobody could so soon or so completely undeceive them as Luther himself, by his knowledge, his eloquence, and his plain dealing. Influenced by these and similar considerations, the elector of Saxony, in full Diet, urged the propriety of proceeding no further in the affairs of Luther, till he himself could be heard in his own cause. The question before them, he said, was not merely whether certain doctrines were fasle, and ought to be proscribed, but also whether Martin Luther was the author of them. Com- mon justice, therefore, required that he should be called before the Diet, that they might learn from himself whether he really avowed and propagated the sentiments which were said to be found in his books. It was impossible on any decent grounds to resist so wise and reasonable a proposition. In fact, the whole Diet almost without exception, though for various and even opposite reasons, concurred in this sentiment of the elector. The different Imperial Orders thanked the em- peror for his good intentions in securing by his mandate the books of Luther, and in general expressed their ap- probation of the measure. But still, they feared, no ma- terial good was to be expected from the publication of that mandate. Luther's doctrines had spread throughout Germany, and had excited much thinking, much specu- lation and design; for all which there now seemed no re- medy but to give the author a fair hearing. "Let him have a safe conduct," said they, " and let the question be put to him, ' Whether he will retract such articles as militate against the holy Christian faith which we have received from our ancestors and preserved until this timer' When that business is over, he may be heard on 2Q2 HISTORY OF THE {^Chap. 5. other points, and the Diet may come to such equitable resolutions as the case shall require. If indeed he should refuse to recant, then, no doubt, the Orders of the em- pire will strenuously support the emperor's decree with all their might." They concluded with entreating his Imperial Majesty to adopt some measures by which many practices of the Roman See might be effectually correct- ed:* for, said they, they are become highly injurious and intolerable to the German nation. Aleander, however, w as most excessively alarmed on the prospect of Luther's appearance, and strenuously ex- erted every nerve to prevent it. Charles ventured to grant Luther a safe conduct to Worms, and again in return to Wittemberg. He even with his own hand wrote to the heretic, and calls him, our honourable, beloved, devout, doctor Martin Luther, of the Augustine order. He then proceeds to inform* him, that the emperor, and the sacred Imperial Orders, then met in congregation, had determined to examine him respect- ing certain books which he had published; that they had joined in granting him a safe conduct; and that he must not fail to appear before the Diet within twenty-one days, reckoning from tlie sixth of March, the date of the let- ter. The emperor concludes with repealing his assu- rances of protection from every injury and violence.! Still the friends of Luther remained dissatisfied with even these pledges for bis safety; so deeply were their minds impressed with what had happened to .John Huss at Constance. It was agreed therefore, that several of * These and many other interesting' particulars in tills account are not so much. as hinted at by the popish writers. They are taken fronn very authentic accounts of the proceedings at Worms deposited among the Saxon archive^ a* Weimar. 7 Lutli. Op.II. 1G3. Cent. 16.1 CHURCH OF CHRIST. 293 the princes of the empire should also parlicularly and dis- tinctly sign the safe conduct, as a further security against the hostile designs of the Romans. Lastly, the sagacious elector of Saxony had the spirit to demand, and the per- severance to ohtain from the emperor, in writing, an ex- press renunciation of the detestahle popish tenet, that good faith is not to be preserved with heretics. Luther presently resolved on the journey to Woims. On the way he wrote thus to a friend: '- 1 hear the empe- ror has published a mandate to frighten me. But Christ, nevertheless, lives; and I will enter Worms, though all the gates of hell and all the powers of darkness oppose. I mean to terrify and to despise the prince of darkness." Still his friends besought him not to venture. Their solicitations to save his life met him at every step. It was under such circumstances, and to such solicitations, that our Saxon hero, with his usual intrepidity, returned that ever-memorable answer, " That though he should be obliged to encounter at Worms as many devils as there were tiles upon the houses of that city, this would not deter him from his fixed purpose of appearing there: That these fears of his friends could only arise from the suggestions of Satan, who apprehended the approaching ruin of his kingdom, by the confession of the truth be- fore such a grand assembly as the Diet of Worms.^'* Luther is said to have mentioned the circumstance a lit- tle before his death, and to have made this observation: "So fearless can God render a man: — I do not know whether at this day I should be so bold." • Luther arrived at Worms on the sixteenth of April, 1521; and as he stepped from his open vehicle, he said • Luth. Op. II, Du Pin, c. x. 294^ HISTORY OF THE IChap. 5. these words, in the presence of a prodigious concourse of people, " God will be on my side."* Immense crowds daily flocked to see him; and his apartments were constantly filled with visiters of the high- est rank. In short, he was looked on as a prodigy of wisdom, and respected as one who was born to enlighten the understandings of mankind, and direct their senti- ments;— a homage, more sincere, as well as more flatter- ing, than any which pre-eminence in birth or condition can command. Luther lodged with the Teutonic knights, near the elector of Saxony; and on the day after his arri- val was conducted to the Diet by the marshal of the em- pire.f On his appearance before that august assembly, he was directed to be silent till questions should be put to him. The Official of the archbishop of Treves, who was the emperor's speaker on the occasion, then produced a bundle of books, and informed Luther, that, by order of his Imperial Majesty, he was directed to propose two questions to him. The first was, whether he acknow- ledged those books which went by his name, to be his own; and the second, whether he intended to defend or to retract what was contained in them. Upon this, be- fore any reply could be made, Jerome Schurff*, a cele- brated doctor of the civil laws, who had come from Wit- temberg in the character of Luther's advocate, called out with a loud voice, " You ought to recite the titles of the books." The Official then read over the titles in suc- cession. Among which were, Commentaries on the Psalms; a little Tract on Good Works; a Commentary * Pallav. DuPin. f The crowd was so great, that it was found necessary to conduct Luther privately through a garden, and by back stairs, to the hall, where the emperor and the Diet were assembled. Luth. Op. II. Cent, 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 295 on the Lord's Prayer; and other books on Christian sub- jects, in no way related to controversy.* I shall answer the question, said Luther, as concisely, and as much to the purpose, as I possibly can. 1st. Un- less the books have been mutilated or altered by fanciful sciolists, or by the arts of my adversaries, they are cer- tainly mine. 2dly. Because this question relates io faith and the salvation of souls, and because it concerns the Word of God, the most important of all objects in heaven and in earth, and which deservedly requires of us all the most profound reverence, it would be equally rash and dangerous for me to give a sudden answer to such a ques- tion; since, without previous deliberation, I might assert less than the subject demands, and more than truth would admit; both which would expose me to condemnation from that sentence of Christ, " Whosoever denieth me before men, him will I deny before my Father which is in heaven."' For this reason I humbly beseech your Im- perial Majesty to grant me a competent time for consi- deration, that I may satisfy the inquiry without injuring the word of God, and without endangering my own sal- vation. After some deliberation, he was allowed to defer his answer till the next day, on tiie express condition, however, that he should deUver what he had to say viva voce, and not in writing. On the following day he was told that he ought not to have petitioned for delay, because he had well known, * The reader may smile at tlie management of Dr. Schurff, who, quite in the character of a practitioner of the law, took this very fair opportunity of bringing into view and exposing the unjustifiable lengths to which the ene- mies of his client had proceeded in condemning to the flames even his most unexceptionable writings. The Official called on Luther to own or disown such books as went by his name. *' Let us hear the titles, let us hear the sub- jects of the books," said the lawyer. 296 HISTORY OF THE l.Chap. 5. for a long time, what would be the nature of his exami- nation; and, moreover, that every one ought to be able at any moment to give an account of his faith; and much more a Doctor of great reputation, like Luther, who had been long exercised in theological discussions. At length, however, said the Official, return an answer to the ques- tion of the emperor, who has so kindly granted you your request. Luther then rose, and spoke before the emperor and the princeS; in the German language, to the following effect: " I stand here in obedience to the commands of his most serene Imperial Majesty and the most illustrious princes, and I earnestly entreat them that they would deign to listen to this cause with clemency. It will ap- pear, I trust, to be the cause of truth and justice; and therefore, if through ignorance, I should fail to give pro- per titles to each of the dignified personages who hear me, or if in any other respect I should show myself de- fective in politeness, they will be pleased to accept my apology with candour. I have not been accustomed to the refinements of the court, but to the cloisters of the monastery; nor of myself have I any thing further to say, than that hitherto I have read lectures and composed books with that simplicity of mind which only regards the glory of God and the instruction of mankind. "To the first question," continued Luther, "I gave a plain and direct answer; and in that I shall persist for ever. I did publish those books, and I am responsible for their contents, so far as they are really mine; but I do not answer for any alterations that have been made in them, whether by the crafty malice of enemies or the im- prudent officiousness of friends. Veut, 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 297 " In regard to the second question I humbly beg your most serene Majesty and their highnesses to take espe- cial notice, that my pubhcations are by no means all of the same kind. Some of them treat only of piety, and of the nature of faith, and morals; and these subjects are handled in so evangelical a manner, that my greatest ad- versaries are compelled to pronounce them innocent, profitable, and worthy to be read by Christians. The pope's bull, indeed, though it actually declares some of my books innocent, yet, with a monstrous and cruel in- discrimination, condemns Ihem all. Now were I to re- tract such vnitings, I should absolutely stand alone, and condemn those truths in which friends and foes most perfectly agree. •' There is another species of my publications in which I endeavour to lay open the system of the papal govern- ment, and the specific doctrines of the papists, who, in fact, by their corrupt tenets and bad examples, have made havoc of the Christian world, both in regard to body and soul. There is no denying this: Witness the universal complaints now existing, how the papal laws and tradi- tions of men most miserably entangle, vex, and tear to pieces the consciences of the faithful, and also plunder the inhabitants of this famous country in ways most shameful, tyrannical, and scarcely credible, notwithstand- ing that Germany by her own laws has declared, that any doctrines or decrees of the pope, which are contrary to the Gospel or the sentiments of the fathers, are to be deemed erroneous, and in no degree obligatory. — If, therefore, I should revoke what I have written on these subjects, I should not only confirm the wicked, despoti- oal proceedings to which I allude, but also open a door to further abuses of power, that would be still more li- VoL. II. 2 P 298 HISTORY OP THE ICJiap. 5. centious and insupportable; especially if it were said among the people that what I had done was confirmed by the authority of his most serene Majesty and a gene- ral meeting of the empire. "Lastly, the defences and replies which I have com- posed against such individuals as have laboured either to establish the Roman tyranny, or to undermine my expla- nations of the fundamental principles of religion, consti- tutes a third class of my publications. And in these, I freely confess, I have been betrayed into an asperity of expression, which neither becomes me as a clergy- man, or as a Christian: however, I pretend not to set myself up for a saint, neither do I plead for the strictness of my life, but lor the doctrines of Christ. But, it is not in my power to retract even these writings as far as the matter contained in them is concerned; lest by such a step I should become the patron of the most arbitrary and impious usurpations, which in consequence would soon gather strength, and spend their fury on the people of God in more violent outrages than ever. Yet, since I am but a man, and therefore fallible in judgment, it would ill become me, in supporting my poor paltry tracts, to go further than my Lord and Master Jesus Christ did in the defence of his own doctrines; who, when he was interrogated concerning them before Annas, and had re- ceived a blow from one of the officers, said, ' If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil; but if well, why smitest thou n\e?' If then our Lord, who was infallible, did, nevertheless, not disdain to listen to any thing that could be said against his doctrine even by a person of the lowest condition, how much more ought such a con- temptible being as I, who am all imperfection, to be ready to attend to whatever arguments can be brought in the Cent. 16.1 CHURCH OF CHRIST. 29^ way of objection to my positions? I entreat therefore your Majesty and the members of this illustrious assem- bly, to produce evidence against me; and however high, or however low, be the rank of the person who shall be able, from the sacred Scriptures, to convict me of error, I will instantly retract, and be the first to throw the book into the fire. "Permit me to suggest for the consideration of us all, that as Almighty God is wonderful and terrible in coun- sel, surely it behoves this august assembly to examine with especial care, whether the object which my ene- mies so ardently long to compass, does not in fact amount to a condemnation of the divine word; and whether such a measure, adopted by the first German Diet of the new emperor, might not lead to a dreadful deluge of evils. Under the protection of God, there is reason to augur well of this excellent young prince; but take care that you do not render the prospect of his government unfa- vourable and inauspicious. "By a variety of instances from holy writ, and parti- cularly by the cases of Pharaoh, of the king of Babylon, and of the kings of Israel, I could prove this important point, namely, that men have ruined themselves at the very moment when they imagined they had settled and established their kingdoms in the most prudent manner. The ruling principle should be, the fear of God. HE it is, who taketh the wise in their craftiness, and re- moveth the mountains and they know not, and overturn- eth them in his anger.* " In saying these things, I mean not to insinuate, that the great personages who condescend to hear me, stand in need of my instructions or admonitions: no, — but there * Job. 300 HISTORY OF THE [^Chap. 5. was a debt which I owed to my native country, and it was my duty to discharge it. The reasons, which I have now alleged, will, I trust, be approved by your serene Majesty and the princes; and I humbly beg that you will disappoint my enemies in their unjust attempts to render me odious and suspected. — I have done."* As soon as Luther had finished his speech, which was delivered in the German language, he was ordered to say the same things in Latin. But he was so much out of breath, and so overcome with heat and the pressure of numerous persons of quality, that he found it necessary to pause a little. Upon which a courtier of the elector of Saxony, supposing him to be disconcerted and afraid to proceed in the Latin language, kindly admonished him to desist from the attempt, and assured him that he had said enough. Luther, however, did not relish this ad- vice; but having quickly recovered himself, he again went over the same ground in Latin with prodigious animation, and io the very great satisfaction of all his friends, and particularly the elector of Saxony. It appears that this prince was so delighted with the piety, confidence, and ability of Luther on this occasion, that he took Spalati- nus aside into his bedchamber, and there expressed his approbation and astonishment in the following manner: *' 0 how excellently did Fatlier Martin speak, both in German and Latin, before the emperor and the Impe- rial Orders. He was sufficiently, if not rather too ani- mated!"! His adversaries acknowledged that he spoke for two hours with the applause of one half of the assembly; until John Eckius,J the Emperor's speaker, having lost almost all patience, before Luther had well concluded, cried out. • Acta Worm, f MS. Spal f Not Eckius, the Leipsic disputant. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. SOI in much heat and passion, That he had not answered to the point; That he was not called upon to give an ac- count of his doctrines; That these had already been con- demned in former councils, whose decisions were not now to be questioned: That he was required to say sim- ply and clearly, whether he would or would not retract his opinions. " My answer," said Luther instantly, "shall be direct and plain. I cannot think myself bound to believe either the pope or his councils; for it is very clear, not only that they have often erred, but often con- tradicted themselves. Therefore, unless I am convinced by Scripture or clear reasons, my belief is so confirmed by the Scriptural passages I have produced, and my con- science so determined to abide by the word of God, that I neither can nor will retract any thing; for it is neither safe nor innocent to act against a man's conscience.^' — Luther then pronounced these words in the German lan- guage: f$it §ttf^t icfj; ^cf^ ftan nicjt anticr,o; 45ott Jeiff mir; ^mcn. " Here I stand. I cannot do other- wise. May God help me. Amen." After the Diet had taken Luther's speech into consi- deration, their Speaker told him; — That he had not an- swered with the modesty that became his character and situation. That if he had retracted those books which contained the main part of his errors, he would have suf- fered no persecution for the rest. That for him, who had revived the errors condemned at Constance, to re- quire a refutation and conviction from Scripture, was the wild proposal of a man scarcely in his senses. That, on such principles, nothing would be left certain in the Church. That for these reasons, he was once more ask- ed, whether he intended to defend all he had written as orthodox, or whether he would retract any part as erro- neous. 302 HISTORY OF THE [C/iap. 5. Luther persisted in liis former answer; and intreated the emperor not to permit him to be compelled to do vio- lence to his conscience, by recanting what he felt him- self bound to believe on the authority of the word of God, unless he was proved to be mistaken by evident ar- guments from Scripture. Councils, he repeated, have erred frequently. " You cannot prove that/' said Eck- ius. "I will pledge myself to do it," replied Luther. But night coming on, the Diet broke up. During the whole of this interesting scene, the special partizans of the pope were filled with indignation; and many of the Spanish Roman Catholics followed Luther as he returned home from the tribunal, and showed their enmity by long-continued sneers and hisses. On the next day,* the emperor directed a schedule, written with his own hand, to be read to the princes in full congregation. The purport of the schedule was this: " His ancestors had always respected the Roman church, which Luther now opposed: He could not with any propriety depart from their example: He was bound to defend the ancient faith, and support the papal See: And as Martin Luther could not be induced to give up any one of his errors, he was determined to proceed against him as a notorious heretic: Nevertheless he by no means intended to violate the safe conduct which had been granted to him.^f This hasty and indiscreet measure, which was partly owing to the juvenile impetuosity and inexperience of Charles, and partly to the incessant solicitation of the papal party, produced complaints and murmurs in the assembly.! The emperor, by giving his opinion first, had broken the established rules of the Diet. He ought * April 19, t Acta Worm^ t Du Pin. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 303 not to have given his judgment, till all the other states had given theirs. Such a procedure was esteemed a prejudging of Luther's cause, and manifestly tended to abridge the electors and princes of their right of voting freely in the matter before them. Party spirit ran high at this moment. Acrimonious papers on both sides of the question were publicly affixed to the walls; and the most violent and even threatening expressions are said to have been used. Had Luther been a man of a worldly temper, or actuated by political considerations, he might easily have turned these critical circumstances to his own advantage. Could he have been persuaded only to tem- porise a little, and to explain away or even soften a few of the most oifensive positions in his publications, there seems abundant reason to conclude, ti)at he liiight have gained an easy victory over his enemies at Worms, and at the same time have given a severe blow to the papal authority — So great was the impression he had pioduced on the members of the Diet; and so odious was become the systematic oppression of the Roman See. But a true servant of God rarely suffers himself to be influenced by what are called the prudential maxims of men of the world. His conduct is straight and steady; and he commits the event to God. This holy, this Chris- tian temper of mind, was eminently exemplified in the behaviour of Luther, during the remaining conferences at V¥orms. Charles V. no doubt soon perceived the mistake he had committed, in having sent so premature a message to the Diet. That assembly, notwithstanding the pe- remptory declaration of the emperor, continued all that day, and all the next, in consultation, and no official in- formation was sent to Luther, respecting a matter in 304 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 5. which he was so deeply interested. The misunderstand- ing, however, was compromised in this way: Charles, at the instance of the Diet, consented that the heretic should be allowed a few days' longer delay, during which time such of the princes as pleased might endeavour to per- suade him to recant his errors; and if they succeeded, he promised that he himself would take care he should be pardoned by the Roman pontiff* Accordingly, on the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth of April, incredible pains were taken by the princes, elec- tors, and deputies of various Orders, to shake the resolu- tion of this hero of the Reformation. In particular, the archbishop of Treves summoned him to his own lodgings, where, in the presence of several persons of the greatest distinction, he was earnestly exhorted to be less obstinate, and to submit his own judgment to that of holy councils. He was told, that though he had written many good things, yet some of his books had excited incredible dis- sentions and tumults; and that if he persisted in those sentiments, the emperor would assuredly proceed to ba- nish him from the country. Much was added concern- ing the necessity of laws, and of obedience. Luther humbly thanked the princes for their clemency and good-will towards him. He said, *' he by no means censured councils in general, but only a part of the pro- ceedings at Constance in regard to John Huss. If the faith of Christ was truly set forth, and Christ's flock were fed in a real Gospel-pasture, there would be no need to burden the church with human traditions. He allowed that he ought to obey magistrates, even wicked magis- trates; that the precepts for this purpose were to be taken in their plain meaning, and that he had often taught this ' Pallav. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 305 • doctrine in his writings. He was ready to do any thing, provided he was not urged to deny the clear word of God.^' Luther was then ordered to withdraw; and the princes, after considtalion, called him again before them, went over the same ground, and concluded with again exhort- ing him to submit his writings to the judgment of Charley, and of the princes of the empire. Luther replied. That it should never be said that he declined the judgment of the emperor and the leading orders of the state. He was so far from dreading a scrutiny of that sort, that he wished it to be as accurate as possible, provided always, that every thing was to rest on tlie authority of the Holy Scriptures. He humbly besought them, therefore, to do no violence to his con- science, by urging him to deny the express declarations of the divine word. They should find him completely obedient in all other respects. Are we to understand, then, said the elector of Bran- denburg, that you will not give way, unless convinced from the Holy Scripture.^ " Yes, most kind and gentle sir," replied Luther, "or by very clear and evident reasons." Upon this the assembly broke up. When it imme- diately occurred to the archbishop of Treves, that possi- bly he might succeed better at a private, than a public meeting. He therefore took Luther into his chamber, with two doctors, namely, Eckius, his official, as above mentioned, and Cochleus, the dean of Francfort, a cele- brated papal advocate, who had come to Worms on pur- pose to oppose the heretic. Luther, however, had the good sense and caution to object to a secret conference of this kind, unless several Vol. II. i2Q 306 HISTORY OF THE [C/mp. ii. creditable persons, of his own friends, were likewise ad- mitted. This being agreed to, a dispute of some length ensued concerning the rise of various heresies and the decrees of councils: but not the smallest advance was made towards an accommodation.* It was on the 25th of April, 1521, that the archbishop of Treves made his last efforts to reclaim this obstinate heretic. t He commissioned two learned doctors, one of whom was Conrad Peutinger, privy counsellor to the emperor, to try to the utmost, whether they could not persuade him to submit to the judgment which Charles V. and the several imperial orders should pass upon his writings. Luther, as usual, agreed, provided they would depend solely on scriptural authority; otherwise, he said, nothing could be more opposite to his principles. " Trust not," continued he, " princes, or the sons of men, for there is no safety in them. Cursed is he who putteth his trust in man." The same persons then entreated him to consent that a selection of various articles should be made from his publications, and that these should be submitted to the judgment of a general council. Luther continued in- flexible. Neither threats, nor exhortations, nor promises, availed to make him change his resolution, or vary from the answer he had so often given, respecting the absolute necessity he was under of abiding by the sole authority of the sacred Scriptures. The elector, archbishop of Treves, appears to have been a bigoted Roman Catholic, but a man of gentle manners, and of a humane disposition. His conduct at * Spalatinus and Justus Jonas were among the friends of Luther who were present at this meeting. t This is the name which had long been given him by the papal party. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 307 Worms, in regard to Luther's cause, has been ascribed to difterent motives, as natural timidity, or friendsiiip for the elector of Saxony. There is, however, no imputa- tion on his sincerity in his negotiations vvitli Luther. So earnestly did this prelate wisii for an accommodation of the differences, that when all other methods had failed, he took Luther into his closet, and there, in the kindest manner, — no other person being present, — exhorted him to submit to some of the proposals that had been made to him, respecting the final judgment of the emperor and the imperial orders, or of a general council. Luther answered roundly. That he by no means thought it safe' to entrust the decision of so important a matter to per- sons, who, when he was called before them under the public faith, had yet persecuted him afresh, had ah'cady given judgment against him, and had even approved of the pope's bull. — Lastly, the archbishop called in Spa- latinus, and, in his presence, asked Luther, whether he himself could suggest any healing measures, that were likely to succeed. " Nothing better," replied Luther in- stantly, "than the advice of Gamaliel; 'If this work be of men, it will come to nought; but if it be of God, ye cannot resist it' The emperor and the princes may in- form the pope, that I feel perfectly assured this whole religious agitation and controversy, in which I am now concerned, will of itself die away in less than two years, unless God be actually on my side." What would you do, said the archbishop, suppose an extract of certain propositions from your books should be made, and the articles so extracted be submitted to the judgment of a future council? '• I hope, kind sir," replied Luther, " they would not be those which were condemned by the council of Constance." I fear they 308 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 5. would, said the archbishop. "Then," rejoined Luther, " I neither can nor will be silent, in regard to such a pro- posal; for I am sure that the decrees of that council condemned the word of God; and rather than give up the word of God, when the case is quite clear, I would lose my life.'' In about three hours after this conversation, Luther received a message from the emperor, which directed him to leave Worms, " because, notwithstanding the most friendly admonitions and entreaties, he persisted in bis contumacy, and would not return into the bosom of the church." He was allowed twenty-one days to return home; during which time the public faith was pledged for his safety; but he was strictly enjoined not to preach to the people in the course of his journey. "This is the Lord's will," said Martin, "and blessed be the name of the Lord!" He then, through the official, returned most respectful thanks to the emperor, and the members of the assembly, for their patience in hearing him, and their liberal treatment in general. He said, he had wished for nothing but a reform in religion, on the plan of the Holy Scriptures; nor did he now request any thing for himself, but to be allowed the free use of the word of God. Let that only be granted, and he was ready to undergo every thing without exception, for the sake of his imperial majesty and the imperial orders. — He left Worms on the following day, the twenty-sixth of April. But the papists still meditated his destruction. To secure him, Frederick contrived a plan, not very agree- able to Luther, but effectual to his preservation. Three or four liorsemen, in whom Frederick could confide, disguised themselves in masks, and contrived to meet Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 309 the persecuted monk near Eisenach, on his return home. They played their part well. They rushed out of a wood, secured Luther as it were by force, and carried him into the castle of Wartburg.* There Luther had leisure to pursue his plan of studying the Scriptures and writing. From his retirement he sent forth new works continually. These encouraged the hearts of his friends, and kept alive the spirit of reformation. In the year 1522, he left his Patmos, as he called his castle, and returned to Wittemberg, without the consent or even the knowledge of his patron and protector, Fre- derick. The active spirit of the reformer ill brooked his long confinement, and moreover, the distracted state of the infant Protestant church absolutely required his presence. CIL4PTER VL Fanatics. -^Activity of Luther. — Mrian. The necessity of knowledge and piety to temper and direct zeal is frequently manifest. Much disorder arose from the violent proceedings of Carolsladt, a coadjutor of Luther's. He discouraged learning, and at the head of impetuous youths broke down the images in the Ro- man Cathohc churches, overthrew their altars, &c. These were all opposite to the gospel, but his mode of procedure was entirely indefensible. Luther was much distressed by it. He, however, wrote " There is no rea- son to be frightened. Rather give praise to God; and rejoice in the certain expectation that all will end well. Things of this kind always happen to those who en- • May 3. 310 HISTORY OF THE [CVicj). 6. deavour to spread the gospel. We must not only expect Annas and Caiaphas to rage against us; but even a Judas to appear among the apostles, and Satan himself among the sons of God. Be wise, and look deeper than to the external appearance. Other agents, besides those which are merely human, are at work. Don't be afraid, but be prepared for more events of this sort. This is only the beginning of the business: Satan intends to carry matters much further yet. Believe me in what I now say; I am but a plain, simple man; however, I know something of Ids arts. Suffer the world to clamour against us, and to pass their harsh judgments. Be not so much concerned at the falling away of particular Christians. Even holy Peter fell; and also others of the apostles. Doubt not but they will in a short time rise again, as surely as Christ himself rose from tiie dead The words of St. Paul to the Corinthians * are at this moment pe- culiarly applicable to our circumstances, namely, ' that we should approve ourselves, as the ministers of God, in much patience, in imprisonments, in tumults, in la- bours.^ " Several enthusiasts appeared in Saxony, among wliom Nicholas Stork, Mark Stubncr, Martin Cellary, and Thomas Munzer, have, by their follies, obtained a me- morial in history. Stork was a baker at Zwickau, who had selected, from his acquaintance of the same calling, twelve whom he called apostles, and also seventy two disciples. The other three, in a tumultuous manner, harangued the populace in the church of St. Catharine of the same town. Nicholas Hausman, the pious master of the place, resisted these insane prophets to the best of his power, but could not control their fury. — They pro- • 2 Cor. V, Centie.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. SH fessed themselves to have a divine commission, and pre- tended to visions and inspirations. They raised disputes concerning the baptism of infants, and appealed to super- natural revelations for their authority. Luther wrote thus to Melancthon concerning them. " As you are my superior," said he, " both in discernment and erudition, I cannot commend your timidity in regard to these pro- phets. In the first place, when they bear record, of themselves, we ought not implicitly to believe them; but rather to try the spirits, according to St. John's advice. As yet, I hear of nothing done or said by them, which exceeds the imitative powers of Satan. It is my particu- lar wish that you would exainine whether they can pro- duce any p'oq/" of having a divine commission. For God never sent any prophet, who was not either called by proper persons, or authorized by special miracles, no, not even his own Son. Their bare assertion of a divine afflatus, is not a sufficient ground for your receiving them ; since God did not even choose to speak to Samuel, but with the sanction of Eli's authority. So much for their pretensions to a public character. — In tlie next place, I would wish you to sift their private spirit,— whether they have experienced any internal distresses of soul, the attacks of death and hell, and the comforts of the new birth unto righteousness. If you hear nothing from them but smooth, tranquil, and, forsooth, what they call, devout, religious contemplations, regard them not; for there is wanting the characteristic of the Son of Man, of the Man of sorrows; there is wanting the Cross, the only touchstone of Christians, and the sure discerner of spirits. Would you know the place, the time, the man- ner of divine conferences and communications; hear the 312 HISTORY OF THE [C/mjJ. 6= written word, ' As a lion will he break all my bones/* And * I am cast out of the sight of thine eyes. My soul is full of trouble, and my life draweth nigh unto hell.' The majesty of the Divine Being speaks not immediately, in a way that man should see HIM. None can see HIM and live. Do you try them therefore carefully, and listen not even to a glorified Jesus, unless you find he was first crucified.'' Returned to Wiltemberg, Luther resumed his favourite employment of preaching, for which he was eminently qualified. In a conference with some of the fanatics, he showed their want of scriptural support. He also pub- lished his version of the New Testament in the German language, and prepared for the publication of the Old, which he eventually accomplished. The progress of the reformation having become considerable, he gave direc- tions concerning the removal of various abuses, such as administering the sacrament in one kind only, &c. Great opposition was made to the reformer by Duke George of Saxony, who excited various enemies against him. Among other things this persecutor sought to de- stroy the copies of the New Testament Luther had cir- culated. But the work proceeded. Many of the bishops opposed him. To them he wrote with great energy. At the same time he proceeded to show how much those were to be valued who were bishops indeed, and governed their flocks according to the rules prescribed by St. Paul to Timothy and Titus; and how exceedingly opposite to the apostolical standard was the general character of the bishops of his own time. " But," says he, " the most atrocious and most mis- * Isaiah xxxviii. 13. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 31$ chievous poison of all the papal usages is that, where the pontiff, in his bulls of indulgence, grants a full remission of sins. Christ, in the 0th of Matthe»v, did not say to the sick of the palsy, 'put money into this box,' but ' Son, be of good cheer, thy sins are forgiven thee/ No words nor conceptions can reach the atrocity and abomi- nation of this Satanic invention: for, through this mean, the people are seduced from the purity and simplicity of that faith which, by relying on the gracious promises of God, alone justifies and obtains remission of sins; and they are led to put their trust in the pope's bulls, or in paying certain prescribed sums of money, or in their own works and satisfactions." Immediately after the declaration contained in his famous bull, Luther proceeds thus: — "These proposi- tions I undertake to prove, even at the tribunal of Al- mighty God, by unanswerable arguments. The apostle Paul directs Titus to ordain bishops in every city; men, who should each of them be blameless, the husband of one wife, and whose character should agree with the rest of his description.* Such then is the mind of the Holy Spirit, speaking by the apostle Paul in the clearest terms.'' Leo X. dying, was succeeded by Adrian VL, formerly the preceptor of Charles V. He entered into the course of persecution pursued by his predecessor. " It is a most unaccountable thing," said he, " that so large and so re- ligious a nation should be seduced by a single pitiful friar." He called upon the German princes assembled at Nuremburgh to root out Lutheranism. It was beyond their power. The Pope having confessed that many cor- ruptions existed, they besought him to summon a general * Tit. chap. i. and li. Vol. IT. 2R 314 HISTORY OF THE [C/mp.7. council, and drew up a memorial of a hundred grievances against the church of Rome. Luther pubhshed an ad- dress to the princes and noblemen of Germany, in which he gratefully acknowledged this important aid. But the enemies of the truth became at length out- rageous, and both Luther and the elector of Saxony were in the most imminent danger. That Providence, how- ever, in which Luther steadfastly confided, proved their sufficient shield. CHAPTER VII. Denmark. — Sweden. — JVew Pope. — Consubstautiation. Mim- zer. — Death of Frederick. In Denmark the light of truth began to shine. Several students of divinity from that country had visited the uni- versity of Wittemberg, induced by what they had heard of Luther's talents and learning. On their return, it soon appeared that they had caught the salutary flame which had already exhilarated the hearts of so many foreigners. Both in public and in private, among their countrymen, they most industriously spread the reforma- tion they had oltained from their great Saxon master. Herman Tast, in the year 1522, was the first, who, when he found the church at Husum shut against him by the popish clergy, preached boldly, under a tree in the churchyard, a course of most excellent sermons to a nu- merous audience; and this same pastor also two years after preached at Gardingen the first public sermon which was ever composed according to the sound principles of the reformed religion, and delivered in a regular way fVnf.lG.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. S16 from the pulpit in that country: for in 1524, Frederick I,, king of Denmark and duke of Holstein, made it a capi- tal offence for any person to take away the life, or injure the property or dignity of another, on account of his reli- gion, whether Papal or Lutheran. In Sweden, the renowned Gustavus Vasa, having in his youth lived an exile at Lubec, and there gained some in- formation concerning the grounds of Lutheranism, and having afterwards been further instructed by Laurentius and Olaus Petri, two disciples of Luther, no sooner saw himself in firm possession of the throne, than he deter- mined to reform the church. A royal proclamation by Gustavus, in substance as fol- lows, must have been extremely beneficial to the reform- ers. " We do not deny that our care is for the true reli- gion founded on the word of God. There can be no bet- ter religion than that which Christ and his apostles have delivered to us. Here there is no place for dispute. But, respecting certain ceremonies questions are raised, and more especially respecting the privileges of the cleigy. It is true, that we find learned men ai'e desirous of abo- lishing several useless external rites, but there is not the least, ground for calumniating us, as though we wished to introduce any other religion than that which is truly Christian. Our single aim is, to worship God in spirit and truth, and to become a partaker of the joys of hea- ven with all Christ's faithful servants. Let not our be- loved subjects, therefore, listen to slanderous reports con- cerning their sovereign; but remain assured, that our thoughts are employed how we may best promote the glory of God, and their eternal welfare. It is not long ago, since we learned what fraudulent means the Roman pontiff has employed to drain this kingdom of large sums 310 HISTORY OF THE lChap.7. of money, through tlie institution of private mksses and indulgences. And in regard to other countries men of the best information have proved, beyond contradiction, by what variety of deceitful methods the bishops and other ecclesiastical dignitaries make a gain of the simple; and how they burden wretched consciences, and multiply acts of hypocrisy. The luxurious prelates now see that these evil practices are detected and exposed by persons of the greatest piety and knowledge; and therefore they set their faces against the truth with all their might, and cry out, Innovation and heresy! But believe them not. — We seri- ously exhort you to believe them not; for there is not one word of truth in their malicious accusations."* Violent opposition mas made by the papists, but Gus- tavus prevailed. He called an assembly of the states of his kingdom, and proposed a reform. Upon hearing the king's proposal, the convocation was ahnosi in an uproar. The prelates, and other papal ad- herents, cried No! No! with the utmost clamour, and called loudly on the leading men of the country, to with- stand such unjust innovations. But the pious and disinterested Gustavus had formed a resolution, from which even the splendour of a crown could not induce him to depart. He came into the assem- bly, and there publicly resigned the government of the kingdom. With some warmth, but with great decency and firmness, he informed them, that he had made his choice, and that his conscience did not permit him to support a superstitious and depraved system of religion. He added, that he had determined to leave the country, * Baazius Histor. Cent.16.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 317 but expected them to pay him the price of his hereditary possessions. The great body of the Swedish representatives were now in an uproar, and threatened the papists with ven- geance if they did not consent to the w ishes of their be- loved sovereign. George, marquis of Brandenburg, protected the rising reformation in Hungary. But the persecution in Flanders was ferocious. There Aleander, armed with the authority of the pope, and sup- ported by the united power of the inquisition and of the civil government, exercised the vengeance of the hier- archy without mercy. The writings of Luther had in- fected the Augustinian monks at Antwerp. Some of them were imprisoned, and recanted; but three, in spite of per- suasion, threats, and long confinement, remained steady.* These w'ere publicly stript of their holy orders, and de- clared heretics on a scaffold at Brussels, about the mid- dle of the year 1523. Adrian dying, Julius de Medicis succeeded him, with the title of Clement VII. He was by no means disposed to comply with the wishes of the Diet of Nuremburgh. The triumphs of evangelical doctrine continued. Prus- sia received the truth, as did also various other regions. The labours of the faithful w^re not in vain. It is matter of regret, that Luther retained one error, that of consubstantiation. Perhaps, however, we should say it is astonishing that he gained deliverance from so many. Born and educated a papist, having every inqui- ry to make for himself, we may indeed be surprised that he arrived at so large a measure of truth. He rejected the doctrine of transubstantiation, but * Bl-Midst, 318 HISTORY OF THE ICkap. 7. maintained, nevertheless, that along with the elements of bread and wine, the real body and blood of Christ were received by the partakers of the Lord's Supper. It is a memorable instance of human imbecility, that a man who had risen superior to the habits and prejudices of educa- tion in so many other respects, and who, through the grace of God and the instruction of the written word, had been more completely emancipated from vulgar and fashionable absurdities, than any mere philosopher iu any age had ever been, should in this single point re- main so unreasonably attached to the opinion which he had imbibed in his youth. Our astonishment is increased by this circumstance, that he could allow the scriptural expressions to be consistent with the admission of the reality of the elements according to the plain testimony of our senses, and yet should think that those same ex- pressions do still imply that the partaker of the real bread and wine does also partake at the same time of the ma- terial substance of Christ's human body. Thus, how- ever, the advocates for the doctrine of consubstantiation must argue. And the case before us shows, that great men are not so in all things; and that it is never wise to adhere implicitly to the authority of mere fallible men as teachers. He contended for this doctrine with vehe- mence. Munzer and the celestial prophets have already been adverted to. They boasted of conversations with the Al- mighty. By eulogizing them, Munzer united to himself a number of persons, who entered into a conspiracy with him, subscribed their names and took a solemn oath, for the express purpose of murdering all wicked persons, appointing new princes and magistrates, and organizing the world afresh; and upon such a plan, that pious and Ce«M6.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 319 good people only should have the upper hand. — The en- thusiast declared, that for all this, he had the positive command of God. Banished from Saxony, Mnnzcr retired to Nurem- berg, and thence to Mulhausen, where he had more suc- cess; He became the minister of the common people, and stimulated them to degrade the old magistrates and elect new ones; and to turn the monks out of doors, and seize their houses and property. The very best and richest house fell to the share of Munzer himself, who was now become both the first ecclesiastic and the first magistrate of the place. lie decided all points in a sum- mary way by the Bible or by inspiration, and taught the doctrine of perfect equality, and of a community of goods. The poor ceased to labour, and supplied their wants from the rich by force. The number of this deluded rabble increased in a most astonishing manner; their in- fatuated leader became every day more insolent, and per- suaded himself that the time for carrying his detestable designs into execution was fast advancing. Availing himself of popular grounds' of complaint of a secular nature, Munzer inflamed the passions of the peo- ple. He made violent and delusive harangues, and, by his relation of visions and inspirations, and a pretended foresight of certain success, rendered them altogether desperate and outrageous. Luther at first counselled to forbearance, but when the murderous designs of the fanatic were fully manifest, he used all his influence against him. He wrote against him. He addressed the common people. He addressed the princes and nobles. The rustics were anxious for his countenance, but he warned them against the con- 320 IILSTORY OF THE IChaji. 7. sequences of their conduct, and displayed to them in strons colours the character of their leaders. When at length the violence of the mob became wholly Tingovernablc, and monasteries, castles and houses were pulled down, and many persons murdered, Luther wrote a tract against the robbers and murderers. To relate all the particulars of the rebellion in 1525 would be foreign to our purpose; it may be sufficient to add, that the princes of the empire found it absolutely necessary to unite their forces and their efforts for the suppression and punishment of the insurgents. The carnage in va- rious parts of Germany was dreadful. A vast multitude of the faction in Thuringia were met by the Saxon and other confederate princes near Mulhausen, where they were defeated in a pitched battle, and Munzer their ring- leader was also taken and put to death. On the 5th of May, 1525, died Luther's friend the Elector of Saxony. The Lord never wants for instru- ments. Frederick the Wise was a most powerful pro- moter of the reformation, at a period when it was most in need. A short time before he expired, he addressed his ser- vants and domestics in the following terms. " I entreat you, my dearest children, in the name of God, and for HIS sake, to forgive me, if I have offended any of you in word or deed; and I further entreat you to make in my name this same request for me to others. We princes are apt to treat our poor distressed subjects in a vexa- tious and unjustifiable manner." The devout and affec- tionate expressions of the elector drew tears from Spala- tinus and all his domestics who were present. — His last words were, *-I cannot say any more." "Does any thing," said Spalatinus, " lie heavy on your mind.^" He Cent.l6r\ CHURCH OF CHRIST. S^l answered, "No, but I have much bodily pain." — He ex- pired, however, hke one falling asleep. CHAPTER Vni. Erasmus. In 1525, Luther married; thus paying more respect t'o the word of God, than to the decretals of Rome. Erasmus, the antagonist of Luther, dwelt with much virrulence on this circumstance. I have said the antago- nist of Luther, for though the restorer of learning per- formed essential service by his writings against monks and friars, he injured the cause by his excessive desire to be applauded for politeness, elegance, and moderation. His views were evidently secular. The weak side of Erasmus was his disposition at all times to court the favour of persons of rank and distinction; and it was through their incessant importunities, that he was at length prevailed on, though with much reluctance, to enter the lists against Luther. An extensive erudition, a perspicuous and eloquent style, and especially an exquisite vein of sarcastic hu- mour, marked this celebrated scholar as the proper champion to engage Luther. Accordingly, neither pains nor artifice were spared to secure his services. Princes and prelates, and cardinals, and even the pope himself, were most assiduous in touching those strings, the vibra- tions of which they judged most likely to gratify his pride, stimulate his ambition, and awaken his natural ti- midity. King Henry VIH. of England, is known to have intreated him to commence active hostilities against Lu- Vol. IT. 2 S 322 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 8. iher; and the pope Adrian himself, in two memorable epistles, condescended to act the same suppliant part. Nothing could be more grateful to Erasmus, than to be thus looked up to by persons in high stations. "Princes,^' he tells us, "from all quarters, exhorted him to write against Luther. He sent a trusty servant to England, for the purpose of removing a suspicion which had been injected into the mind of Henry VHI,, that he had assisted Luther in his reply to the king; and he ex- presses great satisfaction that this step had been attended with much success. His servant was rewarded; his old friends were increased and confirmed in their affections: also, Henry and Cardinal Wolsey had even condescend- ed to make their apologies to him."* In the autumn of 1524, this elegant scholar published his dissertation, called Diatribe, on the Freedom of the Will; having first sent a part of the manuscript to Henry VHI. for the approbation of that prince, who always pre- tended to a considerable degree of theological acumen. Perhaps the author hoped by this flattering attention, to induce Henry to engage for the expenses of the publica- tion; as he took care to inform his majesty, that no prin- ter at Basil would dare to undertake his or any work which contained a word against Luther, and that there- fore he must print the book somewhere else. "We may, however," said he, " write what we please against the pope. Such is the present state of Germany."! No man that ever lived, perhaps, was less disposed than Martin Luther to temporize with his adversaries in essential points; yet in the instance of Erasmus, it is ad- mitted that he exercised extraordinary patience and for- bearance. The reason is, Erasmus, by his writings ' Ep. 1800. t Ep. 774. Jortin, 322. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 303 against monks and friars, had been of considerable ser- vice in abating the attachment of mankind to popery. Moreover, he was one of the first literary characters in the world, and well deserves the thanks of all who have a relish for classical learning. No wonder therefore Lu- ther, in the great business of the Reformation, should have been anxious to prevent so much weight from being placed in the opposite scale. But Erasmus grew every day more and more out of humour with the Lutherans. He had repeatedly declared, that the church wanted re- formation, but would never run any risk to forward the good cause. Hence the reformers became cold in their regards for him; and he, in return, beheld with pique and jealousy, the rapid progress of the new system. The sagacity of Luther pointed out to him distinctly the situation of the mind of Erasmus, thus puzzled and distracted by a contrariety of motives. He viewed him as a man of letters buoyed up by the love of praise and the patronage of the great; also, as flattered and caressed by popes and prelates, and supposed peculiarly qualified to support a falling church. Moreover, he was aware how Erasmus, by trimming artfully between the two par- ties, had lost the confidence and friendship of both; and how, in his present state of irritation, he was disposed to do service to the Romanists, and regain their favour. He wrote the learned man, a masterly epistle, concern- ing which, Erasmus was constrained to allow that it was sufficiently civil, but that, for fear of his calumniators, ho did not dare to answer him with equal civility.* Luther answered the Diatribe. Erasmus rejoined in a work in two parts, called Hyperapistes. Erasmus's timidity, double-dealing, chagrin, and re- • Ep. 803. 324 * HISTORY OF THE (^Clmp. 8. sentment, are much to be lamented. Such had been his tergiversation and versatiUty, such the most solemn pro- testations of the sincerity of his faith, and so many the ambiguous and satirical effusions of his wit on occasions which could not but give offence to serious and pious minds, that it is not easy to point out the person who really loved and respected this otherwise great and vene- rable character. At the end of the year 1527, we find the Emperor himself writing to Erasmus, and telling him how great was his satisfaction to have been informed, by Erasmus's own letters, that the madness of the Lutherans began to decline. "The whole Christian world," he said, " was indebted to him, for having effected that which neither emperors, nor popes, nor princes, nor uni- versities, nor numbers of learned men had been able to bring about." Notwithstanding all this gross flattery, the Emperor, in the same letter tells him, that he had allow- ed the Spanish Inquisition to examine his books — but that he had nothing to fear. The Emperor was fully convinced of his orthodoxy. However, if it should ap- pear that he had made any slip, or had advanced any thing ambiguous, he would certainly, upon receiving a friendly admonition, clear it up, and, by thus removing every thing that could give offence to weak minds, secure immortality to his writings.* It added not a little to his mortification, that, about the Same time, the Faculty of Divines of the University of Paris extracted upwards of thirty propositions from his writings, and censured them in very strong terms.f His letters and his defence, on this occasion, are inimitable specimens of the author's great powers of evasion and * Erasmo, 1047. t Du Pin, m. 240 and 335. Also Op. Eras. IX. 319. Cent. IG.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 325 address. There is in them an artful mixture of submis- sion, sarcasm, and menace. Yet, after all, the situation of Erasmus was such, as exposed him rather to ridicule than envy. — Perpetually calling heaven and earth to wit- ness how good a Catholic he was, till nobody believed him; despising in his heart, and even hating the Parisian theologians, he yet condescended to make an ungracious sort of submission to them, and to own his having said things in his writings without sufficient caution; and, lastly, magnifying his own merits for having always been stanch to the church, and vilifying the Reformers for their heresy, he could not however deny, but that, in arguing against impieties, he himself might have, in some instances, fallen into errors of an impious nature.* CHAPTER IX. Spread of the Reformation. — Predestination. — Diets. — Death of Luther. John, the new elector of Saxony, conducted the reli- gious concerns of his dominions in a manner quite differ- ent from that of his brother and predecessor, Frederick. The latter connived at and tolerated, rather than avowed and established the alterations introduced by Luther and his associates. But the former no sooner found himself in possession of the sovereign authority, than he exercised it with resolution and activity, by forming new ecclesias- tical constitutions, modelled on the principles of the great Reformer. New regulations were introduced at Wittemberg, both in the church and the university. The sacrament was there • Ep. Coll. Sorb. Theol. Hisp. Sorbon. Senat. Par, Bedds, 1031 to 1014. 32 G HISTORY OF THE IChap. 9. administered to the laity, for the first time, in the Ger- man instead of the Latin language, on Sunday the 29th of Oct 1525.* The regulation of the public service of the church, and the appointment of well-qualified pas- tors, was a matter near the heart of the reformer. The landgrave of Hesse became a convert to the truth. Being son-in-law to duke George, he was sanguine enough to entertain the hope of gaining him to the Gos- pel, by writing to him a brief exhortation, full of piety and affection. George sternly replied, " That he should commit the cause to God; for that after a hundred years it would appear who was right and who was wrong." — The honest landgrave, like most young converts, had not yet been taught, by experience, how exceedingly per- verse and obdurate men usually become by being long hackneyed in the ways of Pharisaical religion; but this rough answer of the father-in-law was an instructive les- son, no doubt, to his son-in-law Philip. The same an- swer produced reflections in the truly Christian mind of the young prince John Frederick, which desei've to be remembered. " I am shocked," said he, " at the senti- ments contained in the letter of George, especially at his saying, the truth will appear after a hundred years. What sort of faith is that which requires an experiment to support it? Assuredly, there is nothing of the nature of faith, where a man will not believe till he is convinced by experience. St. Paul says, 'Faith comes by hearing;' not by experience. I am grieved at the poor prince's situation; for if he will not believe what is true and right till after trial has been made, and, also, if during the trial he is determined to refuse obedience to the word of God, he may defer the important business too long, that is, till * Id, p. 23. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. :^ 3^7 there be no room for repentance. I would have every proper method used to cure him of his attachment to Popery, if, by the grace of God, there be a possibility of doing it. But I greatly fear all will be to no purpose; and that God will harden him, like Pharaoh, so that he will neither receive his Word, nor regard his signal pro- vidences."* The word of the Lord spread and was glorified. Many places of the empire publicly renounced antichrist: — pre- ferring the Bible to Rome. All this, however, did not take place without shedding the blood of some martyrs. The powerful enemies of the reformation making many preparations that savoured of an assault, the elec- tor of Saxony, with the landgrave of Hesse, and several others, entered into a league for their common defence. Luther steadily opposed offensive war, and advocated no- thing but a defence against the popish princes. But the diet of Spires, which was much suspected, passed off without any steps being taken against the Lutherans, and an interval of quiet again returned. This interval Luther improved, as usual, by promoting the holy cause. In 1527, took place a visitation of the electorate of Saxony. Sundry directions for the government of the church were published by Melancthon. In a preface to these, Luther showed the great use of ecclesiastical visita-\ lions, and censured the neglect of the bishops of those times. • One of the directions defined the duty of a su- perintendant, an officer intended to act the part of bishop. He was directed to inspect the conduct of the clergy in his diocese, to examine candidates for holy orders, and to admonish defaulters. * Seek. U. 35. 328 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 9. In 152S, the elector of Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse made preparations to attack their popish adversa- ries, but Luther persuaded them to continue at peace, and wait for an attack. . On the delicate subject of predestination, Luther al- ways displayed great moderation. Content with what scripture had revealed, he never undertook to explain it with any thing like systematic precision. To a clergy- man who applied to him for advice concerning it, he wrote thus: "Many have perished in the indulgence of such cu- rious inquiries; it is a temptation which leads even to blasphemy. I, myself, by giving way to it, have more than once been reduced to the last extremity. We, poor mortals, by faith can scarcely comprehend a few rays of the Divine promise, or receive in practice a few sparks of the Divine precepts; and yet, feeble and impure as we are, we rashly attempt to fathom the majesty of God in all its brightness. Do we not know that his ways are past finding out? Instead of using well the mild light of the promises which is adapted to our faculties^ we rush with eyes of moles, to view at once the majestic splen- dour of the Deity. What wonder then if his glory should overwhelm us in the attempt to investigate it! We ought to know that there is such a thing as the secret will of God: but the danger is when we attempt to comprehend it. I am wont to check myself with that answer of Christ to Peter, who had asked what was to become of John; — 'What is that to thee? follow thou me.' But suppose we could give an accurate account of the judgments of Almighty God in his secret determinations: what advan- tage would accrue to us from such knowledge, beyond what lies open to us from the promises and precepts— Cent. 16.] ' CHURCH OF CHRIST. 329 from the former addressed to our faith — from the latter to our practice? Tell your friend, if he would have peace of mind, to abstain from such intricate specula- tions. The subject is incomprehensible, and tlie study of it may drive him to despair and blasphen)y. Let him not give way to Satan, who would weary him out, by presenting impossibilities to his mind. Let him exer- cise faith in the promises, and obey tlie commandments: and when he has discharged those* duties well, he will be able to judge whether he will have any time left for im- possibilities. There is no other remedy than to neglect, and not give way to such thoughts; though this is a diffi- cult tBsk, because Satan suggests the absolute necessity of attending to them. This battle, however, must be fought; and many persons fail in the contest by not sus- pecting their thoughts to be the temptations of Satan; whereas, these are the very fiery darts of that wicked ONE. He himself fell from heaven by aiming at a know- ledge above his station. Thus also he vanquished Adam, by teaching him to be dissatisfied with his ignorance concerning the will of God. Flight is the true wisdom here; there is no room for Christ to dwell in the heart, as long as reasonings of this kind are uppermost." In another letter, while he admits the preordination and foreknowledge of God, nevertheless, from Ezek. xviii. 23, " Have I any pleasure at all that the wicked should die, saith the Lord God," he argues, that God chose, and seriously decreed from eternity, the possibility of the salvation and everlasting happiness of all men. And hence ho concludes, that the general promises of » gra- cious God ought by no means to be limited; nor those suggestions of Satan to be indulged, which would sepa- rate us from the Divine mercy, which is represented in Vol. II. 1 T 330 HISTORY OF THE lChap.9. scripture as infinite. He then refers the afflicted peni- tent to the voice of God himself, " This is my beloved Son, hear him;" and to the words of Christ, proclaiming in the streets, " Come unto me, all ye that labour/' He invites all, even the very worst, as publicans and harlots. Why should we perplex ourselves with difficult and cir- cuitous roads, when the direct road is so clearly pointed out to us in the gospel?" A conference on the subject of consubstantiation took place between Luther and Zuingle at Marpurg. The violent temper of Luther on this occasion gave much grief to his friends. However, sundry articles of concord were agreed upon. In 1529, a new diet met at Spires, which published a decree of intolerance against the Lutherans. Against this decree, fourteen imperial cities, with the elector of Saxony, and sundry other princes, solemnly protested. Hence arose the term protestant applied to the reform- ers. Charles V. was so enraged at this protest, that the authors of it thought fit to draw nearer their bonds of concord; and they formed the league of Smalcald for their mutual defence. In 1530, sat the Diet of Augsburgh, at which was pre- sented the famous confession of faith sketched by Lu- ther, and elaborately drawn up by Melancthon. At this diet a decree was passed against the Lutherans, still more violent than the edict of Worms. But Charles was so busied with wars against the Turks, the French, and others, that he was not able, for many years, to carry on a persecution. Luther, too, con- tinually strove to prevent any violent measures on the part of the protestants, so that peace was maintained during his life. Various concessions, however, were Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 331 gained from the emperor, and, under the indefatigable labours of the reformer, the cause of truth spread, and became more estabhshed from year to year. At length, his health liaving been gradually declining for some time, in 15i6, Luther closed his valuable life at Isleben, the place of his nativity, whither he had gone, though in a rigorous season, to compose a difference among the counts of Mansfeldt. His funeral was cele- brated, by order of the elector of Saxony, with extraor- dinary pomp. CHAPTER X. Bejormation in Switzerland, — Zuingle. Ulric Zuingle, or Zuinglius, was born January 1, 1484, at Wildhausen, in the county of Tockenburgh, in Switzerland. His education, which was liberal, was completed at the university of Vienna. In his 18th year, he became classical teacher at Basil. Four years after- wards he took the degree of M. A. and, being chosen pastor, of Glarus, was ordained by the bishop of Con- stance. Having been trained by a teacher who accus- tomed him to think for himself, without being trammelled by the system of the schools, he pursued his inquiries to a discovery of the corruptions of Rome. The New Tes- tament was his principal counsellor. He made that the directory of his faith, and he also attended to many of those authors who had been censured by the papacy. But, though he had thus become dissatisfied with exist- ing errors, he did not immediately separate from the pope, but, for ten years, pursued a course of practical in- 332 HISTORY OF THE \_Chap. 10. struction at Glarus, contenting himself with exposing, from time to time, some of the superstitions of the church. From Glarus he removed to the abbey of Einsidlin. While there, he preached against vows, pilgrimages, and offerings; he caused the relics to be buried; the inscrip- tion over the abbey gate — " Here plenary remission of sins is obtained," to be effaced; and he introduced among the nuns the habit of reading the New Testament. He also taught the necessity of purity of heart and life. He became more and more eminent, and excited more and more jealousy in such as were opposed to reformation, but his ecclesiastical superiors allowed him, as yet, to re- main unmolested. In 1519, he was invited to the cathe- dral at Zurich. On being installed there, he announced his intention of preaching from the gospel of Matthew, with no other comment than the scriptures would afford him. This novel plan of expounding fully the word of God drew together large auditories, and excited great ad- miration. The iniquitous traffic of indulgences, which roused the spirit of Luther in Saxony, was carried into Switzerland. The agent whose business it was to dis- pose of these lures to perdition, met with great success, until he came to Zurich; there, he was so effectually op- posed by Zuingle, that he was obliged to quit the city, and retire into Italy. Zuingle was a man of adventurous genius, and of great intrepidity. He was remarkable for his penetration, and, above all, was learned in the word of God; so that he was well qualified to be a leader in the cause of truth. So sensible were the papists of his weight of character, that he was much courted by the cardinals, and pope Adrian sent him, by his nuncio, a brieve written with his Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 333 own hand. Moreover, the force of Italian gold was tried upon him, but he was not open to a bribe. Being an enemy to offensive war, Zuingle, in 1522, obtained the passage of a law, in the assembly of the can- ton of Zurich, abolishing all alliances and subsidies for the term of twenty-five years. He declared the superiority of the rules of the gospel over those of ecclesiastical discipline, and when some persons were denounced to the magistrate, for infringing the fast of Lent, without a dispensation, he defended them. The word of God he considered the authority from which there was no appeal, and the decisions of the church as binding only so far as they w^re founded in that word. At length he openly avowed the principles of the reformation, and when, in consequence, he was called to give an account of his doctrine, the great coun- cil of Zurich decided, "That Zuingle, having been nei- ther convicted of heresy, nor refuted, should continue to preach the gospel as he had already done; that the pas- tors of Zurich, and its territory, should rest their dis- courses on the words of scripture alone." But, though he was thus supported by the magistracy, he appeared more anxious to lay a solid foundation for a salutary change, by instructing the people, than to hazard too much by hastily abolishing ceremonies and modes of worship. In 1524, the pictures and statues were re- moved, and, step by step, the simplicity of the gospel was introduced, until, in 1525, the mass was abolished. In 1525, the anabaptists attacked Zuingle. They began by insinuating into the minds of the people that the reformation was not sufficiently spiritual. They then addressed Zuingle himself, charging him with conducting the business of religion in a slow and frigid manner. IM 334 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 10, They insisted on the necessity of adult baptism in all cases, and declared rebaptization the criterion of a union with Christ. The senate caused conferences to be held on the subject, but they were in vain. The anabaptists at length became furious. They boasted of having all things in common, and threatened destruction to all who would not follow their example. They also pretended to prophecy — crying "Wo to Zurich! Wo to Zurich! Repent or perish!'' — allowing the same space for repen- tance that was allowed to Nineveh. Other conferences were appointed, but these fanatics were not open to ar- gument. Finally, the senate made their offence capital, and, a year or two after, one of them suffered. Zuingle differed from Calvin on the subject of the Di- vine decrees, and from Luther on the manner of Christ's presence in the sacrament. Luther, as is well known, held the doctrine of consubstantiation. Zuingle, on the other hand, regarded the Lord's supper as only comme- morative and symbolical. Between these two, and their respective adherents, a vehement controversy was carried on, which continued for several years, to the great injury of the reformation. At length, in 1529, Philip, land- grave of Hesse, anxious to close the dispute, invited Lu- ther and Zuingle to a conference at Marpurg. Thither they repaired, Lulher accompanied by Melancthon, and Zuingle by Oecolampadius. The argument continued four days, after which they all signed fourteen articles containing the essential doctrines of Christianity, and ex- pressed a hope that their difTerence, with respect to the real presence, would not interrupt their harmony. The canton of Bern followed that of Zurich in adopt- ing the reformation. In an assembly, at which Zuingle was present, the subject was discussed, and, so triumph- Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 335 ant were the reformers, that, in conclusion, the grand council of the canton resolved to adopt their principles. Upon this, five of the cantons, who were attached to po- pery, entered into a solemn engagement to prevent the doctrines of Luther and Zuingle from being preached among them. But the hostilities, between the Roman and reformed cantons, were terminated by the treaty of Coppel, in 1529. This treaty, however, was broken, and a battle took place, at which Zuingle was present. The Zurichers, who had gone to the relief of their coun- trymen at Coppel, were defeated, and Zuingle was mor- tally wounded. His wound depriveil him of his senses, but, recovering himself, " he crossed his arms on his breast and lifted his languid eyes to Heaven." In this condition he was found by some catholic soldiers, who, without knowing him, offered to bring him a confessor; but, as he made a sign of refusal, the soldiers exhorted him to recommend his soul to the Holy Virgin. On a second refusal, one of them furiously exclaimed, "Die then, obstinate heretic!" and pierced him through with a sword. His body was found on the next day, and the celebrity of his name drew together a great crowd of spectators. One of these, who had been his colleague at Zurich, after intently gazing on his face, thus express- ed his feelings: " Whatever may have been thy faith, I am sure thou wert always sincere, and that thou lovedst thy country. May God take thy soul in mercy!" Among the savage herd some voices exclaimed, "Let us burn his accursed remains!" The proposal was applauded; a mi- litar)' tribunal ordered the execution, and the ashes of Zuingle were scattered to the wind. Thus, at the age of 47, he terminated a glorious career by an event deeply 3S6 HISTORY OF THE \^Chap. 11. lamented by all the friends of the reformation, and oc- casioning triumph to the partizans of the Romish church. CHAPTER XI. France. — Geneva. — John Calvin, John Chauvin, or, as he is usually called, John Cal- vin, was born at Noyon, in Picardy, on the 10th of July, 1509. In the house of a noble family, he received, in his childhood, the rudiments of a liberal education, and along with the children of that family, he was sent to Paris, where he advanced in learning with great rapidity. At the age of twelve he is supposed to have received the tonsure, or the first part of the ceremony of ordination, according to the rites of the Romish church. He was then presented with a benefice; and, in 1527, with ano- ther; which, in 1529, he exchanged for a curacy in the native place of his father. Here he sometimes preached, though he was attached to the clergy only by the tonsure. But his father, anxious to see him prosperous in the things of the present life, diverted his attention, with some difficulty, to the study of the civil law. At the uni- versity of Orleans, and also at that of Bourges, he attain- ed the first rank among his fellow students. As a mark of high respect, the faculty of the former unanimously voted him a doctor's degree. But the study of the law by no means engrossed his entire attention. Through the instrumentality of Peter Olivetan, a near kinsman, he became acquainted with the doctrines of the reformation, then spreading in France. Obtaining the holy scriptures, he applied him- Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 337 self to the study of them with the greatest assiduity, until, at length, he determined to renounce the superstitions of Rome. While at Bourges, he occasionally preached at Lig- iiiers, a small town in the province of Berri. But the death of his father suddenly recalled him to Noyon. At the age of twenty-two, he prepared and published a conmientary on Seneca's epistle concerning clemency. This he did for the purpose of impressing mild and tole- rant principles on the government of France; as, from observing the progress of the reformed doctrines, he anti- cipated much persecution. Left to his own choice of a pursuit for life, he re- nounced his legal studies, devoted himself to the cause of religion, and became active in illustrating and confirming the doctrines of the Bible, in the private assemblies held at Paris. Pursuant to the advice of Calvin, Nicholas Cop, rector of the university of Paris, delivered a discourse, on the festival of All-saints, animadverting on the superstitions of the day. This gave great offence. ' Cop was obliged to ily. Calvin, who also was pursued, escaped by being absent from his lodgings, but his papers were seized, to the great hazard of many of his friends, whose letters in favour of reformation were among them. The queen of Navarre interposed, and arrested the fury of the inquisi- tion. Calvin was kindly received at her house; and, through her intercession with the king, his personal safety was secured. From Paris, Calvin retired to Saintonge. While there, he wrote, at the request of his friend Lewis du Tillet, some short Christian exhortations, which were used as VoL.ir. 2U 338 HISTORY OF THE . IChap. U. homilies for the purpose of awakening an inquiry after truth among the people. In 1534, he returned to Paris. "There he was to have had a conference with Servelus, who had begun to propagate his heterodox opinions respecting the Trinity: but Servetus failed to appear, though Calvin attended at the time and place appointed, at the imminent hazard of his life; for this year was peculiarly troublesome and dan- gerous to the reformed." The French king ordered eight of them to be burned alive, and " swore that he would not spare even his own children, if they were in- fected with such abominable heresies." Calvin departed to Basil, in Switzerland, where, in 1535, he published his celebrated Institutes of the Chris- tian Religion. The design of this work was to defend the reformers from the aspersions of the papists, who were endeavouring to confound them with the anabaptist enthusiasts. In a preface, dedicating it to Francis I., the author endeavoured to soften the persecuting spirit of that monarch. This preface is distinguished by the elegance of its Latin, and the Institutes themselves are in the highest estimation with all who hold their views of doctrine. They were, in subsequent editions, repeatedly revised and enlarged by Calvin, and have been translated into a variety of languages. After publishing this work, the reformer went into Italy, on a visit to the duchess of Ferrara, a nursing mo- ther of protestantism; but the inquisition hearing of his arrival, compelled him to depart. He returned to France, but, on account of the persecution still raging there, he resolved to take up his abode in Basil or Strasburgh, and pursue his studies in quiet seclusion. On his w'ay, he found the direct road to the latter place impeded by the Cent. IC] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 339 troops of the emperor, then invading France. In conse- quence of this, lie changed his route, intending to pass through Geneva. Arrived at that city, he was arrested in his course by the reformers, Farel and Virct, who en- treated him to remain and assist tliem in ti)cir labours. He refused, until, at length, Farel addressed him in the language of imprecation — "I declare to you, in the name of Almighty God, if, under the pretext of love to your studies, you refuse to unite your labours with ours, in the work of the Lord, the Lord will curse you in your re- tirement, as seeking your own will, and not his." Awed by this appeal, Calvin yielded. He accepted of the office which was offered him, and became both a preacher and professor of divinity. This occurred in 1536. The Genevese had lately banished their bishop, who, contrary to the gospel, was prince as well as pastor, and who, moreover, was a persecuting papist. They had also defeated the duke of Savoy, who claimed some authority over them; and had formed themselves into a republic, under four syndicks, twenty-five senators, and a council of two hundred — the ofiicers recognised by their ancient constitution. The principles of the reformation had been spread among them by the iabours of Farel and Virct, and, in full assembly, they had renounced the pope. , Perceiving that this people, though reformed in name, were far from being all reformed in fact, Calvin, imme- diately on his settlement among them, entered upon a course of active labours. He prepared a formula of Christian faith, and a catechism; and, in 1537, with the help of Farel and Corault, he succeeded in making the senate and people openly abjure the church of Rome, and swear to a summary of doctrine and form of disci - pliae which he had drawn up. The church government 340 HISTORY OF THE IChup. 11. recognised by this form, was Presbyterian, though, from a work written by him in 1544, on the subject of reform- ing the church, it would appear that he desired another — " If they would bring unto us," says he, " such a hie- rarchy, wherein the bishops shall so rule as that they re- fuse not to submit themselves to Christ, that they depend upon him as their only head, &c. then, surely, if there should be any that shall not submit themselves to that hierarchy, reverently, and with the greatest obedience that may be, I confess there is no anathema of which they are not worthy." But, though his labours were thus successful, he was not without difficulties. The anabaptists endeavoured to spread their disorganizing tenets at Geneva. With them, he held a public disputation, and they were defeat- ed. One Peter Caroli, an outcast from the Sorbonne, accused him of heretical iiotions on the subject of the Trinity. The reformer proposed to assemble a synod of ministers in the canton of Bern. These pronounced Caroli guilty of defamation. He, however, persisted in his charge, and was, at length, banished by the senate. But the greatest trouble arose from the Genevese them- selves. They, had sworn to uphold the principles of the gospel; but the majority had not yet received them in their hearts. Many wished to live in sinful practices, with none to molest or make them afraid. Animoshies, engendered during the war with the duke of Savoy, di- vided many families and individuals, producing the most injurious effects. Against these, Calvin and his col- leagues preached, and exerted their official influence. They called, also, on the civil authority to interfere for the preservation of public morals. But, their enemies were only exasperated; and the more violent wished for CeuM6.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. ^il nothing so much as to rehcve tliemselves from the vigi- lance of such pastors. A controversy, wliich ai'ose about this time, between the church of Geneva, and that of Bern, on the subject of ceremonies, gave the disaffected an opportunity of gaining their wish. The church of Geneva was in the habit of using leavened bread in tlie eucharist; had removed all the baptismal fonts, and abo- lished every festival except Sunday. Of these things the churches of the canton of Bern disapproved; and, by a synod held at Lausanne, required a change. This re- quisition the ministers of Geneva refused to obey, alleg- ing that they had not been called to the synod, and de- manding the privilege of being heard. The demand was acceded to, and a council appointed to be held at Zurich, to decide. But, taking advantage of the refusal to obey the synod of Lausanne, the enemies of Calvin procured an order from an assembly of the people, that he, witli Farel and Corault, should leave the city in two days. "Had I been," said he, "in the service of men, this would have been a poor reward; but it is well. I have served Him who never fails to repay his servants what- ever he has promised." The banished ministers proceeded to the council of Zurich — the synod of the Swiss churches. This synod directed the church of Bern to use its influence with the Gencvese, to revoke their decree of expulsion. The in- tercession was made, but it did not avail. Calvin repaired to Strasburgh, where he became, once more, professor of theology, and preacher of the gospel. He collected a French church, which he modelled after the plan of that at Geneva. He discharged the duties of his professorship with so much ability, that the semi- nary at Strasburgh increased in celebrity, and in the 3 12 1 1 IS TORY OF THE [ Ch dp. 1 1 . number of students. In 1539, he published a commen- tary on the Romans; and a small work on the Lord's Sup- per, intended to allay the controversy between the adhe- rents of Luther and Zuingle. He addressed sundry let- ters to the church of Geneva. He returned an answer to an able and eloquent letter of cardinal Sadolet, to the Genevese, endeavouring to recal them to the Romish communion. This answer so unmasked the abomina- tions of popery, that the cardinal was completely frus- trated. In 1540, Calvin was married. In 1541, he was ap- pointed by the divines of Strasburgh " to attend the diet convoked to meet at Worms, and afterwards at Ratisbon, for settling the religious differences which had arisen in Germany." While there, he proved highly useful to the protestants of France, procuring an address from the states and pri^nces assembled to tlie French king, in be- half of the persecuted. The lapse of two years caused a great change in the face of affairs at Geneva. A desire for Calvin's return became general, and an embassy was sent to entreat him. He, at first, refused; but, after much solicitation, and some intercession, consented. He arrived at Geneva on the 13th of September, 1541. He was received with gratulations, and the senate made a public acknowledg- ment to God for so signal a beneilt. He immediately attended to the subject of discipline. " He projected a kind of police, and procured the esta- blishment of a tribunal called the consistory, with power to take cognizance of all offences, and to inflict canoni- cal punishments, even to excommunication. In cases requiring the infliction of severe penalties, it reported to the council of the city, with its own judgment on the Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 343 evidence adduced." Considerable opposition was made, but Calvin's system was, at length, adopted. The course of labours on which he now entered, was extremely severe. He preached every day of every other week: on INIonday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, he gave lectures in theology: on Thursday, he presided in the meeting of the presbytery; and on Friday, expounded the scriptures to the congregation. Besides all this, he car- ried on an extensive correspondence, composed various works of controversy, defended the reformation against its numerous enemies, assisted the council of Geneva, by deciding points of law and framing edicts, and produced works of learning and ability, intended for general edifi- cation. " The deference shown to Calvin's opinions, and the respect paid to his personal character, were astonishing. His disapprobation of any tenet was sufficient to procure its rejection, and all who treated him ill were considered as enemies of the state. Castalio, having attempted to disseminate some doctrines which Calvjn abhorred, was instantly denounced as a heretic, and obliged to leave Geneva." In 1544, he published a work entitled, "The necessity of reforming the church;" and anotlier "against the er- rors and fanaticism of the anabaptists and libertines." He exposed the fallacy of the position held by the liber- tines, that God is tlie author of sin. This last work of- fended the queen of Navarre: but ho succeeded in re- gaining her good opinion. The vices of many of the Genevcse caused them to organize faction after faction against the discipline of the church. Continual attempts were made to wrest the power of excomraunication out of the hands of the con- 34 i HISTORY OF THE IChap.U. feistory, and plac-e it in the senate. The reformer was obliged to be always on the alert. He preached closely. He laboured faithfully. At one time, a body of the dis- alTected, led on by Perrin, had gained so considerable an advantage, that the council of two hundred was convoked. On the day of their assembling, September 16th, 1547, Calvin, being apprehensive of a tumult, went to the coun- cil chamber. He found before the door a noisy crowd, whose violence it was difficult to appease; and, even in the hall of legislation, it was only by his thrusting his body between their contending sr.ords that he restrained the combatants. The result was, that the consistory was allowed to retain its spiritual authority. Calvin, from time to time, exercised a watchful care over the protestant churches in France. As early as 1537, he wrote to his friend Ceminus, showing the dan- ger of a compliance with popish superstition, into which some were falling; and also toRoussel, bishop of Oleron, exhorting him to a faithful discharge of the episcopal office: and he continued thus to counsel both individuals and communities. He repeatedly applied to the German princes, to use their influence with Francis I. in order to procure toleration. And when, notwithstanding all these applications, in 1545, the storm of persecution burst over the valleys of Piedmont, and men, women, and children, were put to the sword, or enveloped in the flame, because they would not declare themselves papists, he extended his protection to such as were able to escape, and pro- cured for many of them an asylum in Geneva. Calvin had, also, considerable correspondence with the reformers of the church of England. In October, 1548, he wrote to the protector, entreating him to press on in the good work, approving of what had been already Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 345 done, and giving wholesome counsel. In the course of his letter, he drew up what he considered a summary of Christian doctrines, in the following words, viz. "That we have one God, the Governor of our consciences: for the direction of these, we must make use of his law alone, for the rule of devotion, lest we bring to his worship any of the vain traditions of men: he must, moreover, be wor- shipped by all, according to his own nature, with the whole mind and heart. But, since there is nothins: in us except a miserable corruption, which occupies both our senses and affections, we must acknowledge that entire abyss of iniquity, and dread it when acknowledged. In this manner, having obtained a true knowledge of our state, as being in ourselves, broken, wounded, lost, de- prived of all dignity and wisdom, and finally of any power to do good, we must, at last, flee to the Lord Jesus Christ, the only fountain of all blessings, to partake of whatever he offers, and principally that incomparable treasure of his death and passion; by which. method alone we may become entirely reconciled to God, the Father. Purified by the sprinkling of his blood, we shall be as- sured that none of those stains will remain in us, which would cover us with shame before his celestial throne. We shall be persiiaded of the eflicacy of his perpetual sacrifice, by wliich w:e have sealed to us the gratuitous remission of sins, and; qn which we must fasten as the refuge and anchor of salvation. , Being sanctified by his spirit, we shall be consecrated in obedience to the right- eousness of God; and confirmed by lu"s grace, we shall come ofl' more than conquerors over Satan, the world, and the flesh. Being members of his body, we shall not doubt but that God will number us in the family of his children; and we shall address him with entire confidence Vol. If. ..'::r ■ . -3 X 346 HISTORY OF THE ^Ckap.ll. by the legitimate and endearing name of Father. This is the design of the true doctrine, which is ever to be preserved and heard, by all in the church of God, that all may sincerely aim at this work; and that each indivi- dual, gradually withdrawing himself from the world, may raise himself to Christ his head, who is in heaven, by perseverance, prayer, and habitual holiness." "The door," said he, " must be shut against various innova- tions. The only means to be used for this purpose, is, to have a summary of doctrine received by all, which they may follow in preaching. To the observance of this, all bishops and clergy should be bound by oath." Again, he said, " the church of God cannot be without a cate- chism; for therein the true seed of doctrine is to be con- tained, from which, at length, the pure and seasonable harvest will be matured; and from this the seed may be multiplied abundantly." And again — "As to the for- mula of prayers, and ecclesiastical ceremonies, I very much approve that a proper one should exist, from which the pastors should not be permitted to vary, in the exer- cise of their office; and which might consult the simpli- city and ignorance of some persons, and also establish a more certain agreement of all the churches among them- selves. This would, moreover, put a check upon the in- stabiHty and levity of those persons, who might attempt innovations, and it would have the same tendency as I have before shown the catechism would have. Thus ought to be established a catechism, the administration of the sacraments, and the public formula of prayers." Along with this letter to the Protector, Calvin sent one to the king. The correspondence between him and the reformers of England, was continued from year to year Cent. Itj.J CHURCH OF CHRIST. 347 In 1552, Cranmer addressed to Calvin a letter, of which the following is an extract: "Thomas Cranmer to Calvin, greeting: As nothing tends more to separate tlie churches of God, than here- sies and di/Terences ahont the doctrines of religion, so nothing more effectually unites them, and fortifies more powerfully the fold of Christ, than the uncorrupted doc- trine of the gospel, and union in received opinions. I have often wished, and now wish, that those learned and. pious men, who excel others in erudition and judgment, would assemble in some convenient place, where, hold- ing a mutual consultation, and comparing their opinions, they might discuss all the heads of ecclesiastical doctrine, and agree not only concerning the things themselves, but the forms of expression, and deliver to posterity some work, with the weight of their authority." In answer to this, speaking of the importance of purging " the pure doctrine of the church," Calvin addressing himself to Cranmer, said — "It is especially your duty, most accom- plished prelate, as you sit more elevated in the watch- tower, to continue your exertions for effecting this ob- ject. I do not say this to stimulate you afresh; as you have already, of your own accord preceded others, and voluntarily exhorted them to follow your steps. I would only confirm you in this auspicious and distinguished la- bour by my congratulation. We have heard of the de- lightful success of the gospel in England." "I know, moreover, that your purpose is not confined to England alone; but, at the same moment, you consult the benefit of all the world. The generous disposition and uncom- mon piety of his majesty,* the king, are justly to be ad- mired, as he is pleased to favour this holy purpose of holding such a council, and offers a place for its session 348 HISTORY OF THK IChap.ll. in his kingdom. I wish it might be effected, that learn- ed and stable men from the principal churches, might assemble in some place, and, after discussing with care, each article of faith, deliver to posterity, from their gene- ral opinion of them all, tlie clear doctrine of the scrip- tures." After declaring liis willingness to attend this synod, Calvin concludes, by saying — " I not only exhort you, but I conjure you to proceed, until something shall be effected, if not every thing you could wish. Farewell, most accomplished prelate, sincerely respected by me. May the Lord go on to guide you by his spirit, and bless your holy labours."^ Something occurring to prevent the proposed council, Calvin wrote afterwards to the archbi- shop, " Since we can by no means expect at this time, what we so much desired, that the principal doctors, from those churches which have embraced the pure doc- trines of the gospel, should assemble, and, from the word of God, publish a definite and luminous confession, con- cerning all the points now controverted; I very much ap- prove, reverend sir, of your design, that the English should maturely determine their religion among themselves." "It is especially your business, and that of all those who have the government in their hands, to unite your exer- tions to effect this object. You see what your station requires, and more imperiously demands of you, in re- turn for the office which you hold by his favour. The chief authority is in your hand, confirmed both by the greatness of the honour, and the long established opinion concerning your prudence and integrity." The enemies of Calvin at Geneva still continued to assail him. They heaped upon him every variety of in- sult. He caused them to be arraigned before the senate, and, in December, 1548, they renewed their oath to be Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. SllPP^ reconciled. " He had a keen controversy witli Jerome Bolseck, a Carmelite friar, who impugned his peculiar doctrine of absolute predestination, and openly taught the sentiments on that subject, which were afterwards niain- tained by Arminius. Tiiey disputed the point in church; but Calvin displayed such a superiority in argument and erudition, that, in the judgment of all present, he obtain- ed the victory; and, according to custom, his antagonist, who, besides his difference with Calvin, was of a trou- blesome temper, was first cast into prison, and then ba- nished from the city.'' Among other plans made use of at Geneva, for pro- moting the spread of the truth, it was decreed by the se- nate, that the ministers -should, at stated times, visit every family, attended by the decurion of each ward, and a ruling elder, and question each person summarily, con- cerning the reason of his faith. This was follovve^l by the best consequences. In 1553, Michel SerVetus, a Spanish physician, who had become notormus for sundry heresies, being con- demned to death by the papists at Vienna, fled for his life. After wandering for some time as a fugitive, he arrived, at length, at Geneva. Calvin caused him to be apprehended and brought before the senate. The charges against him were, blasphemy and heresy. Calvin was appointed to hold a public disputation witii him. The senate submitted to his choice, whether he would be sent back to the papists at Vienna, or abide by their decision. Servetus chose the latter; whereupon he was brought to trial. The charges against him were declared to be proved. From this judgment he ap[)ealed. to the four Swiss churches; and to them the senate forwarded the charges, proofs and replies. They also decided against SjO history of the IChap.U. him, and advised his execution; and, accordingly, on the 27th October, he was burnt. Calvin endeavoured to have the mode of his execution changed; but, as he said in his letter to Farel, he hoped the sentence, at least, would be capital. In viewing this event, we are led to regret that the principles of toleration were so little un- derstood. Even the reformers appear not to have ar- rived at a perfect conviction that prayer and sound argu- ment are the only legitimate weapons against heresy. Bertilier, clerk of the council of Geneva, having been excommunicated by the consistory, appealed to the se- nate, and, that body deciding against him, he carried the subject before the council. There a decree was passed in his favour, in which the senate subsequently coincided. Calvin, who contended that the church alone had the power of spiritual censures, went to the church a short time afterwards, to administer the sacrament of the sup- per. Before proceeding to the distribution of the ele- ments, he resolutely declared, '-After the example of Chrysostom, sooner will I suffer death, than permit this hand to administer the holy things of the Lord to those who are lawfully condemned as despisers of God." Ber- tilier declined approaching the table, and the senate re- called their decree. The persecution, which arose in England on the ac- cession of queen Mary, having driven many of the re- formers of that country to the continent, and, among those who took refuge at Frankfort, a difference of opi- nion arising on the subject of the liturgy, Calvin wrote exhorting them to peace. He advised them to make their liturgy as pure as possible, leaving out every thing that savoured of popery. A part of these exiles removed to Geneva. Ceiit.l6.J CHURCH OF CHRIST. ^ 351 In 1554-, a controversy arose at Strasburgh on the sub- ject of the eucharist. This Calvin endeavoured to allay. In a letter written to the pastor of the church of Stras- burgh, complaining of the severity used toward a fellow minister, be says, " If that excellent servant of God, and faithful doctor of the church, Luther, was now living, even he would not be so severe or implacable, but that he would willingly admit this confession, that what the sacraments represent, is truly given us; and, therefore, in the Lord's supper we are made partakers of the body and blood of Christ. For, how often has he declared, that the only ground of his contention was, that it might be manifest, that the Lord did not trifle with us by empty signs, but that he effected within, what he proposed to our eyes, and thence the effect was connected with the signs. This is agreed upon among us, unless I am greatly deceived, that the Lord's supper is not a theatri- cal spectacle of the spiritual food, but that what is re- presented is really given; because, at the supper, the pious souls are fed with the flesh and blood of Christ.^^ This controversy about the eucharist, was continued with various persons, even as late as 1561. Calvin wrote se- veral tracts upon the subject, defending and explain- ing the articles of agreement entered into by the Swiss churches, &c. He had various other controversies, as, one with Gribauld, a heretic, who was banished from Geneva. Bolseck, who had before been banished from Geneva, being in the canton of Bern, and there attack- ing anew, the doctrine of Divine sovereignty, Calvin re- paired thither to contend with him. The result was, that Bolseck was ordered to depart from the territory of that canton, as was also Castalio, another opponent of Calvin. The two senates of Bern and Geneva, entered into an 352 HISTORY OF THE ICIiap. 11. agreement, that those who, on account of heresy, were banished from the territory of one, should not be allowed to remain in tl>e territory of the other. In 1558, Calvin wrote to the landgrave of Hesse, en- treating him to intercede with Henry H., the successor of Francis on the throne of France, in behalf of the pro- testants, who were persecuted with the utmost fury; twenty-one of them being burned alive at Paris. From year to year, the persecution continued to rage, and, at the same time, the truth continued to spread. Geneva itself was threatened, but the storm was averted. In 1560, a new seminary was dedicated to the service- of God, at Geneva. The buildings were large, and pro- fessors numerous. Calvin held the theological chair, and Beza was made president. Tiiis institution was intend- ed as a means of spreading the doctrines of the reforma- tion. The persecution in France driving some of the pro- testants of that country to England, where Elizabeth now shielded the reformation, they were received with hospi- tality, and a place of worship appointed them, in which they might conduct their exercises according to the Ge» nevese mode. Grindall, bishop of London, especially, became their friend. To him Calvin wrote in the most respectful and grateful terms. He also dedicated to Elizabeth the last edition of his Institutes. Calvin's life drew near its close. In 1556, he was seized with a quartan ague, which continued its attacks until he was reduced to the greatest debility, insomuch, that, in 1558, he was obliged to omit his public sermons and lectures in theology, though he still devoted day and night to dictating and writing letters. " How unpleasant to me," he would say sometimes, "is an idle life." In a tknt. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 3J^ letter to a friend, written in 15G0, he informed him that he dictated from his bed, "where, accordii>g to my cus- tom, I he down one lialf of my time, that I may be able to improve with more strength, the remaining honrs." His active mind rose si?perior to tlie sufferings of his body. When oppressed witli head-ache, weakness of the bowels, and the pains of the gout, he would dictate till his amanuensis was wearied. On the 2d February, 1 564, he preached his last sermon", and closed his theological lectures. The asthma had almost destroyed his voice. His end rapidly drew nigh, xlmid the severest pains, he was patient and tranquil, often exclaiming, "How long, O Lord." He still continued his mental labours, and when his friends expostulated, he said, " What! would you that when the Lord comes, he should surprise me ia idleness?" On the 27th of March, he was carried to the council chamber, where he presented Beza to the patronage of the senate. On the 2d of April, he was carried to the house of worship in an easy chair, and re- ceived, for the last time, the sacrament, from the hands of Beza. On the 25th, he made his will, commending his soul to God. He gave his parting advice to the se- nators, and also to the ministers of the church. He had himself been perpetual moderator of the presbytery. "When I first came to this city," said he, "the gospel was indeed preached, but the affairs of religion were in a most disordered state, as if Christianity consisted in no- thing but the destruction of images. There were many wicked men, from whom I suffered many extreme indig- nities; but the Lord God himself, so strengthened me, even me, I say, who am by nature so timid, (F speak a^ the fact is) that I was enabled to resist all their efforts." "Persevere then, my brethren, in your vocation," foe Vol. If. "] Y 354 HISTORY OF THE ICJiap. V2. "After this, his few remaining days were devoted to prayer and meditation; and, on the 24th of May, he cahn- ly fell asleep in Jesus.*' CHAPTER XIL England. — llennj VIII. — Cranmcr. — Uennfs Ifivorce. — Foperij condemned. At the commencement of the reign of king Henry the Vni. England was reposing in the arms of papal Rome, implicitly yielding to her spiritual despotism. There had been some contests by preceding kings against the exac- tions of the papacy, but these had always ended in sub- mission, and the Vatican reigned lord paramount over the souls and bodies of Englishmen. The shrines of saints were visited by adoring multitudes; the doctrine of purgatory was an inexhaustible fountain of supply to the coffers of the priesthood; bishops were established in their sees by bulls from his holiness; appeals to Rome held all spiritual decisions in durance; images, and re- lics, and miracles abounded; the Bible was considered the source of heresy; and ignorance slept at the foot of superstition, while vice, in every variety, roamed un- checked through the land. True, there were some who possessed copies of Wick- liff's Bible, and received its doctrine rather than the de- crees of cardinals. But they were poor. They were not in authority. They were persecuted by the domi- nant power; and, from their inabihty to act with effi ciency, were hardly known to exist. True, also, when any see became vacant, the king seized on its temporali- ties, and did not deliver them to the bishop appointed of Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. S55 Rome, until lie had sworn allegiance; but Henry, as if to destroy this remnant of supremacy, surrendered it into the hands of his favourite Wolsey, who was the pope's legate. Henry, however, appears to have been raised up by Providence to crush the power of papacy in England, and prepare the way for retormation. In the fourth year of his reign, a law was passed sub- jecting the clergy to be tried by the civil courts. Here- tofore, they had been amenable to none but ecclesiastical authority, and, such was the universal corruption, that, whatever crimes they committed, they usually escaped unpunished. This law was violently opposed by the whole clerical body, and nothing but the determined spirit of Henry, zealous for prerogative, carried it through. The pope was in trouble, and did not dare to resent the insult. Yet, in all other matters, Henry continued a most faithful son of the see of Rome, during the first eighteen years of his reign-, insomuch that pope Julius sent him a golden rose, and pope Leo X. gave him more roses, and made his favourite Wolsey a cardinal. Wolsey, though a bad man himself, obtained a bull from the pope to reform the clergy. His real object was, to pave the way for suppressing several of the monaste- ries, and converting them into colleges, cathedrals, &;c. The convocation of England was usually summoned by the king; who, with the writs for a parliament, sent also a summons to the two archbishops of Canterbury and York, to call together the clergy of their respective provinces. But the cardinal, as legate, took this power into his own hands. In 1 552, he summoned the convo- cation of Canterbury to Westminster, to reform abuses 35(5 HISTORY OF THE {^Chup. 12. in the church. Here he demanded a heavy supply for the king, viz. one half of the full value of all livings for one year, to be paid in five years This, with great dif- ficulty, was obtained; but it enraged the clergy against the cardinal. He, however, despised them, especially the monks, whom he looked upon as idle mouths, of no use to church or state. They were indeed numerous, and generally given up to idleness and pleasure. He resolved on suppressing a great number of their institutions, and in this found no difficulty; for the king, being a friend to learning, had no objections to his endowing colleges with the spoils of monasteries. The pope, too, consented; and, in the 18th year of Henry, the foundation of a col- lege was laid at Oxford, and in the 20th, that of another at Ipswich. The first dawnings of reformation in England, may, doubtless, be traced to the days of Wickliif, 150 years antecedent to this time; for then, the clergy being obnox- ious to the people, on account of the rapacity of their ex- actions, he propagated several opinions hostile to their power. He translated the Bible from Latin into Eng- lish, and circulated it, with a preface reflecting severely on the existing corruptions, condemning the w^orship of saints and images, denying the corporal presence of Christ in the sacrament, and exhorting all people to the study of the scriptures. He died in peace, though his body was afterwards burned; but the followers of his doc- trine, who were generally among the illiterate, were se- verely persecuted. In the reign of Richard II. a law was passed subjecting them to trial; and, by a statute of Henry IV. they were condemned to be burnt as heretics. Under this law many suffered. These martyrs were also called Lollards. In the first year of Henry, a considerable Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 357 number were arraigned, and s©me were burned. The principal charges against them were, refusing to believe in transubstantiation, auricular confession, pilgrimages, worship of images, praying to saints, and purgatory. The seeds sown by Wickliff, and now flourishing in the Lollards, caused the doctrines of Luther, which were spreading in Germany, to gain friends in England. Many of the books containing them were translated into Eng- lish, and widely circulated. This made the rage of per- secution more violent. Great numbers were proceeded against. If a man uttered but a light word against the constitutions of the church, he was seized. If any taught their children the Lord's prayer, the ten commandments, and the apostles' creed, in the vulgar tongue, that was deemed a sufficient crime to bring them to the stake. For this offence, six men and one woman were burnt at Coventry, on the 4th of April, 1519. Henry employed his pen, as well as his power, against the heretics. He wrote a book against Luther, on the seven sacraments, which was extolled a^ a model of ex- cellence. For this work, he received a pompous letter, signed by the pope and twenty-seven cardinals, and the title of "Defender of the faith." But Luther treated his book with great contempt. William Tindal translated the New Testament into English, printed it at Antwerp, with some short comments, and sent it over for distribu- tion, in 1526. This was denounced by the papists as an erroneous translation, and all persons who had copies of it were commanded to deliver them up, on pain of ex- communication, and incurring the suspicion of heresy. Many other books were prohibited at the same time; most of them written by Tindal. Against some of these Sir Thomas More wrote. He was a man of learnings 358 HISTORY OF THE IChap. la. and an enemy to the ignorance of the clergy, but a bitter persecutor. About this time, king Henry disputed the validity of his marriage with Catharine his queen. She had been wife to Arthur his brother, but though, in consequence of tliat, he had procured a dispensation from the pope on marrying her, he now found out that it was unlawful for a man to have his brother's widow. He laid the ques- tion before the bishops of England, and they decided in favour of a divorce; and, though the pope, by a bull, had sanctioned the marriage, he hoped to succeed in con- vincing him that the bull was granted oti wrong repre- sentations, and in inducing him to revoke it. With this view, he sent a messenger to Rome, to make his application; directing him to secure all the friends he could around his holiness, by money and promises. The messenger found the pope imprisoned by the emperor- He presented the king's request, and received for an- swer, that the divorce should be granted. But, as soon as the pope was at liberty, he declined fulfilling his pro- mise. The emperor, who was the nephew of Catharine, and violently opposed to the divorce, had him still in du- rance. His holiness, however, strove, by all the crooked arts of a most wily policy, to satisfy Henry that he was his friend, and that he only wished a little necessary delay. Messenger after messenger was sent by the king; bribe after bribe was given to the cardinals; subterfuge after subterfuge was resorted to by the pope; until, at length, two legates were appointed to try the question in England: viz. Campegio, who was despatched from Rome, and Wolsey. During the whole progress of the applica- tion, Wolsey was using all the earnestness fear could suggest; for he had pledged himself to effect the divorce, {.kni. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 359 and he well knew, I'roin the temper of Henry, that, if he faileJ, he would be ruined. In 1529, the legates sat iu England. Instructed by liis holiness, Campegio delayed the proceedings as much as possible, and when, at last, all things were ready for a sentence, he adjourned the court from July to October. Soon after, a messenger came summoning tlie cause to Rome. Henry could ill brook all this, but still he did not entirely break off from the pope. However, he de- nied his authority to cite him out of his kingdom. To divert his mind, he made an excursion through his dominions. During it, he lay one night at AValtham. While there, his secretary and almoner, Gardiner and Fox, met with Dr. Cranmer, a fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge. Knowing his great learning and solid judg- ment, they pressed him for his opinion concerning the divorce. He modestly declined; but told them, it would be best to ascertain whether the marriage was unlawful by virtue of any divine precept, for, if so, the pope's au- thority could not make that lawful which God had de- clared unlawful. He thought, therefore, that, instead of a fruitless application at Rome, it would be better to con- sult all the learned men and universities of Christendom: for, if they pronounced in the king's favour, the pop& must needs give judgment; or, if he refused, the marriage would be found sinful, notwithstanding his dispensation. With this proposition, Henry was delighted, and immedi- ately sent for Cranmer, and received him to court. Wolsey was ruined. He was attainted for treason, and shortly after died; declaring that, if he had served his God as he had served his king, he woulll not have been deserted in his grey hairs. In the parliament that met in 1529, there were bills 360 HISTORY OF THE- ICh-ap. 1^. passed against several abuses of the clergy, and many se- vere reflections were made upon their vices and corrup- tions. These were believed to flow from men who had Luther's doctrine at heart. The king promoted this at- tack, that he might show the pope what he could do if driven to extremity. Pursuant to the advice of Cranmer, application was made to the various learned bodies for their opinions concerning the divorce. Oxford and Cambridge decided that the marriage was unlawful, as did also the universi- ties of Padua, Bavaria, Orleans and Thoulouse: the di- vines of Ferrara; many of the Jewish Rabbins; the doc- tors of the Sorbonne; and a multitude of others, in Italy, and other parts of Europe. Zuingle united in the same decision. Calvin afterwards pronounced a similar senti- ment. These opinions being received, a letter was written to the pope, by the principal of the nobihty, clergy, and commons of England, setting them forth; complaining of his conduct; and threatening that they must seek a re- medy elsewhere, if he persisted in refusing a divorce. The pope answered, that, if the patient would hurt him- self, it was not the physician's fault; and made new pro- mises. But the king, wearied with delay, published a procla- mation against receiving bulls from Rome. He caused, also, the various arguments against his marriage to be drawn out, and published. He, moreover, brought all the clergy of England under a premunire. There was an ancient law forbidding any one to exer- cise a legatine authority procured from Rome. Wolsey had acted as the pope's legate, and, of course, all who had transacted business in his courts were involved in his Cent. IC.} CHURCH OK CM lUST, 3G1 guilt. Moreover, tlicro were various other laws passed in previous reigns against procuring translations, bulls, kc. from Rome; all which had remained in the statute book, but, from the power of tlie papacy, wei'e regarded as a dead letter. Against all these had the clcrg)- trans- gressed: but they had done so with the king's knowledge, and oft by his conmiand. However, it was in vain for them to frame excuses. Henry had determined to make the court of Rome feel the weight of iiis anger, and, therefore, he summoned them all to answer for their crime. They gladly compounded with him, and were pardoned, on paying a heavy sum of money; viz. the see of Canterbury one hundred thousand pounds, and of York, eighteen thousand eight hundred and forty pounds. In 1531, the convocation gave the king the title of "Supreme head of the church in England;" and thus another blow was aimed at the pope. In 1532, parliament passed a law against paying an- nates, or first fruits of ecclesiastical benefices, to the church of Rome. This law was left subject to the king's confirmation, which it received the next year. The pope, seeing his power declining in England, re- solved, at last, to do all he could to recover it, He cited the king to appear at Rome, to answer to an appeal from queen Catharine on the subject of the divorce. Henry sent an ambassador as excusator, with instructions to excuse his not appearing, and to insist on the preroga- tives of the crown of England. A plea was drawn up, and debated in the consistory. While this was in progress, a bull was obtained for suppressing several monasteries, and founding six new bishoprics. November 14th, 1532, the king married Ann Boleyn. Vol. II. ^. Z 362 HISTORY OF THE ICIiap. 12. In 1533, parliament passed an act against all appeals to Rome, declaring that the upper house of convocation should give final decision in all cases. Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, dying, the king resolved to raise Crannier to that see. Crannier was then in Germany. He had made no application for the ap- pointment, and, when he received intelligence of it, was much grieved. He travelled homeward by very slow journeys, that the king might have time to reflect ma- turely on the subject, and to select some other person. Henry, however, would accept none of his excuses; but was rather confirmed in the high opinion he entertained of him, by his great humility; and, at last, Cranmer was forced to yield. Bulls were received from the pope for Cranmer's pro- motion; for, though it was contrary to law to ask for them, the king resolved not to break off entirely from Rome, until he was driven to it. The pope was not pleased with Cranmer as archbishop, for he knew him to be the familiar friend of the Lutherans, but he did not wish to precipitate the rupture with England by de- nouncing him. At his consecration, Cranmer refused to take the usual oath to the pope, without a full and formal protestation, that it should not bind liim up from doing his duty to God, the king, and the church. The question concerning the king's marriage was brought, once more_, before the two houses of convoca- tion, and the opinions of nineteen universities read against it; whereupon, a decision was given, declaring it contrary to the law of God; and, immediately after, the archbishop of Canterbury proceeded to pronounce sentence of di- vorce. Rome declared this sentence null, and threatened the Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 363 king with excommunication if he acted upon it. The king appealed from the pope, to a general council; as did Cranmer, who, also, was threatened with a process. Bon- ner delivered this appeal to the pope, and lie did it with so much vehemence and fury, that his holiness talked of throwing him into a caldron of melted lead, and he was glad to make his escape. However, in consequence of the mediation of the king of France, Henry determined, once more, to submit to the pope, on receiving fresh promises that the divorce should be granted; but the imperialists precipitated a fresh decree against him, which separated him from Rome forever. The pope's authority had been now, for four years, much examined and disputed in England. First, his power of dispensing with the law of God was controvert- ed; then, the clergy were convicted of a iwcmumrey for submitting to his jurisdiction; then, his right to annates and other exactions was questioned; then, all appeals to Rome were condemned: — So many branches of the tree being cut off, it only remained to strike at the root. Ac- cordingly, the foundations of papal authority were scru- tinized. For nearly a year, ttiere were many public de- bates about it; and the subject was long agitated both in parliament and convocation. Several books were writ' ten; particularly "The institution for the necessary eru- dition of a Christian man;" concluded in convocation, and published by authority. At length, after summoning all the proofs from scrip- ture and primitive practice, it was decided, that the pope's power in England had no foundation, either in the law of God, the laws of the church, or of the land. And thus did the Most High overrule the evil passions 364 HISTORY OF THE [C/k/jj. IS. of a wicked monarch, to a discovery of the rottenness of the root of that bohon upas, papacy, and prepare the way for dehvering the reahu of England from its deadly iniln- ence. CILVPTEIl XIH. vMonaslcrics. — Six Jrtlcles. — SfotlaniL — Tlie Uihle. Though England had renounced the pope, the work of reformation progressed slowly. Henry had written in favour of Rome, and he wished to appear consistent. The clergy were generally unenlightened. Powerful enemies to the tiuth were active. Much, very much, re- mained to be done. Crannier promoted a visitation of monasteries. These were at an early age very numerous in England. They were robbed and ruined by the Danes in the 8th century, but king Edgar re-established them. During succeeding reigns, their number was increased, and, by every possi- ble means, their c'otTers were enriched. Saying masses to relieve souls from purgatory, was a most lucrative source of revenue. So general was the belief in their virtue, that statutes in mortmain became necessary, in order to prevent the greater part of the estates in Eng- land being given to the brotherhood. The shrines, and images, and relics of saints, were, also, profitable: for. the multitude were persuaded, that, pilgrimages and pre- sents to them, would secure an intercession in Heaven. But, the corruption of the monks became so excessive, that, from the 12th century downward, their reputation abated. .As they lost ground, the orders of begging friars i'enf. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. S65 rose. These, by great appearance of mortification, gain- ed much esteem. They were not as idle and lazy as the monks, but went about, and preached, and heard confes- sions, and carried indulgences, with many other pretty little things, — Agnus Dei's, Rosaries, and Pebbles; which they made the world believe had great virtue in them. There was a firm union of their whole order; they having a general at Rome, and a provincial in each of their pro- vinces. The school-learning was wholly in their hands, and they were great preachers. But they, too, had be- come extremely licentious; and, in secret, they plotted much against the king, opposing both his divorce and his supremacy. Henry determined to suppress the houses of these monks and friars, not only on account of their extreme wickedness, and their enmity against him, but also, be- cause, being afraid of a war with the emperor, he wanted money to fortify his ports; and, seeing the great advan- tage of trade, he resolved to encourage it by building har- bours. Moreover, he intended, pursuant to the advice of Cranmer, to erect many more bishoprics; that, the dio- ceses being reduced to a narrower compass, bishops might better discharge their duties, and oversee their flocks; according to the scriptures and the primitive rules. But Crtinmer's object was, by the suppression of mo- nasteries, not only to destroy the fountains of belief in purgatory, worship of saints, and pilgrimages, but, also, to obtain the foundation of theological seminaries for every diocese. In the course of the visitation, abominations were dis- covered, so great, that we cannot stain our page witli their recital 1^66 HISTORY OF THE [67;«;/. 15, In 153G, Cranmer moved in convocation, to petition the king for a translation of the Bible, to be sot up in all the churches. This was violently opposed by the papists, who insisted upon it, that, all the heresies then existing, flowed from the use of the Bible by the people. But the petition passed, and the king gave orders for the transla- tion to be made. The suppression of monasteries was still going on, and, the farther the work advanced, the more iniquity was discovered. Many signed confessions of their guilt, of which one says, "for their past ill life the pit of Hell was ready to swallow them up — they had neglected the wor- ship of God, and lived in idleness, gluttony, and sen- suality." In one monastery were found as many relics as could be named in four sheets of paper; among which, was, an angel, with one wing, that brought over the spear's head that pierced our Saviour's side. There were also found some of the coals that roasted St. Lawrence, the parings of St. Edmund's toes, St. Thomas a Becket's penknife and boots, with as many pieces of the cross of our Sa- viour as would make a large whole cross, a piece of St. Andrew's finger set in an ounce of silver, with a multi- tude of others of equal veracity. Many of the images were broken; among which was one, that, by means of springs, was made to move the head, hands, and feet; this had proved very profitable. Some of the blood of a duck was found in a phial, which was thick on one side and thin on the other: the people were taught to be- lieve this was the blood of Christ, and, on their paying a considerable sum, the thin side of the phial was turned towards them, and they were permitted to see the blood. In Wales there was found a huge image of wood, which Cent. 16,] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 367 was visited by five or six hundred pilgrims in one day; some carried oxen and cattle, and some money, to induce the image to deliver their souls from Hell. But the shrine of Thomas a Becket was most prolitable. It was valued abundantly more than the shrine of the Virgin iMary, or of Christ; for, in one year, there was offered at Christ's altar SI. 2s. 6rf.; at the Virgin's 6Sl. 5s. 6rf.; but at Tho- mas's 832/. 12s. od. — And, the next year, was oflered at Christ's — nothing; at the Virgin's U. Is. 8d; but at Thomas's 954/. 6s. Sd. A jubilee of fifteen days was or- dained for Becket, by Rome, every fiftieth year, and in- dulgence icas granted to all that would visit his shnne. In the sixth jubilee, in 1420, one hundred thousand stran- gers visited his tomb; and, with them, an immense wealth. Henry determined to unshrine and unsaint him at once, for, he caused his shrine to be broken down and carried away, his bones to be mingled with others, so that it would have been a miracle to have discovered them, and his name to be struck out of the calendar. In 1538, an edition of the Bible was finished in Lon- don, and the king gave his warrant, allowing all his sub- jects to read it, without control or hazard. Cranmer rejoiced that he saw this " day of reformation, which he concluded was now risen in England, since the light of God's word did shine over it without a cloud." The printing of this edition was commenced in Paris, but, though the king of France gave his permission, the clergy caused the press to be stopped, and most of the copies to be seized, and publicly burnt: in consequence of which, the workmen and forms were carried over to England. Injunctions were given to all incumbent clergymen, to provide one of these Bibles, and set it up publicly in the church, and to encourage all to read, it as the true and 368 HISTORY OF THE [CVm^ 13. lively word of God. All were exhorted not to contend about it. At the same linie, it was ordained, that, in every church, there should be a sermon, every quarter of a year, at least, to declare to the people the true gospel of Christ, and to exhort them to the works of charity, mercy, and faith. Moreover, the clergy were directed to instruct the people in the principles of religion, by teaching the creed, the Lord's prayer, and the ten com- mandments, in English; and to inform them that they had better omit the prayers to the saints, than neglect the prayers to God. In 1539, the papists succeeded in procuring the pas- sage by parliament of six articles, asserting several of the worst doctrines of antichrist; and these articles, all were required to sign on pain of death. When this bill was about to pass the house of lords, the king, who knew how displeasing it was to Cranmer, desired him to withdraw; but that faithful soldier of Jesus humbly excused him- self, for he felt bound in conscience to remain and op- pose it. While these things were proceeding in England, some light began to beam amid the cloud of superstition enve- loping Scotland. Having received her learning and learn- ed men from France, she still continued closely connect- ed with that kingdom. True religion had, from age to age, been persecuted. In 1407, John Resby, a Wick- liflite, was burnt; and, in 1432, John Crew, a Hussite. Toward the close of the 15th century, many Lollards were found in the western parts, bordering on England; among whom were several persons of quality: of these, some were questioned, but discharged. Patrick Hamil- ton, a man of noble blood, having adopted and preached Luther's doctrine, was burned, with many others. rent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. S(J9 But, notwithstanding these violent proceedings, llie doctrines of reformation spread. Many, by reading the scriptures, arrived at a knowledge of the truth; and the noise of what was doing in England, led others to inquire concerning religion. Tiie Scotch king yielded himself a prey to luxury and extravagance. The popish priests, generally, were igno- rant and dissolute. The bishop of Dunkeld, reproving one of his clergy, for being a zealous preacher, told him, '' he thaidied God he had lived well these many years, and never knew either tiie Old or New Testament; and if the other would trouble himself with these fantasies, he would repent it when he could not help it." No pains were taken to instruct the people, and no children were catechised. Henry repeatedly endeavoured to bring the king of Scotland into a league with him against the pope, but in vain. Persecution still raged; but '"the blood of the martyrs was the seed of the church." A new edition of tiic Bible was published in the 33d year of Henry, doubtless through the influence of Cran- mer. Some of these Bibles were chained to pillars in the church at London, with an exhortation written, ad- monishing all that came thither to read, " that they should lay aside vain-glory, hypocrisy, and all other corrupt af- fections, and bring with them discretion, good intentions, charity, reverence, and a quiet behaviour, for the edifi- cation of their own souls; but not to draw multitudes after them; nor to make expositions of what they read; nor to read aloud, nor make noise in time of divine service; nor enter into disputes concerning it." But the people came, generally, to hear the scriptures read; and such as could read, and had clesr voices, came often with great crowds Vol. IL 3 \ 370 HISTORY OF TllK '[Chap. 14 around (hcin. Many sent their children to school, that they might carry them to St. Paul's, and hear them read the scriptures. And many could scarce refrain from dis- puting, especially when they read of the institution of the sacrament, and saw the command — Drink ye all of litis, — a command which militated so directly against the po- pish mode of administration; also, when they saw Paul's discourse against having worship in an unknown tongue. Bonner complained, and threatened to remove the Bibles out of the church, if the people continued to abuse so high a favour. CHAPTER XIV. lilaspliemy of .Antichrist. — Cranmer. Cranmeu often pressed, w^ith great vehemence, the drawing up a body of ecclesiastical laws for England; the canon law of Rome then in force, being, in many re- spects, not only improper, but blasphemous; as will be seen by the following extracts-^-viz: " He that acknowledgeth not himself to be under the bishop of Rome, and that the bishop of Rome is ordain- ed by God to have primacy over all the world, is an he- retic, and cannot be saved, nor is not of the flock oi (Christ "All the decrees of the bishop of Rome ought to be kept perpetually of every man, as God's Word, spoken by the mouth of St. Peter; and wdiosoever doth not re- ceive them, they blaspheme the Holy Ghost, and shall have no forgiveness, " The see of Rome hath neither spot nor wrinkle in it, nor cannot err. Cenl.l6r\ CnURCIl OF CHRIST. 371 "Notliing may be done against liiin that appealelli unto Rome. " The bishop of Rome may be judged of none, but of God only; for although lie neither regard his own salva- tion, nor no man's else^ but draw down with himself in- numerable people by heaps unto Hell, yet niay no mortal man in this world presume to reprehend bin); Ibrasmuch as he is called God, he may not be judged of man, for God may be judged of no man. "The bisiiop of Rome may open and shut Heaven unto men. " The see of Rome receiveth holy men, or else makelh them holy. " It appertaineth to the bishop of Rome to judge wiiich oaths ought to be kept, and which not. " Whosoever teacheth or thinketh of the sacraments, otherwise than the see of Rome doth teach and observe, be excommunicate. " He is no manslayer, that slayeth a man which is ex- communicate. "A penitent person can have no remission of his sin, but by supplication of the priests." Surely, this is " exalting himself above all that is called God, and, as God, sitting in the temple of God." In 1514, Henry ordered that the prayers for the pro- fessions, and the litanies, sliould be translated into Eng- lish. This was peculiarly pleasing to the reformers, as they hoped that all the other oftices would follow, and the whole service be enjoyed in the vulgar tongue. In 1545, Cranmer was strengthened by tiic appoint- ment of several reforming bishops. In 1546, an arrangement was made, between the king and the French admiral AnucbauU, for carrying on the 37^ HISTORY OF THE ICIuqj. 14. reformation in both England and France. It was agreed, that the mass should be changed for a communion, and Cranmer was ordered to draw up a form of it; but this fell to the ground. Amid all the violence of Henry's passions, he retained liis respect for Cranmer. Whoever suffered, Cranmer was defended. This arose from no time-serving spirit on the part of the reformer. He not unfrequently threw himself between the monarch and the devoted victims of persecution. The Almighty arm of that God who de- sinned Cranmer to be the distinscuished instrument of good, interposed for his protection. Once Henry pre- tended to accede to the designs of Cranmer's enemies, that he might ascertain how far they would go. He gave permission for them to summon him before the council; but, daring the night previous, sent for him, and made known the plot. Cranmer, with great candour and ho- nest simplicity, offered himself for trial, and requested that judges might be appointed. The king told him, he was "a fool, that looked to his own safety so little: did he think false witnesses would not be procured? — there- fore, since he did not take care of himself, he would see to it." He gave him his seal-ring, and directed him to show that to his enemies, if they proceeded improperly in council. In the nsorning, Cranmer was summoned. He was kept waiting at tlie door of the council chamber, until a message from the king made them call him in; but when, at length, he showed them the ring, they were thrown into great confusion, and ran instantly to the king, to beg his pardon. The king ciiid them sharply, and protested by the faith he owed to God, laying his hand on his Bible, that if a prince could be obliged by his sub- ject, he was by the archbishop ; and that he took him to Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 373 be the most faithful subject lie had, and the person to whom he was most beholden: saying, moreover, he would not suffer men, who were so dear to him, to be handled in that fashion, and comuianding tliem all to be reconciled to Cranmcr. Thus, while the lesser props of the reformation was assaulted without mercy, its main pillar was continually preserved. Truly, "it is the Lord's doing, and marvel- lous in our eyes."' At length, the long and eventful reign of Henry drew near its close. His arguments and his quarrels, with papists and with protestants, approached their final ter- mination. In 1547, he died. CHAPTER XV. ■Eihvard. — Homilies, — Bishops. — Liturgy. — Anabaptists. — Or- dination. During the reign of king Edward, the reformation ad- vanced with rapidity. Cranmer being chief in influence, the trumpery of will-worship was swept away with ease. Gardiner, Bonner, and some others, opposed, but with- out effect. One of the chief difficulties under which the reformers laboured, was the want of a sufTicicnt number of pious, learned clergymen. To remedy this evil, they drew up several homilies, or sermons, on the most essen- tial doctrines and duties of religion, in order that they might be read in the churches throughout England. They, also, endeavoured to supply the people with such other books, as might help to an understanding of the scriptures; besides, they selected the most eminent 574 11181 ORY OF TH-E ICkap. 15, preaclieps, and sent them to take the tour of the country. These preachers accompanied the visiters, who, after the example of those sent by Henry, traversed the dioceses, with injunctions to be obeyed, and articles to be observed. The parh'ament, which sat in November, 1517, rev- pealed all the severe laws on \he subject of religion, es- pecially those concerning Lollardies, and the act of the six articles. Cranmer exhorted the clergy, in convocation, to give themselves much to the study of the scriptures, and to consider seriously what things were in the church that needed reformation, in order that all the popish trash, yet remaining, might be cast out. The mode of choosing bishops was changed from Conge d'Elire, to appointments by king's letters patent: —after which they were to be consecrated. In primitive days, bishops were chosen, and ordained, by other bishops, as Timothy and Titus by Paul. After- wards, when the church was established under the em- perors, the people voted by multitudes in the election of bishops. This being found a great inconvenience, from the tumults that occasionally took place, the inferior clergy chose their bishops; but, generally, the bishops of the province made the choice, yet in such manner, as to obtain the consent of the clergy and people, and subject to the will of the emperor. This dependence on the temporal prince, the pope destroyed, ordaining that the canons, secular and regular, should choose their bishops, and that this choice should be confirmed at Rome. King Henry had continued the mode of election by the clergy, only putting himself in the place of the pope, to confirm or annul; but now it was thought more ingenuous for the Cent. 16.'] C|iUllClI 01'^ CHRIST. 375 king to nominate llicbisliops directly, than nndcr tiic thin Govei[;t of an involuntary election. The relbrniation of the service occupied much atten- tion. '' In the primitive church, after the extraordinary gifts ceased, the bishops of the several churches put their ^ offices and prayers into such method, as was nearest to what tjjey had heard as remembered from the apostles. And these liturgies were called by the apostles' names from whose forms they were composed; as that of Jeru- salem carried the name of St. James," &c. '' The coun- cil of Laodicea appointed the same office to be used in the mornings and evenings. The bishops continued to draw up new additions, and to put old forms into other methods. This was left to every bishop's care, until, in the days of St. Austin, it was found the heretics took ad- vantage from some of the prayers used in some of the churches; upon this, he tells us, it was ordered that there should be no prayers used in the church, but upon cona- mon advice — after that, the liturgies can)e to be more carefully considered." At first, all was plain and simple: but, at length, the church of Rome began to make one addition after another, employing its fancy to find out mystical significations of every rite, and adding ceremo- nies thereupon, until the offices were swelled out of mea- sure, and there were missals, and breviaries, and rituals, and pontificals, and partoises, and pies, and graduals, and antiphonals, and psalteries, and houres, and a great many more. All these it was determined to examine^ and, whatever was rubbish, to cast out. The reformers thought that praying with warm affec- tion, and sincere devotion, was spiritual worship ; there- fore, they never agitated the question, whether they should have a liturgy or not*, their only inquiry was, how 376 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 15. shall we best bring our liltirgy back to the primitive stantlard. They resolved to change nothing for novelty's sake merely, or because it had been used by popery, but to retain all that the primitive church had practised; like skilful vine-dressers, applying the knife only to the use- less branches, engrafted by later ages. Retaining forriis of prayer, and translating the liturgy into the vulgar tongue, they threw away the blessing of water, and salt, and bread, reputed charms against dis- eases and the devil; together with holy incense, holy ashes, and the whole multitude of heathen symbols, with which the church of Rome was defiled. Some of the garments worn by the priests were retain- ed, because it was thought they were decent in them- selves; those who waited upon the Lord under the Mo- saic dispensation having been thus clothed; white being the emblem of purity, k.c. Moreover, it was supposed, that the Romish clergy having used then), was not a suf- ficient cause for throwing them aside. Joan, of Kent, an anabaptist, received sentence of con- denmalion, which was executed. This shows that tole- ration was not fully understood, even by the reformed. But her errors threatened the state more than the church. There was a class of anabaptists who were not so dan- gerous. They only denied infant baptism. Against these no severities were used. Books were written, showing they were wrong, and arguments inculcated, such as the following, viz: — The saying of Christ, " Suffer lit- tle children to come unto me," appears to declare them proper subjects of baptism; for if they are fit for the king- dom of Heaven — the greater, certainly they are fit for baptism — the less. Paul calls the children of believing parents holy; and, in so doing, appears to describe such Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 377 a consecration of them as is made in baptism. All the Christians in existence at the present time have been baptized in their infancy, even the leaders of the anabap- tist sect; so that, according to their views, no persons hving have a right to baptize, for none have been pro- perly baptized themselves. The uninterrupted practice 'of the church for fifteen hundred years is, in itself, a strong confirmation of infant baptism. The doctrine of predestination was much abused. The reformers, generally, had taught it, and many made strange inferences, saying, that since every thing was de^- creed, and no decree could be frustrated, all should leave themselves to be carried on by the current of the decrees without making any exertion. The consequence of this was, that some fell into great impiety, and others into desperation. The Germans had much discussion on the subject. Melancthon wrote against it; Calvin and Bucer maintained it, only they warned the people not to endea- vour to pry into it, since it was a secret none could pene- trate. Hooper, and many other good writers, often ex- horted the people not to enter into "these curiosities;" and a caveat to the same purpose was afterwards in- corporated in the article of the church about predestina- tion. Those who were engaged in drawing up the form of ordination, found, on examining, that scripture required nothing besides imposition of hands and prayer; and that no more was recognised, by either the apostolical consti- tutions, or the primitive church; therefore, they rejected the vain novelties introduced by later ages, such as anoint- ing, giving of consecrated vestments, and vessels for con- secrating the eucharist; and agreed upon a mode of or- daining bishops, priests, and deacons, similar to that now Vor,. 11. 3 B 378 HISTORY OF THE [t/tap. 16. used by the church. They introduced the solemn ques- tions and vows — solemn as the grave! — for instance, that searching interrogative, "Do you trust that you are in- wardly moved by the Holy Ghost, to take upon you this office and ministration, to serve God, for the promoting his glory, and for the edifying of his people?" Also, that weighty warning — "to teach the people committed to their charge, to banish and drive away all erroneous doc- trines, and to use both public and private monitions and exhortations, as well to the sick as the whole, within their cures." Who is sufficient for these things? / can do all things through Christ strengthening me, said one of old. On the 21st February, 1550, Ridley, being esteemed the most learned, and most thoroughly zealous for the reformation, was consecrated bishop of London and Westminster. CHxVPTER XVI. Book of Common Prayer. — Articles. — Laws. — Catechism. — Leaih of Edward. In preparing the Book of Common Prayer, it was de- termined to add to the daily service, a short, but simple, and most grave, confession of sins, in the use of which, the people were expected to make a sincere and hearty acknowledgment of all their iniquities, as well secret as open, unto God. To this was joined a general absolu- tion, or pronouncing, in the name of God, the pardon of sin to all those who did truly repent and unfeignedly be- lieve the gospel. It was thought, that, if the people se- Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 379 riously attended to these, they would cherish in their minds frequent reflections on their sins; and, moreover, that a general declaration of pardon, on condition of re- pentance and faith, was far preferable to the absolute and unqualified pardon whfch the priests were in the habit of giving in confession, by which the people were led to be- lieve their sins were certainly forgiven; a delusion that lulled them in fatal security, and operated as a bounty to crime. Many were observed to' come to the communion without due seriousness or preparation; whereupon, as a means of arousing the consciences of all, it was resolved to begin the office of administration with a solemn read- ing of the ten commandments, during which the congre- gation was to kneel, as if hearing the law anew; at the close of each commandment imploring mercy for past of- fences, and grace for the time to come. This was sup- posed calculated to excite remembrance of transgressions, and to prevent receiving the holy sacrament unworthily. Kneeling was considered the most appropriate posture in receiving the communion, and, therefore, continued; but, at the same time, it was declared that, that gesture was retained as the most reverent and humble way of express- ing a sense of the mercies of God, vouchsafed through the death of Christ, and not as a sign of idolatrous ado- ration to the bread and wine. When the sacrament was first administered, it was no doubt in the table posture, lying along on one side. But the Jews appear to have changed the posture used in receiving the passover, from standing to lying; a change sanctioned by our Saviour; and, surely, it is equally correct to change the mode of receiving the eucharist from lying to kneeling, especially as the eucharist was instituted in the room of the pass- over; and as, moreover, kneeling is better suited to the 380 HISTORY 01' THE lChap.l6. idea of an exalted, as lying was to that of a suffering Christ. Indeed, all denominations of Christians appear to be united in the opinion, that, they may safely change the posture, for all of them have discontinued that origi- nally made use of, viz. lying alortg on one side. Parliament ordained, January, 1552, that all men should attend divine service every Sunday and holy day, under pain of certain censures. There was also an act passed concerning fasts and holy days. These, it was said, were established to afford greater opportunity of retiring from worldly pursuits, and devoting the soul to the service of God. As to Saints' days, they were not dedicated to the Saints, but to God in remembrance of them. Great pains were taken in preparing the articles of re- ligion, which at length were agreed to by the convoca- tion; and thus was the reformation of doctrine and wor- ship brought to its completion. No further change took place in them in the reign of Edward, and very little af- terwards, except that some of the articles were put in more general terms in the days of Elizabeth. Cranmer and his colleagues had long been anxious for the completion of a body of ecclesiastical laws, for the general regulation of the church in its various depart- ments. He had pressed this subject in the reign of Henry. Under the present king, thirty-two persons were appointed to attend to it; and, subsequently, eight others, to prepare the work for their review. Of these, Cran- mer was one; and he is stated to have drawn up nearly the whole; thus proving himself the greatest canonist in England. These laws were arranged under fifty-one titles, and were finished in February, 1552. A commis- sion was appointed to revise and correct them, that they Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 381 might be presented to the king; but his death prevented their being established. lu 1553, the king, by letters-patent, authorized all schoolmasters to teacfe a new and fuller catechism, com- piled, as is believed, by Foinet. But the instruction of the young, as well as spreading the scriptures among the old, and indeed the whole sys- tem of the reformation, was now about to descend for a season to the grave. Edward, the hope of the church, the good, the pious king, became very ill. Having had the measles and then the small-pox, and having repeat- edly taken cold from violent exercise, he approached the borders of the tomb. During his illness, bishop Ridley preached before him, dwelHng much on works of charity, and, especially, on the duty of men in high stations to be eminent in such works. The king felt this subject to the quick. He sent for the bishop, praying that he would direct him in the discharge of his duty. The bishop was deeply affect- ed by this conduct in the young king, and burst into tears. He begged time for reflection, and asked leave to con- sult with the lord mayor and court of aldermen, which being granted, and the king having written, requesting that they would consult speedily how the poor should be relieved: in conclusion, he ordered the Gray Friar's church near Newgate, to be a house for orphans, St. Bartholomew's near Smithfield, to be an hospital, and gave his own house of Bridewell to be a place of correc- tion and work for such as were wilfully idle. He also confirmed and enlarged the grant for the hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark, which he had erected and en- dowed in the previous August. And when, on the 26th of June, he set his hand to these foundations, he return- 382 HISTO&Y OF THE IChap. 16. ed thanks to God for prolonging his hfe to see their com- pletion. He expressed great submission tothe will of God, and appeared glad at the approach of death, only saying that he was desirous of life for the slJke of the church. At length, on the 6th of July, he saw his end approach- ing, and composed himself to depart in a most devout manner. His whole exercise was in short prayers and ejaculations. The last that he was heard to use was in these words, "Lord God, deliver me out of this misera- ble and wretched life, and take me among thy chosen: howbeit, not my will but thine be done: Lord I commit my spirit to thee: 0 Lord, thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with thee; yet for thy chosen's sake send me life and health that I may truly serve thee. 0 my Lord God, bless my people, and save thine inheri- tance. 0 Lord God, save thy chosen people of Eng- land. O Lord God, save this realm from papistry, and maintain thy true religion, that I and my people may praise thy holy name, for Jesus Christ his sake." Dis- covering some persons near, he appeared troubled at the idea of their having heard him, but, with a pleasant coun- tenance, said he had been praying to God. Soon after, the pangs of death coming on, he said to sir Henry Sid- ney, who was holding him in his arms, " I am faint;" and, with a prayer, " Lord have mercy on me and re- ceive my spirit," breathed out his soul. Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord, for they rest from their labours and their works do follow them. Cent. 16.-] CHURCH OF OllklSr. f?8S V < •. CHAPTER i|VII. Miry. — Ferseeulion, — Wrctkmcr. — Disputatiou. Contrary to the advice of Cranmer and the Judges, Edward was induced on his death bed to make a will, passing over Mary, and settling the crown on the lady Jane Grey; but Mary took immediate possession of the throne, and in a very short time, displayed her opposition to the reformers. Gardiner was made chancellor. Bon- ner bishop of London. All preaching without the queen's license was prohibited, and that license was issued to pa- pists. Cranmer's friends advised him to fly beyond sea, but he refused, saying, that, as a persecution was rising, he would not dissuade others from flight, but, considering the station he occupied, and the leading part he had taken in the reformation, he thought it indecent for him to fly. From this opinion no entreaties could move him. He had saved the life of Mary during the reign of her father, but this availed not now. He was sent to the Tower. On the first of October, Mary was crowned with all the ceremonies of popery. On the tenth, parliament met. Two of the reformed bishops who attended, were deprived of their seats for refusing to worship the host. An act was passed confirming the marriage of king Henry to queen Catharine, and declaring the divorce unlawful. All the laws passed in the reign of king Edward on the subject of religion were repealed, and the service used in the last year of king Henry adopted. Mary, forgetful of the readiness with which her sister. 384 mli^RY OF THE ICkap. V Elizabeth, flew to^er aid, when she was seeking the crown, treated her with roughness. By a secret niessen^, the queen eignified to the pope her desire to bring back her kingdom to his sway, at the same time, requesting tiiat her intention might not be di- vulged, lest it should create dislurbance. She desired, however, that cardinal Pool might be sent over with a legatinc power. This intelligence caused great joy at Rome. The emperor proposed to IMary a matcli with his son Philip, to which she consented. Seven bishops were deprived of their sees because they were married. Six were turned out for other rea- sons. These removals, with three deaths, paved the way for the appointment of sixteen new popish bishops. This done, the bishops began to execute the queen's injunctions. The new service was everywhere cast out, and the old ceremonies set up. The most eminent preachers in London were put in confinement. A gene- ral assault was made upon the clergy throughout Eng- land, on account of their wives. Out of sixteen thou- sand, twelve thousand are supposed to have suffered. Some were deprived without conviction. Some were turned out without being cited to appear. Many, who were in prison, were cited and turned out, for not ap- pearing when they could not. Some left their wives for their hvings. They were all summarily deprived. And, moreover, after their deprivation, they were forced to leave their wives. This piece of cruelty was founded upon a pretence that they had made a vow. In order to justify all this, writings were published against the mar- riage of the clergy. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. S6b A disputation was held with the principal reformers at Oxford. Three questions were to be disputed, viz. Whether the natural body of Christ was really in the sacrament? Whether any other substance remained besides the body and blood of Christ? Whether iii the mass there was a propitiatory sacri- fice, for the dead and living? When Cranmer was brought forth, Weston, the prolo- cutor, exhorted him to return to the unity of the church. He answered, with great gravity and modesty, " I am as much for unity as any, but it must be a unity in Christ and according to the truth.^' When the dispute with Cranmer began, Weston made a singular stumble in the opening of his speech. He said, " Ye are this day assembled to confound the detes- table heresy of the verity of Christ's body in the sacra- ment." But, recovering himself, he proceeded. The dispute was carried on, Cranmer in the negative, answer- ing all their arguments. The next day, Ridley was brought before his antago- nists. He maintained the same ground with Cranmer, until the prolocutor was tired, and called out to the audi- ence to cry with him, " Truth has the victory." When Latimer was brought forth, he told them he had not used Latin much these twenty years, and was not able to dispute; but he would declare his faith, and then they might do as they pleased. He denied the cor- poral presence, and lamented their changing the commu- nion into a mass, taking the cup from the people, and having the service in an unknown tongue. Perceiving they laughed at him, he told them to consider his great age, and to think what they might be when they came to Vol. II. 3 C 386 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 17. it. They pressed him much to answer their arguments; he said his memory was gone, but his faith was grounded on the word of God. During the whole disputation, there was, as Ridley states, great disorder, perpetual shoutings, tauntings, and reproaches; so that it looked rather like a stage, than a school of divines. After it was over, the reformers were brought before the papists, and required to subscribe with them This they refused, as the disputation had not been fairly con- ducted; whereupon, they were pronounced obstinate he- retics, and declared to be no longer members of the church. Upon which, Cranmer said, "From this your judg- ment and sentence, I appeal to the first judgment of Al- mighty God, trusting to be present with him in Heaven, for whose presence on the altar I am thus condemned.'* Ridley answered, " Although I be not of your compa- ny, yet I doubt not but my name is written in another place, whither this sentence will send us sooner than we should by the course of nature have come.'' Latimer answered, " I thank God most heartily that he hath prolonged my life to this end, that I may, in this case, glorify God with this kind of death." Weston replied, " If you go to Heaven, with this faith, then I will never come thither, as I am thus persuaded." After this, there was a solemn procession in Oxford, the host being carried by Weston. Cent. 16.1 CHURCH OF CHRIST. 387 CHAPTER XVIII. Pool. — Rogers. — Hooper. — Taylor. Cardinal Pool, the pope's legate, formally received the English nation into communion with Rome, enjoin- ing, as a penance, the repeal of the late laws, and grant- ing full absolution in the name of his holiness. Pool was friendly to more lenient measures, but Gar- diner, a man more truly Romish, prevailed. On the 4th of February, Rogers was led to Smithfield. He asked permission to speak to his wife, but this was denied him. Neither was he suffered to make any speech to the people. He said a few words, desiring all to con- tinue in the doctrine he had taught them; a doctrine, for the sake of which, he not only had patiently endured all the bitterness and cruelty exercised upon him, but, also, now, most gladly, resigned his life, and gave his flesh to the consuming fire. He repeated the fifty-first psalm, and fitted himself for the stake. A pardon was offered him if he would recant, but he chose to submit to the severe, but short suffering before him, rather than, by apostacy, to run the risk of everlasting burnings. The fire was kindled, and he was consumed to ashes. Hooper, after being degraded from his priestly office, was sent to his diocese of Gloucester, to be burnt there. At this he rejoiced, lioping by his death to confirm the faith of those over whom he had formerly been placed. One day's interval was allowed him, which he spent in fasting and prayer. Some came to persuade him to ac- cept of the queen's mercy, since life was sweet and death bitter. He answered, " the death that is to come after is 3§8 HISTORY OF THE iChap. U. more bitter, and the life that is to follow is more sweet.'' Once, as his friends parted with him, he shed tears: "All my imprisonment," said he, "has not made me do so much." On the 9th of February, he was led to exe- cution. Being denied leave to speak, but allowed to pray, he declared his belief in the strain of a prayer. The queen's pardon being showed hinv he desired thena to take it away. He prayed earnestly for strength from God to endure his torment patiently, and then undressed himself and embraced the reeds. When he was tied to the stake with iron chains, he desired them to spare their labour, for he was confident he should not trouble them. The fire was kindled, but the wood, being green, burnt ill, and the wind blew away the flame of the reeds. He prayed oft, " 0 Jesus, thou son of David, have mercy on me and receive my soul," and called to the people, for the love of God, to bring him more fire, for it was burn- ing his nether parts, but did not reach his vitals. The fire was renewed, but the wind still blew it away and prevented its rising up to stifle him, so that he was long in torment. The last words he was heard to utter, were, " Lord Jesus receive my spirit!" One of his hands dropped off before he died; with the other he continued to knock on his breast for some time. He was near three quarters of an hour in burning. Sanders was burnt at Coventry. He was condemned for preaching and refusing to conform to the new laws, A pardon was offered him also, but he said he held no heresies but the blessed gospel of Christ, and that he would never recant. When he came to the stake he embraced it, and said, " Welcome the cross of Christ! W^elcome everlasting life!" And so he was burnt. Dr. Taylor, parson of Hadley, followed next in the throng of martyrs. Several of the neighbouring priests Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 38i> going to say mass in his church, he went thither, and openly declared against it. Immediately, Gardiner sent for him to come to London. Some of his friends advised him to go out of the way, but he said, " He must follow Christ, the good shepherd, who not only fed his Hock, but died for it. He was old, and thought he should never be able, at any other time, to do his good God such service as he was then called to," So he went with much cheerfulness. Gardiner treated him with his usual roughness. He was condemned and sent to Hadley to be burnt. AW the way he expressed great composure. When brought to the stake, he told the people he had taught them nothing but God's holy word, and was now to seal it with his blood. One of the guard struck him on the head, and made him cease speaking. Then he went to his prayers, and so to the stake. He was put iu a pitched barrel. As the wood was laying about, some one flung a faggot at his head and broke it. He bled profusely; but his only answer was, " Oh! friend, I have harm enough: what needed that.'^" He repeated the fifty-first psalm in English, at which one of the guard struck him on the mouth, and bade him speak Latin. He continued his ejaculations to God, until the fire was kindled, and one of the guard struck him in the head with his halbert, so that his brains fell out. — And is it possible that these persecutors could call themselves Christians! The spirit of popery was now fully manifest, and the people could not but contrast it with that of the reforma- tion. In the days of king Edward, the papists were merely turned out of their livings, and, in a very few in- stances, imprisoned: but now, the reformers were put to death with every variety of cruelty. Some were threat- 390 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. 19. ened with having their tongues cut out, unless they would promise not to make speeches to the people at the stake. Such was the astonishment of the nation at these cru- elties, and such the disposition to charge them to him, that king Philip thought it expedient openly to disavow them. This startled the popish clergy a little; but they resolved to go on, and, rather than the heretics should escape, take the whole blame upon themselves. CHAPTER XIX. Martyrdom of Latimer, Ridleijy and Cranmer. — Death of Mary. We would fain pause amid this recital, and contem- plate, for a moment, the desperately wicked character of the human heart; how entirely resigned to selfishness, and how utterly dead to all that is holy, except so far as influenced by the spirit of God. We have adverted to this repeatedly before, but it is useful to revolve the re- flection again and again, as it may fasten upon our souls a deep sense of the importance of our securing the bap- tism of the Holy Ghost. These English, or rather Ro- mish persecutors, of olden lime, though they appear to our view reeking from their butcheries, are only exhibit- ing the same depravity of which we ourselves are sharers. If the blessed reformation, reflecting, upon our fathers and upon us, the unclouded light of the Bible, for centu- ries, has taught us better, we should remember, that, if left to ourselves, we should be prone to similar enormi- ties. And though, like Hazael, we may each exclaim, " Am I a dog that I should do this thing?" we should rather inquire^ — were not these papists from the same Cent.ie.-] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 391 stock with us? inheritors of the same nature? united to the same fallen Adam? Have we not in ourselves the seeds of every evil passion? and, thougli our constitutions are cast in somewhat different moulds, and our sympa- thies are diverse in degree, would not those seeds, if un- checked, spring up to the perpetration of every variety of sin? Surely, then, it becomes us, while we arc weeping for others, to weep also for ourselves. Surely it becomes us, while we are wondering at the depravity of human nature, to call to mind the fact, that we are partakers of the same human nature; and to ask our consciences the question, each and every one of us, Have I been born again? Am I a new creature? Have old things passed away, and all things become new in me? If this ques- tion cannot be answered in the affirmative, we are not fit for the kingdom of Heaven: so says He who has the key of that kingdom, the Lord Jesus Christ. The dead body of a robber, at the time of his execu- tion, uttered something which savoured of heresy. This circumstance having reached the ears of the council, they ordered Bonner to inquire into it, and proceed ac- cording to the ecclesiastical laws. He formed a process, and cited the body to answer; but, as it neither appeared nor answered, it was condemned and burnt. On the 16th October, bishops Ridley and Latimer surrendered their lives at Oxford. A commission of sundry popish bishops was sent to try them. They re- fused to pay any respect to the authority of the pope, under which the commission acted; declaring, that, the bishops of Rome had been held in great esteem for the worthiness of their character, and the dignity of their city, but had no right to the supremacy claimed in latter ages. Great pains were taken to induce them to accept 39^ HISTORY OF THE IChap. Id- of the queen's mercy, but they firmly refused. The night before their execution, Ridley was very joyful, and invited the mayor and his wife, in whose house he was kept, to be at his wedding next day; at which, when the mayor's wife wept, he said, he perceived she did not love him; he told her, though his breakfast would be sharp, he was sure his supper would be sweet. He was glad to hear that his sister would come and see him die; and was in such composure of mind that all were amazed. In the morning, as they were led out to the place of execu- tion, they looked up to the prison where Cranmer was kept, to see him, but he was engaged in a dispute with some friars, and was not at his window. He looked after them with great tenderness, and, kneeling down, prayed earnestly that God would strengthen their faith and pa- tience, in that, their last, but painful passage. When they came to the stake, they embraced each other with great affection, Ridley saying to Latimer, "Be of good heart, brother, for God will either assuage the fury of the flame, or enable us to abide it." Dr. Smith was ap- pointed to preach, and took his text from these words — If I give my body to be burned and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing. He compared their dying for he- resy to Judas hanging himself; and warned the people to beware of them, with as much bitterness as he could ex- press. The best of it was, the sermon lasted not above a quarter of an hour. When he had finished, Ridley was going to answer him, and the lord WilHams, who was appointed by the queen to see the execution, was in- clined to hear him; but the vice chancellor said, "except he intended to recant, he must not be suffered to speak." Ridley answered, " he would never deny his Lord, nor those truths of His of which he was persuaded. God's Cent. 16.^ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 393 will be done in him. He committed himself to God, who would indifferently judge all." Then, addressing him- self to the lord Williams, he said, "nothing troubled him so much as that he had received fines of some who took leases of him when he was bishop of London, which leases were now voided. He, therefore, humbly prayed that the queen would give order that those might be made good to the tenants, or, that the fines migiit be restored, out of the goods which he had left in his house, and which were of far greater value than the fines would amount to: also, that some pity might be had of Shipside, his brother-in-law, who was turned out of a place he had put him in, and had now attended on him with great care." After this, they both prayed and fitted themselves for the stake; Latimer saying to Ridley, "Be of good comfort, we shall this day light such a candle in Eng- land, as I trust, by God's grace, shall never be put out." Gunpowder being hanged about their bodies in great quantities to hasten their death, the fire was kindled. The powder taking fire, Latimer was, at the first flame, put out of pain. He died immediately. But Ridley suf- fered a more lingering torment, for they threw on the fire so much wood, that the flame could not break through it. His legs were almost consumed before this was ob- served; but then, a passage being opened to the flame, it put an end to his life. Thus died these two excellent bishops. The one, for his piety, learning, and solid judgment, justly esteemed the ablest man of all who promoted the reformation; and the other, for the plain simplicity of his life, a truly pri- mitive bishop and Christian. Gardiner shortly after died also. He had great re- raorse of conscience on account of his life. Day, bishop Vol, it. '^ D 394 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 19. of Chichester, coming to him, and comforting him with the assurance of justification through the blood of Christ, he answered, "you may speak of that to me, or otliers in my condition, but, if you open that gap again, and preach tljat to the people, then farewell altogether." He often repeated those words — Erravi cum Petro, sed non Jlevi cum Petro — I have erred with Peter, but I have not mourned with Peter. On the 12th September, 1555, sundry commissioners from the queen, together with a sub-delegate from the pope, went to Oxford to judge Cranmer. When he ap- peared before them, he made a low reverence to those who sat in the queen's name, but refused any homage to the pope's delegate, inasmuch as he thought that would be paying respect to the pope. They made sundry speeches, charging him with heresy; after which, he kneeled down and said the Lord's prayer; next, he re- peated the creed; then he told them he never would ac- knowledge the bishop of Rome's authority; declaring, that the bishops of Rome had made laws contrary to those of God — as, causing worship to be in an unknown tongue; denying the chalice to the people; pretending to dispose of crowns; and exalting themselves above every creature; all which proved them to be antichrists, since all was contrary to the doctrine of Christ. In conclu- sion, they cited him to appear before the pope within eighty days, to answer to the charges brought against him. This, he said, he was most willing to do, if the king and queen would allow it, but they detained him a prisoner. He was sent back to his confinement, where he lay until the 14th February, 1556, when Bonner and Thir- leby were sent to degrade him. In this task Bonner de- Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 39.) lighted; and he performed it with much insult. Thirleby wept, and declared it was the most sorrowful action of his life, he having been formerly a friend of Cranmer. To Cranmer himself, it was no affliction. Now new engines were contrived against him. We have, heretofore, seen him, like David, valiant for the truth; but we are called to contemplate him, like David, falling; and to behold, in him, another instance of the infirmity of poor human nature. Many, both English and Spanish divines, had been sent to confer with him, and persuade him to recant. Hopes of life and preferment were given. At length, he was removed out of prison, to the dean's lodgings at Christ's church. All the arguments that could be in- vented were made use of to turn him; and, in conclusion, as St. Peter himself with curses denied his Saviour, so he, who had resisted now almost three years, was, at last, overcome; and human infirmity, the fears of death, and the hopes held forth, prevailed him to set his hand to a paper renouncing all the doctrines of the reforma- tion, and acknowledging all the abominations of popery. This paper, which was as full as his enemies desired, Ihey giving him no rest till he had completed it to their will, was immediately printed; and it occasioned, on the one hand, great insulting, and, on the other, great dejec- tion. But the queen was not at all wrought upon by it. She now manifested, what she had before disowned, that her private resentments governed her in this affair; and, that the man who pronounced t!ie judgment of divorce, must, at all hazards, be destroyed. She resolved that he should be burnt. The writ for burning was issued the 24th February. The long time that elapsed, previous to the execution, makes it not improbable that this writ 396 HISTORY OF THE iCIiap. 19. was made use of in first inducing him to recant: certain it is, that, when the second order was sent to Oxford, forbidding any longer delay, he was, with the death then threatening him if he refused, persuaded to renew in full his recantation. He did thus renew it; but, at the same time, he was jealous tliat his enemies intended to burn him, and he secretly prepared a paper containing a true confession of his faith, such as flowed from his con- science, and not from his weak fears. His fate being fixed, notwithstanding all promises, he was carried to St. Marie's church, and placed on a platform where he might be conspicuous. Cole, provost of Eaton, preached a sermon, during which was announced the fact that Cran- mer was that day to suffer. At the close, he turned to Cranmer, and magnified his conversion, attributing it to the immediate hand of God. He gave him great hopes of Heaven, and assured hin) there should be dirges and masses said for his soul, in all the churches of Oxford. During all this, Cranmer expressed great inward con- fusion; lifting up his eyes often to Heaven, and then let- ting them fall downward, as one ashamed of himself. Frequently he poured forth floods of tears. At length, when Cole bid him declare his faith, he first prayed with many moving expressions of deep remorse and inward horror; then he made his exhortation to the people, "not to love or set their hearts on the things of this world: to obey the king and queen out of conscience to God: to live in mutual love; and to relieve the poor ac- cording to their abundance. Then he came to that on which, he said, all his past life, and that which was to come, did hang — he being now to enter either into the joys of Heaven, or the pains of hell. He repeated the apostles' creed, and declared his belief of the Scriptures. Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 397 Then he spake of that which he said troubled his con- science more tlian any thing he had done in his whole life, which was the subscribing a paper contrary to the truth, and against his conscience, out of the fear of death, and the love of life; and, he said, he was resolved, when he catne to the fire, that that hand which had signed it, should burn first. He rejected the pope as Christ's enemy and antichrist, and said he had the same belief of the sacrament which he liad published in the book he wrote about it." Upon this, there was a wonderful confusion in the whole assembly. Those who hoped to have gained a great victory on that day, seeing tiiemselvcs discomfited, were in much disorder. They called to him to dissemble no more. He said he had ever loved simplicity, and, be- fore his recantation, had never dissembled in his whole life. He was going on in his discourse, with abundance of tears, but they pulled him down and led him away to the stake. It stood in the same place where Ridley and Latimer were burnt. All the way the priests upbraided him for his changing, but he was minding another thing. When he came to the stake, he first prayed, and then undressed himself, and, being tied to it, as the fire was kindling, he stretched forth his right hand toward the flame, never moving it, save that once he wiped his face, till it was burnt away. It was consumed before the fire reached his body. Here he discovered, that, if, like David, he sirnied, like David also he repented. He ex- pressed no disorder at the pain he endured: sometimes saying, "That unworthy hand;" and oft crying out, "Lord Jesus receive my spirit!" He was soon after quite burnt, except his heart, which was found whole among the ashes! 398 HISTORY OF THE ICUap. 19. Thus, on the 2 1st March, 1556, died Thon.as Cran- mer, in the 67th year of his age. He was a man raised of God for great services, and well fitted for them. He was naturally of a mild and gentle temper, not soon heat- ed, nor apt to give his opinion rashly of things or persons. Though his gentleness exposed him to the ill usage of his enemies, who well knew he would forgive them, it did not lead him into such a weakness of spirit as to con- sent to every thing that was uppermost, for he stood firmly against the six articles in the reign of Henry, not- withstanding all that king's heat for them; he opposed the duke of Somerset and the duke of Northumberland, in the days of king Edward; and now resisted unto blood, giving his hand to the flame vvith the utmost resolution; so that his meekness was, as all true meekness is, a vir- tue, and not a pusillanimity of temper. He was a man of great candour. He never dissembled his opinion, nor disowned his friend — two rare qualities in an age when the whole English nation appeared to be going backward and forward, like a wave of the sea, as the court direct- ed. He stood by queen Anne, and Cromwell, and the duke of Somerset, in their lowest fortunes; and saved Mary herself from the rage of her father. His diligence was wonderful. He drew out of all the authors that he read, every thing remarkable, digesting these quotations into common places. Often did king Henry test him in this respect; and, whenever he applied to him for the opinions of the fathers and doctors on any particular sub- ject, Cranmer usually furnished them in two or three days. He laid out all his wealth on the poor, and for pious uses. He had hospitals and surgeons in his house, for the king's seamen. He gave pensions to many of the reformers who fled from Germany to England; and kept Cent. IG.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 399 up that wliich is hospitality indeed at his table, inviting great numbers of his honest and poor neighbours, instead of having the luxury and extravap;ance of great enter- tainments. He was so humble and alTable, that he car- ried himself, in all conditions, in the same manner. His last fall was the only blemish of his life, but it was suc- ceeded by a sincere repentance, and a patient martyrdom. He had been thechief promoter of the reformation in his life, and God so ordered it, that he gave no small con- firmation to all who had received his doctrine, by the constancy with which he sealed tiiat doctrine with his blood. King Henry was full of the opinion that Cranmer would at last die a martyr, and, therefore, directed him to change the arms of his family from cranes to pelicans; intimating thereby, that, as the pelican fed her young with her blood, so he would give his blood for the good of the church. The day after Cranmer's martyrdom. Pool was conse- crated archbishop of Canterbury. He appears to have been too anxious for Cranmer's death, insomuch that the words of Elijah to Ahab were applied to him — '' Thou hast killed and taken possession." The proceedings of Mary were well calculated to ac- celerate the reformation. She burnt up all attachment to popery, in the fires that consumed the martyrs, and thoroughly purged the nation of all hankering after the tender mercies of Rome. So blind was the fury of persecution, that even the dead bodies of protestants who died before the reign of terror were burnt. The remains of two eminent men, Bucer and Fagius, were thus treated. A writ was brought from London on the 6th Febru- 400 HISTORY OF THE [^Chap. 19. ary; their bodies were taken up, carried in coffins, and tied to stakes, with many of their books, and other here- tical writings, and all were burnt together. A similar farce was played at Oxford, where the body of Peter Martyr's wife was taken up, and buried in a dungbill. These bones, however, were collected in the days of Eli- zabeth, and mingled with the bones of a popish saint, that they might be secured from all future insult. And now the dark features of popery began to show themselves in still bolder relief. Nothing less than the inquisition appeared in view. This grand engine of Sa- tan, which was first set up in Thoulouse to extirpate the Albigenses, and, afterwards, introduced into Spain to discover the Moors, had lately been found a most effec- tual means of preserving the Romish faith among the Spaniards; and, in consequence, the pope was anxious for its establishment throughout Christendom. The question about erecting it in England, began to be agitated. Some openly advised it, and, in February, 1557, a commission was issued to a considerable number of persons, empowering them, or any three of them, by any means they thought best, to search for and punish all heretics. Every thing was surrendered to their dis- cretion, and they were at liberty to summon before them, as witnesses, whomsoever they chose. This was paving the way, if no more. Still did the burnings continue. One man was put to the rack to make him discover who attended the private assemblies. A proclamation was issued, subjecting all to martial law who read heretical or treasonous books. In Smithfield, it was proclaimed that none should pray for those who were about to be burnt, nor speak to them, nor say God help them. Bonner, not satisfied with burn- Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 401 ing, scourged some witn rods, till lie was weary. Many died in bonds, and many were vexed with long and grie- vous imprisonment. At length, the people began to hate popery beyond all expression. One man, on the fire touching him, cried out, " I re- cant," and was released from the stake; but he was af- terwards burnt, so that the object appeared to be, not so much the conversion as the destruction of heretics. At length, on t-lie 17lh of November, 1558, Mary de- parted this life. # CHAPTER XX. Elixabeth. — Parker. — JVa^'s Head Ordination. Immediately on the death of Mary, Elizabeth was proclaimed queen, to the universal joy of the nation. On her way to London, she was met by the bishops. *' She expressed to all of them sentiments of regard, ex- cept to Bonner, from whom she turned aside, as from a man polluted with blood, who was a just subject of hor- ror to every heart susceptible of humanity." The reformation of religion came at once under con- sideration. The queen had been trained up in a hatred of popery, but she had received impressions in favour of such old rites as her father had retained; moreover, she loved state and magnificence; therefore, she inclined to a sort of half-reformation. She thought Cranmer and his colleagues, in the days of king Edward, had disrobed religion of external ornaments too much, and had made their doctrine too narrow in some points. She wished a few things explained in more general terms, such as^ Yoh. IT. 0 E 402 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 20. Christ's presence in the sacrament, &c. Moreover, she was disposed to keep images in the churches* Her ob- ject appeared to be to please both parties, and carry the whole nation with her, papists as well as protestants. But, blessed be God, her plans did not prevail. The result of the consultation on the subject was, that, the alterations intended to be made, should be brought about gradually, and tfeiat, in the mean time, the way should be paved for them as surely as possible. The pope and the priests were dispoied to embroil the nation, and it was thought necessary to use some caution. Several learned men were appointed to meet and con- sider the book of service; and, to encourage the people with the hope of refonnation, it was resolved that the communion should be administered in both kinds. As soon as Elizabeth's coming to the crown was known, all who had fled to foreign countries returned, and those who had lived in secret corners came forth. Many, having notice of the queen's intentions, could not contain themselves, but began immediately to pull down images, and set up king Edward's service. Perceiving this, she made a more full discovery of her wishes, and gave order that the gospels and epistles, the Lord's prayer, the apostles' creed, the ten commandments, and the litany, should be used in English; and, at the same time, forbade the priests to elevate the host at mass: after * " It is probable, tliat, whatever favour the queen may liave been disposed to show to images in the beginning-, It was the result of an acknowledged inaxim of the first years of her reign, to conciliate the more moderate of the lioman Catholics, For we find from Strype's Annals, that some time after her discharging of the images, at the instance of archbishop Parker, and Cox, bishop of Ely, she expressed great dislike even at a common Prayer Book with pictures; and said expressly to dean N')well, who laid the book upon her cushion, — 'You know I have an aversion to idolatry, to images and pictures of iiis kind.' •' Cent. IC] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 403 which, she made proclamation against all unauthorized changes, and required her subjects to use no other forms of worship than tliose estabhshed in her ciiapel, until parliament should appoint otiierwise. On the 5th December, the queen performed her sis- ter's funeral rites with niuch magnificence. Great anxiety existed as to the choice of persons to fdl the vacant bishoprics. Parker was selected for the See of Canterbury, but there was much difficulty in per- suading him to accept. He was a man of an humble temper, and loved privacy. He begged that he might not be thought of for any public employment, as the in- firmities contracted by flying about in the nights in queen Mary's time had very much disabled him. But, he had been chaplain to Ann Boleyn, and, at her request, had instructed Elizabeth in the principles of the Christian religion. The queen had now a grateful remembrance of his services, and, moreover, Bacon, the chancellor, had a high opinion of him; so that it was determined to overcome his modesty, and, after nearly a year's impor- tunity, he yielded. On the 12th January, 1559, Elizabeth was crowned. As she went into her chariot, she lifted up her eyes to heaven, and blessed God, who had preserved her to see that joyful day, and saved her, as he did the prophet Daniel out of the mouth of the lions. She acknowledged that her deliverance was only from him, and to him she olTercd all the praise. She passed through London in great triumph; all the way, by her winning and cheerful address, delighting the people. As she went under one of the triumphal arches, there was a rich Bible let down to her, as from heaven, by a little child representing Truth. With great reverence, she kissed both her 404 HISTORY OF THE IChap. £0. hands, and, receiving the Bible, kissed it, and laid it next her heart.* This drew tears of joy from the eyes of the spectators. On the 25th January, parliament met. Bacon opened it with a long speech. He exhorted them to consult about religion without heat or partiality, not to use any reproachful term, as papist or heretic, but endeavour so to establish every thing, as that there might be a unifor- mity and a cordial agreement. The first bill passed was for restoring the tenths and first fruits to the crown. Then followed sundry other bills, the amount of all which were, making the state of religion similar to what it was in the days of king Ed- ward, abolishing the power of the pope, and establishing the English service. The queen's supremacy was as- serted, and a high commission court established for the execution of it. But the popish clergy began every where to preach against innovation and heresy, insomuch that, early in March, the queen forbid all preaching, except by such as had license under the great seal. A public conference on the subject of religion was, by order of the queen, held in the abbey church of West- minster. Nine protestants and nine papists were ap- pointed to engage in it. A great concourse attended, and the conference continued for some time, until, at length, the papists refusing to proceed, it was broken up. Some alterations were made in the communion ser- vice in the liturgy of king Edward, that it might express in more genera! terms the manner of Christ's presence in the sacrament. • " She also," says Collier, " promised to read it, and returned the city more thanks for this present, than for all the rest of great value she had already received" Cent. IG.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 405 The popish bishops, refusing to take tlie oath of supre- macy, were i imprisoned for a short time, but soon re- leased, except Bonner, Wliite, and Watson. Charges were preferred against all three of them, and those charges Elizabeth promised to attend to as soon as they should be substantiated. She appealed anxious to gain a little time, that the edge might be taken otT men's spirits; for she was not disposed to proceed severely against any, being naturally merciful, and, moreover, taught by the gospel not to render evil for evil. All the leading papists were allowed to go where they pleased, and those who chose to remain in England, were permitted to enjoy the free exercise of their reli- gion. Most of the monks returned to a secular course of life, but the nuns went beyond sea. Elizabeth continuing anxious to have images in the churches, all the reformed bishops and divines opposed it vehemently. At length, she yielded to their wish, and, in the injunctions sent forth, gave orders that they should be taken down. By these injunctions, the common prayer book and litany were directed to be used in all churches on Wednesdays and Fridays. Slanderous words, as papist, heretic, schismatic, or sacramentary, were forbidden under severe pains. All were directed to kneel during prayer, and to show reverence at the name of Jesus. As to the queen's supremacy, it was declared, that, she did not pretend to any authority for the ministering of divine service in the church, but, only to such a sove- reignty or rule over all manner of persons, under God, as precluded the authority of every foreign power. Bowing at the name of Jesus was deenied a suitable 406 HISTORY OF THE [CViflp.SO. expression of reverence, manifesting an acknowledgment of him as the Saviour, and an owning his divinity. Commissions were issued for visiting all the churches in England, in order to establish the new book of ser- vice, and, in general, to carry into effect the newly adopt- ed regulations. It was directed, that, pensions should be reserved for such clergymen as would not continue in their benefices, but left them by resignation. Those found in prison on account of their religion were to bp discharged, and, all such as had been unlawfully turned out in the late reign were to be restored to their cures. Unworthy clergymen were to be deprived, and others put in their places, and such as were obstinate were to be tried. When the visiters made their report to the queen, it was found that, out of nine thousand four hundred bene- ficed ^men in England, only fourteen bishops end one hundred and seventy-five others, resigned their livings on account of their religion. On the 17lh December^ 1559, Parker was consecrated in the chapel at Lambeth, by four bishops, viz. Barlow, Scory, Coverdale, and Hodgkins; according to the book of ordination made in the reign of king Edward. Having been thus consecrated himself, Parker after- wards consecrated bishops for the vacant sees, and, among the rest. Jewel, bishop of Salisbury, the great ornament of his age for learning and piety. About forty years after this, a foolish story was set afloat, that Parker was not truly consecrated, and a mise- rable fable created by one Neale, who had been chaplain to Bonner, about what was called the nag's head ordina- tion. This notion was not thought of during the reign of Elizabeth, or the enemies of the reformation would Cent. IC] church: OF CHRIST. 107 undoubtedly have spread it abroad. But it pleased God that, when tiie story was invented, there was one witness living able to contradict it, viz. the earl of Nottingham, wlio saw the consecration. Nor was tiiis all, for the re- gisters of the see of Canterbury, and tlie records of the crown, being examined into, fully set the question at rest, and declared the validity of the consecration. More- over, the original instrument of archbishop Parker's con- secration, still lies among his other papers in the libmry of Corpus Christi college at Cambridge. The object in forging this tale, undoubtedly was to assault the validity of ordinations in the church of England, by endeavouring to show that the chain of descent from the days of the apostles had been broken; but, like standers in general, it ended in nothing but the confusion of its authors. Thus were the sees filled, the worship reformed, and the queen's injunctions sent over England. Three things remained to be done, viz. setting forth the doctrine of the church, translating the Bible and publishing it with short notes, and regulating the ecctesiastical courts. About these the bishops set to work. The articles proposed were the same with those of the days of king Edward, except some slight alterations, especially leaving the doctrine of the real presence un- touched. The bishops prepared a confutation of it, but the queen and the council appear to have dashed it out. The translation of the Bible was committed to sundry bishops and others, a portion being assigned to each. The first impression of it is supposed to have been pub- lished in 1561. As for the canons and rules of church government, they were not soon prepared. Some came out in the year 1571, and more in 1597. " But this part of the reformation is not yet finished, for penitentiary 408 HISTORY OF THE [C/m/;. 21, canons have not been set up, and the government of the church is not yet brought into the hands of churchmen." And thus was the hght of truth made to shine once more over England. Unfortunately, the heats that had been engendered beyond sea, during the reign of Mary, caused, at length, some divisions at home. A few sparks had been kindled in king Edward^s reign, about clergymen's habits; but these were buried in the ashes of Hooper and Ridley. However, they broke forth again, and manifested them- selves in objections against the vestments of the inferior clergy, and, at length, against bishops. These differences were craftily managed by some, who were anxious to improve them to obtaining a division of the church lands, and, for the sins of the nation, they were allowed to con- tinue. CHAPTER XXL Faults on hath Sides. — GnnilalL — Jlssociafioiis of the Clergy.— Tijranny of Eli%aheth. — Wliitgift. Too great severity was used in England against those who refused to conform to the established religion, and too little regard paid to their scruples. They might have been retained in the bosom of the church without the sacrifice of any thing important. They considered the church as sound in the essentials of religion; they ob- jected not against episcopacy; they would have used a liturgy; but those at the head of affairs were unwilling to yield a single iota. Faults there were on both sides. The puritans were wrong in considering things sinful Cent. IG.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 409 which were in themselves indiflcrent; the queen and her archbishop erred in pressing indifrerent riles with seve- rity. A separation began which n)iglU easily have been made up at first, but wliich grew wider by time and by degrees, until it was made permanent. Elizabeth was a true daughter of Henry VIII. and resolved that her will should be obeyed. Siic urged on the ejectment of ministers who refused to conform in every respect. Her orders went beyond the disposition of the commissioners appointed to execute them. Cecil, her secretary, was afraid to oppose her, and even the house of commons was intimidated. Two successive bishops of London, Grindall and Sandys relaxed the persecution against the puritans, and would not go to the extent desired. The bishop of Durham declared that he would throw up his bishopric rather than permit such severities in his diocese. But there were too many willing to obey the court. After the deatii of Parker, Grindall succeeded him.. He had ever manifested an opposition to the queen's severity. Among other means of advancing the know- ledge of the truth, he promoted certain associations in the different dioceses, the principal design of which was to stir up an emulation in the clergy to study the scrip- tures. These commenced under archbishop Parker. Such was the want of disciphne and of able preaching, they were connived at by the commissioners who were appointed to inquire into all novelties. At length after they had been carried on above three years in several dioceses, under the title of prophesyings, with great suc- cess, they began to give offence. The queen was told by the archbishop, that these meetings were no better than seminaries of puritanism; that they tended to popu- Vol.. IL 3 F 410 HISTORY OF THE [CVm^?. 2i. larity; and made the people so inquisitive, that they would not submit to the orders of their superiors, as they ought to do. Tlie diocese of Norwich had more of these associations than any other, as being most favoured by that bishop; and there several of the clergy had disused the habits, and made the discipline of the church the subject of their discourses. Upon this information, her majesty ordered the archbishop to suppress these meet- ings of the clergy in every diocese, and to begin with Norwich, which his grace complied with. Grindall entertained a very different opinion of these associations (which went by the name of prophesyings) from archbishop Parker. He apprehended the design to be very serviceable to the interests of religion, by im- proving both the clergy and the people in the knowledge of the scriptures, and the defence of the reformation. In order therefore to prevent the disorders which had been complained of in those meetings, the archbishop drew up certain regulations for them. Her majesty having sent for Grindall, and exclaimed against the prophesyings, as illegal, and of a dangerous tendency to the state as well as the church, for which she said it was good to have but thi'ee or four preachers in a county, commanded him peremptorily to put them down. The queen was vehement in giving her orders, and refused to hear the prelate's answer, with apparent tokens of great displeasure. But the archbishop though he had complied with her injunctions, and now and then, as he was in a manner forced, assisted in the high commission, yet could not go this length against his judgment In- stead therefore of giving directions to his archdeacon. and vicar general to execute the queen's command, his Cent. 16.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 41] grace wrote her a letter, becoming the rank he held in the church, in order to inform her majesty, of the use- fulness and necessity of preaching in all churches, and of the subserviency of the exercises to qualify the clergy lor this purpose, which were not illegal as her majesty had apprehended. The letter is too long to be here in- serted, but it does so much honour to the archbishop, that I cannot omit a short extract from it, in order to give the reader a. clearer idea of this prelate's integrity, and of the arbitrary humour of this queen. After making an excuse for the length of his application, he humbly desires her majesty to afford some consideration to the two following requests which he has to lay before her. The first was, that she would not interpose her preroga- tive in ecclesiastical matters, nor carry her supremacy so far into the church, as to decide, in her own person, points of doctrine and discipline, without the advice and approbation of her bishops. The other was, that when she did interpose in matters of faith and religion which touch the church of Christ, she would not pronounce so resolutely and peren)ptorily, as she might do in secular business. By this means, he tells her, she would not only consult her own repose, the service of God and the benefit of her people, but would also avoid many in- stances of erroneous conduct on the subject of religion. He calls upon her to remember her mortal state, and not to be too much dazzled with her crown and purple; and that in things of this nature, the will of God, and not that of any earthly creature, is to govern. lie assures her, that it was owing to his conscience only, that he had not executed her commands in this affair; and he was very willing to resign his see with all humility if it was her majesty's pleasure. There was a spirit in this letter 412 HISTORY OF THE [CVtajj. 21. which EHzabetli had not been used to see in any subject, and which she would not bear from any of them. Even the primate of all England should not dare to write to her with that honest freedom, to give his advice in a/Tairs merely religious, or to dispute her all-wise commands. Inflamed therefore with this letter, she determined to make an example of the archbishop, as a terror to all others; and the honest prelate, when he was proceeding in his metropolitical visitation, was by an order of the star-chamber confined to his house, and sequestered from his jurisdiction for six months. Here was a display of the royal supremacy with a vengeance; when the head of the church, who was a woman, thus took upon her to decide so peremptorily in an affair merely spiritual, with- out consulting the bishops or the clergy in convocation, and to imprison and tie up the hands of the primate, be- cause he disapproved her decision; though he is the first director under the prince in all ecclesiastical administra- tion. Before the six months were lapsed, the archbishop was advised to make his submission to the queen, which he did as far as was consistent with his station and in- tegrity: but not being willing to retract his opinion, or to confess his sorrow for the counsel he had given her ma- jesty, there was some talk of depriving him, which being thought too severe, his sequestration was continued. Thus ended the religious exercises of the clergy, so well calculated to promote useful knowledge and piety, at a time when not only they were both at a low ebb in Eng- land, but when the popish missionaries from abroad were very busy, and with great success, in drawing many peo- ple from church. The truth is, the queen, whose piety had been sounded v^ry high, apprehended the people would be put upon making inquiries into every thing, Cent.lG.^ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 413 and to see and judge for themselves, in consequence of these iTieetings; and she was of opinion that knowledge and learning in her laity, would indispose them for an absolute submission to her will in the business of reli- gion. Notu itlistanding all her piety therefore, she would not permit the exercises to be continued, wisely regu- lated as they were by the archbishop; and when there were daily complaints made in the city of London, and almost every county in England, of the scarcity of the word of God.* After the death of Grindall, who never recovered the queen's favour, Whitgift succeeded him. He enforced the queen's will at all hazards. Not a week had he been in power before he began. Two hundred and thirty clergymen were suspended at his first visitation. He drew up four-and-twenty articles, concerning which the lord treasurer wrote him, " that he was daily charged by the privy council, and public persons, with neglect of his duty in not staying his grace's vehement proceedings against the clergy, whereby papists are greatly encou- raged, and the queen's safety endangered." He tells his grace further, " that he has read his four-and-twenty ar- ticles in a Romish style, of great length and curiosity, and so full of branches and circumstances, that he thinks the inquisition of Spain, used not so many questions, to comprehend and to trap their priests." But " his grace" persisted. Eight lords of the council joined in a letter to him, but in vain. In consequence of this unwarrantable tenacity, great warmth was excited in parliament, which met imme- diately after, and the puritans gained ground. But for " Warner, vol. ij. p. 448-50. 414 HISTORY OF THE IClitip. Zh the present prerogative prevailed.* At the prorogation of the parhamcnt, her majesty made a short, but an ex- traordinary speech to the two houses. She took notice " that some people had been very busy in finding fault with the clergy, w^hich was a censure that reflected upon herself: for since God had made her an over-ruler of the church, her negligence could not be excused, if any schism or heresy was connived at. Some misbehaviour and omission there might be amongst the body of the clergy, and such miscarriage is common to all considera- ble offices: all which, says she, if you my lords of the clergy do not amend, I mean to depose you. Look you therefore well to your charges." She determined at length to proceed by canon and not by statute with reference to ecclesiastical matters, and even rejected an act enjoining greater obedience to the 4th commandment, under pretence that the passing it was an invasion of her prerogative. In 1588, the archbishop presented sundry orders to convocation, which he hoped would be approved. The first related to the constant residence of those who had but a single benefice, with an exception to prebendaries, chaplains, and those who were allowed non-residence by act of parliament; compelling them however in these cases to keep a licensed preaching curate. . The second obliged those, who had two benefices, to reside an equal proportion of time on their respective livings, and provide a licensed curate on each whilst they were absent. Whoever was absent an hundred and twenty days, was to keep a licensed curate. The fourth order directs all »■ * In giving these accounts, I am guided very much by a work recommended to rac by one whose knowledge of ecclesiastical history is entitled to more re- spect than tliat of any other man in our communion. — B. A. Cent.iG.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 415 scandalous clergymen, guilty of notorious crimes, to be removed, and never admitted to any cure again. Un- learned ministers, not qualified to catechize, are barred admission to any cure. Lastly, no clergyman is allowed to entertain, or displace a curate, without authority from the metropolitan or bishop, of the diocese. Tiiese sea- sonable and prudential orders were agreed to by both houses of convocation, who promised to obey them in every part. CHAPTER XXII. Calvinism, — Lavibdh Articles. — Opbiion of a Clergyman of the Church of England concerning Chnrchmen and Puritans. All the protestant divines in England, as well puritans as others, had hitherto appeared to be of one opinion about the doctrines of faith: but now there arose a party which were first for softening, and then for overthrow- ing, the received opinions about predestination, perse- verance, free-will, effectual grace, and the extent of Christ's redemption. The articles of the church of England, though they do not countenance the severest notions of zealous Calvinists, yet had hitherto been thought to favour the Calvinian system; on the side of which all the puritans to a man declared, as well as the greatest number of the established clergy. The Arminian tenets, as they were called afterwards, were looked upon at first as bordering upon popery, which made them much dis- liked: but as they grew into repute, the Calvinists were reckoned old fashioned divines; whilst they in return looked ou the others as little better than novelists. The 416 HISTORY OF THE [C'/ta^n 2£. controversy began at Cambridge; where one Barret, fel- low of Caius college, declared himself against Calvin's doctrine of predestination and falling from grace; for which he was called before the vice chancellor and some ©f the heads, and obliged to retract his opinion in St. Mary's church. An application having been made by both parties to the archbishop, Barret was sent for to Lambeth, and having been reprimanded for his errors, and exhorted to confess his ignorance and mistakes, he chose rather to quit his fellowship; and soon after turned papist. To put an end to these disputes, the university sent Whitaker the queen's professor, and some other eminent predestinarians, to the archbishop, who calling in some bishops and divines to his assistance upon these points, they concluded upon some propositions strictly Calvinistical, called the Lambeth articles, to which the scholars in the university were to submit. When the queen was informed of what they had done, she was ex- tremely disobliged at so public a resolution: and had it not been for the interest of some of the archbishop's friends, and the particular regard which her majesty had for this prelate, she had ordered all that met on this occasion to be prosecuted to a premunire. However she ordered Sir Rob. Cecil to acquaint his grace by letter, "that she very much misliked that any allowance had been given by him and his brethren, for any such points lo be disputed, being a matter tender and dangerous to weak ignorant minds; and thereupon commanded him to suspend the urging them publicly, or suffering them to be debated in the pulpit." The archbishop excused him- self by alleging, that they were not intended as any new Jaws, or decrees, but only as an explication of certain points, which they apprehended to be true, and corres- Cent. 16.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 417 pondent to the doctrine professed in the church of Eng- land. But if this had hcen the general doctrine of the English reformation, the homilies on Christ's nativity, and the resurrection, would have spoke another lan- guage than they have, about the extent of his redemp- tion, and falling finally from grace. The Calvinistical system however, it must be owned, seems at that time to have been the general and governing persuasion of both the universities, and of the greatest part of the clergy, though the church reformed upon different principles, and though the articles were compiled with a latitude to admit subscription by persons of other sentiments.* The writer from whom we continue to extract, thus expresses himself, with reference to the dispute between the church and the puritans. His views are here pre- sented as those of a respectable clergyman of the church of England, in the reign of George II. Adverting to the fact, that toward the close of the reign of Elizabeth, both opposition and persecution began to relax, he says, in- deed it was high time that these contests subsided; for whilst each side was thus busied in disputing about the form, the power of godliness in this kingdom was almost at an end. The established clergy generally lost ground; the diligence of the popish missionaries, w-ho took advan- tage from these disputes, revived the catholic religion with great success; and in the remoter countries and villages the people were either papists, or had no religion at all. Thus whilst the two parties were striving for victory, they were inattentive, or rather they sacriticed willingly the common interest of religion; and let in popery, and immorality, to destroy them both. I believe I do not censure them more severely than they deserve, " Wamcr, vol. ii. p. 467'.. ^ vau ir. r, a 418 HISTORY OF THE iChap. 9.-2. when I say that both parties were striving for the victory; the governors of the church in the beginning, and the puritans in the progress of this controversy. The queen and her bishops had set out upon riglit and undoubted principles; that where there is no contradiction to the laws of God, the church, like other societies, has a power to make what laws she apprehends to be decent and ne- cessary for her well being and government; and where the scripture is silent, human authority may interpose. But these principles, in the reason of things did not carry them, and in fact should not have carried them, the lengths they went, in not tolerating or conniving at tender consciences. Had they not contended for the victory and to procure an universal submission, the way at first was short and plain; and to have dispensed only with a few indifferent things, during the lives of the in- cumbents who had been exiles, taking care that none of the rising generation should have been tainted with these prejudices, would have prevented this flame, which has had such fatal consequences, and which will probably be aever quite extinguished but together with tlie church itself. This lenity and indulgence was granted after- wards, but it was then too late to become a remedy and to prevent a separation already formed. The puritans, on the other hand, in getting far enough from popery, ran weakly and enthusiastically into the other extreme; and with their prejudices, which were not to be over- come with severity, they had their passions and perverse- iiess in common with other men. When the governors of the church had divested themselves of their under- standing, and intended to compel the judgment, the pu- ritans, by a natural consequence, grew more obstinate; and the^same men, who at first had but few objections Cent.n.'} CHURCH OF CHRIST. 41J) to the establishment, were not satisfied till they had wholly separated from it, framed a wild tyrannical sys- tem of government and discipline of their own, which they wanted to get established, and at the hazard of their lives maintained it. * * * * In short, the one side was uncharitable, the other was perverse, and both sides were weak. I take this to be the candid, impartial, state of the case between them. ^t\ymtuntt) Centurp. CHAPTER I. James. — Bancroft. — Plot. — Translation of the Bible. — Want of Toleratioji. — Jrchblshop Abbot, King James the First, who regarded nothing so much as being esteemed the Solomon of the age, seemed to expect that all would submit to his superior wisdom. He appointed a conference between sundry churchmen and puritans at Hampton Court, at which he himself largely assisted. The result was, a declaration in favour of the church. Time was given the puritans to conform, and some of their objections were shown to be ground- less: as, for instance, baptism by midwives, though prac- tised, was stated to be not allowed by the church, and therefore not with propriety brought as a charge against \.20 HISTORY OF THE IChup. 1. her: confirmation it was proved was not considered ne* cessary to the completion of haptisiiif but as distinct there- from, and having its pecuhar use: moreover, it was shown to have existed in the Christian church from the earhest ages. Bancroft, bishop of London, was translated to the See of Canterbury, after the death of Whitgift. He was the first man who preached up the divine right of episcopacy in England. Encouraged by him, James endeavoured to exalt his prerogative above law, and thus excited an increasing hostility against himself. The papists sought a summary way of destroying all effects of the reformation in England, by means of the famous gunpowder plot; but this, as is well known, was frustrated. It was in the reign of James, the translation of the Bible now used in England and America, took place. The work was assigned to fifty-four of the most eminent divines in the two universities, divided into six compa- nies, and it was executed by them with the utmost care. Indeed the result of their labours is not only regarded as a remarkably correct translation of the sacred word, but as the very finest specimen of the English tongue. Their language, at the age of a century, has all the freshness of youth. The spirit of the reformation was perfect mildness when compared to that of popery, and the latter slew thousands where the former put to death one; yet the duty of toleration was not thoroughly understood even by pro- testants. What Collier calls the " unrelenting strictness'^ of Bancroft, proved this. And James was not slow in Cent. 17.] CHURCH OP CHRIST. 121 discovering it. His aim to deprive the clergy of the benefit of statute law and keep them dependant on pre- rogative alone, his violence toward here and there an Arian, and his treatment of non-conformists, show that he needed the charity of the gospel. His disregard of the positive command of the decalogue was equally mani- fest. He even, in 1617, published a declaration called a " book of sports," the object of which was to prove that pastimes on .Sunday were allowable. He gave as a reason, that the papists would gain proselytes if the church was too strict. His conduct in this respect excited great dissatisfaction. Archbishop Abbot, who succeeded Ban- croft, forbad its being read. Several other bishops mani- fested their opposition, and had the king pressed the reading of it under severe penalties, violent convulsions would have arisen. The archbishop of Canterbury, Abbot, not approving of the king's arbitrary measures, was reckoned among the puritans; and the papists were countenanced and re- ceived into favour. A marriage was proposed between prince Charles and a daughter of Rome. But in obe- dience to the summons of a monarch more powerful than the children of men, James descended to the dust, leaving to his son a tottering throne. CHAPTER H. Charles I. — Discontents. — Arclibishojt Abbot. — Laud. The first thing that we meet with relating to the church m the reign of Charles, was the regulation of his chap- lains; of whom, Laud, bishop of St. David's, whom the 422 HISTORY OF THE [67m;?. £. duke of Buckingham had made his privy counsellor for the church, was ordered to make a hst, distinguishing the Arminiaus, who were called orthodox, and the Cal- vinists, who went under the name of puritans. At the same time, Laud had orders to consult with bishop An- drews, in what manner to manage with respect to the five distinguishing points of Calvinism, in the ensuing convocation. Parliament complained to the king of the encourage- ment shown to papists, their great resort to the city, the education of the children of the realm in foreign lands, and the various other insidious means by which the Jesuits were gaining influence for Rome, and making proselytes. His majesty made sundry promises, but little was done to prevent the continuance of the evils com- plained of. An assize sermon having been preached by a Dr. Sibthorp, in which passive obedience was inculcated, the king sent directions to archbishop Abbot to license it. The archbishop had too much sense and honesty and re- gard for the laws and liberties of his country, to obey the king's command. Whereupon, Laud was employ- ed to make some corrections, and it was licensed by the bishop of London. The king was so much offended with the archbishop for his faithfulness, that he banish- ed him from Canterbury. — How are these records full of proof of the awful consequences of uniting church and state! Laud was declared prime minister in church and state, and Dr. Manwaring, who was sentenced by parliament for preaching arbitrary notions, was pardoned and ad- vanced. These circumstances increased the growing discontent. His majesty dissolved the parliament with Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 453 the highest marks of his displeasure. It became now a warm contest between prerogative and freedom. The king resolved not to surrender his claim, and the people resolved not to yield their rights. Laud, who, on the death of Abbot, was made archbishop, was so wedded to tlie childish nmltiplication of rites, and so rigorous in insisting upon new observances, he was by no means calculated to heal the opening breach between Charles and his people. Though the general humour of the na- tion was then in the opposite extreme to superstition, and it was with difficulty that the ancient ceremonies, to which men had been accustomed, and which had been sanctified by the practice of the first reformers, could be retained in divine service, yet this was the time which the bishop chose, to introduce some new observances, which gave the English church an air of resemblance to the Catholic superstition; and which he imposed with a pride and petulance, that were well nigh as olfensive as the things themselves. The holy see itself gained hopes of regaining its authority in the island, and an offer was twice made to Laud in private of a cardinal's hat, in or- der to forward his good intentions: but his answer was, as he says himself, " that something dwelt within him, which would not suffer his compliance, till Rome was other than it is." It is very certain, that it was the opinion of many people at that time, that this prelate's scheme was to lead the English by gradual steps back to popery. Thus the earl of Devonshire's daughter, having turned Catholic, and being asked the reason of it by Laud, she said " it was chieily because she hated to travel in a crowd; she perceived his lordship, and many others, were making haste to Rome, and therefore in order to prevent her being crowded she had gone before them." 424 HISTORY OF THE iChap. S. I find no evidence to convince me, thai he had any de- sign of re-estabhshing the Roman Catholic religion in England; unless we confound, as many did in those days, high church with popery, through a pure spirit of party. His conduct however afforded his enemies a great handle against him. Several divines of the university of Oxford were expelled, for preaching against Arminianism; many others were silenced, suspended, or imprisoned by the high commission for the same offence, and for preaching against pictures and images in churches. Thus by the fatal policy and indiscretion of this hot and furious pre- late, many people, well affected to the church of England, but enemies to Arm.inianism, or to arbitrary power, were driven in spite of themselves to join with the puritans, in order to strengthen their party, and to enable them to oppose the illegal measures of the government. CHAPTER HI. Sundaij Sports. — Long Parliament. — Dissenters. — Persecution by the Puritans. To the horror of the sober part of the nation the book of Sunday sports was again published. The king also consented that the queen should have an agent from the pope for directing her affairs in religion. At length, on the third of November, 1640, began the sessions of that famous parliament which not only assert- ed the freedom which the Bible teaches us belongs to man, but threw both church and kingdom into a state of anarchy. The men who by study of the sacred volume had found out their inalienable rights, contended for Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 405 those rights as it became them: but a wild licentious spirit was generated in the contest, more unreasonable than the spirit of Charles himself. A new tyranny was introduced, the tyranny of fanaticism. In the reign of queen IMary, diflercnces arose among the refugees at Frankfort, which laid the foundation of subsequent divisions in Scotland as well as England. Some, who had been in the habit of using the English liturgy at home,, thought that, vvj]ile they continued in foreign lands, they ought to use llie liturgy of the coun- try where they sojourned; and hence, instead of their own, adopted, for the time, a liturgy similar to the Ge- • neva and French forms. Otliers were of opinion, that, as those in England who compiled the liturgy, were con- firming what they had done with their blood, it was a contempt of them, and of their sufferings, to depart from their forms. This dissention, like all others, went far- ther than was at first intended; for, those who were merely for exchanging the English for the Genevan liturgy while tliey were abroad, began, at length, to quar- rel with some things in the English liturgy itself, Knox, being a man of hot temper, engaged in this dispute warmly, and procured his friend Calvin, to write against those obnoxious parts. Knox himself was banished by the senate of Frankfort, for writing indecently of the emperor; whereupon he and his party went to Geneva. Another difficulty arose on the subject of discipline; some of the people wishing to take the punishment of offenders out of the hands of the ministers, and share it among the whole congregation. The views of Knox became the views of Scotland, and the injudicious efforts made from time to time to drive the Scotch to the adop- tion of episcopacy and a liturgy, fixed them more firmly Vol.. IT. 3 H . 426 HISTORY OF THE IChap. S: in opposition. These too were connected with other elibrts, which aimed at civil Hberty. The church has ever suffered most from the injudicious conduct of vio- lent friends. The Scotch entered into a covenant filled with invec- tives, against all that they chose to think savoured of popery. By this covenant they bound themselves to re- sist innovations, and to defend each other against all op- position whatsoever. In both kingdoms, therefore, there rose a violent as- sault upon Charles. His chief counsellor. Laud, was sent to the Tower. Parliament endeavoured to deprive the bishops of their vote in the house of peers, and such were the assaults made upon them, they saw it was no longer safe for them to go to the house. The archbishop of York and twelve of his brethren signed a protestation ai:;ainst all proceedings that should take place during their violent expulsion. They were accused of high treason by the commons, and sent to the Tower. After this the puritans succeeded in obtaining a vote of both houses, depriving all the bishops of their seats in parliament. Had the commons gone no farther than the separation of churchmen from the cares and duties of political life, they would have achieved a great good: but they aimed at a change in the internal regulations of the church itself. They sought the abolition of episcopacy, as a form of church 'government. They denounced all the episcopal clergy as ignorant and vicious. In the course of the war which took place between them and the king, they turn- ed about two thousand out of their livings. To gratify the Scotch, they determined to establish a presbyterian church government. They imposed, as a test, upon all C-nt. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 427 persons above eighteen years of age, a '' solemn league and covenant," similar to the Scotch. Clergymen who refused it were turned out of their livings; and it was wielded as a weapon against all who would not believe with its authors. One hundred and ninety-five graduates were expelled the university at Cambridge, for refusing this test. An assembly of such divines as the knights and bur- gesses thought proper to reconnnend, was gathered to- gether for the purpose of acting in ecclesiastical alTairs under the direction of parliauient. Of above an hundred and twenty, of which that assembly was to consist, there were not above twenty, says lord Clarendon, " who were not declared and avowed enemies to the doctrine and discipline of the church of England, some of them in- famous in their lives and conversations, and most of them of very mean parts in learning, if not of scandalous igno- rance." But as Mr. Neal, and others, have objected to the noble historian's testimony as a prejudiced person, the reader shall see what is said of them by the famous Milton, a known republican, and enemy to the king. "If the state were in this pliglit, religion was not in a much better: to reform which a certain number of di- vines were called, neither chosen by any rule nor cus- tom ecclesiastical, nor eminent for either piety, or know- ledge, above others left out. The most part of them were such, as had preached and ci ied down, with great show of zeal, the avarice and pluralities of bishops and prelates, that one cure of souls was a full employment for one spiritual pastor, how able soever, if not a charge above human, strength. Yet these conscientious men ere any part of the work was done for which they came together, and that on the public salary, wanted not bold- 428 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 6. ness, to the ignominy and scandal of their pastor-iike profession and especially of their boasted reformation, to seize into their hands, or not unvvilHngly to accept,, besides one, sometimes two, or more, of the best livings, collegiate masterships, in the universities, rich lectures in the city, setting sail to all winds that might blow gain into their covetous bosoms. — But while they taught com- pulsion without convincement, which not long before they complained of, as executed unchristianly against themselves, these intents are clear to have been no bet- ter than antichristian; setting up a spiritual tyranny by a secular power to the advancing of their own authority above the magistrate, whom they would have made their executioners to punish church delinquencies, whereof civil laws have no cognizance. — Looking on the church- men whom they saw under subtle hypocrisy, to have preached their own follies, most of them, not the gospel; time servers, covetous, illiterate persecutors, not lovers of the truth, and like in most things whereof they accused their predecessors.^' Before the meeting of this assembly the king forbad it by a proclamation; declaring that the acts done by them ought not to be received by his subjects, and threatening to proceed against the divines with the utmost severity of the law. Nevertheless, sixty-nine assembled in Henry the Seventh's chapel according to their summons, having few or no episcopal divines among them. After succeeding against the church, the body of pu- ritans began to manifest divisions, which before were comparatively secret. These divisions were three: pres- byterians, erastians, and independents. The former had taken their plan from Scotland, and had now advanced it into a "divine institution,'' derived expressly from Cent. IT."] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 429 Christ, and his apostles: but this met ivith as much op- position from the other sectaries as episcopacy itselT. The erastians, who believed the government of the church to be a creature of the stale, would not admit the pasto- ral office to be any thing more than persuasive; and de- nied any spiritual jurisdiction or coercive power over the conscience, or that any one form of church government was prescribed in scripture, as a rule to future ages. For this opinion they had the authority of many of our first reformers. The independents made a third party; the political principles and genius of which were not understood by lord Clarendon, Rapin, nor Mr. Hume. The fathers of this sect were divines who had fled from England, under the prosecutions of Elizabeth and in the reign of James, and had settled at Rotterdam, and in Guelderland: where, to use their own language, " they looked upon the word of Christ, as impartially and unprejudicedly as men are ever like to do; the place they went to, the condition they were in, and the company they went with, affording no temptation to any bias." The principles upon which they founded their church government, were to confine themselves to scripture precedent, without any regard to ancient practice, or modern innovations; and not to tie themselves up to their present resolutions, without room for alteration upon any further views and inquiry. On these principles they built a system, " that every particu- lar congregation of Christians has an entire and com- plete power of jurisdiction over its members, to be exer- cised by the elders thereof within itself" But they did not claim such an entire independency with regard to other churches, as that an offending church is not to submit to an open examination by other neighbouring 430 HISTORY OK THE iCIiap. 3. churches, who may renounce communion with it for per- sisting in their error; which was all tiie ecclesiastical authority which they thought could be exercised, without calling in the civil magistrate, for which they found no ground in scripture. They practised no church censures but admonition, and upon obstinate offenders for crimes of the last importance, excommunication. They pro- fessed an agreement in doctrine with the articles of the church of England; and their officers and public rulers in the church, were pastors, teachers, and elders, being all ecclesiastical persons separated to that service, and deacons. Though they did not approve of a prescribed form of worship, yet they thought public prayers should be framed by the meditation and study of their ministers: and they offered up public prayers for kings and all that were in authority, read the scriptures of the Old and New Testament in their assemblies, administered the sa- craments of baptism and the Lord's Supper, sung psalms, and made a collection for the poor every Sunday. In short, though they did not admit of persons unordained to any office, except as probationers for the ministry, yet they did not think " preaching so peculiarly confined to pastors and teachers, but that others also gifted and fitted for it by the Holy Ghost, and approved, being by lawful ways and means called thereunto by Providence, may publicly, ordinarily, and constantly peiform it, so that they give themselves up thereunto." As to their politi- cal principles, which our historians have misunderstood, they set forth a declaration, " that as magistracy and government in general is the ordinance of God, they do not disapprove of any form of civil government, but do freely acknowledge that a kingly government, bounded by just and wholesome laws, is both allowed by God, and Cent IT.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 431 a good accommodation unto men." I have been the n»ore particular in giving the reader this account, not only as the party of the independents grew up into an establishment on the ruins of the rest, but also as ahiiost all the historians, besides those I have mentioned, have confounded them with the anaba[)tists, who at this lime appeared in England, who were republican in their prin- ciples of civil government, and had no regard to learning, or ordination, in their teachers.* The assembly of divines having given their advice to the parliament in what manner to provide for a succes- sion in the ministry, the two houses passed an ordinance, in October, 1644, for ordination; appointing ten of the members of the assenibly, and thirteen presbyters of the city of London, to examine, and ordain by imposition of hands, all those whom they thought qualified to be ad- mitted. Seven of these divines were to make a quorum, and " all persons ordained by them, were to be reputed ministers of the church of England, sufficiently authorized for any office or employment, and capable of all advan- tages appertaining to the same." The point of ordina- tion being thus settled, the assembly proceeded next to settle a form of public worship: for though the liturgy had been set aside above a year before, yet there was no other form appointed in its stead. At last came out " a directory for public worship," established in January, 1645, by an ordinance of the two houses; allowing full indulgence to the public teach- ers in their prayers and sermons. The ordinance for establishing this directory repeals the acts of Edward and Elizabeth, by which the liturgy had been established; and forbids the use of it in every • Warner 43^ HISTORY OF THE IChap. S. place of public worship throughout England and Wales. But it was a considerable time before this great revolu- tion in the form of public worship took place over the kingdom. In some parts of the country, the church wardens could not procure a directory; in others they despised it, and continued the common prayer book; some would read no form, and others would read one of their own. In order, therefore, to give life to their esta- blishment, the parliament, in the following summer, call- ed in all the common prayer books, and imposed a fine upon such ministers as should read any other form than that contained in the directory. The same ordinance forbids the use of the common prayer book in any private place or family, under the penalty of five pounds for the first offence, ten pounds for the second, and for the third a year's imprisonment. Whosoever did not observe the directory was to forfeit forty shillings, and those who wrote, preached, or printed any thing in derogation of it, were to forfeit not less than five, nor more than fifty pounds, to the use of the poor. Here was liberty of conscience indeed, when the liturgy was forbidden to closets and private families! The anabaptists, too, were imprisoned and otherwise treated with great rigour. Archbishop Laud was tried and executed. We see from these accounts, that when men are not renewed by the Spirit of God, it matters not what prin- ciples they declare, they will persecute. We may usually judge of their principles by the degree in which they per- secute; but though the benevolence of the gospel be on the tongue, the heart that is unsanctified will crush the opponents who are in its power. Heathen Rome de- voured like a tiger: Christian Rome did the same. The Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 433 reformed liavc ever been far, very very far behind these, but when we look at the conduct of the Enghsh church and state against the nonconformists, and of the noncon- formists against all who differed from them, we are con- strained to confess that the heart of man is desperately wicked. The puritans were the fathers of political liberty in these latter days. What lover of freedom but must hail them as such. And who that rejoices in Ame- rican privileges but must look to them, as, under God, in great measure, the source. We are not, however, to palliate their faults, nor to say that the spirit with which they treated those who differed from them on the subject of religion was the spirit of the gospel. CHAPTER IV. Contests. — Toleration. — Quakers, " The great officers of the army, of which Cromwell was at the head, though Fairfax was the general, being of the party of independents, disliking the presbyterian government as more tyrannical than the episcopal, and having but few preachers amongst them, undertook now tjiemselves to preach, and pray publicly to the troops; and even the common soldiers, as well as the officers, not only prayed, and preached publicly among themselves, but also went up into the pulpits, in all the churches where they were quartered, and harangued to the people with great fervour. The army consented that presbytery should be the national religion; but insisted on a tolera- tion of all Christians in the enjoyment of their religious Vol. it. ^ T 4S4 HISTORY OF THE [C7iflp.4 rights. But the presbyterians proceeded with equal bit- terness against the several sects, as they had done, and continued to do, against the church of England; little doubting but they should be able, by the power and au- thority they had in the two houses, to get the better of the army, and new model it again. They had even de- termined to seize the person of Cromwell, whose dis- simulation was now discovered; but, having notice of their design the night before, he made his escape. At the same time, the army took the king by violence out of the custody of the parliament; and began to be more brisk and contumacious with the two houses than they had been before." But parliament taking courage, passed an ordinance against heretics, which bespeaks the character of its au- thors. It ordains, that all persons who shall maintain, defend, or publish, by preaching, or writing, the heresies which are after mentioned, with obstinacy, shall be com- mitted to prison without bail till the next jail delivery, and if the indictment shall then be found, and the party not abjure, he shall suffer the pains of deatli as in the case of felony. The assembly of divines continued its sessions at Westminster. After the death of Charles, the small remains of a house of commons, about eighty members, all indepen- dents, framed a new test, called " the engagement," the character of which was such that many presbyteriau clergymen surrendered their pulpits. But sufficient has been stated to show the state of the times, and we may well pause to meditate on the corruption of human na- ture. There were those who then professed, that all sorts of Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 435. iniquity were ^' in tiieir own nature as holy and righte- ous as the duties of prayer, preaching, or giving thanks to God; that liappiness consisted in the commission of such crimes; and that there was really no- such thing as heaven or hell, nor any unrighteousness or sin indepen- dent of conscience and opinion/' Miserable and dis- tracted indeed was the state of religion at this time in England; " when the church was defaced and overspread with errors and blasphemies, defiled with abominations, rent in pieces with divisions, and so swallowed up in confusion and disorder.^^ About this time we are to date the rise of the people called quakers, from an obscure individual, " bred a shoe- maker, who pretended that all the qualifications neces- sary for ministers were the anointing of the spirit: " that the people should receive the inward divine teachings of the Lord, and take that for their rule.^' He apprehend- ed the Lord had forbad him to put off his hat to any one, and that he was to speak to the people without dis- tinction, in the language of thee, and thou. In these particularities many of the enthusiasts of this time con- curred; and Fox had soon a great jaumber of followers. Whenever he spoke in public, it was with convulsive agitations and shakings of the body, asserting it to be the character of a good man to tremble before God: and from hence the name of quakers was given to these sectaries. Their public meetings were occasional, at which one or another spoke, as they were moved from within: and sometimes they departed without any one's being moved to speak at all. They denied the holy scriptures to be the only rule of faith; and maintained that every man had a light within himself which was a very sufficient rule. They were great disturbers of the public religion 43t) HISTORY OF THE lChap.5^ at that time: but of late years they are become inoffen- sive people;" and, it may now be added, ' they are honour- ably distinguished by their abstinence from external im- moralities; by the peaceful and useful tenor of their lives; by the subjugation of their tempers; by their industry, frugality, love of order, and benevolence; and by the manly and consistent testimony they have uniformly borne against certain prevalent and crying evils.' It is mat- ter of deep regret how^ever that they lay aside the sacra- ments commanded by the Redeemer. Sacraments were appointed in the garden of Eden, and certainly we are not now under a more spiritual dispensation than that which separated to a religious purpose the tree of life and the tree of knowledge of good and evil.* — Who but must lament the facility with which an individual of talents and perseverance may in the lapse of time create a new division of the body of believers! Cromwell having taken the power into his hands, de- clared a toleration for every thing but popery, prelacy, and immorality. Far greater liberty of conscience was permitted by him than by the parliament. CHAPTER V. Charles II. — King^s Declaration. — Act of Uniformity. — Test Ad. On the coming of the second Charles to the throne, attempts were made to unite the churchmen and the presbyterians. It is to be feared that the minds of nei- * Let any person who desires to read a dispassionate and perfectly satisfac- tory view of the principles of Friends read the Christian Observer, for Decem. bcr, 1824.. Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST4 437 ther party were then in a temper for charity and conde- scension. A declaration was issued by the king, with a view of uniting all parties. He promised that he would encourage the public exercises and observation of the Sabbath, and that insufficient and scandalous clergymen should not be admitted into the church; that he would prefer none but men of learning and virtue to the pre- lacy, who should be frequent preachers: that in exten- sive dioceses, he would appoint a sufficient number ol* suffragans: that no bishop should confer ordination, or exercise any episcopal jurisdiction, without the advice and assistance of presbyters chosen by the diocese: that the preferments of deans and chapters should be given to the most learned and pious presbyters of the diocese: that confirmation shall be rightly and solemnly perform- ed, by the information, and with the consent of the minister of the place, who shall admit none to the sacra- ment till they have made a credible profession of their faith: that all diligence shall be used for the instruction and reformation of scandalous offenders, who shall not partake of the Lord's supper till they have testified their repentance, provided there be place for appeals to su- perior power: that every rural dean, assisted by three 01 four of the clergy to be elected by a majority of the deanry, shall meet once a month to receive complaints from the ministers and church wardens of parishes, and to compose such differences as shall be referred to them by arbitration, reforming such things as are aoiiss, by their admonition, or presenting them to the bishop: that no bishop shall exercise any arbitrary power, or impose any thing on his clergy and people, but according to the law of the land: that the liturgy shall be reviewed with an equal number of divines of both persaasions, and such 438 » HISTORY OF THE lamp. 5. alterations made in it as are thought necessary, and in the mean time none to be troubled or punished for not using it: that none shall be compelled to receive the sa- crament kneeling, nor to use the cross in baptism, nor to bow at the name of Jesus, nor to use the surplice, ex- cept in the royal chapel, and in cathedral and collegiate churches: that subscription and the oath of canonical obedience should not be required at present, for ordina- tion or institution, only the oaths of allegiance and su- premacy: that none should be deprived of their prefer- ments for not declaring their assent to the thirty-nine articles, provided they read and declare their assent to all the doctrinal articles, and to the sacraments. " This was the declaration which his majesty published, and to which " he conjured all his loving subjects to sub- mit and acquiesce, concerning the differences which have so much disquieted the nation at home, and given offence to the protestant churches abroad/^ Though the high presbyterians, whom nothing would satisfy but the covenant, were displeased with this declaration, yet all the others were content: and had the bishops been possessed of that spirit of wisdom and charity which this declaration breathed, it would in a great measure have prevented the separation which followed, to the disturb- ance of the church, and the dishonour of true religion. I lay this at the door of the leading bishops, because my lord Clarendon, as well as the king, was at that time thoroughly on the side of the declaration.'^ A report being made of a conspiracy against the state, a bill was enacted, ordaining that no person should be elected magistrate in any corporation, who did not take an oath, declaring it unlawful to take arms against the king, and also receive the sacrament according to the Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 139 rites of the church of England. Thus was the Lord's Slipper made " a picklock to a place."' The liturgy underwent a review, and the oflice for adult baptism was added, with the prayer for all condi- tions, and the general thanksgiving. Under a pretence of conspiracies and plots against the government, the act of uniformity took its rise, by which the forms of admis- sion into the church of England, were nmcli stricter than they were before the civil war. The truth is, that the papists, and those who disguised their principles of that sort, as the king himself did, animated the chief men of the church to carry the points of conformity as high as possible, that there might be a great number to stand out, and to make a toleration necessary, under which popery might be favoured. The act passed the house of commons by a majority only of six, and not without many long and warm debates. It received the royal as- sent on the nineteenth of May, 1662, and was to take place on the 24th of August following, without making any provision for the maintenance of those who were to be deprived; which was a severity not to be justified. The account is much exaggerated when it is said, that there were two thousand ministers ejected out of the church by virtue of this act: their hard usage however cannot be remembered without regret; those who quit theii' interests are certainly in good earnest, and deserve a charitable construction. " Here were many men," says bishop Burnet, "much valued, some on better grounds, and others on worse, who were now cast out ignomiuiously, reduced to great poverty, provoked by much spiteful usage, and call upon those popular prac- tices that botli their principles and circumstances seemed to justify, of forming separate congregations, aod of di- 440 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 5. verting men from the public worship, and from consider- ing their successors as the lawful pastors of those churches in which they had served." The cry of conspiracy against the government was still continued, and in 1664 it was enacted, that if any one above sixteen years of age was present at any meet- ing under a pretence of exercise of religion, in any other manner than was allowed by the liturgy of the church of England, where there were five more than the family, for the first offence should suffer three months imprison- ment or pay a fine of five pounds, for the second offence six months or ten pounds, and for the third should be banished to the plantations in America. There were attempts made to pass what was called an act of comprehension, embracing many of the noncon- formists, satisfying their scruples, and bringing them into the church. But these did not succeed. The great ob- ject of the court was to favour popery, and some men high in the church wanted charity. There was an act passed, chiefly against the rapidly increasing papists, by which all holding offices of honour or profit under government, were obliged to take the sacrament accord- ing to the forms of the church of England, and to de- clare against transubstantiation. This was called the test act. Though the protestant religion stood in need of the united strength of all its professors against popery, and of all the securities of a civil nature that could be given for the preservation of church and state, yet I presume to say, that it is not only a great prostitution of the sa- crament, to make it a qualification for civil offices and employments, but an infatuation to suppose that it can be any security for our religion.* • Warner, Rector of Queenliithe, London, vol. ii. p, 621. Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 441 In 1680 parliament passed an act repealing some of the severities against the protestant dissenters; but the king eluded the signing of it. The happy escape from popery under James II. is well known, as well as the preservation of protestantism in England by means of the revolution. Attempts were made to bring the dissenters into the church again, im- mediately after William and Mary were seated on the throne; and TUlotson, Burnet, and others, laboured much in it; but they were defeated by the Jacobites, who raised a cry that the church was about to be de- stroyed. These friends of James and the pretender continued in successive reigns te oppose the true princi- ples of the church, and by their extravagant notions sought to destroy every hope of union. In spirit they were papists, but by pretending an attachment to the church they were enabled to do more injury than the papists themselves. The inclination of the Jacobites to a nearer approach to the church of Rome, was more manifest in the begin- ning of the ISth century. AVe are told by bishop Bur- net, that " one Dodwell gave rise to the conceit of the invalidity of lay baptism." " He/' continues Burnet, "seemed to hunt after paradoxes in all his writings. He thought none could be saved but those who by the sacra- ments had a federal right to it, and that these were the seals of the covenant; so that he left all who died with- out the sacrament to the uncovenanted mercies of God. And to this he added, that none had a right to give the sacraments but those who were" cpiscopally ordained. " The bishops thought it necessary to put a stop to this new and extravagant doctrine: so a declaration was agreed to, first, against the hregidarilij of all baptism by VoT;. IP. .1 K 442 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 6. persons who were not in holy orders; but that yet, ac- cording to the practice of the primitive church, and the constant usage of the church of England, no baptism, in or with water, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, ought to be reiterated." The house of bishops, with only one dissenting voicCj passed this declaration.* CHAPTER Vf. .ifininiaiiism. The views of doctrine held by James Arminius, pro- fessor of divinity at Leyden, in the commencement of the 17lh century, excited great attention. The follow- ers, of Calvin were divided into two classes. The greater part were of opinion that God only permitted the first man to fall into transgression; while a smaller number maintained that from all eternity God decreed the fall of Adam. The latter were called supralapsarians, the for- mer sublapsarians. In opposition to these, the Arminians believed •' I. That God, from all eternity, determined to bestow salvation on those whom he foresaw would per- severe unto the end in their faith in Christ Jesus: and to inflict everlasting punishments on those who should continue in their unbelief, and resist unto the end, his divine succours. " H. That Jesus Christ, by his death and sufferings, made an atonement for the sins of all mankind in gene- ral and of every individual in particular: — that, however, • Burnet's History of his Own Times (year 1712). Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRlS'l. 445 none but those who believe in him can be partakers of their divine benefit. " III. That true faith cannot proceed from the exer- cise of our natural faculties and powers, nor from the force and operation of free-will; since man, in conse- quence of his natural corruption, is incapable either of thinking or doing any good thing; and that therefore it is necessary to his conversion and salvation, that he be regenerated and renewed by the operation of the Holy Ghost, which is the gift of God, through Jesus Christ. " IV. That this divine grace, or energy of the Holy Ghost, which heals the disorder of a corrupt nature, be- gins, advances, and brings to perfection every thing that can be called good in man; and that, consequently, all good works, without exception, are to be attributed to God alone, and to the operation of his grace; that, never- theless, this grace does not force the man to act against his inclination, but may be resisted and rendered inef- fectual by the perverse will of the impenitent sinner. " V. That they who are united to Christ by faith, are thereby furnished with abundant strength, and with suc- cours sufficient to enable them to triumph over the se- duction of Satan, and the allurements of sin and tempta- tion; but that the question, whether such may fall from their faith, and forfeit finally this state of grace? has not been yet resolved with sufficient perspicuity; and must, therefore, be more carefully examined by an attentive study of what the holy scriptures have declared in rela- tion to this important point." Calvinism being at this time in a flourishing state in Holland, the sentiments of Arminius had many enemies. The leader of these was Francis Gomar, his colleague. 4.44 HISTORY OF THE ICIuqu 7. A long, tedious, and unprofitable controversy was carried on. The Arminians asked for toleration. The Calvin- ists contended that the ruin of religion was threatened. At length a synod was convoked at Dort, in the year 1618, for the purpose of deciding concerning the points in dispute. By this synod the Arminians were pro- nounced guilty of pestilential errors, and were condemn- ed as corrupters of the true religion. The sentence was followed by excommunication, suppression of their reli- gious assemblies, and deprivation of their ministers. Fines, imprisonment, exile, and other marks of ignominy succeeded. Some of the persecuted exiles retired to Antwerp; others fled into France. CHAPTER Vli. The Tender Mercies oj Rome. We read of persecutions carried on by one division of protestants against another, and as we read we feel how weak is human nature, how prone to err! We read of persecutions carried on by the papacy against protestants, and we exclaim, surely men have been transformed to fiends! In comparison, the persecutions of protestants are but as friendly chastisements: the persecutions of papists are like the ragings of the bloodhound. The truth of this was experienced in France. Henry IV. had by the edict of Nantz granted certain privileges to the reformed, in the possession of which they reposed in peace, enjoying the benefits of the gospel, and contri- buting most essentially to the wealth of the state. It Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 445 was, 2tt last, however, resolved to ruin at one blow the cause of the reformation in France. In order to this the edict which granted them toleration was revoked. An order was issued to all the reformed churches to cntbrace the Romish laith. This order was followed by fire and sword. Multitudes emigrated, but their euiigration was opposed. The brutal rage of an unrelenting soldiery was let loose upon them, and they were assailed by every barbarous form of persecution. " The ministers and members of the reformed church were thickly clustered throughout the territories of France,- forming one twelfth part of the population: they were natives of the country; were peaceful and loyal; not addicted to sedition or turbulence; they were a source of immense wealth to the nation: they did not aspire to those dignities from which their government had seen fit to exclude them, but were content and happy with their lot. Whatever advantages they possessed were rather de jure, ibdiYi ex gratia, for the immunities granted by Henry IV. were but the price at which he purchased their assistance in his plans of foreign enterprise; and yet, in the midst of their quiet and unobtrusive posses- sion of their comforts, and in the very face of all these considerations, a cold and bloody decree is framed, by which they are despoiled of all that was valued by thenr and hunted like noxious beasts from the earth. Louis had not even " Necessity, The tyrant's plea, to excuse his devilish deeds."' Many were burnt alive. To the survivors, some unfrequented grot, or the depth of some forest, was as a palace. The persecution proceeded with great rapidity; the soldiers hurrying from village to village, destroying 446 HISTORY OF THE iChup. 8 the habitations, and squandering the property of such as would not be converted, and compelhng the protestants to become fugitives over the whole country, " lleeing as birds to the mountains." CHAPTER yilL Moravians, The ancestors of the Moravian brethren had been a church of martyrs for many ages before the reformation. Originally descended from the Sclavonian branch of the Greek church, they never implicitly submitted to the au- thority of the pope, though their princes, from the year 967, adhered to the Roman communion; but they reso- hitely retained the Bible in their hands, and performed their church service according to the ritual of their fa- thers, and in their mother tongue. For these heresies, as they were deemed, they were persecuted without mercy, and almost without intermission; many were pu- nished with death, more with the spoiling of their goods, and multitudes with imprisonment and exile. In their sufferings were literally exemplified the declarations of the apostles concerning the ancient worthies: " They had trials of cruel mockings and scourgings, yea, more- over, of bonds and imprisonment; they were stoned, were tempted, were slain with the sword; being destitute, af- flicted, tormented, (of whom the world was not worthy,) they wandered in deserts, and in mountains, and in dens and caves of the earth.^' Among these confessors and martyrs in the fourteenth century, appeared John Huss, who was condemned to Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 11.7 the flames as a heretic. During the war that ensued after his death, the church of the united hrethren, under its present name, was formed by those who chose rather to suffer as witnesses of the truth, than defend the truth by the temporal weapons of warfare. A sanguinary de- cree was issued against them, at the diet in 14G8, and was commanded to be read from all the pulpits in the land. The prisons in Bohemia were crowded with the members of their church, and their first bishop, Michael, remained in close confinement until the death of the king Podiebrad. Many perished, in deep dungeons, with hunger; others were inhumanly tortured. The remain^ der fled to the thickest forests, where, fearing to be be- trayed in the day time, they kindled their fires only at night, round which they spent their hours in reading the scriptures and in prayer. When they afterwards obtain- ed some respite from persecution, they were the first people who employed the newly invented art of printing for the publication of the scriptures in a living tongue, and three editions of the Bohemian Bible ivere issued by them before the reformation. — When Luther, Melancthou, Bucer, and Calvin, at length arose to testify more suc- cessfully than they had been able to do against the errors and usurpations of the church of Rome, to each of these illustrious men the Moravians submitted their doctrinal tenets, their church discipline, and the records o^ their affairs; and from each in return they received assurances of cordial approbation, and the kindest encouragement. But as the reformation did not penetrate into the re- cesses of Bohemia and Moravia, they had to suffer re- newed and aggravated persecution; till, towards the close of the seventeenth century, they were so hunted .down, and scattered abroad, that they ceased to be known pub- 448 HISTORY OF THE IChup. 8. licly as an existing church. Their devotions, at liie peril of life and liberty, were performed by stealth in private dwellings, in deep forests, and in lonely caverns, a few- only daring to assemble in one place and at one time. Previous to this dispersion, their bishop, Amos Comeneus. one of the most distinguished scholars of that age, pub- lished their history, with a dedication (which he calls his last will and testament) to the church of England, be- queathing to it the memorials of his people in the follow- ing affecting terms: — " If, by the grace of God, there hath been found in us (as wise and godly men have some- times thought,) any thing true, any thing honest, any thing just, any thing pure, any thing lovely and of good report; if any virtue and any praise, care must be taken that it may not die with us when we die; and at least that the very foundation be not buried under its present ruins, so that generations to come may not know where to look for them. And, indeed, this care is taken, and provision is made on this behalf, by this our trust, com- mitted to your hands." Sixty years after this period, the church of the brethren was raised from its depression by a persecution intended to crush its last remnant in Mo- ravia. Some families, flying from thence, found a re- fuge on the estates of Count Zinzendorf, in Lusatia, where they built a humble village (Herrnhut.) which is * now the principal settlement of the brethren. As their countrymen, together with some pious people from other quarters, joined them, their congregations gradually mul- tiplied through Germany, and a few were established in Denmark, Sweden, Russia, Holland, and North America. The brethren first appeared in England about the middle of the last century, where, (though the most malignant calumnies were circulated against them) in the simplicity Cent, ir.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 449 of conscious innocence they laid their case before parlia- ment. Their doctrines, discipline, character, and his- tory, were scrupulously examined, in committees of both houses, and a bill, exempting them from taking oaths and bearing arms, was carried with the unanimous consent of the bishops: indeed, all opposition to it was abandon- ed after the final investigation of their claims: and they were fully acknowledged by the British legislature, to be " an ancient protestant and episcoiml church." CHAPTER IX. Societies in England. — Jlnfichrist. Men are social, and if they do not associate for good, Ihey inevitably will for evil. This has been proved in all ages. We cannot therefore but read with great inte- rest the account given by bishop Burnet of sundry socie- ties which existed in England at the close of this century. I shall give an account, says he, of more pro- mising beginnings and appearances, which though they are of an elder date, yet of late (1705) they have been brought into a more regulated form. In king James's reign, the fear of popery was so strong, as well as just, ^lat many, in and about London, began to meet often together, both for devotion, and for their further instruc- tion: things of that kind had been formerly practised, only among the puritans and the dissenters. But these were of the church, and came to their ministers, to be assisted with forms of prayer and other directions: they were chiefly conducted by Dr. Beveridge and Dr. Hor- VOL. II. s L 450 HISTORY OF THE lChap.9. neck. Some disliked this, and were afraid it might be the original of new factions and parties; but wiser and better men thought, it was not fit nor decent to check a spirit of devotion, at such a time: it might have given scandal, and it seemed a discouraging of piety, and might be a mean to drive well meaning persons over to the dis- senters. After the revolution, these societies grew more numerous, and for a greater encouragement to devotion, they got such collections to be made, as maintained many clergymen to read prayers in so many places, and at so many different hours, that devout persons might have that comfort, at every hour of the day. There were constant sacraments every Lord's day in many churches: there were both greater numbers and greater appear- ances of devotion at prayers and sacraments, than had been observed in the memory of man. These societies resolved, to inform the magistrates of swearers, drunk- ards, profaners of the Lord's day, and of lewd houses; and they threw in the part of the fine, given by law to informers, into a stock of charity: from this, they were called societies of reformation. Some good magistrates encouraged them; but others treated them roughly. As soon as the late queen heard of this, she did, by her let- ters and proclamations, encourage these good designs, which were afterwards prosecuted by the late 'king. Other societies set themselves to raise charity schools^ for teaching poor children, for clothing them and bind- ing them out to trades; many books were printed, and sent over the nation by them, to be freely distributed: these were called societies for propagating Christian knowledge: by this means, some thousands of children are now well educated and carefully looked after. In many places of the nation, the clergy met often together, Cent. 17.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 45) to confer about matters of religion and learning; and they got libraries to be raised for their common use. At last a corporation was created by the late king, for pro- pagating tlie gospel among infidels, for settling schools in oiir plantations, for furnishing the clergy that were sent thither, and for sending missionaries among such of our plantations, as were not able to provide pastors for them- selves. It was a glorious conclusion of a reign, that was begun with preserving our religion, thus to create a cor- poration, for propagating it to the remoter parts of the earth, and among infidels: there were very liberal sub- scriptions made to it, by many of the bishops and clergy, who set about it with great care and zeal. Upon the queen's accession to the crown, they had all possible as- surances of her favour and protection, of which, upon every application, they received very eminent marks. Fruits of the labours of the society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts, are manifest in the United States to the present day. The missionaries of that so- ciety are recollected with gratitude by some of the oldest now living. They bore the standard of the cross into regions of our country, which, but for them, would have remained Ions; desolate. How different these societies in England, from some of those established by Rome. In 1622, the congrega- tion de propaganda fide, was founded by Gregory XV. If by this the faith of Christ had been propagated, every one would be bound to contemplate it with joy; but when, instead of the faith of Christ, the dogmas of Rome, born in the brains of popes and cardinals, and existing only in the absence of the scriptures — when these were the chief things circulated, and the inculcation of these 453 HISTORY OF THE lChap.9. was the paramount aim, who but must weep at such per- version. The followitig are among the ascertained principles of the chief and most active Roman missionary society. " That those persons may transgress with safely who have a probable reason for transgressing, i. e. any plausi- ble argument or authority in favour of the sin they are inclined to commit. " That actions intrinsically evil, and directly contrary to the divine laws, may be innocently performed by those who have so much power over their own minds as to join, even ideally, a good end to this wicked action, or (to speak in the style of the Jesuits) who are capable of directing their attention aright: " That philosophical sin is of a very light and trivial nature, and does not deserve the pains of hell.'^ By a philosophical sin is meant an action contrary to the dic- tates of nature and right reason, committed by a person ignorant of the written law of God, or doubtful of its true meaning. " That the transgressions committed by a person blinded by the seduction of lust, agitated by the impulse of tumultuous passions, and destitute of all sense or im- pression of religion, however detestable and heinous they may be in themselves, are not imputable to the trans- gressor before the tribunal of God; and that such trans- gressions may often be as involuntary as the actions of a madman: " That the person who takes an oath, or enters into a contract, may, to elude the force of the one and the obli- gation of the other, add to the form of words that ex- press them, certain mental additions and tacit reser- vations."' Cent. 17.'] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 458 The conduct of the Romish missionaries bespoke their character. They engrafted Cliristianity upon pagan rites; aimed at convincing the heathen there was little difference between their idolatry and the gospel; pam- pered the passions of those wiio had inllnence; and aimed evidently at acquiring wealth and power. The political machine they endeavoured to get wholly into their hands. The power of the civil magistracy was roused to self- defence against them, and kings and governors banished them because of ambitious intermeddling in state affairs. Their conduct savoured by no means of the spirit of Him whose kingdom was not of this world. CHAPTER X. American Colonies. The revolutions and intolerance of Europe drove many from the land of their birth to this new continent. Here they sought an asylum, and, scattered in colonies from north to south, they laid the foundations of a mighty empire. The independents established themselves in New England. Their first landing was at Plymouth, in Massachusetts, on the 22d December, 1620. In 1629, June 29, a body of emigrants arrived at Salem. These were speedily followed by others But though their sufferings for conscience sake had been so conside- rable, they were unwilling to tolerate any opinions but their own. Two men of note among the settlers at Salem being found guilty of attachment to a liturgy, were expelled the society and sent to England. Williams, a 454 HIS roilY OF THE iCIiap. 10. minister highly esteemed, was banished in 1634, and with his followers settled at Providence. Another body, dis- gusted with certain proceedings on account of the opi- nions of a Mrs. Hutchinson, retired to Rhode Island. With Mr. Hooker, an eminent minister of Massachu- setts Bay, who was anxious for a distinct province, an hundred families went in 1636, and settled Connecticut. These, vviih their coadjutors in Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont, devoted early their care to the education of the young. As early as the 8th of September, 1630, a sum of money (^400) was voted by the general court at Boston toward the commencement of a college. This sum being increased by the will of the Rev, John Harvard, the foundation of Harvard university was laid. A simi- lar spirit pervading all the colonies, in process of time more abundant provision for instruction was made in New England than in any other part of the world. The churches planted by these pilgrims have spread with an increasing population even to this day. They still flourish. But there have been among them great diversities of doctrine, and in, alas! how many instances, a following in the way of Cain, by a denial of the atone- ment— a trampling under foot the Son of God. We have spoken of persecutions among the puritans. This was extended to the followers of George Fox. They were banished, scourged, and in some instances put to death. This was the consequence of the spirit of popery yet lingering among the puritans. Toleration was not understood. In 1607, the first settlement was made at Jamestown in Virginia. The church of England was established in this colony by law, and the people in general conformed Cent. 17.j CHURCH OF CHRIS i- l^i to it.* The number of parisiies in the colony became nt last one hundred. We are told by IJurnet, that in 1693, IMr. Blair, a very worthy man, came over from Virginia, with a pro- position for erecting a college there. In order to which, he had set on foot a voluntary subscription, which arose to a great sum: and he found out some branches of the revenue there, that went all into private hands, without being brought into any public account, with which a free- school and college might be well endowed. The endowment was fixed, and the patent was passed for the college, called from the founders, the William and Mary college. Maryland was settled chiefly by Roman Catholics, 200 families of whom landed near the mouth of the Potomac, ]n 1633. * As we may judge by the following curious extract from a very ancient writer: " They have in each parish a convenient church, built either of timber, brick, or stone, and decently adorned with every thing- necessary for the cele- bration of divine service. "If a parish be of greater extent than ordinary, it hath generally a chapel of ease; and some of the parishes have two such chapels, besides the church, for the greater convenience of the parishioners. In tiiese chapels the minister preaclies alternately, alwaj s leaving a reader, to read prayers and a homily, when he cannot attend himself. " The people arc generally of the church of England, which is the religion established by law in that country, from which there are very few dissenters. Yet liberty of conscience is given to all other congregations pretending to Christianity, on condition they submit to all parish duties. They have no more than five conventicles amongst them, namely, three small meetings of quakers, and two of presbyterians. It is observed, that those counties where the presbyterian meetings are, produce very mean tobacco ; and for that rea- son cannot get an orthodox minister to stay amongst them ; but whenever they could, the people very orderly went to church. As for the quakers, it is ob- served, by Jetting them alone, they decrease daily. •' The maintenance for a minister there, is appoijitcd by law at 16,000 pounds of tobacco per annum " 456 HISTORY OF THE IChap.lO. The Swedes and the Dutch formed settlements on the banks of tlie Delaware and tlie Hudson; the former bringing with them their episcopal, and the latter their presbyterian mode of church government. In 16S2, Willianj Penn led a large number of colonists to the state which now bears his name. He and his friends had adopted the sentiments of George Fox, and, though hiniself devoted to the Stuarts, he knew enough of persecution to desire to plant an asylum. Universal freedom of religion was established in his colony. Carolina was settled by emigrants of different religious sentiments, and an attempt on the part of the govern- ment to create a uniformity, produced nothing but dis- cord. The attempt was abandoned. Thus did the hand of Providence scatter over the face of this new world the seeds of civilization and of piety, and they have continued to flourish until the fruits they produce are the admiration of the globe. The principles of civil liberty flowing from the Bible, ascertained by a diligent perusal of that cliarter of human hope, here find their dwelling; and we of a late generation may look back to the refugees from European tyranny as the founders of our political and ecclesiastical freedom. The diversities of religious opinion among the first settlers continued, and there being liltlc to call the atten- tion of their descendants to the correctness of church order, the habjt was created of receiving their creed as they received tlieir estates, — making it a part of their patrimony. We know there is a peculiar sacredness thrown around every thing that appertained to our remote ancestry, and especially when tliey stood firm amid a tempest, do we bold their peculiarities in high veneration. Our \ery Ceut. 18.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 457 pride leads to this. We imitate what we admire. We forget that whatever there was excellent in our ancestors sprang fron» the gospel, and that whatever was eccentric in them was no part of that gospel. We adopt their eccentricities as gospel itself. We thus perpetuate their faults. What they iiappened to think we still think, and not because the Bible teaches it to us. We are papists because our fathers were; or we are presbyterians, or we are friends. We change our doctrines, because about them we inquire. Our forms and modes we re- tain as they were handed down to us, because about them we do not inquire. Be they scriptural or unscrip- tural, we cleave to them. Multiplied as we now are by the unexampled prosperity attending free institutions, our different denominations bear much the same relative proportion that they did in the 17th century. We are to avoid angry controversy, but calm dispassionate in- quiry, concerning discipline as well as doctrine, is the duty of every man. J .. ^ €i0i)tcc!itl) Centura. CHAPTER I. J^Iissions. The 18th century opened with more encouraging prospects for the cause of Christ than any that preceded it, except primitive days. The light of the sacred volume had free course over England and America. The re- VoL. II. 3 M 468 HISTORY OF THE IChap, 1. formed were numerous on the continent of Europe. "The beast"* was wounded, and, according to the pro- mise of God, began to fail. The human mind, freed from his despotism, enjoyed a new era; an era of unre- strained improvement. Missions were carried on. For these the Moravians were remarkable. When the Mo- ravian refugees, on Count Zinzcndorf's estates, scarcely amounted to 600 persons — when they had only just found rest from suffering, and were beginning to build a church and habitations, where there had previously been a desert — so great was their ardent piety and zeal for the extension of the Redeemer's kingdom, that in the short period of eight or nine years, they had sent mis- sionaries to Greenland, to the Indians in North and South America, to many of the West India Islands, to Lapland, to Algiers, to Guinea, to the Cape of Good Hope, to Ceylon, and subsequently to Labrador, to Tartary, to the Nicobar islands, to Persia, and to Egypt. In 1 732, pitying the condition of the Negroes in the West Indies, two brethren sailed to the Danish island of St. Thomas; and such was their devotedness to the work, that having beard that they could not have intercourse with the slaves unless they themselves became slaves, they went with that full purpose, that they might have the opportu- nity of teaching tlie Africans tiie way of deliverance from a far worse captivity than that of the body, the captivity of sin and Satan. Although this sacrifice was not eventu- ally required of them, sacrifices scarcely less painful were cheerfully endured for many years, during which they had to maintain themselves by manual labour under a tropical sun, while every hour of leisure was employed in conversing with the heathen. The fruits of their zeal • See Revelations. Ceiit. 18.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 459 and perseverance in due time appeared; and in the West Indies (Danish and British,) there are now more tlian 23,000 Negroes joined to their congregations, and a vast number have entered into eternal rest, steadfast in the faith of Christ. Not a step behind tliese in ardour and self-denial were the first missionaries that went to Green- land in 1733. These were plain men, who knew only their native tongue, and who, in order to acquire one of the most barbarous dialects on the earth, had to learn the Danish language first, (hat they might avail themselves of the grammar of the Rev. Mr. Egede, a Danish mis- sionary then in that country. JVoic, the principal part of the population of Greenland is become Christian, and the state of society wonderfully changed, and instruction, through the medium of the Danish as well as Moravian teachers, is at least as universal in that inhospitable clime as in our own country. In 1734, some brethren went among the Indians of North America. Their labours, their trials, their sufferings, and their success, were ex- traordinary even in missionary history. Many thousands of these roving and turbulent savages, of all other per- haps the m.ost haughty and untractablc, were converted from the error of their ways, and adorned the doctrines of God their Saviour, both in their lives and by their deaths. On one occasion, ninety-six men, women, and children, being treacherously made prisoners by white banditti, were scalped and tomahawked in cold blood, and, according to the testimony of their murderers, with their latest breath gave affecting evidence of their faith. At another time, eleven missionaries were burnt alive in their dwellings, or massacred and thrown back into the flames, in attempting to escape, by a troop of Indians in the French service. 460 HISTORY OF THE iCJiap. 1. All may contemplate with pleasure the missions of the United Brethren, they manifest so fully the spirit of the gospel. But others early shared in the labour of essay- ing the conversion of the heathen. The Christian Knowledge Society, and the Society for propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, both connected with the church of England, sent forth the light of the gospel with the very dawn of the century, and continued to diffuse it to its close. By tire former of these more especially, schools were established, and Bibles, prayer books, and tracts* were circulated. The Danish missionary society also sent forth labourers. As early as 1600, missionaries were sent to Lapland; and in 1640, thirteen Christian congregations were established. Hans Egede, and others entered on the work of christianizing Greenland. But a more important mission was that to India, established by the Royal College of Copenhagen, and the Orphan's House at Halle. The work commenced in 1706. So great was the success, and so important the field, the English Society for promoting Christian Knowledge offer- ed assistance and support. The venerable name of Swartz shines bright on the list of labourers in the east. Hundreds of thousands of natives are said, by the bless- ing of God on their efforts, to have been brought to the reception of the truth. • As an encouragement to the circulation of tracts, the writer would observe that he saw some time since, a tract published by the Society for the Promo- tion of Christian Knowledge, which had been preserved sixty years. Cent. 18.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 461 CHAPTER II. Methodists. This new denomination was founded in England in the year 17:29, by one Mr. Morgan, and Mr. John Wesley. In the month of November of that year, the latter being then fellow of Lincoln college, began to spend some evenings in reading the Greek Testament, with Charles Wesley, student, Mr. Morgan, commoner of Christ church, and Mr. Kirkham, of Merton college. Not long afterwards, two or three of the pupils of Mr. John Wesley, and one pupil of Mr. Charles Wesley, obtained leave to attend these meetings. They then began to visit the sick in different parts of the town, and the prisoners also, who were confined in the castle. Two years after they were joined by Mi*. Ingham of Q,ueen's college, Mr. Broughton, and Mr. Hervey; and, in 1735, by the cele- brated Mr. Whitfield, then in his eighteenth year. At this time their number in Oxford amounted to about fourteen. They obtained their name from the exact regularity of their lives, which gave occasion to a young gentleman of Christ church to say, "Here is a new sect of Methodists sprung up;" alluding to a sect of ancient physicians who were called Methodists, because they re- duced the whole healing art to a few common principles, and brought it into some method and order. They were patronized and encouraged by some men eminent for their learning and virtue; so that the society still continued, though they had suffered a severe loss, in 1730, by the death of Mr. Morgan, who, it is said, was the founder of it. In October, 1735, John and 4G2 HIS TORY OF THE IChap. 2. Charles Wesley, Mr. Ingham, and Mr. Delamotte, son of a merchant in London, embarked for Georgia, in order to preach the gospel to the Indians. After their arrival tliey were at first favourably received, but in a short time lost the affection of the people; and, on ac- count of some diiferences with the storekeeper, Mr. Wesley was obliged to return to England. Mr. Wesley, however, was soon succeeded by Mr. Whitfield, whose repeated labours in that part of the world are well known. On Mr. Wesley's return from Georgia, he paid a visit to Count Zinzendorf, the celebrated founder of the sect of Moravians or Hernhutters, at Hernhut in Upper Lu- satia. In the following year he appeared again in Eng- land, and with his brother Charles, at the head of the Methodists. He preached his first field sermon at Bristol, on the 2d of April, 1738, from which time his disciples have continued to increase. In 1741, a serious alterca- tion took place between him and Mr. Whitfield. In 1744, attempting to preach at an inn in Taunton, he was put to silence by the magistrates. After Mr. Whitfield returned from America in 1741, he declared his full assent to the doctrines of Calvin. Mr. Wesley, on the contrary, professed the Arminian doctrine, and had printed in favour of perfection and universal redemption, and very strongly against election; a doctrine which Mr. Whitfield believed to be scriptural. The difference, therefore, of sentiments between these two great men caused a separation. Mr. Wesley preach- ed in a place called the Foundery, where Mr. Whitfield preached but once, and no more. Mr. Whitfield then preached to very large congregations out of doors; and soon after, in connexion with Mr. Cennick, and one or Cent. 18.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 4G3 two more, began a new house, in Kingswood, Gloucester- shire, and established a school that favoured Calvinistical preachers. Tlie Methodists, tiierefore, were now di- vided; one part following Mr. Wesley, and the other Mr. Whitfield. These two presbyters of the church of England, were undoubtedly instruments of great good. When they be- gan their labours, a torpor seemed to have seized the religious world- Though like comets in their move- ments through the ecclesiastical syslcu), they roused to such an extent as to prove a blessing. After the death of Mr. Wesley his people divided, but this division, it seems, respects discipline more than sen- timent. Mr. Wesley professed a strong attachment to the established church of England, and exhorted the societies under his care to attend her service, and receive the Lord's Supper from the regular clergy. But in the latter part of his time he thought proper to ordain some bishops and priests for America and Scotland; but as one or two of the bishops have never been out of Eng- land since their appointment to the office, it is probable that he intended a regular ordination should take place when the state of the connexion might render it neces- sary. During his life, some of the societies petitioned to have preaching in their own chapels in church hours, and the Lord's Supper administered by the travelling preachers. This request he generally refused, and, where it could be conveniently done, sent some of the clergymen who officiated at the New Chapel in London to perform these solemn services. It was with the great- est reluctance he undertook to create a bishop. His right to do so he denied; and in the commission to 464 HIS TORY OF THE [_Chap. 2. Coke he styled himself " presbyter of the church of England/'* The Calvinistic Methodists are not incorporated into a body as the Arminians are, but are chiefly under the direction or influence of their ministers or patrons. Of the latter, Lady Huntingdon was the most distinguished. She patronized them to a very great extent. The labours of the Methodists extended to Barbadoes, St. Vincents, Dominica, St. Christopher's, Nevis, An- tigua, St. Eustatia, Tortola, and St. Croix, vvhere good has been done. Among the Calvinistic Methodists there are also a considerable number of preachers, whose con- * The following is an extract of a letter written by Dr. Coke to the bishop of the diocese of Pennsylvania, after his arrival in America: "Rig-ht Rev. Sir, — Permit me to intrude a little on your time upon a subject of great importance. " You, I believe, are conscious that I was brought up in the church of Eng- land, and have been ordained a presbyter of that church. For man}' years I was prejudiced, even I think to bigotry in favour of it : but through a variety of causes or incidents, to mention which would be tedious and useless, my mind was exceedingly biased on the other side of the question. In consequence of tliis, I am not sure but I went farther in the separation of our church in America, than Mr. Wesley, from whom I had received my commission, did in- tend. He did indeed solemnly invest me, as far as he had a right so to do, with episcopal authority, but did not intend, I think, that an entire separation should take place. He, being pressed by our friends on this side of the water for ministers to administer the sacraments to them, (there being very few clergy of the church of England then in the states,) went farther, I am sure, than he would have gone, if he had foreseen some events wiiich follow ed. And this I am certain of — that he is now sorry for the separation. " But what can be done for a reunion, which I much wisli for; and to ac- complish which Mr. Wesley, I have no doubt, would use his influence to the utmost? The affection of a very considerable number of the preachers, and most of the people, is very strong towards him, notwithstanding the excessive ill usage he received from a few. My interest also is not small; and both his and mine would I'cudily and to the utmost be used to accomplish that (to us) very desirable object; if a readiness were siiown by the bishops of the protes- tant episcopal church to reunite." [The particular terms of union proposed were inadmissible. — See Bishop "White's Hisiorv of the Protestant Episcopal Cluirch.] Cent. 18.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 465 gregalions and societies are very extensive: some of their chapels in London are Iho larfi;pst and best attended in the world: it is almost incredil)ie to see the numbers of people who flock to these places. In North Wales also they have become numerous. The wish of the great founder of the Methodists to remain in communion with tiie church of England having been departed from by very many of his followers, divi- sions and subdivisions have multiplied. One departure from primitive church order oft paves the way for a hun- died new sects. CHAPTER III. Protestant Episcojml Church of the United States. From circumstances already statetl, the greater part of the settlers in North America were presbyterians and congregationalists. But there was a goodly number at- tached to episcopacy. Of these the Swedes continued to receive ordination from Europe. The Moravians procured for themselves bishops from their parent esta- blishment. The large remainder, descended from mem- bers of the church of England, or themselves originally attached to it, associated as an American church. The practice of these had been to receive miniiiters already ordained, from England, or to send candidates for orders to the bishop of London. liumediately after the war of the revolution, several young men went from the south to receive ordination. They were citizens of an inde- pendent empire, and disposed to onn allegiance to no other. They went to receive apijointment to the minis- try of a kingdom not of this world. The existing Jaws Vol. IL 3 N 466 HISTORY OK THE [C/iajj. 3. of Great Britain were in their way. The bishop of London could ordain none who did not acknowledge the supremacy of his government. Of course the candidates were obliged to wait until parliament could pass a law allowing the bishop to exercise his spiritual authority in- dependent of political considerations. This law the bishop obtained. But while the question was depending, Mr. Adams, American minister at the court of St. James, having asked the Danish minister whether the bishops of Denmark would not ordain the candidates, if requested to do so, the Danish minister wrote home on the subject, and an answer was received some time after^ stating that they would. It was, however, resolved to obtain the episcopate, that the American church might be complete within itself. The first application for this was made by the clergy of Connecticut, joined by some of those of New York. The Rev. Samuel Seabury, DD. was recommended by them for consecration, in 1 783. A difficulty similar to that just adverted to, occurring in England, he was consecrated by the bishops of Scotland, on the 14th November, 1784. In September, 1785, a convention of clerical and lay delegates from seven of the thirteen United States, held in Philadelphia, after so revising the book of common prayer as to accommodate it to the improved state of civil government, resolved on an application to the bishops of the church of England, to consecrate to the episcopacy such persons as should be recommended to them by the churches of the several states. This application was forwarded, accompanied by certificates from the execu- tives of the states, that it was perfectly consonant with the civil constitutions of the land. It contemplated no union with government, either foreign or domestic. It was a mere seeking of the church of England, as a spi- Cent. 18.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 467 ritual body, that ministry which might have been obtain- ed in equal vahdity from the church of Scotland, of Den- mark, or of Moravia. The British parliament granted the necessary permission to consecrate bishops, without the ordinary oaths of allegiance being taken, and on the 4th February, 1787, the Rev. Wm. White. D.D. was consecrated bishop of Pennsylvania, and the Rev Samuel Provost, D.D. bishop of New York. On the 19th Sop- tember, 1790, the Rev. James Madison, D.D. was con- secrated bishop of Virginia. There were now four bishops of the protestant epis- copal church in the United States. In all respects, therefore, the church became a whole: having within itself the power of transmitting its ministry.* A constitution was adopted; some alterations made in the liturgy; the necessary canons enacted; and the church commenced that harmonious career for which it has been distinguished to the present time. Assembled in chief judicature, the bishops of this church form one house, and the clerical and lay dele- gates from the respective dioceses, another. The vote of both these houses is necessary to the passage of any act. In each diocese, a convention of the bishop, clergy, and lay delegates from the respective vestries, is held every year. The general convention, or highest judica- ture of the church, is triennial. Diversities of sentiment are to be expected, but of this church there has been as yet no division; and such is the preserving power of a scriptural liturgy, not one of * The whole number of bishops of the protestant episcopal church up to the present date is twenty; of whom the second in order of consecration, the Right Rev. Bishop White, is yet living. July 4, 1825. 468 HISTORY OF THE IChup. 4. her congregations has departed to heresy since her first organization. Prosperity has attended her. Decayed altars have been rebuilt. Desolate wastes have been re- vived. She has lengthened her cords and strengthened her stakes, and even to the present hour she has con- tinued to rejoice under the blessing of the Almighty. May that blessing increase. CHAPTER IV. JnHilels. These have existed in every age; for the heart being corrupt, has always opposed the law of God. Herbert, Bolingbroke, and especially Hume, in Great Britain, sought to pour an Egyptian darkness into the whole re- gion of morals. The last of these declared adultery no crime. But the blasphemies of the continent of Europe were still worse. Voltaire and his fellows entered into a league to destroy religion. It is to be said for them, that they were trained in the habit of contemplating the monstrous corruptions of popery, and not the simple gospel. Had they lived in more favoured lands they would doubtless not have been as unblushing as they were. Pirie, in a lecture on the mother of harlots, expresses himself in the following remarkable words: "But you will now ask me, who is this mistress, and what her charms, that can engage the affections of so ferocious a savage.'' A daughter of Babylon the Great, you may be sure, as she is the mother of all the harlots of the last times. She calls herself in French, Mademoiselle Raison, Cent. 19.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 469 ill English, J\liss Reason, and claims an heavenly origin. Like Diana of Ephesus, she says, she is 'a goddess that fell down from Jupiter,' and upon this descent she deems herself entitled to the worship of Europe, and of the whole world. Her real name, however, is Jnfuhiihj, be- got by false philosophy, and born of the false church in whose secret recesses she had been long hatching, until her full time came. The characlei istic of Home is su- perstition, and superstition naturally produces infidelity. So soon as one uneidightened by the gospel discerns the cheat a false religion or superstition has put upon him, he instantly becomes an infidel." But the champions of infidelity were among the chief promoters of the gospel. Their assaults called forth a weight of argument on the side of the sacred volume, which all the ingenuity of hell cannot refute. They roused a new energy in Christendom. That energy has ever since been going on in a course of illustrious achieve- ment. So true is it God will make man's wrath to praise him. I^inctccntji Cctirurp. CHAPTER I. BiUc Sodefij. We need no other proof of the fact that the attacks of infidels have been overruled to the promotion of the cause of the Redeemer, than a view of the stupendous works commencing with the nineteenth century. 470 HISTORY OF THE ICkap. 1. There had existed in England, the Society for the Pronnotion of Christian Knowledge, which, along with other books, distributed the Bible to great extent; the Canstein Institution at Halle, in Saxony, had published, since the year of its formation, 1712, two million of Bibles, and one million of Testaments; but there need- ed an association which should combine within itself the energies of the faithful. Such an institution arose in that wonder of the age, the British and Foreign Bible Society. "In the month of December, 1802, the Rev. Thomas Charles, B.A. of Bala, an ordained minister of the esta- blished church, but officiating in connexion with the Welsh Calvinistic Methodists — a man of zealous piety and indefatigable exertion, and by his habit of itinerating and promoting Sunday schools, rendered intimately fami- liar with the wants of his countrymen — was in London; when he proposed a contribution, in aid of the plan for printing and distributing the scriptures among them. On the 7th of that month, the subject having been intro- duced by Mr. Joseph Tarn, the present assistant secre- tary and accountant to the British and Foreign Bible Society, in a circle of friends who had met to transact a different business, Mr. Charles preferred his suit on be- half of his countrymen, describing the want of Welsh Bibles, and the failure of all attempts to obtain them in the usual channel, and urging with importunate earnest- ness the necessity of resorting in this painful extremity to ' new and extraordinary means.' " This proposition gave rise to a conversation of some length, in the course of which it was suggested, that, as Wales was not the only part of the kingdom in which such a want as had been described might be supposed Cfenf. 19.] CHURCH OF CHRIST- 47I to prevail, it would be desirable to take such steps as might be likely to stir up the public mind to a general dispersion of the scriptures. To this suggestion, which proceeded from tlie Rev. Joseph Hughes, a baptist mi- nister, one of the society's present secretaries, and which was warmly encouraged by the rest of the company, we are to trace the dawn of those measures, which, expand- ing with time, and progressive discussion, issued at length in the proposal and establishment of the British and Fo- reign Bible Society.^^ In the year 1808, a number of Christians at Philadel- phia, with the senior bishop of the protestant episcopal church of the United States at their head, organized the first American Bible society. In the year 1812, a Rus- sian Bible society was established. In the year 1816, a national Bible society was established in the United States. And now we have the delight of beholding so- cieties for the free distribution of the sacred volume ac- tively engaged throughout the world. We are astonished — to use the eloquent language of that invaluable champion of sound truth, the Christian Observer — we are astonished, in surveying the history of this institution, to see that the Bible, which had hither- to been a sealed book to three-fourths of the world, is at once, as if by an authority as paramount as that which said, " Let there be light, and there was light," diffusing over the world. We are astonished to see nations hither- to occupied chiefly in forging instruments of reciprocal injury and warfare, at once, as by that force of adhesion which binds together the discordant and centrifugal ele- ments of the globe, brought to co-operate and to assist each other. We are astonished to see that those reli- gious, or rather irreligious, feuds which had hitherto 472 HISTORY OF THE [C7m/>. 1. conslituled stronger lines of separation than the physical boundaries of nature oj" the artificial barriers of political society, have at once sunk and disappeared in the pre- sence of this institution. We look for them, but, like sonie of the inhabitants of those volcanic countries who search in vain to day for an island which tiiey beheld yesterday, we see them no more. We are astonished to lind that tlie principle of universal love, hitherto of the slowest growth in the soil of human nature — hilherto flourisliing only in the little area of some devout niansion, or in the courts of some retired temple — has now shot deep roots and protruded giant branches, and scattered its seed in all countries; and, what is more, has found, in all countries, a soil, and atmosphere, and cultivators con- genial to its health and growth; — that, in fact, the figu- rative language of scripture is realized, and the "grain of mustard seed" is becoming a great tree, and the birds of all countries settle on its branches. We are, more- over, astonished at the rapidity of this transforujation. Prejudice, selfishness, indolence, covetousness, the spirit of nationality, of monopoly, and what has been called by a great and good man that " nasty little corporation spirit," which ties our hands and freezes our hearts, and makes self the centre and circumference of all our de- sires and feelings, had, up to this period, proved to be principles of tough, unbending, unaccommodating texture — principles, which have a thousand times turned back, blunted and dishonoured, every weapon that truth and beneficence could aim at them. We are as much asto- nished that this zeal should have diffused itself among all ranks of the community. Hitherto it had been a suffi- cient apology for the infidelity or indifference of the great, that the common people believed in or advocated Cent. 19.] CHURCH OF CHRIST, 473 any particular truth. Nor were the poor less indisposed to participate in the projects of enterprises of the great. A wall, as wide and strong as that of China, was built up between the various classes of society — and a sort of caste contrived, by which all community of interest and feeling between the poor and rich was destroyed. But now, high and low, rich and poor, forgetting, on the one hand, their elevation, and, on the other, their depression, have " met together," as the servants of that God who *' is no respecter of persons,'^ to discharge their part in this great work — none disdaining or refusing to be hew- ers of wood, or carriers of water in this sanctuary. Against this society the pope has issued his bull, call- ing it an agent of the devil, and the Grand Seignior has sent forth his firman, and some crowned heads, who have begun to discover that despotism and the Bible cannot exist together, have threatened their hostility; but it rests upon the promise of Omnipotence, " the gates of hell shall not prevail.'' CHAPTER II. ^undmj Schools. — Tracts. — Missions. — The Jews. — Syrian Christians. Before the close of the last century, Robert. Raikes of Gloucester, in England, was the honoured instrument of commencing schools for the instruction of the rising generation in the truths of the Lord, on the Lord's day. As early as 1785, a society was formed in London, under the patronage of a number of the leading clergy of the church of England, for the encouragement of Sunday schools in the different counties in England; and in 181 1 , Vol. II. 5 O 474 HISTORY OF THE IChap. 2. 300,000 children were thus instructed, in the various parts of Britain. The system of Sunday school instruc- tion has increased in efficiency every year since, and now promises to change the face of society in Christen- dom. Tract societies, though hy no means new, have within the quarter of a century greatly increased in number and efficiency. The same may be said of missions. These have been blessed to the evangelizing of the Society isles, of Green- land and Labrador, of parts of the continent of Africa and of Asia, and indeed of almost all the dark corners of the earth. The beams of the morning are evidently breaking on the world; and though an eclipse may be experienced, we know from what we see, as well as from prophecy, that the knowledge of the Lord shall be uni- versally diffused. The order of promise is, that the receiving of the Jews shall be to the rest of the nations as life from the dead. With peculiar joy, therefore, we record that efforts are making to diffuse, among them the knowledge of the Messiah. It is not among the least encouraging circumstances of the age, that the remnants of those churches scattered in the lands where the apostles laboured, are beginning to retrace their steps toward the purity and simplicity of primitive days. Of these we have a most interesting specimen in the Syrians of Malabar. These interesting disciples were visited by Claudius Buchanan, that distinguished herald, who made known to Europe her path of duty, and proclaimed to Asia a brighter era. He gives this account of them: The Syrian Christians inhabit the interior of Tra^ Cent. 19.] CHURCH OF CHRIST. 475 vancore and Malabar, in the south of India, and have been settled there from the early ages of Christianity. The first notices of this ancient people in recent times are to be found in the Portuguese histories. When Vasco de Gania arrived at Cochin, on the coast of Ma- labar, in the year 1503, he saw the sceptre of the Chris- tian king; for the Syrian Christians had formerly regal power in Malay-ala.* The name or title of their last king was Beliarte; and he dying without issue, the do- minion devolved on the king of Cochin and Diamper. When the Portuguese ariived, they were agreeably surprised to find upwards of a hundred Christian churches on the coast of Malabar. But when they became ac- quainted with the purity and simplicity of their worship, they were offended. " These churches," said the Por- tuguese, " belong to the pope." " Who is the pope," said the natives, " we never heard of him.^" The Eu- ropean priests were yet more alarmed, when they found that these Hindoo Christians maintained the order and discipline of a regular church under episcopal jurisdic- tion: and that, for 1300 years past, they had enjoyed a succession of bishops appointed by the patriarch of An- tioch. — "We," said they, "are of the true faith, what- ever you from the west may be; for we come from the place where the followers of Christ were first called Christians." When the power of the Portuguese became sufficient for their purpose, they invaded these tranquil churches, seized some of the clergy, and devoted them to the death * Malay-ala is the proper name for the whole country of Travancore and Malabar, comprehending the territory between the mountains and the sea, from Cape Comorin to Cape lUi or Dilly. The language of these extensive regions is called Malayalim, and sometimes Malabar. We shall use ttie word Malabar, as being of easier pronunciation^. 476 HISrORY OF THE ' ICIiup. i,n of heretics. Then the inhabitants heard for the first time that tliere was a place called the inquisition; and that its fires had been lately lighted at Goa, near their own land. But the Portuguese, finding that the people were resolute in defending their ancient faith, began to try more conciliatory jneasures. They seized the Syrian bishop Mar Josepl), and sent him prisoner to Lisbon- and then convened a synod at one of the Syrian churches called Diampcr, near Cochin, at which the Romish archbishop Menezes presided. At this compulsory synod, one hundred and fifty of the Syrian clergy appeared. They were accused of the following pi'actices and opi- nions: "That they had married wives; that they owned but two sacraments, baptism and the Lord's Supper; that they neither invoked saints, nor worshipped images, nor believed in purgatory: and that they had no other orders or names of dignity in the church than bishop, priest and deacon." These tenets they were called on to abjure, or to suffer suspension from all chuixh bene- fices. It was also decreed that all the Syrian books on ecclesiastical subjects that could be found, should be burned; "in order." said the inquisitors, " that no pre- tended apostolical monuments may remain." While the churches on the sea-coast yielded to the compulsion, those in the interior proclaimed eternal war against the inquisition; they hid their books, fled occa- sionally to the mountains, and sought the protection of the native princes, who had always been proud of their alliance. Two centuries had elapsed without any particular in- formation concerning the Syrian Christians in the inte- rior of India. Buchanan discovered them. They had riot heard of the reformation, and knew nothing of the Cmt^9j^ CHURCH OF CHRIST. 477 novelties which sprang up during its progress. Amid the fastnesses of their retirement they cUing to their pri- mitive modes, strangers to all beside save popery and heathenism. But they had fallen into a degree of luke- warmness. The copies of the scriptures among them were few. They needed a revival. This, through the instrumentality of various means judiciously established for their benefit, is going on; and there is reason to hope they will yet arise strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might. We behold abundant proofs of the faithfulness of our God, as we contemplate his presence with his church. He has permitted her to pass through various trials, but his own right arm lias always defended her. In the storm of heathen persecution, he supported and strength- ened his people. Amid the insidiousness of heresy, he raised up firm defenders of the truth. In the darkest periods of popery, he was not without tens of thousands who refused to bow the knee to Baal. The valleys of Piedmont bore testimony to his Jiove. When corruption had run its course, and, as is always th6 case, when it is permitted so to do, had displayed its deformity, he gave to shine, like stars to a midnight sky, Wickliff, Cranmer, Luther, Calvin, and all those who revealed the long hid- den light of truth. He has preserved his cause even amid the errors of his servants, and in these latter years he has so pourfed out his Spirit from on high, and so aroused and directed the energies of Christendom, that he has added proof to promise, that all shall know him from tha least to the greatest. A view of the progress of the church, gives us at the same lime the strongest evidence of the depravity of man. Who that sees the corruptions men have introduced, who 478 HISTORY OF, &c> IChap. 2. that marks the errors with which they have deformed the fair aspect of truth, who that reads of th6 massa- cres* and inquisitions of Rome, of the intolerance of the protestantSjf of the attempts to deny Clirist's essential glory, who that reads of these but must confess that man is desperately wicked. * Seventy thousand were slain during the one massacre of St. Bartholomew's, in France. f Seven thousand clergymen were ejected by the puritans when they came into power: 2000 afterward by the church of England. — See Christian Ob- server : Review of Southey's Book of the Church. EXD OF VOLUME II. INDEX. Athens, 36—8. Alexandria, 113, 157. 245. Arianus, 114. Andrew, 114. Atonement, 8. 11. 13. 15. 17. 20. 21. 136—149. 169. 181—5. 197. See Justification by Faith. Alexander, 43. Adrian, 152. Aristides, 154. Alia, 157. Antoninus Pius, 160. Antioch, 129. iEgesippus, 218. Athenagoras, 225. Ariiis and Arianism, 346, &c, Athanasius, 353, &c. Abyssinia, 368. Armenia, 371. Anthony, 371. Antioch, Council of, 382. Ambrose of Milan, 385. 393. Augustine, 419. 435. Adrian, ii. 10. Ado, ii. 14. Alfred, ii. 15. Adelberl, ii. 23. Anselm, ii. 29. &c. Abelard, ii. 41. Antichrist, ii. &7. See every thing con- certmig Home, Papal. Albigenses, ii. 70. Arsenius, ii. 92. Aquinas, Thomas, ii. 110. Adrian VI. ii. 313. Anabaptists, ii. 340. 376. Associations, ii. 4(09. Abbot, ii. 421. Arminianism, ii. 442. America, ii. 453. B. Barnabas, 16. 25—8. 31. 113. Baptism, 13. 14. 19. 20. 21. 23. 27. 28. 34. 35. 42. 168. 253. 257. 309. 358. 477. ii. 53. Berea, 36. Blandina, 205. Bardasanes, 220. Bartholomew, 246. Bulls, 418. Boniface, 482. Bede, ii. 3. Blasphemies of Rome, ii. 15. 36. 213- 285. 370—1. Bernard, ii. 38. Brown, John, ii. 146. Bull of Leo X., ii. 27Z. Becket, ii. 367. Bancroft, ii. 420. Bible Society, ii. 469. C. Cromwell, ii. 433. Charles II., ii. 436, Councils, 30, 31. See names of placet, where held. Church Government. See Govern- ment. Caligula, 86. Claudius, 87. Church of Christ, 102—4. Clemens, 105—12. Corinth, 38. 106—12, Constantinople, 114. Cerinthus, 115. 121. Cornelius, 22. Confirmation, 19. Commodus, 226. Clemens Alexandrinus, 247. Cyprian, 264—297. 306. 314—20, Catechist, 247. 436. Child, Fortitude of, 321. Coustantine, 340. Constantius, 359. Constans, 361. Constantinople, Council of, 390. 487. Catechumen, 396. Chrysostom, 409. Coelestius, 430. Common Prayer. Catechising, 436. Clovis, 453 , S/^e Liturgy, 480 INDEX, Columban, 480. Charlemagne, ii. 10. S;c. Ciildees, ii. 14. Claudius of Turin, ii. 17. Crusades, ii. 32. 35. Cathari, ii. 43. Celestine, 5. ii. 99. Cajetan, ii. 100. Cobham, ii. 124 — 42. Constance, Council of, ii. 150. Cajetan, ii. 249. Consubstantiation, ii. 317. Calvin, ii. 336. Cranmer, li. 347. 359. 394, &c. Charles I., ii. 421. D. Divinity of Christ, 7. 8. 18. 112. 115. 136—148. 181. 184—5. 197—9.200. 201. 209. 216. 218. 225. 229—30. 237—9. 240. 292. 307. 319. 326. 338. 352. 389. 395. 441. 485. ii. 4. 30—1. 62. 109. Deacons, 17—19. 258. 277. 286. 291. 296. 312. 314. 329. 335. 337. 363. 383. 396. Domitian, 105. 117. Docetx, 121. 189. Depravity, 8. 9. 18. 20. 39. 68. 74. 124. 174—7. 206. 266. 403. 419. Sec. 429. &c. ii. 15. 21. &c. 63. 87. 103. 219. 269. ii. 354. 390. Dionysius, 221. Demetrius, 249. 252. Dionysius of Alexandria, 298. Dioceses, Primitive, 330. Diocletian, 332. Donatus, 347. Doxology, 396. Donatists, 435. Denmark, ii. 31. 314. Dominic, ii. 98. Diet of Worms, ii. 285. Dodwell, ii. 441. E. Ephesus, 42—4. 123. Ebionites, 118. 122. Enodius, 129. Epaphroditus, 73. Ephraim the Syrian, 405. Epipiianius, 453. ii. 11. Eutyches, 458. 484. Ethelbert, 470. Edwin, 476. Erasmus, ii. 234. 321. Eckius, ii. 261 — 6. England, ii. 354. &c. Edward VI., ii. 373 Elizabeth, ii. 401. Frumentius, 368—9. Faustus, 423. Franciscans, ii. 88. Faith. Sse Justiji cation bv, Francis, ii. 97. Friar.s, ii. 101. Fanatics, ii. 309. Friends, ii. 435. O, Government of tlie Cluirch, 11. I . 17. 31. 33. 104. 109. 114. 117. 129. 133—5. 136—148. 151. 158. 168. 187. 209. 218. 221. 226. 247. 255. 264—5. 273—5. 287. 295—6. 309. 314. 317. 325. 329—31. 337. 349. 443. ii. 313. 340. 374. Gnostics, 121. Gallic, 40. Gratian, 389. Games of Chance, 418. Germanus, 448. Gregory 1., 462. Great Britain, 468. 475. Grossteste, Robert, ii. 100— UO. Gustavus Vasa, ii. 315. George Duke, ii. 326. Gardiner, ii. 389. 391. Grindall, ii. 408. &c. H. Hosius of Corduba, 361 . 364. Huss, John, ii. 150—196. Herman Tast, ii. 314. Henry VIII., ii. 354. Homilies, ii. 373. Hooper, ii. 387. I. Ignatius, 129—148. 187. Irenaeus, 234. India, 246. Infant Baptism, 309. ii. 53. 377. Idolatry, ii. 6. 7. 10. 16. Images, ii. 7. 10. Inquisition, ii. 71. Indulgences, ii. 215 — 25. Independents, ii. 429. Infidels, ii. 468—9. Jesus, 7 — 12. James, 24. 77. James, Bishop of Jerusalem, 76—80. Jerusalem, its Destruction, 85 — 102. Josephus, 97. John, 115—19. Justification by Faith, 12. 15, 29. 30, ixNDEX. 481 32. 35. 42. 135—49. 168—182. 258. 327. 427. ii. 5. 25—6. 30. 41. 59. 62. 90. 109. 232. 254. 271. 345. Justin Martyr, 160. 178. Jerusalem, Gentile Church of, 297. Julian, 373 — 8. Jovian, 378. Jerom, 446. Justinian, 461. John of Gaunt, ii. 119, Jerome of Prague, ii. 150 — 196. James I., ii. 419. Jacobites, ii. 441. Jesuits, ii. 452. Kilian, 481. Knox, ii. 425. L. Luke, 63. Linus, 104. Laying on of Hands, 17. 19. 25. 33, 42. Lord's Supper, 46. 169. 170, Lord's Day, 46. 170, Liturgy, 169. 396. 473. ii. 29, 346, 375. 378. 425. 439. Lyons, 201. Laodicean Council, 381. Litany, 474. Lanfranc, ii. 29. Lollards, ii. 124 — 150. Luther, ii. 208. &c. Leo X., ii. 216. Latimer, ii. 386. 396. Lambeth Articles, ii, 416. Laud, ii, 422. M. Mark, 26. 113. Marcion, 163. 188. Marcus Antoninus, 172. Melito, 218. Miltiades, 220. Montonus, 232. Manes, 327. Maximin, Death of, 344. Macedonius, 367. Missionaries, 368. Monasticism, 371. ii. 364. Manichees, 421. Mahomet, 485. Miltitz, ii. 272. Munzer, ii. 318. Melancthon. See Lut/ier, ii, 327. Monasteries, ii. 364. 366. Mary, Queen, ii. 383. Moravians, ii. 446. Missions, ii. 457. Quadratus, 153. Methodists, ii. 461. Vol. XI. 3 P N. Ner\-a, 125. Narcissus, 254 — 5. Novatus, 293. Novatian, 294. Nicene Council, 349. N^eslorius, 458. 484. Nicene Council, 2d, ii. 10. Norway, ii. 32. Nag's Head Fable, ii. 406. Nantz, Edict Revoked, ii. 444. O. Origen, 247—54. 298. Orange, Council at, 461. Oswald, 479. P. Peter, 24. 80—85. Paul, 26—9. 38. 41—76. Poppea, 72. Philemon, 72. Persecutions, Roman, 74. 105. 128. 142. 150. 154. 200. 248. 255—262. 272. 299. &c. Persecutijons, Papal. See Rome, Papal. Parthia, 114. Polycarp, 115. 131.187.239. Patmos, 116. Pliny, 126. Praver, 24. 25. 34. 168. 242—3. 401, 442. ii. 62, Paphos, 26. Parental Instruction, 32. Persia, 457. Pella, 103. Pothinus, 208. Praxeas, 241. Pantaenus, 245 — 7. Presttyters, 291. 296. 314. 329. 383. Poor, 321. Paul of Samosata, 334. Predestination, ii. 328. 351. 377. Pilate, 87. Priscillian, 391. Pelagianism, 429. Patrick, 451. Phocas, 482. Pelagius of Spain, ii. 5. Pepin, ii. 9. Paulicians, ii. 15. 45. Peter the Hermit, ii. 33. Pool, ii. 387. Parker, ii. 406. Puritans, ii. 417. 428. 433. 451. Protestant Episcopal Church, ii. 465. Q. 482 INDEX^ R. Rome, Heathen, 68—76. Rome, 273—6. 287. Readers, 287. Rome, as Antichrist, 459. ii. 6. 7. &c. &c. through great part ot the Second Vohime. Ravenna, ii. 9. Rome, Papal, its Persecutions, ii. 15. through great part of the Second Volume. Russia, ii. 19. Ridley, ii. 378. 386. 391. Rogers, ii. 387. Spirit, Influences of, 13—16. 23. 112. 136. 202—3. 220. 236—7. 267—8. Saul, 20—21. Simeon, 104. 150. Schism, 108. Simon Magus, 19. Syrian Christians, 114. ii. 474. Scythia, 114. Stachys, 114. Sadducees, 15, 16. Smyrna, 150, 187. Severus, 248. 262. Sabellianism, 323. Socinianism, 326. Saints, Worship of, ii. 16. Sweden, ii. 20. Simon of Montfort, ii. 75 — 6. Switzerland, ii. 331. Servetus, ii. 349. Six Articles, ii. 368. Scotland, ii. 368. Sunday Sports, ii. 424. Societies in England, ii. 449 Societies, ii. 471. Sunday Schools, ii. 473. Timothy, 32. 45. 75. Tacitus, 74. Titus, 45. 90. Thomas, 114. Trajan, 125—8. 130. 151. Tertuliian, 240. Trinity. See Divinity of Chnst, (liid Spirit also, 240. 441. Theatres, 310. Theodosius, 398. Trosle, Council of, ii. 22. Theophylact, ii. 25. Transubstantiation, ii. 16. 48. 131. Tracts, ii. 473. Tetzel. ii. 218. Taylor, Dr., ii. 389. Urban, ii. 33 — 5. U. V. Vienna, 201. Victor, 231. Valentinian and Valens, 381 . W. Waldo, ii. 48—52. Waldenses, ii. 48 — 87. Wickliff, ii. 113—125- Wesselus, ii. 204. Wolsey, ii. 354. Whitgift, ii. 413. Westminster Assembly, it. 429. Zisca, ii. 188. Zuingle, ii. 331. Z. JL' "*# >-. €