Division HULDRICH ZWINQLI. FROM A WEZZOTINT BY R. HOUSTON. HULDREICH ZWINGLI THE REFORMER OF GERMAN SWITZERLAND 1484-1531 BY •^f? 2 1935 SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY, NEW YORK UNIVERSITY TOGETHER WITH An Historical Survey of Switzerland before the Reforma- tion, by Prof. John Martin Vincent, Johns Hopkins University ; and a Chapter on Zwingli's Theology by Prof. Frank Hugh Foster, University of California SECOND EDITION, REVISED G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK AND LONDON ^be Iknickerbocker press 1903 *s.' Copyright, xqoo BV SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON tCbe Ihnicherbocher iPreee. mew lliorft TO MY BROTHER ,A a1 PREFACE IN 1872 or 1873, the author, who was at that time a student in the Union Theological Seminary in New York City, heard that most inspiring teacher, Professor Roswell D wight Hitchcock, say, in passing, while lecturing on Church history, that Zwingli's theory of the Lord's Supper was ** a low, thin view," and that Zwingli himself was ** a much- neglected man." These remarks turned the author's attention to Zwingli, and ever since he has been interested in him. In 1895, the author projected the series upon " The Heroes of the Reformation." It was taken up by the present publishers in January, 1896. The author began this book on the loth of February of that year, but composition upon it has been fre- quently interrupted and the manuscript laid aside for months at a time. Its sources are fully revealed in the references and notes. Of these sources the chief have been the letters by and to Zwingli, filling two volumes in the modern edition of his complete works ; the contemporary history of the Reformation in Switzerland by Heinrich Bullinger, the successor of Zwingli; the Acts of the Council of the City of Zurich during the period covered by the volume, and the similar collection of the Acts of the Councils VI Preface in other cities for the same period. These scource- studies have been made independently but under the direction of the three biographies of ZwingH worthy of the name and of their theme, viz., those by Raget Christoffel (Elberfeld, 1857; excellent EngHsh trans- lation by John Cochran, Edinburgh, 1858), by Johann Caspar Moerikofer (Leipzig, 1867-69, two volumes), and by Rudolf Staehelin (Basel, 1895-97, two vol- umes); and to these works the author would here pay his tribute of profound respect. He could not have written this book without them. Like Staehe- lin he has built his book upon the Zwingli corre- spondence, but he had adopted this plan before he began to read Staehelin. Much help has also been afforded by the monographs quoted in the notes, and especially by Zivingliana (Zurich, 1897, sqq.^^ the semi-yearly organ of Zwingli studies, started and ably carried on by the enthusiastic and thor- oughly competent Zwingli student. Professor Egli, of the University of Zurich. This book is a biography of Zwingli. The text is intended to give to the general reader the principal facts of his life, while the numerous notes, exciirsiiSy and references are intended for special students. It is also as much as possible matter of fact. Few statements in it are in the least conjectural, and nothing has been put into it in the way of rhetoric or to occupy space. The author has tried to be im- partial and certainly has avoided eulogy. The book is also restricted to the work of its subject, and is not a history of the Reformation in Zurich — much less in Switzerland — except so far as Zwingli was Preface Vll directly active in it. Moreover, it is not an exposi- tion of Zwingli's theology, philosophy, and ethics, for almost all that the volume contains on those themes is found in Professor Foster's chapter and in the Appendix. When the volume was begun the author had the design to publish a complete English translation of the writings of Zwingli. To this end he had a com- plete translation made of the Zwingli correspond- ence and of a number of the treatises. It is not now at all likely that the project spoken of will be carried out, except in a partial way, but the author is able, through the generosity of his publishers, to include in this volume Zwingli's sermon which was the first printed defence of the Reformation already begun in Zurich, translated by Prof. Lawrence A. McLouth of the New York University; and Zwingli's Con- fession of Faith, the last in the translation of the Rev. Prof. Dr. H. E. Jacobs, Dean of the Lutheran Theological Seminary, Philadelphia, Pa., by his kind permission. Li this connection the author calls attention to Professor Reichenbach's trans- lation of Zwingli's *' Christian Education of Youth " (Collegeville, Pa., Thompson Brothers, 1899), and to the announcement that the Department of His- tory of the University of Pennsylvania will pub- lish shortly after the appearance of this volume several treatises of Zwingli's which the author had translated for his projected complete translation mentioned above, namely: L From the Zurich German, by Lawrence A. McLouth, Professor of German in New York viii Preface University: (i) the Acts of the First Zurich Dispu- tation, January 23, 1523, between representatives of the Bishop of Constance, the local clergy, and Zwingli, wherein the proposed Reformation was first set forth, attacked, and defended ; (2) Zwingli's Marriage Ordinance of May 10, 1525. II. From the Latin by Henry Preble : (i) Zwingli's account of the visit of the delegation from the Bishop of Constance on April 7-9, 1522, to investigate the rising reform movement in Zurich ; (2) The petition of certain of the Zurich clergy, written by Zwingli, to the Bishop of Constance, to be allowed freely to preach the Gospel, and more especially to marry (1522); (3) Zwingli's ''Refuta- tion of the tricks of the Catabaptists " (1527). To these he hopes in the near future to add several others, and the translation from the Latin he made himself of the life of Zwingli by Oswald Myconius, Zwingli's bosom friend and ardent ad- mirer. It is interesting but defective, and its state- ments need to be controlled by later researches. In order to get local colouring and photographs and to see Zwingli manuscripts, the author made, in the summer of 1897, a special journey to all the places in Switzerland which are associated with Zwingli, and also to Marburg in Hesse. An account of this journey appeared in the New York Evangelist ^ for June 9, 1898. The four years of intimate association with Zwingli which the author has enjoyed have greatly increased his respect for the man. But though Zwingli has won his high regard, he is unable, through his own Preface ix inability, perhaps, to appreciate greatness, to value him so highly as some do. He does not put him in the front rank of the great men of the world, nor in Reformation history on equality with Luther and Calvin. His defects are patent; his hterary work is so frequently marred by haste that while it served its immediate ends well it has less interest for the after world ; in his treatment of the Baptists he fol- lowed only conventional lines and was prejudiced and cruel— the author is himself not a Baptist — his jealousy of Luther was a mark of weakness ; in the latter part of his life he was more a politician than he should have been. But on the other hand he led the Reformation movement in German Swit- zerland, and spent his days in the service of his conception of the truth. He was a generous, self- sacrificing, lovable character, whose politico-religious writings reveal the stalwart Swiss who could not be bribed to silence, the man who saw clearly the cause of his country's decline, but who loved his country in spite of all her faults with a passionate devotion, and for her sake laid down his life. It is as a man, as an indefatigable worker, as a broad-minded scholar, as an approved player of a large part on a small stage, that the author admires Zwingli and commends him to others. Whether he was right in his theology the author does not here discuss ; nor is he at all concerned to expound and defend his distinctive teachings. But he believes that if the four great continental Reformers — Luther, Melanch- thon, Zwingli, and Calvin — should appear to-day, the one among them who would have to do least X Preface to adapt himself to our modern ways of thought, and the man who would soonest gather an enthusi- astic following, would be Huldreich Zwingli, the Reformer of German Switzerland. It remains now to acknowledge with hearty thanks the co-operation of a number of persons among whose friends the author would fain ask to be numbered. First of all he must give his thanks to the authors of the introductory and supplementary chapters, Professors Vincent and Foster respect- ively, both of whom have greatly increased the value of the volume by their labours. Professor Vincent has won a reputation as a student of Swiss history, and he embodies in his chapter much original research. Professor Foster studied his theme afresh for the book, and gives here his maturest thought upon it. Next he would thank Mr. Henry Preble of New York City and Prof. George William Gil- more of Bangor Theological Seminary, and his col- league, Prof. Lawrence A. McLouth of the New York University, for the translations which have been already mentioned in this Preface. He considers himself particularly fortunate in securing such su- perior scholars to join him in these Zwingli studies, and he adds that those who will take the pains to compare these translations with the originals will be impressed with their fidelity and liveliness. He thanks also Rev. Prof. Dr. Henry E. Jacobs for per- mission to reprint his translation of Zwingli's Con- fession of Faith ; the Rev. Dr. James Isaac Good, of Reading, Pennsylvania, the historian of the German Reformed Church, for the loan of several photo- Preface xi graphs, from his large collection, for illustration of this volume; Hermann Escher, Ph.D., City Librar- ian of Zurich, for permission to have two pages of Zwingli's manuscript copy of the Pauline Epistles photographed, and for information upon some points utilised in this volume ; Prof. Emil Egli, Ph.D., D.D., of the theological faculty of the University of Zurich, for permission to reproduce the plan of the battle of Cappel from his monograph upon it, and to the publishers for their permission also ; Rev. Charles Ripley Gillett, D.D., L.H.D., Librarian of the Union Theological Seminary, New York City, and Judge Henry W. Bookstaver, of the same city, for the loan of books ; and Rev. Nathaniel Weiss, the deeply learned Secretary of the French Protestant Society in Paris, for the gift of several Zwingli pamphlets. He would also make his general ac- knowledgments to those who have expressed interest in his work, and assure them that the shortcomings of this volume are not due to any shirking of work nor curtailing of expenditure of time, money, and thought to find out the facts. The author trusts that this attempt to present the life and work of Zwingli will do something to rescue him frorn the neglect into which he has fallen, and bring him into greater prominence. Samuel Macauley Jackson, New York City, December 15, 1900. CONTENTS Preface PAGE V Some Indispensable Aids to the Study of ZwiNGLi xvii Introductory Chapter by J. M. Vincent: An Historical Survey 3 CHAPTER I. Childhood and Youth. 1484-1506 ... 49 Excursus on Zimnglfs Parents^ Uncles^ Broth- erSy and Sisters ...... 60 CHAPTER II. At Glarus. 1506-15 16 68 Excursus on ZwhtglVs Correspondence in Gen- eral^ and on that of the Glarean Period in Particular 91 CHAPTER III. At Einsiedeln. 15 16-15 18 .... 94 Excursus on ZwinglVs Papal Pension . .114 CHAPTER IV. Opening Year in Zurich. 1519 . . . 117 Excursus: I. On ZwingW s Autographic Paul- inus, i. e., Self-made Transcript of the Paul- ine Epistles 135 XIV Contents PAGE //. On ZwitigW s Preachi?ig against the Pen- sioners and Pensions . . . . .136 ///. On the Allusions to Luther in the Zwingli Correspondence of i^ig . . . .139 CHAPTER V. Preparing for the Reformation. 1520-1521 . 144 CHAPTER VI. The Reformation Begins. 1522 . . . 158 CHAPTER VII. The Reformation Defended (the First Dis- putation). 1523 179 CHAPTER VIII. The Reformation Established (the Second Disputation). 1523-1525 .... 199 CHAPTER IX. Gerold Meyer von Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus. 1523 211 CHAPTER X. The Reformation in Zurich Completed (Mass Abolished). 1524 222 CHAPTER XI. Public Marriage and Letters of 1524 . . 231 CHAPTER XII. The Inner Course of the Zurich Reforma- tion. 1522-1530 238 Contents xv CHAPTER XIII. PACK The Final Stage of the Zwinglian Reform- ation. 1524-1529 266 CHAPTER XIV. The First Cappel War and the Colloquy of Marburg. 1529 299 CHAPTER XV. Zwingli's Political Activity in his Closing Years. 1529-1531 .... 323 CHAPTER XVI. The Last Year of Zwingli's Life. 1531 . 336 Sl^plementary Chapter by F. H. Foster: Zwingli's Theology, Philosophy, and Ethics 365 Appendix, i. On the Selection of Foods . 404 2. Zwingli's Confession of Faith, 452 Index 485 ILLUSTRATIONS HULDREICH zwiNGLi . . . Frontispiece From a painting SCHOOL SIGN 36 From a photograph. ZWINGLl'S BIRTHPLACE, WILDHAUS . . . -SO From a photograph. VIEW OF WESEN, WHERE ZWINGLl'S BOYHOOD WAS SPENT . 54 From a photograph. VIEW OF THE RHINE AT BASEL . . . .5^ From a photograph. WILDHAUS, LOOKING SOUTH, SHOWING VIEW OF CHURFIRSTEN 64 From a photograph. VIEW OF RAPPERSWYL IN ZWINGLl's DAY . . 68 From an old print. GENERAL VIEW OF GLARUS 7^ From a photograph. THE CHURCH AT GLARUS WHEREIN ZWINGLI PREACHED 88 From an old print. VIRGIN AND CHILD IN CHAPEL AT EINSIEDELN . IO4 From Ringholz"s Einsiedeln. EINSIEDELN, I^O From a contemporary drawiug. xvii xvIII Illustrations PAGE EINSIEDELN CHAPEL OF THE VIRGIN AS IN ZWING- LI'S DAY 1 16 From Ringholz's Einsiedeln. ZWINGLI'S COMMUNION CUP AT GLARUS . . . I20 From a photograph. FAC-SIMILE OF TWO PAGES IN ZWINGLl's AUTO- GRAPHIC PAULINUS 136 From a photograph. OLD ZURICH 162 From an old print. THE GREAT COUNCIL'S HALL AT ZURICH, WHERE THE RELIGIOUS DISPUTATIONS OF JAN. 29 AND OCT. 26, 1523, WERE HELD .... 186 From an old print. THE GREAT MINSTER, ZURICH 202 From a photograph. THE TAMINA GORGE IN WHICH BAD PFAEFERS IS LOCATED 216 From a photograph. ZURICH FROM THE QUAY BRIDGE .... 260 From a photograph. BERN CATHEDRAL 280 From a photograph. PRIEST CONVERTED AT THE PREACHING OF ZWINGLI IN BERN 286 From a picture. FAC-SIMILE OF A LETTER BY ZWINGLI, SEPT. 3, I528, 304 MARBURG CASTLE 312 From a photograph. MARBURG CASTLE, INTERIOR. THE APARTMENT IN WHICH THE COLLOQUY WAS HELD . . . 322 From a photograph. Illustrations xix PAGE BASEL CATHEDRAL 334 From a photograph. ZWINGLI DEPARTING FOR THE BATTLE OF CAPPEL 354 From a picture. PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF CAPPEL, OCT. II, 1531 . 356 From the plan made by Prof. Egli. ZWINGLl'S DAUGHTER REGULA AND HIS GRAND- DAUGHTER 360 From a picture. ZWINGLl'S HELMET, SWORD, AND SO-CALLED BATTLE- AXE 380 From a photograph. ZWINGLl'S MEMORIAL ON THE SITE OF HIS DEATH, 404 From a photograph. THE ZWINGLI STATUE IN ZURICH, UNVEILED IN 1885 452 From a photograph. ST. Peter's, basel, in which zwingli once held a BENEFICE 470 From a photograph. MAP OF GERMAN SWITZERLAND . End of Volume Specially drawn for this work. SOME INDISPENSABLE AIDS TO THE STUDY OF ZWINGLI FOR A FULL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ZWINGLI FiNSLER, Georg. Ziuingli- Bibliographie . Verzeichniss der gedruckie7i Schriftefi von u?id iiber Ulrich Ziuitigli. Zurich : Orell Fiissli, 1897. for zwingli's works HuLD REICH Zwingli's Werke. Erste vollstd7idige Aus- gabe durch Melchior Schuler und Joh. Schulthess. Zurich : Friedrich Schulthess, 182S-61. 8 vols, in II parts, with Supplement, 8vo. The German writings : vol. i. (1522- March, 1524), 1828, pp. viii., 668 ; vol. ii., ist part (1526- January, 1527), 1830, iv., 506 ; vol. ii., 2nd part (1522- July, 1526), 1822, viii., 531 ; vol. ii., 3rd part (1526-1531), 1841, iv., III. The Latin writings : vol. iii. (1521-1526), 1832, viii., 677 ; vol. iv. (1526 sqq^, 1841, iv., 307 ; vol. v., 1835, iv., 788; vol. vi., 1st part, 1S36, 766; vol. vi., 2nd part, 1838, 340; vol. vii., 1830, viii., 580; vol. viii., 1842, iv., 715. Supplement by Georg Schulthess u. Gaspar Mar- thaler, 1861 (both German and Latin), iv., 74. Vols, v., vi., parts i and 2, contain Zwingli's commentaries, which are on Genesis, Exodus, Psalms, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, Our Lord's Passion, Resurrection, and Ascension, Romans, i and 2 Corinthians, Philippians, Colossians, I and 2 Thessalonians, James, Hebrews, and I John, all in Latin ; vols. vii. and viii. contain the correspond- ence. A new edition of the Complete Works is in preparation. It is greatly needed, although that now extant is worthy of the highest praise. It superseded the two previous editions, the first by Rudolf Gualther, Zwingli's son-in-law, Zurich : Fro- schauer, 1545, 4 vols., 4to ; the second is a reprint, Zurich : Froschauer, 1581, 4 vols., 410. xxii Huldreich Zwingli FOR ZWINGLl's THEOLOGY M. Huldreich ZwinglVs sdinmtliche Schriften im Auszuge. Zurich: Gessner, 1819. 2 vols., 8vo (pp-. xxv., 555, 640). Topically arranged by thorough Zwingli students. Very con- venient to find out exactly what Zwingli said upon any theme, which the ample index enables one to do. The contents are entirely in a modern German translation of the original Latin and old Zurich German. A reprint with references to the Schuler and Schulthess edition of Zwingli mentioned above would be a worthy undertaking. Baur, August. Zwinglis Theologie. Ihr Werden und ihr System. Halle : Max Niemeyer, 1885-89. 2 vols., 8vo (pp. viii., 543 ; ix., 864). The classic work on Zwingli's theology. FOR zwingli's biography Archiv fiir die schzveizerischen Reforiiiationsgeschichte. Herausgegeben auf Veranstaltung des schweizer- ischeii Piusvereins diirch die Direction : Graf Theodor Scherer-Boccard, Friedrich Fiala, Peter Bannwart. Freiburg im Br. : Herder, 1868-75. 3 vols., 8vo (pp. Ixxvi., 856 ; vi., 557 ; vi., 693). These volumes tell the story from the Roman Catholic side. Bullinger, Heinrich. Refori7iatio7isgeschichtenach de?n Autogj-aphon. Herausgegeben auf Veranstaltung der vaterlandisch - historischen Gesellschaft in Zurich von J. J. Hottinger und H. H. Vogeli. Frauenfeld : Ch. Bey el, 1838-40. 3 vols., 8vo (pp. xix., 446 ; viii., 404; viii., 371). Bullinger was Zwingli's successor ; an honest man and a dili- gent collector of authentic material. He wrote in the Zurich Swiss German, which has to be learnt by those familiar only with the modern High German, Aids to the Study of Zwingli xxlli Christoffel, Raget. Huldreich Zwingli. Leben und ausgewdhlte Schriften. Elberfeld : R. L. Friderichs, 1857. 8vo (pp. xiv., 414 ; writings, 351). The same translated by John Cochran : Zioingli ; or. The Rise of the Reformation in Switzerland. A life of the Reformer, with some notices of his ti?ne atid contemporaries, by R. Christof- fel, Pastor of the Reformed Church, Winter sittgen, Switzer- land. Edinburgh : T. & T. Clark, 1858. 8vo (pp. vii., 461). The translation omits entirely the selected writings of Zwing- li, but otherwise is eminently satisfactory. The book itself is topically arranged, and is entirely reliable, but Christoffel gives no references, and so only one familiar with the writings of Zwingli knows whence his numerous and judicious quotations come. Christoffel made the transfusions of Zwingli's treatises into modern High German, referred to below, and in the notes in this book. Egli, Emil. Actensatmnlung zur Geschichte der Zurcher Reformation in den yahren 1519-1533. Mit Unter- stiitzung der Behorden von Canton und Stadt Zurich. Zurich : J. Schabelitz, 1879. 8vo (pp. viii., 947). It is a pity that this book is so scarce. It should be reprinted. It collects innumerable items of great interest to the Zwingli student in the very language of the time, and presents a picture of Zurich life of all kinds by contemporaries. Its composition was a gigantic labour, only possible to youth, enthusiasm, and indefatigable, intelligent industry. MoERiKOFER, JoHANN Caspar. Ulrich ZwingU nach den urkundlichen Qiiellen. Leipzig : S. Herzel, 1867-69. Two parts, 8vo (pp. viii., 351 ; vi., 525). The author knew his subject thoroughly. His matter is ar- ranged in short chapters, his references are mostly to manuscript sources, and singularly few are directly to Zwingli's writings. Myconius, Oswald. Vita Huldrici Zwiiiglii. This is the original life, very interesting but a mete sketch. The best edition is in the Vitce quatnor Reformatorum [Luther by Melanchthon, Melanchthon by Camerarius, Zwingli by Myco- nius, and Calvin by Beza], edited by Neander, Berlin, i84i,pp.i4. xxiv Huldreich Zwingli Staehelin, Rudolf. Huldreich Zwingli. Sein Leben und Wirken^ nach den Quellen dargestellt. Basel : Benno Schwabe, 1895-97. 2 vols., 8vo (pp. viii., 535 ; 540). The author, who died in 1900, was for many years Professor of Theology in the University of Basel and lectured upon Zwing- li. The book has the calm strength of easy mastery of its materials. Only one thing detracts in the smallest degree from its usefulness to students of Zwingli, — the author frequently puts several references to the writings of Zwingli together at the bot- tom of the page in such a way that they are hard to separate. If these references could be assigned to the places where they properly belong, then Staehelin's book would be in all respects beyond criticism. As it is, it will probably retain the first place among lives of Zwingli for years to come — at least until theappear- ance of that new edition of Zwingli's Works so eagerly awaited. Strickler, Johann. Acte7isa7nmlimg zur Schweizer- ischen Reforniationsgeschiclite in den "jF ahren 1^21— 1^32 iin Anschluss an die gleichzeitigen eidgenossischen Abschiede. Zurich : Meyer u. Zeller, 1878-84. 5 vols., 8vo. Vol. i. (1521-1528), pp. vii., 724; vol. ii. (1529-1530), 819; vol. iii. (1531, Jan. -Oct. 11), 647 ; vol. iv. (1531, Oct. 11,- Dec, 1532), 736; vol. V. (1521-1532), 172, with bibliographical appendix, 8r, Here are presented the raw materials of history in the shape of documents of all descriptions, chronologically arranged, as in Egli. The labour of compiling these volumes must have been immense. VoGELiN, J. K., Gerold Meyer von Knonau, and others. Historisch-geographischer Atlas der Schiveiz in 75 Bldttern. Zurich : F. Schulthess, 1868. 2nd ed., 1870. Folio. Vogelin, Salomon. Das alte Zurich. Zurich : Orell, Fues & Co., 1828. New ed., much enlarged, 1878- 90. 2 vols., 8vo (pp. xvii., 671 ; viii., 788). Invaluable, but so peculiarly arranged that consultation is difficult. Aids to the Study of Zwingli xxv FOR THE LATEST ZWINGLI RESEARCHES Zwingliana. Mittheilungen ziir Geschichte Zwinglis und der Refortnation. Herausgegeben von der Vereinigung fiir das Zwinglimuseum in Zurich. Zurich, 1897 sqq. Two parts a year, edited by that tireless Zwingli student and scholar. Professor Emil Egli. Every Zwingli student should subscribe for it. ZWINGLI TRANSLATIONS Zeitgemdsse Auswahl aus Huldreich Zwingli' s practischen Schriften. Aus dem Alt-Deutschen und Lateinischen in*s Schriftdeutsche ubersetzt und mit den nothwendigsten geschichtlichen Erlduterungen versehen, von R. Chris- toffel, V.D.M. Zurich: Meyer u. Zeller, 1843-1846. 12 parts. TITLE OF THE SELECTION 1. Das Wort Gottes 2. Christliche Einleitung 3. Der Hirt 4. Das Predigtamt 5. Die Taufe 6. Das Abendmahl 7. Eine gottliche Ermahnung an die ehrsamen Eidgenossen zu Schwyz, das sie sich vor fremden Herren hiiten S; Eine ernstliche Ermahnung an die Eidgenos- sen, das sie sich nicht durch die List ihrer Feinde in Schaden bringen lassen 9. Auslegen und^ Begriindung der Schlussreden oder Artikei 10. Die gottliche und die menschliche Gerechtig- keit 11. Wer Ursache gebe zum Aufruhr, wer die wahren Anfriihrer seien, und wie man zu christlicher Einigkeit und Frieden gelangen moge 12. Eine kurze Unterweisung wie man die Jugend in guten Sitten und Christlicher Zucht erziehen und Lehren solle PL^ ICE IN THE COMPLETE WORKS I. I. I. II. IL II. 53-82 542-565 632-668 I, 304-336 I, 230-303 I, 427-468 II. 2, 287-298 II. 2, 315-326 I. 170-424 I. 426-458 II. I, 376-425 IV. 149-158 XXVI Huldreich Zwingli Translations of more or less complete selections into modern high German are given by R. Christoffel in the Appendix to his biography as mentioned above, and by C. Sigvi^art in the Ap- pendix to his sketch of Zvv^ingli (in Die vier Reformatoren, Stutt- gart, 1862), pp. 336-406 ; of especial interest is the first Bernese sermon in 1528, pp. 381-405 ; the second Bernese sermon is translated by R. Nesselmann {Buck der Fredigten, Elbing, 1858), pp. 689-692. In old English translations appeared of Zwingli's "Confession of Faith," two translations (Zurich, March, 1543, and by Thomas Cotsforde, Geneva, 1555); of his " Pastor," London, 1550; of his " Certain Precepts," [which is the same as "The Christian Education of Youth " and " Eine kurze Unterweisung," mentioned on previous pages] London, 1548 ; and " Short Pathway to the Right and True Understanding of the Holy and Sacred Scriptures," [i.e., Zwingli's sermon on the Word of God,] Worcester, 1550, translated by John Veron. The modern English translations are mentioned in the Preface to this biography and in the notes. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER SWITZERLAND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY v'' By JOHN MARTIN VINCENT, Ph.D., Associate Professor in Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland SWITZERLAND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY AT the close of the fifteenth century the travel- ler in Switzerland would have found the pre- vailing races and languages firmly established in the places which they occupy to-day, but the people were not bound together by the same ties of govern- ment. Germans in the north and east, French in the west and south had long grown fast to the rocky soil, but they were grouped in small independent States, and lived under most diverse political condi- tions. For a long time there had existed a Swiss Confederation, but this did not include a consider- able number of the present members. Yet it must be said that most of the territory now known as Switzerland was in some manner attached to it by friendly alliances and by ties of common interest, so that in relation to outside nations they all stood together. The distinguishing feature of the Con- federation was, however, the feebleness of its unity within and the absolute independence of the separate States in matters of law and government. This fact had much to do with the history of the Reformation in Switzerland. So also had the previous history of some of the prominent States and cities. 3 4 Huldreich..Zwingli The Swiss Confederation began in a union of three small German cantons in the centre of the country, all of them touching upon the Lake of Lucerne. At the outset this was a league of pastoral republics, whose wild and mountainous territory was not over thirty-five miles square. To this nucleus, however, were soon added neighbouring districts and cities, till, in the year 1353, they became the ** League of Eight." For a century and a quarter this was the extent of the Confederation. Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Zug, Glarus, Lucerne, Zu- rich, and Bern were the members of the Union during the heroic struggle for freedom from the German Empire. Although they enjoyed the friendly assistance of others, this was also the ex- tent of the Confederation in the " glorious period " of the Burgundian wars, when Charles the Bold was defeated in 1476, and when, for a time, these mountaineers became the arbiters of Europe. Just at the opening of the sixteenth century the number of confederated cantons was increased to thirteen by the addition of Basel, Schaffhausen, and Appen- zell, while States like Geneva, Neuchatel, and the Grisons remained in the position of friendly allies. Part of this Confederation consisted of rural democracies engaged in pastoral or agricultural pursuits and governing themselves with most com- plete democracy. The other members were flourish- ing city States, like Bern, Lucerne, Zurich, and Basel, whose municipal population followed com- merce and industry with varying intensity, and whose governments were more or less aristocratiq. An Historical Survey 5 The original mountain States enjoyed the proud distinction of having founded Swiss freedom, but by this time the leadership in State policy as well as in general civilisation lay with the cities. Among these Zurich and Bern were pre-eminent in political influence. Toward the cities the rural cantons exhibited a jealousy which had for a long time prevented any additions to the Confederation and afterward caused trouble in federal politics. It was feared that the cities would endeavour to absorb the powers of the rural States, or, by their votes in the Diet, enact measures oppressive to the country people. This suspicion was not without some foundation, for the governments of the cities had been in the habit of treating the rural population of their own territories with less consideration. They often discriminated against the industry and productions of the people outside the walls of the towns and gave the city dwellers superior rights. On the other hand, the city States were greater in population, wealth, and intelligence, but the great city of Bern had no more votes in the Con- federation than the tiny democracy of Uri. Friction naturally followed, and occasionally there were open hostilities, followed by armed conflict. At times there were recriminations by means of duties on goods and by shutting off routes of transportation. On both sides great selfishness had been displayed, but the small cantons had been, on the whole, more obstinate, for they had, at times, nearly sacrificed the Confederation to maintain their local interests. ; 6 Huldreich Zwingli Hence we may expect to find great contrasts be- tween the actions of the various parts of Switzer- land when new doctrines of religion upheave the established order of thinking. The great arena of political action was the federal congress, called the Diet, which met at stated in- tervals in the various large cities alternately. This Diet was an assembly of delegates from the various cantons, who came together to deliberate and to pass resolutions on matters of common interest. The passing of resolutions and recommendations was in reality the limit of their legislative power, for the delegations could not vote finally without the consent of their home governments. No act could be passed without the unanimous consent of all the cantons, and when a law was enacted there was no central government to enforce it. The execution of the laws was left to the cantonal governments, and there was no one to punish infraction except the offenders themselves. Consequently federal laws were obeyed in those States which saw fit to enforce them. Federal government, therefore, was a system of treaties and agreements chiefly touching foreign relations. The welfare of the citizen lay in the hands of his canton. To that he owed his alle- giance and patriotic devotion, and from that he ob- tained protection in the enjoyment of his liberties. The history of the reformation in the Church revolves about the fact that each State determined for itself the form of worship in its own territory. In spite of this independent sovereignty, however, the An Historical Survey 7 political destiny of the nation lay, in considerable measure, in the hands of the Diet, for agreements with foreign Powers were made by that assembly. Mercenary Service At the beginning of the sixteenth century the Swiss were much courted by foreign governments desiring mercenary soldiers, and foreign ambassadors were constantly appearing before the authorities with weighty requests. A meeting of the Diet in 1 5 12 at the city of Baden may serve as an example. The minutes for August ii. inform us that on that day in the hall of assembly the deputy of the Duke of Lorraine read a message respecting the passage of soldiers through that province. A representative of the Pope presented to the Confederation a sword, a hat, and two banners, together with privileges contained in a Bull, as honourable rewards for faith- ful services. An ambassy from the King of Spain requested that the Confederation should join in the league which had been formed between the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Republic of Venice. An ambassy from the Duke of Savoy hoped that former agreements with him would be maintained. Imperial ambassadors desired the confederates to join in a campaign in Burgundy. A motion was offered on the relations of the Confederation to the Duchy of Milan. An ambassy from the Republic of Venice desired to negotiate a treaty with the Swiss, and received answer that the conflict between the Emperor and the Venetians must be smoothed over before the Diet could consider the matter. On 8 Huldreich Zwingli the following day further hearings were given to these Powers, and proposals were entertained which involved cessions of territory and large pecuniary rewards for military services. Thus we may see that the Swiss at the turning of the century were not an obscure people, busied only with their own affairs. They were for the moment a European Power, whose good-will and services were sedulously courted. The soldiers of Switzer- land fought in the armies of all the great States, sometimes on one side and sometimes on another, and were even found in opposing camps. The effects of this upon politics and morality were far reaching, for the Swiss at this time were not fight- ing for independence, nor in self-defence, but for the mercenary rewards of the employing Powers. The Diet was not the only authority brought in contact with foreign monarchs. Its meeting was a convenient place to negotiate with all Switzer- land at once, but it was necessary to deal with the cantonal governments also. Every little capital or legislature was approached by foreign emissaries on the subject of miHtary aid. Enlistment was carried on by the States themselves, and contracts were made with foreign governments for the services of the companies required. Induced by the high pay and opportunities for plunder, the hardy mountain- eers eagerly ventured into any war. The demoral- ising effects of this system appeared not alone among the soldiery and in private life. Official corruption was universal, and was taken so much as a matter of course that it brought no disgrace to public men. An Historical Survey 9 In order to gain favour with these statesmen, foreign monarchs vied with each other in granting subsidies, pensions, and special bribes. Persons in authority even accepted gifts from two or more Powers at the same time, and voted for the side which appeared the more profitable. Patriotism sank to a very low ebb, and statesmanship was busier with its rewards than with its duties. Money flowed into the country through numerous channels. There was the bounty to the State itself for its contingent, then the pensions to the statesmen for granting the same, followed by the pay of the soldiers themselves, and such plunder as they might have captured or ransomed while away. When the size and number of the mercenary contingents are taken into consideration, it will be seen that a large proportion of the population was in greater or less degree dependent on the foreign subsidies. The effect of this was not slow in coming. Even before the beginning of the sixteenth cen- tury the lawmakers, both cantonal and federal, had been conscious of the evil, and had been endeavour- ing to check enlistment in foreign service. The Diet repeatedly passed resolutions on the subject, but these were for the most part feeble attempts to prevent irregular and unofficial enlistments. For example, in 1479, ^^ '^^^.s resolved that every canton should require its soldiers to take oath not to go privately into foreign war. Some thought that offenders should be punished with death. The ter- ritorial governors were ordered to capture and im- prison all soldiers who had been fighting under the lo Huldreich Zwingli German Emperor, and to hold them till they should pay five pounds fine and should take oath not to enlist without permission of the authorities. In 1488, the German Emperor, on his side, requested the confederates not to allow their soldiers to enlist in France without permission. The Governor of Baden was ordered to punish soldiers returning from France with ten pounds fine or imprisonment. In 1492, another ordinance against unauthorised enlist- ment recommended a fine with imprisonment on bread and water.* From time to time complaints were brought against the cantonal governments because they did not suppress ** running away to war," and, on the other hand, cantons asked aid of the confederates to suppress the evil. Yet the anxiety seems to have been caused more by the irregularities than by the mercenary system itself. In 1498, a petition was re- ceived from Swiss soldiers serving against France in the armies in Burgundy requesting that no con- tingents from the Confederation be allowed to fight against them. The same Diet received an ambassy from the Emperor of Germany with a mission to disentangle other complications arising from simul- taneous enlistment in the service of that country. The root of the evil was discovered in due time, ' The acts of the Diet are to be found in the Amtliche Sar/wihing der Eidgenossischen Abschiede, 1245-1798, in 8 vols., 4to, published by the Swiss Federal Government. These documents are not ex- actly minutes of the Diet, but instructions given to the delegates at the adjournment of each meeting as to what they should refer to their home governments. Citations may be traced by the dates. An Historical Survey ii but It was difficult to work any reform, for the law- makers themselves were entangled. The acceptance of pensions from foreign governments was common among the statesmen of all countries at this time. Public sentiment did not appear to frown on the practice unless in flagrant cases of disloyalty. Hence it is not surprising that the evil consequences were not immediately condemned in Switzerland. Furthermore, the military profession was a welcome career to the hard-worked peasantry of every can- ton, and offered rich and rapid rewards in place of the slow returns of ordinary labour. The time came, however, when good citizens, observing the moral effect of these things, en- deavoured not only to regulate enlistment but to suppress the pension system entirely. Resolutions, offered from time to time, condemned the practice and urged the States to prohibit the entrance of pension money into their borders. A notable ex- ample of this was an agreement brought forward in the Diet of July, 1503. The cantons were asked to enforce a law to this effect : "That no one in the Confederation, whether he be townsman, countryman, or subject peasant, clerical or layman, noble or unnoble, rich or poor, of whatever rank or condition, shall from this day on receive from emperors, kings, princes, lords, or cities, spiritual or temporal powers, or from anyone whomsoever, any pen- sion, service money, provision, allowance, salary, or gifts, whether this come to himself or through his wife, children, servants, or others, whereby it come to his use, either secretly or openly." 12 Huldreich Zwingli Any person who shall be convicted of disobedience to this order shall be *' forever removed from the honours and offices which he may have, and shall not be employed in honourable af- fairs, as in courts of justice, councils, embassies, and such matters, but from that hour on he shall be arrested by the proper authorities and punished in person and goods as they may think best." Although this resolution was accepted by all the cantons, it was not an easy matter to enforce, for the enlistment itself was not stopped. According to the same act, recruiting must be official, and only irregular running away to war was to be punished. The pensions went on as before, and in a few years the law was abrogated by a resolution to allow the cantons to do as they pleased. In the Italian campaigns of the first two decades of the sixteenth century the Swiss suffered severe losses in men, but the effect of this was to bring more money into the country, for soldiers were harder to obtain. In consequence of the treaties entered into between 1516 and 1521 Switzerland was deluged with coin. From France there were annual subsidies of 3000 livres to each of the can- tons, and to the Confederation as a whole a sum of 700,000 crowns was offered in one payment as in- demnity for the wars of 15 13 and 15 15. At the same time the Duke of Milan agreed to pay 150,000 ducats at once and 40,000 ducats annually. Besides these sums there were subsidies from Austria and from the Pope. Although these promises were not An Historical Survey 13 always punctually fulfilled, nevertheless a constant stream of foreign gold poured into the valleys of Helvetia.' The effect of the military service was brutalising. The foreign gold so easily obtained brought with it corruption of morals.- The chronicler Anshelm of Bern, writing about the year 1500, complains bit- terly of the changes seen in the manners and customs of the people. To be sure, he excites himself over many unessential matters of dress, but they all in- dicate to him a passion for extravagance and luxury leading to moral debasement. Such were shaggy hats with many ostrich plumes for men, cloth from London and Lombardy, long coats with many folds, silk jackets even for peasants, parti-coloured stock- ings, slashed shoes with rings on the toes, silver pipes, and silk sashes. To his mind all these go with gambling, disorderly shouting, extravagant dances, overmuch eating, and the consumption of foreign wines, confections, and spices. Rich men built themselves great houses with high glass wind- ows full of painted coats of arms. Women, like- wise, must have costly dresses and ornaments, " and as these expensive manners have increased, so in the same measure have increased the lust for honours and goods, trickery and unfaithfulness, unbelief, haughti- ness, pride, debauchery, scorn, and with them all arts for gaining money, especially those things which serve the ' The sums above mentioned have a present silver value of about $1,871,600, but the purchase power was many times greater at the beginning of the sixteenth century. 14 Huldreich Zwingli tongue [palate] and trades which are serviceable to luxurious pride." * Opinions of Foreigners The opinions of certain foreign observers of the time are not flattering. For instance, Balcus, an ambassador from Milan, wrote between the years 1500 and 1504 a description of the Confederation, in which the annoyances of a foreigner are mingled with valuable impressions of the people.'' Coming from the bright skies of Italy and from the higher civilisation of the southern cities, it is not to be ex- pected that the Italians would be altogether pleased with their mountain neighbours. Says Balcus: "Although the Swiss are altogether unhewn barbarians, yet they live among themselves according to certain laws which they consider so holy that no one dare to break or overstep them, because it is a crime to have broken them even in the slightest. Our civil law, how- ever, our good manners and honourable customs, and, what is worse, their own laws and ordinances respecting other nations, they do not themselves observe at all, be- cause they are without fidelity, uprightness, and hu- manity ; but they seize rudely everything before them, building upon obstinacy, not upon wisdom." " When they start out to war they swear a solemn oath that every man who sees one of his comrades desert, or ' Anshelm, Berner-Chronik (Anno, 1503). Oechsli, Quellenbuch, ii., 464. 2 Balcus, Descriptio Ilehctiir, edited by Bernouilli for Quellen zuf Schweizergeschichte, vi., 78- Oechsli, Qiiellenbuchy ii., 470. An Historical Survey 15 act the coward in battle, will cut him down on the spot, for they believe that the courage and persistency of warriors is greater when they, out of fear of death, do not fear death." " In peace, however, and when one citizen brings complaints against another citizen, they bind themselves also by an oath, for, if they have any business with one another and fall into strife, as it often happens, and seize their weapons or begin to curse each other, if then another party comes forward, places himself in their midst, and begs them to lay down the weapons and to talk over the matter in peace, and commands them to be peaceful, and if one of the contending parties will not hearken, the man who offers himself as a peacemaker is bound by oath to kill him, and that without punishment." " They begin a battle after they have formed their phalanx according to the old methods of war, and stead- fast and fearless, they are almost indifferent to life and death. In court they judge not according to the written laws but according to common custom, and believe that nothing is more favourable to justice than a quick judg- ment, wherefore they overthrow the procedures and sentences of court. To curse God and heavenly things is regarded by them as a crime worthy of death, and if any one of them is prosecuted they do not allow any pity to prevent him from being punished according to the law." " Although accustomed to robbery yet the people have an extravagant generosity to the poor. The scholars in the study of Latin, if there are any such, beg their living with singing. Their stately but remarkably extravagant daily meals they spin out to great length, so that they spend two to three hours at table eating their many dishes and barbarous spices with much noise and con- i6 Huldreich Zwingli versation. They show ill-will against those who despise this kind of table pleasure." *' When princely ambassadors arrive, the heads of the city, or certain ones from the council, visit them imme- diately to give them greeting. At breakfast or supper there is a continual crowd around them, including not only the invited or important persons in office, but with these many insignificant people. All these the ambassadors must receive in a friendly way and feed them richly, otherwise they will be followed with per- petual hate and ill-will. In among these will creep also clowns and jugglers and whoever understands amusing arts, and one must receive this kind of people, admire their wit, and before going away must leave them some kind of a present or reward for their art. Furthermore ihe council is accustomed to send to every ambassador, daily, several measures of wine at the hours for breakfast and supper. The persons who bring these things are rewarded by the receiver of the gift with a small gold- piece, and at his departure with at least one more gold- piece. Whereupon the whole expense is charged to public good and advantage." " Custom allows that women, who on account of the beauty of their faces and the attraction of their persons are uncommonly lovable, may be embraced and kissed anywhere and by anybody without distinction.* The cultivation of the intellect is rare and the noble virtues receive no honour. This low-born people, this lot of peasants, born in mountains and woods and brought up in a narrow hole, have begun to play the lord in Europe, and think nothing of enlarging the borders of their own dominion if anyone allows them the opportunity to do ' Erasmus says this was true in England at the time (Letter to Anderlin, Epis.^ Ixv., quoted by Froude, Life and Letters^ p. 45). An Historical Survey 17 so. Moreover, there is no doubt that wars, peace, the victories and the misfortunes of famous kings, depend upon them. This little band of cowherds and shepherds, who pass the day in the drawing and the thickening of milk ; who are, so to speak, without law and ignorant of things human and divine ; will prescribe laws for all others and sit in judgment on the affairs of princes, as though the appeal and the highest judgment belonged to them. For assumption and violent passion, the dis- eases which are so near to madness, they surpass all other mortal beings, but among themselves they agree so well together that as a reward and fruit of their unity they enjoy an undisturbed and continuous free- dom, to which indeed the quarrels of others have given assistance." Johannes Trithemius, a learned German abbot, writing of the vicars of the Swabian League, included the following description of the Swiss * ; " Whether the Confederates have had a just or an unjust cause for war is not for me to decide, since I do not hold the place of a judge. But this I say, this I write and hand on in writing to the future world, which everybody knows to-day who has lived with us in Ger- many, and which all say, who know the manner of the Swiss, that they are a people proud by nature, enemies of princes, riotous, and for a long time have been con- trary and disobedient to their overlords ; filled with contempt for others and full of assumption for them- selves ; deceitful in war and lovers of treason ; in peace never steadfast ; nor do they inquire about the justice ^ Annalium Hirsaugiensitwi, ii., 572 (Edit. i6go) ; Oechsli, Quel- lenbuch, i., 282. i8 Huldreich Zwingli of what is due from them by law, especially when it affects the independence which they have the effrontery to assume. I say nevertheless that they are not only bold in war but also shrewd, and they are mutually helpful in time of need, and no one leaves another in danger, nor do the rich despise the poor." In 1504, Jacob Wimpheling, one of the literary lights of the period, presented to the Elector of Mainz a remarkable address in the form of a prayer for the conversion of the Swiss. He takes advant- age of his position before the Throne to bring in a scathing indictment of that people. Among other things he says : " In the capture of prisoners there is more humanity to be found among Turks and Bohemians than among the Swiss." " Their laws and ordinances when summed up are three : We will not ; we will ; you must." " Pope Pius II. in agreement with us, complains greatly of this. He says that they are a proud people by nature who will not act according to justice, unless this justice is serviceable to them, and they hold nothing for right except when it agrees with their fantastic ideas. And how can they truly understand right and justice, when their lives are spent, not in the study of the philo- sophers nor of the laws of the Emperor, but in arms and warfare ? " * The German Humanist, Pirckheimer, in his con- temporary history of a war in which the Swiss had been engaged, characterises the military prowess of ■ Oechsli, Quellenbuch, i., 282. An Historical Survey 19 that people.' After a description of the Burgundian campaign he continues as follows: " In the meanwhile the Swiss rested from the alarms of war, for no power was so great after the suppression of the Burgundians that it would have dared to challenge them. They permitted forces to be sent now to Maxi- milian, now to the French, not only because they wished to exercise their youth in warlike discipline, but also because they feared, or rather, hated both, and the suc- cess of either party roused their anger. In truth, all Germans have received from the Swiss the weapons and the military tactics which they now use, for they threw away the shield which they had formerly been accustomed to use, like all other nations. They learned through experience that the shield could not in any way withstand the power of the phalanx and of the lance. Therefore, up to my time, all those who carried spears, halberds, and swords, were called Swiss, even if they were born in the middle of Germany, until finally, on account of hatred of the Swiss, the name ' Lands- knecht,' that is, soldiers from the home country, came up and began to be famous." Macchiavelli ' makes frequent references to the military reputation of the Swiss and to the resulting political independence. He is more or less indiffer- ent to the moral effects of these facts. " From experience one observes armed republics mak- ing the greatest progress, but mercenary armies bring on ' Pirckheimer, Hist, belli Suitensis, p. ii ; Oechsli, Quellenbuch, i., 285. * The Prince, chap, xii. 20 Huldreich Zwingli nothing but evil ; and it is more difficult for a republic to fall into the power of one of its citizens, when it is armed with its own weapons than when it is armed with foreign weapons. Rome and Sparta remained many- centuries armed and free. The Swiss are the most thor- oughly armed and the freest of nations." He also speaks of the Swiss as ** the teachers of the modern art of war," whose formations and tactics *' every nation has imitated." Guicciardini, in his History of Italy, ^ is obliged to touch upon its relations with Switzerland. He gives a calm review of the institutions of the country, but the effects of the mercenary service on moral charac- ter are plainly discernible. " The Swiss are of the same kind as those who are called Helvetians by the ancients, and a race which dwells in mountains higher than the Jura. . . . They are divided into thirteen peoples (they call them cantons), each one of which rules itself with its own magistrates, laws, and ordinances. They order every year or oftener, as occasion arises, a discussion of their common affairs, as- sembling at this or that place, as the delegates of the cantons decide. They call these assemblies, according to German usage, Federal Dietg, at which they decide upon war, peace, or treaties, or consider the requests of those who demand soldiers or volunteers, and all other things which concern their common interests. When the cantons grant mercenaries by law, they themselves choose a captain to whom the army, with the flag, is en- trusted in the name of the State. This terrible and Guicciardini, La Historia d' Italia, Book X., cap. iii., anno 15 ii. An Historical Survey 21 unlearned people have made a great name for unity and skill in arms, with which, by their natural bravery and the discipline of their tactics, they have not only power- fully defended their own country, but also outside of their native land they have exercised the arts of war with the greatest reputation. But this would have been immeasurably greater if they had used it for their own authority, not for pay and the extension of the dominion of others, or if they had had before their eyes nobler aims than the lust for money. From love of this they lost the opportunity to make all Italy fruitful, for, since they came from home only as hired soldiers, they have carried away for their State no fruits of their victories. . . . At home the important people are not ashamed to take presents and pensions from foreign princes, as inducements to take their side and favour them in the councils. As by this means they have mixed their private interests with public affairs, and have become purchasable and bribe-takers, so disunion has crept in among them. After the practice had once begun that those things which had been agreed to by the majority of the cantons at the Diet, were not followed by all the States, they finally came a few years ago into open war with each other, from which followed the greatest injury to the reputation which they had everywhere enjoyed." The comments of these more or less unsympa- thetic foreigners are confirmed by the observations of native writers, like the Humanist, Bonifacius Amerbach of Basel: " If there ever was a time, the word of the poet is now true, * this is, indeed, the age of gold.' " ' ' Letter to Zasius, 1520. Burckhardt, B. Amerbach und die Reformation^ p. 138, 22 Huldreich Zwingli Sumptuary Laws As we have noted in other connections, magis- trates and authorities were to some extent aware of the evils of the time and endeavoured to stop the progress of corruption. It would be unfair to measure their efforts by standards of the nineteenth century, but we can see that the lawmakers only trimmed the twigs of the tree so long as they failed to prohibit foreign pensions. They tried to stop the descent of moral character by laws against lux- ury and new fashions. Their intentions were excel- lent, but their efforts apparently unavailing. It is a wide-spread belief that ** blue laws " were an in- vention of the Puritans, but in reality they began in antiquity and continued through the Middle Ages into modern times. Sumptuary ordinances were repeatedly enacted in the cities of Switzerland be- fore the Reformation, and a few may be cited here to show how they attempted to regulate private conduct in those days. In Basel, in IZ141-42, it was forbidden to play dice in the guilds, or club-houses. Betting must on no account exceed four or five pence. After the nine o'clock bell the house master and servants should stop all playing and send the guests home, in order that profane swearing and cursing might be pre- vented. Wedding feasts, which often took place at the guild-house, were Hmited to one day and to a fixed expenditure. Likewise at Zurich, in the ordinances of 1488, we read that " No citizen shall in future extend his An Historical Survey 23 wedding feast over more than one day." If he is a member of an aristocratic guild, and consequently able to bear the expense, he may invite the ladies of the guild, otherwise no one except the relatives may come. It seems to have been the custom to give presents to the guests. A maximum of five shillings is fixed for this for each person, while bride and groom receive no gifts whatever. Extravagance at christenings is to be stopped by fixing the limit of gifts, and other festivals in like manner. The effect of the influx of foreign money and foreign fashions seems to have been felt in 1488. The Zurich ordinance on the subject reads as follows : " In view of the marked disorder which has begun in our city among the common people on account of the costly clothing which their wives and daughters wear, and in order to prevent this, we have ordained that here- after no woman or girl shall in any wise wear silver- or gold-plated pins, rings, or buckles, nor any silk garment or trimming on coats, shoes, neckwear, etc., except the women of the guilds of the Riiden and Schnecken. Further, no woman of the community shall have a mounted girdle, except those whose husbands possess 1000 gulden or over, and they may have one such girdle and no more to the value of about 12 gulden. These persons may also have silk borders and trimmings on their bodices with modesty, but without hooks and buckles, as above said. If anyone acts contrary to this, such forbidden girdles shall be confiscated to the city, and whoever already has such girdles, whether few or many, shall se/1 the same, or allow their husbands to sell them for his business and necessities. As to buckles, 24 Huldreich Zwingli rings, and silk, everyone who disobeys this ordinance shall pay two marks of silver for each offence."* Such were the paternal efforts of the lawmakers of the end of that century. Their enactments are amusing to read and were ineffectual at the time, but they show the direction of popular tendencies. This ordinance of Zurich was, indeed, the work of a dictator, Hans Waldman, who was afterwards de- posed and executed, but it illustrates none the less the reform methods of the age. It was not the scat- tered preachers and chroniclers alone who uttered their Jeremiads on the state of society, but councils and legislatures attempted in their clumsy fashion to stem the drift toward extravagance and immorality. Even as late as 15 19 dancing was forbidden by order of the council. " Let it be announced in the pulpits of the city and written notice sent into the country that since dancing has been forbidden, it is also forbidden to musicians or anyone else to pro- vide dances in courts or other places, whether it be at public weddings or church festivals." A pro- hibition of 1500 reads: " In order that God the Lord may protect the harvests which are in the field, and may give us good weather, let no person dance.'' » Morals of the Clergy The condition of the clergy just previous to the Reformation is a subject which eludes the investiga- ' Reprinted in Oechsli, i., 209. See Vincent, " European Blue Laws," Report Am. Hist. Assoc, 1897, pp. 357-372 ; ^/. p. 361 sc/^. 2Egli, Aktm., No. 82. An Historical Survey 25 tor who desires the exact truth in statistical form. Most of our information on this point comes from writers who eventually joined the reform move- ment, and, writing in the heat of the events, there may have been a tendency to paint in darker colours than necessary. We may see, however, that the priest was a child of his generation. Conduct which would not be tolerated at the present time was re- garded with indifference at the close of the fifteenth century. Yet even then there was complaint of ignorance and immorality among the clergy, and we are compelled to admit that there were many in- dividual cases of immoral practices, if we do not go so far as to indict the Church as a whole. Authentic instances are on record of monks given over to debauchery. The waste of monastic prop- erty was a common complaint, and the city of Zurich had assumed the control or supervision of all endow- ments of this kind within its territory. But one cannot assume that the clergy as a whole were lost to all sense of moral decency, nor do we need such facts to account for the Reformation. The attention of good men was early called to abuses which needed reform. For instance, Chris- topher, Bishop of Basel, in 1503 addressed the synod of his diocese on the subject of the immorality of the clergy, and published a body of regulations which were to be enforced with new vigour. His language is decidedly unequivocal. " Since we have learned with the greatest chagrin that the greater part of the priests of our city and diocese 26 Huldreich Zwingli when they are called to conduct the funeral services of nobles and other persons, give themselves up to gaming and drunkenness, so that many of them at times sit the whole night at play ; others exhaust themselves with swilling and drunkenness and sleep the whole night through on the benches, and by other extraordinary excesses bring scandal, disgrace, and derision upon the clerical profession : Therefore, we command that all clergymen who are so invited, and all others, shall not give themselves up to dicing and card-playing, nor to other irregular and disgraceful actions at any time whatever, and especially in taverns and rooms belonging to the laity," etc. A tendency to imitate the v^rorld in clothing led to ordinances which forbade the wearing of coloured silks, flowing sleeves, slashed mantles, or jewelry; nor should they wear swords, knives, or other weap- ons, unless travelling. The public worship should be conducted with fitting decorum. " The clergy shall see to it that during the worship in the church they do not walk up and down with laymen or other clergymen, as we have known it often to happen in certain collegiate churches of our bishopric, nor shall they go out upon the market in choir dress during wor- ship to buy eggs, cheese, or anything else." Regarding superstitious practices, Bishop Christo- pher speaks with words which are as true for all time as for his day : "Since experience teaches that certain pilgrimages and the frequent coming together of the people before An Historical Survey 27 certain pictures, or even at profane places hidden in mountains and woods, is not so much in consequence of true appearances as of false dreams, or of the imagina- tion of a sick phantasy, and the blinding of the senses, and that, in accordance with their idle and ignorant be- ginning, a vain and ridiculous result has come from them : Therefore we forbid that in future the simple folk shall be deceived through their credulity, or be de- ceived by invented or superstitious miracle stories, etc." Other sound admonitions are included in this pastoral letter, but only those which acknowledge the presence of gross evils, or immoral tendencies, are here quoted.' Bishop Hugo of Constance, in a similar pastoral letter of the year 15 17, is grieved to find that many of the clergy are not only given to drinking and gambling, but many are openly living with concubines. He orders them to remove all such suspected women from their houses and to set a better example to the laity.' A curious commentary on popular beliefs is the report of the Governor of Baden to the Federal Diet of 1494. He states in a most matter-of-fact way that he has burnt a witch, who left a husband and some property. He desires instructions as to the disposal of these goods. The Diet, as if it were a mere matter of routine, directs him to hold her property for the Confederation and give the man what be- longs to him. ' Oechsli, ii,, 473. ^ Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden zur Beleuchtung der Kirchen-Geschichte, Bd. i., 779, Zurich, 1759. ' Eidg. Abschiede, iii., I, 451. 28 Huldreich Zwingli Bullinger, immediate successor of Zwingli, and the historian of the Swiss Reformation, wrote as follows concerning the clergy previous to the year 15 19: " At one time during these years when all the deacons of the Confederation were assembled together there were found not over three who were well read in the Bible. The others acknowledged that none of them had read even the New Testament, whereby we may understand how it was with the other clergy, with whom the case was still worse. For, among the clergy there was almost no studying, but their exercise was in gaming, in feed- ing, and in the practice of all luxuries. The more ear- nest were accused of hypocrisy. Those who studied somewhat devoted themselves to scholastic theology and canon law. The greater part preached out of sermon books, learning by heart sermons written by monks and printed, repeating them to the people without judgment. ... " In the-churches the mass had become a market and a place for bargaining, in fact, all sacraments and all things which one holds holy became venal and corrupt. The singing in parishes and monasteries was for the most part superstitious, and the monasteries had fallen into all sorts of scandals and idolatries, where no one of them observed so much as the first of its own rules, not to speak of God's Word. Every day new altars, endow- ments, and endless numbers of idolatrous pilgrimages were established, to the great pleasure of the clergy, who threw into their bottomless sack all that the common man as well as the noble possessed. Whereupon there was great complaint on all sides." ' Bullinger, Keformationsgeschichte, i., 3. An Historical Survey 29 Bullinger's description of the condition of the laity is so well confirmed by contemporary authorities previously quoted that one is obliged to give credit to this account of the state of the Church. Positions in the Church were regarded as property, and very naturally, too, since the appointee was obliged to buy the right of preferment. Pastorates and canonries could be obtained from the papal court on the payment of a specified portion of the revenues of the place. Positions were rated ac- cording to a regular tariff, and matters went so far that candidates bought the right to succeed to a charge before it was vacant, and these rights became an object of speculation in the hands of dealers. Such persons were called courtesans, because they lived by favours received from the court of Rome. The class included both foreigners sent thither to occupy livings and native Swiss who were recipients of papal appointments. An unconscious revelation of the condition of affairs is found in the defence of one of these courtesans against the charges of the Federal Diet. Heinrich Goldli, a Swiss citizen, was a member of the papal guard, and was accused of dishonesty in his dealings in livings. He refutes the charge by showing that he had a legal title in every one of his transactions. A few of his own statements will show how these things were regarded. " It is true I have in time past taken up livings and have requested them of the Pope. I serve the Pope for no other cause, nor have I any other reward or wage 30 Huldreich Zwingli from the Pope, neither I nor others of his Holiness' serv- ants, except such livings as happen to fall vacant in the Pope's month, which his Holiness presents to us, every one in his own country. ... I hope that al- though I have made contracts or agreements regarding livings which I have lawfully received from his Holiness the Pope for my services over against an evil day, I have had the power and right to do so, so that I may act as T please with mine own and may gain mine own benefit and advantage." No one ought to charge him with fraudulent dealing, for " I have never in my life surrendered anything from which I have had profit without I have given written evidence and laid myself under written obligation, so that in case it should be disputed by anybody, and I failed to protect him with my title and at my own ex- pense, in the holding of the living, I should be in duty bound to pay back all costs and damages, as well as all that I have received from him." *' In regard to the third article, that I have sold livings in the same way that horses are sold at Zurzach, I have never in all my life sold a living or bought it in this way, for that is simony, and whoever buys and sells livings ought to be deprived of them — but I have, when I have delivered over a living, by permission of his Holiness, demanded and taken the costs to which I have been put, and also have caused a yearly pension to be allowed me out of the living, a thing which is permitted me by the Pope, and concerning which I have my bulls, letters, and seals, for this is a common custom among the clergy." In reply to the threat of the Diet that he should An Historical Survey 31 be forbidden to hold any more livings in Switzer- land, Goldli hopes that his legal rights will be re- spected, that certain appointments will be left for him to live on, and mentions specifically several re- servations which have recently cost him large sums, and for which he expects damages and remuneration. " Furthermore, the Pope has given me the reservation of the provostship of Zurzach, so that when the present provost, Peter Attenhofer, shall die, this provostship shall fall to me. I have also for this the letter and seal, and have paid the annates, as the first fruits are called, to the came7'a apostolicay * Goldli declared later that the purchase of this ex- pectation had cost him 350 ducats. This appeal for justice gives unconsciously the state of opinion and practice in the appointment of the clergy. The authorities were aroused by the extent of the transactions of one man, but public sentiment does not seem to have been greatly offended in general at the purchase of preferment in the Church. Zwingli himself paid over a hundred gulden to this Goldli before he would let him have the living at Glarus, which Goldli claimed in virtue of his papal letter of investiture. Switzerland and the Papacy The relations of the Church in Switzerland to the papacy deserve special attention, for the conditions differed much from the state of things in Germany. For a long time the popes had held the Swiss in * Oechsli, Quellenbuch^ ii., 504. 32 Huldreich Zwingli high esteem. This was due in general to the doc- trinal faithfulness of the mountaineers, and in par- ticular to the devotion with which the Swiss had recently supported the political and military policy of the papacy. When Julius II. entered into the contest with the other Powers for the possession of Northern Italy he found need for mercenary troops, and applied to the Swiss for aid. Through the per- suasions of an energetic Swiss Bishop, Matthias Schinner of Sitten, the confederates came to the help of the Pope with a contingent of men. They were under the impression that it was to be a holy war for the preservation of the Church. When they were undeceived in regard to the objects of the campaign the Swiss were with difficulty per- suaded to go into the war, but finally marched into Italy in 1510 and 15 12 and performed wonders of valour. The Pope not only paid for these services, but, as a token of his pleasure, presented the con- federates with a golden sword and a richly em- broidered ducal cap, as symbols of their military and political sovereignty, and granted them the title of ** Protectors of the Freedom of the Church." The Swiss came out of these wars with eyes opened to the worldly ambitions of the popes, and their successes were followed by all that train of evils described above under the subject of mercenary service. They gave less heed to the requests of the papacy, and when Leo X. in 15 18 asked for twelve thousand men for a crusade against the Turks, the confederates granted only ten thousand, and said if more were needed they would send back two An Historical Survey 33 thousand priests to fill up the quota. Although, in fact, these troops were not sent out, as no crusade took place, the reply shows the independent attitude of the Swiss. In ecclesiastical government Switzerland enjoyed an unusual measure of freedom. The people were accustomed to manage their own affairs and resented interference from the clergy in secular matters. Ever since the fourteenth century they had been gradually limiting the field of ecclesiastical jurisdic- tion, and the clergy were for the most part subject to the ordinary tribunals. This freedom was not reached without protest, and the struggle was still going on. Disputes with the Church authorities oc- curred from time to time, particularly in Zurich and Bern. In the latter State the government was in fre- quent strife with its bishop, and usually got the bet- ter of him. At the same time this independence was accompanied with strong respect for the doctrinal authority of the Church and much religious fervour, as may be seen in the many new foundations in honour of the saints, and the abundant pilgrimages. This stands out in curious relief with the loose moral conduct complained of at the end of the century, but the two things are not incompatible. In the foregoing circumstances we may see reasons why Switzerland had never felt the heavy hand of the Inquisition and why the popes were not severe with that people at the beginning of the reform movement. The papacy was very desirous of keep- ing on good terms with the Swiss because they were valuable military and political allies. 34 Huldreich Zwingli Education In depicting the darker side of Swiss society one should not leave the impression that the tendencies of the time were all evil. Reformation was, indeed, imperatively demanded in political and social life, but there were at the same time evidences of intel- lectual growth which may not be overlooked. Educational advantages in Switzerland were not as great as in the surrounding countries, but the spirit of the new learning had already taken root. In former times men who were ambitious to pursue wider studies were obliged to go abroad to Paris, Leipzig, Vienna, and other foreign universities, and the Federal Government lightened this task by ob- taining advantageous treaty rights for students. In 1460 the University of Basel was opened, founded by tge munificence of the learned rope Pius II., and the Rhine city soon became a centre of en- lightenment for an area much larger than Switzer- land. This did not prevent scholars from going abroad, but at the same time representative men from all parts of the Confederation were to be found on the list of Basel students, and they met here distinguished lecturers of both native and foreign origin. Among the Swiss who rose to prominence in the world of scholarship may be mentioned Thomas Wittenbach, who began to teach at Basel, in 1505, as professor of philology and theology. He exerted a great influence upon Zwingli. Heinrich Loriti of Glarus, known to European scholars as An Historical Survey 35 ** Glareanus," was one of the greatest lights in humanistic studies. After 15 13 the great Erasmus made his home in Basel, not for the purpose of teach- ing, but in order to supervise the printing of his works. He became the centre of a brilliant company of men devoted to the new learning and to the criti- cism of existing religious institutions. Few of these scholars went over to the reform movement when it came to an absolute break from the Mother Church but they were tireless in exhibiting the ignorance and abuses found in it. Nor were their" voices confined to a small circle of hearers, for Basel had become one of the great pub- lishing centres of Europe. Printing made its ap- pearance here not long after its discovery, and was so far advanced in 1471 that a strike of typesetters occurred.' At the beginning of the sixteenth cen- tury the press of Froben was issuing editions of the classics and of the works of the Humanists which have themselves become classic in the history of typography. Printing was introduced into various Swiss towns in the last quarter of the fourteenth century, but nowhere attained the celebrity of Basel. In Zurich the press could not have been very im- portant, since the oldest known printing dates from the year 1504. The first substantial publication began under Froschauer in 1521, with translations of Erasmus into the vernacular, and with the issue of the writings of Zwingli. This form of the dif- fusion of knowledge was, however, appreciated by ^ " Court Records of Basel," published in Basler Taschenbuch, 1863, p. 250, and Oechsli, Quellenbuch, ii., 417. 36 Huldreich Zwingli the educated classes of Switzerland, and as wide use of it was made as the processes of the time would allow. High schools preparatory to the University were found in a few places previous to the Reformation. At Bern the Humanist who was known as ** Johan- nes a Lapide," returning from a career of teaching in Basel and Paris, opened a school for study of the humanities in the light of the new learning. In this same school taught also Heinrich Wolflin, or ** Lupulus," an enthusiastic student of classical antiquity, who had travelled in Italy and Greece, and who was himself a poet of no mean ability. Oswald Myconius at Basel was a teacher of this enlightened order who later transferred his activity to Zurich. Of primary education not much can be said. Schools were sometimes conducted by the religious houses arrd cathedral foundations, but a large part of elementary teaching was left to individual enter- prise. The lack of text-books made instruction very difficult, but in this respect all countries were alike. Although municipal authorities exercised a super- vision over education, public schools had not come into existence. Since teachers depended on their fees for their pay, the rural districts and the smaller towns naturally suffered, and illiteracy was widely preval- ent. That private teachers took pupils of all ages for pay may be seen from a schoolmaster's sign which was painted by Holbein in 1 516, and which hangs to-day in the Museum of Basel. Freely translated, it reads: g ca n: -3 ^ C3 u. tis jys >r^ ^=^ ^ '^ -^S^ <—• -_• ■ *~^ ♦— • 1-^ 53 »-ii* *-«♦ s ss i == = s-^ . — ■ : - 3 C £, p J^ & ^ ^ g^ : ,C S ns C3 oj-St: ^^ H S^ An Historical Survey 37 " If there is anyone here who desires to learn to write and read German in the shortest possible time that any- body can conceive of, so that anyone who does not know even a letter beforehand can soon understand, so that he can learn to write down and read his accounts for himself, and whoever is so stupid that he cannot learn, I will teach for nothing and take no reward, whoever they may be, citizen or workingman, women or misses : — whoever desires this, come in here and he will be taught for a reasonable price, the boys and girls by the quarter according to the usual custom." The pictures which accompany this invitation show a schoolroom in which the master and his wife are teaching small children, with the birch rod ever in hand. On the other side of th" sign adults are apparently learning German " in the shortest pos- sible time." A consideration of 'this period lead? to the con- clusion that, while brilliant lights were appearing in the literary world, and a great interest was awaken- ing in the better classes for classical learning and the Scriptures, the facilities for educating the people were very inadequate. There was room for the im- provements which were introduced by the Swiss Reformers. Yet the educational movement began before the religious revival and was a cause of the Reformation rather than a result. Myconius, the schoolmaster, and Utinger, the studious canon of the Great Minster, were influential Humanists in Zurich, and helped to bring about the call of Zwingli to that city. The fine arts flourished in Switzerland, though 38 Huldreich Zwingli not to the same degree as in Italy or France. The Renaissance produced several notable artists, of whom Holbein is the greatest. It was the decorat- ive arts, however, which attracted the most atten- tion, for these served the luxury which followed new-gained wealth. From this period date many fine specimens of stained glass, carved furniture, ornamental pottery, and tile-work which do honour to the makers and their patrons. Both public and private buildings show evidences of taste in decora- tion as well as desire for display. The Cities A study of the reform movement in Switzerland shows that the chief centres of agitation were the cities. Furthermore, the governments of the cities had a deciding voice in the acceptance of changes in the organisation of the Church, and even in changes in doctrine. Hence a word is in place as to the nature of this civic life and the character of the authorities which had such important questions to decide. At the beginning of the sixteenth century Switzer- land contained numerous flourishing towns, but for size and activity they must be measured by the standards of that age. From our point of view city life was contained in very small space. This is due not only to the fact that the. population was smaller, but also because of the fortification which was im- perative in the Middle Ages. The drawings and engravings of the period represent the towns An Historical Survey 39 surrounded with walls and moats. These were still necessary according to the existing methods of warfare, for the larger systems of defence of our day had not yet begun, and any town might consider itself liable to attack at some time. Even if certain places were no longer considered strategic points of importance, nevertheless, their ramparts remained to form a kind of boundary of municipal life. In many of them the walls are standing in part or in whole to-day. At Lucerne one side of the city is still flanked by picturesque towers and battlements, and in many other cities ponderous gateways and fragments of fortifications deep in the interior of the town show the lines of its ancient defence and the former limits of its corporate existence. These various necessities, as well as the popular taste of that time, obliged people to live in what we should now consider contracted quarters. The streets were narrow and winding. The houses were often large, but their rooms were small and low. The better classes enjoyed a high degree of domestic decoration, but the citizens as a whole ap- peared to be satisfied with a small measure of light and air. The sanitary condition of houses and streets still lacked enlightened attention, although cities were generally careful to provide good water which the people might get for themselves from the public fountains. Public works were to a consider- able degree bounded by the necessity of maintaining the fortifications, even if there had been a demand for greater improvements. Hence the civic life was circumscribed, and one is sometimes tempted to say 40 Huldreich Zwingli that the intellectual horizon of the population did not extend much beyond the four walls of their city. This, however, would be an unfair estimate, and a confusion of intelligence with civic pride. These stone-bound towns manifested the highest degree of local patriotism, and were deeply intent on build- ing up their own material welfare. If this appears at times to be selfish, it is only a part of that in- dividualism which we have already seen in the inde- pendence of the States of Switzerland. The cities were the centres of these States and their policies. Bern, Basel, and eventually Geneva became cen- tres of the reform movement, but in connection with Zwingli the city of Zurich is the more import- ant to consider. The characteristics of the popula- tion, their occupations, and their governments were different in each of these places and all had their influence on the change, but Zurich gave the deter- mining impulses at the start. Zurich The situation of Zurich was favourable to the development of new ideas. Seated at the head of a lake which was on one of the international routes of travel, it had been, all through the Middle Ages, a point which came in contact with the world at large. Its central location in Switzerland brought it early into the growing Confederation, and from the first it was an influential power in its councils. It came to be a frequent meeting-place of the Fed- eral Diet^ and as it was also an agreeable city to live An Historical Survey 41 in, it became the habitual residence of many ambas- sadors of foreign Powers. They located there in order to be accessible to the authorities of Zurich and to be within easy reach of the Confederation as a whole. This imparted to the life in Zurich a certain viva- city which was not found in many other places. The presence of the foreign legations with their retinues of servants gave a stimulus to the trade of the city and to the life of its inhabitants. The taverns and public houses were very numerous. The guild- houses were fine specimens of the architecture of that period, as one may still see in a measure at the present day. There was contact with the outer world, and, consequently, a breadth of ideas which would have been found to so high a degree in no other Swiss town, unless it were Basel. From these facts we may explain two important phenomena in the history of Switzerland. We may see why Zurich became the pioneer in religious innovation and in political neutrality toward foreign Powers. Since Zwingli brought about reform in the Church by means of the civil authorities, the form of govern- ment in Zurich should be briefly recapitulated. The city was a municipal republic, but, although all citi- zens were given theoretically a voice in its manage- ment, it was by no means a democracy, like the rural cantons. There were two general classes of people : noble and non-noble ; of which the latter were naturally the more numerous. All male citizens were, however, classified into guilds according to their occupations. The aristocracy, including both 42 Huldreich Zwingli nobility and rich men of affairs, had a special guild of their own, and the trades were grouped in twelve others. The government of the city was vested in a burgomaster and two councils — the Great and the Small. The smaller council contained fifty mem- bers, but only one half of them served at a time. In fact there were two burgomasters elected every year, each serving six months at a time, but the vacating burgomaster sat in the councils till the close of the year. The members of the Small Coun- cil were all delegates from the guilds except six councilmen at large and the two burgomasters who acted ex officio. This may be called the ordinary working administrative council of the city, the twenty-five who acted at any one time not being an excessive number for executive business.^ The Great Council was the real legislature of Zurich, since all matters of larger importance were left to its decision. The constitution of this body had been fixed in the revolution of 1489 and re- mained the same, not only through Zwingli's time, but down to the year 1798. It was also called the Council of Two Hundred, but the exact number was ' The records of Zurich contain the names of the members of this council from the twelfth century onward. So if desired one might find exactly what men were in office in Zwingli's time, and who helped to bring in the Reformation. In the library of the Johns Hopkins University is a large folio MS. written about the year 1578, and entitled " Vom altesten Regiment der Stadt Zurich, so viel man wissen mag." This is a copy of the official register and gives, along with many historical documents, the names of mayors and council- men " as far back as anyone knows." An Historical Survey 43 212. It contained the two parts of the Small Coun- cil, eighteen delegates from the " Constaffel," or guild of the aristocracy, and twelve from each of the twelve other guilds. The two burgomasters made up the number. This Council was the highest source of authority in the State, and was empowered to make laws or even change the constitution without consulting the people. As we have seen, there was no general election of members, but rather a representation of groups, which appears at first sight to be either aristocratic or exclusive. But it should be remem- bered that the great majority of the men of Zurich were small tradesmen or artisans, and that all of them were included in one or another of the guilds. The leadership in these societies may have fallen at times into the hands of a few men, but, on the whole, this legislature was a fairly representative body. Zurich was a small city, and a council of two hundred members chosen out of a body of voters probably not much exceeding one thousand would give a fair chance for an expression of the popular will. These facts are important to observe when changes in the forms of worship take place in Zurich. It was the Great Council which authorised the various reforms. When Zwingli held his famous disputa- tion in 1523, it was in the City Hall and in the presence of the Two Hundred, and they, having been convinced that he was right, passed ordinances to put the new ideas into effect. The situation is even better understood when one 44 Huldreich Zwingli examines into the functions of the Council in detail. Innumerable questions came before it, not only respecting the government of the city, but also in connection with feudal possessions in the canton. These latter involved not only the secular adminis- tration, but in nineteen country parishes the right to appoint the parish priest.^ The Council, there- fore, was accustomed to handle ecclesiastical matters in a manner more intimate than merely supervisory. For many years the government had been requir- ing strict accounts from the monasteries and con- vents of the whole territory, and in many cases had appointed managers to oversee their properties. The Council was also accustomed to regulate the private conduct of ministers by punishing evil-doers among them, and occasionally went so far as to order a priest to perform religious functions which he had denied. Zurich was particularly set on re- stricting the jurisdiction of the clergy, and repeated cases just in this period show that the government did not hesitate to challenge the so-called immunities of the Church." These facts account for the method pursued by Zwingli, and make the reform movement quite different from that of Luther in one respect. The latter also depended on the civil authorities, but he appealed to the princes of Germany, who were little ^ Wunderli, Waldman^ p, 157 ; Appendix," View of Zurich in 1520." "^ " Egli, Ziircherische Kirchenpolitik von Waldman bis Zwingli," yahrb. fiir Schzvcizergeschichte, Bd, xxi. ; Remley, "The Relation of State and Church in Zurich, 15 19-1523," Leipzig Dissertation^ 1895. An Historical Survey 45 monarchs in their several provinces. Here it was the people or their representatives who authorised the Reformation. As much might be said of the cities, or of the rural cantons which remained stead- fast in the Roman faith — in all cases the people had much to say in the decision. At this time Zurich contained between 5000 and 70CX) inhabitants within its walls, and controlled thirty-five dependent districts outside. Out of the combined population the State could muster about 10,000 men for war. In 1470 there were about 950 households on the tax list of the city proper,^ and about 52,000 inhabitants in the whole canton. These figures are large only in comparison with other States of Switzerland. Contemporaries con- sidered Zurich the most important of them all. Within the city a large amount of property was in the hands of ecclesiastics. Besides the cathedral chapter of thirty-four canons there were three parish churches and some twelve chapels. The Benedictine convent, Fraumunster Abbey, had been a retreat for decayed gentlewomen, but was no longer rich nor influential. There were also three convents of mendicant orders and three monasteries for the same class for men. Of these bodies the cathedral chapter stood in better relations with the government and the citizens. Some of the canons were scholarly men, others de- sired at least to be considered such, and the rest of ^ Wunderli, Hans Waldman, p. 147, Appendix with statistical tables ; Bonstetten, Descriptio Helvetica, in Qtiellen zur Schw, Gesch.^ xiii., 254, etc. 46 Huldreich Zwingli them were influential in one way or another, although not regarded as models of piety. The Augustinians and Capucines were also on good terms with the people, but the Preaching Friars were disliked. They had accumulated a large amount of real estate and houses, and were consequently hated as capitalists and hard taskmasters.' Besides these intramural establishments there were numerous monasteries and chapters scattered about the territory of Zurich," all of which would be affected by any change in the established order of worship. Church-building was not neglected, for some important restorations date from this epoch. The picturesque WasserkircJie was built up new at great expense, and the tall, pointed spires which formerly stood on the cathedral were added during the same period. Some of the best village churches of the canton were built about the close of the fifteenth century. Much money was given for re- ligious foundations, masses, and benevolences, and much time was spent in local pilgrimages. Shrines on the Zurichberg, in Leimbach, Altstetten, Kiiss- nacht, and other places in the vicinity had constant visitors. The abbey of Einsiedeln was resorted to by hundreds of citizens and strangers at special seasons, so that the ceremonies of religion were ' In 1467 the clergy all told owned 103 houses in the city, and in 1470 the clerical real estate in the canton was assessed at 82,900 gulden out of a total of 506,500 gulden. * In 1470 there are 14 on the tax list. In 1520 the number of foundations is the same. The number of parishes was 103, with about 150 pastors and numerous chaplains (Wunderli, IValdman, p. 158). An Historical Survey 47 constantly in view. Yet the social condition of Zurich was bad. Idleness, luxury, and contentions increased in spite of laws and magistrates. In looking over the two or three decades which introduce the sixteenth century it is seen to be a period of great vitality. Energy, life, movement, have seized the people. They are conscious that some things are wrong and remedies have begun to be applied, but this energy itself has been led into the wrong path. The arts of war appealed to the manly instinct but brought corruption in their train. The triumphs of intellect and the conquests of the new learning had at first great difficulty in making headway, because the Swiss were for the time pre- occupied with things military and in the enjoyment of ill-gotten gains. Into this path they had been enticed, not only by the powers of this world, but by the apostolic representative of the kingdom of light. No single State of Switzerland was at first powerful enough to hinder this decline, and the feeble Federal Government met it only with resolu- tions, which stood a moment unobeyed and were then repealed. It was logical, therefore, that the movement which bears the name of Zwincrli should begin with an attack upon political corruption and , appeal to the patriotic sentiment of the free-born i | Swiss citizen. It remained for one man and one city to start the reaction in earnest. The result was the Refor- mation. \ HULDREICH ZWINGLI CHAPTER I CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 1484- 1 506 HULDREICH ZWINGLI, the Reformer of German Switzerland, was born on Thursday, January i, 1484, in a house which still stands in well-niglT^eFf^cr preservation. It is in the hamlet called Lysighaus, i. e.j Elizabeth house, ten min- utes' walk from the parish church of Wildhaus, or, as it was then called, Wildenhaus, a village in the Toggenburg Valley, in Switzerland, at its highest point, 3600 feet above sea-level, and about forty miles east by south of Zurich. It is perhaps twenty- five feet deep by thirty feet wide, and, like many other Swiss peasant houses, has a peaked roof and overhanging eaves. It is two stories high, has a hall running through the ground floor, and the large room on the right as you enter is shown as that in which the great event occurred.* ' Incidental proof of the year of Zwingli's birth is afforded by his remark in a letter written on September 17, 1531 : " I am forty- eight" (viii., 644). It is here mentioned once for all that the refer- ences thus given are always by volume and page to the edition of 4 49 50 Huldreich Zwingli [14^4- Zwingli was not born in poverty, as his future fellow Reformer Luther had been seven weeks be- fore, at Eisleben, twenty-five miles west of Halle, in Saxony; nor of common people, nor was he raised in the school of adversity. On the contrary, the family were in comfortable circumstances, and were prominent in their community. The carved rafters in their living-room bear silent testimony to this fact, as the poorer people did not have them. But we are not left to that sort of evidence. Zwingli's father was, as his father's father had been, the Aimnann, i. c, chief magistrate, or bailiff, of the village, and his father's brother was the village priest ; while his mother's brother Johann became abbot of the Benedictine monastery of Fischingen ; and a near relative was abbot of the Benedictine monastery of Old St. John's, only two miles west from Wildhaus.' Further proof that Zwingli's par- ents were well-to-do or could command money is the fact that Zwingli received about as good an educa- tion as the times afforded, and yet there is no evi- dence that his father or other relatives had to pinch themselves to bring this about. Zwingli's father was a farmer and raiser of flocks and herds. Three of Zwingli's younger brothers and Zwingli's complete works in German and Latin, by Schuler and Schulthess, Zurich, 182S-42, 8 vols., Supplement, 1861. But inas- much as volume ii. is in 3 parts, and volume vi. is in 2 parts, it is needful also to remark that the references to those volumes are to volume, part, and page, e. g., ii., 2, 3, means vol. ii., part 2, ps^gs 3 ; 3.nd so in similar cases. ' See the excursus on Zwingli's parents, uncles, brothers, and sisters at the end of this chapter. i5o6] Childhood and Youth 51 two of his older followed his father in these pursuits, but Zwingli himself left home too young to have had any practical acquaintance with the life, except per- haps for a few months. The allusions he makes to his childhood are interesting, and it were good if they were more numerous. Thus he says: " We recog- nise the profound compassion of God in that He was willing to have His Son, in the tenderness of His youth, suffer poverty for our sakes, so that we, instructed by our parents from our earliest years, might bear even with joyfulness our evil things and deprivation itself." ' Again he says: " My grand- mother has often told me a story about the way Peter and the Lord conducted themselves toward one another. It seems that they used to sleep in the same bed. But Peter was on the outside, and every morning the woman of the house would waken him by pulling his hair." ' Again: " When I was a child, if any one said a word against our Fatherland, I bristled up instantly."^ Again: " From boyhood I have shown so great and eager and sincere a love for an honourable Confederacy that I trained myself diligently in every art and dis- cipline for this end." * Little Zwingli was taught to observe nature, and how well he learned the lesson may be concluded from the following passage in one of the latest of his treatises, that on Divine Providence: " Do not the creatures of the race of rodents trumpet forth the wisdom and providence of the Godhead ? The ' I.. 98. 2 1,^ 524. 3 11.^ 2, 300. 4 VII., 237. 52 Huldreich Zwingli [1484- hedgehog with its spines most cleverly carries a large quantity of fruit to its dwelling-place, by rolling over the fruit and planting its spines in it. Alpine rats, or mar- mots, which we now call the mountain rats, station one of their number upon an elevation, that, as they run about intent upon their work, no sudden danger may fall upon them without his timely cry of warning, while meantime the rest of the band carry off the softest hay from all around. And when they need waggons they turn themselves into waggons by turns, one lying upon his back and holding fast with all his feet the hay loaded upon his belly and chest, while another seizes by the tail his comrade thus transformed into a chariot, and drags him with the plunder to their dwelling-place to enable them to sleep through the inclemency of the harsh winter season. The squirrel, dragging a broad bit of wood to the shore by its mouth, uses it as a boat to cross the water, hoisting its bushy tail, and being thus driven by the favouring-breeze needs no other sail. What word, what speech, pray, can proclaim the divine wisdom as well as these creatures which are among almost the humblest of living things ? And do not things without sensation bear witness that the power and goodness and vivifying force of the Godhead are ever with them ? The earth, that nourishes all things, forgets the wounds in- flicted by hoe and plough, and refuses not to furnish rich provision; the dew and rain so rouse and fill and re- plenish all streams, which by their increase stay the harm of thirst, that by their wondrous growth they bear witness to the presence of the divine power and life. The mount- ains, dull, clumsy, lifeless mass that they are, hold fast and strengthen the earth as bones do the flesh; they bar the way to passage or make it difficult; though heavier than the surface of the earth, they swim upon it and i5o6] Childhood and Youth 53 sink not in; do they not proclaim the invincible power of the Godhead, and the solidity and vastness of His grandeur ? " * - — The admiration of Swiss scenery is commonly said to date from Rousseau. At all events, Zwingli has left no record of the fact that the scenery about his early home is of the best description.' As he stood on his father's doorstep he could see the seven jagged peaks of the Churfirsten across the narrow valley, and if he turned to go to the high-road, which then ran higher up on the mountain-side than it does now, he came almost under the shadow of the Sentis; and both these ranges are snow-capped even in summer. But though not taught to ap- preciate such attractions any more than other Swiss children, and impressed more by the mountains' cold than their beauty, he received in all other respects a good home training. The fact that he and two of his younger brothers became scholars, and his brother James a monk, while he entered the priesthood, indicates the strong trend of the family ambition toward culture and piety. It was natural that when his father determined to make a priest out of Huldreich he should have given him over to his brother for education. If this her had been like most priests — rooted in ^ IV., 92, 93. ^ Myconius, Zwingli's personal friend and earliest biographer, fancifully says : " For my part, I have more than once thought, in my simple mindedness, that he [Zwingli] drew some of his heaven- liness directly from the heavens near which he lived," — Vita Zuinglii, ed. Neander, Berlin, 1841, p. 3. This biography is hereafter quoted merely as Myconius, giving the page of this edition. 54 Huldreich Zwingli ^4- conservatism — he would have had him taught by the old-style teachers. But in the providence of God he was a friend of the movement away from scho- lasticism, which was gathering fresh force every day. Zwingli might have been as good a Toggenburger, as loyal a Swiss, and as holy a man, as he became, even if he had been trained on the old lines, but not the broad-minded patriot, theologian, and Reformer if he had been. It is therefore not too much to say that we owe the Zwingli of history to the fact that his father's brother was a friend of the New Learning. In 1487, Bartholomew Zwingli removed from Wildhaus to Wesen, a town on the western end of the now little visited but grand and striking Lake of Walenstadt. It was only a matter of a dozen miles to the soutli-west of Wildhaus, but the brist- ling Churfirsten came between.' Wesen was the market-town of the district, and Bartholomew had scarcely been^ inducted into his rectory before he was promoted to be dekan^ or superintendent, which made him a person of considerable importance and influence.* In the rectory at Wesen Zwingli lived • There is a rough path leading from Wildhaus over the Kaser- ruck, 7435 feet above sea-level, in six hours to Walenstadt on the east end of the Lake of Walenstadt. Doubtless it was by this path that Bartholomew and, later, Zwingli himself came to Walenstadt, whence a ten-mile row would bring them to Wesen. Cf, Baedeker, ed. 1897, p. 46. ^ E. Egli has published several documents of rare interest relative to Bartholomew Zwingli. The first is his formal acceptance of the call to Wesen, dated January 29, 1487, see Zwingliajia (Zurich, 1899), pp. 32 sqq. for the text and Analecta Reformatoria (Zurich, 1899), i., pp. I, 2 for the annotations ; the second, his resignation from Wildhaus, dated May iS, 14S7, see Analecta, pp. 3, 4. i5o6] Childhood and Youth 55 with his uncle, and in the parish school under his uncle's direction he made his first acquaintance with learning. But as it was soon evident that he had the making of a scholar in him his uncle sent him in 1494 to Basel, or rather to Klein Basel, which is that part of the city on the east bank of the Rhine, to the school of St. Theodore's Church,' kept by that gentle and wise master, Gregory Buenzli, in whom Zwingli found a fatherly friend.'' The curriculum of a school like Buenzli's was Latin, ^ dialectic, and music. The scarcity of text- books, for frequently there was only one for the class, often compelled the teachers to resort to dic- tation. Zwingli was a brilliant pupil, and in spite of all obstacles in four years outgrew Buenzli's in- struction, and was sent home for a fresh start. One of his noticeable qualities was his readiness in de- bate, which excited the jealousy of some of his older ' The church still stands on Wettstein Place, near the river. 2 Master and pupil afterwards carried on an intimate correspond- ence, but only three letters of it remain. Two are from Buenzli (vii., Tii and 567), dated February 3, 1520, and December i, 1526, respectively ; the first of which shows that Buenzli, who in 1507 (Egli, Analecta, i., 2) succeeded Bartholomew Zwingli as pastor at Wesen, was still there in 1520, the latter having died in 1513; the second, that Buenzli was in 1526 failing mentally. The one from Zwingli (vii., 257), dated December 30, 1522, alludes to the length and intimacy of their friendship and shows quite characteris- tic interest in promoting the affairs of one of Buenzli's friends. Zwingli acknowledges Buenzli's activity in the cause of the Reform- ation in his "Instructions for Walenstadt," dated December 13, 1530 (ii., 3, 86). ^ In 1526 (vii., 535), Zwingli speaks of learning Latin from Cato's "Morals" (a favourite reading-book in schools), by means of an interlinear translation. 56 Huldreich Zwingli [1484- companions.' Probably on the advice of his uncle Bartholomew, he was sent to Bern, which involved a journey of one hundred miles westward. There he entered the school of Heinrich Woelflin, or, as he called himself, following the humanistic fashion of the time and Latinising his name, Lupulus, who was the first one in Switzerland to adopt in their entirety the educational ideas of the Renascence. But he was there only from 1498 to 1500, and as no letter to or from Lupulus is extant in the Zwingli correspondence, it is probable that his second teacher did not attract him like the first. ** The occasion of his leaving him was, however, no dis- satisfaction with his instruction, but his taking up his abode in the Dominican monastery. What in- duced him to do so was apparently the training the monks promised him in music, for music was a pas- sion with Zwingli, and he was already an accom- plished player on various instruments. What attracted the monks was his intellectual powers in general. But God did not intend that Zwingli should be a monk, as Luther was, and as Zwingli's brother James was later, and the means He used was the opposition of his father, — and may we not say especially of his uncle ?— and Zwingli was taken out of the way of temptation and sent to the Uni- versity of Vienna. There he was for another two years, and ** included in his studies all that philo- * So Myconius, p. 4. ^ Yet Lupulus accepted the Reformation, probably under Haller's influence, and played a prominent part in the Reformed Church of Bern. He died in 1534. 1506] Childhcod and Youth 57 sophy embraces"'; and so he very likely came under the influence of Conrad Celtes, who was the most prominent classical teacher in the university. In 1502 he matriculated at Basel." Zwingli had up to this time been merely a student, but he was now old enough to earn his own support. Accordingly, when after a visit to Wildhaus he went once more to Basel there to study in the university, he sought an opportunity to teach, and he is found as a teacher of the classics in the school attached to St. Martin's church.' In the university he studied the * Myconius, p. 4. * His name stands thus on the summer semester matricula of 1500 in Vienna University : Udalricus Zwingling de Lichtensteig 29 den. In the summer semester matricula of 1502 in Basel his name appears fourth in a list of thirteen entered under the rectorship of Johannes Wenz, which began May i, thus: Udalricus Zwingling de Lichtensteig vi. sol. These entries are printed in Egli's Analecta Reformatoria^ i., pp. 8-10. It is noteworthy how Zwingli's name was then spelled. He seems to have vared the spelling himself. In 1526 a literary oppo- nent twitted hii-i for changing his name from Zwingli to Zwinglius (vii., 551). Zinlius is the form used by Grebel, see Die vadia- >:/tische Briefsammluttg, ed. Arbenz, e. g., iii., 50. The abbrevia- tions at the ends of the lines quoted above give the amount of the matriculation fees : 2g den. means 29 denaries or pence ; vi. sol. means 6 sous. Lichtensteig or Liechtensteig was the nearest market- town to Wildhaus, and so given as the better known place to hail from. ^ The church still stands, but the school has vanished. It is near the market-place. The excellence of his instruction was testified to long afterwards by one of his grateful pupils who became a prominent man and who wrote to him in 1519 (vii., 85). Myconius says p. 4. Zwingli was head-master of St. Martin's school, but considering his age at the time this is improbable. 58 Huldreich Zwingli [1484- ordinary curriculum in the arts course, and this in- cluded theology, which was taught in the scholastic manner, and so, judging from his later remarks upon the way theology was presented, he was more disgusted than edified.' Still he made thorough work. In 1504 he took his B.A., and in 1506 his M.A.' In the latter year, 1506, he received a call to be rector at Glarus, and as this is only a few miles south of Wesen and was included in the superintendency of Wesen, it is plain that his uncle Bartholomew was a main factor in the call. After what self- debates we know not, but probably after something of a struggle, Zwingli, who had been by choice a stu- dent and teacher of the classics, turned his back upon \ , , such pursuits to take up the busy life of a pastor, to j ^ whom teaching could not be the sole occupation. * But before he arrived at such a momentous change ' he had had his thoughts upon theology powerfully affected by contact with Thomas Wyttenbach, who after having been teacher at Tuebingen, on Novem- ber 26, 1505, began to lecture at Basel upon the " Sentences " of Peter Lombard, this systematic introduction to the Fathers being the text-book in every mediaeval university. Wyttenbach was a man with a message, and found in Zwingli a receptive hearer, who accepted certain of his ideas which were called heretical, and ever after defended them. In 1523 he thus bears testimony to his indebtedness to ,/ Wyttenbach : ' See Myconius, p. 5. * Egli {Analecta Reformatoria, i., p. ii) gives the text of these promotions. 1 |0 q: c\j i? o CO H 5i I- Z3 a: < < H 2 _ i5o6] Childhood and Youth 59 " In the beginning of this year (for I came to Zurich on St. John the Evangelist's Day [15 19]) none of us had ever heard of Luther, except that he had published some- thing upon indulgences — a subject on which I did not require much enlightenment because I had already been taught what a cheat and delusion indulgences were by my master and beloved faithful teacher, Doctor Thomas Wyttenbach, of Biel, who had held at Basel some time before in my absence a disputation on the subject." * In 1527, he again speaks of Thomas Wyttenbach, ** most learned and holiest of men," as teaching him that ** the death of Christ was the sole price of the remission of sins," and ** therefore that faith is the key v^hich unlocks to the soul the treasury of [such] remission."" Another of Wyttenbach's ideas, which Zwingli emphasised later, was the su- preme authority of Holy Scripture. So although their connection was of the briefest description, not lasting more than a few months, still Wyttenbach made a permanent impression, and may well be reckoned among the influences which ultimately led him to break away entirely with Mother Church.' ' I., 254, in his e.vposition of the "Articles" of the Zurich dis- putation of January, 1523. ^ III., 544, in his reply to Luther. ^ Wyttenbach was born at Biel, or Bienne, sixty miles west by south of Zurich, in 1472, and died there in 1526. In 1496 he was matriculated at Tuebingen, made M.A. there in 1500. In Basel he lectured from 1505 to 1507, when he became people's priest in Biel and was to the rest of his days identified with that place. He showed his independence and his defiance of ecclesiastical authority by marrying in 1524, and from that time on his troubles were incessant. He was deprived of his position, and just when he had increased need of money he found himself without any, and till the 6o Huldreich Zwingli [1484- Three men who afterwards were destined to play prominent parts in the Swiss Reformation were fellow students with Zwingli under Wyttenbach, viz., Capito, Jud, and Pellican, and likewise owed to him their direction to the study of the Bible and emancipation from the bondage of Scholasticism. Jud, in fact, gave up medicine for theology in consequence. Excursus on Zwingli s Parents^ Uncles^ Brothers^ and Sisters. The last mention of Zwingli's father, whose first name also was Huldreich, is in his brother James's letter, dated in 1513, and given below. How much longer he lived is unknown. His mother, whose name was Margaret Meili, is not mentioned in any precedent or sub- sequent letter to or from Zwingli, or elsewhere, but he once speaks of his grandmother in the passage, (i., 524) quoted above, cf. p. 51. His father's brother, Bartholomew, died at Wesen in 1513, as already stated. His mother's brother, Johann, became abbot of Fischingen, twenty miles east by north of Zurich, in 15 10, and so continued till his death in 1523. Abbot Christian of Old St. John's was a relative, but on which side is unknown. He was on very intimate terms with the family, as the Zwingli correspondence shows, and had the satis- faction of receiving James Zwingli as a monk ; see the letters of end of his days was miserably poor. But though in dire need he pleaded the case of spiritual freedom and kept up a gallant fight. His exertions won over many to the Reformation, and while he lay dying his heart was gladdened by the thought that his beloved native city was about to be numbered with the other Reformed cities of Switzerland, He and Zwingli were frequent correspondents, yet only one letter has been preserved, viz., a long one by Zwingli on the Eucharist, dated June 15, 1523 (vii., 297-300). It is addressed "to his dear preceptor and brother in Christ at Biel." Zwingli sends him a greeting as " his dear preceptor" in a letter to Haller, December 29, 1521 (vii., 187). I506J Childhood and Youth 6i James and Andrew below, and, passim, in the Zwingli correspond- ence. On January 14, 1520, he wrote a very deferential letter to Zwingli (vii., 109), asking his aid in securing additional revenue for the monastery. In 1528, he was driven from his monastery by a mob, but was later restored. In 1555, his monastery was annexed to the abbey of St. Gall, which was founded by the Benedictines. The names and order of the birth of the brothers and sisters of the Zwingli family were : Heini (also called Hainy or Henry), Klaus (or Nicholas), Huldreich (also called Ulrich), Hans, Wolf- gang, Bartholomaus, Jacob (or James), Anna, Andrew, and an un- named daughter. Of Heini there has been preserved one letter (viii., 430, 431), dated from Old St. John's, March 9, 1530. It promises Zwingli the earliest obtainable information from trust- worthy friends on the Rhine concerning any action which affected him. The letter has as joint author a certain Hans Rudlig, and so it is in their joint names. The probability is that Heini could not write any more easily (if at all) than the brothers named above, except James and Andrew. So Blasius Farer, on December 9, 1524, wrote to Zwingli from Stein, "by the command" of his brothers (vii., 372). As is the case with other letters in the Zwingli cor- /.respondence, these letters from Heini and Farer are in both German and Latin, the German being doubtless the original. Of Klaus we know that he had a servant who died of the plague, see Andrew's letter, p. 65. Huldreich is the subject of this biography. Of Hans, Wolfgang, and Bartholomaus we know nothing personal. From the fact that in 1523 he addresses his surviving brothers collectively in the dedication of his sermon on the Virgin Mary (i., 84-87), it is known that they were living in Wildhaus together and pursuing the calling of farmers, shepherds, and goatherds, just as their fathers had done ; and that much to his disgust some of them had entered the mercenary military service. It is likely that they accepted the Rjeformation. / Zwingli sent James to Vadian's care with this letter of introduc- |,tion, dated Glarus, October 4, I5i2(vii., 7), and accompanied it with an historical sketch of the 1512 Italian campaign of the Glarus con- tingent in the papal army. (See p. 71.) " The bearer of this is my own brother, a boy of good promise ; when I thought over to whom to send him to be initiated into the sacred mysteries of philosophy, you always occurred to me. Therefore, I beseech you by the sweet- ness of our friendship that you polish, smooth, and finish him with 62 Huldreich Zwingli [1484- plane, axe, and rake. I am sure you will find him most obedient. But if he dare to be disobedient, shut him up without compassion until his petulance effervesces. He has 50 gold pieces for the two years, so that he will need to be economical." That James considered his allowance altogether too small is shown by this letter, the only one of his preserved (vii., 7) : " Brother James Zwingli ' to Huldreich Zwingli, philosopher and rector at Glarus. Greeting : Would that the All swaying and su- premely Good God would so bring it about that you might estimate my studies as highly as I do your liberality and brotherly kindness ! And I do not despair of this ; for I can be advanced so much by your example and exhortations (not to leave room for which would be degeneracy), also by Master Joachim Vadianus, whose pupil I now am ; I am nourished by the flowers and rivulets of all the sci- ences, from which it would be a crime for those ignorant of philo- sophy to withdraw. Therefore, let me not be defiled by this wrong or that ; doubt not that I will strive with perennial energy. Yet one anxiety is left ; I cannot live for two years upon the 50 gold pieces allowed me. I do not complain of this, by Mars, because I am given to high living. By Hercules ' I live pretty roughly. I live upon the food carried aM'ay from the dinner table ; I am com- pelled to drink water which can be made by no benediction to lose its original bad taste. In^accordance with the warning of Joachim, let 50 gold pieces be added to the 15 I received, and this you would assent to if you knew the circumstances. When I reached Vienna, only II remained, so expensive was the journey, and of them I spent 7 for books and then bought a bed. Assuredly money slipped so quickly out of my hands that there is hardly a penny left. Then there are 19 florins to be paid the procurator for food and 5 yearly to Joachim, so that unless I can look for 30 gold pieces a year study cannot be carried on. Therefore, my brother, on your side take things in good part, and make your ears gracious to my appeal, and I will on my part always respect your wishes. "Concerning my studies I cannot write more, as I have hardly tasted them. I gain very little from the reading of Pliny as I lack a copy. I hear with the greatest attention lectures on Lactantius's De Opificio and the rest from [John] Camertes [professor of theo- logy], the most learned man in Vienna at this time. I hear the * The word " f rater " in the inscription of this letter means brother in the monastic sense. I5C56] Childhood and Youth 63 Letters of Cicero by our Joachim and the text of the Sentences [of Peter Lombard] from a certain Father, a bachelor of letters. I study, unwillingly though, the Dialectics^ and I hear this, that, and the other, which it is not necessary to speak of. Though it will be seen how far I shall profit by any particular course when I have put the finishing touch to it. So much for this. "As to the money, do your part that what is coming to me may be handed to Francis Zili, citizen of St. Gall, grandfather of Valen- tine Tschudi, so that it may reach me by March 23d. I haye written the same thing to the abbot [probably that of St. John's], and by command of my instructor I have asked father for a good new coat. So see to it they get their letters as soon as possible, so that all may be done at an early date. Have them read through this one's letter to the dekan [of Wesen, Bartholomew Zwingli, James's uncle] as soon as possible. I and the writer of this \i. e., Valentine] are in one boat. Urge Valentine's relatives to be liberal, for though they are rich they are very frugal. " If there is any news let me have it. Not far from us a doubtful conflict has been fought between the Hungarians and the Turks, and this terrifies the Austrians. Do not be angry at this unpolished let- ter. Farewell ! The good fortune of Metellus and the years of Nestor be yours. Greet our respected John, Dr. Gregory [pastor] of Swandon, my comrade Fridolin, and my sister [of Glarus]. "Vienna, at the house of Saint Jerome, January 23, 1513." When James went to Vienna he was already a monk, (see above), and so his m.atriculation entry in the winter semester of 15 12 reads : Fr[ater] Jacobus Zwinglin professus ad s. Joannem prope Apezell 4 grossos. This fact about James Zwingli was first published by Egli, Analecta, i., 12. Valentine Tschudi's name comes on the next line of the matricula. James died a monk in the Scotch monastery in Vienna in the year 1517.' Zwingli, writing to Vadian, June 13, 1517 (vii., 24), says : " God Almighty knows how much grief has been cast upon me by the sudden death of my brother, to whom you showed every attention that your kindest of kind hearts could suggest." John James a Liliis introduces himself to Zwingli in a letter from Paris, ' Whose abbot was Benedictus Chelidonius, who wrote the Latin verses which accompany Diirer's cartoons of the Passion of Christ, the Apocalypse and the life of the Virgin Mary. 64 Huldreich Zwingli [1484- October 21, 1518 (vii., 49), as an intimate friend of Zwingli's deceased brother James. Anna married Leonard Tremp, a master tailor in Bern, who eventually became a leading citizen and was an ardent promoter of the Reformation there. Four letters from him to Zwingli have been preserved, all in German with a Latin translation : vii., 483, in which he warns Zwingli against going to the Baden conference lest he be murdered on the way ; viii., 23, in which he speaks of various cantonal matters ; viii., 195, which seems to be imperfect ; viii., 276, in which alone does he mention his wife, confesses his personal fault in regard to the treaty between Geneva and Bern, which Zwingli had strongly deprecated; and one letter to him and Zwingli, vii., 524. These letters show the intimate footing he stood on with Zwingli. So in the letter from Haller to Zwingli, dated January 28, 1522 (vii., 189), Tremp and his wife are thus mentioned : " Tremp, most affectionate of your friends, and his most worthy wife are well and hope that you are also in the best of health." And Zwingli sends remembrances to Tremp when writing to Bern, VII., 75, note. In 1530, writing to Conradson, Zwingli says: *' What has Germany to do with Rome ? Why, not even the Roman priests receive him [the Emperor] into their city and their homes ! Ponder this rhyme, •* • Popedom and Caesardom Are both of them from Rome.* It was not enough that by the more than treasonable wiles of the pontiff the Christian world had been circumvented for so many ages, during which nevertheless the rulers either did not assent to or at least did not favour [the thing] ; they had to take unto themselves the evil of elevating an unskilled man, a superstitious Spanish youth, to the loftiest pinnacle. This one is not able to understand German because of his ignorance, nor to respond to their [the Germans'] demands [in their own language] " (Supplement, p. 39). That Charles was not quite so ignorant of German appears from his read- ing aloud at the Diet of Augsburg a speech in German. ' See them impartially and fully set forth by Creighton, History of the Papacy, vi., 110-117. I5I9] Opening Year in Zurich 129 King's] against Germany. . . . May Christ so order it that I may be able — at least to some extent — to dis- close the shamefulness of this wanton clothed in purple, that by this means Israel may see the light which has come into the world, and that Christ is dishonoured by her."^ A remarkable instance of the readiness of at least one Roman Catholic prelate to protect Zwingli against printed attacks is given in a letter from Basel, dated November 21, 15 19,'' from which it appears that a certain monk had preached against Zwingli, as he had a perfect right to do, and had gone to Basel to have his polemical sermons printed. But Zwingli, through another friend, asked his friend. Cardinal Schinner, who was in Basel, to have an embargo put upon the volume, and the Cardinal so managed things that the monk could not secure a printer in Basel! Another friend of Zwingli's (Capito), living in Strassburg, undertook to exclude the same monk from the presses of that city.' But this was a dangerous game for the friends of progress to play. In^his year, 15 19, there comes into the corre- spondence of Zwingli a new and auspicious name — Luther. As the best indication of the way Luther's fame was spreading, and how keenly Zwingli enjoyed his writings, — of which he had no knowledge, at all events by personal reading, until he had passed the exposition of the Lord's Prayer in his sermons on ' Supplement, p. i8. 2 VII., 96. 2 Zwingli reported this intelligence to Myconius, vii., 98. 130 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 Matthew/ — the incidental remarks and allusions in the correspondence of the year may be cited. '^ They seem to contradict Myconius's statement that Zwingli purposely refrained from reading Luther's writings/ Zwingli was jealous of the claim of chron- ological antecedence made for Luther. This was a weakness of a very venial order. The fact is that neither Luther nor Zwingli was more than a cen- tre of the reformatory movement which had been gathering force before they were born. Leaders do not create the movements they head. The fame of Luther has so eclipsed Zwingli's that the latter's claim of precedence in time is one of the unnoticed \ things in history. They came to a knowledge of the same essential truths simultaneously, and should have rejoiced in the fact. Instead, Zwingli was anxious to assure everybody that he had discovered the Gospel before Luther was heard of in Switzer- land, as if it were some invention on which he sought a patent ! Erasmus was another one who repeatedly remarked that he had not read Luther, but then this conduct was in order to make life easier for himself with his friends among the Catho- lic princes and ecclesiastics. He also had his claim, and it was that Luther, and, a fortiori, Zwingli, only taught what he had told them !* From the Zwingli correspondence of 15 19 it is learned that opposition to his preaching had led to such violence that he was in some personal danger ^; * I., 254. ^ Cf. Emerton's Erasmus^ e. g,, 298 sqq. ' See Excursus at end of this chapter. 8 P. 7. * VII., 74 ; Supplement, 21. I5I9] Opening Year in Zurich 131 and also that he had intimate relations with Cardinal Schinner.* In the same year, 15 19, the plague appeared in Switzerland.' As it had not yet come to Zurich, Zwingli went on a holiday that summer to Pfaefers,^ about sixty miles south-east of Zurich. In the village was a large Benedictine monastery, in which he probably stopped. There Zwingli was \ when the news reached him that the plague had \ broken out in Zurich. As it was the duty of the people's priest to be on service in the city during plague time, he hastened back,* and did his duty faithfully. The plague was very severe, for 2500 died of it out of an aggregate population in the three parishes of only 17,000. It broke out on St. Lawrence's day (Wednesday, August lo, 15 19), reached its height September 12th, and subsided in Christmas week,^ yet lingered for a year after that. Zwingli fell a victim toward the end of September," »^.^., vii., 75, 96, 98. ^ Allusions to its being in Basel occur in vii,, 83. 'Allusion to this visit occurs in vii., 119. The famous medicinal spring is in a deep gorge under the village. The monastery where he probably stopped is now a lunatic asylum. He went thither in the latter part of July, as an undated letter (vii., 84) alludes to his absence from the city and to a money payment due on St. Verena's day (July 22d). * He took the most direct route, which was probably down the Lake of Zurich, and not the more comfortable one, perhaps, by way of Old St. John's (vii., 88). This accounts for the complaint, in the passage just cited, of the abbot of Old St. John's that Zwingli had not visited him on his return. 5 So Bullinger, i., 28. ® VII., 87, note. On September 22d, a friend, writing from Wesen, speaks of him ajs up to that time having escaped (vii., 87). Bullinger 132 - Huldreich Zwingli [1519 and was very sick. By November he was able to write again/ But his recovery was slow. On No- vember 30th, he complains that the disease had left his memory weakened, his spirits reduced, so that his mind wandered when preaching, and after preaching he felt thoroughly exhausted.' On De- cember 31st, he reported himself as well again, and that the last ulcer caused by the malady had healed.^ But his rejoicing was premature, as on March 27, 1520, he complains that he had eaten and drunk many drugs to get rid of his fever, and still his head was weak, although he was daily growing better." After his recovery, as a memorial of this serious ill- ness, he composed this poem, which has some literary merit, and at all events shows that his look into X eternity had sobered his spirit : A CHRISTIAN SONG WRITTEN BY HULDRYCH ZWINGLI WHEN HE WAS ATTACKED BY THE PESTILENCE.* /. At the Beginning of the Illness. Help, Lord God, help So let it be ! In this trouble ! Do what Thou wilt ; says (i., 28) he fell sick *' in August," but this is a mistake. He was sick when Andrew wrote on October 13th (vii., 88, cf. pp. 65, 66 of this volume). * Andrew's letter (vii., 88, see p. 66 of this volume) acknowledging one from Zwingli is unfortunately not dated, but is probably cor- rectly put by the editors before November 6, 15 19. 2vn.,99. 3vn., 104. ''vn., 124. " II., 2, 270-272 ; pp. 269-270 discuss the origin of the poem and its form ; pp. 272-274 reprint a poetical paraphrase in modern Ger- man, which departs widely from the original ; the poetical version given in the English translation in Merle D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation (ed. Edinburgh : Oliver & Boyd, 1853, ii., 466 sqq.). I5I9] Opening Year in Zurich 133 I think, Death is at the door. Stand before ^ me, Christ ; For Thou hast overcome him ! To Thee I cry : If it is Thy will, Take out the dart, "Which wounds me ! Nor lets me have an hour's Rest or repose ! Will'st Thou however That Death take me In the midst of my days, Me nothing lacks.* Thy vessel am I ; To make or break altogether. For, if Thou takest away My spirit From this earth, Thou dost it, that it^ may not grow worse, Nor spot The pious lives and ways ot others. II. In the Midst of his Illness. Console me. Lord God, console me ! The illness increases, Pain and fear seize My soul and body. Come to me then, With Thy grace, O my only consolation ! It"* will surely save Everyone, who His heart's desire And hope sets On Thee, and who besides My tongue is dumb, It cannot speak a word. My senses are all blighted. Therefore is it time That Thou my fight Conductest hereafter ; Since I am not So strong, that I Can bravely Make resistance To the Devil's wiles and treach- erous hand. Still will my spirit and the better one in Schaff's History of the Christian Church (vii., 44-46, with the original text), represent the original form to some extent, but they do not give all the lines and are paraphrastic. In order to enable the reader to have the entire poem and the exact meaning of the author, it is here given in literal prose translation, line by line, as far as the idiom admits. ' In the sense of " protect." 2 The words may also mean equally well, "nothing shall be too much for me." 3 '* It," i. e., my spirit. « " It," *. e.. Thy grace; 134 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 Despises all gain and loss. Constantly abide by Thee, how- Now all is up. ever he rages. ///. During Convalesce?ice, Sound, Lord God, sound ! Sometime endure I think, I am Perhaps with greater anguish, Already coming back.* Than would now have Yes, if it please Thee, Happened,^ Lord ! That no spark of sin Since I came Rule me longer on earth. So near^ ; Then my lips must So will I still Thy praise and teaching The spite and boasting Bespeak more Of this world Than ever before, Bear joyfully for the sake of the However it may go, reward In simplicity and with no danger. By Thy help. Although I must Without which nothing can be The punishment of death perfect. So in useful labours, but also with many painful hours, much anxiety, an almost deadly sickness fol- lowed by a slow recovery, the first year of Zwingli's residence in Zurich passed away. His mode of life is thus described, and the description is true of his remaining years : he rose early, and studied, stand- ing up, till 10 o'clock ; after dinner, which commonly at that time in Zurich came on at 11 A.M., until 2 P.M., he was free to all who came; from 2 P.M. till supper-time he studied ; after supper he walked out a little ; then returned to study or to write letters, which latter occupation sometimes kept him up till */. e.y to health, to myself. •/. ^., if I had died this time. '/. e.. to death's door. 1519] Opening Year in Zurich 135 midnight.' He read much in the classics: Aristotle, Plato, Thucydides, Demosthenes, and Hesiod, Lu- cian, Theocritus, and Aristophanes, Homer, and especially Pindar, are to be mentioned as the Greek authors he was most familiar with ; while his Latin favourites were Horace, Sallust, and Seneca. He had begun the study of Hebrew at Einsiedeln, but soon dropped it. Now he took it up again under Andreas Boeschenstein.' As at Glarus, he had pupils in his house. He also gave instruction in Greek in the cathedral school.^ EXCURSUS /. Oil Zwinglt s Autographic Paulinus, i. e.^ Self- made Transcript of the Pauline Epistles. That the text of this autographic copy is the first Erasmus is ac- knowledged. This had appeared in the spring of 1 516. The Greek text itself is dated merely with the year 1516 ; the colophon, February, 1516; the last page of the Annotations of Erasmus, which is part of the book, the Kalends of March, 1516 ; the preface of Froben, the printer and publisher, " Basilese sexto Calendas Martias Anno MDXVI," i. e,, Monday, February 25, 15 16. There is no evidence that Zwingli ever possessed personally a copy of this first edition of the Greek Testament. That which is called his Bible of the Glarean and Einsiedeln periods is a Latin Bible, and his first Greek Bible is the Aldine edition of 15 1 8. See the catalogue of the Zwingli exhibi- tion of January, 1884, pp. 7, 8. In the lines cited on page 121, Zwingli gives the date of his Faulimis as 1517 ; while in his Afnica Exegesis, which appeared in 1527, he says (iii., 543): "God is ' So Myconius, pp. 7, 8 ; Bullinger, i., 30 ; and pp. 91, 92 of this volume. ' He confessed in 1526 that his Hebrew learning was inconsider- able (vii., 534). ^ Zwingli gives an insight into his busy life in his letter to Rhe- nanus of June 17, 1520 (Supplement, 25-27). 13^ Huldreich Zwingli [1519 my witness that I owe my knowledge of the essence and contents of the Gospel to the reading of the writings of John and of Au- gustine, and with special attention, the Epistles of Paul, a copy of which I made with my own hands eleven years ago." Myconius, Zwingli's first biographer, explicitly puts the copy in the Glarean period, for when writing of it he says : " He copied Paul's Epistles and committed them to memory" {he. cit., p, 5). So does Bul- linger, who however relied much upon Myconius, for, speaking of the Glarean period, he says : "Among other performances he copied the Epistles of Paul in Greek and committed them to memory. And when the first Annotations of Erasmus of Rotterdam appeared he copied some of the notable ones into his written Paulimis, as he did also annotations from Origen, Chrysostom, Ambrose, Jerome " (loc. cit.y i., 8). The explanation of Zwingli's apparent uncertainty whether the Paulimis was made in 1516 or 1517 is probably that the copy used was that in the library at Einsiedeln, and the copying was begun during his visits there before he finally left Glarus, i. e., be- tween April and October, 15 16, but finished the next year, and the marginalia later. The copy he made of the Epistles is in the city library in Zurich, being presented to the city in 1634 by his great- granddaughter, Anna Zwingli. See preface to this volume, and the photographs direct from its pages. //. On Zwingli's Preaching against the Pensioners and Pensions. BuUinger (i., 51), as quoted in Zwingli's Works (ii., 2, 350), thus wrote of Zwingli's preaching in 1521 against the pensioners and the pensions: "Zwingli preached at this time very earnestly against taking money, saying that it would break up and disturb the pious Confederation. He spoke also against unions with princes and lords. If they were made, each honest man should regard them. What had been promised should also be kept. Therefore, no one should enter into any unions ; and if God helps a people out of unions, they should avoid entering into them again ; for they cost much blood. And I wish, said he, Zwingli, that they had made a hole in the union with the Pope, and had given his messenger some- thing to carry home on his back. He said also that one would be aroused about a voracious wolf, but they do not offer protection from I -r^ fJv,f 6!m i^^>^» «8 yJ- ^tf. _J fU 'tcKtH^ Tn^i^j M^ ^g/^^.w^J W • •• ^, N . ^^^M> W.^ . ri*!?* *~^'» ''^ 20 eavTOV TO III., 17 KaTapv^o-a' IN ZW(RQINAL NOTES. ^^ «U.;i--r' ;; V; kx^'-i' f-Sl^^i (W^ '^9'*^ V f^'"* I \ v'4 »-k '''^ :^ r^' ' ^: °?' 'ht rtii I5I9] Opening Year in Zurich 137 the wolves which destroy men. They may well wear red hats and mantles; for if one should shake them, ducats and crowns would fall out ; if one should wring them, there would run from them his son's, brother's, father's, and good friends' blood." The editors of Zwingli's Works then go on (ii., 2, 350) to say, and in order to present a concluding specimen of Zwingli's preaching against pensioners and pensions, the passage is here given: " When the news was spread abroad of the defeat at Pavia, on the 24th of January, 1525, when of ten thousand Swiss five thousand remained upon the battle-field, and the other fleeing five thousand were plun- dered, as they deserved, by the country-people, and driven home in disgrace, bringing nothing with them but rags and sickness, great grief was caused, and complaints arose throughout the Confederation, and people cursed aloud the union with France, the pensions, and the war money. Then, as Bullinger reports, ' Zwingli stood in the pulpit on Sunday, the 6th of March [1525], and preached about the old condition of the Confederation, telling how simple and pious the people of former days had been, who had received from God great victories and special mercies. Now, the people have changed ; there- fore, God is punishing us so severely. And it cannot be helped, un- less we return again to our former piety, innocence, and simplicity. Otherwise, we shall gradually fall like the leaves, and finally be entirely destroyed, yes, ruined. God will not endure arrogance. He showed how there were in the Confederation two kinds of nobility, who did much more injury than the old nobility had ever done in times past. For these were in the midst of us, and were of us. The first nobility are the pensioners, whom he called pear-roasters, because they sat at home behind the stove, and did not come out, and still they got at the treasures of all the lords. They said to the lords great things about the children of honest people, with whom they de- sired to bring about this and that, of which they, however, said nothing either to the fathers or the children, and still less noticed them. And such do much greater injury among us than any foreign lords. The other nobility are the captains, who walk around in such rich silks, silver, gold, and precious stones, with rings and chains, so that it is a disgrace to the sun and moon, not to mention God and man. One is golden above, and silver below ; another is gold below, and velvet or damask above ; and the clothing so slit and cut open, that it is a disgrace that one should allow them to strut around so publicly before people's eyes. You know well, 13S Huldreich Zwingli [1519 honest people, although it was claimed against me that I had at>- tacked these people and called them blood-suckers and leeches, that I did not do it. But still, I must now say and publicly tell you what these captains are like. And it is the same to me, whether any people regret it or not. For the figure is in itself not as bad as those are of whom I speak. They are like butchers who drive cattle to Constance ; they drive the cattle out, take the money for them, and come home without the cattle ; then they go out again, and do like- wise repeatedly. Thus, also, the pensioners and captains do. They have always succeeded (except once) in coming home from the battles and the cannon — I do not know where they stationed them- selves— and bring their money-belts full of money, and have driven away the children of honest people. And immediately they begin again and collect another herd. These they also drive out ; and thus they become rich. Now consider, whether one can blame these blood- merchants severely enough ; see, also, how these are a much less endurable nobility than the former. Ye know that I staked my neck on it in the beginning, that the union with the king would bring the Confederation into great difficulties. Thus, I say now again that things are not over, and that they will become worse, — yes, must be- come worse — I stake my life and limb upon this, — unless things change. For the pensioners sit everywhere in the regiments, do not wish to give up the pensions, and therefore do not wish to forbid war. And the captains lead astray as many sheep ^ as they wish, and still people take their hats ofi to them. If a wolf takes away a sheep or a goose, one is up and aroused. These lead astray many proud men, and no one does anything about it. For everything is over- looked in this matter. Of course no one must go away to war, ex- cept him who so desires, and still no authority in the union, no father dares forbid his children to go away to war. Is that a divine union, and an advantage for the Confederation? I tell you, if people do not help to do away with such things, God's vengeance will follow manifold ; for God does not allow such arrogance and deception of the poor, common man to go unavenged. God says, do away with the bad in the midst of you. Therefore, if one desires to repent, one must do this promptly and straightway. Still, if one repents, and shows a certain regret for his misdeed, let people take his possessions and property which he has thus gained, and divide it among the widows * The German by misprint has " schiff " instead of *' schaf." 1519] Opening Year in Zurich 139 and orphans to whom he is responsible. For one must at once de- stroy this mammon of riches, brought together by pensions and cap- tains' money, like mole-hills in the meadows. And if people do not, one should take staff in hand, and so punish the mowers in the meadows, that they shall be an example to the others. Finally, he urged the people to earnest prayer, that God would grant us a cor- rect understanding, so that the right should please us, and we should do that which pleases God.' " ///. On the Allusions to Luther in the Zwingli Correspondence of isig. Luther's name is first mentioned in the Zwingli correspondence in the letter of Nesen, the friend and travelling companion of Melanch- thon, from Lou vain, April, 1518 (vii., 36-40). The following writings of Luther are alluded to in the Zwingli correspondence of 1519 (vii., 61-104). 1. A letter from Luther to Bernardus and Conradus Adelmann, canons of Augsburg. 2. " Ein Kurtze form das Paternoster zu verstan vnd zu bette fur die iungen kinder im Christen glauben durch Doctor Martinum Luther : Augustiner ordens zu Vitteberg. Gedruckt zu Basel durch Ada Petri. Als man zalt. M. D. xix." Reprinted in the Weimar edition of Luther's works, vi., 9-19. 3. " Eyn deutsch Theologia. das ist Eyn edles Buchleyn, von rec- tem vorstand, was Adam vnd Christus sey, vnd wie Adam yn vns ster- ben, vnd Christus ersteen sail." No mention of the Petri reprint, which is apparently referred to here in the Zwingli correspondence, is made in the Weimar edition of Lu- ther, which is usually strong in bibliography. But then that edition (i. , 378, 379) only presents the preface, which to be sure is the only part of the book which Luther wrote. Best edition of the complete work by J. K. F. Knaake, Weimar (H. Boehlau), 1883. In English trans- lation by Miss Susanna Winkworth, Theologia Germanica, London, 1854, and later editions. 4. " Disputatio et excusatio F. Martini Luther aduersus crimina- tiones D. Johannis Eccii." Original edition, Wittenberg, 1519 ; Weimar edition, ii., 158-161. 5. "Die Sieben puszpsalm mit deutscher auszlegung nach dem I40 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 schrifftlichen synne tzu Christi vndgottis gnaden, neben seyn selben. ware erkentniss. grundlich gerichtet." Original edition, Wittenberg, 1517 ; Weimar edition, i., 158-220. 6. " Resolvtio Lvtheriana svper propositione sva decima tertia, de potestate papae. " Original edition, Wittenberg, 1519 ; Basel edition, 1519; Weimar edition, ii., 183-240. 7. " Disputatio excellentium. D. doctoru lohannis Eccij & Andrea Carolostadij q cepta est. Lipsie XXVII. lunij. AN. M.D. xix. Dis- putatio secunda. D. Doctoru lohanis Eccij & Andree Carolostadij q cepit XV. lulij. Disputatio. Eiusdem D. lohannis Eccij & D. Martini Lutheri Augustiniani q cepit IIII. lulij." The original author and date are uncertain ; but very likely the author was Luther and the date December, 15 19. The Weimar edi- tion (ii. 254-383) reprints merely the debate between Luther and Eck. 8. Ein Sermon von dem elichen standi Doctoris Martini Luther Augustiner zu Wittenburgh geprediget im Tausend funf hundert vu neuntzehenden Jar. Original edition, Leipzig, 15 19 ; Weimar edition, ii. 166-171. Allusions to Luther in the Zwingli correspondence in chronological order : February 22, 1519. Zwingli to Rhenanus : "Thanks for writing so carefully about M. Luther. But the Abbot of St. John's has very opportunely sent me the letter of a certain tutor at Wittenberg, in which the writer felicitates him upon reading the writings of Luther, a man who really recalls the image of Christ. He adds that as soon as Luther got release from the Cardinal of St. Sixtus [Cardinal Cajetan] at Augsburg [October 20, 15 18] he returned straight to Wittenberg [arrived October 31st], where he now preaches Christ constantly, to the great admiration of all, prepared even to be crucified for him. . . . Luther is approved by all the learned at Zurich" (Suppl., 15, 16). March 19. From Rhenanus, Basel : " I have copied for your ben- efit the letter Martin Luther sent to the Adelmanns of Augsburg. The manly and firm bearing of the man will delight you"(vii., 71). March 21. Zwingli to Rhenanus: "I read eagerly your words and Luther's" (Suppl., 17). March 25. Same to same: "[Sander] did not read the copy of Luther's letter, but he had heard a few things from me, such, for instance, as that the words of Luther and Eck taken down hurriedly I5I9] Opening Year in Zurich 141 by shorthand writers [at the Leipzig Disputation, June 27 sqq.^ 1 5 19] will be revised and submitted to the judgment of the Christian world, etc." (Suppl., 18). May 7. From Rhenanus, Basel: "You soon shall have the Theses of Martin Luther's which he is to defend at Leipzig against errors old and new, together with a letter in which he portrays Eck better than any artist could " (vii., 74). May 24. Same to same, Basel: "Adam Petri, the printer — I think you know him — is about to print some new treatises of Luther's German, a plain and characteristically Lutheran commentary on the Lord's Prayer \cf. i., 254], and also a German Theology [the famous Theologia Germanica so admired by Luther], compared with which the subtle theology of Scotus appears gross and dull ; and other books of this sort. If you publicly commend these to the people, that is, persuade them to buy them, the work upon which you are engaged will succeed in accordance with your most ardent desires. ... I send you as a gift the Theses of Luther against Eck and the [com- mentary on the Lord's] Prayer in German" (vii., 77). [Zwingli commended these from the pulpit, Myconius says (p. 7), with- out reading them. But this is apparently contradicted by what follows.] June 7. Zwingli to Rhenanus : ' * I do not fear that Luther's com- mentary on the Lord's Prayer will be displeasing to me, nor the pop- ular " Theology," which you say is being finished, and spread among the people in parts every day. I shall buy a considerable quantity, especially if he deals somewhat with the adoration of saints in the commentary" (Suppl., 21, 22). June 25. Same to same : "When the writings of Luther have come from the press, please send them by the first messenger or carrier who can bring a considerable number" (Suppl., 23). July 2. From Rhenanus, Basel: "If this Lucius, who brings you this letter, seems to you to have enough prudence and acumen, I should like to have him carry the tracts of Luther, particularly the commentary on the Lord's Prayer — the edition for laymen — to sell them from town to town, and throughout the country, even from house to house, for this will forward our plans in a wonder- ful degree, and will be an assistance to him. And I do not see why he should not be under great obligation to you, if by your exhortation particularly he shall have been changed from a tramp to a book- agent I And then the wider he is known the more easily he will 142 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 find buyers. Who will hesitate to give him a sesterce [/. ^.,4^ cents] for an excellent book when he would in any event have made him a present of a trifle ? But care must be taken that he have no other kind of books to sell, especially at the present time. For he will sell the more books of Luther's if he has no other, for the pur- chaser will be, so to speak, coerced into buying them, as would not be the case if he had a variety. If, however, you do not deem him a suitable person look about for some other one to whom you can give letters to your friends, both clerical and lay. In the meantime I have become owner of Luther's commentary in German on the Seven Penitential Psalms, which is both devotional and learned " (vii., 81). [Rhenanus was very zealous in distributing Luther's works, and as appears from his letter was quite modern in his methods. If living to-day he would be sought for to run a sub- scription-book department !] July 2. Zwingli to Rhenanus : " William [a Falconibus] dropped this at dinner when Luther had been mentioned ; the provost of the monastery of St. Peter's in Basel [Ludovicus Berus] has sent Luther's works to Rome as soon as they were printed " (Suppl., 24). July 2. From Simon Stumph, Basel : " Have the copies of M. Luther on the Lord's Prayer distributed everywhere, both in country and in city, among the unlearned people as well as among the priests. For I trust that all the people of Zurich will buy it on your advice ; and I think it would be well if someone were engaged to do nothing else than to carry it around from place to place, so matters necessary for salvation should become known among all people" (vii., 82). July 17. From James Ammann, Basel : " I understand that you have Luther's " Pater Noster," as they call it ; otherwise I should have sent it by this messenger. I think that Luther has nothing else out which you have not seen except a short sermon in German on the married state. As soon as it is printed at Strassburg I shall send it to you. I have seen a copy of it at Beatus' [Rhenanus] " (vii., 83). September 23. From Nepos (proof-reader for the printer Froben), Basel : " A little work by Luther on the power of the pope is in our hands, and as soon as it is printed it shall come to you " (vii., 86, 87). November 13. Zasius, the eminent jurist of Freiburg, one of the great men among the Church laity, sent a long letter all about Luther, in which these sentences occur: "There are in I5I9] Opening Year in Zurich 143 [Luther] many qualities which you may praise and defend, on the other hand some which excite a little opposition. He has rightly taught that all our good deeds are to be referred to God and nothing is to be attributed to our own will except wickedness. . . . But in this matter of indulgences . . . Luther, more bold than felicitous, hastened to cut the Gordian knot. . . . What Luther has sown abroad about penitence and faith I regard as most salutary. . . . Nevertheless, there run through the teachings of Luther blemishes which affect me painfully. . . . Finally Luther has brought out in his latest little book some things which he regards as proved, as that the pope is not by divine right universal bishop. How much this displeases me I cannot express. . . . Oh, that there were some upright one who would influence Luther not to be so violent but to have regard for the modesty which he everywhere praises, that he mingle not dross with his gold " (vii., 92 sqq.). December 17. From Johann Faber, Constance: "You shall know at an early date what I think in the matter of Carlstadt and Luther. When I have completed this piece of work I will take care that you see it as soon as possible " (vii., loi). [Zwingli did not want to receive it; cf.^ vii., 116.] December 28. From Myconius, Lucerne : " There has come into my hands through a Dominican monk an epitome of the discussion of Luther with Eck. I should have sent this to you if I had been sure that you did not have it. This is written by Luther himself, so that I have as much confidence in its accuracy as if I had been present and heard all " (vii., 102). December 31. Zwingli to Myconius : "I have that epitome [relating to the Leipzig Disputation ; see above] of Luther, have read it, approved of it, and hope that Eck in following that elusive little wind of glory will throw away his labour " (vii., 104). CHAPTER V PREPARING FOR THE REFORMATION 1520-1521 IT IS greatly to be regretted that so many of Zwingli's letters have perished. Several of those received by him contain directions for their immedi- ate destruction after reading, and perhaps he may have made such a request himself in some cases; but it is improbable that the carrying out of such direc- tions wholly accounts for the deplorable loss. The printed correspondence of 1520 and 1521, just the years when it would be particularly desirable to know Zwingli's own views and plans, consists almost entirely of answers to letters from him, mostly lost, or of letters asking him to write, or reproaching him for not writing. Still the preserved letters from and to him are valuable. They show that he was the cynosure of a brilliant circle of young men who praise to the skies, yet with apparent honesty, his learning, kindness, devotion to "preaching Christ," and his disinterested readiness to use his influence to advance the fortunes of his friends. His own letters — alas ! only fifteen for these two years — occa- sionally touch a deeper note and bring out more of the music of the Spirit than in former years. But they do not show that his serious illness had made a turning-point in his life, as has often been imagined. 144 i52ij Preparing for the Reformation 145 The new life of Zwingli dates rather from the death of his brother Andrew, a youth of rare promise and tenderly beloved/ November i8, 1520. Several letters are to Myconius, full of brotherly sympathy with that simple-minded man in his trials for the sake of the Gospel, and helpful to him in his study of the Scriptures. Writing to Vadianus, Zwingli speaks thus of Hus's book '' On the Church " : " So far as I have been able to take a taste of a page here and there it seems to me to be not unlearned, but the work of a man who is some- what ahead of his age in erudition. " "" Luther comes in for frequent mention. In Germany, Switzerland, and France he was evidently making a great sensa- tion. His debate with Eck at Leipzig, his excom- munication, his appearance at Worms, his friendly capture, are all alluded to in the correspondence.' Zwingli made a visit to Basel early in 1520, and again about a year afterwards, when he met Erasmus there again.* The letters also show how haphazard epistolary intercourse between individuals was in those days, being dependent upon couriers, or special mes- * See pp. 64 s^gf. 2 VII., 138. Rather patronising. Hus's book is now known to be a translation from Wyclif. See Loserth, English translation, Wiclif and Hus {LondiOn, 1884), pp. 181 sqq. 3 Thus Martin Butzer writes from Worms on May 22, 1521 (vii., 174), Luther having been taken to the Wartburg on May 2, 1521 : " You know, I suppose, that Luther has been captured, but unless I am very much mistaken not by his foes. The matter is admirably concealed, as is very proper." 4 VII., ig2, 195, 196. Cf. this book, p. 78. 146 Huldreich Zwingli [1520- sengers, or passing friends; and how in disturbed times communication well-nigh ceased. They also show that Zwingli was rapidly becoming a force to be reckoned with, for although his preaching of a common-sense Gospel was awakening opposition, it was winning friends every day. The opposition came chiefly from the inmates of the three monas- teries in the city, — the Dominican, the Franciscan, and the Augustinian, — for the monks were naturally the determined foes to all change in theology and fanatically attached to what they believed to be in- spired and necessary ceremonies. They had a certain measure of support, as the conservative party always has, and as they could wield the ecclesiastical ma- chinery of the Church they were formidable, and the friends of Zwingli were alarmed for his safety. Zwingli gives this calm view of his situation in a letter to Myconius, dated December 31, 15 19: *' As to that base herd of Anti-christs accusing me first of imprudence and then of impudence, you ought to hear that quietly, for now I begin not to be [the only] heretic though they meanwhile are boldly, not to say lyingly, asserting it. For I am not alone: at Zurich there are more than two thousand rational souls, who, now feeding on spiritual milk, will soon take solid food, while those others are miserably starving. As to their assertion that my doc- trine (it is Christ's not mine) is of the Devil, that is all right. For in this assertion I recognise the doctrine of Christ and myself as its true herald. So the Pharisees declared that Christ had a Devil, and that they were in the right." * » VII., 104. I52I] Preparing for the Reformation i47 And that he really was on the winning side appears from the order of the Council of the city, early in 1520, that all preachers in the canton should preach only what they could prove from the Word of God, and leave alone the doctrines and ordinances not so provable/ This order still more excited the monks, f for it showed they could not count upon the civil power in Zurich. In another earnest letter to Myconius, dated July 24, 1520," Zwingli speaks of the hopes and fears of the Gospel. At one time there seemed every Hke- lihood that the Gospel would flourish, so many good men and learned men were labouring to bring this about, but opposition arose. He was inclined per- sonally to make light of these attacks. " We shall never lack those who persecute Christ in us, even though they proudly attack us in the name of Christ." The opposition was given an opportunity to show the genuineness of their zeal. " Is this not the fire that proves the character of each man's work, whether he goes into battle for the honour of this world or of Christ ? . . . I believe that the Church, as it was brought forth in blood, so can be restored by blood and in no other way." Luther was the protagonist of the f^ght he and other friends of light and learning and Bible truth were waging.' Of Luther Zwingli says: " I fear very little for the life of Luther, not at all for his courage, even if the » Bullinger, i., 32. 2 VII., 142 sqq. . 3 Luther's condemnation by the theologians of Louvam, Cologne, and Paris comes in for mention in this correspondence (vn., 121, 129). 148 Huldreich Zwingli [1520- bolt of that Jupiter [the Bull of excommunication by the Pope] be launched against him," Then follow these specially interesting sentences, showing Zwingli's friendly footing with the hierarchy in Swit- zerland, and his own cheerful courage: " Within a few days I will go to the papal Legate [Pucci], and if he shall open a conversation on the sub- ject as he did before, I will urge him to warn the Pope not to issue an excommunication [against Luther], which I think would be greatly against him [the Pope]. For if it be issued I believe the Germans will equally despise the Pope and the excommunication.' But do you be of good cheer, for our day will not lack those who will teach Christ faithfully, and who will give up their lives for Him willingly, even though among men their names shall not be in good repute after this life. ... So far as I am concerned I look for all evil from all of them: I mean both ecclesiastics and laymen. I beseech Christ for this one thing only, that ,He will enable me to endure all things courageously, and that He break me as a potter's vessel or make me strong, as it pleases Him. If I be excommunicated ^ I shall think of the learned and holy ' Unknown to Zwingli the Bull of excommunication had been issued by the Pope, Leo X., on June 15, 1520. It did not reach Switzerland until July, and Zwingli, through his influence with William a Falconibus, secretary to the papal Legate, Anthony Pucci, and with the Bishop of Constance, delayed the official deliverance in Zurich until October. It was October before it reached Witten- berg. On October 15th it was only a rumour in Mainz (vii., 148), but on December 21st the writings of Luther were burned there (vii., 157). A complete English translation of this Bull was made by Rev. Dr. H. E. Jacobs and appears in his life of Luther in this series, pp. 413-435. ^ So this was his apprehension in consequence of his well-known sup- port of doctrines preciselysimilarto Luther's andso classed as Lutheran. I52I] Preparing for the Reformation 149 Hilary, who was exiled from France to Africa,' and of Lucius, who though driven from his seat at Rome re- turned again with great honour/ Not that I compare myself with them: for as they were better than I so they suffered what was a greater ignominy. And yet if it were good to glory I would rejoice to suffer insult for the name of Christ. But let him that thinketh he standeth take heed lest he fall. Lately I have read scarcely any- thing of Luther's; but what I have seen of his hitherto does not seem to me to stray from gospel teaching. You know — if you remember — that what I have always spoken of in terms of the highest commendation in him is that he supports his position with authoritative wit- > > 3 nesses. In the conclusion of this interesting letter he tells his friend of his intention to resume the study of Hebrew,— which he had begun at Einsiedeln,— and so he had ordered from Basel the Rudiments of Capnio, as he styles him who is better known now as Reuchlin, the famous Humanist.* But he had made ' Bishop of Poitiers, 353-368 ; banished to Phrygia, 356; returned 2 Bishop of Rome, 253-254, banished almost immediately upon his election, but soon returned. 3 Zwingli is here, as always, the critic, not the follower, of Luther, and as he came to the same positions simultaneously or perhaps previously, at all events independently, it was wrong ever to dub him with the name of Luther, and he resented it. See his remarks in his exposition of the Articles of 1523, i., 253 sqq. 4 De rudimentis Hebraicis was printed at Reuchlin's expense by Thomas Anselm at Pforzheim, sixteen miles north-east of Carlsruhe, in 1506, and the entire edition was sold to Amerbach at the rate of three copies for one gulden. It was, however, a very slow seller. See G. H. Putnam, Books and their Makers in the Middle Ages (N. Y., 1897), ii., 172. 150 Huldreich Zwingli [1520- a similar start in 15 19,' and this time again he prob- ably did not make much progress, for on March 25, 1522, he writes to Rhenanus: " Tell Pellican that I have begun Hebrew. Ye gods, how distasteful and melancholy a study! But I shall persist until I get something out of it." " Another interesting letter, in which he expresses his profound Christian faith, and shows that he had in the school of sorrow over his brother, and of anxiety over personal affairs, learned the lesson of faith and dependence on God, is that to Haller.' The relations between the Pope and the Swiss was a very live topic in Zwingli's day. The Cardinal of Sitten, Ennius, Pucci, and high members of the papal party endeavoured to secure mercenaries from Zurich. Zwingli preached against the business,* but at first he was not heeded. At last the pitiful treat- ment the Zurich contingent received convinced Zurich that the Pope was not a more desirable mas- ter than any other prince, and that his battles were not a whit holier, and so in 1522 Zurich withdrew, from the mercenary business altogether, and en-\ deavoured to dissuade the other cantons from con- tinuing in it. The margins of Zwingli's books are covered with annotations. These have been deciphered as far as ' See p. 135. ^ VII., 194. The helps to this study were then very meagre, more so than for Greek. 2VII., 185. * See the summary of his sermons from BuUinger in ZwingH's Works, ii., 2, 350-352, already translated in this volume, pp. 136-139, I52I] Preparing for the Reformation 151 possible, and the claim is made, on the strength of these decipherments, that after 15 19 he adopted Lutheran views upon sin and grace.' In the early part of 1521, Zwingli was sick with a fever.' That summer he went to Urdorf, seven and a half miles west from Zurich, then a popular resort." He was neither a member of the chapter of the cathedral nor a citizen of the Republic of Zurich until, on April 29, 1521, he succeeded Dr. Heinrich Engelhard as canon of the Great Minster, which position carried citizenship with it. Thereby he increased his income by seventy gulden, and this made up for the loss of the papal pension of fifty gulden, which he had renounced in 1520.* He re- ceived the hearty congratulations of his friends on his advancement. The action ' was a proof of rare friendship on Engelhard's part. 1 This tedious and difficult labour was performed by Usteri with great patience and skill. See Usteri, " Initia Zwinglii," in Theolo- gische Studien und Kritiken (Gotha, 1885, 4th part, pp. 607-672 ; 1886, 1st part, pp. 95-159 ; also separately reprinted). ^Suppl., p. 30. 3VII., 181. ^See pp. 114 sqq. 5 VII., 175, 182. The following is the text of the appointment, translated from the original Latin as given in Egli, Analecta Refor- matoria, i., 22-24 : " Appoint7nent of the People's Priest Master Huldreich Zwingli to be Canon at the Grossmuenster in Zurich, April 2g, Jjsr. " In the name of the Lord, Amen. " In the one thousand five hundred and twenty-first year from the birth of the same Lord, and the ninth indiction, upon Monday, the twenty-ninth of April, at eight o'clock in the morning or there- abouts, in the ninth year of the pontificate of our Most Holy Father and Lord in Christ, Leo X., by divine providence Pope, in the 152 Huldreich Zwingli [1520- So far he had not published anything. He had, however, written two political pamphlets in 15 19, one on the avarice of the Pope and the cardinals, and the other a dialogue on the plague,' which had the approval of the learned except that it was chapter chamber of the church of the Holy Martyrs Felix and Regula at Zurich, diocese of Constance and province of Mainz, personally appeared before me as notary public, in presence of the witnesses named below, my eminent, noble, worshipful, and wise lords, the provost and capitulary canons of the said provostship of Zurich in chapter assembled and convened, holding session and forming the party of the first part, and the worshipful gentleman Domine Huldreich Zwingli, Master of Arts, occupying the post of people's priest in the said church and provostship, party of the second part. Said Domine Master Zwingli made humble petition to the said honourable provost and chapter that they would deign faithfully before God to bestow upon him the post of canon and pre- bendary in their church, lying vacant at present in the hands of said honourable provost and chapter of the provostship of Zurich (through the voluntary resignation of the eminent gentleman, Master Heinrich Engelhard, Doctor of Decrees, canon and prebendary of the abbey of Zurich and legal possessor of the post of canon and prebendary aforesaid in our church). Said honourable provost and chapter there- fore have, after mature deliberation, in the name of God, bestowed and conferred upon said Master Huldreich Zwingli, with all possible binding force and process of law, said post of canon and prebendary, vacant as aforesaid through voluntary resignation, together with full canonical rights and all rights and privileges thereto pertaining, and have admitted him into the post of canon and prebendary aforesaid, and received and accepted him as brother and fellow- canon, and said honourable Master Huldreich Zwingli, having solemnly sworn upon the Holy Gospel, with his hand upon the Sacred Scriptures, to ob- serve the statute beginning ' These are the articles, etc.', read aloud to him phrase by phrase by me as notary, as also the other statutes and usages of said church of the provostship of Zurich, said honour- able provost, whose function it is recognised to be to induct the canons into their office, presently gave and assigned to said Master 1 VII.. 104. I52I] Preparing for the Reformation 153 thought to be too bitter; and in 1521 he speaks of preparing for the press some sermons on faith and on saint worship.' In a letter to Myconius dated May 17, 1 52 1, he thus tells of his connection with a publication : Huldreich Zwingli a place in the chapter, and then the worshipful and wise Master George Heggentzi, custodian and senior canon of the aforesaid provostship, in the name of said honourable provost, led the same Master Zwingli into the choir, and gave and assigned to him a seat in the same with full canonical rights, thus sending, putting, and introducing the same Master Huldreich into material, real, and actual possession, as it were, of said post of canon and prebendary, and completely furnishing Master Huldreich Zwingli thus inducted with all requisite information in regard to all the fruits and revenues, returns, rights, and income of the post of canon and prebendary, ob- serving the due and usual ceremonies and cautions, in respect to all of which as aforesaid the said honourable Master Huldreich Zwingli begged me, the undersigned notary public, to prepare for him all the necessary public documents in presence of the honourable gentle- men. Masters Caspar Mantz and Johann Murer, presbyters and chaplains of said church of the provostship of Zurich, especially invited and requested to attend the proceedings. "I, Johann Widmer, presbyter of the diocese of Constance, chaplain of the church of the Holy Martyrs Felix and Regula in the provostship of Zurich, notary public by authority of the Holy Em- pire, and sworn clerk of my eminent, noble, wise, and worshipful canonical lords, the provost and chapter of the said provostship, having been present with the before named witnesses at the petition, appointment, admission, reception, acceptance, oath-taking, induct- ing, installation, and all and each of the aforesaid proceedings, and having seen and heard them done and accomplished as aforesaid, have, therefore, prepared this present public document, and written it with my own hand, and signed and sealed it with my regular and proper seal and name in witness, confirmation, and testimony of all above written, as requested, bidden, and specially summoned to do." 'VII., 187; cf. 189. They were never published. The latter topic he debated with Lambert in 1522. See p 170, 154 Huldreich Zwingli [1520- " The argumentative poem on The Mill (which appears on the first sheet of paper enclosed) was put into shape and sent to me by a certain Rhaetian,' a layman who is very learned in the Scriptures, for one unacquainted with Latin. He is Martin Saenger. I indeed having examined the argument thought that what he had rather infelici- tously applied to Luther was more properly applied to Christ and God. But since I had not leisure sufficient to put measures together, I turned the poem itself over to Johann Fuessli, that somewhat deaf master metal- founder, who lives in the village of Rennweg.'' He is the man (that you may know exactly who he is) who used to stand on my left as I preached from the pulpit; and you will notice that he has used some of my own words which he has caught up and imitated (as often happens) be- cause of his frequent listening to my discourses. He made all the measures in words indeed which some wanted to quote to carry their point that the work was mine, until I admonished the man that he should suffer the thing to be known as his own work, for there was no peril to fear from our people. Still I did this — I showed him many places in Scripture which he diligently studied, and he prepared the framework in my company. I was greatly pleased at the simplicity and clearness of his discourse, nay, he brought it about that his speech should be really Swiss, so that it was thrown off with The seal of the notary was a shield divided diagonally from left to right, upon a short tree, the lower field black, the upper yellow, with a black lion rampant facing towards the left. Under this in two lines, between ruled lines; " Johannis Widmer presbiteri de Thurego auctoritate imperiali notarii publici " ([seal] "of John Widmer, presbyter of Zurich, notary public by imperial authority) ". * An inhabitant of the Swiss canton Grisons. ^ This was the name given to a hamlet by Bubikon, twenty-one miles south-east of Zurich on the north shore of the Lake of Zurich. i52ii Preparing for the Reformation 155 great swiftness but needing correction. I fixed the form of it with him and the first measure, and I made the title — but besides this I did nothing." The piece was finally published anonymously.' In the latter half of 1520, at all events, as the contents show, before the coronation of Charles V., which took place on October 22nd, there appeared anonymously, and without date or place of publica- tion, a Latin pamphlet entitled, "Advice of one who desires with his whole heart that due consideration be paid both to the dignity of the pope and to the peaceful development of the Christian religion." ' It has an extraordinary Appendix, being nothing less than '' A defence of Martin Luther by Christ our Lord, addressed to the city of Rome." Although at first sight it seems highly improbable that Zwingli had anything to do with the pamphlet, as it is not at all in his style, yet all doubt vanishes before the fact that the draft of it in Zwingli's handwriting is to be seen to-day in the Zurich cantonal archives. It treats Luther in a kindly, condescending way, and advises that an impartial commission go through his books and also examine him orally, and then pass final judgment upon him. As an alternative plan a General Council might be called. The " Defence " is a terrible arraignment of the Roman bishop in » It is reprinted in Oscar Schade's Satiren und PasquilU aus der Reformalionszeit, 2nd edition, Hanover, 1863, i., 19-26. 'HI., 1-6 ; cf. allusion to it in his address to the German princes (iii., 78). See the discussion of its authorship by G. Finsler in Zwingliana, 1899, No. 2, pp. I13-115. 15^ Huldreich Zwingli [1520- proof that Luther spoke only the truth about the Church. Perhaps the subject which may be said to be that which first introduced the Reformation into Zurich was that of tithes. Zwingli declared that they were not of divine authority, and that their payment should be voluntary. But as tithes were an import- ant part of the ecclesiastical revenue, he was striking a serious blow at the further maintenance of the cathedral. No wonder that his brother clergy were alarmed. They knew all too well that voluntary payments of tithes or of any other moneys were sure to be small. It requires long education before wor- shippers will voluntarily support religion. Writing to Myconius on February i6, 1520, Zwingli thus alludes to the stir his teaching had caused : " Our provost has poured forth some venomous stuff which he has committed to permanent form so that it might be retained. He wrote a letter to me in which he said that tithes were of divine right. I had controverted this publicly, in Latin, however, not in German. Like- wise he informs me that the truth is not to be spoken at all times, doubtless thinking that nothing evil ought to be said against the priests. He pleads from the market-place that I should not furnish arms to laymen to use against the clergy." * The next step in the advance towards the Re- formation in Zurich was the simplification of the ' VII., 116 sq. On March 17, 1520, Hedio, in Basel, promises to send him a tract by Gabriel on tithes (vii., 121, 132). Probably Gabriel Biel is meant. I52I] Preparing for the Reformation 157 breviary as used in the cathedral. This went into effect on June 27, 15-20. Those of the clergy that adhered to the regular church forms and the con- servative people generally were disturbed, and the Little Council, which was a very conservative body, alarmed at the radicalism which was fomented by Zwingli, passed a vaguely worded resolution against " novelties and human inventions" in preaching, which was aimed at him. A little later he again manifested his independent and reforming spirit by criticising the department of outdoor relief in the city, and proposing on September 8, 1520, that the public alms should hereafter be given only to those who had been investigated, and could show actual need. One test of the" worthiness" of the appli- cants for relief was their ability to repeat the Lord's Prayer, the Ave Maria, and the Ten Command- ments! ' Egli, Actensammlung, No. 132, pp. 25-31. CHAPTER VI THE REFORMATION BEGINS 1522 THE year 1522 is that in which the Reformation began in Zurich. The course of ZwingH's development to preach such an intellectual creed as that of Protestantism can be traced^ He came of a very intelligent family on both sides, and was so uncommonly bright as a child that the propriety of educating him was mani- fest. In the providence of God that education was from the start at the direction of his father's brother, who had progressive ideas; and as the same uncle kept him from the baleful influences of monasticism, he came to early manhood a cultured Humanist and not a monk or a hidebound scholastic or a fanatical ignoramus. His first charge was such an important one that he at once had to exert himself, while his scholarly ambition incited him to diligent use of every opportunity to increase his learning. As a very important factor he learned Greek, and this enabled him to go to the sources of much informa- tion which in a more or less imperfect form had been brought to his attention in Latin translation. Being a Humanist, he naturally sought the company of Humanists, and so his contempt for mediaeval 158 1522] The Reformation Begins 159 teaching was increased, and under the instruction of the great prince among Humanists, Erasmus, he came to common-sense views in theology and know- ledge of monastic arrogance and ignorance. Being also an ardent Swiss, he deprecated whatever tended to deteriorate the Swiss character, chief of which bad influences was the mercenary traffic, and being a bold man and believing that the pulpit was just the place to discuss public questions, especially such as had a moral bearing, he preached against the practice. This stirred up so much opposition in Glarus, which was quite a centre of the business of hiring mercenaries, that he was compelled to seek another place. Impressed on a visit with the ad- vantages in the way of study and acquaintance of Einsiedeln, he applied for a position there, and was successful. There an ample library was at his serv- ice ; there he revelled in literary and distinguished society, and there he came in touch with leaders of many lands, so that the misfortunes which drove him to seek refuge there were really fortunes of inestimable worth. A broad-minded, highly educated, independent, thoughtful, determined man, and withal turned in the direction of ecclesiastical freedom, he came to Zurich. There he played from the beginning an important part, with increased independence. The Scriptures became of more and more account and the Fathers and the Schoolmen of less. It was but a step from the placing of the latter among fallible teachers to take the position that only what the Scriptures demanded should be demanded. But i6o Huldreich Zwingli [1522 where had the Scriptures demanded the payment of tithes, and where fasting in Lent ? Where did Lent come in, anyway ? So with many other ceremonies and observances of the Church. And these doubts and questions he brought to the attention of his congregation. His conduct in doing so was the subject of passionate complaint by Canon Konrad Hofmann, in December, 1521, to the chapter of the Grossmiinster.' Ash Wednesday, the first day of Lent, came in the year 1522 on the 5th of March. It was later noised through the city that some of his congrega- tion had made application of his teaching respecting fasting during the forty days in the direction of open violation of the enjoined fast. They declared that if it was not required by Scripture, they would not fast. Such conduct quickly brought them in con- tact with the civil authority, which was the servant of the Church.'' Best known of these bold innov- ators was Christopher Froschauer, Zurich's great printer, who ate meat with his workmen on the plea that an unusually heavy press of work compelled them to take nourishing food ! ^ Zwingli did not himself offend, but he assumed ' See Egli, Actensammlung, No. 213. ' Disputes about the matter led to street fighting, cf. Egli, Acten- sammlung. No. 232, trials of the offenders, ibid., 233. ^ Defence of Froschauer before the City Council, Egli, Acten- sammlung. No. 234. On April 27th a friend informed Zwingli that some priests at Basel ate a sucking pig on Palm Sunday (vii., 196). The incident made quite a stir, and perhaps this rather impudent exhibition of independence did more harm than good. So thought Loriti, cf. vii., 197, 1522] The Reformation Begins i6i full responsibility for this conduct of his parishion- ers, who had before the Council quoted him as their authority. On March 23d of that year, 1522, which was the third Sunday in Lent/ he preached a sermon which he published on Wednesday, April i6th, upon ** Selection or Liberty respecting Foods; on Offence and Scandal ; whether there is any Au- thority for forbidding Meat at certain Times."' The Council debated the matter of fasting, and finally passed a compromise measure to the effect that while it is true that the New Testament makes no distinction among foods, yet for the sake of peace, so dear to Christ, the fasting ordinance should be obeyed until abrogated or modified by authority, and the people's priests as pastors of the three par- ishes of the city, namely, the Grossmunster, the Fraumiinster, and St. Peter's, should dissuade the people from all violation of the ordinance.^ When the bruit of this revolt against ecclesiastical authority and of the temporising order of the Coun- cil reached the Bishop of Constance, he saw that it was high time to do something to restrain the wan- dering city. So he sent a commission to investi- gate. Zwingli gives in a letter to Erasmus Fabricius * a very graphic account of the subsequent proceed- ings, which is here summarised : On Monday, April 7th (1522), the commission, consisting of Mel- chior Wattli, D.D., the suffragan bishop; Johann ' See his statement, Appendix to this volume, p. 438. 2 Given in full in the Appendix to this volume, pp. 404 sqq. ^Egli, Actensammlung, No. 235. *III., 8-16. 1 62 Huldreich 2wingli [1522 Wanner, the cathedral preacher of Constance, and favourable to Reformation ideas ; and Nicholas Brendlin, D.D., appeared in Zurich. Early the next day they assembled the clergy, and the suf- fragan laid the episcopal commands upon them not to depart from the old order. He did not mention the name of Zwingli in his address, but so plainly meant him all along as the cause of all the trouble in Zurich that Zwingli felt justified in replying on the spot, more particularly as he perceived ** from their sighs and their pale and silent faces that some of the weaker priests who had recently been won for Christ had been troubled by the tirade." The commission then appeared before the Little Coun- cil, and the suffragan delivered the same address, again omitting purposely all mention of Zwingli by name. As Zwingli did not belong to the Little Council, he could not be present at their meetings without invitation, and none was given him then. At the conclusion of the suffragan's address the Little Council voted to call a meeting the next morn- ing of the Great Council, consisting of two hundred members, to take action on the bishop's complaint, but in the resolution it was expressly ordered that the three people's priests should be excluded. This latter action Zwingli was anxious to have recon- sidered and rescinded. To this end he brought all his influence to bear with the members of the body, but in vain. He also tried to win over the com- mission itself. But, equally unsuccessful here, he betook himself to prayer, and lo ! the next morning when the Great Council met, Wednesday, April 1522] The Reformation Begins 163 9th, the people in true democratic fashion demanded that their people's priests should be admitted, and the Great Council outvoted the Little Council in their favour, and so Zwingli's heart's desire was given to him, and he heard what was said against^ him before the Council. The suffragan a third time made his speech. This time Zwingli took notes. These were some of the points the suffragan made : Certain persons (unnamed) were teaching new ob- noxious and seditious doctrines; to wit, that no human prescriptions and no ceremonials ought to be regarded, although they were a guide to virtue; also that Lent ought not to be kept. Consequently some had eaten flesh in Lent. Such conduct was evidently not permitted by the Gospels, the Fathers, nor the Councils. The antiquity of the custom of fasting during Lent was a plain proof that it was in- spired by the Holy Ghost. The Council must re- main with and in the Church, for outside of it was no salvation. The objectionable doctrines could not be defended, as they rested on no foundation. It was the duty of the people's priests to teach the old truths. Moreover, it was obligatory on Christ- ians to avoid giving offence. Nor should anyone trust his cwn reason, but all should hear the Church. As the commission had been charged to avoid de- bate, especially with Zwingli, after the suffragan had made his speech they essayed to leave. But the Swiss sense of fairness prevailed, and they were compelled to stay while Zwingli made his defence, which he did at considerable length, taking up the suffragan's speech point by point. Still even he did 1 64 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 not advise breaking abruptly with the Church, but, like Luther at that time, told the people to bide the time of the coming reformation. The Council by vote reaffirmed its former injunc- tion on the people's priests, but coupled it with a request of the Bishop of Constance to assemble his clergy and come with them to some agreement as to what might be preached in his diocese.' The bishop must have been dissatisfied with the results of his commission, and so a little later he sent letters to his clergy to the cathedral chapter (May 22, 1522) and to the Zurich City Council (Saturday, May 24, 1522), urging these bodies to suppress heresy. Still Zwingli's name was not mentioned. On Sunday, April 27th, the Swiss mercenaries were defeated at La Bicocca, near Milan, in Italy, and the news gave so much point to Zwingli's oppos- ition to the foreign service that when the Council learned that the cantonal assembly was about to meet at Schwyz, they asked him to do his best to discourage the pensionaries who were sure to be present and try to persuade the canton to let them have more troops. So Zwingli rushed through the press a hastily written pamphlet, which bears the title, " An earnest exhortation addressed to the Confederates not to suffer themselves to come into dishonour through the wiles of their foes."' The ' BuUinger, i., 70 j(/. Egli, Actensammltmg, No. 236. Zwingli retells the story of the commission in a letter to Myconius, undated, but certainly in June. See vii., 202 sq. ' II., 2, 286-298. It is dated May 16, 1522, which was the day 1522] The Reformation Begins 165 pamphlet glows with the brightest fires of patriot- ism and Christian zeal. In the most moving man- ner he pleads with his fellow-countrymen not to allow the pensionaries to persuade them that any- good could come from a traffic which has been fraught with so many evils to the Swiss. He shows on Scriptural and historical grounds how a good conscience gives strength to a small people in the midst of its foes. Incidentally it presents an effective plea for peace. The first effect of the pamphlet was to capture the assembly, and the pensionaries were defeated. But in August of that year they induced the Diet to reverse its action, and Zurich for thus attempting to interfere in the Diet had henceforth no more determined foe than Schwyz.* On July 1st the Bishop of Constance induced the Swiss annual Diet at Baden to pass a mandate pro- hibiting the preaching of the Reformation doctrines.' On July 2, 1522, there was signed at Einsiedeln a very earnest *' Petition of certain preachers of Swit- zerland to the Most Reverend Lord Hugo, Bishop of Constance, that he will not suffer himself to be persuaded to make any proclamation to the injury of the Gospel, nor longer endure the scandal of when the intelligence of the approaching assembly reached Zurich. There is in it no hint that the suggestion to write it came from out- side ; that, however, is the probable conjecture of the modern editors of Zwingli's works. * Haller, on July 8, 1522 (vii., 207), writing from Bern told Zvvingli that his pamphlet had a bad name in Bern and that its dedication to the Swiss exclusively was resented by the pensionaries. 2 Bullinger, i., 79. i66 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 harlotry, but allow the priests to marry wives, or at least to wink at their marriages," ' and on July 13, 1522, a similar but not identical petition, entitled ** A friendly request and exhortation of certain priests of the Confederacy that the preaching of the Gospel be not stopped, and that no one be offended if the priests, in order to avoid scandal, contract marriages." ^ The first was in Latin and had eleven si":natures, of which Zwinsfli's was the last, and was addressed to the bishop ; the second was in German, as printed in Zwingli's works bears no signatures (that it had signatures is, however, stated in its last paragraph), and was addressed to the government of the Confederacy. The two documents are so much alike and so much in Zwingli's style that probably he was the sole author of them both.^ Both documents assume that the party addressed is favourable to the preaching of the Gospel, and so inclined to listen to the petitioners' plea for the removal of all hindrances to its free course. But in both petitions these words about preaching the Gospel are preliminary to what is the true object of these petitions, viz., to obtain from the bishop permission to marry, and to dis- suade the government from opposing the permitted clerical marriages, if the bishop allowed them. In ' III., 17-25. M.. 30-51. ^ Thus on July 7, 1522, Xylotectus, writing from Bern, tells him a story for use in the '' little book " he is writing on clerical marriages, in evident allusion to the German petition, and he suggests that a copy be sent to a preacher against such marriages (vii., 206), c/. vii., 208, quoted below. So, also, another correspondent calls him the author of the petition to the bisho[) (vii., 245). 1522] The Reformation Begins 167 both the doctrine is taught that chastity in a man cannot be preserved unless he have the supernatural gift our Lord is supposed by the petitioners to allude to in Matthew xix., 10-12! They very honestly, and with expressions of shame and peni- tence, confess that they have violated the law of chastity very often, but they plead in extenuation of these offences that God had not seen fit to give them the gift of continence. But as it seems to them that the fact that they live unchastely is prejudicial to the Gospel, and is the occasion of much trouble and reproach to them, they desire permission of the bishop to marry, and also protection for married priests from the State. There is not a scintilla of evidence that the priests who signed these petitions were a whit worse than the other priests about them. What they wanted was permission to contract law- ful marriages. Zwingli at the time he drew up these petitions was living in " clerical " marriage, a union unsanctioned by the Church, but one so connived at and also condoned by public sentiment that the woman he was living with was called his wife.^ ^ See Chap. XI. for more upon this point. As the practices of these Swiss clergy so candidly revealed by these petitions were those of men who were at the time in good and regular standing in the Church, they must be considered as specimens of the results of their training, and so the less the advocates of the Roman Catholic Church have to say on the subject the better for them. It is part of the unhappy bondage of that Church that its members are debarred from criticising it freely, but are, on the other hand, obliged to defend its practices, even in denying marriage to its clergy. Roman Catholic writers like Janssen {Geschichte des Deutschen Volkes, iii., 89, 90, note \ An inline Kritiker, 127-145, and Ein ziueites Wort, 46-48) have made the 1 68 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 Of course, these petitions led to no action by those addressed, nor could the signers have expected to do more than to educate public sentiment so that their own contemplated marriages might be less opposed.' By coming out so boldly and confessing so humbly, they attested the possession of great courage. Both petitions were printed in Zurich together and sent by Zwingli to the Bishop of Con- stance.'' Zwingli's correspondence shows how active he was in distributing them, apparently in part for signature, and how he viewed signing them. On July 19th he writes to Myconius: " I send you these petitions which you know all about, but they come a week later than I could have wished. Still it could not be managed in any other way. Do you circulate them as shall be desirable, for so Jodocus most out of Zwingli's confession. Yes, he was unchaste. But what does that show ? He was brought up in the same Church with those who criticise him. They accept his testimony regarding himself and his companions. Now let them accept this further testimony of his which is vouched for by Canon Hofmann in 1521 {cf. Egli, Acten- sammlung. No. 213, p. 62): "Among a hundred or a thousand spiritual persons, priests, monks, nuns, Brothers and Sisters, and such like, who promise chastity and have promised to be chaste, scarcely a single one can be found who is not habitually unchaste." He put the permission of clerical unchastity by the payment of money among the Articles on which he was prepared to speak in the First Disputation (January, 1523), and on which he expatiated in print (art. 49, i., 156, commentary, i., 378, 379). Or was Zwingli truthful respecting himself but untruthful respecting others? Let Zwingli stand condemned, but let his fellow-priests equally guilty stand in the pillory with him ! ' Cf. what Myconius says, p. 169. ' Cf. i.. 31. 1522] The Reformation Begins 169 Kilchmeier' and 1 have decided. I am not able to write to Xylotectus [/. e., Joannes Zimmermann] now because I am so busy. Tell him, however, that he has given no offence by withholding his name': on the contrary this is in accordance with the judgment of us all. For we prefer that the affair be carried on quietly and that it should be done gradually rather than all at once, especially since there are some who fight against it so fiercely. For the sake of Christ even one's own wife will have to be abandoned, but Heaven forbid! It is better that Xylotectus in the character of Gamaliel should be able to say to the Senate: ' Separate from those men,' etc., rather than that he should be driven from the city. I have come to feel hopeful, although there is little room for persuasion among our people for rage is broad.'* ^ Kilchmeier's name to the petition brought him into trouble (vii., 245). He had married and to save his wife's persecution he sent her to Zurich to be under Zwingli's care (vii., 248, 249). ^ He requested this, vii., 203. It may be remembered that a Wolf- gang Zymmermann, as the name was spelled, was a signer of the petition given on p. 73 of this volume. He may have been a relative. ^ VII., 208, 209. Myconius on July 22nd (vii., 209, 210) acknow- ledged the receipt of the petitions and promised to distribute them, and also ordered extra copies for Xylotectus. Under date of July 28th (vii., 210, 211) he thus speaks of the reception the petitions met with in Lucerne : " The good, who are few in number, commend your little book ; others neither praise nor vituperate.- I hear, how- ever, more blame than praise. They say that you have undertaken to do a thing which you will not be able to carry through. Others, that you must think the bishop stupid since you refer to him a thing which neither he nor the pope is able to permit, but only a Council. Others mutter — but these are all priests. What the com- mon people think I do not know. This I do know, all to a man are insane, not against you particularly, but against the Gospel. The rage of war fills everybody." The references to these petiiions in his correspondence of 1522 are comparatively numerous. Cf. vii., 212, 213, 242, 245. 170 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 On July 17th, Zwingli had a debate with Francis Lambert of Avignon, a Franciscan monk of twen- ty years' standing, and prominent in the order. X The subject was the Intercession of the Saints. Lambert had already imbibed Reformation ideas and was under the suspicion of his brethren, but had not yet left his order. In the debate Zwingli took the extreme Protestant position, and Lambert made but a feeble opposition. At the conclusion he expressed himself as Zwingli's convert. The in- cident is interesting as showing that Zwingli had ■^ 'broken with the Old Church on a point of great practical importance.* Zwingli thus expressed himself when writing on July 30th to Rhenanus upon his debate with Lam- bert, and upon his subsequent victory over the monks in Zurich: " You should know that a certain Franciscan from France, whose name indeed was Franz, was here not many days since and had much conversation with me concerning the Scriptural basis for the doctrine of the adoration of the saints and their intercession for us. He was not able to convince me with the assistance of a ' Francis Lambert was born in Avignon in i486, and entered the Franciscan order there when fifteen years old. In 1522 he left his monastery by permission, ostensibly to carry letters to the general of the order. He went from Avignon to Lyons, thence to Geneva, thence to Bern, and on the recommendation of Haller came into friendly relations with Zwingli (vii., 206 207). Long previous to the debate Zwingli had preached on the topic and had meditated publishing his sermons, but he never did so. Cf. Ilaller's letter of January 28, 1522 (vii., 1S9), in which he said that he was daily expecting to read Zwingli's sermon on the worship of the saints. 1522] The Reformation Begins 171 single passage of Scripture that the saints do pray for us, as he had with a great deal of assurance boasted he should do. At last he went on to Basel/ where he re- counted the affair in an entirely different way from the reality — in fact he lied about it. So it seemed good to me to let you know about these things that you might not be ignorant of that Cumaean lion, if perchance he should ever turn your way. ** There followed within six days another strife with our brethren the preachers of the [different orders in Zurich, especially with the Augustinians]. Finally the burgomaster and the Council appointed for them three commissioners on whom this was enjoined — that Aquinas and the rest of the doctors of that class being put aside they should base their arguments alone upon those sacred writings which are contained in the Bible. This troubled those beasts so much that one brother, the father reader of the order of Preachers [/. ^., the Do- minicans] cut loose from us, and we wept — as one weeps when a cross-grained and rich stepmother has departed this life. Meanwhile there are those who threaten, but God will turn the evil upon His enemies. " I suppose you have read the petition which some of us have addressed to the Bishop of Constance. . . . ' From Basel Lambert went to Eisenach. Early in 1523 in Witten- berg he was received by Luther and there he stayed for a year. In 1524 he is found in Metz and Strassburg. In 1526 he was invited into Hesse by the Landgrave, Philip, and there he laboured so effectively for the Reformation as to win the epithet " The Reformer of Hesse." In theology he was a Zwinglian. In 1527 he became professor of theology in the newly founded University of Marburg, and died of the plague in that place on April 18, 1530. See his biography by F. W. Hassencamp, in vol. ix. of Lebeii unci ausge- wdhlte Schriften der Vdter iind Begr Under dc-r reformirten Kir c he, Elberfeld, 1861 ; and by Louis Ruffet, Paris, 1873. 172 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 But I must return to Schuerer upstairs, where he is hav- ing some beer with several gentlemen and jokes will be in order." * Another step which showed advance in spiritual freedom in Zurich was permission to the secular clergy to preach in the nunneries'; where previously only Dominican monks had preached ; and a still more decided one was the unanimous resolution of the Zurich clergy, on August 15th, not to preach anything which was not in the Bible/ On August 22, 1522, Zwingli signed the preface to the first considerable writing he ever issued, his defence against the bishop's charges. It was en- titled ArcheteleSy*' " the beginning and the end," because he meant to do the thing once for all. He had no desire to keep up a running fight, but rather by one blow to win his spiritual freedom. It is written in Latin, which, of course, curtailed its use- fulness. In an unsparing manner he exposes the unbiblical and anti-biblical nature of the exclusive claims and post-New Testament doctrines and prac- tices of the Western Church. He sent a copy to Erasmus, who wrote this characteristic acknowledg- ment': " I have read some pages of your apology [^Archeteles]. I beseech you for the sake of the glory of the Gospel, which I know you would favour and which we all who bear the name of Christ ought to favour, if you should ' Suppl., 31, 32. ^ Bullinger, i., 77. Cf. pp. 173, 176 of this vol. * III., 26-76. ^ 1., 30. 5 VII., 222, 223 (September 8, 1522). 1522] The Reformation Begins 173 issue anything hereafter, treat so serious a matter seri- ously, and bear in mind evangelical modesty and patience. Consult your learned friends before you issue anything. I fear that that apology will cause you great peril and will injure the Gospel. Even in the few pages that I have read there are many things I wanted to warn you about. I do not doubt that your prudence will take this in good part, for I have written late at night with a mind that is most solicitous for you. Farewell." Zwingli availed himself of the permission to preach in the nunneries, and afterwards issued two sermons thus originally delivered.' The first, dated Septem- ber 6, 1522, is upon the Bible, and has for its thesis that only the Holy Spirit is requisite to make the Word intelligible; no Church, no Council, much more no Pope is needed.' The second sermon was on " The Perpetual Vir- ginity of Mary the Mother of Jesus Christ our Saviour,'" which thesis Zwingli maintained, and thus adds his name to the honoured roll of Protest- ants who believe that Mary not only never had a second child, but remained an uncorrupted maid. He dedicated the sermon to his brothers who lived at Wildhaus, and published it September 17, 1522. ^ Allusions to these sermons occur in his correspondence of this year. Other allusions in correspondence, vii., 243, 246. 2 " On the Perspicuity and Certainty, or Infallibility, of the Word of God" (i., 52-82). Stapfer praises it (vii., 234). In Schrift- deutsch by R. Christoffel, Zurich, 1843. The original hearers were Augustinian nuns of the Oetenbach convent in Zurich. A second edition of the sermon appeared in 1524, but judging from the preface to it Zwingli made small impression on the nuns. » I., 83-104. 174 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 He denies the doctrine of Mary's intercession, but holds her up for imitation in purity, innocence, and faith.' Under date of November ii, 1522, from Bern, Sebastian Meyer acknowlr d^ed the re- ceipt of his sermon on the " Choice of Foods," his petition relative to the marriage of the clergy, and \\\?> ArcJieteles, and sent him a copy of the Bishop of Constance's pastoral letter, along with a comment- ary upon it, and requested Zwingli to edit it for the press. This request he probably acceded to. At all events, it appeared, but as there was considerable danger incurred by such publication, the place of publication was given as Hohenstein.'^ The revolt against episcopal authority and ecclesi- astical usages spread not only through the canton of Zurich, but into the neighbouring cantons. To be sure, the new doctrines were called " Lutheran," ^ but then, they were accepted. In September, ^522, Zwingli went down to Ein- siedeln to preach during the Angelic Dedication.* He embraced the opportunity to preach the doctrines of faith in Christ and of the supremacy of the Scrip- tures as the only infallible source of religious know- ledge, which he had arrived at independently of Luther, and thus secure a dissemination of such doctrines all over Switzerland and Germany.' On January 9, 1522, Adrian VL, the Dutch * Allusions to it in his correspondence of this year, vii., 244, 246. 5 VII., 242 sqq. ' VII., 217, 226, 231. * See pp. 99 sqq. ^ Bullinger (i., 81) conjectures that he preached on the topics of his published sermons of the year, but this is mere guessing. 1522] The Reformation Begins 175 Pope, entered on his office. Known to him was the independent stand taken by Zurich, but shrewdly and kindly, for Adrian was a good man, he wrote to the Zurich authorities a pleasant letter, in which he expressed no blame, but on the contrary promised to pay the debt the papal treasury owed Zurich, when in funds. Well were it if it had been, for the money was not forthcoming, and the fact embittered the people against the papacy. On November 11, 1522, Sebastian Meyer reports from Bern that Zwingli had been forbidden to preach by the Zurich Senate.^ This was the shape in which the action of Zwingli in sacrificing his people's priestship on November 9th reached Bern. The resignation was made publicly from the pulpit on the ground that he could no longer discharge some of the duties connected with the office, as they were against his conscience.* The Senate allowed him to resign and someone else was chosen, at the same time it requested him to continue to preach. As it acted entirely without consultation with the bishop, it was a more pronounced act of independence than any yet ventured on. But more was to come; for next the Senate forbade pensions and mercenaries,' and refused to give up to the bishop two pastors of evangelical opinions." It introduced regulations for the better instruction of the children in religion. ' VII., 244. 2 Egli, A. S. {i. e., Actensammlung, this contraction will be for convenience used hereafter), No. 290. ^ Ibid., 259, 293. * Egli, .4. S., No. 270. 17^ Huldreich Zwingli [1522 At the same time the Senate punished those who treated with ridicule the old order, and even Fro- schauer for putting on sale some satires on the hier- archy which he had brought from the Frankfort Fair.' When some nuns, who pleaded that their vows were contrary to the Word, requested permission to leave the convent, the Senate ordered that they should stay till next spring and await the contemplated re- form. It took the convents out of the exclusive confessional control of the Dominicans and allowed the nuns to choose for their confessors whom they would." A friend, writing from Ravensburg, in Wurtem- berg, twenty-two miles east-north-east of Constance, had informed Zwingli, under date of November 2, 1522,' that at the Imperial Diet at Nuremberg that year it was declared that the Pope had four plans in hand : " peace between Caesar and Pompey [i. e.y be- tween the Emperor and the King of France] ; the annihilation of the cause of Luther ; the reform of the Church; and a war against the Turks." This was the occasion of Zwingli's Latin pamphlet, hastily written as usual,* entitled: " A suggestion of the » Egli, ^. ^., No. 284. ' Egli, A. S., No. 291, 298, 301. »VII., 241. * Zwingli, writing to Myconius on August 26, 1522, thus candidly describes his literary methods : " I am rough and impatient of the time necessary for condensing and polishing. You know that my mind is felicitous in nothing except invention, if indeed that is not the greatest infelicity which is either not willing or not able to adorn and polish and so render worthy of immortality what one has done in the way of invention. Yet when I imagine I have studied 1522] The Reformation Begins 177 advisability of reflecting upon the proposal made by Pope Adrian to the princes of Germany at Nuremberg; written by one who has deeply at heart the welfare of the Republic of Christ in gen- eral and of Germany in particular." ' It is charac- terised by Zwingli's qualities of clear-mindedness, candour, modesty, and Christian zeal. It contains several skilful quotations of Scripture. It expresses great scepticism as to the reality of the alleged papal schemes except the crushing of Luther; and against that it utters an emphatic protest. No reformation could come from Rome. On December 4, 1522, Jodocus Kilchmeier sends for confirmation of the report that Zwingli had nar- rowly escaped death at the hands of two monks." On the Saturday before St. Thomas's day, which is December 21st, and which in this year, 1522, fell upon Sunday, Zwingli preached an earnest sermon against pensions, which had the immediate effect that all those of the cathedral clergy who had pen- sions from the Pope or other potentate renounced them before the burgomaster.' The bruit of the religious revolt in Germany reached Zurich, and ex- cited the liveliest interest. The writings of Luther were in great demand, and Zwingli did his best to enough, a disgust at my own performance presently seizes me, and I feel such a loathing for what I have thus far written that reviewing it is likely to produce nausea." (VII., 218, 219.) Cf. his remarks to Vadian upon the extreme haste with which he rushed his books through the press. (VII., 333). 1 III., 77-82. 5 VII., 249. 3 BuUinger, i. , 83. 178 Huldreich Zwingli [1522] circulate them. Thus there was gradually built up a strong party in favour of reform. In it were to be reckoned many members of the City Council. Under the circumstances great pressure was brought to bear upon the Council to take some more decided position upon the subject of ecclesiastical reform. CHAPTER VII THE REFORMATION DEFENDED 1523 ON December 10, 1522, Oecolampadius of Basel wrote to Zwingli a very friendly letter in which he expressed an even extravagant admiration of Zwingli, based entirely upon report, as he had never met him.' This was the beginning of a fre- quent and intimate correspondence, for the two became true yoke-fellows in the cause of the Reform- ation. Though living in different cities their rela- tion bears a resemblance to that between Luther and Melanchthon — in that Oecolampadius was Zwingli's wise counsellor and efficient coadjutor, yet distinctly of secondary importance. The first letter of Zwingli's preserved, of the year 1523, is to Oecolampadius.' It is dated January 14th. He disclaims the latter's praise, and with equal warmth commends his correspondent's learning, piety, and zeal. To him he announces the ** contest " which the Council had decreed, and rumour had it that John Faber, vicar-general of Constance, would be present. Then sarcastically he adds: " May God bring it about that he be not held back, so that 1 VII., 251, 252. »VII., 261. 179 i8o Huldreich Zwingli [1523 Rome and Constance may not be defrauded of their accustomed triumphs . . . such as up to the present they have been able to carry off." The " contest " is known in history as the first of the two religious disputations, which openly placed Zurich on the side of the Reformation, the second being held in October of the same year, 1523. The invitation to the first disputation was as follows: " We, the Burgomaster, Council and the Great Coun- cil, as the Two Hundred of the city of Zurich are called, send to all and every people's priest, pastor, curate, and preacher having parish and dwelling in our cities, country, dominion, upper and lower jurisdiction and territory, our salutation, favourable and gracious dis- position, and would have you to wit: Since now for along time much dissension and disagreement have existed among those preaching the Gospel to the common peo- ple, some believing that they have truly and completely delivered the gospel message, others reproving them as if they had not done it skilfully and properly. Conse- quently the latter call the former errorists, traitors, and even heretics, although they, desiring to do the best thing, and for the sake of the honour of God, peace and Christian unity, offer to give to everyone desiring it ac- count and proof of their doctrines out of Holy Script- ures. So this is our command, will, and desire: That ye /pastors, curates, preachers, as a body and individually, j if any especial priests desire to speak about this, having I benefices in our city of Zurich, or otherwheres in our \ territory, or if any desire to reprove the other side, ■ or otherwise to instruct them, appear before us on the day after Emperor Charles's day, that is the nine and (twentieth day of the month of January, at early Council 1523] The Reformation Defended i8i time, in our city of Zurich and particularly in our Coun- cil House, and that those contending should do so, using the truly Divine Word in the German tongue and speech. There we with all diligence, with some scholars, if it seems good to us, will give attention, and, according to what shall prove itself to be consonant with Holy Scripture and truth, we shall send each and every one of you home with the command to continue or to abstain; so that from henceforth each one may not preach from the pulpit what seems to him good, without foundation in the true Holy Scripture. We shall also announce the same to our gracious lord [the Bishop] of Constance, so that his Grace or his representative, if he so desire, may also be present. But if anyone be contrarious and bring not in proof from the true, Holy Scripture with him we shall proceed further according to our know- ledge, in a way from which we would gladly be relieved. We are also of good hope in Almighty God that those earnestly seeking the light of truth He will so graciously illuminate with the same, that we may walk in the light as children of the light. *' Given and officially stamped with our secret seal, Saturday after the Circumcision of Christ [January 3] and after His birth in the three and twentieth year of the lesser reckoning." * Before the time came, Pope Adrian VI. addressed to Zwingli the following letter: " Adrian, Pope, the sixth [of the name], to his dear son salutations and the Apostolical benediction: We send the venerable brother Ennius, Bishop of Verulam, our domestic prelate and Nuncio of the Apostolic See, a » I., 115, 116 ; Egli, A. S., No. 318. 1 82 Huldreich Zwingli [15^3 man distinguished for prudence and fidelity, to that un- conquerable nation most completely linked unto us and to the Holy See, in order that he may treat with it re- specting things of the highest importance to us and the Holy See, and to the entire Christian commonwealth. Although he is enjoined to conduct our affairs with your nation openly and in public, yet because we have a cer- tain knowledge of your distinguished merits and es- pecially love and prize your loyalty, and also place particular confidence in your honesty, we have commis- sioned this Bishop, our Nuncio, to hand over to you in private our letter, and declare our best intentions to- ward you. We exhort your devotion in the Lord, and that you have all confidence in Him, and with the same disposition, in which we are inclined to remember your honour and profit, to bestir yourself also in our affairs and in those of the Apostolic See. For which you will earn no small thanks from us. " Given at Rome at St. Peter's, under the ring of the Fisherman, January 23, 1523, of our pontificate the first year."^ Oecolampadius, in his letters to Zwingli of Janu- ary 17, 1523, and January 21st, expresses displeasure at the approaching disputation, on general grounds, and gently warns him against losing his temper and carrying on a dispute instead of a discussion." Glareanus wanted to come, however, but was un- able to." 'VII., 266, 267. Zwingli informed Wyttenbach (June 23, 1523, vii., 300) that he told the bearer of the letter to his face that the Pope was Antichrist. 2 VII., 262, 265. '^ VII., 264, It appears from this letter that Zwingli had erron- eously written that the debate would be on January 20. 1523] The Reformation Defended 183 In preparation for the event, and to give direction to the speeches, ZwingH published on January 19th sixty-seven Articles in German which really sum up his teaching.' Some of the Articles literally trans- lated are these: i. All who say that the Gospel is nothing without the confirmation of the Church err and reflect on God. 11. Therefore we see that the spiritual (so-called) ordinances relative to show, riches, orders, titles, and laws are a cause of all folly, as they do not agree with the Head [Christ]. 17 (Of the Pope). That Christ is the only eternal high-priest, therefore it follows that those who have given themselves out as high-priests resist, yea, re- ject the honour and authority of Christ. 18 (Of the Mass). That Christ, who has once offered Himself, is to all eternity the perpetual and redeeming sacri- fice for the sins of all believers ; therefore it follows that the Mass is not a sacrifice, only the commemo- ration of the sacrifice and the assurance of the redemption which Christ has shown us. 19 (Interces- sion of the Saints). That Christ is the sole mediator between God and us. 20. That God will give us all things in His name. Consequently it follows that we do not need any other mediator than He outside of this life. 21. That when we pray for one another we do so in a way to show that all things will be given us through Christ alone. 24 (Food 1 These Articles are given in full in the original Swiss-German, in i., 153-157; by Schafif, in his Creeds of Christendom, iii., 197-207, in a modern German translation side by side witU a iree Latin trans- lation ; he gives a free English translation of twenty-six of the Articles in his History of the Christian Churchy vii., 52, 53. 1 84 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 Prohibition). That every Christian is not bound to do what God has not commanded, so he may at any time eat any sort of food ; therefore it follows that the cheese and butter dispensations ' are Roman impositions. 28 (Marriage of the Clergy). That all which God allows or has not forbidden is right; therefore it follows that marriage is proper for all. 30 (Vows of Chastity). That those who take vows of chastity foolishly or childishly assume too much; therefore it follows that those who take such vows do wrong to pious people.'' 34 (Of the Hierarchy). The so-called spiritual power has no ground for its pomp in the teachings of Christ. 35 (Secular Power from God). But the secular has authority and con- firmation in the teaching and example of Christ. 36. All that the so-called spiritual order claims to belong to it of right and for the protection of the right belongs to the secular arm when it is Christian. 37. To it all Christians without exception owe obedi- ence ; (38) so far as it does not order what is contrary to God. 49 (Of Scandal). I do not know of any greater scandal than that the priests should not be allowed wives, but should be allowed concubines by paying money for the privilege. Out upon the shameful business! 57 (Of Purgatory). The true Holy Scriptures know nothing of a purgatory after this life. 58. The judgment passed upon the dead is known only to God. 59. And the less God has let us know about it, so much the less should we ' Issued by the ecclesiastical authorities allowing these articles to be eaten during Lent by those receiving them. '■^ By implying that only celibates are chaste. 1523] The Reformation Defended 185 assume to know. 60. If anyone concerned for the dead calls on God to show them mercy, I do not consider that so objectionable; but to set a time for the punishment (seven years for a mortal sin), and for the sake of gaining your end lie about it, is not human,' it is devilish. 66. All spiritual superiors should immediately humble themselves and exalt alone the cross of Christ, not the money-chest, or they will perish, for I say to you : the axe is at the tree. 6y. If anyone wants to talk with me about taxes, tithes, unbaptised children, confirmation, I am perfectly willing to answer his questions. On January 26th Glareanus wrote to him from Basel that when a Doctor Gebweiler, who had once been elected rector of the university there, was asked if the university intended to send a representative to the Zurich disputation, he replied: " Only knaves are going to Zurich, and Zwingli is a knave too, and preaches heresy." Glareanus also informed him that neither Fabri ^ nor Eck was ready in the German language; they did better in Latin.' On the eventful day, Thursday, January 29, 1523, above six hundred persons assembled in the morning in the Town Hall. As representative of the bishop were the episcopal major-domo, Fritz von Anwyl, the vicar-general, Fabri (or Faber), and Doctor Heyer- hansen (Vergenhans). With them were Doctor Martin Blansch of Tuebingen, and other scholars and prominent persons outside the diocese. The entire ^ /. e., is not a simple, human weakness. 2 Both forms Fabri and Faber were in use. 3 VII., 267, 268. 1 86 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 clergy of the canton were present, besides large numbers of the laity of all ranks. The Diet of the Confederation had been asked while in session at Baden to send a deputation, but had paid no atten- tion to the request. The burgomaster presided, and stated the object of the meeting in these words: " Very learned, venerable, noble, steadfast, honour- able, wise, ecclesiastical lords and friends: In my lords' city of Zurich and in its territories there has risen for some time discord and strife on account of the sermons and doctrine given to the people from the pulpit by our preacher here in Zurich, Master Ulrich Zwingli. Wherefore he has been reproached and spoken against by some as a false guide, by others as a heretic. So it has come about that not alone in our city of Zurich but in the country under the authority of my lords such discord among the priests, also among the laity, in- creases, and daily come complaints to my lords about it, until it seems that there is no end to such angry words and quarrelling. On this account Master Ulrich Zwingli has offered often from the public pulpit to give before everybody the rationale and ground of his preaching and doctrine delivered here in Zurich in an open disputation before numerous clergy and laity. The honourable Council has granted this request of Master Ulrich with a view to stop the great unrest and disputing, has allowed him to hold a public disputation in the German language before the Great Council of Zurich, as the Two Hundred are called, to which the honourable wise Council has in- vited all the people's priests and curates of the canton; also solicited the venerable lord and prince, etc., Bishop of Constance; on which his Grace has kindly sent the <^ CO -% Hi - - CM < I z < 1523] The Reformation Defended 187 deputation here present, for which the honourable Coun- cil of Zurich expresses especial great thanks. Therefore, if anyone now present has any displeasure or doubts over the preaching and doctrines which Master Ulrich here has given from the pulpit, or knows to speak about the mat- ter, as that such preaching and doctrine were and must be not correct but seditious or heretical, let him here before my lords convict the oft-mentioned Master Ulrich of un- truthfulness, and in this presence here confute his error by Holy Scripture freely, boldly, and without fear of punishment, so that my lords may be spared hereafter daily complaints, whence originate discord and disunity. For my lords are tired of such complaints, which tend to increase constantly from the clergy and laity alike." The meeting was then declared open for discussion. But it was quickly evident that on the episcopal side there was no desire for the disputation. The major- domo of the Bishop promptly disclaimed all inten- tion of debating anything. The delegation was there merely to find out why there was so much difference of opinion on religion in the canton, and on proper complaint to do their best to heal the differences. This disclaimer must have thrown a damper on the assembly, but Zwingli, not to be entirely balked, held forth at some length upon the impropriety of calling him a heretic, and announced that he was there to defend his doctrine against all comers, and had frequently offered to do so previously, even in Constance itself, provided he had a safe conduct. After this opening Johann Fabri, the vicar-general of Constance, and a friend of Zwingli, entered the lists, and almost the entire morning was consumed 1 88 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 between them. Fabri was much more courteous and polished in his addresses than Zwingli, who had a good deal of the rough and ready about him. Fabri began by claiming to be a friend of the Gospel preaching, indeed to be a Gospel preacher himself, but he contended that the time to discuss their re- ligious differences was at the general council which the Diet of Nuremberg had just decided to call a year hence. Further, the real judges of such dis- putes were the universities, as Paris, Cologne, or Louvain. "Why not Erfurt or Wittenberg?" Zwingli suggested. At this all laughed. " No," said Fabri, " Luther is too near there, and then all evils come from the North." Zwingli in reply made three points: i. The question before them was simply whether God's law demanded the observance of certain customs, not how old they were or who required them. 2. vFor purposes of deciding such questions no general council was necessary, the as- sembly then met was competent. Nor would the Bible be the arbiter in any such council. 3. The universities need not be appealed to. The Word of God was the infallible and impartial judge. And besides there were good scholars in the Word and in danon law there present. After Zwingli's speech there was a pause. Then the burgomaster urged, and then Zwingli urged all those who had anything to say against the doctrine taught by him to say it and disprove his teachings out of the Scriptures. A priest, after another awkward pause, spoke upon the arrest of Urban Wyss, pastor of Fislisbach, a village of Baden, on the border of 1523] The Reformation Defended 189 Switzerland, by the Bishop of Constance because he had disobeyed the Bishop's mandate relative to the maintenance of the Old Church teaching, and asked what those should do who like himself wished to preach the pure Gospel. This gave occasion to a genuine discussion in which Fabri and Zwingli bore the chief parts. The former was the defender of the Old Church and declared that from the Scriptures he had at Constance convinced Wyss of his errors, and that Wyss had renounced them and would therefore be soon released. He and Zwingli discussed many of the points in dispute, such as the intercession of the saints, clerical celibacy, and the authority of the Church; but though urged by ZwingH and others Fabri refused to give at length the Scripture proofs he had so successfully used, as he claimed, with the alleged heretic. But very few participated in the debate, for the audience, while friendly to the Re- formed party, was there to hear, not to participate. Dinner-time, which was 11 A.M., having come, and the audience being tired of sitting, was about to be dismissed when up sprang a canon, one of those in- dividuals who like to call attention to themselves in such assemblies, and tried to induce Zwingli to discuss some matters which properly belonged to the chapter meetings. He was with difficulty sup- pressed, and then the audience dispersed to their abodes. In the afternoon they came together again. The burgomaster then read a paper which the Council had just drawn up in the recess. It was an emphatic approval of Zwingli's doctrines, and a request that I90 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 / all preachers in the canton should present them. It ran thus: " Whereas, ye now in the name of the Lord and upon the command of the burgomaster, Council, and Great Council of the city of Zurich, and for the reasons com- prehended in the letters already sent you, as obedient persons have appeared, etc., and whereas again a year has elapsed since an honourable embassy of our gracious lord of Constance appeared here in the city of Zurich before the burgomaster, the Little and the Great Coun- cil, on account of such things as you have heard to-day, and when all things had now been discussed in various fashions it was reported: that our gracious lord of Con- stance was about to call together the learned in his bish- opric, along with the preachers in the adjoining bishoprics and prelacies, to advise, assist, and with them to confer, so that a unanimous decision might be reached and everyone would know how to conduct himself; but since up to this time, perhaps for noteworthy reasons, nothing special has been done in the matter by our gracious lord of Constance, and since the dissension among the clergy and the laity continually increases, therefore once more the burgomaster, Council, and Great Council of the city of Zurich in the name of God, for the sake of peace and Christian unity, have fixed this day, and, countenanced by the honourable delegation of our gracious lord of Constance (for which they give their gracious, exalted, and diligent thanks), have also for this purpose by means of open letters, as stated above, written, called, and sent for all people's priests, preachers, curates, collectively and singly, out of all their counties into this city, in order that in the examination they might confront with each other those mutually accusing each other of being heretics. 1523] The Reformation Defended 191 "And whereas Master Ulrich Zwingli, canon and preacher in the Great Minster in the city of Zurich, has formerly been much calumniated and accused on ac- count of his doctrine, yet no one has raised himself against him consequent upon his declaring and explain- ing his Articles, or has disproved them on the ground of Holy Scripture ; whereas he has several times challenged those who have accused him of being a heretic to step forward and no man has proved any sort of heresy in his doctrine; therefore the aforesaid burgomaster, Council, and Great Council of the city of Zurich, in order to put an end to disturbance and dissension, have upon due deliberation and consultation decided, resolved, and it is their earnest opinion, that Master Zwingli continue and keep on as before to proclaim the Holy Gospel and the pure Holy Scripture with the Holy Spirit, in accord- ance with his capabilities, so long and as frequently as he will until something better is made known to him. " Furthermore, all your people's priests, curates, and preachers in your cities and canton and dependencies, I shall undertake and preach nothing but what can be proved by the Holy Gospel and the pure Holy Script- ures: furthermore, they shall in no wise for the future slander, call each other heretic, or insult in such manner. ** Whoever, however, appears contrarious and not suf- ficiently obedient, the same will be put under such re- straint, that they must see and discover that they have committed wrong. " Given on Thursday after Charles's day, in the city of Zurich, upon the 29th day of January in the year MDXXni." Zv^ingli's strong point was in asking for Scripture proof that he was wrong ; yet Fabri offered to refute 192 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 him orally or in writing and on biblical grounds. Zwingli expressed great eagerness to have him do it. The deliverance was a great victory for Zwingli, and he gave public thanks to God for it. Fabri then announced that he had just got a copy of Zwingli's printed Articles, and that he particu- larly objected to Zwingli's denial of the propriety of Church ceremonies, /. e., the things and the doings which exalt the Church worship, and that he would prove their propriety. ** Good," said Zwingli, " we shall be glad to hear you." Fabri had made a rather poor show in the morning, but now he was primed, and the debate with Zwingli was much livelier and better in hand. He made a home thrust when he slyly asked Zwingli if the Council were not the judge between them. Zwingli, however, was not to be caught making any such concession, al- though that was the position the Council itself had taken. So at the risk of giving offence, he boldly maintained that Holy Scripture was the judge. Fabri's thrust did not penetrate his armour. At length the long debate was over, and as the crowd separated the burgomaster was heard to say : " That sword which pierced the pastor of Fislisbach, now a prisoner at Constance, has got stuck in its scabbard"; while the abbot of Cappel remarked: " Where were those who wanted to burn us, and had the wood piled at the stake ? Why did they not show themselves ? " ^ ' The above account of the disputation is based directly upon the icount given by Erhard llegenwald and printed at Zurich. The 1523] The Reformation Defended 193 On February 4, 1523, Glareanus wrote to Zwingli congratulating him upon the success of the disputa- tion and giving him the sequel of the railing of Doc- tor Gebweiler; how it had brought him into investi- gation by the acting bishop and into disfavour with the City Council, which, however, had previously preface is dated March 3, 1523. It states that the occasion of the publication is the appearance of false accounts of the disputation ; that he was present and wrote out the speech in his inn immediately after the disputation, and inquired of others whenever things were not clear to his own mind. It is possible, perhaps rather probable, that Zwingli " edited " it. But there is no proof that he did, or that he altered the reports of his speeches for the better. For collocations and other editions see Finsler's Ztvingli- Bibliographic (Zurich, 1897), pp. 77, 78- My copy is the original. It is represented in the Schuler and Schulthess edition of Zwingli's works, i., 1 14-153. Five editions of the original were printed and widely distributed, and it was reprinted at Leipzig and Augsburg. Fabri considered that it put him in a bad light, although Hegenwald strove to be impartial. So he must needs get out his own account of the disputation, which he styles " Trustworthy information as to what took place in Zurich on January 23d." In his preface he remarks that the Bishop's depu- tation had not gone to Zurich to debate at all, but he had publicly offered during the disputation to debate in writing with Zwingli on condition that the papers were submitted to a judge for decision. Hegenwald had suppressed this offer; and had so reported the speeches, that while those by Zwingli were improved, those by the opposite side were made to sound childish. Fabri's book appeared March 10. It stirred the ire of seven young Zurichers, who brought out on September ist a travesty of Fabri's volume, entitled " Das gyren rupffen. Halt inn wie Johans Schmid Vicarge ze Costentz mit dem buchle darinn er verheisst ein ware bericht wie es vff den. 29. tag Jenners. M.D. XXIII. ze Zurich gangen sye sich ubersehe hat. Ist voll schimpffs vund ernstes"— (" The Vulture Plucked. It con- tains what John Schmidt, vicar-general of Constance, has omitted to state in his book wherein he promises to give a true account of what took place upon January 29, 1523, at Zurich. It is full of things gay and grave,") a title which sufficiently indicates the book. BuUin- Z3 194 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 acted against him. He repeats the commonplace slander of Zwingli's relations with an honest wife.* From the letter of Glareanus dated February 14, 1523, it appears that Zwingli had complained to the Council regarding Gebweiler's slanders, and the Council had asked the Basel Council to take action. The upshot was that Gebweiler apologised, and so the affair ended. ^ This backing from his political superiors was of the greatest value and protection to Zwingli, and also was evidence of his shrewdness in calling upon the Council to decide whether he were a heretic. Having declared him innocent, they were bound to see him through. Fabri, indeed, boasted of victory, but Zwingli resented his action," and had really more substantial results to show. Henceforth he moved much more securely, as he knew that the City Council and most of the clergy and laity of the city and canton were at all events not inclined to oppose him. In accordance with the new regulations respecting the cloisters,* Leo Jud on March 7th succeeded the Dominicans as preacher in the aristocratic nunnery ger tells the story and gives the names of the authors (i., io8). Fabri complained of it to the Zurich Council, November 16, 1523, and em- phatically denied that he merited so gross and personal an attack. He asks the Council to inform him whether the book appeared with their knowledge, and who were the authors. What the answer of the Council was is unknown. See letter in Strickler, Actensa/nmhmg^ i , No. 703. The contemporary Roman Catholic historian, Johannes Salat, gives in his chronicle an account of the disputation, plainly taken from Hegenwald, but somewhat coloured. See his Chronicle in Archiv fur die Schweize^-ische Reformations Geschichte^ i., 42—53. ' VII., 270, 271. ^Yjj 273j-^. *VII., 276, 277. ^Seep. 172. 1523] The Reformation Defended 195 of Oetenbach*; and many of the nuns re-entered the world, taking with them the property they had brought into it. In the summer some nuns were bold enough to marry. These radical changes were not effected without opposition.' On February 24th, Zwingli wrote a letter to Ur- ban Wyss, the alleged heretic already mentioned, imprisoned by the order of the Bishop of Con- stance, urging him to stand firm in the Gospel, but not expressing much confidence that he would.' In February, Zwingli was hanged in efifigy at Lu- zern, but he took the insult as a favour/ Ash Wednesday came that year on February i8th. No change from the usual food prohibition was made, except that the Council accepted the plea of neces- sity.' After Lent, on Tuesday, April 28th, occurred a memorable event — the first real clerical marriage in Zurich. So-called clerical marriages which were only uncomplained of, but none the less reprehen- sible, concubinages were and had long been common — in such a relation Zwingli himself lived for two years — but for a priest or religious to marry was un- heard of. William Roubli was the first to do the deed. His example was followed on Wednesday, June 24th, by the chaplain of the Great Minster, Zwingli's church, and indeed in that cathedral and with an ex-nun of Oetenbach. Zwingli's dear friend, '^Leo Jud, who early in the year became people's ^ In the present city of Zurich. The building is now an orphan- age. The other nunnery of Selnau is now also in the city limits and used as a prison. 2 Bullinger, i., iio; cf. vii., 279. 3 VII., 277. < VII., 278. « EgH. A. S„ No. 339. 19^ Huldreich Zwingli [1523 priest of St. Peter's, married on September 19th. Such marriages were henceforth common/ Some time in March Zwingli received two touching letters from monks in the Carthusian Monastery of Ittingen, twenty-five miles north-east of Zurich, near Frauen- feld, asking his advice and consolation." On July loth, the Bishop of Constance issued a long letter in Latin to the clergy of his diocese upon the religious troubles. It shows considerable Script- ure knowledge, and is dignified and proper.^ At the close the notorious difficulty in those days of sending notifications to scattered individuals led to the request to have copies of the imperial edict on the subject, which accompanied the Bishop's letter, made and distributed. But the Council sent both communications back unopened ! * As was to be expected, Zwingli prepared an elaborate commentary on the Articles he had drawn up for use in the disputation. He began immedi- ately after it was over, and on February 19th states that he was working on it " night and day; do you therefore pray to our common Christ that He may never suffer me to slip. For it will be a sort of farrago of the opinions which are to-day under de- bate. I will write in German, for the Articles have appeared in that tongue." ' His friends awaited it ' Bullinger gives (i., 108 sq.) quite a list of these clerical Benedicts. The connection between a priest leaving the Roman Church and his marriage is generally close. 2 VII., 282-285. ''Strickler, Actensammlung, i., 219-222. ^Egli, A. S., No. 386. •VII., 27$. 1523] The Reformation Defended 197 eagerly.' June came and found him amid many distractions still toiling at his task." At length on Tuesday, July 14th, he signed the dedication — to his old congregation at Glarus — and so finished his volume which bears the title : "Exposition and Proof of the Conclusions or Articles." ^ It was written for the people, and admirably served its purpose. It is clear in language, though discursive in style, and goes over the ground covered in the Articles. It is full of personal allusions." It contains Zwingli's first printed assertion of his relation to Luther. He repudiates the term " Lutheran " as applied to him and his teaching, and asserts his entire independence of Luther, although they agree on many points.* He confesses his great debt to Erasmus.^ With this volume Zwingli made good his claim to a knowledge of the Reformation principles and to be the Reformation leader of the Swiss and South Germans, who henceforth rallied around him and not around the Saxon Reformer. For good or ill from thence on Zwingli, the Reformer of German Switzerland, took his stand on an equal level beside the Hero of the Reformation. No sooner had he finished his " Exposition " but he brought out a tractate of less dimensions indeed, but of equal prac- tical value. It was designed to head off the very excesses in the direction of false liberty which later were attributed to the Anabaptist movement and iVII., 288, 294. 2 VII., 300. 3 I., 169-424 ; also in modern German by Christoffel and separately published, Zurich, 1844. ^I., 256, and elsewhere. *I., 298. 19^ Huldreich Zwingli [1523] led to its bloody suppression. The tractate ap- peared on July 30th, and was in form an expanded sermon on ** Divine and Human Righteousness," ^ which he had preached on St. John Baptist's day (June 24th). The gist of it is thus stated in the preface : " The Gospel of Christ is not hostile to rulers, nor does it occasion any disturbance to temporal affairs, rather it confirms the authority of rulers, instructs them in the right performance of their duties and how to be in har- mony with the people, if they act in a Christian manner according to the divine precepts." ' ' I., 425-458. Translated into modern German by Christoffel, Zurich, 1845. ^I..428. CHAPTER VIII THE REFORMATION ESTABLISHED 1523-1525 DURING the two years from the uprising of 1523 to the corresponding period of 1525, the Reformation from theory and prophecy became fact. The successive steps may therefore most conveniently be here stated in comparatively few words. It will be remembered that up to this time there was no real change in the religious life of the people. Lent was kept as usual, the sacrifice of the mass was offered, confessions were heard, and absolution given, the images in the churches still stood. The scriptural authority of all these things was openly denied, it is true, but they existed all the same. Some of the priests had married, but as some of them had had so-called wives before, this change was not so noticeable. Some nuns marrjied^^. The marriage of those who had solemnly vowed to lead strictly celibate lives caused great scandal among ^y many who were otherwise friendly to the Reforma- tion. Many monks and nuns left the convents, probably in many cases to their sorrow, as they found " the world " less congenial than the convent, even though the round of prayers and duties was often irksome. 199 X 200 Huldreich Zwingli [1523- Zwingli had, however, prepared the ground for a fresh growth of reh'gious customs, and it came up as rich as he could desire, and his preaching early effected very radical changes which affected the purses as well as the faith of the people, as was shown when on September 29, 1523, the Council ordered that hence- forth no fees should be collected in the Great Min- ster for baptisms, dispensations of the Eucharist, or for interments without gravestones; that the use of candles at burials was not obligatory ; that all the clergy of the Minster should preach the Word of God ; that the unnecessary number of persons sup- ported by the Minster should be reduced gradually by not filling the places of those who died ; that the Bible should be daily publicly read for an hour each in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, and at the same time explained ; that a thorough education be given to all candidates to the ministry, and that the children be also specially cared for; and that for educational purposes suitable buildings be provided ; that holders of benefices should as far as possible discharge parish duties; that there should not be two kinds of priests in the cathedral — canons and chaplains — but only one kind; that the cathedral surplus should be dis- tributed to the poor under the care of a committee of which Zwingli was one/ Caution was Zwingli's characteristic. He would move no faster than public sentiment approved. Yet he did his best to form such sentiment. He prepared the way for the change and then quietly let things come to a crisis. So it was with the ' Bullinger, i., 11 5-1 19 ; cf. Egli, A. S., Nos. 368, 372, 425, 426. 1525] The Reformation Established 201 radical matter of using the vernacular for the Church services; Zwingli advocated it, but Leo Jud, in the baptism of a child in the Great Minster, August lo, 1523, first introduced it, and then when Zwingli found it was popular, he proceeded to reform the liturgy and unfold his novel teaching respecting it. In his treatise on " The Canon of the Mass," * — dated IV. Cal. Septemb. {i. e., August 29) 1523 — the canon is that part of the mass liturgy in which the words of the institution appear, and is therefore doctrinally the storm centre of discussion respecting it — he enunciates the doctrine now so commonly associated with his name that the Euch- arist is not a rnystery but a ministry, the atmosphere is not awe but love, the result is not infusion of grace but of enthusiasm ; we remember Christ, and the thought of His presence stirs us to fresh exertion in His service. He proposed a substitute for the Latin prayers which still more strikingly would set forth these teachings. Yet, characteristically he made no innovation himself at once. His books, however, laid down principles which logically fol- lowed out would oblige a complete break with the Old Church. Yet, so slow was he to make changes that on October 9, 1523, he actually defended him- self against the charge that he retained the Old Church ceremonies — the use of the cross, vestments, choir-singing, etc., — because he liked them ! ^ The people sometimes, as in the case of the vio- ^III., 83-116, written in four days, August 25 to 29, and dedi- cated to his patron, Geroldseck. ^ In his " Apology " for his tract on the Mass Canon, dated Octo- ber 9, 1523; iii., 117-120. 202 Huldreich Zwingli [1523- lators of Lent in 1522, outran his prudence and put into practice the line of conduct he advocated be- fore he was ready that they should. But he was now fully embarked upon the sea of troubles incident to radical reform, and was prepared for whatever came. He could count upon little sympathy out- side of Zurich,' but within it he was strong. Zwingli had taught that the images of the Virgin Mary and of the saints found in all churches were idols, and should be removed, yet he took no steps to remove those in the Great Minster. Bolder spirits under- took to carry out his ideas elsewhere. The friends of the old order resisted, denounced the action as sacrilege, and secured the imprisonment of the offenders. Zwingli, as in the case of the earlier violators of Lent, acknowledged the logic of the situation, although deprecating the violence which the iconoclasts sometimes used, and visited the offenders in prison, whom he addressed not as criminals but as over-zealous and thoughtlessly un- ruly. Still the situation demanded action by the city and cantonal authorities. These appointed a committee consisting of four members of the Little Council and four of the Great Council to study with the three priests in charge of the three parishes (Zwingli, Engelhard, and Jud) the Scripture pass- ages bearing on the religious use of images, and to report to the Great Council. Meanwhile the icono- clasts remained in prison.' • The Swiss Diet at Baden on September 30, 1523, passed a law threatening all adherents of the Reformed faith with punishment. ' So Zwingli writes in a letter of October 9, 1523 (vii., 311, 312). THE GREAT MINSTER, ZURICH. 1525] The Reformation Established 203 Subsequently the Council on Monday before St. Gall's day {i. e., October I2th) summoned' all the clergy of the canton to discuss in a public debate on Monday, October 26, 1523, what should be done about the Church images and also the mass. Urgent invitations to be represented were sent to the bishops of Constance, Basel, and Chur, to the University of Basel, and to each canton.'* The answers were characteristic, Constance declared (October i6th) that he would be answerable to both his rulers (Pope and Emperor) if he took part in the proposed dis- putation; urged the Council to give the idea up, and leave all such questions for answer at the com- ing General Council. Basel declared that he was too old and weak to make the journey; that only the whole Church should undertake such changes, and also they should avoid schism. Chur sent no reply at all. The cantons, except Schaffhausen and St. Gall, decli-ned to send deputations. Bern and Solothurn replied in friendly fashion, but said the matter should be discussed by the Confederacy as a whole ; the abbot of St. Gall politely declined to come; Lucerne reproached Zurich for her persist- ency in error; Upper Unterwalden was bitter and abusive.^ Notwithstanding this rather discouraging result, Zurich persisted and the debate was held.* The Council laid down the same general conditions as in ' Bullinger gives the text of the summons, i., 128 sq, 'I., 543. 3 1., 460. *See the account in i., 464-540, as reprinted from Ludwig Het- zer's, issued December 8, 1523. 204 Huldreich Zwingli [1523- January: the language used should be the vernacu- lar; the final authority should be the Word of God. Schaffhausen was represented by Sebastian Hof- meister; St. Gall by Vadian and Schappeler. The burgomaster presided, and 350 ecclesiastics of the canton and 550 other persons were counted as at- tendants. The proceedings lasted three days. The first day was given to a debate upon the proposition : the Church images are forbidden by God and Holy Scripture, and therefore Christians should neither make, set up, nor reverence them, but they should be removed.* It was resolved to remove them wherever it could be done without disturbance or wounding tender consciences. Those in prison for the offence of removing them were recommended to mercy, and the burgomaster promised to spare them.* The second and third days were taken up in dis- cussing this proposition : the mass is no sacrifice, and hitherto has been celebrated with many abuses, quite different from its original institution by Christ. The debate being now on a burning ques- tion was livelier. Zwingli shrewdly avoided a plain statement as to the exact nature of the elements, for the time had not come for his radical stand, but he showed wherein a representation differed from a repetition of Christ's sacrifice. He confessed that transubstantiation and its defenders, especially the ^ Bullinger, i., 131. The burgomaster interrupted the debate in the morning at ii a.m. to announce that it was time to go to dinner, and the next session would begin at i p.m. '^ Ibid., 132, 133. 1525] The Reformation Established 205 monks, had too frequently been attacked by abuse rather than by argument, but stoutly declared that the monks were hypocrites, and monasticism was of the devil.' The debate on the third day began at noon, and was in continuation of the preceding. But although so much time was consumed, no decision was arrived at, except to let the Council handle it. It was perhaps noticed that the debate on the third day did not begin till noon. The explanation is that Zwingli preached that morning. So many country preachers could not separate without having a ser- mon from the leading city preacher. Many months later he expanded the discourse by urgent request, and published it March 26, 1524.' It is called " The Shepherd." In it he contrasts the good and the false shepherds. He set plainly before them the pros- pect that fidelity would lead to martyrdom. Such was the fate he expected for himself, as appears from his letters.' Zwingli on November 11, 1523, thus informed Vadianus * what happened after the disputation : The Council selected four from its own ranks and four from the citizens, " as they call them," that they might consult with the abbot of Cappel (eleven ' I., 502. The thoughtful and perhaps hungry burgomaster inter- rupted the debate as usual at ii a.m. to remind the assembly that it was time to go to dinner ! I., 519, ^I., 631-668. It was translated into modern German by Chris- toffel, Zurich, 1843, and by B. Riggenbach, Basel, 1884, and was translated into English under the title, " The Image of Both Pastors," London, 1550. 3C/., e. g,, vii., 'h^^sqq, ^ Who had been one of the three presidents at the recent disputa- tion (Bullinger, i., 130). 2o6 Huldreich Zwingli [1523- miles south of Zurich), the provost of Embrach (ten miles north by east), the comtur of Kiissnacht (five miles south by east on Lake Zurich), and the chief priests of the three parishes of Zurich, — Zwingli, Engelhard, and Jud, — "so as to discover a plan by which to move forward the work of Christ. It was agreed that a brief introduction to the Council's order should be written by me, by means of which those bishops [ruling pastors] who had hitherto either been ignorant of Christ, or had been turned away from Him, should be induced to begin to preach Him. This was read on November 9th, and pleased the Coun- cil and is now being printed. It was also resolved that the abbot of Cappel should preach Christ under the au- thority of the city across the Alps [Basel ?], the comtur [or head of the monastery] at Kiissnacht around the lake [of Zurich] and in the province of Grueningen [twelve miles south-east and about four miles back of east bank of lake], alid I in those provinces which look toward Schaffhausen and Thurgau [the cantons on the east and north of Zurich], so that the sheep of Christ might not by anyone's negligence be deprived of hear- ing the word of salvation. They will shortly determine what will be done about the images, as soon as the people have been instructed ; and the same with regard to the mass. In the meantime we are to go on in our wonted manner, except that it is permitted to any to re- move their private images, as long as no one is injured. The prisoners are to be treated according to the high- est law — what that means you do not need to be told.* But this is reasonable, for it does not escape you what ' The ringleaders and the pastor of Hongg, three miles north-west of Zurich, whose sermon had incited the iconoclasts, were banished. 1525] The Reformation Established 207 sort of men we have to fear at this time, not so much for the thing itself as for the glory of Christ. For there are those who revolt against the Gospel of Christ unless you yield a little to their infirmities. For the sake of these I think that Lawrence Hochrutiner [a leader in a cross-breaking expedition] has been treated a little too firmly, not to say harshly; a good man, by Hercules, but punished very severely because he has said too much. So he is compelled to go away from here, and does not find any place in the whole world except your city where he can settle. . . . Whatever service you do him you will do to Zwingli." * The ** brief introduction " alluded to bears the title: "A short Christian introduction which the honourable Council of the city of Zurich has sent to the pastors and preachers living in its cities, lands, and wherever its authority extends, so that they may in unison henceforth announce and preach the true Gospel to their dependents." ^ It was prepared by Zwingli in fourteen days, so it was a hasty work as usual, and read before the Council on November 9, and printed November 17, 1523. Preceding it is the mandate of the Zurich authorities which com- mends the " Introduction " on the ground of its scriptural character, and repeats the requests to be corrected out of the Scriptures, if they have in any respect not advocated correct opinions.' The treat- ise is throughout doctrinal, but far from abstruse. It begins with a brief handling of sin, then of the law. At greater length it treats of the Gospel, as God's way of deliverance from the law; next upon > VII., 313, 314. 2 1^ 541-565. 3 1., 542 s^. 2o8 Huldreich Zwingli [1523- the deliverance itself, the ** removal of the law.'* Next, but more briefly, upon images. Zwingli says, in concluding the section: " It is clear that the images and other representations which we have in the houses of worship have caused the risk of idolatry. Therefore they should not be allowed to remain there, nor in your chambers, nor in the mar- ket-place, nor anywhere else where one does them honour. Chiefly they are not to be tolerated in the churches, for all that is in them should be worthy of our respect. If anyone desires to put historical representa- tions on the outside of the churches, that may be allowed, so long as they do not incite to their worship. But when one begins to bow before these images and to worship them, then they are not to be tolerated anywhere in the wide world; for that is the beginning of idolatry, nay, is idolatry itself." * The closing section, which is also comparatively brief, is upon the mass; and mainly an explicit denial that the mass is a sacrifice. It teaches us that Christ has left us a definite, visible sign of His flesh and blood, and calls the eating and drinking His remembrance. The old use of the Eucharist was an abuse which should be abolished : yet so cautiously that no disturbance arise therefrom. The effect of the second disputation of this action by the Council, the visit of the delegates to the parishes, and of Zwingli's tractate was exactly as he would have it. Priests everywhere in the canton declined to read mass, and the presence of the ' I., 561 sq. 1525] The Reformation Established 209 images in the churches was more and more con- sidered an offence. There was, however, a party which honestly deplored these departures from the old order, and Zwingli himself advised deliberation. The division in the chapter of the Great Minster as to the mass led to the reference of the matter to the Council on December loth, and it in turn referred it to the three people's priests. Zwingli wrote the opinion " ' entirely on the side of the proposed changes, and plainly announced that on the coming Christmas day, Friday, December 25, 1523, the Lord's Supper would be administered under both forms, and daily thereafter there would be a brief Bible exposition in place of the daily mass. The Council, however, decided to allow both the old and new forms of the Eucharist in the city, and practi- cally only the old elsewhere in the canton, and to postpone any revised liturgy.'' On December 19th, the Council replied directly to the chapter of the Great Minster, inviting them and all the city clergy to a disputation upon the matters in dispute in the Town Hall on Holy Innocents' day, Monday, December 28th, before the city magistracy; and meanwhile the Council ordered that the folding doors which covered certain pictures in the cathe- dral should be closed and kept closed, and that no church banners, crucifixes, or pictures should be carried about. The conference only resulted in the call for another, between the representatives of the Old Church party and the three people's priests, on 1 1., 566-568. 2Egli, A. S., No. 460. 2IO Huldreich Zwingli [1523] January 19 and 20, 1524.* Meanwhile the bishops of Constance, Basel, and Chur, the University of Basel, and the confederate authorities were to be asked for their opinions on Zwingli's ** Introduc- tion." * I., 568 ; BuUinger, i., 139 sq. CHAPTER IX GEROLD MEYER VON KNONAU, HUTTEN, AND ERASMUS 1523 THE relations between Zwingli and the woman he afterwards married were probably partly brought about by the fact that her son Ceroid was one of his pupils in the Latin school attached to the Great Minster. In the spring of 1521, Ceroid, along with other youths who had enjoyed Zwingli's instruction, was sent to Basel where he was put at first under James Nepos ^ ; afterwards under Clare- anus. From Basel he wrote to Zwingli in Septem- ber, perhaps, enthusiastically praising the city and its learned men, and showing that he was enjoying himself in other than literary pursuits.' The tone of the letter is slightly patronising, as was expected of a young patrician addressing an ordinary man, even one whom he styles his ** master, respected and beloved for many reasons," but at the same time boyishly frank and affectionate. Considered as the production of a boy only eleven years old, it is remarkable. Zwingli seems to have reciprocated Ceroid 's affection; at all events, on August I, 1523, »VII., 169. 2VIL, 181 s^, 211 212 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 when Ceroid, then thirteen years old, returned from a stay at the baths in Baden, about twelve miles north-west of Zurich, Zwingli took the trouble to put into shape a little collection of ** precepts " upon education which he had begun years before, and gave it to him as a " bath-present," it being customary then so to greet with presents persons coming from the baths. The collection was afterwards printed.' It is dedicated to Ceroid in a very fatherly tone. ** The first precepts contain how the tender mind of an ingenuous youth may be instructed in those things which relate to Cod; the second how in those which relate to himself; the third, how in those which have regard to others." ^ Judging from the dedication to him, Ceroid was * IV., 148-158. Its popularity is attested by the appearance of numerous editions of it. It was written originally in Latin, and printed at Basel, 1523 ; reprinted in Augsburg, 1524, along with Melanchthon's Ekfnenta Fuerilia, and the same year by Froschauer in Zurich ; again in Bas61, in 1541, in a collection of twenty-one pedagogical papers, but without Zwingli's name, merely, as " Writ- ten by a Christian Theologian." In 1524 a translation in Upper Rhine German appeared, probably at Basel (reprinted by K. Fulda, Erfurt, 1844). This seems to have stirred up Zwingli to make a translation of his little book into the dialect of Zurich, and this was printed by Froschauer in Zurich, 1526 ; reprinted by August Israel in Part IV. of his collection of rare pedagogical tracts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Zchopau, 1879 I ^.nd by E. Egli, with the original Latin on the opposite page, Zurich, 1884. An English translation of the treatise from the Latin was made by " Rich- arde Argentyne, Doctour in Physck, imprinted at Ipsewich [London] by Anthony Scoloker, dwellyng in S. Nycholas Paryshe Anno 1548." A new translation on the basis of Israel's edition of the German was prepared by Professor Alcide Reichenbach of Ursinus College, and published, Collegeville, Pa., 1899. 2 IV., 149. 523] Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus 213 a sober-minded and precocious youth who would appreciate and profit by Zwingli's good advice.^ The year 1523 was destined to see the end of the friendship between Zwingli and Erasmus. It is not probable that Erasmus ever had any affection for Zwingli, but they had much in common. They were both devoted students of the Greek and Latin classics and had many common friends among the Humanists. Religiously they both had come to the truth through culture and reflection, and were strangers to any violent conversion. They both were sociable and lovers of fun; both looked leniently upon the follies and pleasant vices of man- kind, while themselves in maturer years chaste and pious. To young Zwingli there was no scholar like Erasmus. He was ready to make a long journey to sit reverently at his feet.' Erasmus considered his pupil agreeable and promising, and occasionally wrote him a letter ' ; but when Zwingli carried out to their logical conclusions the teachings of Eras- mus, and proposed to abolish the evils of the Roman Church, as manifested in Zurich, Erasmus became alarmed, claimed that the time was not yet ripe for action, and would dissuade Zwingli from doing anything." The interest of the old scholar was changing into indifference when an event occurred which broke up their friendship abruptly and ab- solutely, namely, Zwingli's treatment of Ulrich von 1 Cf, pp. 232 sqq. for additional information as to Ceroid. '' P. 79. 3 Pp. 80 sqq. 4 VII., 251. As Strauss truthfully says : " Humanism was large- minded, but faint-hearted " {Ulrich vonHutton, Eng. trans., p. 346). 214 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 Hutten, a man Erasmus hated. Hutten was the most picturesque character to espouse the cause of the Reformation. He was a scion of a noble family in Hesse-Cassel, accomplished, learned, extremely witty and humorous, a fearless fighter for intellectual and religious liberty, and one who deserved well of the cause of the Reformation, which he embraced with characteristic ardour though dissipated and licen- tious. He enjoyed till near the end of his life the friendship of Erasmus, but forfeited it by his vehe- ment attack upon him as too cowardly to declare himself openly a Lutheran, while really so. The at- tack was in revenge for Erasmus's conduct in not call- ing upon him during his stay of two months in Basel. As is seen from the sentences quoted in the note below, Hutten appeared at the house of Glareanus. Erasmus was, however, wary how he allied himself with one under the ban, hopelessly in debt, and also whose shameful disease made him physically loath- some. This attack turned Erasmus into the im- placable foe of Hutten, and of all who defended or aided Hutten. Zwingli, as a Humanist, was of course familiar with Hutten's career, and occa- sional mention of him occurs in his correspondence.' * Hutten's name is first mentioned in the Zwingli correspondence in a letter from William Nesen, dated April, 1518, wherein his phrase "the citadel of impudence" is quoted (vii., 40), and it is said, " The latest production of Hutten is greatly praised by the learned" (vii., 41). Next Myconius, on February 20, 1520, men- tions him along with Erasmus, Luther, and Valla, and other Human- ists (vii., 115). Valentine Curio, a Basel bookseller, in May, 1520, calls Zwingli's attention to certain dialogues of Hutten's with a view to his buying them (vii., 134). Myconius, on August 21, 1520, men- 1523] Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus 215 It appears that after leaving Basel (January 19, 1523) Hutten went to Mulhausen, in the present Elsass, eighteen miles north by west of Basel, and tions the issue of Hutten's literary attack on the Duke of Wurtem- berg (vii., 146). Hedio, on October 15, 1520, writing from Mainz, says : ** Hutten [who had just been expelled from Mainz for attack- ing the Roman Church] lies in hiding, for whom prison has been prepared by the Romans, who have issued secret instructions either to arrest him and take him in chains to Rome or else slay him. Nevertheless, he will remain hidden, as the monks perceive to whom this promise has been entrusted : for they are the furies of the Pope " (vii., 148). In 1522, from Basel, on November 28th, Glareanus thus writes of him: "Hutten is with us, not an agreeable guest, as I think, to the very learned man [Erasmus]. I have eaten with him twice, and he will be here some time. But the protection promised by the magistracy, though I do not know that he will need it, yet he wished to have it. Not yet over his sickness and in Germany hardly able to rest anywhere in safety, he seeks here a little breathing space " (vii., 247). " I wish you were present some days at my house. You would see Erasmus, Hutten, CEcolampadius " (vii., 248). So Johan- nes Xylotectus, writing from Lucern on December 11, 1522, says: " I have seen a letter sent to a certain patrician here from a Baseler in the upper walks of life, in which the statement is made that Hut- ten has just now arrived at Basel, along with him [CEcolampadius], who was on intimate terms with Franz von Sickingen " (vii., 252). Henry Eppendorf, writing from Basel sometime in December, 1522, says : " Your book presented by Christopher [Froschauer, the printer of Zurich] to my library, and in which you most wisely coun- sel the German princes against the deceit of the Roman pontiff, I have perused most eagerly, and have let Ulrich von Hutten, that unique defender of religion and liberty in Germany, read it also " (vii., 259). Otho Brunfels, a friend of Hutten's, under date of Feb- ruary 13, 1523, from Nuremberg, writes: "Our Hutten is in bad shape and we others are indiscriminately overthrown" (vii., 273). CEcolampadius, writing from Basel on June 16, 1523, says : " I ask you to forward this parcel to that beloved knight, Ulrich von Hut- ten" (vii., 301), and on July 8, " Greet for me, I pray you, my lord Hutten, and tell him that letters have lately come to me for him" (vii., 301). 2i6 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 lay hidden there for some months in the Augustinian monastery. But so pugnacious and reckless an op- ponent of the Roman Church could not keep quiet. From Mulhausen he issued his " Expostulation" with Erasmus. This revealed his presence to the Old Church party and they threatened his life. The City Council prudently advised him to withdraw, and about the middle of July he left one night and fled to Zurich, which in a straight line was sixty miles south-east. There Zwingli with characteristic kindness befriended him,' and for the benefit of his health sent him to Pfaefers, with a letter of recom- mendation to the abbot, who was a friend of the Reformation. The healing springs in the gorge beneath the village were then and are to-day famous. But Hutten could not be cured and so turned back towards Zurich." Zwingli then sent him to the ^ Blarer writes from Constance on July 27, 1523 : " Commend me to Hutten, who I hear is with you. That ' Expostulation ' of his with Erasmus, just published, shows us pleasantly and intimately if anything ever did that German mind of his, so that it is a great grief to us that the health of that truly Christian man is so little firm, whereas it ought to be adamantine " (vii., 305). 2 On his way, probably, from Einsiedeln, where he rested, he sent Zwingli this letter, the only one of his to Zwingli which has been preserved ; it has no date, but must have been written in July or August, 1523 : " I derived no benefit from the baths of Pfaefers, because they are not hot enough. It seems that the labour and peril to which I have gone have been of no avail for the recovery of my health " [This is an allusion to the fact that at times invalids had to climb down hanging ladders into the gloomy gorge wherein the springs are, or to be let down by ropes. Cf. Strauss's Hutten, Eng. trans., p. 352]. It cannot be told with what kindness and lib- erality the abbot [of Pfaefers ; the monastery where Hutten stopped was in the village of Pfaefers, on a high hill, and directly over the THE TAMINA GORGE IN WHICH BAD PFAFERS IS LOCATED. 1523] Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus 217 island of Ufnau, opposite Rapperswyl, towards the extreme eastern end of the Lake of Zurich, some twenty-two miles from Zurich, where the pastor, Hans Schnegg, a canon of Einsiedeln, was also a skilful physician. On August loth, Erasmus wrote to the City Council of Zurich to be on their guard against the insolence of Hutten, and because it might work great harm to the city, he advised them to put a curb on the dangerous man. When Hutten heard of this letter he asked the Council to communi- cate its contents to him, that he might answer it, and claimed that he had from boyhood led a life of virtue and piety, which was untrue! On Au- gust 31st, Erasmus wrote directly to Zwingli'; and never again except in the form of a dedication.' deep gorge just mentioned] treated me. On this account you will give him my thanks when you write him. In me he favoured you and the comtur [Schmidt of Kussnacht]. When I left, he begged me earnestly to spend some weeks with him. He also furnished me horses and provisions for the journey [from the monastery to Zurich, which might take for so sick a man as Hutten at least a couple of days]. He advised me to visit the baths again sometime ; for the cause of their doing me no good now, was the rain which fell all these days and mingled itself with the baths. Cold water was never wanting, either falling from the sky, or lately flowing from the rocks in torrents so as to threaten my little bath-house. Thus much about the baths, where I have been told Nicholas Prugner has come from Mulhausen, besides letters for me. Write and tell me how matters are, and if there are letters for me, have them forwarded. Also inform me what provision you have made for my entertainment : for I would have moved thither to-day if I had not been uncertain where I was to go. I do not doubt but that you will not have failed me in the matter. Whatever it is, inform me, and farewell" (vii., 302). ^ VII., 307-310. ^VII., 310. 2i8 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 In carefully chosen words he defended himself against the common report that he was a trimmer, and coming at last to the point he thus delivered himself : *' Hutten's * Expostulation * has not been withdrawn, at least not until it had been widely spread abroad and many copies of it had gone into circulation. I do in- deed not grudge him the favour of your citizens. I wonder none the less on what account they bestow their favour on him. As to a Lutheran ? But no one has more thwarted the cause of the Gospel. For good let- ters ? But no one has so hurt that cause. That little book of his, written without cause against a friend, will call forth much hostility to the German name. What is more barbarous than to make so many false charges against a friend who wishes well to him, and has de- served well of him ? I know that he was influenced from an outside source, and that this has been pushed by some in order to extort money from my friends. Concerning his other deeds I will say nothing; they are sufficiently notorious, but even pirates cherish true friendship. I replied to him. More properly I did not reply, but repelled an impudent calumny. The cause of the Gospel and of good letters influences me more than the injury to myself. I do not value the friendship of those who delight in such a disposition. Everybody is sure that this raging of his has you for instigator, how- ever you evade the issue. He can bring much evil to your city, but no good. And further, CEcolampadius declared that he had enlarged his evil-spoken book. Still I see the real fact; he will go on raging, not so much to my injury as to that of good letters. But if he does not stop gnashing his teeth on a fragile bit, he will 1523] Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus 219 strike something solid. You will use your influence to restrain the man, if you see that it is for the interests of polite literature and of the Gospel and of the German name — for nowadays the people call everybody a German who uses the German language. . . . What our Hilarius said, that Hutten's book could be printed be- cause you allowed it, he said of his own volition, not at my command. Farewell." On August 15th, Hutten's second attack on Eras- mus, vi^hich was not calculated to make matters bet- ter, appeared, and in two weeks thereafter (August 31st) Hutten died. He was just past his thirty-fifth birthday. He was buried on Ufnau, but the place is now unknown.^ But for befriending Hutten, or rather for sharing the views of Hutten, as expressed in his attacks, ' Zwingli thus wrote about Hutten's affairs, October ii, 1523: " Hutten had some debts here also, and all his goods were not enough to pay them. Therefore, he left nothing of any value. He had no books, and no furniture except a pen. Of his effects I saw nothing after his death except some letters which he had received from his friends, or sent to them, and which he had sewed together. A short time ago there was a man here who brought a letter to him who is dead, which I sent to Henry Eppendorf. From him I learn that there was some hope for the creditors of Hutten. Wherefore if you can meet Eppendorf, tell him to give his aid and counsel in this matter. I have no advice to give beyond this. He owed me three gold-pieces and the comtur at Kiissnacht twenty. But let me not forget to say the courier said : That there remained from the wreck of Hutten's affairs two hundred gold-pieces which Eppendorf would perhaps receive. I then wrote to Eppendorf on behalf of the comtur, but so far have received no reply. I ask, therefore, that if you should receive any hope, you will indicate that his dues also should be paid. I do not worry about what is due me ; if anything comes to me, I will receive it ; if not well and good " (vii., 313). 220 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 Erasmus had only scorn. Still he did not at once break with Zwingli, but dedicated to him his " Sponge to wipe off the aspersions of Hutten," his. reply to Hutten's first attack, in a courteous epistle,' and then ceased to write to him. Zwingli deplored this estrangement," but it was inevitable. And the break with Erasmus was accompanied with the loss of the friendship of Glareanus,^ who was the shadow of Erasmus and shared his religious views. This fact comes out in the letter Zwingli, on May 28, 1525, wrote to Vadianus: " When Erasmus of Rotterdam received my com- mentary ["On the true and false religion"] he exclaimed, as a friend of his reports: ' My good Zwingli, what do you write that I have not first written ? ' I tell you this that you may see how far self-esteem can carry us. Would that Erasmus had treated my arguments with his pen! The world would then have been persuaded, so that I should not labour under such a burden of enmity. I always preferred to stay in the background; but the Lord did not wish it, and His will be done. Would that the name of Erasmus had been attached to my book! Then shamefacedness would not have held me in its bonds, nor the fear of vainglory. I thus speak before the Lord: After my writings have been read by all, I would wish that my name should fall into oblivion. Glareanus rages against me, and takes all measures not ^ VII., 310, 311. ^ See his kind remarks about Erasmus, viii., 174, 175. ' It is noteworthy that not a single letter to Glareanus appears in the Zwingli correspondence. After the rupture Glareanus may have destroyed them. The last letter of Glareanus preserved is dated February 14, 1523 (vii. 270, 271), and is very friendly. 1523] Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus 221 only against me, but also against CEcolampadius. See how the thoughts of the heart are revealed, when Mary, /'. e.^ those who are Christ's mother, sister, and brother, are stricken with the sword of persecution. Who would have thought that there was in the former [Erasmus] so great a desire for glory, and in the latter [Glareanus] so much of malignity and venom! The most learned men everywhere congratulate the Swiss; and a Swiss [Glare- anus] chafes because of Zwingli." ^ ' As indicating the way in which Erasmus was later spoken of by (Ecolampadius, see his letter of January 15, 1530, to Zwingli, viii., 395. CHAPTER X THE REFORMATION IN ZURICH COMPLETED 1524 THE year 1524 marked the completion of the break with the Old Church as far as Zurich was concerned. The changes were made deliber- ately and under orders from the City Council. They occasioned no revolt, although they were of the most radical description. It was made to ap- pear that the changes came in consequence of the city authorities' conviction of their scripturalness, and not because Zwingli had insisted upon them. Nor was a step taken without the approval before- hand of the thoughtful classes. Zwingli and his fellow Reformers argued before the people the pro- priety of the changes about to be made. Then when a sufficient time had elapsed a public debate was held in the presence of the City Council, and then the Council ordered the changes. The conse- quence was the changes were made once for all, were fully comprehended, and gladly assented to. • By this course Zwingli proved his title to be called the Prudent Reformer. Granted that it was the clear-sightedness of the prayerful scholar rather than spiritual elevation which gave him the knowledge of the objectionable doctrines and practices of the Old 222 1524] The Reformation Completed 223 Church, he showed true courage in opposing and removing them ; granted that he was totally lacking in Luther's flaming zeal, he accomplished a much more complete break with Rome; granted that he was no profound thinker like Calvin, he was much more easily comprehended and probably quite as correct. And in personal qualities he was superior to Luther and Calvin. Men loved Zwingli, and fol- lowed him because they loved him. They knew that he spoke the truth in the breadth of a loving heart ; that he broke with Rome because he loved the truth more than life, and loathed the whole mis- erable business of mediaeval hair-splitting theology, lying pardons, swindling sacraments, the incubus of a Church which was primarily a huge money- making concern, ruled by a Pope no spiritual man had any respect for and served by a clergy who as a class were low-bred and low-lived, preached by monks whose private histories were unsavoury, and sanctified, forsooth, by nuns who were virgin only in name. His heart made him protest. It could no longer be borne ; the Church was pressing the life out of the poor people and sending them by millions to the bar of God without any knowledge of God's Word, or any preparation for His service. Pursuant to the order of the Council, on Tuesday and Wednesday, January 19 and 20, 1524, Canon Hofmann, chief representative of the Old Party among the priesthood, met the three people's priests, and six theologians and six councillors, in private sessions, and attempted to defend the old usages. But the commission decided that he had 224 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 not made out his points from Scripture, and so the Council voted that the canons must give outward , assent to the Council's orders or leave the city/ With this last desperate attempt the Old Party closed their efforts, and there was no further formal opposition in Zurich to the Reformation. One by one, as the people were fully able to stand it, and understand it, those practices of the Old Church which Zwingli considered objectionable were re- moved. The saints* days passed unobserved ; the procession to Einsiedeln which had taken place an- nually on Monday after Pentecost (that year May i6th), and which was made much of, was perman- ently abolished, by order of Council, the preced- ing Saturday " ; the reliques were by similar order, June 15th, taken from the churches and reverently buried ; the organs were removed and the ringing of the church bells during a tempest, even the toll- ing for funerals, stopped. Masses for the dead, processions of clergy, payment for confession, bless- ing of palms, holy water, candles, and extreme unction, all became things of the past.^ The re- moval of the pictures, statues, images, and other or- naments from the churches was accomplished in the city between Saturday, July 2d, and Sunday, July 17th. Similar scenes took place all over the can- ton. [The next step, and one which like the others was carefully weighed, was the abolition of the con- vents and monasteries in the city and canton of ' Bullinger, i., 139-142 ; Egli, A. S., Nos. 483, 4S6, 489. »Egli, A. S., No. 527. ^/did., Nos. 544, 546, 547. 1524] The Reformation Completed 225 Zurich.* This was determined upon on December 3, 1524. All the monks were gathered into the Franciscan monastery, and the Dominicans and Aup-ustinians were not allowed to return to their o old homes. Most of them decided to leave the mon- astery and make their living as best they might. The nuns of the Oetenbach and Selnau convents had already been united in the former building.' The convent attached to the Frau Miinster, through its abbess, on December 5th, surrendered itself to the city, and that attached to the Great Minster on December 20th. The revenue of the latter was appropriated at Zwingli's suggestion to a classical school of high grade, and generally speaking that which came to the city from such sources to good purposes, as relief of the poor or sick.^ ^___^ So when 1524 closed, about the only reminder of \ the old order was the mass, which was allowed a j little longer existence. But it was evident that its 1 days were numbered. The heart and soul of these : changes was Zwingli, and their completion filled him with joy and thanksgiving. While they were going on, he was incessantly occupied out of his study, so that the literary labours of the year are compara- tively small. First comes his expanded sermon on ' Bullinger, i., 228-230. 2 The Dominican monastery was later made a hospital, and its church the fourth parish church ; the Augustinian a kitchen for the preparation of food for the poor, and the Franciscan the place where it was dispensed ; the nunnery of Selnau a house of correction, that of Oetenbach an orphanage. 2 The " opinion " of Zwingli the Council followed (ii., 2, 327 s^.). 15 226 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 ** The Shepherd," which has been already alluded to ' ; next his remarks, or marginal notes, upon the address of the bishops of Constance, Basel, and Lausanne to the Swiss Diet at Lucerne, April i, 1524'; next his earnest and eloquent plea, ad- dressed to the Swiss Diet, not to continue the mer- cenary traffic/ His text was the dreadful news of the decimation of the Swiss mercenaries by war and famine in Italy which had just reached Switzerland. But there was too much money in the business for it to be given up. He issued the address in May anonymously, concealing even the place of publica- tion, in order to allay suspicion. His plea found few hearers. On June 25th he defended himself* against the curious slander that he derived his knowledge of the Scriptures from a certain Jew of Winterthur, named Moses, as if that could make any difference. He got the Jew to deny the charge in very emphatic language. He confesses, how- ever, to a knowledge of Hebrew and that he had debated with this Jew on the Messianic prophecies. In the same tract he refutes another slander, viz., that he had in a sermon denied the divinity and atonement of Christ. On the reception of the good news that the county of the Toggenburg, in which he was born, had ac- cepted the Reformation, he wrote the Council of the county a congratulatory epistle, which was after- wards separately published in two editions.* ' P. 205. ^ II., 2, 307-311. •II., 2, 315-321 ; in modern German by Christoffel, Zurich, 1843. *II., 2, 322-326. ^VII., 352-356. 1524] The Reformation Completed 227 The only lengthy work of the year was his so- called Antibolon, the preface to which was dated August i8th; an attack upon Jerome Emser, *' de- fender of the canon of the mass," ' /. e., that part of the mass which contains the fixed rule according to which it is administered : in it the transubstantia- tion formula occurs. Emser had published at Dres- den in the preceding year a tract with that title.' Zwingli, just as Luther and Melanchthon, both of whom wrote against Emser, has the bad taste to pun upon his name, which means" goat." Zwingli treats Emser as insultingly as he alleges Emser treated him. The tract is only to a small degree taken up with the mass, but in greater part with the Church,' Intercession of Saints, Merit, and Purga- tory. On November i6th he issued an epistle on the Lord's Supper," in which he shows plainly that he was settling upon those views which he afterwards more distinctly enunciated and was already com- pletely emancipated from the spell of the mass; and on December i6th he replied at length to hisStrass- burg sympathisers, who submitted to him certain knotty questions,' viz., what should be their attitude ' III., 121-144. The word antiboblon is late legal Greek for a formal reply. See Sophocles' Lexicon, sub voce. Zwingli may have intended to use it, or else he made a slip in gender. 2 Canonis Misses contra Huldricun Zwinglitan Defensio, 1523. The editors of Zwin^li's works could not find a copy (iii., 121). That in my library is a small quarto of sixty-two unnumbered pages, and written in the form of a dialogue. '^ A valuable summary of his opinion on this subject, pp. 134 sqq. '*III., 591-603. 5 III., 615-626. 228 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 toward an unbelieving magistracy ? whether the magistracy had the right to remove those who neither preached nor practised the Gospel ? whether the marriage with the wife of a paternal uncle was allowable ? what was his opinion on baptism and the Eucharist ? To the first question he replied : obedience and proper respect; to the second, yes; to the third, no. In conclusion he gives his views upon the two sacraments, first on baptism. He defends the baptism of infants. In regard to the Eucharist, he perceives that Carlstadt had stirred them up, and cautiously expresses himself on his side as far as the denial of the corporal presence was concerned. The longest and most earnest, as well 3,s the last paper of the year, was called forth by the confusion and excesses incident to the religious upheaval. It appeared, appropriately, upon Innocents* Day (De- cember 28th),* and refutes the charge that the Reformation can properly be charged with these occurrences; specifically with the Peasant War; rather the oppressive ecclesiastical and civil rulers were to blame for furnishing their occasion. It was addressed to the church at Miilhausen, near Basel, which had just gone over to the Reformation and so had just been exposed to the same tjireats as Zurich. # One more step remained to be taken and the church in Zurich would be completely emancipated from the Old Church, and that was to abolish entirely * II., I, 376-425. Modern German translation by Christoffel, Zurich, 1846, 1525] The Reformation Completed 229 _the mass. Cautiously, but without retrogression, Zwingli had for years steadily moved towards this goal. In 1524 he had won from the Council permission for the priests to dispense the bread and wine under both forms if they would. This, how- ever, still maintained the connection with the old forms. Judging that the time had come, and know- ing that the friends of the ecclesiastical overturning were in decided majority in the Council of the Two Hundred, Zwingli and several other leaders ap- peared before the Council on Tuesday, April 11, 1525, — Tuesday of Holy Week, — and demanded the abolition of the mass and the substitution therefor of the Lord's Supper as described by the evangelists and the Apostle Paul. Opposition being made to the proposition, the Council delegated its debate with Zwingli to four of themselves, and their report being on Zwingli's side, the Council ordered that the mass be abolished forthwith.' Consequently, on Thursday, April 13, 1525, the first evangelical communion service took place in the Great Minster, and according to Zwingli's carefully thought out arrangement, which he had published April 6th. A table covered with a clean linen cloth was set be- tween the choir and the nave in the Great Minster. Upon it were the bread upon wooden platters and the wine in wooden beakers. The men and the women in the congregation were upon opposite sides of the middle aisle. Zwingli preached a sermon and offered prayer. The deacon read Paul's account of the institution of the sacrament in I. Cor., xi., 20 sqq, ^ II., 2, 232. 230 Huldreich Zwingli [1525] Then Zwingli and his assistants and the congrega- tion performed a liturgy, entirely without musical accompaniment in singing, but translated into the Swiss dialect from the Latin mass service, with the introduction of appropriate Scripture and the en- tire elimination of the transubstantiation teaching.' The elements were passed by the deacons through the congregation. This Eucharist service was re- peated upon the two following days.'* The impression made upon many by this service, so radically different from the Latin one to which they were accustomed, was at first painful, but as a class the Zurichers accepted it and saw without protest the removal of the altar, now meaningless, since there was no sacrifice, and of the organ, now use- less, since there was no longer to be music in the churches.^ * The liturgy is given, ii., 2, 235-242. 2 Cf. Bullinger, i., 264.' ^ For description of the services in the churches and further references to the religious life in Zurich see closing part of Chapter XIII. Zwingli prepared the way for each step and did his best to spread the knowledge of his course by his writings of 1525. He took especial pains to let his eucharistic teaching be known. In 1523 he published, all in Latin, "An Attempt {Epichiresis) on the Mass-canon" (iii., 83-116) ; in 1524 he replied to Emser's reply on the Mass-canon (iii., 121-144) ; in March, 1525, he brought out his very long " Commentary on the True and False Religion " (iii., 147-325), dedicated, strangely enough, to Francis I., King of France, in which he goes over all the topics of practical theology (see list, p. 153 j^.), and of which he issued separately the section on the Eucharist in a German version ; on August 17, 1525, he published his "Crown of the Eucharist " (iii., 327-356). He issued also on the subject minor tractates in German, and probably wrote many private letters. CHAPTER XI PUBLIC MARRIAGE AND LETTERS OF 1 524 1524 THE great event in Zwingli's life in 1524 was his public marriage. His bride was Anna Rein- hard, widow of Hans Meyer von Knonau, a scion of the principal patrician house of Zurich, who, how- ever, owing to circumstances, brought him very little money. The event gave great satisfaction to Zwingli's many friends, who for a long time had been troubled at his singular course, for he had since the early part of 1522 considered and treated Anna Reinhard as his wife, but for some reason had never publicly acknowledged her as such. Here is a fitting place to tell with some detail the story of Anna Reinhard.' Her ancestors came from St. Gall, but her grand- father received citizenship in Zurich in 1432, and there she was born in 1484. Her father became proprietor of the inn Zum Weissen Rossli, on the Sonnenquai, on the east bank of the Limmat, just ^ For the facts, along with much romance and irrelevant matter, see Salomon Hess, Anna Reinhard, 2d ed., Zurich, 1820; Zwing- liana, 1900, No. 2, pp. 161-163. It is noteworthy that Myconius, in his life of Zwingli, does not say a word about Zwingli's mar- riage. 231 232 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 under the Great Minster, in 1487.' She was a girl of ravishing beauty and won the attentions of the young patrician Hans Meyer von Knonau, who was six years older than she, being born in 1478, and his father's only son. To the disgust of his father he married her in 1504, and in consequence his father dispossessed him. This treatment did not injure Hans in the estimation of his fellow-towns- men, for in 1 5 10 he became a member of the Great Council, in 151 1 a city judge, and carried the Zurich banner in the battle of Novara in 15 13, in which Zwingli was. He also retained the good-will of his cousin the Bishop of Constance. Three children were the result of his marriage : Margaretha, born 1505, twice married, 1527 to Anton Wirz, who was killed in the battle of Cappel, October 11, 1531; later to Hans Escher; died 1549; Agatha, born 1507, married, 1528, Hans Balthasar Keller, a dis- tinguished man, w^ho died in 1554; and Ceroid, born October 25, 1509; married at 16 to Kiingolt Dietschi, a daughter of a city councillor, a girl of the same age ; became a member of the Two Hundred and supported Zwingli; shared Zwingli's tastes and once played a principal part in a performance of a comedy of Aristophanes in the original Greek; died on the battle-field of Cappel, at Zwingli's side, Octo- ber II, 1 53 1. Hans died in Zurich on November 26, 1 5 17. A few years before (perhaps in 1 5 13) little Ceroid had been adopted by his grandfather as heir and taken to live in his house, where he con- ' Voegelin, Das Alte Zurich, 2d ed., i., 239. 1524] Public Marriage and Letters 233 tinued to live after the grandfather's death in 15 18 until his step-grandmother's death in 1520, when he went back to his mother. But as in 15 12 the grand- father had sold his estate of Knonau to the city of Zurich, Ceroid inherited less real property than he otherwise should. After her husband's death Anna Reinhard continued to live with her two daughters in the " Hofii " house near the Great Minster. So when Zwingli came to Zurich in 15 19, he found the beautiful Anna, a widow of a little more than a year's standing, living in his parish, and quite near his house, which was in the church courtyard, while her son, a promising lad, was in the school attached to his church, and shortly after became one of his pupils. To one of ZwingH's ardent temperament it may have been a case of love at first sight. How soon intimacy sprang up between them is unknown, but there was nothing in ZwingH's practices or in public opinion to hold him back from paying attentions to his beautiful parishioner and neighbour. In 1522 Zwingli moved to a house op- posite to the cathedral on the east side, on the corner of the present streets, Gasse and Neustadt Gasse.* His relations with Anna Reinhard was the talk of the town, and rumours of it spread pretty far. On or about April 27, 1522, his friend Glareanus writes jokingly : '* They say that I have married here [in Basel] and that you have done the same thing [in Zurich]. I believe this is a lie in both cases. They add also that you have married a widow and I a woman of 'A tablet on the house thus reads: "The house to the pillar. Official residence of Ulrich Zwingli, 1522-1524." 234 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 the town. ' ' ' As no letter from Zwingli to Glareanus has been preserved, it is impossible to find out now what answer Zwingli made, but Glareanus's letter is evidence that Zwingli had not taken him into his confidence and that rumour for once was veracious. Another friend states in his letter to Zwingli on November 28, 1 522, that it was said that he (Zwingli) had publicly married the burgomaster's daughter.' Rumour in this case had only an inkling of the truth. Zwingli in his reply, dated December 20, 1522, while denying a certain slander on him, says not a word about his " marriage."^ Nor does he allude to it when denying the charge of promiscuous immorality which the cantonal clerk of Schwyz re- tails to him under date October 19, 1522." Nor does he mention Anna Reinhard in any preserved letter. That he had any wife would be unknown were it not that on July 22, 1522, Myconius writes, ** best wishes for your >vife " ^; on September 23d, ** re- member me to your son," ^ and about December 19th, " farewell to you and your wife." ' As appears from the above, Zwingli and Anna Reinhard considered themselves as married to one another, and this so-called " clerical marriage " in- volved no social stigma.^ Still, when priest after priest in Switzerland and Germany publicly made the woman he was living with or some other woman his ^VII., T97. 2VII.,247. 3VII., 255. ^VII., 235. Zwingli's reply (vii., 237) is, however, incomplete and undated in present shape. 6 VII., 210. « VII., 226. ■'VII., 253. ® For another concealed marriage among Zwingli's friends, see vii., 233. 1524] Public Marriage and Letters 235 wife, the wonder grew among Zwingli's friends that he did not do the same. The only defence possible is that there were social and legal obstacles in the way because Anna Reinhard was by marriage allied to the Zurich patricians. The public marriage took place in the presence of many witnesses' on Saturday, April 2d,'-' but not till July 26th did the City Council permit Zwingli's wife to leave her children and go to live in his house. The marriage was followed by troubles about the jnoney matters of the Knonau children, who took up their residence in their late grandfather's house, " Meyerhof." But these appear to have been amica- bly settled/ The impression that Zwingli had married an heiress had no foundation. His wife brought him very little money. His married life seems to have been happy and unsullied. The Zwingli correspondence of 1524* has little general interest, and from that year is more and more taken up with petty matters, politics, baptismal and eucharistic statements, and with controversy. The letters of Zwingli himself are, however, always the best in the collection and most worthy of attention. ' So Bernhard Weis, quoted by Hess, p. 93 (in Fuessli. Beytraege, iv., 322 sq.). ''After this date there are frequent greetings to his wife in his correspondence. ' Cf. Hess, pp. 286 sqq, ^It may be thus analysed. On January i, 1524 (vii,, 323, 324), he wrote a very pleasant letter to Erasmus Ritter, pastor or "bishop " of Schaffhausen, which was the beginning of their correspondence ; 236 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 When the news of Zwingli's public marriage reached Butzer in Strassburg, he wrote (April 14, 1524)': ** When I read in the letter to Capito that you had given a public announcement of your marriage, I was almost beside myself in my great satisfaction. For it was the one thing I desired for you. Not that I had been able to attribute to you so great a lack of faith as to think that you feared that Christ would not use you as a married man fruitfully in the business of His Word, and that He had employed you to evil results as a celibate — you who were daily saying such things as Antichrist would be able to endure much more easily than the acknowledg- ment of your marriage. I never believed you were un- married after the time when you indicated to the Bishop of Constance in that tract'' that you desired this gift. But as I considered the fact that you were considered a fornicator by some, and by others held to have little faith in Christ, I could not understand why you con- cealed it so long and that the fact was not declared on February 23d (vii., 324-326), a very sharp letter to Dr. Brend- lin, who was one of the episcopal delegation to Zurich in the spring of 1522, and a bitter foe to the Reformation, which he en- closed in a letter to Vadianus dated February 24th (vii., 327, 328). On April 30th a Roman Catholic correspondent informs him of the popular impression that he (Zwingli) was to be burned (vii., 329) ! On March 28th, in writing to Vadianus, Zwingli (vii., 333, 334) com- plains that the pressure upon him compelled him to push out rather than publish his works — hence their repetitions and omissions. On April nth he reins up his colleague, Conrad Hofmann, for having calumniated him (vii., 334). On May i6th he wrote a gossipy letter to Vadianus from Leo Jud's house (vii., 341, 342). On June 3d he 'VII., 335. ''See p. 166. 1524] Public Marriage and Letters 237 openly and with candour and diligence. I could not doubt that you were led into this course by considera- tions which could not be put aside by a conscientious man. However that may be, I triumph in the fact that now you have come up in all things to the apostolic definition." ' wrote a very long and friendly letter to Butzer, mostly upon the use of images.' His letter of June i6th (vii., 343-345) to John Frosch, who afterwards was a keen Lutheran, accompanies one from Ur- banus Regius to Frosch, which bears testimony to Zwingli's extra- ordinary fitness to lead the reform (vii., 345-347). On July 4th he wrote again to Vadianus (vii., 347, 348), all about a marriage which Vadianus wished arranged. On July 25 th Zwingli addressed in German his old lords of Toggenburg in behalf of the Gospel (vii., 348-356). On August 6th another long letter, this time to the burgomaster of Strassburg (viii., 651, 652). In that month he began a savage and insulting letter to Eck (vii., 356, 357), but probably never finished it, as the copy in his works is incomplete. On Octo- ber gth, to QEcolampadius, he wrote a few lines (vii., 360, 361). On October 20th he wrote another very long letter (vii., 361-367), which is in reality a treatise upon the errors intentional, or ignorant, of a certain preacher at Bremgarten, contained in an oration against the Gospel delivered at Baden. On October 24th, in writing to Pirk- heimer (viii., 653), he derived the word mass from missa, the offer- ing of a victim. 'Allusion to I. Timothy, iii., 2, as if, forsooth, it meant that it was obligatory upon a " bishop " to have a wife ! '■' See letter in R. Staehelin, Brie/e aus der Re/ormationszeit (Basel, 1887), pp. 15-19. CHAPTER XII THE INNER COURSE OF THE ZURICH REFORMA- TION 1525-1530 AS in Germany so in Zurich, no sooner had the Reformation been established than the mem- bers of the reformed Church had to fight internal foes, as the Baptists were considered ; and the atten- tion of their leaders was taken up with controver- sies as to the proper treatment to give the peasants. The agitation on both these points came to Switz- erland from Germany, and was explicable on the ground that it was the natural result of the awaken- ing of the spirit of free speech, criticism of social conditions, and independent research in the Holy Word. But alas! the sixteenth century was no time for the radicals in these directions. Religious toleration was the furthest it could go. Religious liberty was a thing unknown. The day of political equality had not yet dawned. The troubles with the peasants in the canton of Zurich might have been more serious if the Peasant War in Germany had not ended in the crushing defeat of their fellow complainers. Still in Zurich as in Germany they 238 [1525-1530] The Inner Course 239 drew up a long list of complaints. These they pre- sented to the Council, who in turn asked Zwingli to advise them. His advice was on the whole favourable to the peasants, as he advocated the abolition of the " small tithe," i. e., the tax on vegetables, fruit, and edible roots, which was a great annoyance, and of bodily service in general.^ Tithes, however, he considered as binding, not on scriptural grounds, but on legal grounds, and de- clared that if they were not paid they would have to be made up otherwise by new and heavier taxes. In order to settle the matter the Council adopted the usual plan and held a public debate on June 22^ 1525, in which Zwingli had the leading part. At its conclusion the Council ordered the payment of tithes and taxes, that the peasants be quiet and obedient to their lords, and that the preachers whose erroneous Bible teaching had fomented the disturbances be careful to counsel peace. The Council then announced that they would go over the matter carefully with Zwingli and decide on the Ipasis of Scripture what disposition should be made of the peasants' grievances. No further dis- turbances occurred among the peasants, but a dis- putation upon the subject of tithes was held in Zurich in the beginning of August. Zwingli re- peated his arguments, but for once the Council held that he was mistaken and appealed to alleged bib- lical grounds for maintaining the tithes.' ' II., 2, 374-377. 2 For general references see ii., 2, 364-373; Bullinger, i., 280 sgq.j Egli, A. S., 756. 240 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- Zwingli*s troubles because of the peasants were, however, not a circumstance to those caused by the Baptist party in Zurich. The first members of the party were radicals, who put into practice theories of conduct which they knew Zwingli favoured, but was slow to adopt for himself. Thus they were those who in 1522 ate flesh in Lent; and those who pulled down the pic- tures and statues in the churches, before public opinion was exactly ripe for such action ; they en- tered heartily into the reconstruction of the Church, but aspired to reconstruct the State as well and give it over to the saints, by which they meant them- selves. Zwingli could not fail to perceive how closely they kept to his lines in doing these things, but he was naturally so cautious that their haste annoyed him and was by him condemned.' He in- sisted that if they were not in such a hurry they would accomplish their ends with more ease and certainty. Being at first exclusively very plain people, and meeting in a private house, these radicals were un- molested by the authorities. Zwingli was at first often present at their meetings; indeed, they met to discuss his sermons. In the summer of 1522 they were joined by Felix Manz and Conrad Grebel, sons ^ Cf. his remarks in iii,, 57, 58 : " Hundreds of times I have said openly, ' I beseech you by Jesus Christ, by our common faith, not to make any change rashly, but to show to all men by your endur- ance, if in no other way, that you are Christians, in that on account of the weak you bear things that by Christ's law you do not need to bear.' " i53oj The Inner Course 241 of distinguished citizens. Manz was the son of a canon, an excellent Hebrew scholar, and Zwingli's assistant, and it was at the time in his mother's house that they met. Grebel was the son of Jacob Grebel, one of the City Councillors. He was con- verted under Zwingli from a licentious life, and for a time followed Zwingli's advice, but, convinced that Zwingli was wrong upon the question of bap- tism and of duty towards magistrates, joined the radicals and soon became their chosen representa- tive. The appearance of two such men among them gave them greatly increased importance, but led also to the commencement of persecution by the authorities, so that they met more secretly. Their number in the city of Zurich, on September 5, 1524, was only twenty; outside, however, they had adherents among clergy and laity.' It was in the Second Disputation, in October,K 26-28, 1523, that they first emerged as a dis-' tinct entity. They demanded action immediate and decisive, not only respecting the removal of the pictures and images from the churches, but also re- specting the administration of the Lord's Supper, — viz., that the practices in the original Supper as de- scribed in the New Testament should be followed, — ■ and denounced the mass as of the devil.'^ Zwingli laid little stress upon any literal imitation * See letter of Grebel's to Thomas Miinzer, quoted ii., I, 374. ^ See the report of the speeches of Conrad Grebel in the disputa- tion (i., 528, 532 sqq. especially). From which it appears that it was on the third and last day of the disputation that the radical party first found voice. 242 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- of the Bible ordinances, which in this case would oblige logically the wearing of the same clothing as Christ and His apostles and the mutual feet-washing. His reply to the radicals was in good temper, but plainly showed that he could not be counted upon to support their claims, and that a breach between them and him had begun. During the summer of 1524 he had two secret conferences with them.* They had already come to the conclusion that infant baptism was unscriptural. This is plain from the letter written jointly by several of them on September 5, 1524, to Thomas Miinzer, the Ger- man Protestant radical church-innovator, who had already made this assertion, but who inconsistently had not abandoned the practice of infant baptism. They call infant baptism " a silly, blasphemous out- rage, contrary to all Scripture." " In November that other iconoclast, Andrew Carlstadt, who had also publicly maintained the same opinion, came to Zurich. The knowledge that two such able men were on their side doubtless greatly encouraged them. With the adoption of this view as an article of faith the radical becomes the Baptist party. Zwingli, like CEcolampadius and Capito, had at first no particular fault to find with this view upon baptism. Who the proper subjects were was a de- batable question. Thus in his '' Exposition " of the Articles defended in the First Disputation in 1523, Zwingli says: >ii., I, 261. ' Quoted in C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte der Miinsterrischen Auf- ruhrs (Leipzig, 1855-60, 2 vols.) ii., 240 sqq. 1530] The Inner Course 243 " Although I know, as the Fathers show, that infants have been baptised occasionally from the earliest times, still it was not so universal a custom as it is now, but the common practice was as soon as they arrived at the age of reason to form them into classes for instruction in the Word of Salvation (hence they were called catechumens, /*. ^., persons under instruction). And after a firm faith had been implanted in their hearts and they had con- fessed the same with their mouth, then they were bap- tised. I could wish that this custom of giving instruction were revived to-day, viz., since the children are bap- tised so young their religious instruction might begin as soon as they come to sufficient understanding. Other- wise they suffer a great and ruinous disadvantage if they are not as well religiously instructed after baptism as the children of the ancients were before baptism, as sermons to them still preserved prove." ' By order of the City Council a public disputation was held on January 17 and 18, 1525, between the three people's priests (Zwingli, Jud, and Engelhard) and the Baptists. In consequence of the latter's " de- feat," the Council, on January i8th, passed the fol- lowing order commanding those who had refused to have their infant children baptised to present them for this purpose within a week on pain of banishment : ^I., 239, 240. Such speeches not unnaturally encouraged the Baptists to believe that Zwingli was really on their side. Accord- ingly when they appeared before the Zurich City Council, they claimed that he and the other Reformed pastors knew well that infant baptism was wrong, but they would not confess it. So Hub- maier deposed in 1525: "In 1523, on Philip and James' Day [Friday, May i], I have with you [Zwingli] conferred in Graben Street upon the Scriptures relating to Baptism ; then and there you said I was right in saying that children should not be baptised before 244 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- ** Whereas an error has arisen respecting baptism, as if young children should not be baptised until they come to years of discretion, and know what the faith is; and whereas some have accordingly neglected to have their children baptised, our burgomaster, Council, and Great Council — so the Two Hundred of the city of Zurich are called — have held a disputation upon this matter to learn what Holy Scripture has to say about it, and having learned from it that notwithstanding this error the child- ren should be baptised as soon as they are born; so must all those who have hitherto allowed their children to be unbaptised have them baptised inside the next week. Whoever will not do this must with wife and child, goods and chattels leave our city, jurisdiction, and domain, or await what will be done to him. Each one will accordingly know how to conduct himself. Done Wednesday before Sebastian's Day, MDXXV." ' On January 21st the Council forbade the private meetings of the Baptists and banished the foreigners among their members.^ they were instructed in the faith ; this had been the custom pre- viously, therefore such [persons under instruction] were called cate- chumens ; you promised to bring this out in your ' Exposition ' of the Articles, as you did in the XVIIIth Article, on Confirmation. Any- one who reads it will find therein your opinion clearly expressed. Sebastian Ruckensperger of St. Gall, then prior of [the Benedictine] Sion at Klingnan [twenty miles north-west of Zurich] was present. So you have also confessed in your book upon the unruly spirits, that those who baptised infants could quote no clear word in Script- ure ordering them to baptise them. From this learn, friend Zwingli, how your conversation, writing, and preaching agree." — Fiisslin, Beytrdge, i., n. 54, pp. 252, 253. ' Fiisslin, Beytrage, i., 189, 201 ; Egli, A. S., No. 622, ^Egli, A, S,, N0.624. I530] The Inner Course 245 Up to this time the Baptists merely protested against infant baptism, but had not ventured upon baptising adults who had already been baptised in unconscious infancy. Now, in the village of Zolli- con, on the north shore of the Lake, and six miles from the city, whither persecution drove them, they proceeded for the first time to take the logical step. Conrad Grebel seems to have been the leader in I this. He rightfully argued from their accepted premise: baptism should follow a confession of faith, that only those who understood what the rite meant should be baptised ^and baptised the former monk George Blaurock, who, in turn, baptised fif- teen others. This baptism was by pouring, not by V' immersion. The idea found quick acceptance and soon all their adherents were baptised. They all agreed that the " baptism " they had received in infancy was invalid. Yet because the entire Christ- ian Church in all centuries up to that time, and with the exception of Baptists ever since, has proclaimed that infant baptism was valid the party got the name of Anabaptists, i. e., those who baptise again those previously baptised. One of the Baptists, Rudolph Thomann of Zollicon, examined by the Council of Zurich on February 7, 1525, thus de- scribed the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's Supper as observed in the Zollicon gatherings: ^ " He had eaten the Lord's Supper with the old as- sistant (Brotli ?), and him from Witikon (R6ubli),and had invited them into his house. . . . There many had assembled so that the apartment was full; there was ^4^ Huldreich Zwingli [1525- much speaking and long readings. Then stood up Hans Bruggbach of Zumicon, weeping and crying out that he was a great sinner and asking all present to pray God for him. Whereupon Blaurock asked him if he desired the grace of God and he said ' Yes.' Manz then arose and said, * Who will hinder me from baptising him ? * Blau- rock answered, ' No one.' So Manz took a dipper of water and baptised him in the name of God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost. Whereupon Jacob Hottinger arose and desired baptism; and Felix Manz baptised him also. . . . Seeing the loaf on the table, Blaurock said: * Whoever believes that God has redeemed him with His death and rosy-coloured blood, comes and eats with me from this loaf and drinks with me from this wine.* Then each one present ate and drank as invited." * Frequent debates with the Baptists were held in Zu- rich, and one especially on March 20, 1525, and three days thereafter.'' But they only widened the breach, and the punishment of banishment which the Council inflicted for rebaptism did not lessen the numbers of the Baptists. Yet from the Council's point of view the punishment was defensible as the Baptists were enemies of the standing order. Among those openly to adhere to the Baptists was the famous theologian Balthasar Hubmaier. He quickly be- \came their leading man, and it was with him that Zwingli was engaged in hot debate — all the more painful because Hubmaier had been a bosom friend/ 'Egli, A. S., No. 636. ' So Zwingli says (iii., 363). ' Hubmaier had been prominent in the Second Zurich Disputation and took the radical side for the most part. I530] The Inner Course 247 The fight was now on and it was bitterly waged. But no space can be given to it. Both sides went over the now well-worn arguments and were as far apart as ever. The action of the Zurich authorities was determined by practical considerations. They could not tolerate a body of schismatics who de- nounced Zwingli and themselves. If there were to be any abuse let Zwingli and them have it all to themselves. So Grebel, Manz, and Blaurock were banished. Consistently believing in their favourite panacea, the Council ordered a third public disputation, which took place on November 6, 1 525. As before, Zwingli was the spokesman of the Reformed. Grebel, Manz, and Blaurock were temporarily recalled from their banishment to debate with him. As they naturally declared themselves unconquered, they were threat- ened with the severest punishment. Hubmaier was not present. Most of the Baptist leaders met violent deaths. After many adventures unhappy Felix Manz was, in punishment of his objectionable Baptist propa- ganda, drowned in the Lake of Zurich January 7, 1527; and George Blaurock was cruelly beaten and then banished under threat of death if he returned.' He did return, however, and secretly baptised. He lived until 1529, when he was burned for his alleged heresy in Innsbruck. Conrad Grebel died of the plague at Maienfeld in 1526. Hubmaier was burnt at the stake in Vienna, March 10, 1528. The fortitude of the Baptist martyrs made a great ' Egli, A. S., Nos 1 109, iiiQ. 24S Huldreich Zwingli [1525- impression, and the party continued to flourish for a while in spite of the efforts of the magistracy. ZwingH and his associates ^ wrote book after book against them, and honestly favoured their extinction as enemies to Church and State. In Zwingli's correspondence there are many more or less extended references to the Baptists, some of the most characteristic of which are here given, especially those relating to Balthasar Hubmaier. To CEcolampadius, October 9, 1524 (vii., 360): " The challenge of Balthasar [Hubmaier] lately issued, either send to me in print or have a copy made for me, whichever way this bookseller will act as messenger." ' The following is the list of Zwingli's books on this subject, but CEcolampadius and others were equally diligent, (i) " Baptism, Re-baptism, and Infant Baptism," May 27, 1525 (ii,, i, 230-303 ; language, German ; in modern German by R. Christoffel, Zurich, 1843); (2) "On the office of preacher, wherein is shown that the self-commissioned disturbers of the peace are not apostles as they consider themselves, work against God's Word when they obtrude themselves upon the sermons of the faithful pastors and preachers of the Gospel, without necessity or permission of the whole congrega- tion and of the pastor," June 30, 1525 (ii., i, 304-336, German); (3) " Dr. Balthasar [Hubmaier's] booklet upon Baptism honestly and thoroughly answered," 1525, exact date unknown, but after July II, the date of Hubmaier's book (ii., i, 343-369, German); (4) " Refutation of the tricks of the Catabaptists," July 31, 1527 (iii., 358-437, Latin) ; (5) "Questions upon the Sacrament of Bap- tism," drawn up by Schwenckfeld in 1530, after November i8th, when Brunner asked Butzer whether he should send them to Zwingli, who in this treatise reprints Schwenckfeld's questions and then briefly answers them (iii., questions 563-571, answers 571-588, Latin). I530] The Inner Course 249 To Capito, January i, 1526 (Staehelin, Brief e aiis der Reformationzeity p. 20) : ** Balthasar of Waldshut has fallen into prison here — a man not merely irreverent and unlearned, but even empty. Learn the sum of the matter. When he came to Zurich our Council fearing lest he should cause a commotion ordered him to be taken into custody. Since, however, he had once in freakishness of disposition and fatuity, blurted out in Waldshut against our Council, of which place he, by the gods, was a guardian \t. e., he was pastor there], until the stupid fellow disunited and de- stroyed everything, it was determined that I should dis- cuss with him in a friendly manner the baptising of infants and Catabaptists, as he earnestly begged first from prison and afterwards from custody. I met the fellow and rendered him mute as a fish. The next day he recited a recantation in the presence of certain Councillors ap- pointed for the purpose [which recantation when re- peated to the Two Hundred it was ordered should be publicly made. Therefore having started to write it in the city, he gave it to the Council with his own hand, with all its silliness, as he promised. At length he de- nied that he had changed his opinion, although he had done so before a Swiss tribunal, which with us is a capital offence, affirming that his signature had been extorted from him by terror, which was most untrue]. * "The Council was so unwilling that force should be used on him that when the Emperor or Ferdinand twice asked that the fellow be given to him it refused the request. Indeed he was not taken prisoner that he might sufi'er the penalty of his boldness in the baptismal matter, but ' The part in the brackets has not been all deciphered, and so the translation is so far forth somewhat conjectural. 250 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- to prevent his causing in secret some confusion, a thing he delighted to do. Then he angered the Council; for there were present most upright Councillors who had wit- nessed his most explicit and unconstrained withdrawal, and had refused to hand him over to the cruelty of the Emperor, helping themselves with my aid. The next day he was thrust back into prison and tortured. It is clear that the man had become a sport for demons, so he recanted not frankly as he had promised, nay he said that he entertained no other opinions than those taught by me, execrated the error and obstinacy of the Cata- baptists, repeated this three times when stretched on the rack, and bewailed his misery and the wrath of God which in this affair was so unkind. Behold what wantonness! Than these men there is nothing more foolhardy, deceptive, infamous — for I cannot tell you what they devise in Abtzell — and shameless. To-morrow or next day the case will come up." * Zwingli's reference to Abtzell, modern Appenzell, one of the Swiss cantons, as a hotbed of Baptists brought him into trouble, as the following letter to the people of Abtzell, February 12, 1526 (vii., 473) shows : " Grace and peace from God to you, respected, hon- oured, wise, clement, gracious and beloved Masters: An exceedingly unfortunate affair has happened to me, in that I have been publicly accused before your wor- ships of having reviled you in unseemly words and, be it said with all respect, of having called you heretics, my ^ The novelty of this letter is its revelation of Hubmaier's torture. It supplements what is given in the letters beginning vii., 450, 452, 534. I530J The Inner Course 251 gracious rulers of the State. I am so far from applying this name to you, that I should as soon think of calling heaven hell. For all my life I have thought and spoken of you in terms of praise and honour, gentlemen of Abt- zell, as I do to-day, and, as God favours me, shall do to the end of my days. But it happened not long ago when I was preaching against the Catabaptists that I used these words: ' The Catabaptists are now doing so much mis- chief to the upright citizens of Abtzell and are showing so great insolence, that nothing could be more infamous.' You see, gentle sirs, with what modesty I grieved on your account, because the turbulent Catabaptists caused you so much trouble. Indeed I suspect that the Cata- baptists are the very people who have set this sermon against me in circulation among you, for they do many of those things which do not become true Christians. Therefore, gentle and wise sirs, I beg most earnestly that you will have me exculpated before the whole com- munity, and, if occasion arise, that you will have this letter read in public assembly. Sirs, I assure you in the name of God our Saviour, in these perilous times you have never been out of my thoughts and my solicitous anxiety; and if in any way I shall be able to serve you I will spare no pains to do so. In addition to the fact that I never use such terms even against my enemies, let me say that it never entered my mind to apply such in- sulting epithets to you, pious and wise sirs. Sufficient of this. May God preserve you in safety, and may He put a curb on these unbridled falsehoods which are be- ing scattered everywhere, which is an evidence of some great peril — and may He hold your worships and the whole state in the true faith of Christ! Take this letter of mine in good part, for I could not suffer that so base a falsehood against me should lie uncontradicted." 252 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- To Vadian, March 7, 1526 (vii., 477): " It has been decreed this day by the Council of Two Hundred ^ that the leaders of the Catabaptists shall be cast into the Tower,' in which they formerly lay, and be allured by a bread and water diet until they either give up the ghost or surrender. It is also added that they who after this are immersed shall be submerged perma- nently: this decision is now published. Your father-in- law [Jacob Grebel, father of Conrad], the Senator, in vain implored mercy [for Conrad, who was one of the prison- ers]. The incorrigible audacity of these men at first greatly grieved me, now it as greatly displeases me. I would rather that the newly rising Christianity should not be ushered in with a racket of this sort, but I am not God whom it thus pleases to make provision against evils that are to come, as He did when in olden time He slew with a sudden and fearful death Ananias who lied to Peter, so that He might cast out from us all daring to deceive, though there is nothing of which we are naturally such masters." To Peter Gynoraeus, August 31, 1526 (vii., 534): " That Balthasar [Hubmaier] of whom I wrote a few things in an epistle has acted as follows among us: He escaped secretly from the town of Waldshut and came to 'Egli, ^. S., 934. 2 The new tower in Zurich, called the Witches' Tower. It rose above the city wall on the Great Minster side of the Limmat, be- tween the two gates, Neumarkt and Niederdorf, which in the present city is in the neighbourhood of the Predigerkirche ; see Voegelin, Das alte Zurich, i., 426-428. The incarceration of the Baptists there caused it to be called the " Heretics' Tower." 1530] The Inner Course 253 the home of a widow at Zurich. When the Council learned it they supposed that he was hatching out some monstrosity, as do the rest of the Catabaptists, and that for this purpose he had crept secretly into the city. So they gave orders that he be arrested and kept under guard in the court house. After the third or fourth day (I do not know exactly which), they suddenly ordered Engelhard, Leo, Myconius, Sebastian [Hofmeister], Megander [Grossmann], myself and others to be present. When we had come certain of the Council who had been appointed for the purpose told us that Balthasar had sent letters to them in which he promised that he would van- quish Zwingli on the subject of baptism by his own writings. We proceeded to business. Then the blind fellow adduced what I had written about teaching cate- chumens some years ago in the book on the Sixty-seven Articles. For he did not know that it was our custom that the boys also as in former times be taught the rudi- ments of the faith. This he referred to baptism, rather indiscreetly; as if I had said that it was my counsel that the custom of not baptising infants be brought back again, when I had spoken of imbuing children in the elements of faith. When he saw that he had erred in this matter he was charming. We proceeded after much debate, in which he was unwilling to recognise that perpetual covenant. We came to Acts ii,, from which I proved that the children of Christians were in the be- ginning reckoned as of the Church. When he had made many answers I was trying to bring him to a clear and definite reply to- the question whether those children were in the Church or not. But I made every effort in vain. Then I confess frankly when I came to I. Cor., ii. ' All our fathers were baptised unto Moses, etc.,* and was coming to the point of compelling him to acknowl- 254 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- edge that children were included even though they were not expressly mentioned, and when he was unwilling to saj^ whether or not they were — I confess that I went for the man rather vigorously. But yet only to the effect, that by his catabaptism he had drawn many wretched citizens into a revolt in which they had perished. But when he had endured this for a considerable time the man was confuted and overcome. He then took a new tack and demanded that he be granted an interview with Leo, Myconius, and Sebastian [Hofmeister] alone, in order that he might confer with them. The arrogant fellow hoped he would draw them over to his side by his soft-spoken ways. When he saw that this course did not succeed he made the demand a second time, and after many crafty tricks, he came to the point of saying that he would recant. The Council did not compel this, except in case he were unwilling to depart from the city. For it had made no severer provision against those who do not wish to desert the cause of catabaptism than that they should leave the city. Meanwhile the legates of the Emperor came with a demand for the man to carry him to punishment. He was denied them on the basis of the law which provides that no citizen shall be put on his defence on any other charge than that for which he had been arrested. Such was the sin of the Council against that man, they defended him from the demand of Caesar just as though he were a citizen! And this aided, that he was in prison before he was in * free guard.' However this may be, he was free when we came together and for some time after was guarded at the court house. Then a form of recantation was drawn up, not in accordance with any formula of the Council or of anyone, but by his own hand. And when he had read this in the church to which the name i53o] The Inner Course 255 Abbey is given,' and the address which I delivered to the people had been finished, he straightway denied the recantation in the presence of the whole assembly. " He did this supposing that he had an opportunity of speaking, and then adduced much against the baptism of infants and in favour of catabaptism. Hence there was a persistent rumour (but I think it is speculation) that he was secretly prompted to do this so that some commotion might result; for they hoped that I would go away when my speech was delivered. He was cast anew into prison and was held there for a month longer. Then he finally declared that he was entirely ignorant of saying anything to vitiate his recantation; and if he said any- thing else than what he had promised he must have been possessed by a demon. He put together a new recanta- tion. I went around to my friends with the request that they would obtain a merciful judgment from the Council. This was granted. When he offered to make a final statement it was decreed through pity that he should make an express disavowal and then should depart im- mediately from the territory. I then personally besought Engelhard, Leo, and Megander [Grossmann], my fellow- bishops, that they should intercede in company with me before the Council ; for if he were driven out immediately after his disavowal, grave peril would threaten him both from our Swiss and from Caesar. The Council listened to our request, and after the recantation, which he pre- tended he made heartily, whereas there could have been nothing less hearty, a space of time was given him to stay until there should be found an opportunity of send- ing him first in safety. And this came about through a ' The Minster of Our Lady (Fraumunster) on the opposite bank of the Limmat to the Great Minster. Hofmeister was people's priest there then. 256 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- le w£ certain member of the Col^Bl who is most faithful in the cause of Christ, and he was secretly sent away so that the citizens did not know of his departure. See, my Peter, with how great generosity we treated the fellow and with what treachery he responded. For as soon as he reached Constance he so calumniated me before the ministers of the Word and boasted of his victory that I do not know but he turned some of them against me. So unprepared are some for the detection of hypocrisy. We kept everything secret. When he went away he so worked on those good men's feelings that they gave him ten gold pieces. And yet either he or his wife had more gold than they had silver. Thus do they abuse our simple-mindedness who advance their own interests under the guise of piety. But that the man should so revile me is not to be wondered at, for he saw from the beginning that I abhorred him and his practices. I give the man credit for cleverness and studious moderation; but still I see in him (I trust I am mistaken) nothing more than an immoderate thirst for money and notoriety. Accordingly I am quite indifferent to what he may whis- per about me into the ears of others. It is certain at any rate that he will act according to the saying in the comedy: ' It has not succeeded here, let us go else- where.' May the Omnipotent extinguish by celestial dew this desire for glory which glows in the hearts of some ! " Zwingli's first book on Baptism* was written in German for popular use and dedicated to the city of St. Gall. In the dedicatory introduction he ' II., I, 230-303. See list, p. 248. I530] The Inner Course 257 alludes to the origin of the Baptist party, to their / principal tenets and to their treatment. The treatise is divided into four parts: i. Baptism in general; 2. The initia or institution of Baptism ; 3. Re- baptism ; 4. Infant Baptism. The discussion is prolix, but biblical and earnest. Much of it is directed at the Baptists. He con- fesses at the beginning that no amount of argument which he could bring to bear had any effect upon the Baptists/ except to make them more obstinate and contemptuous, which is not to be wondered at seeing it was accompanied by threats of punishment if they did not recant. Towards the close he thus puts together the pro- positions he had attempted to prove. I. Baptism in general — i. The soul is cleansed by the grace of God and not by any external thing whatsoever. 2. Hence it follows that baptism cannot wash away sin. 3. But if it cannot while yet it is divinely in- stituted then it must be a sign of obedience, and nothing else. H. Infant Baptism — 4. The children of Christians are not less the children of God than their parents are, or than the children in Old Testa- ment times were: but if they belong to God who will refuse them water baptism ? 5. Circumcision in the Old Testament was the same sign as bap- tism in the New ; so as the former was applied to children of the one so should baptism be to those of the latter. III. Rebaptism — 6. Rebaptism is neither taught anywhere in the Word of God, nor * II., I, 231 sqq. 258 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- can an example or proof of it be found therein ; therefore those who practise rebaptism crucify Christ afresh either out of self-righteousness or in order to do something novel. After these propo- sitions he gives the form of baptism used in the Zurich churches. Two years later Zwingli wrote a Latin treatise on Baptism, primarily for the use of the pastors whose parishes had been invaded by the Baptists, but also in parts it is a direct reply to the Baptists them- selves. It is important as giving his maturer thought and still more for its quotations, but its temper is bad and its style contemptuous. It betrays its animus in its title " Refutation of the Tricks of the Catabaptists." ' The baptism of these dissenters, Zwingli says,"^ is pseudo baptism. Hence he calls them Catabaptists {i.e.y drowners). The term itself was considered an unanswerable argument. It is very noteworthy that in neither of these lengthy treatises nor in the quotations from Bap- tist writings in the second, is the question of ' Printed by Christopher Froschauer, Zurich, 1527, 8vo, pp. 191 ; reprinted in volume with letter by CEcolampadius and Zwingli, edited by Bibliander (Basel), 8vo, 1548 (ii., 8ib-ii3b), and in re- print of latter by Grynaeus (Basel), 1592, i2mo, pp. 371-520. In Zwingli's Works, iii., 358-437. ''III., 392. The word is traced to Gregory Nazianzen's Oration on Baptism, delivered in 381. In 536 a Constantinopolitan synod called the baptistery of heretics a Katabaptisterion, i. e., the place where persons were so dipped that they were drowned. Equally opprobrious is the term Anabaptist applied to the Bap- tist party, i. e., those who baptised again in years of discretion those previously baptised in infancy. But the Baptists denied 1530] The Inner Course 259 immersion or sprinkling even so much as touched upon. The primitive Baptists attacked infant bap- tism. They considered it of minor consequence whether the water in baptism was a drop or a deluge. The book appeared Wednesday, July 31, 1527, just about the time that Zurich had invited Bern, Schaffhausen, Chur, and St. Gall to send delegates to a disputation on the Baptists to be held on Fri- day, August 2d, and in the letter had informed them that as the result of a disputation held among them- selves it was determined to punish those administer- ing immersion with submersion, i. e., drowning, and other less offending members of the Baptist party with scourging or other punishments, according to their guilt ; that still the heresy was on the increase ; and that it was not merely religiously but morally subversive. A monitory letter was sent to Con- stance and Augsburg also that they should beware of Denk, who was visiting " Catabaptists " within and without their walls.' On September 9, 1527, Zurich, Bern, and St. Gall published an edict, in which for the first time the alleged errors and crimes of the Baptist party are set forth ' ; viz. : that they did this ; rather they affirmed that the use of water in the name of the Trinity over a babe was no baptism at all, and hence that they did not rebaptise anyone. They administered true bap- tism for the first time to those who after confession of faith desired the rite. ^ HI., 357. * The edict is given in full in German in Simler's Sammlung 26o Huldreich Zwingli [1525- " They seduce men from the congregations of the ortho- dox teachers and assail the public preachers with abuse; they babble in corners, woods, and fields; contract spirit- ual marriages, thereby giving occasion for adulteries; even command crime in the name of the Lord, e.g., the parricide at St. Gall; glory in divine revelations and miracles; teach that the Devil will be saved, and that in their church one could indulge lust without crime; had. other signs of a league aside from catabaptism ; would not carry swords ; pronounced principal and interest wicked ; would have all external goods common and deposited in the midst of them, so that no one could use them as his own peculiar right ; forbade Christians to accept the magistracy or to execute an oath. In order that this growth, dangerous to Christianity, wicked, harmful, turbulent, seditious, may be eradicated, we have thus decreed: if any one is suspected of catabap- tism he is to be warned by the magistracy to leave off, under penalty of the designated punishment. Indi- viduals as the civil cpntract obliges should inform upon those favourable to catabaptism. Whoever shall not fit his conduct to this dissuasion is liable to punishment according to the opinion of the magistracy and the circum- stances of the case ; teachers, baptising preachers, itiner- ants and leaders of conventicles, or those previously released from prison and who have sworn to desist from such things, are to be drowned. Foreigners, their faith ieing pledged, are to be driven out, if they return are to (e drowned. No one is allowed to secede from the Ihurch and absent himself from the Holy Supper, Men ;d into the error by fraud may receive a mitigation of alter unci neuer Urkunden zur Beleuchtung der Kirchengeschichte vornemlich des Schtoeizer-Landes (i., 2, 449-45S). The summary in Zwingli's Works (iii., 357-358) is here used. 1530] The Inner Course 261 their punishment in proportion to their property and standing. Whoever flees from one jurisdiction to an- other shall be banished or given up on demand." It was then in view of this legislation that Zwingli produced his " Refutation," and it was intended to be final. It is in the form of verbal quotation from witness accepted by the Baptists with a reply. In Part I. he thus quotes a treatise, written prob- ably by Conrad Grebel, which was much admired and read among the Zurich Baptists, and in which Zwingli is set forth as supporting more or less heartily all their tenets. Zwingli pleaded that he was misunderstood, misquoted, and intentionally slandered, and his ruffled spirits are the only justifi- cation of the treatment he gave the Baptists. But! his refutation is prolix, abusive, and weak. Hq accuses the Baptists of hypocrisy and immorality and quotes instances. As Zwingli was an honest man and had exceptional sources of information, what he says cannot be pooh-poohed.' Rather is it likely that the persecutions of the Baptists had increased the tendency to fanaticism and insubordi- nation among the ignorant membership so recently emancipated from Roman Catholic superstition, and so liberty was occasionally turned into licence and the confidence of some women in the supposed holi- ness of these Baptist saints, who claimed to be the proper rulers of mankind, was abused. But that the sect was corrupt or hypocritical is a charge ' See the direct charges posited on personal knowledge (iii., 382 sg.). 262 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- which refutes itself. And even if it were true, the modern Baptists are not responsible for the doings of their religious forbears. In Part II. Zwingli treats in the same fashion, quoting verbally and refuting, the Confession of Faith drawn up by the Bernese Baptists. The Confession was not published, but was widely circulated in manuscript among the Baptists. It bore the title " Articles which we have drawn up and to which we agree, viz., Baptism ; Excommu- nication ; Breaking of Bread ; Avoidance of abom- inable pastors in the Church ; the Sword ; the Oath." ' Zwingli treats the Confession with great scorn and attempts its refutation in a bad spirit. He addresses himself directly to the Baptists, in most cases. And yet the Confession is witness to the fact that the excesses and occasional immoralities of the sect were dire contradictions to its pure and lofty principles. Blind to this, Zwingli repeats again the injurious remarks on the morals of the Baptists because he believed they were abundantly justified and he was dealing with a party which he regarded as a danger to Church and State. Take especially the quoted teaching of the Confession re- specting the Sword, i. e,, civil authority, and against the use of the oath. In this connection he tells in a jeering manner the shameful story of the infamous treatment accorded poor Blaurock in this para- graph ' : ' III., 412, 413. 1530] The Inner Course 263 " (8) They rightly admonish us that Christ taught that our speech should be Yea, Yea, and Nay, Nay; yet they do not seem to me to understand it clearly, or if they do understand it to obey it. For though in many places they should often have said Yea, it has never been Yea. When those leaders were banished, against whom we wrote as best we could, and asked for an oath they would not reply except to the effect that through the faith which they had in God they knew they would never return, and yet they soon returned. ' The Father,' each said, 'led me back through His will.' I know very well that it was the father — of lies who led them back; but they pretend to know it was the Heavenly Father. Here is something worth telling: When that George (whom they all call a second Paul) of the House of Jacob [Blaurock], was cudgelled with rods among us even to the infernal gate and was asked by an officer of the Council to take oath and lift up his hands [in affirma- tion], he at first refused, as he had often done before and had persisted in doing. Indeed he had always said that he would rather die than take an oath. The officer of the Council then ordered him forthwith to lift his hands and make oath at once, 'or do you, policemen,' he said, ' lead him to prison.' But now persuaded by rods this George of the House of Jacob raised his hand to heaven and followed the magistrate in the recitation of the oath. So here you have the question confronting you, Catabaptists, whether that Paul of yours did or did not transgress the law. The law forbids to swear about the least thing: he swore, so he transgressed the law. Hence this knot is knit: You would be separated from the world, from lies, from those who walk not according to the resurrection of Christ but in dead works ? How thea is it that you have not excommunicated that Apos- 264 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- tate ? Your Yea is not Yea with you nor your Nay, Nay, but the contrary ; your Yea is Nay and your Nay, Yea. You follow neither Christ nor your own constitution." ^ Part III. is subdivided : (a) The two covenants. That which God made with Israel included infants. Circumcision was the external sign of this covenant. Christians are the heirs of Israel ; with them He has made a new covenant, in which the children are in- cluded, of which baptism is the external sign, (b) Election, which Zwingli says is above baptism, cir- cumcision, faith and preaching, (c) That the Apos- tles baptised infants. These three parts are followed by a brief but most interesting appendix, in which he taxes the Baptists with teaching (i) the sleep of the soul ; (2) the salva- tion of the devil and of all the wicked ; (3) the right of Christians universally to exercise the ofifice of preacher; (4) the rjght occasionally to deny Scrip- ture and follow the inner revelation of the Spirit. These errors he curtly refutes. After this Zwingli wrote nothing of great length against the Baptists. His last published utterance was in reply to the questions of Caspar Schwenck- feld." In it he developed further his idea of the re- lation of election to baptism, which was apparently this : by election God secured the salvation of some. Children of Christians belong by birth to the visible Church, but this Church includes both the elect and ' Can anything be more contemptible tban this gloating over a poor tortured wretch ? * In Latin, iii., 563-588. 1530] The Inner Course 265 the rejected. As no one can determine which is which, it would be an injustice to refuse any such child baptism, which is the outward sign of election. But baptism is only a sign of grace and does not confer it. In consequence of the cruel treatment they re- ceived, the Baptists after a time ceased to exist in the canton of Zurich except in very small and scat- tered gatherings. Zwingli's attacks upon them were greatly admired by his fellow religionists in and outside of Zurich. They found no fault with hisj harsh and cruel jibes, his exaggerated tales and coarse anecdotes. They did not mind his prolixity. As for his arguments, they considered them unJ answerable. CHAPTER XIII THE FINAL STAGE OF THE ZWINGLIAN REFORMA- TION 1 524-1 529 THE years of Zwingli's life from 1524 to 1529 may properly receive comparatively brief men- tion. They were very busy, interesting, and even exciting for him, but not so important as the former years. The work of breaking with the Old Church had been completed: only the adjustment of the churches of the canton of Zurich to the new state of things, the defence of their faith and polity against all comers ^ — restless peasants, more deter- mined Baptists, Lutherans, and adherents of the Old Church — remained. But the students of sys- tematic theology, of ecclesiastical polity, and of liturgies may consider these closing years of Zwingli's life his more fruitful years. The ordinary reader desires to know what was actually done during this period and may be told in a few pages, the peasant and Baptist troubles having been separately treated in the preceding chapter. The successive topics which claimed Zwingli's attention are brought out in his correspondence. On January 14, 1525,* he felt called upon to write a very eloquent epistle to the Dreibund, the magis- » VII., 380-383 ; Latin trans., 378-380. 266 [1524-1529] The Final Stage 267 tracy of Rhaetia, the modern canton of the Grisons, in which the Reformation had begun to make head- way, urging these gentlemen to protect those who professed it, and also defending himself and fellow Zurichers against the charge of sedition. He ap- peals to them to state if it is not true that the Church of Rome is hopelessly corrupt and grasping. The next day the City Councils issued an import- ant order respecting the public relief of the poor and sick. Some of the regulations are singular; as, for instance, requiring church-going on the part of beneficiaries and, more objectionably, to wear a dis- tinctive badge, thereby publishing their condition. It was not to be expected that the Zurich City Fathers in the sixteenth century should make any approach to scientific charity, with its exact registra- tion and rigid investigation of the applicants, and which demands that there shall not be any public outdoor relief. The Zurich Councillors, however, honestly endeavoured to distinguish between the applicants, sorting out first the genuine Zurichers from the strangers, and then among the Zurichers giving alms as far as possible only to those who through no fault were in need.^ Another important piece of internal regulation, viz., relative to marriage and divorce, inspired and formulated by Zwingli,' was passed by the Councils on May lo, 1525.' Briefly, marriages were usually * See the ordinance in Egli, A. S., 619 ; in modern Gennan in Morikofer, i., 252-255. 2 II., 2, 356-359. •Egli, A. S., 711 ; in modern German in M5rikofer, i., 260-262, 268 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- to be public, in churches, and with the consent of parents or guardians. Even though the discovery should soon be made that the parties were unfitted for living together, still they are to live together for a year, and then they may be divorced. Divorces may be granted for other causes. Adultery is a crime to be severely punished by the authorities. So also seduction and like offences when marriage cannot be arranged. Those who commit adultery hoping thereby to secure a divorce and so be free to contract another marriage, or to live unchastely, were to be excommunicated and for ever banished. By thus claiming for Zurich the adjudication of the matrimonial cases the break with the past was still further emphasised, as formerly all such cases came to the episcopal court in Constance. On June 30, 1525, he published his book on the ofifice of the preacher, with a dedication to his fellow Toggenburgers.' It was really directed against the Baptists, who claimed that all the Lord's people were prophets. In September, 1525, Zwingli's windows were broken by two drunken fellows; but the offence was magnified until it seemed as if Zwingli's life were in danger, because underneath the drunken conduct was deep hatred of Zwingli's teaching. But that so trivial an offence should have caused such a stir is a plain indication that Zwingli lived a very quiet and secure life.' On October 28th, Zwingli, under the pen-name of ^11., I, 304-336 ; in modern German by Christoffel, Zurich, 1843. 5 VII., 409-412. ^529] The Final Stage 269 '' A certain Frenchman," addressed a long letter to " A citizen of Basel," in criticism of Erasmus's view on the Eucharist.' In March, 1525, Zwingli pub- lished his " Commentary on the True and False Religion," ' which goes over in a series of chapters all the points of evangelical theology. He wrote it, he says in three and one half months, in Latin, for general circulation, especially in France, thus redeeming his promise to French friends: and so he dedicated it to King Francis I. It resembles the exposition of the sixty-seven theses already mentioned. The part on the Lord's Supper was separately issued in a German translation. It was of this book that Erasmus made his famous patro- nising remark: " Oh, good Zwingli, what have you written which I did not write myself long before ! " ' ^ On April 14, 1525, Zwingli was chosen rector of the Carolinum, the Great Minster school; conse- quently he moved into the official residence of the rector, and lived there until death.' He used his * VII., 427-432. (Ecolampadius, to whom very likely it was sent, praises it (vii., 432). 2 III., 147-325. Herminyard reprints a part of the dedication in a French translation, in his Correspondance des Reformateurs (2d ed., Geneva, 1878), i., pp. 350, 351. 'VII., 399. 4 This is the house which contains the present Zwingli room, upon the second story, shown to travellers. It is on the Kirch Gasse, on the left hand as one goes up the street from the Great Minster, and near the corner of the cathedral close. On it is the inscription: •'Zwingli's official residence. From this house he went forth on October II, 1531, with the Zurich troops to Cappel, where he died for his faith." The room in it called his study and the adjoining 270 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- new position to improve the schools and took part himself in the biblical instruction, which he had made part of the curriculum. That he was still fond of humanistic studies and had not forgotten his Greek amid all his absorbing labours, he demon- strated by issuing on February 24, 1526, in Basel, an edition of the poems of Pindar.' In 1526 a public disputation was held between the representatives of the Bishop of Constance and of the Reformed upon matters of faith. The place chosen was Baden, a famous watering-place, only twelve miles north-west of Zurich, but in the hands of the bitterest partisans of the Roman Church. Under the semblance of fairness and impartiality the object of the disputation was really to condemn Zwingli and Zurich for their opposition to the Roman Church, and considering the character of the crowd who would there assemble, it was more than doubtful if Zwingli would have escaped per- sonal violence if he had ventured thither.'' As it was, though urged, he declined to go. The disputation at Baden was the Old Church's reply to the Zurich disputations of 1523. The con- ditions were exactly reversed. The friends of the Reformation packed the former, the opponents of it the latter. The immediate occasion of it was room called his bedroom may be, as claimed, the same as they were in his day, but the rest of the house, as is the case with the other Zwingli houses, has been reconstructed. ' His Latin preface and epilogue are given in iv., 159-166. ' So his brother-in-law, Tremp, warned him from Bern not to venture thither, as he had heard alarming reports (vii., 483). 1529] The Final Stage 271 John Eck's offer from Ingolstadt to the Swiss Diet at Baden, on August 13, 1524, to refute Zwingli's heresies in a public disputation,' The challenge was communicated to Zwingli, and he replied to this on August 31st, in the insulting language he thought proper to use towards his Roman Catholic opponents, offering to debate with Eck in Zurich.' Eck replied very dignifiedly that he would meet Zwingli at Baden or Luzern, provided he had proper safe conduct. He shows much better spirit than Zwingli.' The letter having been sent to the Zurich authorities, Zwingli replied that he would dispute in Zurich, and his reply appeared in print.* And on the same day, November 6, 1524, the Great Council invited Eck to Zurich and sent him a safe conduct.^ But he declined to come, simply because the place for the proposed disputation was to be decided by the cantonal assembly and he would meet Zwingli there. On November i8th he replied at length to Zwingli's latest attack. In 1525 the project of the disputation was revived. The Bishop of Constance chose Baden as the place. Zwingli declared his willingness, if necessary, to go to Schaffhausen or St. Gall but the city Great Council refused him permission to go out of Zurich. The Diet at Luzern, on January 15, 1526, deter- mined on Baden as the place and May 16, 1526, as the time. Zwingli's correspondence of 1526 shows clearly the course of events. After the disputation ' II., 2, 399, 400. « II., 2, 400-403. 3 11^ 2, 403-405. * II., 2, 411-414. 6 Bullinger, i., 334 sqq. 2"] 2 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- was determined upon there was uncertainty in re- gard to the place. Bern favoured Basel. Other cantons wanted Luzern. GEcolampadius naturally preferred Bern. Zwingli did not want to go out of Zurich.^ Perhaps his physical condition had some- thing to do with it. GEcolampadius, on March 7, 1526, alluded to his having ulcers." Zwingli him- self, writing to Vadianus on Friday, March 30th/ tells of an alarming attack of illness which had oc- curred that day. On April 16, 1526, Zwingli wrote a long letter * to the City Council of Bern giving his reasons why he would not go to Baden for the disputation, although anxious to debate in such a presence. The nine reasons amount to this — that the safe conduct and protection which Bern pro- mised were really valueless under the circumstances because at Baden the Five Forest Cantons, Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Luzern, and Zug, devoted to the old teaching, would outvote the other three cantons of Zurich, Bern, and Basel, devoted to the new. He then proceeds to give his reasons for de- clining to go to any place where the Five Cantons had control, i. Those cantons had condemned him unheard as a heretic and burnt his books. 2. They still persist in doing so. 3. They have avowedly gotten up the disputation for the purpose of silencing him. 4. As they have ordered him arrested, con- trary to federal law, what value would their safe conduct have ? 5. They are bound by mutual » VII., 476. 2vil.,479. "vil., 484. ^ VII., 493-496 ; also in the original German, pp. 496-499. 1529] The Final Stage 273 vows to uproot the faith he professed. 6. Their negotiations for the disputation were with Eck and Faber exclusively, not with him, he not being in any way consulted. 7. While Eck's and Faber's writings are freely circulated in the Five Cantons, his were suppressed. 8. He had two years before plainly told Eck and company that under no consideration would he go to Baden or Luzern. Very naturally the Five Cantons insisted upon Baden. On April 21, 1526, Zwingli addressed " A friendly letter to the confederates of the Twelve Cantons and their allies, upon the disputation which is pro- jected at Baden on the i6th of May." ^ He read it before the Council and then sent it in in printed form. It gives his reasons for declining to go to Baden. The next day in writing to Vadianus he says: *' Even if I agreed to Baden, the people of Zurich would not consent. A great part of the Council were not very well pleased because I offered to go to Bern or St. Gall. It would seem wise for you to agree to reply to the opposing cantons somewhat as follows: That you had been at the disputations at Zurich, that there they are sufficiently learned and had no need of further dis- putations, etc., unless other places were selected." ^ Probably shortly after he had despatched this letter he received an open one from Faber, ^ his for- mer friend, dated Tuebingen, April i6th, in which *II., 2, 424-429. 2 VII., 500. 3 11^ 2, 429-436. 18 2 74 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- he was vigorously handled as a heretic. Zwingli took it up almost clause by clause for refutation, on April 30th, and again on May 15th.' The nine cantons renewed their request for his presence but the Council refused it at the Diet at Baden held on May loth, and to which they sent a delegation. Zwingli wrote at the same time. Thus the matter was discussed back and forth. But without altering the determination on either side and the disputa- tion finally opened at Baden, on Monday, May 21st, in the absence of Zwingli.' On the Old Church side the principal champion was John Eck, who really was a skilful and learned disputant, and who had, as he and the Old Church party believed, won such a notable victory over Luther at Leipzig in 1518; on the side of the Zwinglian party CEcolampadius, of Basel, Haller, of Bern, and Oechsli, of Schaffhausen, carried on the debate. Zwingli was kept constantly informed of the proceedings and constantly aided his repre- ' II., 2, 436-453, 467-484. In his letter to Vadiaiius on May nth (vii., 503), he says : " Faber has written against my former epistle in which I set forth my refusal to go to Baden. There I find the man far funnier than before. ... If the Disputation at Baden does anything that opposes the Word of God, the people are not will- ing to receive in regard to it either propositions or commands. They will cherish the treaties honourably. If violence be offered to Zurich or any of the cantons, they will furnish aid to the wronged. In the government of the provinces they will follow this rule, not to sit when Zurich is not represented. . . . The Council refuses me to the Disputation at Baden. I have written a frank but kindly letter to the Diet" {cf. ii., 2, 455-459). ' The papers connected with this Diet at Baden are collected (ii., 2, 398-520). They are all in German, 1529] The Final Stage 275 sentatives by suggestions and every other way he could/ The debate lasted four weeks, or till June i8th. Both sides, as usual, claimed the victory. The acts were published in full at Luzern on May i8, 1527, which probably was not too long a delay, although made a cause of complaint and construed as a con- fession of defeat by the Zwingli party." On July 2, 1526,' Zwingli wrote a long and earn- est letter, which is almost a treatise, to Nuremberg because his and QEcolampadius's writings had been prohibited there, and therein took occasion to ex- press himself very plainly upon his theology of the Eucharist, mainly in reply to Pirkheimer. * ^ The Zwingli correspondence enables us to get a vivid picture of the debate. It shows that down to May 21st, CEcolampadius tried to have the place changed and that he recognised the peril Zwingli would have been in by going to Baden, notwithstanding the emphatic and reiterated promise of safe conduct. But then, as he says, he was in peril too. The fact is, Zwingli's absence was deplored by his friends. Myconius, writing years afterward, says : " Zwingli laboured more in running about, cogitating, watching, counselling, warning, writing both letters and books which he sent to Baden, than he would have done had he taken part in the Disputation or been in the midst of his foes, particularly against a chief so unskilled in the truth. Still I have for my part desired nothing more earnestly than that he had been permitted to take part personally " (p. loj. ^ An incomplete report was published in July of the year before (vii., 524). CEcolampadius sent Zwingli on October 18, 1526, a summary of the contents of the official report, which had been carefully edited to put the Reformed at a disadvantage (vii., 553). Zwingli told the Strassburgers in December, 1526 (vii., 578) that signature G of it had been seized when on its way from Murner to the Suffragan Bishop of Constance. 3 VIII., 656-662. ^ On July 17th a friend told him that his and CEcolampadius's writ- ings would not be sold at Nuremberg under heavy penalty (vii., 526). 276 Huldrcich Zwingli [1524- In the latter part of the year Zwingli watched the politics of his neighbours with keen interest, but with the advancement of the Gospel interests ever in view. On August 31, 1526,' he wrote a very gossipy letter full of information, telling how Eck used at Baden the Complutensian Polyglot, which had the Latin version side by side with the Hebrew and the Greek, and so by apparently reading un- aided from the Hebrew and Greek got a reputation for learning he did not deserve; and how poor Bal- thasar Hubmaier, in his examination before the Council, quoted Zwingli's remarks about catechu- mens, as showing his former preference to have bap- tism follow instruction "" ; how he recanted and then withdrew his recantation; and how generously Zwingli treated him, and how basely Hubmaier re- viled him when escaped from the city. He closes with some slighting remarks upon Luther: " I think you are too solicitous in the matter of that man who is said to be writing against me in German and Latin on the Eucharist. In nothing do I promise myself a more certain victory." On September 17, 1526,^ he complained of being sick. On October 29th,'' he confesses to personal acquaintance with the gravel. On November 29th, ^ he tells of the execution of Jacob Grebel, the father of Conrad, for treason, and of his wrong-doing towards his son's wife; that his (Zwingli's) book against Dr. Jacob Strauss would be out before Christmas, and that he had not yet begun his reply iVII., 534-538. 2c^eep. 246. 3 VII., 538. 4 VII., 556. ^VII., 565. 1529] The Final Stage 277 to Luther, but would have it ready for the Frank- fort Fair/ In a letter which was " written at Zu- rich in the hour which precedes the eclipse (since we are measuring all by the moon), 1526," conse- quently on Tuesday, December i8th,' he mentions that the Acts of the Disputation at Baden were passing through the press and would have a very partisan preface ; that he had prepared a catechism for boys'; that he had finished his reply to Dr. Jacob Strauss upon the Lord's Supper, but it was not yet in type,* and says again that the expostula- tion with Luther upon the same subject would be ready for the Frankfort Fair." Zwingli in January, 1527, wrote to the Bernese delegates at Baden to secure an authentic copy of the report of the Baden disputation of the previous summer and also proposed another disputation at Zurich, Bern, Basel, or St. Gall. On January nth, he issued his reply to Dr. Jacob Strauss upon the 1 So in letter of Dec. i8th. 2 VII., 578-579- For the information that this was the date of the eclipse and that it was total at Zurich I am indebted to Professor Harold Jacoby, of Columbia University, New York City. ^ This was not printed till 1544. ^ It appeared on January ii, 1527. 5 It appeared February 28, 1527. See p. 298. The Frankfort Fair was the great book mart. Zwingli, like Luther, made nothing from his publications. In which respect he resembled most modern authors, only he expected nothing ! He once wrote to Vadianus (May 28, 1525, vii., 398) : " There was a nan lately who said that T sold copies to the printers at a high price. That man lied against the Holy Spirit. It must not be permitted therefore that this can be said with truth. I ask nothing than that they commend me to the Lord Jesus Christ." r 278 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- Lord's Supper/ and on the same day wrote to Philip, Marquis of Baden, in Germany," in whose territory Strauss lived, commending his book against Strauss to the Marquis's attention. On January 25th, he announces the coming conference between Zurich, Bern, Basel, Schaffhausen, and St. Gall." On Feb- ruary 1 2th, in speaking of his books written and in preparation, he says that his Archeteles was full of printing errors; but he had no more copies to give away ; that he would send the printer his ** Exegesis " for Luther in twelve days. ** This is friendly in tone, except that I have dealt a little sharply with the Swabian scribes. " * On February 28th, he published his" Friendly Exegesis," and accompanied it with an open letter to Luther,' which Luther pronounced ** fierce." On March 30th, he issued a ** Friendly defence and deprecation of the sermon of the excel- lent Martin Luther preached in Wittenberg against the Fanatics, and to defend the reality of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Sacrament." ^ This was really an attack upon Luther, and two days later he follows it up with another letter' full of insinuations and exceedingly riling, and stirred Luther up as no other attack had done, as Luther's correspondence abundantly shows.^ The fact was that Zwingli and Luther could by no possibility be friends. Each was a pope in his way, only Luther ruled a nation and Zwingli a city. ^ II., I, 469-506. ^ III., 459-462. 2 VIII., 2. 6 11., 2, I-I5. 3 VIII., 20-22. 'VIII., 39-41. ^ VIII., 28. ^ See the extracts given (viii., 41). 1529] The Final Stage 279 Each was absolutely sure of himself and that he had found out the truth. Each had no belief in the honesty or capacity of those who differed from him. Zwingli was jealous of Luther because he was so much more famous, and in his letters to him at- tempts to patronise him. Luther considered Zwingli a heretic. He compared him with Arius! Mani- festly the best thing for both parties was to attempt no contact. Instead of doing so they carried on directly and indirectly a protracted and abusive con- troversy, disgraceful to both of them. What they both needed was good breeding. Their unhappy con- troversy was discreditable to both of them.' Its practi- cal effect was to divide and so weaken Protestantism. On April 30th, he alludes to the many persons who had made Zurich a place of refuge.' On May 22d, he affirms the validity of Roman Catholic baptism : " For even though there be things diabolic in papal bap- tism yet they cannot nullify the Lord's words, * I baptise thee in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost ' ; so that it should not be true baptism; un- less we are prepared to say, that the devil or the Roman Pontiff is stronger than the Lord." ' ^ Zwingli's final conclusions on the matter appear in his Confession of Faith in the Appendix to this volume. Beginning on August 29, 1523, when he issued his Epichiresis (iii,, 83-116) upon the canon of the mass down to August 31, 1527, when he replied to Luther's "Confession" (ii., 2, 94-223), he published sixteen pieces, mostly of some length, upon the Lord's Supper. His correspondence for the latter years of his life is also full of allusions to the matter. 2VIIL, 57. 3vin., 71. 28o Huldreich Zwingli [1524- On October nth, he mentions that thirteen hun- dred florins used to be taken in yearly in the Great Minster for sacerdotal offices and celebration of the mass for the dead.' In the latter part of 1527 Zwingli's thoughts took a new turn. The Reformation had made great headway in Bern, and the Bernese City Council, in imitation of that of Zurich, resolved on Sunday, November 17th, to hold a disputation in which the Word of God alone could be appealed to as sole authority for teachings respecting religion. The bishops of Constance, Basel, Lausanne, and Wallis and delegates from all the cantons were invited. The Zurich Council agreed to accept the invitation, December 7th. '^ Zwingli asked formal permission for himself and other scholars to go,^ and the Coun- cil's formal affirmative answer was passed December nth. On December 15th, Zwingli was able to announce to CEcolampadius that all the prelimin- aries were then arranged." On December 27, 1527, he sent a dignified letter to the Ulm City Council proposing to meet John Eck, who had slandered his dear friend, their pastor, Conrad Som, also CEcolampadius, and himself, in Ulm, Memmingen, Constance, or Lindau.^ By invitation of the Zurich Council delegates from SchafThausen, St. Gall, and Constance to the Bern disputation assembled in Zurich on January ist, and so when the start was made the next day, which was Tuesday, there was quite an imposing array of » VIII., 102. ^ II., 3, 16-17 ; cf. Egli, A. S., 1330. 3 VIII., 119. ^VIII., 125. 5 VIII., 131. BERN CATHEDRAL. 1529] The Final Stage 281 ecclesiastics and other citizens, nearly one hundred in all ; yet lest evil befall them it was accompanied by three hundred armed men to the borders of Bern. After that there was no danger. They entered Bern on January 4th. Zwingli and the burgomaster of Zurich, Diethelm Roeust, put up at the hospice, which was directly opposite to the gate of the city. Zwingli's brother-in-law, Leonhard Tremp, was mas- ter of the hospice and a City Councillor.^ Zwingli was easily the most distinguished man in the dis- putation, but the Roman Catholic theologians were conspicuous by their absence. They had of course no more desire than Zwingli had to talk to deaf ears or to expose themselves to insult and possible physi- cal violence. It was the fashion of the day to ridi- cule intellectual opponents and attribute everything bad to them, nor has the fashion passed away. The ** Acts of the Disputation " were published by Christopher Froschauer — the Zurich printer who published Zwingli's writings — on April 23, 1528.' It opens with the Bernese magistrates' call to the disputation, covering six pages and dated ** Sun- day, the 17th day of the Winter month " (which in the Swiss calendar is November), 1527. The date set for the beginning of the disputation was the first Sunday of the new year, which came on Janu- ary 5th. Then come the ten theses for debate pre- pared, with Zwingli's assistance, by the local Re- formers Kolb and Haller, viz.^: ^VIIL, 123. ^ It is an i8mo, 34 signatures of 16 pages each, or 544 in all. It is reprinted ii., I, 63-200. Cf. Zwingli's letter of March 7th., quoted on page 306. ^ II., i, 76, 77, 282 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- •* I. The Holy Christian Church, whose sole Head is Christ, is born of the Word of God, is animated by it, and hears not the voice of a stranger. II. The Church of Christ makes no addition to the law and ordinance of the Word of God. Consequently all human deliverances, as the Church ordinances are called, are not binding upon us except so far as they are grounded on and or- dained by the Word of God. III. Christ is our sole wisdom, righteousness. Saviour, and Redeemer for all the sin of the world. Consequently to confess another service of the saints and satisfaction for sin is to deny Christ. IV. That the Body and Blood of Christ are substantially and corporally received in the bread of the Eucharist cannot be proved from the Bible. V. The mass now in use wherein Christ is offered to God, the Father, for the sins of the living and dead is contrary to Scripture; to make a sacrifice to the Almighty out of the sufferings of the immortal Christ is a blasphemy and on account of the misuse of it an abomination in the sight of God. VI. As Christ died for us only, so He should be appealed to as the only mediator and intercessor be- tween God the Father and us believers, consequently all other mediators and intercessors besides now appealed to are to be repudiated by us on the ground of Scripture. VII. That after this time no purgatory will be found taught in the Scriptures. Consequently all services for the dead as vigils, requiems, soul-graces, sevens, spiritual consolations, anniversaries, ampullae, candles, and such like are vain. VIII. Making pictures for worship is contrary to the Word of God in the New and Old Testa- ments. Consequently wherever they are so placed as to be in danger of worship they should be removed. IX. Holy marriage is in the Scripture forbidden to no class, but harlotry and unchastity all classes are commanded 1529] The Final Stage 283 to avoid. X. Since an openly immoral woman is under a heavy ban according to the Scripture, it follows that harlotry and unchastity on account of the scandal of it are in no class more shameful than in the priesthood." Next comes the brief preface stating that the Acts had been copied carefully from the four orig- inal books of the notaries; the arrangements for the Disputation and the Acts themselves. The first formal session was on Monday afternoon, January 6th, in the church of the Barefoot monks, i. e,, the Franciscans, before a large audience. The presi- dents were Joachim von Watt (Vadianus), of St. Gall, Nicholas Briefer, provost of St. Peter's at Basel, and Conrad Schmid, comtur of Kuessnacht, in the canton of Zurich ; and the first session was consumed in getting ready for the disputation which began Tuesday morning, and was opened by an ad- dress by Vadianus. Francis Kolb then read the first thesis and proceeded to defend it, and so the disputation commenced. The daily sessions began at 7 A.M. and I P.M. The Old Church was not represented by anyone of much prominence, and there was scarcely any more general debate than in the Zurich disputations. Zwingli spoke first on Wednesday, and at first took only a modest part. The disputation was closed on Sunday, January 26th, and of course the City Council declared the Reformed the winners, and having already gone a long way in that direction before the disputa- tion began, completed the introduction of the Reformation into the city of Bern by abolishing 284 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- the mass and Church images on Monday, January 27th.' Shortly after his arrival in Bern, Zwingli heard that his wife had, on January 6th, borne him a son, whom he afterwards called Huldreich. So he sent her this letter," written doubtless in German, unfor- tunately the only one of his to his wife which has been preserved ; in which he gives several commis- sions and says enough to rouse his wife's jealousy : ** Grace and peace from God. My dear wife, I thank God that He has granted you so joyful a delivery. He will grant us to bring the child up according to His will. Send to my cousin one or two coifs of the same quality and style as those you wear yourself. She dresses as a woman of her station should, but not like a Beguine,' is a married woman of forty, in all style and quality* such a one as Master Jorgen's wife has described. She has been beyond measure kind to me and to us all. " May God take care of you! Remember me to god- mother wife of the administrator; to Ulmann Trinckler and the wife of magistrate Effinger^; and to all whom you love. Pray God for me and us all. Given at Bern, iVIII., 138. 'VIII., 134. But more correctly deciphered in Theol. Zeitschrift aus der Schweiz, i., 191. ^ Zwingli made a rhyme here, " sy kumpt zimmilich doch nit bcgyn- lichy The Beguines were a secular order of pious women whose vows resembled a nun's, but were not irrevocable. ^ Zwingli used the same words to describe his cousin and the coif, only he reverses their order. * The first named was the sponsor of Zwingli's eldest son Wilhelm ; Anna Keller, wife of the administrator of the Oetenbach nunnery ; the last two the sponsors of Huldreich, the child just born, Ulmann Trinckler and Elizabeth Effinger. 1529] The Final Stage 285 eleventh day of January. Remember me to all your children; especially Margaretha/ whom comfort in my name. ** HULDREICH ZWINGLI, ** Your husband. " Send me as soon as possible my housecoat." Zwingli preached a couple of times in Bern, on January 19th and 30th.'' In connection with the first sermon Bullinger tells this story : " When Zwingli was about to preach a priest was at an altar and put on his vestments to say a mass. But when Zwingli began to preach he stood still with the mass articles before him until the sermon was over. But Zwingli said in this sermon many powerful things against the mass; which so stirred the priest all attired as he was, that at the end of the sermon he drew off his pointed dress indignantly, threw it upon the altar, and said so that all bystanders easily heard it: * If the mass takes that shape, then I '11 not to-day or at any time in the future hold mass.' " ' Zwingli and his friends started for home on Janu- ary 31st, and arrived there safely the next day, again under military escort. On March 7th, he wrote thus of the disputation": ' Margaretha was his wife's eldest daughter, born in 1505. See p. 232. ^11., I, 203-229; translated into modern German; the first by Sigwart, Die vier Reformatoren, pp. 381-406 ; the second by Kessel- mann, Buck der Predigten, pp. 689-692. ^ Bullinger, i., 436. 4 VIII., 146. 286 Huldreich Zvvini^li [1524- " Althamer is spreading around his tremendous false- hoods— that free speech was not permitted and that he debated against his will because of the challenge of Francis Kolb. Yet we all know that to them and espe- cially to him was accorded the greatest freedom, and that he cheerfully and willingly suffered himself to be selected by his party to perform the duty of the speaker on the plat- form. But what remains to the vanquished except grief ? The proceedings of the disputation are being diligently and carefully printed: thirty-four pages are at this time completed and perhaps twenty or more are to come/ The secretary from Thun, Eberhard von Rumlary, who was one of the scribes, is superintending, etc." On April 8th, he published his plan for the first synod, which was held at Zurich on Tuesday, April 2ist, for the purpose of enforcing uniformity of doc- trine and correctness in living on the Zurich city and cantonal clergy.'' Zwingli acted as censor, but the call was in the name of the City Council, and the examination was held before a delegation from it. A similar gathering under the same auspices and for the same purposes was held of the canons and remaining orders of clergy on May 19th. ^ On May 4th, he alludes to the operation of what he calls the ** Munerarian law " {t, e., law of gift): " As far as the appearance goes, who does not say that the enactment some time ago of the Munerarian law at ^ What this means I do not know. The book has 544 pages in 34 signatures ; perhaps he reckons another way. 2 See ii., 3, 19-21 ; also Egli, A. S., 1391. 3Egli, A. S., 1414. PRIEST CONVERTED AT THE PREACHING OF ZWINGLI IN BERN, JAN. 19, 1528. 1529] The Final Stage 287 Zurich (for I see that those Lutherans and Catabaptists are not without a purpose slandering Zurich) and now at Bern, is a good thing ? Silver, gold, gems both silken and sumptuous clothing, are either laid aside or sold and distributed to the poor; evil speaking, perjury, carousing, and gambling are done away with; adultery, fornication, and brothels are forbidden; the wantonness of dancing both in the day and at night is controlled, nay that at night is interdicted; the pope, who was guarding the bridge and the way to the lower world, and his followers, the impious doctors, are put under re- straint; the mass is done away with and the images that stand forth to draw worship are removed; seductive cere- monial is abolished; and what is finest and best of all, the truth is preached, with boldness yet holiness, with brilliancy yet reverence, faithfully but not wantonly. And all this, not so much at the command of the apostles and the elders as at the demand of the people." * On August 24th, he issued in Zurich a reprint of Hans Caspar Schwenckfeld's treatise on the Lord's Supper, with a preface,' in which he called attention to the similarity between his doctrine and Schwenck- feld's. This action of Zwingli's involved Schwenck- feld in persecution through Fabri's incitation, and he was compelled to leave his home in Silesia and betake himself to Strassburg. On August 30th, Zwingli published his reply ' to Luther's Confession, relative to the Lord's Supper. He said on July 17th : " I shall begin to read Luther's book to-morrow; but you need not be distrustful of the shortness of the time. »VIII., 181. nj^, 3, 22, 23. 'II., 2, 94-223. 288 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- It [Zwingli's reply] shall be exposed for sale at the Frankfort Fair. Meanwhile the other brethren have read it, and have talked over with me as I took my walk the arguments which are most senseless, and also those which appear to the author most strong; so that I shall not favour a reply to many of the points, but ever oppose it." ^ On July 2 1st, he wrote: " I am now engaged on the refutation of Luther's book, which refutation you will see about September ist. I am indeed wholly averse to this kind of fighting; but what do they think is to be done by him who is attacked with edge and point ? Do not all believe that in repell- ing an enemy he is to be kept away, and if this is to be accomplished in no other way, he is to be cut down ? And must we not oppose engines to those battering-rams which cause not theology but faith and truth to be over- thrown, friendship to perish, and whatever is sacred and in moderation to be held in contempt among mortals ? That book of Luther's, what else is it than an example of denying what you said a little while ago ? or a fog through which you cannot see rightly the mystery of Christ ? ... I shall put forth nothing wild against Luther — a thing he himself ought not to have done. Since he has done it I shall remember piety and Christian decorum." * Writing on August 30th he said further of it: " In his book he [Luther] slays, uncautious man that he is, divine and human wisdom which it would have 'VIII., 192. 5 VIII., 203. 1529] The Final Stage 289 been easy to revive among the devout. Since the heretics, that is his followers, are with the impious them- selves so deaf to all truth that they not only refuse the ear but even close the approaches. I was for some time in doubt, considering on the one side the vast labour that was also vain so far as they were concerned who especially ought to receive benefit from it, and on the other that charity that * endureth all things ' and the conscience of those who while they are frank are still se- ducible by the trivial word of these men who under an appearance of snowy whiteness contrive deeds blacker than an Ethiopian. But charity and truth conquered, and I replied after the manner you see. Luther has re- called us to the positions of [Duns] Scotus and Thomas [Aquinas], not indeed that we trust in them or see that he has used with skill those poor weapons, but that we may deprive him of every kind of offensive equipment. For now I see that those followers of Urbanus [Rhegius] who declare that they have been illumined and informed by the anathema rather than the book of this man are really tricksters. I '11 be hanged if he [Urbanus Rhegius, who had changed from the Zwinglian to the Lutheran view of the Eucharist] does not exceed Fabri in folly, Eck in impurity, Cochlaus in boldness, and so on. I have therefore inveighed against him the more freely. The judgment shall be yours and all good men's. For so shall we persevere unmoved in our position ; whatever machinations of this sort may conjure up, we shall await undauntedly and repel and render harmless. " ^ On December 9th, he announced that his com- mentary on Isaiah was in the press.' ^ Staehelin, Briefe aus der Reformationszeif, p. 21. 2 VIII., 244. The preface to the Isaiah was signed July 15, 1529. 19 ^ 290 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- Here some matters of a general character must be alluded to. The most radical change which Zwingli made in the Church service at Zurich was to do away with both instrui'Aental and vocal music. This ac- tion was the more strange since Zwingli himself was a very accomplished musician, being able to play upon different instruments and also to sing well; yet in the course of the year 1525 he suspended the choir-singing and on December 9, 1527, had the or- gan of the Great Minster broken up ^ and insisted that similar action should be taken by the other churches in the city* and canton. His motive was twofold; first, because all this music was inseparably con- nected with the Roman Church worship and he desired to remove as far as possible the Reformed congregations from all association with the past; and second, because the words of the music were in Latin and therefore unintelligible to the people and he desired to have every part of the Reformed worship in the vernacular. The public worship in Zurich after 1525 consisted in prayers,^ public confession of sins,* recitation of the Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' Creed, and preaching. The ministers wore their ordinary dress in the pulpit, but this dress, characterised by a black cloak and white ruff, was worn by others only on ' Bullinger gives the exact date, i., 418. ^ The churches in Zurich reintroduced music in 1598. 'Zwingli defended liberty in this regard: "Any church will use such prayers as it pleases, provided they be framed according to the form of the Word of God " (iii., 85, cf. 109, and ii., 2, 233). * The prayer and the confession written by Zwingli are given, ii., 2, 228, 229. 1529] The Final Stage 291 gala occasions, and when it passed out of fashion it became the distinctive ministerial dress. When the sacraments of the Lord's Supper and baptism were administered the entire liturgy v/as in the vernacular and stripped of everything reminding of the pomp and splendour of the Old Church. Even the burials were without any pomp. The body was carried out of the house to the burying-ground, the only words spoken were when the mourners were publicly thanked by the master of the guild to which the head of the house belonged for their expression of sympathy, and then the company went into the church for silent prayer, not for the dead, but for the bereaved. On the following Sunday the name of the deceased was announced to the congregation, accompanied by a reminder of their own mortality.* The Church services were held on Sundays from seven to eight o'clock in the morning and between three and four in the afternoon. In the Great Minster there was a service for children and servants from eleven to twelve o'clock. During the week there was also a preaching service in the morning at five and at eight, which took the place of the early masses.^ On Friday, which was the market day, Zwingli preached especially for the country people. At the end of 1525 certain ministers were set apart for visitation of the sick, inasmuch as this was no part of the duties of the people's priest.^ Of the ^ The form used in Zurich is given, ii., 2, 227, 228. ^ The attendance falling off, the magistrates passed an order requir- ing church-going! (Egli, A. S,, 1780). 3Egli, ^. S., 866. 292 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- holy days were retained Christmas, Good Friday, and Easter; also St. Stephen's, All Saints', Candle- mas, St. John the Baptist's, Mary Magdalene's, and more strangely the Annunciation and Ascension of the Virgin Mary, together with the day of the city patron saints, Felix and Regula. On these days, as on Sunday, public business and all work were for- bidden, except necessary work, as harvesting. At the end of the year 1526 Zwingli authorised the issue of a calendar for the year 1527, in which the names of the church saints were supplanted by biblical saints, each with a Scripture reference.^ The assign- ment to dates was purely arbitrary. The author of this book was an alleged Dr. Johannes Copp, but as this man is otherwise utterly unknown, the con- jecture lies near that the real author was Zwingli him- self. All the gold and silver ornaments and other costly treasures of the churches, including the vest- ments and the splendidly bound service-books, were not only removed from the churches but melted down, sold, or destroyed,'^ and even the grave stones, unless the relatives of the deceased took them away, were by order of the City Council used for building purposes.' Although Zwingli was doubtless the author of all these changes in Church ordinances, yet the nominal authors were the city authorities and all these changes were made in their name. They were not ^ Reprinted by Dr. Ernst Goetzinger, Zwei Kalender von Jahre 1^27, Schafifhausen, 1865. 2 Bullinger, i., 383, sq. ; Ceroid Edlibach, Chronik (ed. Usteri, Zurich, 1847), 275 ; Zwingli, ii., 2, 443 j<^^. 'Egli, ^. 5., 865. 1529] The Final Stage 293 carried out without more or less opposition, espe- cially in the country districts, where the people were more inclined to stand by the old order. On April 4, 1526, the Council of the city of Zurich passed an order relative to the support to be hence- forth given to the clergy by setting apart certain sources of revenue to this end. This meant in some cases a considerable curtailment of income, especially on the part of the canons of the different cathedrals. Those priests who remained faithful to the old order were not, however, deprived of their stipends, but as they died or retired their places were filled, if at all, with those of the Reformed Church. Zwingli showed his ambition for an educated clergy by establishing a theological seminary as soon as funds were available, which was in the sum- mer of 1525. A call was given to a teacher of Greek and Hebrew, and ZwingH himself took part in the work. The text-book was the Bible. Instruction began at eight o'clock in the morning. One teacher read the Hebrew text and translated it into Latin with a brief interpretation. Then Zwingli trans- lated the same text from the Greek of the Septuagint into Latin. Leo Jud then commented in German upon what had been read, and explained in Latin. This theological seminary was attended not only by regular students but by the clergy of the city, and Leo Jud's lectures by the people generally. In- struction from the Greek New Testament was given in the afternoon at three o'clock by Myconius. That Zwingli set up for himself a high standard is shown by his writings, and he was able to impress 294 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- ]this standard upon others. He called his institute ** The Prophecy." ' On the 1 2th of December Zwingli presided over a synod at Frauenfeld,'' in the canton of Thurgau, some twenty-two miles north-east of Zurich, at which were assembled not only the preachers of Thurgau but of St. Gall, Appenzell, and the Rhine valley, along with representatives of the congregations. In all there were some five hundred clergymen. The principal business of the synod apparently was to bring the clergy into line. Consequently those ministers who had been inclined to accept Anabaptism were either compelled to confess conversion to the orthodox view or else they were deposed on the ground of ignorance or deprived of their stipends. Other im- portant business of the synod related to the refor- mation of the monasteries and the secularisation of their property. Zwingli on his way back went through Constance, preached there on the 19th of December, as he did later on at Stein and Diessen- hofen, two towns on the Rhine fifteen and twenty miles respectively west of Constance. On the 1 7th of May, 1530, another synod was held at Frauenfeld in which Zwingli again took a personal part and through his friends in Constance he exerted an in- fluence eastward upon the territory bordering on Thurgau, so that this whole section of the country heard the preaching of the Gospel. It must be confessed that in the different sections of Switzerland into which the Reformation entered 'Johannes Kessler, Sabbata (ed. Goetzinger, St. Gall, 1870), i., 372 ; Bullinger, i., 2C)0 sq.; Zwingli, iv., 205 ; Egli, A. S.^ 866. * VIII., 401 ; Kessler, Sabbata, ii., 233 sgq. 1529]' The Final Stage 295 the means adopted to secure its triumph were by no means always merely appeals to reason and con- science. Zwingli had the idea that whenever the ma- jority wished to accept the new teachings they were justified in compelling the minority to accept them or to leave. This was the course he pursued in regard to the Baptists and this was also the course in regard to the monasteries and nunneries and to the estab- lishment of the revised form of the Lord's Supper and in other ways. So the soul liberty which he claimed for himself and for his followers he was not willing to grant to others. Wherever he or his followers met with opposition there they used force. Par- ticularly was this the case in regard to the cloisters. The case of the nuns of St. Katherinenthal is one in point. Their building was on the Rhine, five miles east of Schaffhausen. It is now a hospital for in- curables. These nuns had opposed the Reforma- tion, but were supposed to have been convinced by the arguments of Zwingli. They were brought under the preaching of those sent by the Swiss authorities, and because they still refused to accept the Refor- mation they were driven out of their cloister with violence, the pictures and statues of which were destroyed by a mob from the neighbouring town of Diessenhofen, a mile back on the Rhine, their re- ligious dress was torn from their backs and burnt before their eyes, and they were themselves roughly handled.* The monks in the Cistercian abbey of ' See the pitiful story told by the sufferers, with annotations, Archiv fiir die schweizerische Reformations^eschichie (Freiburg in Br., 1875), iii., 101-115. y- 296 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 Wettingen on the Limmat, thirteen miles north- west of Zurich, were also visited by a mob and the pictures and the statuary of their chapel likewise destroyed. They were compelled to remove them with their own hands and in the presence of the abbot of Cappel and of a delegation from Zurich and Bern to cut off one another's hair and pull off their hoods. Their building, surrounded by extensive gardens, was afterwards turned into a school- house. It is now a seminary for teachers. Justifica- tion of this rough treatment of these monks and nuns, or rather the explanation offered, was the fact that the opposition to the Reformation came chiefly from them, and also it is probable that the people in this way revenged themselves for long years of oppression and neglect. But this was playing with edged tools, and naturally intensified the opposition ^to the Reformation on the part of the Five Forest Cantons. Zwingli in 1529 stood at the height of his influence. His followers, who up to 1526 had been limited to the inhabitants of the canton of Zurich, were now found in all parts 6i German Switzerland even to some extent in the Five Forest Cantons, and also in Strassburg, Hessia, and the Swabian cities ^ — in short, through a considerable part of Northern Switzerland and Southern Germany. In all these parts he was looked upon as the religious leader and was praised and trusted as no other man of his day in this section of Europe. The burden and re- sponsibility for the management of all the churches which had accepted his theology naturally fell 1529] The Final Stage 297 upon him. The congregations thus established were subjected to the control of the local authorities. They held their own independent church courts, but in the common opposition to the Anabaptists (or rather Baptists), to the Catholic Church, and to the Lutherans they found a bond of union, and so they gradually assumed a uniformity of doctrinal expres- sion and of internal Church management. Just as in the early time it was the presence of heresy which brought the orthodox Christian churches to- gether and led to the formation of the Catholic Church, so it was the presence of Anabaptism, the mass, and Lutheranism which caused the rise of the Reformed Church in German Switzerland and South- ern Germany. The intercourse between various places by means of delegations, which was a feature of their national life, was used to promote religious as well as political ends, for the civil delegations were frequently accompanied by ecclesiastic delega- tions and the matters brought up for discussion at such meetings were quite as likely to be religious as political or commercial. For instance, how to treat the Anabaptists, how to treat the Lutherans, whether they should apply property of the cloisters to educational purposes, and whether they should have identical forms of creeds and litany, these were matters earnestly presented. Zwingli does not seem to have been inclined to suppress the indi- viduality of the several congregations, for when the synod was held at Basel on February 15, 1531, and the question was asked whether the allied congrega- tions should not have the same litany, the answer was 298 Huldreich Zwingli [1524-1529] given that although such a uniformity was desirable it was not necessary and should not be made obli- gatory. At the same time the synod held that it was very desirable to have regular interchange of views and opinions between the churches in the Christian Burgher Rights. Zwingli laid particular stress upon the organisation of the synod. That of Zurich was naturally made the model. These synods were democratic bodies and exerted power- ful influence upon the congregations which they represented in doctrinal and ethical matters. But in most of the cities and cantons the Church affairs were regulated by the magistrates. Whenever he could Zwingli seems to have put himself in evidence as much as possible, even to the extent of being himself the presiding officer of the synod, and when any conflict arose between it and the magistrates he generally took the side of the magistrates. CHAPTER XIV THE FIRST CAPPEL WAR AND THE COLLOQUY OF MARBURG 1529 THE year 1529 is for ever memorable because in it the religious party in Germany and Switzer- land, which had revolted from the Old Church, first received their cognomen of ** Protestants." This excellent descriptive epithet, which all branches of the Reformed Church, save one, are proud to bear, arose naturally from the action of John, the Elector of Saxony ; the Margrave of Brandenburg ; Philip, the Landgrave of Hesse ; Philip, Ernest, and Fran- cis, the Dukes of Brunswick and Luneburg; Wolf- gang, the Prince of Anhalt; and of the imperial cities of Strassburg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, Lindau, Memmingen, Kempten, Nordlingen, Heil- bronn, Reutlingen, Issna, St. Gall, Weissenburg, and Windsheim, in protesting at the Diet of Spires, on April 19, 1529, against its action in ordering the reinstatement of the mass in those portions of the empire where it had been overthrown, and the ex- tirpation of the alleged Zwinglian and Anabaptist ** heresies." * It is a sad fact that the proposed ' See summary in Gieseler, Eccles. Hist., Eng. trans., Am. ed., iv., 130-132, footnotes. The Zwinglians were called by Lutherans and Roman Catholics " Sacramentarians," 299 300 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 suppression of Zwingli's theory as to the meaning of the Eucharist was heard of by the Lutherans with more or less open satisfaction/ But the Land- grave of Hesse found an ally in Melanchthon in mak- ing a protest against this action on the ground that there had been no discussion of the matter before the Diet, and so it was an outrage to condemn it unheard.' Zwingli alludes to this magnanimous performance of the Landgrave in his letter in reply to the Landgrave's from Spires on May 13th, in which he hails with delight the proposal for a con- ference between the Lutherans and Zwinglians and declares he would attend whether the Zurich Council gave him permission or not.^ But before the Colloquy could be held the troubles between the Five Forest Cantons (Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Luzern, and Zug), whose inhabitants were honest and ardent adherents of the Old Church, and the Reformed cantons led to open war. The former had, in 1528, leagued themselves together to oppose the Zwinglians, and the next year allied themselves with Ferdinand of Austria. ' See judgment of Luther and Melanchthon in Walch's edition of Luther's Works (xvi., 364). ^ See Melanchthon's letter to Canierarius on May 17th in Corpus Reforniatorum^ i., 1067 sq. '^ Philip's letter was in German and dated by Schuler and Schult- hess (viii., 288), " auf 9. Mai Speier am Donstag nach Jubilate 1529." But Jubilate is the third Sunday after Easter, which that year came on March 28th, consequently the third Sunday would be on April i8th and Thursday thereafter would be April 22d, not May 9th. Besides, Zwingli's reply is dated May 7th (viii., 663). One of Zwingli's correspondents, John Haner, claimed the credit of suggest- ing originally the conference. 1529] The First Cappel War 301 Matters were thus brought to a crisis, for it was the avowed intention of the Five Cantons and their allies to root out the Zwinglian teaching and teach- ers. Zwingli, therefore, favoured armed opposition by the cities of the cantons which had accepted his teaching before their enemies were too much en- trenched. To Bern, hesitating about engaging in the fraternal strife, he wrote sometime in June, 1529, just before starting for Cappel: " Be firm and do not fear war. For that peace which some are so urgently pressing upon us is not peace but war. And the war for which I am so insistent is peace, not war; for I do not thirst for the blood of anyone, nor will I drink it even in case of tumult. This is the end I Have in view — the enervation of the oligarchy. Unless this takes place neither the truth of the Gospel nor its ministers will be safe among us. I have in mind nothing cruel, but what I do is friendly and paternal. I desire to save some who are perishing through ignorance. I am labouring to preserve liberty. Fear nothing; for we shall so manage all things with the goodness and the alliance of God that you shall not be ashamed nor dis- pleased because of us." * He also disclosed to friends on the very morning the start was made his plan of campaign. ' War was indeed inevitable. The condemnation of a Zwinglian and a Zuricher to death for his faith's sake in Schwyz ^ only hastened matters. On June 'VIII., 294. ''This is probably similar to that preserved and printed, ii., 3, 37-39- ^ Bullinger, ii., 148, 21 302 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 8, 1529, Zurich declared war on the Five Cantons' and joined by her allies, especially by Bern, marched thirty thousand strong to Cappel, a border town ten miles directly south of Zurich. Zwingli accom- panied the troops, nominally as chaplain, as his office obligated him to do. He went on horseback, carrying " on his shoulder a beautiful halberd." It was his plan to strike a quick and crushing blow upon the disorganised Five Cantons, and then ex- tort from them the abrogation of the Austrian alli- ance, the renunciation of foreign pensions, and full liberty to preach the Reformed doctrines within their borders. It was to see that these things were in- sisted on that he accompanied the host. But as they were directly opposite to the Five Cantons' ideas and could only be obtained by bloodshed, he was held by them to be their deadliest foe ; and the Zurich authorities, knowing that he was considered by them as the cause of the whole trouble, had en- deavoured to keep him in Zurich and even appointed another to be chaplain. But the first Cappel war was over as soon as it was begun. On June loth the allies received a moving appeal from the chief magistrate of Glarus to await a proposition from the Five Cantons. Zwingli perceived the folly of treating with them ' Her reasons were apparently drawn up by Zwingli and were cir- culated in printed form. The document is reprinted by Bullinger (ii., 164-167). Seven reasons were given, but they were reducible to two, the alliance the cantons had made with Austria for the express purpose of destroying the Reformed Church, and the execution of Jacob Keyser (also called Schlosser) by the canton of Schwyz for his faith's sake. 1529] The First Cappel War 303 and patching up a peace which secured none of the objects of the threatened war. He said to the bearer of the appeal: " You will have to give an account to God for this. While the enemy is weak and without arms, he speaks fair: you believe him and make peace. But when he is fully armed, he will not spare us, and then no peace will he make with us. " The man replied : * * I trust in God that all will turn out well. Let us act always for the best. " ^ On June nth, Zwingli wrote from the field to the Small and Great Councils of Zurich a long let- ter,' in which he gave his idea of the necessary conditions for a lasting peace : I. The Forest Cantons must allow the Word of God to be freely preached among them. II. Pensions were to be for ever fore- sworn. III. Distribution of such pensions was to be punished corporally and by fine. IV. The Forest Cantons were to pay indemnity to Zurich and Bern. In the camp the chief talk was apparently against the pensioners, who were considered principal fo- menters of trouble, as they had done so much to degenerate their fellow countrymen. Their sup-, pression was also dear to Zwingli, as much so, per- ' haps, as religious liberty. Peace could the easier be arranged as there was on neither side, certainly not among the common soldiers, any desire to fight, — in fact, the outposts fraternised,' and besides ^ Bullinger, ii., 170. 2 VIII., 296 sqq. ' Cf. the famous story of the Forest Cantoners offering milk to the Zurichers' bread and both eating them together (Bullinger, ii., 182, 183). Similar events occurred during the Civil War in the United States, and probably in many other wars. 304 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 hunger played an urgent part in inducing the Catholics to come to terms.' While the negotiations were going on the camp of the Reformed was under strict discipline and daily religious services were held. Zwingli discov- ered that the pensioners were secretly working against him and naturally they had plenty of allies. Even Bern was indifferent in the matter.' He then composed this hymn \: II. God, elevate Thy Name To the punishment Of the wicked goats ! Thy sheep Again awake, Who Thee Love so ardently ! I. Lord, guide the car [of War] Thyself ! Otherwise crooked All our course becomes. That would be joy To our enemies, Who Thee Despise so wickedly. III. Help, so that all bitterness May be far removed, And old fidelity May come back And grow anew ; That we Ever may sing Thy praises ! On June 24, 1530, the treaty was signed, and Zwingli on that day expressed himself as satisfied ^ VIII. ,305. " Our enemies are suffering from hunger. . . . They are tired of the war since they have nothing to eat." ^ See his letter to Blaurer, June 21, 1529 (viii,, 308) ; cf. that to Bern, in which he alludes to camp disputes on July 24 (viii., 325). 2 II., 2, 275, 276, and the music, 527. Bullinger gives it (ii., 182) and states that it was immediately and widely popular. It was sung at the Swiss celebrations of the four hundredth anniversary of FACSIMILE I V* i^^-^-i^*- ,\€s>vr '^'tioD. I should have > Luther, since I have 9 ;r, if I had not been ^ ^^. C**-^ -^°"^ ^^"^ delivered to I somewhat different. ^t^^*4.>*%A^'%^t^trt^^ n T^rge, not of their her by command of ^^^^-^^^^^-t'^^^^t that they should be etween Zurich and ne in the dark, that o^»i 4\ / a / " >od ot ***• '•^^ '^'^^^ ^ fn th We, the Town clerk p the matter, chiefly aiting your petition ; ro without difficulty, od offers to them to pm wp. are. ^vill- 4.V i..fi> tjC- ^JuLl)^^, •]-". [f-;^*»»>- ^r-i^n^^ ,^.^i~^ .^Kix'^a^ e/*Ar ^^t^ !^'h'la'\'''':' .' ''i V;' . , not of their Ihnsc parliuiiai:; - r,. - ri,...l. ! liny should be received in.o tl.'e alliance II vec, Zurich and Bern. But this has been done in the dark, thai is, cautiously and secretly. W , the Toivn derk and I, have not yet brought up Ihe mailer, chiefly (or the reason that we are awai ng your petition ; ami we hope that it will go thr without difficulty. Meanwhile we are making good offers to them to the effect, thai if it seems good t 3 them we are will- ing to refer it to the next Diet and with the greatest fidelity lo do anything which they believe will be to their adv antage. I was un- willing that you should remain ignorant of these matters. For the MUlhausers have learned that you have under consideration joining this alliance yourself, and they have heard it ut from traitors but from faithful ones who know tl your cities, I mean St. Gall a d MQlhausen, are almost identical. We will (o low out what you consider tor your best interests. Farewell. Zurich, September 3, 1528- The Glareans remain faithful 0 the Word. Vouri, H. ZWINGLI. To the honorable, wise, etc. Mr. von Watt, Burgomajtel of St. Gall. 'if^ h-* IT- ^t.-'p---/-^ 1529] The First Cappel War 305 and thankful.' The treaty contained eighteen Arti- cles, of which these were the chief: i. Neither side was to persecute anyone for his faith's sake. The majority in each canton was to decide whether the Old Faith was to be retained or not. .2. The alliance with Austria was to be dissolved and the papers pertaining to it " pierced and slit." 3. The six cities of Zurich, Bern, Basel, St. Gall, Miilhausen, and Biel, all Reformed, renounced definitely for themselves and their dependencies all pensions and foreign subsidies of every description, but merely recommended a similar course to the Five Forest Cantons. 7. Schwyz was to support the children of Jacob Keyser (or Schlosser), whom she had burned for his faith's sake. 10. Abusive speech on both sides was to cease. 13. The Forest Cantons were to reimburse Zurich and Bern for the cost of the war inside of fourteen days from the date of the treaty; on penalty for failure to do so the six cities would refuse to sell them food.' Zwingli thus ex- pressed himself on June 29th, in writing to a friend at Ulm: " We have brought home a peace-treaty which is I Zwingli's birth in 1884, and at the unveiling of the Zwingli statue in Zurich, Monday, August 24, 1885. The poetical versions given in the English translations of Hottinger by T. C. Porter (p. 301), Chris- toff el by J. Cochran (p. 430), Merle d'Aubigne by H. White (iv., p. 488), the last reprinted by Scha.fi {//isL Chr. Church, vii., p. 173), with the alteration of one line, are so exceedingly free as to misrepre- sent the original in thought and metre. ' See viii., 309. ■^ The text of the treaty is given in Bullinger, ii., 185-191. The war costs were reckoned as " 2500 Sonnenkronen " (ii., 3, 43). 3o6 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 trust most honourable for us, although we have not shed a drop of blood. Our opponents on the other hand have brought home a very wet pelt [/. ^., a great damper has been put upon them]. Because in the first place the Articles of alliance with Ferdinand were by the Ammann of Glarus about ii a.m. on June 29th before our own eyes, in our camp, cut to pieces with a hanger and en- tirely destroyed. That I saw with my own eyes. . . . In our whole campaign there was no dissension at all, and no one wounded on either side. Among the op- ponents was all fear and dissension, that God had pro- vided, also hunger." ' The treaty v^as highly approved by the Reformed in the six cities, but considered humiliating by the Forest Cantons. Zwingli v\^as particularly anxious to secure the free preaching of the Gospel in the Forest Cantons, and claimed that the treaty secured it, but the Forest Cantons denied this. The dele- gation Zurich sent to urge the matter reported that not the leaders only but the people generally v^^ere more determined than ever to keep out the evan- gelical preachers. So nothing could be accom- plished, and it was' evident that in one chief Article the treaty failed ; indeed, that the Forest Cantons were only biding their time to make another appeal to the sword. ^ Zwingli took advantage of the lull in Swiss affairs to resume the negotiations for a colloquy between 'VIII., 311, from the German, which is plainly the original. The Latin translation appears on opposite page. * On August loth, when he wrote to the Landgrave, he considered war a possibility (viii., 663). 1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 307 himself and followers and Luther and his followers, as urged by Philip, Landgrave of Hesse.* On " Thursday after SS. Peter and Paul's day " {i. c, July 1st), 1529, the latter sent from Friedewald, thirty miles southeast of Cassel, a very cordial letter to Zwingli informing him that he had made arrange- ments already for the conference and had received the promise of Luther and Melanchthon to attend." The place would be Marburg, in his domains, and the time set for their arrival was St. Michael's Day, September 29th (which that year fell on Wednes- day), and the conference would begin the next day. He also advised that he pick up GEcolampadius in Basel on the way, as he had also been invited, and that they come to Marburg via Strassburg and through the Duchy of Zweibriicken, as friendly ter- ritories, to Katzenellenbogen, twenty miles south- east of Coblenz and in Hessia. Thence they would have a military escort to Marburg. The other route open to them was via Frankfort on the Rhine, but this was more perilous. Finally, he apologised for putting the date of the conference so late, on the ground that he had heard a war had broken out.^ ' The town records of Zurich show that on July 19, 1529, Zwingli had had a man put in prison for accusing him of stealing twenty gulden and a pair of spurs. On July 22d he accepted his apology that the words were spoken while the offender was drunk, and the man was released on a fine of two marks silver and costs (Strick- ler, Actensammlung, ii,, pp. 264, 265), ^ Carlstadt was not invited, as he complained to GEcolampadius, viii., 394. ^ VIII., 312. The war Philip alludes to is known as the first Cappel war already described. 3o8 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 On July 1 2th, CEcolampadius, ignorant that he had already consented, asked Zwingli to join him in the Marburg conference.' On July 14, 1529, Zwingli wrote again to Philip of Hesse in reply to his letter to the Zurich Council and accompanied it with the Council's letters to Philip and himself. He stated that the Council of Zurich preferred Strassburg as the place of meeting, because it was only twenty-one miles from Zurich, and reached without going through hostile territory. At the same time if the place could not be changed he was ready to go to Marburg and CEcolampadius would go likewise.'' To this the Prince replied on ** Tuesday after St. James's Day" {i. e., July 27th), to the effect that the place had been carefully considered and was the most convenient for all the parties and could not be changed ; that on the journey thither the Swiss theologians would have no personal danger except when going over the fourteen miles between Basel and Strassburg, and even this short stretch was not very unsafe.^ On July 30th CEcolampadius ex- pressed to Zwingli his own apprehensions for their safety and his doubts as to the outcome of the Col- loquy.* On August 1st, he wrote that on Zwingli's advice he had tried to get the Strassburgers to inter- cede to have the place changed from Marburg, but nothing had been accomplished." It is evident from this letter that Zwingli's physical courage was not * VIII., 319, 320. 2 VIII., 320. 4 VIII., 331. 5 VIII., 329, » VIII., 333- 1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 309 great. He had failed the Reformed cause at Baden. ! He was Hkeiy to do so at Marburg. CEcolampa- dius cheers him up by the promised presence of>; Christ on the journey. Capito in Strassburg lays before him the ridicule Luther would pour upon him if he failed to come, the great desirability on every account of his coming, the comparative safety of the journey, and the elaborate arrangements made for it going and coming.' Butzer, also in Strassburg, talks in similar strain.^ On August lo, 1529, Zwingli gave the definite promise to come to the conference at Marburg, unless war should break out again, even though permission to do so might be refused by the Council.^ The Landgrave wrote him in reply on the " Sab- bath after the Assumption of Mary" (/. e.y Satur- day, August 2 1st), that he urgently called him, as he had good hopes that if he came the controversy as to the Eucharist would be settled." Down to August i8th, CEcolampadius did not know exactly when they were to set forth ^; but when he wrote again on September ist, he knew and had arranged that Zwingli's arrival in Basel should be kept a se- cret. When he came it would be decided whether they should go thence to Strassburg by boat on the Rhine or on horseback. ^ Zwingli was so sure of a refusal from the Council ' See his letter of August 4th (viii., 336). See also Sturm's letter (viii., 337). 2 VIII., 340. 3 VIII., 663, 664. 5 VIII., 352. 4 VIII. ,351. « VIII., 354. 3 TO Huldreich Zwingli [1529 to his petition to be allowed to go that he never ap- plied, but quietly left Zurich about lo P.M. on Fri- day, September 3d, put up at the hotel **To the Ox," in the suburb called Sihl, just before the Rennweg gate, the north-west gate of the city, and there passed the night.' He did not even tell his wife that he was going farther than Basel. Before daybreak the next morning he wrote a letter to the Great and Small Councils of Zurich, explaining and apologis- ing for his leaving the city without permission, by the importance of the coming Colloquy and the ur- gency of the Prince of Hesse. He informed the Councils that he had been refused permission by the Small Council, and anticipated the same result if he addressed them." The distance to Marburg was sixty German miles (or two hundred and forty English miles). Basel would not only send CEco- lampadius, but a delegate from among the Council- lors. '' If Zurich follows this example let the person sent be Ulrich Funk, because he is young enough to stand the long, arduous journey and besides can understand Latin, which will be the probable lan- guage of the Colldquy, for I very much fear that they [the Prince and the Lutherans] will not under- stand our language. I have taken Rudolf Collin with me." ^ ' Bernhard Weis in Fuessli, Beytraege, iv., 117 sqq. It was there that Samson stopped (p. 125 of this volume). ^ His secret departure gave rise to the idea that the devil had carried him off ! (Bullinger, ii,, 224). 2 VIII,, 355. The letter was doubtless written in German. It is dated " Geben Samitag friih von Tag I. Herbstmonat zu Zurich, 1529 " {i, e., Saturday morning before the first day of September at 1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 311 On Sunday, September 5th, at 9 P.M., he wrote to the Zurich Council that he had arrived in Basel that day ^; would go by boat to Strassburg the next day, but would not leave there till the i8th. " Have Mas- ter StoU say to my wife whatever ought to be said to a woman, for when I left I told her only that I was Zurich, 1529). Now since the first day of September that year was Wednesday, it follows that the Saturday before was August 28th. Yet Christoffel (p. 302, Eng. trans., p. 339), Morikofer (ii., p. 229), and Staehelin (ii,, p, 392) all say the start was made September ist. The explanation is that they either have not freshly investigated the matter, but taken the statements of their predecessors, or else have followed the ambiguous Latin translation which reads : " Dedi Sabbati die mane ante lucem i Septembris Turici a. 1529," which may mean " Given on Saturday morning before daybreak first Sep- tember at Zurich in the year 1529," but as Saturday was August 28th, it here means, "Given on the Saturday morning before the 1st of September," etc. But Bullinger says (ii., 224) that the start was made on September 3d, which would be Friday, so the date of the letter was Saturday, September 4th, which agrees pre- cisely with the statement in Zwingli's letter from Basel (viii., 362) that he arrived there Sunday, September 5th. So I believe the former letter was wrongly dated or deciphered, "post" or "nach" being used for "ante" or "vor." Strickler dates the letter correctly, September 4th (ii., A. S., 790), as does August Baur (ii., 623). The allusion to the probable inability of the Lutherans to understand the patois of Zwingli is interesting, and is particularly appreciated by those who have tried to converse with modern Zurich peasants. But the written Zurich dialect was just as bad, for Zwingli wrote to the Landgrave on May 7, 1529, " that I address you in Latin I do it for this reason only because I fear that our Swiss tongue is strange to you" (viii., 663). So, also, to the same on July 14th he wrote : " I fear that if we meet I shall not be understood in my tongue. So I do not know whether it would not be better if we used Latin " (viii., 324). ' The distance between Zurich and Basel is only fifty-six miles by rail, and is now made inside of three hours ; but was then made on horseback, and might well take nearly two days, 312 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 going to Basel on business. . . . Do not suspect that I have left Zurich to seek another settlement." * On the next day at the same hour he wrote to the Council from Strassburg, telling of his safe arrival in thirteen hours in a ship provided by the Baselers, and would remain eleven days. " I wish you would please tell my dear wife that I have arrived at Strass- burg." "" While there he preached. On September 17th he and his companion Ulrich Funk wrote to the Council that they should start the next day, which was Saturday, under the protection of the escort." Next they are heard from on September 22d, at Meisenheim, which is eighty miles due north from Strassburg. They say: " After Master Huldreich had written in our name how and when we set forth from Strassburg, the authorities of Strassburg sent us with an escort of soldiers to their castle called Kochersberg, thence to the castle of Herr- stein [eighty-five miles north of Strassburg and five miles north-west of Meisenheim], and treated us in so honour- able and friendly a fashion that we were at no expense for entertainment. They also sent the distinguished Jacob Sturm with two preachers and an escort of five soldiers with us to the Landgrave, and when we had come to the castle of Herrstein some knights of Duke Ludwig of Zweibriicken met us and conducted us in faithful and friendly ways through by-paths and woods, over mountains and through valleys, safely and secretly to Zweibrucken and thence to the castles Lichtenberg and Meisenheim.* There we were received in a manner 1 VIII., 361. 2 VIII. ,362. =^ VIII., 366. * The distance from Herrstein is only five miles in a straight course south-east. 1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 313 no less friendly and were at no expense for entertain- ment, and found at our disposal all and more than all that had been promised us. Now with the help of God we expect to ride to-day [Wednesday, September 22d] from Meisenheim to St. Goar/ or the castle Rheinfels which is there, between which points forty cavalry of the Landgrave of Hesse will receive us, and thence over the Rhine to Marburg,'' where what we have come for will be transacted." ' Zwingli had left Zurich on September 4th, in com- pany with the Greek professor Rudolf Collin, as has been said ; when they reached Marburg on Septem- ber 27th, he was accompanied by CEcolampadius of Basel, Butzer and Hedio of Strassburg, and by rep- resentatives of Zurich, Basel, and Strassburg. The Landgrave entertained them and Luther and his company in his castle. It was the first time the lead- ers of the Lutherans and the Reformed had met one another and much was expected. Zwingli wished Latin to be used exclusively and the debate to be open ; but Luther carried his contention for German, no shorthand reports of the speeches,* and a limited ' Thirty miles almost due north on the Rhine. ^ Sixty-five miles north-east. 'VIII., 368. ^ Consequently we have at best only reports written from notes made after the debate. Brenz also declares " there was no shorthand clerk present to take down the matter and none of the hearers was given opportunity to note down anything " (iv., 201). These reports are collected in iv., 173-204 ; and for the Swiss side see also Bullin- ger's account (ii., 223-239); reprinted in part in Zwingli's Works (ii-, 3, 45-56), and additional matter (pp. 57, 58). The account by Collin (iv., 173-184), Zwingli's travelling companion, who was present at all the open sessions, is here followed. 3T4 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 audience — the Prince of Hesse, his counsellors, several nobles and magnates, in all not more than sixty and perhaps not that many at any one session. Zwingli read from the Greek Testament ; Luther used his own German translation. Once when Zwingli read a passage in Greek, Luther requested that the readings be from the Latin or German.* The parties to the Colloquy were, on the Zwinglian side, Huldreich Zwingli from Zurich, Johann CEco- lampadius from Basel, Martin Butzer and Caspar Hedio from Strassburg; on the other side Martin Luther, Philip Melanchthon, Justus Jonas, and Cas- par Cruciger, all from Wittenberg; Friedrich Mycon- ius from Gotha, Johann Brenz from Hall; Andreas Osiander from Nuremberg, and Stephen Agricola from Augsburg. With a view to shortening the de- bate the Landgrave had arranged that Zwingli and Melanchthon, CEcolampadius and Luther should meet on Thursday, September 30th, the day preced- ing that set for the Colloquy, each pair apart in pri- vate. The result was much mutual enlightenment as to their views, for it appeared that the Lutherans had really erroneous ideas as to the Zwingli position on minor points. In these private debates the Zwingli- ans were apparently on the defensive, as the Luther- ans held them in more or less disguised contempt. But in these private talks probably, and certainly in the public debate, there was outward courtesy.' When on the next day, Friday, October ist, the pub- lic debate began, it was found that Luther had writ- ten before him upon the table in chalk the words: * IV., 179. ' So Brenz (iv., 201). 1529] The Colloquy of Marburg s^i " This is My Body," in order not to allow himself, says Collin, to be drawn in the discussion with Zwingli and CEcolampadius away from these words. Luther opened the debate by stating that the debate should cover all points of Christian doctrine, as Zwingli had made errors on other points than that of the Eucharist, upon which latter subject he bluntly declared that he was sure he was right and always would be opposed to the Zwinglian view that the words he had written, '* This is My Body," were to be taken other than literally. To which Zwingli replied that the conference should be re- stricted to the single subject to discuss which it was called, and so the matter was arranged. Neither side had the smallest intention to yield to the other upon a single point, and both sides expressed the greatest contempt for the opposite side's arguments. The debate at first took the form of a colloquy be- tween Luther and CEcolampadius. Then Zwingli joined in and accused Luther of judging the case before he heard it in that he declared that he was not going to withdraw from his opinion. This sounded well, but Zwingli was open to precisely the same charge. Both Luther and Zwingli were in- vulnerable to all arguments. After Zwingli and Luther had debated for a while, CEcolampadius spoke again, and Luther rejoined. So the debate went on for two days, mercifully interrupted by meals and sleep.' The principal points were the construction to be ' IV., 179. " Dinner intervened and cut short the struggle," says Collin. 3i6 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 put upon Christ's words used at the table on the night in which He was betrayed, ** This is My Body "; and the relevancy of John vi. to the doc- trine of the Lord's Supper, the patristic teaching on the subject, and the nature of the Body which could be found in the sacrament. At the conclusion of the public debate the Swiss asked that " Luther would take them for brethren. This Dr. Mar- tin would not at all agree to. He even addressed them very seriously, saying that he was exceedingly surprised that they should regard him as a brother if they seriously believed their own doctrine true. But that [they con- sidered him a brother] was an indication that they them- selves did not think that there was much involved in the matter." This speech, reported by the faithful pen of Melanchthon,' shows how much stress Luther laid upon his interpretation of the meaning of the Lord's Supper. Luther thus put the matter in his letter to Jacobus, the provost at Bremen : " As to the statement the Sacramentarians ' are casting abroad to the effect that I was beaten at Marburg, they are acting after their own kind. For they are not only liars but the very incarnation of lying, deceit, and hypo- crisy, as Carlstadt and Zwingli show by their very deeds and words. But you see that in the Articles formulated at Marburg they took back the pestiferous teaching that they had been promulgating in their published books in ^ * IV., 189. "^ The opprobrious epithet for the Zwinglians. o^ '4 1529J The Colloquy of Marburg 317 regard to baptism, the use of the sacraments, the external word, and the rest. We took back nothing. . . . They professed with many words that they wished to agree with us so far as to say that the body of Christ is truly present in the Supper, but spiritually, with the sole view that we deign to call them brethren, and so feign harmony. This Zwingli begged with tears in his eyes before the Landgrave and ail of them, saying, * There are no people on earth with whom I would rather be in harmony than with the Wittenbergers.' They strove with the utmost eagerness and vigour to seem in har- mony with us, and could never endure the expression I used, * You have a different spirit from ours.' They burst into flame every time they heard it." * CEcoIampadius in his account of the Colloquy is very much milder than Luther and milder than Zwingli. He believed that " there was no victory on either side since there was no fighting or con- tending." ' Brenz is very explicit in regard to the split which was so plainly manifested between the speakers, and which surprised and grieved the Landgrave. He says: " Afterwards, when the meeting had been disbanded, the Prince tried every possible way to secure agreement between us, speaking to each one of us by himself with- out witnesses, and begging, warning, exhorting, demand- ing that we have regard to the Republic of Christ and put strife away. [Failing to secure the absolute submis- sion of the Zwinglians] we decided with one voice that they were outside the Communion of the Christian Church, and could not be recognised by us as brethren 1 IV., 190. ' IV., 191. 3i8 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 and members of the Church. This our opponents thought very hard indeed. . . . But when the Prince also thought it hard we modified our decision so far as to be willing to recognise our opponents of the Zwingli and CEcolampadius following as friends, but not as brethren and members of the Church of Christ." * Justus Jonas, another Lutheran who was present, characterised the Zwinglian disputants thus : "Zwingli has something countrified about him, and at the same time arrogant ; CEcolampadius has a wonderful kindness of disposition and tolerance ; Hedio is as courteous as he is liberal-minded ; Butzer has the crafti- ness of the fox, a distorted imitation of acuteness and wisdom. They are all learned beyond a doubt, and the Papalists are no opponents in comparison with them, but Zwingli seems to have gone into letters under the wrath of the Muses and against the will of Minerva." " But it was not entirely in vain that the disputants met. They had been in such mutual ignorance of each other's real views upon other topics than the Eucharist, and of the arguments by which they sus- tained them, that it was much to make them mutually acquainted on these points. They discovered with surprise and perhaps with gratitude that they agreed upon nearly everything. So, greatly to the Land- grave's satisfaction, they drew up Articles upon their points of agreement and all signed them on October 3d.' They also came a little closer to- > IV., 203. 2 IV., 204. 'See the Articles with Zwingli's notes (iv., 181-184). 1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 319 gather. CEcolampadius and Melanchthon, both mild-mannered men, probably could be cordial to one another, but between Luther and Zwingli there could be no cordiality.* How much longer they might have stayed at Mar- burg is uncertain, but the outbreak in the town of the deadly pestilence called the "English Sweat'" quite naturally hastened their departure. So on Tues- day, October 5th, they left. The Zwingli party went to Strassburg directly under the escort of Count Wilhelm von Fiirstenburg and arrived there safely on October 15th; and on Tuesday, October 19th, Zwingli was once more in Zurich. The next day he wrote this letter to Vadianus," in which he claims the victory, but writes in much milder language than Luther: " Grace and peace from the Lord. I will now write briefly what you desire to know. After we had been brought under the safest conduct to Marburg, and Luther with his party had come, the Prince Landgrave deter- mined that CEcolampadius and Luther, Melanchthon and Zwingli, should meet two by two in private to see whether they could not find some ground of agreement upon which they could found peace. Hereupon Luther ' Writing to Zwingli on February i, 1530, the Landgrave renews his acceptance of the Zwinglian position throughout {cf. viii., 405). So there was at least one convert to the Zwinglian side made or con- firmed by the Colloquy. ^ This disease originated in England in 1485, and manifested itself in 1506, 1517, and now for the fourth time. It was characterized by a rapid course and high mortality. See Hacker's Epidemics of the Middle Ages, passim. »viii., 369, 370. 320 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 received CEcolampadius in such a way that the latter came to me complaining secretly that he had met another Eck — but this is to be told to the trusty alone. " But as for Melanchthon he was so slippery and so transformed himself after the manner of Proteus that he compelled me to seize a pen, to arm my hand and dry it as with salt and so hold him more firmly as he glided around in all sorts of escapes and subterfuges. From this I send you a few examples out of the hundreds of thousands of things said, yet under the condition that you are not to communicate them to any except the trusty, /'. e., those who will not make a text for trouble out of them, for Philip [Melanchthon] himself has a copy of them. It was written by me while he was looking on and reading all, and sometimes dictating his own words. But I do not wish to give rise to a new quarrel. Philip and I were engaged in conversation for six hours,' Luther and GEcolampadius for three. On the next day, in the presence of the Landgrave and twenty-four wit- nesses, Luther and Melanchthon and CEcolampadius and Zwingli went into the arena and fought there and in three other sessions. For there were four in all in which we contended successfully. For we presented to Luther as needing explanation the fact that he had propounded those thrice foolish statements : that Christ suffered in ' The topics were the Trinity, Original Sin, the relation of the Holy Spirit to the written Word of God, and the Eucharist. It turned out that Melanchthon and the Lutherans generally held the Zwinglians in so great contempt that they had not taken the trouble to study their books and find out what they believed ; while the Zwinglians were so jealous of the Lutherans that they could not listen to them. Consequently to their common shame the two parties were ignorant of one another and credulous of every story to their oppo- nents' discredit. 1529J The Colloquy of Marburg 321 His divine nature ; that the Body of Christ is everywhere ; and that the flesh could not profit of itself otherwise than as he now asserted. But the fine fellow made no reply, except that in the matter of the flesh not profiting he said : 'You know, Zwingli, that as time progressed and their judgment grew, all the Fathers treated the passages of Scripture in ways different from the earlier exposi- tions.' Then he said : * The Body of Christ is eaten cor- poreally in our body, but in the meantime I will reserve this to myself whether the Body is eaten by the soul' And yet a little before he had said : ' The Body of Christ is eaten with the mouth corporeally, the soul does not eat Him corporeally.* He also said : * The Body of Christ is produced by these words, " This is My Body," no matter how wicked the man who pronounces these words.' He conceded that the Body of Christ is finite. He admitted that the Eucharist can be called the sign of the Body of Christ. These and other innumerable vacil- lating, absurd, and foolish utterances of his, which he babbled forth like pebbles on a beach, we so argued on that now the Prince himself is on our side, although for the sake of certain princes he pretended not to be. Al- most all the Court of Hesse have deserted Luther. He himself grants that our books could be read without harm. Hereafter he will suffer the parties who agree with us to retain their positions. Prince John of Saxony was not present, but the Prince of Wittenberg was. " We parted with the understanding which you will see in print. Truth was so clearly superior that, if ever any one was overcome, Luther, the impudent and obstinate,* * Impudens et contumax. CEcolampadius, on February 12, 1530, urged Zwingli to write a book to match Luther's on the Marburg Colloquy, in which he claimed the victory (viii., 410). Zwingli complains of Luther's boast (viii., 669). 322 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 was beaten, and before a wise and just judge, although meantime he was unconquered. We have effected this good, that after we shall agree in the other dogmas of the Christian religion, the Pope's party cannot entertain the hope that Luther will be theirs. While I write this I am wearied with my journey^; when you come to us you shall have a full report. For I think we have also gained something else ; things that will prove a safeguard for religion and against the monarchy of Caesar. These also shall be set forth to you when the time shall demand it. Meanwhile, farewell, and greet all friends. "Yours, *' Huldreich Zwingli. "Zurich, October 20, 1529." On November 2d, Zwingli v^rote a letter of thanks to the Landgrave, beginning it thus: " I give you my hearty thanks for your kindly offer if I wish to better my condition, and I thank you also for the zeal you have shown in providing for our return home. But the time was much too short for CEcolam- padius and all of us, not merely in the matter of the conference, but also on other accounts. We were hin- dered by the power pf certain preachers for instance." ^ This shows that the Landgrave tried to take Zwingli away from Zurich and also, as the preceding letter does, that other business was discussed be- tween them than purely religious affairs.' ' He had arrived in Zurich the day before. ^VIIL, 664. ' This point will be brought out more fully in the next chapter. < p < H Q. , , < S LJ I X 5 !- CO C3 O CO UJ CHAPTER XV ZWINGLI'S POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN HIS CLOSING YEARS 1529-153I ZWINGLI'S correspondence during 1529, 1530, and 1 53 1 shows how much absorbed he was in the schemes for advancing evangelical religion by means of a political alliance. In the beginning Zurich stood alone, but, on December 25, 1527, made an alliance with Constance, which was known as the " Christian Burgher Rights " ; by September, 1529, Bern, St. Gall, Biel, Miilhausen, Basel, and Schaffhausen had also joined. But Zwingli was ambitious to extend this alliance. While on his way to Marburg he obtained some important in- formation at Strassburg, which he despatched to the Zurich authorities, relating to the intentions of Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, the Emperor, and the Pope, all of whom plotted the destruction of the Zwinglians and then of the Lutherans.' In his letter to Vadianus on his return home he said : I think we have gained . . . things which will prove a safeguard for religion and against the ' VIII., 363, 365. He sent it also to Constance, pp. 428-430. 323 324 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- monarchy of Caesar [the Emperor]." ' This remark and his letter to Philip of Hesse " of November 2nd, plainly show, as has been elsewhere said/ that other things than theology, and things, too, in which Zwingli had keener interest, were discussed at Marburg.* Philip and the Duke of Wurtemberg desired to join the Christian Burgher Rights and also to bring in the Protestant princes and cities of North Germany. Zwingli hoped to have in the league all the South German Protestant cities. He even considered it possible to lure Venice into it, as he had learned that that city was favourable to the Protestant movement^; and also France.^ As the alliance grew he more and more keenly anticipated the time when the Protestants of South Germany and Switzerland would be so numerous and strong that no such insulting propos- ition would dare be made about "Sacramentarians " as was made at Spires in 1529, nor would any in- tentionally insulting epithet be given to them. The solemn determination of the Emperor to put down heresy in Germany, and the increasing insolence and persecuting spirit on the part of the Forest Cantons » VIII., 370. 2 VIII., 664. ^ See p. 342. ^ So Bullinger, ii., 236. CEcolampadius was not in the secret apparently (viii., 375), ^ Luther also {Brief e, ed. de Wette, iii., 289). ^Butzer, or perhaps Jacob Sturm, on December 15, 1529 (viii., 383), speaks of the report brought by the German Count von Hoh- enlohe, that the Pope, the Emperor, the King of France, and the Duke of Guise were leagued together against the Gospel in Germany and Switzerland. I53I] Zwingli's Political Activity 325 made the alliance seem all the more desirable, and explain and excuse Zwingli's energetic efforts to effect it. How closely he united politics and re- ligion is strikingly shown in his preface to his trans- lation of Isaiah/ in which he mingles a discussion of the best form of government — monarchy, aristo- cracy, and democracy, deciding for the second — with strictly religious themes. Zwingli's political activity made an unfavourable impression upon Luther — who was prejudiced any- way— and upon many others who shared his opinion that such resort to worldly politics betrayed mistrust of spiritual forces. The Lutheran princes rejected at Schmalkald, on December 3, 1529, the alliance with the Zwinglians proposed by the Landgrave, a refusal which damped the ardour of the South Ger- man cities. Ulm determined to hold off from any alliance with the Swiss.'' Zwingli's hopes to get Venice^ and France into the alliance were equally vain. In view of his vehement denunciations of the alliance between the Swiss and the foreign princes it was apparently very inconsistent in him to seek such alliance, and an alliance, too, with bigoted Roman Catholic Powers, one of which (France), had herself oppressed Protestantism ; but the just- ification to his mind was the supposed peril to > v., 483-489. 2 Vadian, Deutsche Schriften, iii., 263 ; Escher, Die Glaubenspar- teien in der Eidgenossenschaft und ihre Beziehungen zum Auzland (Frauenfeld, 1882), p. 126. ' Cf. his letter to the Zurich magistrates from Strassburg, Septem- ber 17, 1529 (viii., 365 sqq^, and that to Philip of Hesse (viii., 665). 326 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- Protestantism proceeding from the union of Pope and Emperor. The city of Zurich, acting as the spokesman for all the cities in the Christian Burgher Rights in these special efforts, was repre- sented by Rudolf Collin,' who had been present at Zwingli's political discussion with the Landgrave, and knew, therefore, the whole matter, and was Zwingli's choice as delegate to Venice and France. He left Zurich December i ith, and after a somewhat dangerous journey came into the Doge of Venice's presence on December 25th. The mission was in vain, for Venice had just concluded an alliance with the Emperor. Collin was back in Zurich on Janu- ary 19th, and made a report to the Zurich Senate." It is every way probable that Francis I., King of France, and not Zwingli, made the first overtures toward an alliance, for it is notorious that though Francis I. persecuted the Reformed in France, he was willing to make alliances with the Reformed States because he thought thereby to hurt his foe, the Emperor. That such a union was projected by the French King was perfectly well known.' On ^ See biographical sketch by Konrad Furrer, Halle, 1862 (reprint from Zeitschrift fur Wissienschaftliche Theologie), pp. 48 sqq. ^ See Zwingli's planning for the Venetian alliance (ii., 3, 67-68). On December 27, 1529, he learned from Peter Tschudi (viii., 386 sqq^ at Coire that the Venetians had made an alliance with the Emperor, so Collin's report did not surprise him. Capito speaks of Collin's reception (viii., 445). It appears from a letter of Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg that even after this rebuff Zwingli still had hopes (viii., 411). ^ Cf. a letter to Zwingli, dated January 18, 1530, wherein two Swiss in the service of the King of France offer their services to bring about a conference between the representative of the King and I53I] Zwingli's Political Activity 327 February i6th, Lambert Maigret, the French Am- bassador, wrote to Zwingli from Baden, fourteen miles north by west of Zurich, acknowledging the receipt of Zwingli's letter upon the subject, and asking for the draught of the proposed alliance with France, as he had done before, but Zwingli re- fused on February i8th to communicate details of his plans because, among other reasons, he was not quite sure of the sincerity of the King's intentions/ Maigret again on February 2 1st re- peated his request to see the plan,' and Zwingli at last acquiesced and sent him by Collin a draught of a treaty for the French King to sign,' which was ac- knowledged, on February 27th, by him and his col- league, D'Angerant, at Freiburg, seventy miles south-west of Zurich.' Maigret cautiously declared that he could do nothing while the King's sons were in captivity, nor did he dare to send a letter to the King on the matter lest his messenger be seized. And so the negotiations ended. Yet from allusions in his later letters it is evident that Zwingli did not give up all hope of eventually bringing the French King into some sort of an alliance.' of the Zurich allies (viii., 397). The Landgrave of Hesse took great interest in this mission {cf. his letter of February i, 1530, viii., 404 sqq.). As these negotiations were delicate, the Landgrave and the Duke of Wurtemberg in writing to Zwingli employed arbitrary signs in their letters to designate certain persons, mostly sovereigns, and also the correspondents themselves. Cf. letter to Zwingli of Feb- ruary 14, 1530 (viii., 411). » VIII., 414. 3 VIII., 416-418. It is undated and unsigned. 2 VIII. ,415. 4 VIII., 421-42. 5 On April 5, 1530, he wrote : " So far as I now see, the French affair hangs fire till the hostages of the King are either returned or 328 Huldreich Zwingli [1529^ Zwingli hoped to include Ulm in the alliance, but failed through treachery, as he complains.' He was suspicious that the French delegates were in secret communication with the Five Forest Cantons and so counselled against a treaty with those cantons/ The alliance which Zwingli and Zurich on the one hand and the Landgrave of Hesse on the other were eager to have Bern and the other Swiss Reformed cities make with the Landgrave of Hesse was so all hope of recovering them has vanished" (viii,, 443). On July 22, 1530, he wrote : " The King of France is feeling great joy, and has himself written that his sons [who had been in Charles V.'s hands since 1526] have been returned" (viii., 483). On January 23, 1531, he wrote, relative to the proposal to include the French King in the Schmalkald League (see next chapter), this extraordinary acquies- cence in the latter's hiring the Swiss to fight his battles, which is entirely contrary to Zwingli's previous utterances and conduct in the matter of pensions : "I am of the opinion that public money or allowances which are given for the preservation of peace are for no reason to be abolished, for it is as lawful to receive them as it is tribute or customs ; and then the King — or any other ruler, say the Austrian tyrant, will on that account be less likely to be opposed to us. And particularly the King [of France] will on this account op- pose us the less, who is assuredly not to be despised. For however he has corrupted our republics by bribery, nay, destroyed them, yet it is clear that he alone thus far is the only one who with the Swiss has opposed the erection 'of a monarchy or its degeneration, when once erected, into a tyranny. There is a limit to these things. To private subsidies I am altogether opposed, public I am not willing to beg, but will receive when offered. Even Solomon received immense gifts from the Queen of Sheba" (viii., 572). On March 14, 1531, the French delegates, Maigret and Daugertin, addressed him in behalf of their King and tried to get his assent to an alliance (viii., 603 sc/.). 'VIII., 422, 429. Ulm, however, was won for the Reformation (viii., 607 s(/.). 2 VIII., 432. I53I] Zwingli's Political Activity 329 vigorously opposed by Bern that it could not be effected.' So the only outlying city to come into the alliance was Strassburg,^ and this event was celebrated on January 27, 1530, by a joyful feast given in Zurich to the Strassburg commissioners. But the friendly relations between Zwingli and the Landgrave continued all the same. Zwingli kept a close watch upon the Emperor and availed himself of all sources of knowledge as to his movements, which he viewed with great suspicion ^ ; for he be- lieved that if the Emperor were able to suppress the Reformation in Germany he would next try to do the same thing in Switzerland. All knew that much would depend upon the Diet to be held at Augsburg on June 30, 1530. Both parties among the Protestants in the Empire made great preparation to effect their ends in it, but only showed thereby their radical differences, while their rulers, except the Landgrave of Hesse, inclined more or less to make terms with the Emperor for political ends.* The Roman Catholics confidently awaited results. Zwingli, on March 26th, offered to attend the Diet under the protection of the Land- grave.^ But perhaps the Landgrave could not pro- tect him, and so as no one else would, when the time ^VIII,, 404, 405 ; cf. 411, 412. 2 VIII., 383; cf. 393. ^ Cf. viii,, 422 sq. ^ The situation is plainly laid bare in a letter of Capito to Zwingli written on April 22, T530 (viii., 445 j^.). Butzer shows the general confidence among the Rf formed in the Landgrave (viii., 449). So also Capito (viii., 454). ?yiii., 438. 330 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- came he did not go.' QEcolampadius proposed on May 22, 1530, that the three cantons of Zurich, Bern, and Basel should unite in a delegate to Augs- burg, who could speak in French, and in connection with the delegates from Strassburg, lay before the Emperor the case of the Reformed/ Although Zwingli was absent his interest in the Diet was intense and his many friends who were present kept him informed of what went on/ The expressions his friends used, such as, the "ragings of the Lutherans " ; " the deceits of the not too frank Melanchthon ";' Luther ** plays the buffoon,'" showed that the Reformed were quite the equals of the Lutherans in suspicion and abuse, and gave no promise that the Diet would not emphasise their unhappy differences. On the other hand, the un- fortunate Carlstadt is spoken of very respectfully and even affectionately by the Swiss ; probably he was, as Zwingli says, ** a very different man from what Luther made him out to be." ® ^ Unfortunately his letters, which doubtless threw light upon his motives or those of the Zurich authorities in the matter, have been lost. In view of Zwingli's absence we shall confine ourselves to merely the points of contact between him and the Diet. 2 VIII. , 456. The request for a French speaker is noteworthy in view of the fact that Charles V. opened the Diet in German speech (viii., 469). But this was probably read by him, for it is notorious that he had at least only an imperfect acquaintance with the German (Suppl., p. 38 sq.). '^ Cf. viii., 483. The letters of Sturm from Augsburg, May 31 and June 28, 1530, are particularly graphic (viii., 458, 459, 465 sq.). Cf. also the letters of Butzer in Egli's Analecia Reformatoria, i., 44-60. * Both Butzer and (Ecolampadius, respectively (viii., 460). ^ CEcolampadius (viii., 471). «VIII., 461 ; cf. pp. 456-458, 599. I53I] Zwingli's Political Activity 331 With mutual dislike between the Lutherans and ! the Zwinglians, it is not to be wondered at that it was impossible for the Protestants to present a united front to the common foe, the imperial party and their ecclesiastical allies. The Swiss were so obnoxious to the latter, both as republicans and as aids to the French, that it required courage to show themselves in the Diet, and no prince defended them except the Landgrave of Hesse, and he only secretly/ Zwingli was so hated, as being at the bot- tom of the opposition both religious and political to imperialistic schemes of all kinds, that it would have been useless hardihood for him to have ventured there without protection. Indeed to be a friend of his was sufficient to bring a person into danger, as Capito and Butzer found, who attended the Diet as delegates from Strassburg. So at first they hid themselves, but afterwards emerged.' The confession of faith which the Lutherans presented to the Emperor was accepted by Philip of Hesse. ^ Knowing full well that he could not accept any Lutheran confession of faith, Zwingli prepared inside of three days a brief statement of 'VIII., 467; ^/. p. 473. 2 Butzer started for Augsburg, Sunday, June 19th ; Capito the next day. The distance is about 145 miles in a straight line, run- ning east by a little south from Strassburg. Capito, and probably Butzer also, certainly rode upon the highway which ran through Esslingen, almost due east, near Stuttgart. Butzer arrived at Augs- burg on Friday, June 23rd, which was the day before that of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist ; Capito on Sunday, June 26th (viii., 472, 484). ^ This action did not prevent Zwingli from writing him a most respectful and admiring letter on June 22nd (viii., 482 s^.). 332 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- his belief, had it printed in Zurich, signed the pre- face on July 3rd, the same day sent it by messenger to Augsburg, and curiously enough there he relied upon a Roman Catholic, the Bishop Designate of Con- stance, to see that the Emperor got it, which he did on July 8th.' The Lutherans received it with scorn. But then as the Reformed belittled everything the Lutherans did, it was only tit for tat. Eck made it the occasion of a bitter attack on Zwingli, who replied on August 27, 1530.' The Emperor, of course, was totally unaffected by it, probably never read a line of it. But in and out of the Diet it was closely read.' Though the Diet was not dissolved till November 19th, the Landgrave left Augsburg on August 6th. His intention to do so was known to Zwingli, for on August 3rd he endeavoured to dissuade him from doing so, but the letter must have arrived after he had gone." In this month Zwingli again urged Bern to admit the Landgrave into the Christ- ian Burgher Rights.^ Zwingli considered the threats of the pontifical party as not likely to be carried out, owing to the significant fact that the in- habitants of the German cities, where nominally they were in command, were really disaffected and would prove traitors. They relied upon the divided state ' The Confession is given in iv., 3-18 ; the English translation by Rev. Prof. Dr. H. E. Jacobs, Book of Concord, ii., 158-179, is reprinted in the Appendix to this volume. Zwingli was probably- aware that the South German cities of Strassburg, Constance, Mem- mingen, and Lindau were about to present a Confession of their own, which they did on July nth. 2 IV., 19-41 ; cf. viii., 490. ^ vm., 487. 3 VIII., 48C, 487. '' VIII., 488. i53i] Zwingli's Political Activity 333 of Protestantism. The way to oppose their strata- gems, which so alarmed the Protestants,^ was in his judgment this: ** The truth must be acknowledged with the greatest boldness, and whatever is due to the Emperor must be promised, provided only that he leaves us full liberty of our faith ; unless, indeed, from the Word of God he shall have shown us something else, or by fair, free, and open comparison shall have gained some other victory. If he shall refuse to do this, you will reply that you are grieved that the Emperor has been so deceived by false prophets as to believe that he has a power over your souls and your faith which no devout emperor has ever assumed, or if one has assumed it, no one has ever conceded. And that therefore you will undergo everything rather than move from your position, unless the Word of God move you. Upon this, believe me, the papal party will withdraw. For they know that if they impel the Emperor to the use of force they will speedily go to destruction ; for all their possessions are open to pillage, and when these perish the victory is not gained. This knot is to ,be loosed by means of firmness. If you reply that what I say is true, but that united counsel cannot be reached, I reply that it is possible, only you must always act with prudence, love, and wisdom. When the Roman empire, or any empire, has once begun to suppress a sincere religion, and we neglectfully permit it, we shall be no less guilty of denying or contemning it than the oppress- ors themselves.'"* The Strassburg theologians, Capito and Butzer, VIII., 494, 496, 504. *VIII., 493. 334 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- tried faithfully to hit upon some formula relating to the Eucharist which might be acceptable to Luther- ans and Reformed alike, and both visited Zwingli, the former on Septemper 4th, and the latter in October. Zwingli agreed to a formula,* but such compromises could avail nothing. The Landgrave requested Zwingli, on January 25, 1530, to write out for him the sermon upon Pro- vidence which he had preached at Marburg,'' and Zwingli complied.' On " Monday after Dionysius' Day," i, e., on October 10, 1530, the Landgrave wrote urging him to hasten his admittance into the Christian Burgher Rights, and informing him that he had heard that the Gospel was making great headway in England, and that it would help the truth if some pious and learned man could be sent there to report." On November i6th there was held in Basel a Diet of the Evangelical cities and the compromise formula of Butzer's upon the Lord's Supper, viz., that the Body and Blood of Christ are really in the Lord's Supper to the spirit, not to the body, was agreed, upon. But Zwingli, who was absent, refused to accept the formula, and proposed: " We confess that the Body of Christ is present in the Sacred Supper not as body nor in the nature of body, but sacramentally to the mind that is upright, pure, and »VIII., 506. 2 VIII., 406. 3 IV., 79-142. The work is dated August 20, 1530. It is to be hoped that Zwingli did not inflict on the Landgrave in his original sermon all the matter he sent him. 'VIII., 534. Zwingli's Political Activity 335 reverent toward God." ' He would not depart from what he conceived to be the truth for Luther or anybody else. Zwingli, CEcolampadius, Megander, and Capito also united in a statement of their posi- tion, defending the above formula.'* So Butzer's great scheme of uniting the Protestant host went shipwreck. ^VIII., 549. The letter is dated November 20tli, and is signed by Heinrich Engelhard, Leo Jud, and Zwingli, the last being named as the author. 2 VIII., 552. CHAPTER XVr THE LAST YEAR OF ZWINGLl'S LIFE 1531 ZWINGLI was now the accepted head of the Reformed Church. He stood over against Luther as a great Protestant leader. His contem- poraries consulted him or insulted him according as their sympathies were with him or against him. In South Germany and German Switzerland he had his hand upon every religious enterprise. So Zwingli's position towards the Schmalkald League was of general importance.* This League was the direct result of the decision of the Diet of Augsburg, No- vember 19, 1530, to give the Protestants until April 15, 1 53 1, to submit to the Church, otherwise they would be proceeded against with arms. This was considered by the Protestants as intended to force them to make a fight for their rights, and accordingly the Lutheran princes, the Landgrave of Hesse, and others met on December 22, 1530, at Schmalkalden, a town in the present Prussian pro- ' Zwingli writes of the meeting at Schmalkalden on January 3 1 53 1, but expresses an unfavourable opinion upon it (viii., 570). 336 i53i] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 337 vince of Hesse-Nassau, twenty miles south-west of Gotha, and resolved to make formal protest against the decree of the Diet and against the crowning of Ferdinand of Austria as German King, and to stand by one another in case any of them was attacked, just as they had met in the previous year (November 25, 1529) in the same place to protest against the decree of the Diet of Spires. As neither of these protests was listened to, on March 29, 1531, the Protestants joined themselves into a League.' In this combination the prime mover was Zwing- li's advocate, the Landgrave of Hesse, and as com- ponent parts were South German cities in which Zwingli's doctrines had been accepted. It was, therefore, expected that the Swiss cities would ' The following princes and cities entered into this League : John the Elector of Saxony ; Philip, Ernest, and Francis, Dukes of Bruns- wick-Luneburg ; Philip, Landgrave of Hesse ; Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt ; Gebhard and Albert, Counts of Mansfeld ; the cities of Strassburg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen, Memmingen, Lindau, Biberach, Isny, Lubeck, Magdeburg, and Bremen. The purposes of the League were thus stated : '* Whereas, it was altogether likely that those who had the pure Word of God preached in their territory and thereby had abolished many abuses, were to be prevented by force from continuing this service so pleasing to God ; and, Wi^rmj, it was the duty of every Christian government not only to have the Word of God preached to its subjects, but also as far as possible to prevent their being compelled to fall away from it, they [the princes and the cities named above], solely for the sake of their own defence and deliverance, which both by human and divine right was permitted to every one, had agreed that whenever any one of them was attacked on account of the Word of God and the doctrine of the Gospel, or anything connected there- with, all of the others would immediately come to his assistance as best they could and help to deliver him." 33^ Huldreich Zwingli [1531 accept the invitation of the Elector of Saxony, com- ing thus endorsed by so many of their friends, and enter into this League. But once more the doctrine of the Lord's Supper was an obstacle to union. The Elector went so far as to accept the Tetrapolitan creed on this point.* So it was hoped by those who wished the Swiss cities to join the League, that Zwingli would let its eucharistic teaching pass with- out protest." But Zwingli was not so inclined, any more than Luther was.^ He said: " The business of the truth is not to be deserted, even to the sacrifice of our lives. For we live not for this age of ours, nor for the princes, but for the Lord. To admit for the sake of the princes any thing that will diminish or vitiate the truth is silly, not to say impious. To have held fast to the purpose of the Lord is to conquer all adversaries." * If the union had not been conditioned upon assent to the Tetrapolitan statement on the Eucharist it might have been effected. But this was the rock upon which it split. A conference of the Swiss Re- formed cities was held at Basel on February 13, 1531, to decide upon their action respecting the League. ' This was the compromise stated on p. 334, The four cities were Strassburg, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindau. See Schaff, Creeds, i., 526-529, ^ See Capito's letter of January 22, 1531 (viii., 570-572), and the Landgrave's of January 25, 1531. The latter took a business view of the situation, that it was a strife over words and not over facts (viii., 575). * See Butzer's letter of February 6th (viii., 576 sg^,),