mf -^^ .f^ / '?. -*U'' \.' y>k K JZ from f ?e feifitari? of (J)rofe66or ^amuef Otiffer in (gtemori? of 3ubge ^amuef (gtiffer Q0recftinribge L ^reeente^ fit? ^antuef (gXifPet QSrecfeinrtbge &ong to f ^ £i6irari? of (pttncefon C^eofogicaf ^emtnarj sen LIFE OF LORENZO DE' MEDICL VOL. I. LAFRENTIUS MEBICES, / /• / THE LIFE OF /y LORENZO DE' MEDICI, CALLED THE MAGNIFICENT, BY WILLIAM ROSCOE. THE FIRST AMERICAN, FROM THE FOURTH LONDON EDITION, CORRECTED, IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. I. PHILADELPHIA : PRINTED FOR BRONSON ^ CHAUNCEY. 1803. PREFACE, 1 HE close of the fifteenth, and the begin- ning of the sixteenth century, comprehend one of those periods of history which are entitled to our minutest study and inquiry. Almost all the great events from which Europe derives its present advantages, are to be traced up to those times. The in- vention of the art of printing, the disco- very of the great western continent, the schism from the church of Rome, which ended in the reformation of many of its abuses, and established the precedent of reform, the degree of perfection attained in the fine arts, and the final introduction of true principles of criticism and taste, compose such an illustrious assemblage of luminous points, as cannot fail of attract- voL, I. b ino- VI PREFACE. ing for ages the curiosity and admiration of mankind. A complete history of these times has long been a great desideratum in literature ; and whoever considers the magnitude of the undertaking will not think it likely to be soon supplied. Indeed, from the nature of the transactions which then took place, they can only be exhibited in detail, and under separate and particular views. That the author of the following pages has fre- quently turned his eye towards this inte- resting period is true, but he has felt him- self rather dazzled than informed by the survey. A mind of greater compass, and the possession of uninterrupted leisure, would be requisite to comprehend, to select, and to arrange the immense variety of cir- cumstances which a full narrative of those times would involve ; when almost every city of Italy was a new Athens, and that favoured country could boast its historians, its poets, its orators, and its artists, who may contend with the great names of anti- quity for the palm of mental excellence ; when Venice, Milan, Rome, Florence, Bo- logna, PREFACE. vii logna, Ferrara, and several other places, vied with each other, not in arms, but in science and in genius ; and when the splen- dour of a court was estimated by the num- ber and talents of learned men who illus- trated it by their presence; each of whose lives and productions v/ould, in a work of this nature, merit a full and separate dis- cussion. From this full blaze of talents, the au- thor has turned towards a period, when its first faint gleams afford a svibject, if not more interesting, at least more suited to his powers, and when, after a night of unexpected darkness, Florence again saw the sun break forth with a lustre more permanent, though perhaps not so bright. The days of Dante, of Boccaccio, and of Petrarca, were indeed past ; but under the auspices of the House of Medici, and parti- cularly through the ardour and example of Lorenzo, the empire of science and true taste was again restored. After the death of Boccaccio, the sur- viver of that celebrated triumvirate who had Vlll PREFACE. had carried their native tongue to an high pitch of refinement, and endeavoured, not without success, to introduce the study o{ the ancient languages into Italy, a general degradation of letters again took place ; and the Italian tongue in particular was so far deteriorated, and debased, as, by the ac« knowledgment of the best criticks, to have become scarcely intelligible. The first symptoms of improvement appeared about the middle of the fifteenth century, when Cosmo de' Medici, after having established his au-thority in Florence, devoted the latter years of a long and honourable life to the encouragement, and even the study of phi- losophy, and polite letters. He died in 1464 ; and the infirm state of health of his, son Piero, who v/as severely afflicted by the gout, did not permit him to make that progress in the path which his father had pointed out, that his natural disposition would otherwise have effected. After sur- viving him only about five years, the greater part of which time he was confined to a sick-bed, he died, leaving two sons ; to the elder of whom, Lorenzo, the praise of hav- ing restored to literature its ancient honours is PREFACE. ix is principally due. In succeeding times, indeed, that praise has been almost exclu* sively bestowed on Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Leo the Tenth, the second son of Lorenzo, who undoubtedly prom^oted the views, but never in any degree rivalled the talents of his father. Certain it is that no man was ever more admired and venerated by his contemporS' ries, or has been more defrauded of his just fame by posterity, than Lorenzo de' Me- dici. Possessed of a genius more original and versatile than perhaps any of his coun= trymen, he has led the way in some of the most valuable species of poetiek composi- tion ; and some of his productions stand unrivalled amongst those of his country- men to the present day. Yet such has been the adm.iration paid by the Italians to a few favourite authors, that they have al- most closed their eyes to the various ex- cellencies with which his works abound. From the time of his death no general col- lection was made of his v/ritings for up- wards of sixty years ; and after their first publication by Aldus in 1554, upwards of two xii PREFACE. SO little witii certainty known, a more parti- cular account cannot be uninteresting. In aiming at this purpose, he has been una- voidably led to give some account of the rise of modern literature, and particularly to notice many contemporary authors, whose reputation, at least in this country, has not yet been adequate to their merits. In an age when long and dangerous expe- ditions are undertaken to develop the manners of barbarians, or to discover the source of a river, it will surely not be thought an useless attempt, to endeavour to trace some of those minute and almost imperceptible causes, from which we are to deduce our present proficiency in letters, in science, and in arts» Among the several narratives hitherto published of the life of Lorenzo de' Medici, the most ancient is that of Niccolo Valori a Florentine, eminent for his rank and learn- ing, the contemporary and friend of Lo- renzo. This account, written not inele- gantly in Latin, and which composes a small octavo volume of sixty-seven pages, remained in manuscript, till Laurentius Mehus PREFACE. Mehus gave it to the publick in 1749. An Italian translation had indeed been pub- lished at Florence, as early as the year 1560. The principal events in the life of Lorenzo are here related with accuracy and fidelity ; but upon the whole it gives us too distant and indistinct a view of him. Though sensible in some respects of the magnitude of his subject, Valori seems not to have been sufficiently aware of the dis- tinguishing characteristicks of Lorenzo — the strength, extent, and versatility of his mind. Hence he has exhibited him only in one principal point of view ; either wholly omitting, or at m.ost, slightly noti- cing his many other endowments. Closely adhering to his purpose, he confines him- self to too small a circle, and enters not into those discussions respecting collateral events and circumstances, which a full display of the character of Lorenzo re- quires. The work of Valori may, how- ever, be considered, not only as a well- written and authentick piece of biography, but as the foundation of all subsequent efforts on the same subject ; although it wants that interest which it would have VOL, I. c derived XiJl PREFACE. derived from a closer and more intimate examination of the temper, die character, and the writings of Lorenzo. By what strange fatahty it happened, that the reputation of the most eminent man of his own age should have fallen into almost absolute neglect in the course of that which immediately succeeded, it is difficult to discover ; particularly when we consider that the Italians have been by no means inattentive to their national glo- ry, and that the memoirs of the lives of many of the contemporaries of Lorenzo, who were inferiour to him in every point of view, have been fully and even ostenta- tiously set forth. Whatever was the cause, it is certain, that from the publication of the work of Valori in its Italian dress, till the year 1763, no professed account of Lo- renzo de' Medici made its appearance in publick; although few authors have touch- ed upon the history of those times without paying him the passing tribute of their ap- plause. This is the more extraordinary, as the materials for enlarging, and improv- ing the narrative of Valori, were, obvious. In PREFACE. XY In the year last mentioned, the poems of Lorenzo were reprinted at Bergamo ; and a new account of the life of the author was prefixed to the work\ From this, however, little is to be expected, when it is under- stood that the biographer in his introduc- tion, acknowledges that it is entirely found- ed on that of Valori ; upon whose authority he solely relies, and protests against being answerable for any fact alleged by him, further than that authority warrants. To an exertion of this kind, as he justly ob- serves, neither the deep research of criti- cism, nor the assistance of rare books, was necessary. In the few attempts which he has made to afford additional information, he has resorted principally to Negri', and Varillas% whose authority, nevertheless, he has himself deservedly impeached ; and whose inaccuracy renders their testimony of ^ Poesie del Magnifico Lorenzo de' Medici, con alcune Memorie attenenti alia sua vita, Testimonianze, Sec. Ber- gamo, 1763, appresso Pietro Lancellotti. ^ Istoria degli scrittori Fiorentini, opera postuma del P» Giulio Negri. Ferrara^ 1722. ^ Anecd. de Florence, ut sup. xvi PREFACE. of little weight, when not expressly con- firmed by other writers. About twenty years since several learn- ed Italians united in drawing up memoirs of such of their countrymen as had distin- guished themselves in different branches of science and arts ; and the life of Loren- zo, amongst others, fell to the pen of P. Bruno Bruni, professor of divinity in Flo- rence. Unfortunately, however, it was executed without any new researches, be- ing entirely compiled from previous pub- lications ; and it must be owned that the work derives no advantages from the pro- fessional prejudices or opinions of its au- thor. The conspiracy of the Pazzi is one of the most striking events that ever enga- ged the attention of the historian ; and the circumstances which accompanied it com- pose a body of evidence as accurate and authentick as history can produce. But the delicacy of the biographer shrunk from the relation of an incident, that involved in the guilt ^ Elogj degli Uomini illustri Toscani. In Lucca^ \77l, fee. 4 vol, 8-vo, PREFACE. xvii guilt of premeditated assassination, the Vicar of Christ upon earth ! This event is accordingly passed over with a general reference to previous relations ; and an annotation is subjoined, tending to impeach the evidence of one who was an eye-wit- ness of the transaction, and whose narra- tive was laid before the publick immediately after the event took place '. No extraordi- nary number of pages was devoted to the work ; and it may be enough to remark, that the resemblance of Lorenzo de' Me- dici does not well associate with a set of petty portraits, hung up by way of orna- ment, in frames of equal sizes. In order to do justice to such a subject, a larger canvass is necessary. In enumerating the labours of my prede- cessors, it may not be improper more par- ticularly to notice the singular work of Varillas, to which I have before had occa- sion f Angeli Politiani Conjurationis Pactians anni 1478 Commentarium, in eodem anno excusum, in 4io sine loci et ty/iographi nominibus, iterum typis impressum Neapoli anno 1769, cura et studio Joannis Adimari ex Marchioni- bus Bumb^. xviii PREFACE. sion to refer. This book, written in a lively style, with great pretensions to se- cret information from manuscripts in the French king's library, has more the resem- blance of a romance than of an authentick narrative ; and if we may judge of the au- thor's private anecdotes, from his misre- presentations and mistakes in matters of more general notoriety, we shall frequent- ly be compelled to consider them rather as the offspring of his own imagination, than as substantiated facts. The absurdities of this author have frequently been exposed by Bayle^, who has in many instances pointed out his glaring perversions of the relation of Paulus Jovius, the veracity of whom as an historian is itself sufficiently equivocal. The accuracy of Varillas may in some degree be determined by the sin- gular list of books and manuscripts from which he professes to have derived his in- formation, the very existence of some of which yet rests on his own authority. Such s Dictionnaire Historique et Critique, Jrt, PoHHen, &c. PREFACE. xix Such, however, bemg the attempts that . had been made to exhibit to the pubhck the hfe and labours of Lorenzo de' Medici, I conceived that there could be no great degree of arrogance in endeavouring to give a more full and particular account of them : Nor was I deterred from this under- taking by the consideration, that Provi- dence had placed my lot beyond the limits of that favoured country, " Ch' Appenin parte, e'l mar circonda, e I'Alpe." The truth is, that even in a remote part of this remote kingdom, and deprived of the many advantages peculiar to seats of learning, I saw no difficulty in giving a more full, distinct, and accurate idea of the subject than could be collected from any performance I had then met with. For some years past, the works of the Italian writers had amused a portion of my leisure hours ; a partiality for any particular object ge- nerally awakens the desire of obtaining further information respecting it ; and from the perusal of the Italian poets, I was in- sensibly led to attend to the literary history of PREFACE. of that cultivated nation. In tracing the rise of modern literature, I soon perceived that every thing great and excellent in sci- ence and in art, revolved rovmd Lorenzo de' Medici, during the short but splendid era of his life, as a common centre, and derived from him its invariable preservation and support. — Under these impressions I began to collect such scattered notices re- specting him as fell in my way ; and the Florentine histories of Machiavelli, and Ammirato, the critical labours of Cres- cimbeni, Muratori, Bandini, and Tirabos- chi, with other works of less importance, of which I then found myself possessed, supplied me with .materials towards the execution of my plan. I had not, how- ever, proceeded far, before I perceived that the subject deserved a more minute inqui- ry ; for which purpose it would be neces- sary to resort to contemporary authorities, and, if possible, to original documents. The impracticability of obtaining in this country the information of which I stood in need, would perhaps have damped the ardour of my undertaking, had not a circumstance presented itself in the highest degree fa- vourable PREFACE. xxi vourable to my purpose. An intimate friend, with whom I had been many years united in studies and affection, had paid a visit to Italy, and had fixed his winter residence at Florence. I well knew that I had only to request his assistance, in order to obtain whatever information he had an opportu- nity of procuring, from the very spot which was to be the scene of my intended history. My inquiries were particularly directed towards the Laurentian and Riccardi libra- ries, which I was convinced would afford much original and interesting information. It would be unjust merely to say that my friend afforded me the assistance I requi- red ; he went far beyond even the hopes I had formed, and his return to his native country was, if possible, rendered still more grateful to me, by the materials he had collected for my use. Amongst these I had the pleasure to find several beautiful poems of Lorenzo de' Medici, the originals of which are deposited in the Laurentian library, although the former editors of his works appear not to have had the slightest information respecting them. These poems, which have been copied with great accu- voL. I. d racy xxii PREFACE. racy, and, where it was possible, collated with different manuscripts, will for the first time be given to the publick in the third volume. The munificence of the late Great Duke Leopold, and the liberality of the Marquis Riccardi, had laid open the ines- timable treasures of their collections to every inquirer ; and under the regulations of the venerable Canonico Bandini, to whose labours the literary history of Italy is highly indebted, such arrangements have been adopted in the Laurentian library, that every difficulty which might retard research is effectually removed. Unlike the immense but ill-digested and almost prohibited collections of the Vatican, the libraries of Florence are the common pro- perty of the learned of all nations ; and an institution founded by Cosmo, and pro- moted by Lorenzo de' Medici, yet subsists, the noblest monument of their glory, the most authentick depository of their fame. Amongst a number of printed volumes, immediately or remotely connected with my principal subject, which were supplied by the attention of my friend, were two works PREFACE. xxiii works of which he had given me previous information. These were the Hfe of Lo- renzo de' Medici, written in Latin by Monsignor Fabroni, a learned ItaUan pre- late, and published in the year 1784, in two volumes in quarto; and the life of his grandfather Cosmo, by the same author, published in one volume in quarto in the year 1789. On receiving these extensive productions, it became a subject of conside- ration, whether it might not be advisable to lay aside my own narrative, although it was then far advanced, and satisfy myself with a translation of the former of these works, adding such remarks as my previ- ous researches had enabled me to make. The perusal of these volumes, whilst it afforded considerable gratification, soon however convinced me that the purpose I had in view could not be obtained by a translation. The leading object of Fabro- ni is to illustrate the political, rather than the literary life of Lorenzo. It appeared to me, that the mere historical events of the fifteenth century, so far as they regard- ed Italy, could not deeply interest my coun- trymen in the eighteenth ; but I conceived that xxiv ^^ PREFACE. that the progress of letters and of arts would be attended to with pleasure in every country where they were cultivated and protected: many other motives, some of which will appear in the course of the work, deterlnined me to prosecute my ori- ginal plan : and the history now presented to the publick bears no more resemblance to tliat of Fabroni, than his does to that of his predecessor Valori, The general in- cidents in the life of Lorenzo are indeed nearly the same in all; but for most of the sentiments and observations that may oc- cur in the ensuing volume, and for a con- siderable part of the narrative, particularly such as relates to the state and progress of letters and of arts, the responsibility must fall on myself. But although I have not thought it eli- gible to rest satisfied with a mere transla- tion of the works of Fabroni, I have derived from them very important assistance and information. The numerous and authen- tick documents which he obtained by dili- gent researches through the archives of Florence, and which occupy two thirds of his PREFACE. XXV his work, are a treasure with which, in the infancy of my undertaking, 1 httle expect- ed to be gratified. The assistance derived from these sources did not, however, su- persede my exertions in procuring such additional information as other parts of the continent and this country could sup- ply. The Crevenna library, lately exposed to sale at Amsterdam, and the Pinelli in London, furnished me with several publi- cations of early date, for which I might otherwise long have inquired throughout Europe to no purpose. The rich and ex- tensive catalogues published by Edwards, Payne, and other London booksellers, who have of late years diligently sought for and imported into England whatever is curious or valuable in foreign literature, have also contributed to the success of my inquiries ; and I may justly say, that I have spared neither trouble nor expense in the acquisition of whatever appeared to be ne- cessary to the prosecution of my work. I am not, however, arrogant enough to conceive that, even with these advantages, I have been able to do justice to so exten- sive and so diversified a subject. Pre- cluded xxvi PREFACE. eluded by more serious and indispensable avocations from devoting a continued at- tention to it, I am apprehensive that facts of importance may either have escaped my diligence, or may be yet imperfectly related. The difficulties attending a cri- tical examination of works of taste, written in a foreign language, contribute to render me diffident of the success of my labours. In the few attempts to translate or imitate the poetical pieces of Lorenzo and his contemporaries, I must regret my inability to do them more complete justice; an ina- bility of which I am fully sensible, but for which I do not mean to trouble my reader with any further apology. Such as it is, I submit this performance to the judgment of the publick: ready to acknowledge, though not pleased to reflect, that the dis- advantages under which an author labours are no excuse for the imperfections of hh v/ork. POSTSCRIPT When the first of these volumes was nearly printed, and the materials arranged for the second, I had the satisfaction of obtaining a copy of a very singular and interesting work, in three volumes octavo, entitled Memoires Genealogiques de la Maison de Medici, For this performance I am indebted to the Marquis of Lansdown; a nobleman who has conferred the most important benefits on his country, and whose attention has been invariably directed to the encouragement of those studies which can only produce their proper fruits in that state of publick tranquillity, which his distinguished talents have been uniformly exerted to secure. The work above mentioned is the produc- tion of Mr. Tenhove of the Hague, a near relation of the late Greffier of the states of Holland, Mr. Fagel, to whose memory it is inscribed in the following affectionate terms : A V heu- XXVlll rOSTSCRIPt. A V heureiise memoire de Frangois Fagcl^ Greffier de leurs hautes puissances Ics Elats Gcnerauic des P r ovine es-unies : Heritier des vertus et des talens de scs ancetres^ Collegue et ami du venerable vieillard son jiere^ Favori des jieujiles et des grands^ Fragile esfioir de la j'latrie, Ami zele des lettres et des arts, Arbitre sur de V elegance et du gouty Ft meilleure moitie de moi-meme. But, alas ! the monument which afFection had devoted to the memory of a friend, was itself destined to remain unfinished ; and the accomplished author, by a fatality which will perhaps remind my readers of the events related in the last chapter of this history, whilst he lamented the loss of his patron, was called to join him, in the society of the wise, the learned, and the good of former ages — in that of Scipio and of Laslius, of Politiano and of Lorenzo de' Medici. Inter odoratum Lauri nemus, unde siijierne Plurimus Eridani jier silvam volvitur amnis. Of such part of his work as was printed before his death, a copy had been presented by him to the learned and venerable Dr. Macleane of the Hague, the well-known translator of Mosheim's POSTSCRIPT. Xxix Mosheim's ecclesiastical history, with whom he had lived for many years in the most friendly intimacy. At the kind request of the Marquis of Lansdown, Dr. Macleane transmitted these volumes to England ; and a probability having since occurred, of his obtaining another copy, he has obligingly relinquished them to his Lord- ship, by whose liberality I have now the pleasure of calling them my*own. Although these volumes appear to be rather the amusement of the leisure hours of a polite scholar, than the researches of a professed histo- rian, yet they display an acquaintance with the transactions of Italy, seldom acquired except by a native. To a gi'eat proficiency in the literature of that country, Mr. Tenhove united an indisputable taste in the productions of all the fine arts, and a general knowledge of the state of manners, and the progress of science, in every period of society. The fertility of his genius, and the extent of his information, have enabled him to intersperse his narrative with a variety of interesting digressions, and brilliant observations ; and the most engaging work that has perhaps ever appeared, on a subject of literary history, is written by a native of one country, in the language of another, on the affairs of a third. VOL. I, e Excellent, XXX POSTSCRIPT. Excellent, however, as the work of Mr. Ten- hove certainly is, I have not derived from it any very important assistance ; which will be more readily credited, when it is understood that it commences with the history of the family of the Medici in remote antiquity, and adverting to every member of it, of whom any historical notices remain, was intended to be continued down to the present century. The interval of time which I have undertaken to illustrate, extending only to the life of an individual who ^ died at an early age, must consequently form a small portion in a work intended to embrace such an extent of time, yet not upon the whole more voluminous than my own. The character of Lorenzo is indeed finely conceived, and faith- fully drawn by Mr. Tenhove ; and his accom- plishments are celebrated with a warmth of expression, which proves that the author was fully sensible of his genius and his merits. But it was not consistent with the plan that he had adopted, to enter into those particular inquiries, and more minute discussions, which the duty of a professed biographer requires. From this circumstance, and the advanced state of my work, I was not induced to make any alteration either in its arrangement or in the manner of its execution. After having proceeded so far in the character of a simple relater of facts, it would POSTSCRIPT. XXXI would indeed ill become me to aim at the higher ornaments of composition. Servetur ad imu?n Quails ab incefito firocesserit. Unwilling, however, to possess such a trea- sure as the volumes in question, without enabling my readers to share it with me in some degree, I have frequently taken occasion in the notes to the second volume, to cite the sentiments of Mr. Tenhove, on the subject of our mutual inquiry. I am aware, that by this conduct I am inducing a comparison by no means favourable to my ow^n performance ; but having executed it to the best of my ability, I have not been led by that consideration to suppress any thing which I thought might tend to authen- ticate or illustrate my work. The motives which have encouraged me to persevere in this undertaking, amidst numerous avocations and duties, which connect me with society by almost every tie, have been a high admiration of the character of Lorenzo de' Medici, the singular pleasure which I have enjoyed in tracing his history, and the earnest desire which I feel, to place him in that rank in the estimation of my countrymen, to which he is so eminently entitled. CHAP. I. ^ (jRIGIN of Florence — Government — Family of the Medici — Sahestro de^ Medici — Giovanni de^ Medici — Cosmo de'' Medici — Influence of that family in Florence — Cosmo seized and im- prisoned — Is banished to Padua — Allowed to re- side at Venice — Amhrogio Traversari — Cosmo is recalled from banishment — Encourages men of learning — Leonardo and Carlo Aretino — Re- searches after the voritings of the ancietits — Poggio BraccioUni — Guarino Veronese — Gio- vanni Aurispa — Francesco — Filelfo — Council of Florence — Revival of the Platonick Philoso- phy — Marsilio Ficino — Cosmo establishes the Laurentian Library — Niccolo Niccoli founds the Library of S, Marco — The Vatican Library founded by Pope Nicholas V. — Invention and progress of the art of printing — Capture of Con- stantinople by the Turks — Cosmo applies himself to study — Marriage of Pier de^ Medici— Birth of Lorenzo and Giuliano — Celebrity of Cosmo — Antonio Beccatelli — Literary ^tiarrels — Bes- sarion and George of Trebiso7id — Poggio and Filelfo — Death and character of Cosmo de^ Medici. CHAP. I. Xlorence has been remarkable in modem history for the frequency and violence of its internal dissentions, and for the predilection of its inhabitants for every species of science, and every production of art. However discordant these characteristicks may appear, they are not difficult to reconcile : The same active spirit that calls forth the talents of individuals for the preservation of their liberties, and resists with unconquerable resolution whatever is supposed to infringe them, in the moments of domestick peace and security seeks with avidity other objects of emplo}^ment. The defence of freedom has always been found to expand and strengthen the mind ; and though the faculties of the human race THE LIFE OF CHAP, race may remain torpid for generations, when ^' once roused into action they cannot speedily be hilled again into inactivity and repose. Origin ct Of the rise of Florence, little can be traced riorcnce. with certainty, iilthough much research has been employed on the subject. If we giv# credit to its historian Machiavelli^, it derives its origin from the ancient and venerable city of Fiesole, whose avails yet remain at the distance of about three miles from Florence. The situ- ation of Fiesole, on the summit of a steep hill, induced its inhabitants, many of whom were early devoted to commerce, to erect habitations for the convenience of traflick on the plain below, between the river Arno and the foot of the mountain. During the continuance of the Roman republick, this infant establishment was reenfor- ced by colonists from Rome. The popular tradi- tion of the place, countenanced by Landino^ and Verini, * Mac, Istoria Fiorentina^ lib. ii. ^ " Sed Florentinx canerem primordia gentis ; " Nobile Syllanum tempus in omne genus : " Syllanum genus Romana stirpe colonos " A patribus nunquam degenerasse suis." Landinus de laudibus Cosmi, ft/u Bandinii Specimen Literature Florentine, vol. i. fi, 102. " SyllanuR LORENZO DL' MEDICI. 5 Vcrini', refers this event to the times of the chap. dictatorship of Sylla, whilst Politiano places it i» under the triumvirate of Oetavius, Antonius, and Lepidus'^ In the frequent irruptions of the northern nations that subverted the Roman state, Flo- rence followed the fate of the rest of Italy ; but about the year 1010 it had acquired some de- gree of strength and independence, which was first exerted in attacking and demolishing the place " Syllanus primus fugiens asperrima montis " Purgavit nostros arte coloniis agros ; *' Atqiie Arniim recta, contractis undique lymphis, " Obice disrupto compulit ire via." Land, de /irimordiis iirbis. Ibid. V, i. //. 167. ^ " Felici Comites Syllx de marmore templum, ** Mavorti posuere suo." Ugolinus Verinus de illustratione Urhis Florentix. Flor, 1636, lib, \, //. 9. ^ '* Deduxcre igitur Florcnliam coloniam triumviri " Cajus Cxsar qui deinde Augurs, Marcus Antonius, ^^ et Marcus Lepidus ctiam pontifex maximus." For many curious observations and learned conjectures on the origin of Fiesole and Florence, v, Politiani E/i, lib, \. Ep, 2, VOL. I. F O THE LIFE Of CHAP, place from which it sprung*". Fiesole retains J' few traces of its former importance ; but its de- lightful situation and pure air still render it an agreeable and healthy residence. Government. For somc ccnturics previous to the commence- ment of the present history, the government ef Florence had fluctuated between an aristocratick and a popular form. The discord and animo- sity that arose from this instability may well be conceived. When either of the contending fac- tions had obtained the ascendency, the leaders of it soon disagreed in the exercise of their power ; and the weaker party, attaching them- selves to the body of the people, speedily ef- fected a revolution. The frequency of electing their magistrates, at the same time that it was favourable to the preservation of their liberties, fomented a continual spirit of opposition and resent- ^ " Ast ubi Syllanos felix concordia cives " Altius evexit, Fesulx venere redactse " Sub juga, tuQ^populi crevit numerosa propago. " Urbs inimica, potens, vicinaque moenibus olim " Mardgenx, uiterius fines efferre negabat. " Ac veluti quondam veteres auxere Sabini " Sub Tatio Romam : sic urbs Fesulana relicto '* Vcrtice victricem tandem migravit in urbem." Verinus de illustr, Urbis Flor. lib, i. LOREICZO DE' MEDICI. 7 resentment. A secret enmity, even in the most chap. ti^anquil da.ys of the republick, subsisted among ^- the leaders of the different factions, and the slightest circumstance, whether of a foreign or domestick nature, was sufficient to kindle the latent spark into an open flame. The contests between the GhibeWmi and the Giielfi^ and between the Bianchi and the Neri^^ were en- tered ^ This distinction began about the twelfth century. In the dissentions between the pope and the emperour, the partizans of the former v.-ere denominated Guelphs, and those of the Imperial faction Ghibelines ; but in suc- ceeding times these appellations conveyed other ideas, and the name of Guelphs was applied to those who, in any popular commotion, espoused the cause of the peo- ple, M'hilst that of Ghibelines became synonymous to the op.timates of the Romans, or Aristocrates. Ammirato, without being able to trace the origin, pathetically la- ments the unhappy consequences of these distinctions to his country. Istoria Fiorentina^v, \. p, 55, 132. But the particular circumstances which introduced them into Florence are related at considerable length by Nerli. Commentarii de'fatte civili di Firenze. Augs. 1728./2. 2. (Jfc. g For these factions Italy was indebted to the city of Pistoia, where a disagreement took place between two young men of the family of Cancellieri, one of whom is called by Machiavelli, Geri, and the other. Lore. In this contest Geri received a slight blow from his relation, who immediately afterwards, at the command of his father 8 THE LIFE OF CHAP, tered into by the Florentines with an eagerness i' beyond that of any other people in Europe. For a great length of time Florence was at con- tinual war with itself; and a number of citizens under the name of Fuorusciti, or refugees, were constantly employed in attempting to regain their native residence, for which purpose they scrupled not, by all possible means, to excite the resentment of other powers against it. If their attempts proved successful, the weaker party left father Gulielmo, went to the house of Bertuccio, the father of Geri, to apologize for the offence. Bertuccio, exasperated at the indignity, seized the young man, and with the assistance of two of his servants, cruelly cut ofi" his hand on a manger. This atrocious deed roused the resentment of Gulielmo, who took up arms to revenge the injury. Cancellieri the common ancestor of the family had two wives, from one of whom descended the line of Gulielmo, from the other that of Bertuccio. One of these wives was named Bianca, whence that branch of their family and their adherents were named Bmnchiy and their opponents, by way of distinction, obtained the name of JVeri, The whole city espoused the part of one or other of these factions, and the contagion soon spread to Florence, where it received fresh vigour from the ancient dissentions of the Cerchi and the Donati. The quarrel shortly became tinctured wjth political enmity, and the Bianchi were considered as Ghibelines, the Neri as Guelphs. Mac. 1st. Fior. lib, ii. Amm. 1st. Fior. v. i. ti* 204. left the city, till they in their turn could expel chap. their conquerors. J* These disadvantages were however amply compensated by the great degree of freedom enjoyed by the citizens of Florence, which had the most favourable effects on their character, and gave them a decided superiority over the inhabitants of the rest of Italy. The popular nature of the government, not subjected to the will of an individual, as in many of the surround- ing states, nor restricted, like that of Venice, to a particular class, was a constant incitement to exertion. Nor was it only on the great body of the people that the good effects of this system were apparent ; even those who claimed the privileges of ancestry felt the advan- tages of a rivalship, which prevented their sink- ing into indolence, and called upon them to sup- port by their own talents the rank and influence which they had derived from those of their ancestors. Where the business of government is confined to a few, the faculties of the many become torpid for want of exercise ; but in Florence, every citizen was conversant with, and might hope, at least, to partake in the government ; and hence was derived that spirit of industry, which in the pursuit of wealth, and the extension of commerce, was, amidst all their intestine 10 THE LIFE OF CHAP, intestine broils, so conspicuous, and so success- ^' fuP. The fatigues of publick life, and the cares of mercantile avocations, were alleviated at times by the study of literature or the specula- tions of philosophy. A rational and dignified employment engaged those moments of leisure not necessarily devoted to more important con- cerns, and the mind was relaxed without being debilitated, and amused without being depraved. The superiority which the Florentines thus acquired was universally acknowledged, and they became the historians, the poets, the ora- tors, and the preceptors of Europe. The ^ The beneficial eftects of their government ¥/ere not unobserved by the Florentines, and are well adverted to by Verini. -Semperque aliquid novitatis in urbe est Stat tamen incolumis niajestas publica ; causa est Prseclaris quoniam ingeniis Florenlia favet, Festinosque libens virtuti impendit honores. Ex quo si linguse vitscque industria major Concessa est cuiquam, nostram demigrat in urbem ; Ut magis eniteat virtus ubi prsemia prompta: jEquarique sibi fert xgre prisca colonos Nobilitas, oriturque trucis discordia belli ; Fitque minor census, patrimoniaque hausta tributis, Reddunt attonitum qui stemmate fulget avito. Contra autem solers et cedere nescius, instat Fortune, summosque animo molitur honores. Fer, de illust. Urb» lib, iii. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 11 The family of the Medici had for many ages chap. been esteemed one of the most considerable in ^» the republick ; nor have there been wantins; ^ ... Family of authors who have derived its eminence from the Medki. age of Charlemagne : but it must be remem- bered, that these genealogies have been the production of subsequent times, when the eleva- tion of this family to the supreme command in Florence, made it necessary to impress on the minds of the people an idea of its antiquity and respectability ' . It appears however from authen- tick ^ In a MS, of the Riccardi library at Florence, of which I have obtained an ample extract, entitled " Origine € descendeiiza clellq casa de' Medici^'' the origin of the family- greatness is romantically referred to Averardo de' Me- dici, a commander under Charlemagne, who, for his valom' in destroying the gigantick plunderer Mugello^ by whom the surrounding country was laid waste, was ho- noured with the privilege of bearing for his arms six fialle^ or balls, as characteristick of the iron balls that hung from the mace of his fierce antagonist, the impression of which remained on his shield. Verini had before this accounted for the family name and arms by another hereditary tale. Est qui Bebryaca Medices testetur ab urbe Venisse ; et Toscam sobolem delesse superbam Asserat: hinc Medicis meruit cognomen habere Quod Medicus Tosci fuerit, sic ore venenum Dixerunt patrio : factique insignia portet Senis in globulis flaventem sanguine peltam. Vei\ de illust, Urbis^ lib. iii. It Medici. 12 THE LIFE OF CHAP, tick monuments, that many individuals of this i» family had signalized them.selves on important occasions. Giovanni de' Medici'" in the year 1251, with a body of only one hundred Flo- rentines, forced his v/ay through the Milanese army, then besieging the fortress of Scarperia, and entered the place with the loss of twenty lives. saivestro de' Salvcstro dc' Mcdlci acquired great reputa- tion by his temperate, but firm resistance of the tyranny of the nobles ^ who, in order to secure their power, accused those who opposed them of being attached to the party of the Ghibelines, then in great odium at Florence. The persons so accused were said to be admonished, ammo- nhi, and by that act were excluded from all offices of government. This custom was at length carried to such an extreme, as to become insuf- ferable. In the year 1379, Saivestro, being chosen It required some ingenuity to invalidate so strong a presumption of the ancient family profession, as arises from the name of Medici and the six pills borne as their device. ^ Jmm. 1st, Fior, i. 531. ; * Razzi vita di Saivestro de^ Medici, Fior. 1580. jimm. 1st, Fior. ii. 716, 717. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 13 chosen chief magistrate, exerted his power in chap. reforming this abuse ; which was not however i- effected without a violent commotion, in which several of the nobility lost their lives. After the death of Salvestro, his son, Veri de' Medici, continued to hold a high rank in the republick, and, like the rest of this family, was always in great favour with the populace. The person, however, who may be said to Giovanni de^ have laid the foundation of that greatness Vv hich his posterity enjoyed for several ages, was Giovanni de' Medici, the great grandfather of Lorenzo, the subject of our present history"'. By a strict attention to commerce, he acquired immense wealth ; by his affability, moderation, and liberality, he ensured the confidence and esteem of his fellow- citizens. Without seeking after the offices of the republick, he was honoured with them all. The maxims, which, uniformly pursued, raised the house of Medici to the splendour "^ Giovanni nacque nel 1360, ebbe permoglie Piccarda di Nannino di Odoardo Bueri nel 1386. Fu principle nella republica Fiorentina, Anibasciatore al Papa, a Ladislao, e a Venegia. Mori il di 20 di Febrajo del 1428. Origine e descendenza^ MS. VOL. I. G 14 THE LIFE OF CHAP, splendour which it afterwards enjoyed, are to ^' be found in the charge given by this venerable old man on his death-bed to his two sons, Cosmo and Lorenzo"; *' I feel ^""^ said he, '* that I ha'oe Ihed the time prescribed me, I die content ; leamng you^ my sons, in affluence and in health, and in such a station, that whilst you folloinj my example, you may live in your native place, honoured and respected. Nothing affords me more pleasure, than the reflection that my conduct has not given offence to any one ; hut that, on the contrary, I have endeavoured to serve all persons to the best of my abilities. I advise you to do the same. With respect to the honours of the state, if you would live with security, accept only such as are bestoived on you by the laws, and the favour of your fellow -citizens; for it is the exercise of that power vohich is obtained by violence, and not of that which is voluntarily given, that occa- sions hatred and contention.''^ He died in the year 1428, leaving two sons, Cosmo, born in the year 1389, and Lorenzo in 1394°, from the latter of whom is derived the collateral branch of the family, that in the beginning of the " Mac, 1st, Fior, lib, v. " Origme e descendenza, M,S, HH- LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 15 the sixteenth century obtained the absolute chap* sovereignty of Tuscany p. i. Even in the lifetime of his father, Cosmo ^°T. "^"^ ' Medici. had engaged himself deeply, not only in the extensive commerce by which the family had acquired its wealth, but in the weightier con- cerns of government. Such was his authority and reputation, that in the year 1414, when Balthasar P At the instance of the two brothers, Donatello the sculptor erected a monument to the memory of their father Giovanni de' Medici, and their mother Picarda, which yet remains in the church of S. Lorenzo at Flo- rence ; on one side of which is the following inscription : " Si merita in patriam, si gloria, sanguis, et omni " Larga manus, nigra libera morte forent, " Viveret heu ! patriae casta cum conjuge felix, " Auxilium miseris, portus et aura suis, " Omnia sed quando superantur morte, Johannes " Hoc mausoleo, tuque Picarda, jaces: " Ergo senex moeret, juvenis, puer, omnis et atas, " Orba parente suo patria moesta gemit." On the other side : " Cosmus et Laurentius de' Medicis, Viro clarissimo, " Johanni Averardi filio et Piccardae Adovardi filiac caris- " simis parentibus hoc sepulcrum faciendum curarunt. " Obiit autem Johannes x. Kal. Martii. mccccxxviii. " Pic card a vero xiii, Kal. Maii quinquennio post e vita " migravit." 16 THE LIFE OY CHAP. Balthasar Cossa, who had been elected pope, I- and had assumed the name of John XXIII. was summoned to attend the council of Constance, he chose to be accompanied by Cosmo de' Me- dici, amongst other men of eminence, whose characters might countenance his cause. By this council, which continued nearly four years, Balthasar was deprived of his pontifical dignity, and Otto Colonna, who took the name of Martin V. was elected pope. Divested of his authority, and pursued by his numerous adver- saries, Balthasar endeavoured to save himself by flight. Cosmo did not desert in adversity the man to whom he had attached himself in prosperity. At the expense of a large sum of money, he redeemed him from the hands of the duke of Bavaria, who had seized upon his person ; and afterwards gave him an hospitable shelter at Florence during the remainder of his life. Nor did the successful pontiff resent the kindness shewn to his rival ; on the contrary, he soon afterwards paid a publick visit to Florence, where, on the formal sub- mission of Balthasar, and at the request of the Medici, he created him a cardinal, with the privilege of taking the first place in the sacred college. The new-made cardinal did not long survive this honour. He died in the year 1419, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 17 1419^, and it was supposed, that the Medici chap. at his death possessed themselves of immense ^* riches, which he had acquired during his ponti- ficate'". This notion was afterwards encouraged, for malevolent purposes, by those who well knew its falsehood'. The true source of the wealth of the Medici, was their superiour talents and application to commerce. The property of "^Amm, 1st. Fior, 2, 985. ^ " Si crede che Cosmo de' Medici, del danaro di Bal- *' dassarre accrescesse in modo le sue facolta che fu poi " tenuto il piu ricco cittadino di Fiorenza, anzi che in " Italia, e fuori d'ltalia fosse." Platina in vita di Martina V. But this tale is confuted by Ammirato, who has cited the testament of Balthasar, by which it appears that he was doubtful whether his property would extend to pay the legacies he had bequeathed. To the altar of St. John the Baptist, he gave a finger of that saint^ which he had long carried secretly about his person. A7nm. 1st. Fior. 2. 1047. ^ The malice and virulence of Filelfo led him to accuse the Medici of having poisoned Balthasar, in order to obtain possession of his property ; but this is sufficiently refuted by the slightest acquaintance with the charac- ters of the accuser and the accused, to say nothing of the irrefragable testimony of Balthasar's will above referred to, of which Giovanni de' Medici was one of the trustees. 18 THE LIFE OF CHAP, of the cardinal was scarcely sufficient to dis- ^* charge his legacies and his debts. After the death of Giovanni de' Medici, Cosmo supported and increased the family dig* nity. His conduct was uniformly marked by urbanity and kindness to the superiour ranks of his fellow-citizens, and by a constant attention to the interests and the wants of the lower class, whom he relieved with unbounded generosity. By these means he acquired numerous and zealous partisans, of every denomination ; but he considered them rather as pledges for the continuance of the power he possessed, than as instruments to be employed in extending it to the ruin and subjugation of the state. " No ** family ^^^ says Voltaire *' e'uer obtained its ** power by so jtist a title ^.'^^ Inflaence of The authority which Cosmo and his descend- the Medici ants exercised in Florence during the fifteenth in Florence. "-' century, was of a very peculiar nature ; and consisted rather in a tacit influence on their part, and a voluntary acquiescence on that of the people, than in any prescribed or definite compact between them. The form of govern- ment * Essai sur les Maur$y istc, vol, \\»p, 282. Ato. ed* Gen, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 19 ment was ostensibly a republick, and was direc- chap. ted by a council of ten citizens, and a chief i« executive officer called the Gonfaloniere^ or standardbearer, who was chosen every two months. Under this establishment the citizens imagined they enjoyed the full exercise of their liberties ; but such was the power of the Medici, that they generally either assumed to themselves the first offices of the state, or nominated such persons as they thought proper to those employ- ments. In this, however, they paid great respect to popular opinion. That opposition of interests so generally apparent between the people and their rulers, was at this time scarcely perceived at Florence, where superiour qualifications and industry were the surest recommendations to publick authority and favour. Convinced of the benefits constantly received from this family, and satisfied that they could at any time withdraw themselves from a connection that exacted no engagements, and required only a temporary acquiescence, the Florentines considered the Medici as the fathers, and not as the rulers of the republick. On the other hand, the chiefs of this house, by appearing rather to decline than to court the honours bestowed on them, and by a singular moderation in the use of them when obtained, were careful to maintain the character of simple citizens of Florence, and servants 20 THE LIFE OF CHAP, servants of the state. An interchange of reci- J* procal good offices was the only tie by which the Florentines and the Medici were bound, and perhaps the long continuance of this connection may be attributed to the very circumstance of its being in the power of either of the parties, at any time, to have dissolved it. Cosmo seir- ed and impri- But the prudence and moderation of Cosmo, soned. though they soothed the jealous apprehensions of the Florentines, could not at all times repress the ambitious designs of those who wished to ii33. possess or to share his authority. In the year 1433'' Rinaldo de' Albizi, at the head of a powerful party, carried the appointment of the magistracy. At that time Cosmo had with- drawn to his seat at Mugello, where he had remained some months, in order to avoid the disturbances that he saw were likely to ensue ''; but " Jmm, 1st. Fior, 2. 1088. '' For some time before the close of the 14th century, it became a custom amongst the chiefs of this family, to keep private memorials of the circumstances attending it.- These memorials, or Ricordi, were begun by Filigno de' Medici, who in the year 1373 entered, in a book yet extant, and entitled " Mtizie clella famiglia de' Medici,'' some information respecting its wealth, population, and respectability. {Jp^iendix-, No. I.) Cosmo continued the LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 21 but at the request of his friends he returned to chap. Florence, where he was led to expect that an ^- union of the different parties would be effected, so as to preserve the peace of the city. In this expectation he was however disappointed. No sooner did he make his appearance in the pa- lace, where his presence had been requested, on pretence of his being intended to share in the administration of the republic!:, than he was seized upon by his adversaries, and committed to the custody of Federigo Malavolti. He re- mained in this situation for several days, in constant apprehension of some violence being offered to his person ; but he still more dreaded that the malice of his enemies might attempt his life by poison. During four days, a small portion of bread was the only food w^hich he thought proper to take. The generosity of his keeper at length re- is banished lieved him from this state of anxiety. In order to the practice, and in particular has left a very minute account of the circumstances attending his banishment and return, which greatly differs in many respects from the narrative of Machiavelli. {Afificndix^ No. II.) The Ricordi of Lorenzo also remain, and afford much indis- putable information on the principal events of his life. VOL. I. H 22 THE LIFE OF CHAP, to induce him to take his food with confidence, J' Malavolti partook of it with him'^. In the mean time, his brother Lorenzo, and his cousin Averardo, having raised a considerable body of men from Romagna and other neighbouring parts, and being joined by Niccolo Tolenthio, the commander of the troops of the republick, approached towards Florence to his relief; but the apprehensions that in case they resorted to open violence, the life of Cosmo might be en- dangered, induced them to abandon their enter- prise. At length Rinaldo and his adherents obtained a decree of the magistracy against the Medici and their friends, by which Cosmo was banished to Padua for ten years, Lorenzo to Venice for five years, and several of their re- lations and adherents were involved in a similar punish- w The address of Malavolti to Cosmo on this occasion, as related by Machiavelli, is full of kindness and huma- nity. " Tu dubiti Cosimo di non essere avvelenato, e " fai te morire di fame ; e poco honore a me, credendo " ch'io volessi tener le mani a una simile sceleratezza. *' lo non credi che tu habbi a perdere la vita, tanti amici ♦* hai in palagio, e fuori ; ma quando pure avessi a per- " derla, vivi sicuro che pigliaranno altri modi che usar ** me, per ministro a tortela : perche io non voglio brut- " tarmi le mani nel sangue d'alcuno, e massime del tuo " che non mi offendesti mai," &c. Mac, lat, Fior, lib, iv. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 23 punishment. Cosmo would gladly have left the chap. city pursuant to his sentence, but his enemies i- thought it more advisable to retain him till they had established their authority ; and they fre- quently gave him to understand, that if his friends raised any opposition to their measures, his life should answer it. He also suspected that another reason for his detention was to ruin him in his credit and circumstances ; his mercantile concerns being then greatly extend- ed. As soon as these disturbances were known, several of the states of Italy interfered in his be- half. Three ambassadours arrived from Venice, who proposed to take him under their protection, and to engage that he should strictly submit to the sentence imposed on him. The Marquis of Ferrara also gave a similar proof of his attach- ment. Though their interposition was not immediately successful, it was of great impor- tance to Cosmo, and secured him from the attempts of those who aimed at his life. After a confinement of near a month, some of his friends, finding in his adversaries a disposition to gentler measures, took occasion to forward his cause by the timely application of a sum of money to Bernardo Guadagni the Gonfaloniere, and to Mariotto Baldovinetti, two of the crea- tures of Rinaldo. This measure was successful. He was privately taken from his confinement bv 24 THE LITE or CHAP, by night, and led out of Florence. For this ^' piece of service Guadagni received one thousand florins, and Baldovinetti eight hundred. " They were poor souls ^^"^ says Cosmo in his Ricordi, " fo^ if money had been their object^ they might have had ten thousand, or more, to have freed pie from the perils of such a situation'^.'*'* r'esfdeltvt FroHi Florcuce, Cosmo proceeded imme- nice. diately tovi^ards Venice, and at every place through which he passed, experienced the most flattering attention, and the warmest expressions of regard. On his approach to that city he was met ^ Machiavelli ascribes the liberation of Cosmo to the interference and assistance of Fargonaccio, a buffoon, who was admitted by Malavolti to visit Cosmo during his co^fin^rnent, and was employed by him in negotiating ^ith the chiefs of the opposite faction for his deliverance. Varillas has ornamented the same story, according to his rnanner, with an infinite number of particulars. To judge from his narrative, this author might not only have been a contemporary, but intrusted with the most secret transactions of the negotiation, and the confidant of the most private thoughts of the parties concerned. Var, Mem, de Flor, /?. 9, &c. In the narrative that I have given I have thought proper to discard these dubious accounts, and to adhere to the authentick relation of Cosmo himself; who adverts to no such circumstance, but on the contrary expressly states by whose assistance the money was paid. v. Ricordi di Cosmo in Jpp, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 25 met by his brother Lorenzo, and many of chap, his friends, and was received by the senate with ^- such honours as are bestowed by that stately repubhck, only on persons of the highest quality and distinction. After a short stay there, he went to Padua, the place prescribed for his banishment ; but on an application to the Flo- rentine state, by Andrea Donato the Venetian ambassadour, he was permitted to reside on any part of the Venetian territories, but not to approach w^ithin the distance of one hundred and seventy miles from Florence. The aftec- tionate reception which he had met with at Venice induced him to fix his abode there, until a change of circumstances should restore him to his native country. Amongst the several learned and ingenious men that accompanied Cosmo in his banishment, or resorted to him during his stay at Venice, was Michellozzo Michellozzi, a Florentine sculptor and architect, whom Cosmo employed in making models and drawings of the most remarkable buildings in Venice, and also in forming a library in the monastery of St. George^, which he enriched with many valu- able Vasari Vitc de' Piltori^ voh u /u 339. JEd. Floi\ 156S. 26 THE LIFE OF CHAP, able manuscripts, and left as an honourable I' monument of his gratitude, to a place that had afforded him so kind an asylum in his adversity^. Ambrogio Durlug hls residence at Venice, Cosmo also received frequent visits from Ambrogio Traver- sari, a learned monk of Camaldoli near Florence ^, and afterwards superiour of the monastery at that ^ This library- existed till the year 1614, when in con- sequence of the monastery being rebuilt, it was destroyed, and the books it contained are supposed to have perished. Tiraboschi^ Storia della Letteratura ItaliavM^ vol, vi. parte i. p, 102. * Ambrogio was born in 1386, and was a native of Forli, but is usually ranked amongst the eminent men of Florence, where he was educated, and where he princi- pally resided. " In Firenze bensi fu educato Ambrogio : " In Firenze vest! I'abito monacale : In Firenze riposano '< le sue ossa ; e pero in tal qual modo puo Fiorentino " appellarsi." Zeno, Dissertazioni Vossiane^ vol, i. fi, 75, So complete was his knowledge of the Greek language, that in the council of Florence he acted as interpreter between the Italians and the Greeks. His translation of Diogenes Laertius, inscribed by him to Cosmo de' Me- dici, and first printed at Venice, by Nicolas Jenson, in 1475, has been several times reprinted. Traversari has had the good fortune to meet with a biographer and annotator in the learned Mehus, who has done justice to the subject, and made his life and writings the vehicle of LORENZO BE' MEDICI. 27 that place. Though chiefly confined within chap. the limits of a cloister, Traversari had, perhaps, ^' the best pretensions to the character of a polite scholar of any man of that age. From the letters of Traversari, now extant, we learn that Cosmo and his brother not only bore their misfortunes with firmness, but continued to express on every occasion an inviolable attach- ment to their native place ^. The readiness with which Cosmo had given cosmo is r^ way to the temporaiy clamour raised against b^\thmen'^ him, and the reluctance he had sheAvn to renew those bloody rencounters that had so often disgraced the streets of Florence, gained him new friends. The utmost exertions of his anta- gonists could not long prevent the choice of such magistrates as were known to be attached to the cause of the Medici ; and no sooner did they enter of much curious and useful information. It is only to be regretted that this extensive and valuable work is not better arranged. Amb, Traversarii Lat, jE/z, &c. 2 voLfo, Flor, 1759. ^ " Cosmus et Laurentius, fratres, viri amicissimi, " valent optim^ ; magnaque constant! a animi ferunt cala- " mitatem suam ; et, quod his majus est, eo adfectu in " patriam sunt ut illam majore constantia quam antea " diligant," &c. Trav. Efi, lib, viii. 53. 28 THE LIFE OF CHAP, enter on the execution of their office, tlian ^' Cosmo and his brother were recalled, and Rinaldo, with his adherents, were compelled to quit the city. This event took place about the expiration of twelve months from the time of Cosmo's banishment'. Encourages Yvom this timc the life of Cosmo de' Medici men ot learn- ing- was an almost uninterrupted series of prosperity. The tranquillity enjoyed by the republick, and the satisfaction and peace of mind which he experienced in the esteem and confidence of his fellow-citizens, enabled him to indulge his natu- ral propensity to the promotion of science, and the encouragement of learned men. The study of the Greek language had been introduced into Italy, principally by the exertions of the cele- brated ^ The attachment of the populace to the Medici is strikingly described by Poggio. " Itaque indicta populi " concione, quanta alacritate, Dii boni, quanta exulta- " tione, quanto gaudio, quanto studio, etiam infirmorum " concursus est ad Palatium factus, omnium xtatum^ " ordinum, nationum ! Nemo non solum civem se, sed ne " hominem quidem arbitrabatur, qui non huic causse " interesset, qui non manu, voce, vultus denique ac " gestus significatione faveret. Existimabant omnes non " de lua, scd de publica salute agi, non de privata unius " domo, sed de communi omnium causa certari." Fo^gii £/i. 340. Ed. Basil, 1538. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 29 brated Boccaccio"*, towards the latter part of the chap. preceding century, but on the death of that great ^* promoter of letters it again fell into neglect. After a short interval, another attempt was made to revive it by the intervention of Emanuel Chry- soloras, a noble Greek, who, during the interval of his important embassies, taught that language at Florence and other cities of Italy, about the beginning of the fifteenth century. His disciples were numerous and respectable. Amonsrst Leonardos ^ °^ and Carlo others of no inconsiderable note, were Ambrogio Aretino. Traversari, Leonardo Bruni% Carlo Marsup- pini, ^ Boccaccio is not only entitled to the honour of having introduced into Italy the study of the Greek language, but of having preserved and restored what constitutes Its greatest glory — The writings of Home.r — Thus he boasts of his meritorious labours : " Fui ^quidem ipse " insuper, qui primus meis sumptibus Homeri libros, " et alios quosdam gracos in Hetruriam revocavi, ex qua " multis ante sseculis abierant, non redituri. Nee in " Hetruriam tantum sed in patriam deduxi." jBocc. Genealogia Deorum^ lib, xv. cafi, 7. Ed, 1481. * The life of this eminent scholar and promoter of science is prefixed to his EpistoU^ published by Mehus in 2 vols, 8-yo. Flor. 1741. — Many particulars may also be found in the Dissert, Voss, of Zeno, He was born at Arezzo in 1370, " de honestis quidem sed non admodum " generosis parentibus." For several years he was one of the secretaries of the Roman court, but afterwards- fixed VOL. I. I 30 THE LIFE OF CHAP, pini*, the two latter of whom were natives I' of Arezzo, whence they took the name of Aretino, fixed his residence at Florence, where he held an office which had been long enjoyed only by men of the first character for learning and abilities, that of secretary to the republick. His history of Florence, written in Latin, was translated into Italian by Donato Acciajuoli, and pub- lished in Venice 1476. Flor. 1492. A considerable number of his works yet remain in MS. amongst which are many translations from the Greek. His Latin translation of the epistles of Plato is inscribed to Cosmo de' Medici, and as the dedication is illustrative of his character, and has not hitherto been printed, I shall give it in the Appen- dix, from a MS. copy of the fifteenth centurv. {Apjiendix, No. HL) ^ Carlo Marsuppini the elder succeeded his country- man Leonardo Bruni in the office of secretary to the republick of Florence. Whilst he held this employment, a circumstance occurred in some degree unfavourable to his reputation as a scholar. On the emperour*s arrival at Florence, it was the office of Carlo to address him in a Latin oration, which he required two days to prepare, jvnd by which he obtained no small share of applause : but Eneas Sylvius, the secretary to the emperour, and who afterwards became Pope Pius the H. having replied in the name of the emperour, and made some requisitions to the Florentines that demanded an extempore answer, Carlo requested time to prepare himself, and could not be induced to proceed. The interview was therefore concluded by Gianozzo Manetti, who, by the specimen he gave of his talents on this occasion, rose to great reputation amongst his countrymen. We LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 51 Aretino, Poggio Bracciolini, Guarino Veronese, chap. and Francesco Filelfo, who, after the death of J- Chrysoloras, m 1415, strenuously vied with each other in the support of Grecian literature, and were successful enough to keep the flame alive till it received new aid from other learned Greeks, who were driven from Constantinople by the dread of the Turks, or by the total over- throw of the eastern empire. To these illus- trious foreigners, as well as to those eminent Italians, who shortly became their successful rivals, We need not hesitate in attributing this event rather to an untimely diffidence, than to any want of talents in Carlo, as may be judged, not only from the numerous suffi-ages of his countrymen, but from his own works, some of which yet survive, although few have undergone the press. He is however improperly placed by Vossius amongst the Avriters of history, as Afiostolo Zeno has fully- shewn. The numerous errours of the Oltramontani in treating on the Literati of Italy ought to operate as a perpetual caution to those who follow them in so hazard- ous a track. Of his poetry, the only piece that has been printed is a translation of the Batrachomyomachia of Ho- mer, first published at Parma in 1492, and afterwards at Florence by Bernardo Zucchetti 1512, with this distich in the place of a title : " Accipe Mseonio cantatas carmine ranas, " Et frontem nugis solvere disce meis." 32 THE LIFE OF CHAP, rivals, even in the knowledge of their national ^' history and language, Cosmo afforded the nnost liberal protection and support. Of this the numerous productions inscribed to his name, or devoted to his praise, are an ample testimony^. In some of these he is commended for his attachment to his country, his liberality to his friends, his benevolence to all. He is denomi- nated the protector of the needy, the refuge of the oppressed, the constant patron and support of learned men. ** Tou bave sbew?i,^^ says Poggio'', '' such humanity and moderation hi dis- ^. pensing the gifts of for time ^ that they seem to haiae been rather the reward of your 'virtues and merits, than conceded by her bounty. Dcooted to the study of letters from your early years, you ha'^e by your example gi^en additional splendour to science itself Although iuDohed in the iveightier concerns of state, and unable to devote a great part of your time to books, yet you have found a constant satis- faction s To Cosmo de' Medici Argyropylus ?tddressed his translation of several tracts of Aristotle ; I.apo Castelli- onchio, his life of Themistocles from Plutarch ; and Be- nedetto Accolti, his dialogue " de viris illustribus." A great number of other learned works, inscribed to Cosmo, remain in the Laurentian library, and are particularly cited in the catalogue of Bandini. Flo7', 1774, &c. ^ Poggii cfiera,p, 312. Ld, BasiL 1538. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 33 faction in the society of those learned men who hmne chap. ah'oays frequented your house,'''' In enumerating ^- the men of eminence that distinguished the city of Florence, Flavio Blondo adverts in the first instance to Cosmo de' Medici^ " A citizen^ who, whilst he excels in wealth every other citizen of Europe, is rendered much more illustrious by his prudence, his humanity, his liberality, and what is more to our present purpose, by his knowledge of useful literature^ and particularly of history. ' ' That extreme avidity for the works of the Researches ancient writers which distinguished the early writings of part of the fifteenth century, announced the; '^'' ^"'"''"''• near approach of more enlightened times. Whatever were the causes that determined men of wealth and learning to exert themselves so strenuously in this pursuit, certain it is that their interference Vv'as of the highest importance to the interests of posterity ; and that if it had been much longer delayed, the loss \vould have been in a great degree irreparable ; such of the manuscripts as then existed, of the ancient Greek and Roman authors, being daily perish- ing in obscure corners, a prey to oblivion and neglect. It was therefore a circumstance pro- ductive * Jp» Tiraboachi, Storia deU.a Lett, ItaL v. vi. /?.!./;. 27 54 THE LIFE OF CHAP, ductivc of the happiest consequences, that the I' pursuits of the opulent were at this time di- rected rather towards the recovery of the works of the ancients, than to the encouragement of contemporary merit ; a fact that may serve in some degree to account for the dearth of ori- ginal literary productions during this interval. Induced by the rewards that invariably attended a successful inquiry, those men who possessed any considerable share of learning, devoted themselves to this occupation, and to such a degree of enthusiasm was it carried, that the discovery of an ancient manuscript was regarded as almost equivalent to the conquest of a king- dom. The history of the vicissitudes which the writings of the ancients have experienced, is little less than the history of literature itself, which has flourished or declined in proportion as they have been esteemed or neglected. A full and accurate detail of these circumstances, whilst it would be highly interesting to the scholar, would discharge in some degree the debt of gratitude due to those who have de- voted their labours and their fortunes to this important service. In relinquishing an inquiry too extensive for the nature of the present work, it may here be allowed to advert to such remains LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 35 t'emains of the ancient authors as were brought chap. to light during the period in question, by the i« munificence of Cosmo de' Medici, and the in- dustry of those who so earnestly seconded his endeavours. Of all the learned men of his time, Poggio^ poggio seems to have devoted himself the most particu- ^''*"'°^""- larly ^ This extraordinary man, whose -Nvritings throw con- siderable light on the history of the age, and whose Latin style pleases by its unaffected simplicity, was born in the year 1381, of the noble family of BracciGlini^ originally of Florence, and having spent his youth in travelling through different countries of Europe, settled at length at Rome. He remained in this city as secretary in the service of eight successive popes, till he was invited to Florence in the year 1452, being then upwards of seventy years of age, to succeed Carlo Marsuppini as secretary to the republick. After his return to Florence he began to write the history of that state, but dying before he had brought it to a conclusion, it was afterwards completed by his unfortunate son Giacopo. His numerous works have been several times reprinted ; the most general collection of them is that of Easily 1538. Of all his productions his Liber Facetiarum is the most singular. The gross indecency of some of his tales can only be equalled by the freedom in which he indulges himself respecting the priesthood. It is difficult to conceive hov/ he escaped in those times the resentment of that order; but we must remember that this Mork was produced- in the bosom of the 36 THE LIFE or CHAP, larly to this employment, and his exertions i» were crowned with ample success. The num- ber of manuscripts discovered by him in differ- ent parts of Europe, during the space of near fifty years, will remain a lastin,^ proof of his perseverance, and of his sagacity in these pur- suits. Whilst he attended the council of Con- stance in the year 1415, he took an opportunity of visiting the convent of S. Gallo, distant from that city about twenty miles, where he had been informed the church, and was probably an amusement for the learned leisure of prelates and of cardinals. In a short preface Poggio explains the motives that led him to this composition, and attempts to excuse its licentiousness. Although Poggio was an ecclesiastick, he had several children whom he openly acknowledged. His friend the cardinal of S. Angelo having remonstrated with him on the irregularity of his conduct, Poggio, in his reply, acknowledges his fault, but at the same time attempts to extinguish the glare of it in the general blaze of licen- tiousness that involved the age. His letter on this occasion affords a striking proof of the depravity of the times. {Pog-giij Hist, de varietate Fortunes^ Sec. /?. 207. Ed, Par* 1723.) He afterwards devested himself of his clerical character, and married a young and handsome wife ; in justification of which measure he thought it necessary to write a treatise, which he entitled " An seni sit uxor ducendu^'' and which he addressed to Cosmo de' Medici. This imjiortant dissertation yet remains, though it has not hitherto been printed. Zeno^ Diss, Voss, i, 36, &c. 37 infoi rued that it was probable he might find chap. some manuscripts of the ancient Roman writers. J* In this place he had the happiness to discover a complete copy of Quintilian, whose works had before appeared only in a mutilated and imper? feet state. At the same time he found the three first books, and part of the fourth, of the Argonautics of Valerius Flaccus. Some idea may be formed of the critical state of these works from the account that Poggio has left. Buried in the obscurity of a dark and lonely tower, covered with filth and rubbish, their destruction seemed inevitable^ Of this fortu* nate discovery he gave immediate notice to his friend Leonardo Aretino, who, by representing to him the importance and utility of his labours, stimulated him to fresh exertions. The letter addressed by Leonai'do to Poggio on this occa- sion is full of the highest commendations, and the most extravagant expressions of joy"". By his subsequent researches through France and Germany, 1 " Non in bibliothecfi ut eomm dignitas postulabat, " sed in teterrimo quodam et obscuro carcere, fundo '• scilicet unius turris, quo ne vita quidem damnati detru- " derentur. Fog: a/u Zenc, Diss, Foss, i. 44. "^ Leonardi Bruni Efi, lib, iv. Efi.o. VOL. I. K 38 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Germany, Poggio also recovered several of the ^' orations of Cicero". At that time only eight of the comedies of Plautus were known. The first complete copy of that author was brought to Rome at the instance of Poggio, by Nicholas of Treves, a German monk, from whom it was purchased by the cardinal Giordano Orsini, who was afterwards with great difficulty prevailed upon to suffer Poggio and his friends to copy it ; and even this favour would not have been granted without the warm interference of Lo- renzo, the brother of Cosmo de' Medici. The monk had flattered the Italian scholars that he also possessed a copy of the work of Aulus Gellius, and of the first book of Quintus Cur- tius ; but in this they were disappointed''. From a Latin elegy by Christ oforo Landino, on the death of Poggio, we are fully authorised to conclude, . that he also first discovered the beau- tiful and philosophick poem of Lucretius, that of Silius Italicus, and the valuable work of Colu- mellaP : and from a memorial yet existing in the " Trav, £p. v, i. firaf, p. 36. « Trav, Ep, v, i. prcpf. p. 40. 41. 43. P " Quin etiam, ut veterum erueret monimenta virorum, " Nee sineret turpem tot bona ferre situm, " Ausus MEDICI. 39 the hand-writing of Angelo Politiano, it appears chap. that the poems of Statins were brought into ^* Italy by the same indefatigable investigator. Ill the opinion of Politiano these poems were indeed inaccurate and defective, yet all the copies which he had seen were derived from this manu- script \ Poggio " Ausus barbaricos populos penitusque reposta " Poscere Lingonicis oppida celsa jugis. " lUius ergo manu nobis, doctissime Rhetor, " Integer in Latium, Qui?iffliane, redis ; " lUius atque manu, divina poemata Silt " ItaUci redeunt, usque legenda suis : '' Et ne nos lateat variorum cultus agrorum, " Ipse Columella grande reportat optas : " Et te, Lucreti^ Ion go post tempore, tandem *' Civibus et Patriae reddit habere tu3s. ■ " Tartareis potuit fratrem revocare tenebris " Alterna Polkix dum statione movet ; " Conjugis ac rursus nigras subitura lacunas " Euridice sequitur fila canora sui. u Poggius at sospes nigra e caligine tantos " Ducit ubi xternum lux sit aperta viros." Land. Eleg, afi. Band, Spec. Lit. Flor, vol, i, p, 93. 1 " Incidi in exemplar Statii Silvarum, quod ex GalUa ^ Poggius^ gailicd scriptum manu, in Italiam adtulerat ; " a quo videlicet uno, licet mendoso depravatoque, et " (ut arbitror) etiam dimidiato, reliqui omnes codice§ " qui sunt in manibus emanarunt." Pol, ap. Band. Cat, Bib. Laur. Pint, xxxii. Cod, 10, 40 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Poggio had once formed the fullest expecta- ^' tions of obtaining a copy of the Decades of Livy, which a monk had assured him he had seen in the Cistercian monastery of Sora, comprised in two volumes in large Lombard characters ^ He immediately wrote to a friend at Florence, requesting him to prevail on Cosmo de' Medici to direct his agent in that neigh- bourhood to repair to the monastery, and to purchase the work. Some time afterwards Poggio addressed himself to Lebnello de' Este, marquis of Ferrara, on the same subject, but apparently without any great hopes of success'. His attempts to recover the writings of Tacitus, were equally fruitless\ After long inquiry, he was convinced that no copy of that author existed in *■ " Duo sunt Tolumina magna, oblonga, Uteris Longo- " bardis in monasterio de Sora ordinis Cisterciensium « prope Roschild, ad duo milliaria Theutonica, quo " adiri potest a Lubich biduo amplius. Cura ergo ut <' Cosmus scribat quamprimum diligenter ad Gherardum « de Bueris, ut si opus sit, ipse eo se conferat, imo ** omnino se conferat ad monasterium, nam si hoc verum « est, triumphandum erit de Dacis." Poggii Eiu afi. Trav. Efi. xk i, prc^f,^!, ^&. s Poggius da Var. For, p, 215. t Trav, Efi, v, i. prxf, {i, 47. ^ LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 41 in Germany; yet at the distance of nearly a chap. century, the five books of his history were !■ brought from thence to Rome, and presented to Leo X. In prosecution of his favourite ob- ject, Poggio extended his researches into Eng- land, where he resided some time with the cardinal bishop of Winchester" ; and from whence he transmitted to Italy the Bucolicks of Calphurnius, and a part of the works of Petronius\ The researches of Guarino Veronese^'', of Giovanni Aurispa, and of Francesco Filelfo were " Poggio has given a picture of the English nobiiity somewhat different from that of the present times— " Hos (Gallos) Britanni sequuntur, Angli hodie voci- •^ tati, qui nobiles in civitatibus morari ignominiaj loco " putant, rura, sylvis ac pascuis seclusa inliabitant ; " nobiliorem ex censu judicant ; rem rusticam curant, " vendentes lanam et armentorum fcetus ; neque turpe " er.istimant admisceri qu^estui rusticano." Foggius de A^obilitate^ in Op, Bas. 1538.//. 69. ^ At least there is reason to conjecture so, from a passage in a letter from Poggio to Niccolo Niccoli : '' Mittas ad me oro Bucolicam Calphurnii et partiuncu- 1am Petronii quas misi tibi ex Britannia," Sec. Trav. E/i, 7'. i. p^-acf. /i, 29. ^"^ Many particulars respecting Guarino may be col- lected from the poems of his pupil Janus Pannonius, printed 42 THE LIFE OF C H AP. I. Guarino Veronese Giovanni Aurispa. were directed towards another quarter. For the purpose of procuring ancient manuscripts, and of acquiring a competent knowledge of the Greek language, they visited Constantinople and other parts of the east, where their perse- verance was repaid by the acquisition of many valuable works. Guarino on his return to Italy was shipwrecked, and unfortunately for himself and the world, lost his treasures. So pungent was his grief upon this occasion, that if we may believe the relation of one of his countrymen, his hair became suddenly white''. Aurispa was more successful ; he arrived at Venice in the year 1423, with two hundred and thirty-eight manuscripts, amongst which were all the works of printed at Basil by Frobenius, in 1518, and which are possessed of considerable merit. Of these poems a new and improved edition was published at Utrecht in 1784, in 2 vols. Svo. Guarino was born in 1370, and was the first native Italian who publickly taught Ihe Greek tongue in Italy. He is, however, more celebrated as a pre- ceptor than as an author. Almost all the learned men of the fifteenth century have profited by his instructions, but his diction is considered by Cortesi as harsh and ine- legant. Cort, de horn, doctis. Flor, 1734. ^ Pontico Virunio, Scrittore dei primi anni del secolo xvi. Aji, Tirab, Storia ddla Lett, ItaL v, vi. fi 1. //. 89. LORENZO D£^ MEDICI. 43 of Plato, of Proclus, of Plotinus, of Lucian, of c h ap. XerxOphon, the histories of Arrian, of Dio, and i» of Diociorus Siciilus, the geography of Strabo, the poems of Callimachus, of Pindar, of Op- pian, and those attributed to Orpheus. In one of his epistles to Traversari, many other works are particularly enumerated, some of which are not at present known, and have jnost probably perished^. The large sums of money which Aurispa had expended in purchasing so consi- derable a number of books, and the charges of conveying them to Venice, had exhausted his finances, and he was obliged to apply to Tra- versari to procure him the sum of fifty florins to relieve him from his embarrassments. This was readily supplied by Cosmo de' Medici and his brother Lorenzo, to whom Aurispa expresses his obligations with great warmth, and apparent sincerity'. Filelfo y AiLrispie Efi, in Epistolis Amb, Trav. lib, xxiv. Ep, 53. 2 " Volui ego Cosmo et Laurentio pro tot eorum erga " me beneficiis gratias agere in Epistolis quas ad eos " scribo, sed non, poteram calamo prosequi quantum " eis obligari videor. Quamobrem id officium lingux " tua reliqui." Aurispa Ep» in Trav, Epistolis, lib, xxiv. Ep, 57. 44 fiiE LIFE or ' CHAP. Filelfo was about twenty years of age when J' he undertook his expedition to Constantinople, ' Francesco wheFC he remained about seven years, and mar- Filelfo. , '' ried the daughter of the noble and learned John , Chrysoloras. In the year 1427 he returned to ] Italy with a great number of manuscripts which he had collected ; and made a conspicuous figure I amongst the literati there during the chief part i of the fifteenth century, having been succes- ! sively engaged as professor of different branches ; of science, at most of the universities and semi- ! naries of education throughout that country. ' With all his learning, Filelfo had not acquired ; the art of controlling his own temper, which was in a high degree petulant, suspicious, and arrogant. His whole life was passed in quarrels ! and dissentions. At some times he narrowly \ escaped the publick punishment due to his ex- cesses ; at others, the effects of the private resentment of those whom he had offended. He was even accused of having conspired against the life of Cosmo de' Medici, and of having engaged a Greek assassin to murder him. Their disagreement seems to have taken place ! during the exile of Cosmo at Venice. Amongst ] the letters of Filelfo there are some to Cosmo, in which he falls greatly short of the respect which he owed him for his patronage ; and , wherein LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 45 wherein he inveighs with much rancour against chap. Niccolo Niccoli and Carlo Aretino, the parti- i- cular friends of Cosmos From several of these letters he appears to have had frequent appre- hensions of assassination ; and even affects to accuse Cosmo of favouring the attempt^. How much ^ Nicolaum Nicolum nosti ; hie loquacior est, et levior ; at Carolus Aretinus, ut est versuto occultoque ingenio, et eo plane improbo, ita mihi maxime inimicus. Is apud Medices plurimum potest. And the character he gives of Cosmo in a letter to the Cardinal of Bologna, dated 1432, is sufficiently invidious : " Cosmus quamquam vide- " tur amantissimus mei, ejusmodi tamen virum esse " animadverto qui et simuletetdissimulet omnia. Estque *' usque adeo taciturnus ut ne ab intimis quidem fami- " liaribus ac domesticis queat intelligi." PhiL Eju p, 18, 19. Ed, 1501. ^ By a letter of Filelfo to Lapo Castellionchio, which came to the sight of Ambrogio Traversari, it appeared that he expressed himself in terms of resentment against both Traversari and Cosmo de' Medici. Traversari upbraid- ed him with his duplicity, and Filelfo attempted to justify it by accusing Cosmo, in his reply, of a design on his life. " De Cosmi Medices in me animo nihil est quod minus " credam. Nam quam me sit exosus jam pridem expertus " sum. Istius in me benevolentiam Philippus sicarius " declaret — itaque de reconcilianda gratia mihi posthac " verbum nullum facito. Sicis ipse venenisque utatur. " Ego autem ingenio et calamo." PhiL Efu p. 26. VOL, I. L 46 THE LIFE OF .^ CHAP, much Cosmo was superiour to such imputations, i ^' appeared in the moderation of his conduct, which at length overcame even the arrogance ; and resentment of Filelfo himself; who lived ; to receive innumerable favours from him and i his descendants ; and died at Florence in the 1 year 1481, in the eighty- third year of his age. i The productions of Filelfo are very nume- ! rous, and in almost every branch of literature^ , His industry in collecting manuscripts was however of more indisputable service to the j cause of learning. Of the particular works \ brought by him into Italy he has not left a very ; explicit account, but it appears that he had : sent a considerable number to his friend Leo- \ nardo Giustiniani at Venice, from whom he | found some difficulty in obtaining them after his i return. The letters of Filelfo contain indeed | innumerable ; ^ A very extensive catalogue of them may be fomid in the Dissert, Voss, of Apostolo Zeno. The character of Filelfo is well given by Paolo Cortesi (De horn, doctis, ju 32, J " Habebat a natura ingenium vagiim, multiplex, " volubile. Exstant ab eo scripta, et poemata, et orationes ; " sed ut vita, sic erat in toto genere varius. Erat vendi- " bilis sane scriptor, et is, qui opes, quam scribendi " laiidem consequi malebat." LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 47 i ■; ! iiinumerable complaints of the injustice of his c h a p. ! friends, in withholding the books which he had !« lent for their use, or intrusted to their care. Per- \ haps, says Tiraboschi, they acted upon the same principle as the enthusiasts of the darker ages, , who considered the stealing the relicks of a saint, " not as a theft, but as a pious and meritorious i act. Such was the high estimation in which I these works were held, that a manuscript of the j history of Livy, sent by Cosmo de' Medici to Alfonso king of Naples, with whom he was at variance, conciliated the breach between them, \ and although the king's physicians insinuated ' that the book was probably poisoned, Alfonso \ disregarded their suspicions, and began with I great pleasure the perusal of the work. i In the year 1438, a general council was held Fj^encef by Eugenius IV. at Ferrara, for the purpose of settling some contested points, both of doctrine \ and discipline, between the Greek and Roman churches, preparatory to their proposed union ; but the plague having made its appearance at 7^. that place, the council was in the following year | transferred to Florence. On this occasion, not only the pope and several of his cardinals, the \ Greek patriarch and his metropolitans, but the i emperour of the east, John Paleologus, attended in 48 THE LIFE OF CHAP, in person. Shortly before their arrival, Cosmo !• had been invested a second time with the office of Gonfalonier e, and the reception that he gave to these illustrious visiters, whilst it was highly honourable to his guests, was extremely grati- fying to the citizens of Florence, who were as remarkable for the magnificence of their publick exhibitions, as for their moderation and frugality in private life. As the questions agitated at this council would not admit of illustration from reasoning, and could only be argued from authority, the longer the dispute continued, the more were the parties at variance ; but the v^ critical situation of the eastern empire, then closely attacked by the Turks, and the expec- tations which the emperour had formed of procu- ring succours from the pope, and from other European princes, reconciled what the efforts of the schoolmen had only served to perplex. The proposed union accordingly took place ; and the pope was acknowledged by the whole as- sembly as the legitimate successour of St. Peter. Little advantage was however derived by either of the parties from this remarkable transaction. The emperour was disappointed in his expecta- tions of support, and with respect to the supre- macy of the Roman church over the Greek, the ecclesiasticks of the latter refused to obey the decree ; LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 49 decree ; and even many, who had been present chap. and signed it at the council, publickly retracted ^' at Constantinople^. For the purpose of conducting these impor- Revival of tant debates, each of the parties had selected six philosophy. disputants, eminent for their rank and learning. Amongst those chosen on the part of the Greeks, was Gemisthus Pletho, who was then at a very advanced period of a life which had been devoted to the study of the Platonick philosophy ^ As often as his publick avocations afforded him ah opportunity, he employed himself in the propa- gation of his opinions, which were not only new to the scholars of Italy, but were greatly at variance Vvith those doctrines which had long obtained an uninterrupted ascendency in all the publick schools and seminaries of learning. So powerful ^ A full and interesting account of the visit of the Greek emperour to Italy, and of the proceedings and con- sequences of the council of Florence, may be found in Gibbon's History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, c. 66. ^ Pletho, though living in 1439, had been the pre- ceptor of Emanuel Chrysoloras, the great promoter of Grecian literature in Italy, whom he however long sur- vived, having lived to the extended age of one hundred years. Hodius de Gr VOL. I* O 70 THE LIFE OP CHAP, well in verse as in prose, inscribed to him on I- different occasions, were, after his death, col- lected together by Bartolomeo Scala, and are yet preserved in the Laurentian Library, under the name of Collectiones Cosmiana^, But reception for poor and inRrm pilgrims, in which it seems lie had to contend with the prejudices of the Saracens. " Domini tu sancta sepulchra, " Qua; sunt Jerusalem condecorasse paras, " Magna parat Cosmus, sed tu, Saladine, recusas, O rapiant sensus, ista negata, tucs." In the second book Avogradi recounts, in similar language, the magnificence of the palaces and other buildings erected by Cosmo for secular purposes. ^ Plut. liv. Cod. 10. This manuscript consists of seventy-two distinct pieces composing a large volume in quarto, with the portrait of Cosmo prefixed to the work, which is also preceded by the following short introductory epistle from Scala to Lorenzo de' Medici : " Bart. Scala, Laurentio Medici, urbis spei, S. D. " Collegi, Laurenti charissime, scripta compluria et " omnia fere in quce manus inciderunt, ubi nomen Cosmi " Avi tui, Patris hujus urbis legeretur. Ea^edegi in '' volumen, quod mitto nunc ad te. Velim ut tantum '' otii subtrahas maximis tuis occupationibus, ut mira et ^' legendi et intelligendi divini ingenii tui solertia omnia " percurras ; et si tibi videbuntur digna quns legantur " ab hominibus, alicui ex bibliothecis Cosmi utinserantur " curabis. Vale." Antonio Beccatelli LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 71 But perhaps the most extraordinary -produc- chap. lion that solicited the patronage of Cosmo, was i- the Hermaphroditiis of Antonio Beccatelli, or, as he is usually called from Palermo, the place of his birth, Antonio Panhormita^. When the respectability and situation of Beccatelli are con- sidered, our surprise must be excited on finding him the avowed author of a production so grossly indecent as the Hermaphroditus ; when we >' Beccatelli was born of a respectable family, in 139-4, and was for some years a publick professor of liistory and letters at Pavia, where he enjoyed the protection of Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan, and a salary of eight hundred gold crowns. After having received the laurel by the favour of the emperour Sigismund, he went to the court of Alfonso, king of Naples, in whose employ he passed the remainder of his days, honoured with tlie office of his secretary and counsellor, and the constant compa- nion both of his studies and his military expeditions. His " Dictx,. et facta Alphonsi Regis Arrogonia" in four books, w^ere commented on by Eneas Sylvius (Pope Pius II.) and have been frequently printed. His epistles and orations were published at Venice in 1553. His Hcrmajihroditus is divided into two books, containing short epigrammatick poems on a variety of subjects. Some of the least exceptionable may be found at the end of his " EjdsfoLt et Orationes^'' (Ven, 1553); and others in the " Carmina illustrium Poetarum Italorum,'" fFoLiu/i, 109.) The remainder have been strictly confined within the limits of the Laurentian Library. 72 THE LIFE OF CHAP, we advert to the age and character of Cosmo ^^ de^ Medici, it is no less extraordinary that he should be the patron to whom it is in- scribed, Beccatelli did not however escape without reprehension, for thus indul,^ing, at an advanced age, a pruriency of imagination not excusable at any time of life. Amongst others, Filelfo and Lorenzo Valla exclaimed against his licen- tiousness. Invectives against the author were likewise poured out from the pulpit, and he was burnt in effigy at Ferrara, and afterwards at Milan. Valla had the charity to hope, that the third time the author might be burnt in hi§ proper person^. Even Poggio, who in his Facetice liad not confined himself within the strict limits of decorum, thought it necessary to ^ " Declaniarono contra di esso, insino dal pulpito, *' Bernardino da Sicna^ e Roberto da Lecce, che in Bologna, >^ in Ferrara, e in Milano lo fecero abbrucciare nelle pub^ *' bliche piazze. Se dobbiam credere al Valla (In Facium " Jnveet, ll» p), 543, Ed, Basil, 1540.) Non solo due volte " fu abbi'uciato il librp, ma il ritratto ancora del Panor^ " mita : Certe bis in celeberrimis Italids locis^primum Ferra- i« ria cuin Papa Synodo adesset, iterum Medlolani omnium ^* populorumfrequentia inspecta .temper imaginem chartaceam '^* crematiis est, Tcrtio per se ipsum cremandus ut spero,'' • Zeno Disserts Voss, v, up, 316. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 73 to remonstrate with his friend Beccatelli on the chap. indecency of his work, though he highly com- ^' mends its elegance and latinity^. Beccatelli attempted to excuse his performance by the authority of the aneient Greek and Roman writers, but his reply may be considered rather as a repetition than as a justification of his offence^. On the contrary, there were men of known talents who expressed their thorough approbation of this performance. A commen- datory epistle of Guarino Veronese, is prefixed to the manuscript copy of it in the Laurentian Library, ^ " Delectatus sum mehercle, varietate rerum, et " elegantia versuum, simulque admiratus sum res adeo " impudicas, adeo ineptas, tam venuste, tam composite " a te dici : atque ita multa expri,mi turpiuscula, ut non " enarrari, sed agi videantur ; nee ficta a te jocandi " causa, ut existimo, sed acta extiraiari possint. Laudo *^ ego doctrinami tuam, jocunditatem carminis, jocos ac « sales, tibique gratias ago pro portiuncula mea, qui " latinas musas, quie jamdudum nimium dormierunt a " somno excitas. Pro charitate tamen, qua omnibus " debitores sumus, unum est quod te monere et debeo et *^ volo, ut scilicet deinceps graviora quxdam mediteris." — *' Scis enim non licere idem nobis, qui Christiani sumus, •" quod olim poetis qui deum ignorabant." Fog-gii 0/u Ed, Bas. /u 49. ^ Beccatelli Ejmt, lib, 4. p, 80. 74 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Library, in which he defends Beccatclli, by al I* leging the example of St. Jerome. Literary Quarrels. Bessarlon and George ofTrebi- sond. One of the most striking, though not the most pleasing features, in the history of the fifteenth century, is exhibited in the frequent and violent dissensions which occurred amongst the most distinguished scholars of the time. In some instances these disputes arose between the chiefs of the two leading sects of philosophy ; whilst in others the contest was more personal, and originated in the high opinion entertained by the disputants of their own respective merits. The controversy between cardinal Bessarion and George Trapezuntius, or of Trebisond, was of the former kind. A Greek by birth, Bessarion had early imbibed the doctrines of Plato. Hav- ing attained the dignity of Bishop of Nice, he attended in his publick capacity the council of Florence, and was one of the disputants on the part of the Greeks. Whether Bessarion was alarmed at the disorderly state of his own coun- try, or whether he found himself influenced by the arguments of his opponent, is uncertain ; but soon after his return to Constantinople, he paid another visit to Italy, where he passed the remainder of his days. His learning and his integrity recommended him to Eugenius IV. who LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 75 who in the year 1439 honoured him with the chap. purple ; and it has been said, that a mistake ^' made by his secretary prevented him from obtaining the pontifical dignity ; but the futility of this tale of Jovius has been sufficiently ex- posed by Hody''. That he had nearly arrived at that honour is however certain ; and his more fortunate competitor Pius II. endeavoured to console him for his disappointment, by bestow- ing upon him the empty title of Patriarch of Constantinople. In the year 1468, Bessarion gave a striking proof of his munificence and love of literature, by presenting his very valuable col- lection of Greek and Latin manuscripts to the state of Venice, to be deposited in the church of St. Mai'k. His letter to the senate on this occa- sion, gives us a most favourable idea of his temper and character''. George, though called of Trebisond, was a Cretan by birth, who, after having taught in different parts of Italy, was at length called to Rome by Nicholas V. and nomi- nated one of the apostolick secretaries. His arro- gant and haughty temper soon offended the pope, and he was compelled to spend the remainder ^ Hodius de Gracis illustribus, Lond. 1742, p, 146. It is however related by Mr. Gibbon, b. xii. c. 66. ^ Lettere di Principi^ v, i. fi, 2. 76 THE LtFE or CHAP, remainder of his days in seeking a precarious I' subsistence in different parts of Greece and Italy. The dispute between him and Bessarion was occasioned by Theodore Gaza^ who pub-- lished a treatise against the Platonick philosophy^ and in commendation of the opinions of Ari- stotle y to which Bessarion opposed a temperate and well -written reply. Gaza, overpowered by the arguments, or the authority of his adversary, declined any further controversy ; but George of Trebisond boldly came forward to the relief of the declining cause of Aristotle, and in several invectives against the Platonists, endeavoured to throw an odium on their doctrines and their morals ; insomuch, that there is scarcely a crime with which he hesitates to charge them, or a publick calamity which he does not ascribe to the prevalence of their system. This attack again called forth Bessarion, who, in his treatise '^ In Calumniator em Platonis^^^"^ is considered as hav- ing obtained a complete victory over his opponent. Other learned Greeks then in Italy joined in the debate. The Italians were indeed silent spec- tators of the controversy ; but the eloquence of Bessarion, and the example and patronage of the Medici, ^ First printed by Sweynheim and Fannartz at Rome about 1470, and several times afterwards, particularly by Aldus in 15 16. MEDICI. 77 Medici, overpowered the partisans of Aristotle, chap. and the Platonick academy instituted by Cosmo, . ^' acquired additional strength, till by the coun- tenance and support of his grandson Lorenzo, it arrived at its highest pitch of eminence. A debate of this nature, on an important poggioand subject, if kept within the bounds of decorum, ^'^'^^°* affects not the disputants with any degree of opprobrium, except so far as it may attach to the erroneousness of their opinions, or the futi- lity of their arguments : but this applies not to the other kind of controversy to which I have before alluded, and of which the age in question produced frequent instances. The turbulent and vindictive temper of Filelfo has already been animadverted on. Unwearied in soliciting the favours of the great, he often extorted promises which were never meant to be performed, but the breach of which infallibly brought down the weight of his resentment. Almost all the sove- reigns of Italy were successively the subject of his indecent satire, or his exaggerated complaints. He did not however escape without full retribu- tion for the abuse which he so liberally dealt around him. In Poggio he met with an antago- nist, that, if possible, exceeded him in rancour and scurrility. Their dispute commenced in an attack made by Filelfo on the character of VOL. I. p Niccolo • 76 THE LIFE OF c Bt A P. Niccolo Niccoli, which, if we give credit even 3^« to his friend Leonardo Aretino, was not per- fectly immaculate^. This gave occasion to the inniecthc^ of Poggio against Filelfo. If we for a moment suppose there could have been the slightest foundation for the charges exhibited against Filelfo in these pieces, he must have been a monster of depravity. After reproach- ing him with the meanness of his birth, Poggio pursues his track from place to place, success- ively accusing him of fraud, ingratitude, theft, adultery, and yet more scandalous crimes. The voyage of Fildfo to Constantinople was undertaken to shelter himself from punish- ment. The kindness of Chrysoloras, who re- ceived him destitute and friendless into his house, he repaid by debauching his daughter, whom Chrysoloras was therefore obliged to bestow upon him in marriage. Not satisfied with serious invective, Poggio has also intro- duced his adversary in his Facetice ; and Filelfo will long be remembered as the original Hans Carvel of Prior, and La Fontaine^. The con- tentions ^ For a curious instance of this, see Leonardi Aretini^ Efu tom» ii. /:. 17. s Mr. Warton (Essay on Pope^ v, ii. /?. 68.) traces the genealogy of this cimous tale from Poggio to Rabelais, " Who," LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 79 tentions of Poggio with Lorenzo Valla were chap. caiTied on with an equal degree of rancour and ^' licentiousness ; and even his debate with Gua- rino Veronese on the comparative excellence of Scipio and Julius Cesar, was sufficiently acri- monious. By these quarrels the learned were divided into factions, and Leonardo Aretino, Poggio, Niccolo Niccoli, and Beccatelli, were opposed to Valla, Niccolo Perotti, and others ; but the leaders of these parties often disagreed , amongst themselves, and scrupled not at times to accuse each other of the most scandalous enormities. As these imputations were, how- ever, attended by no very serious consequences, charity " Who," says he, " inserted it in his eighth book, and " thirty-third chapter ; it was afternvards related in a *' book called the Hundred JVovels, Ariosto finishes his " fifth satire with it. Malespini also made use of it. " Fontaine, who imagined Rabelais to be the inventer of " it, was the sixth author who delivered it, as our Prior " was the last, though perhaps not the least spirited." — Mr. Warton had this information from the Menagiana ; but he has mistaken his authority, in placing the writings of Rabelais before the well-known work of the Cent JVbuveiles JVbuvelles, which is more ^ncient by nearly a century. Even Ariosto was prior to Rabelais, who was only the fourth amongst these Hogs of Westfihaly, Of this Menage was well aware. Menag, u 369. 80 THE LIFE OF CHAP, charity would lead us to conclude that they ^' were mutually understood to be rather contests of skill between these literary gladiators, than proofs of real criminality in their respective antagonists. The life of a scholar is seldom stained by atrocious crimes ; but that almost all the learned men of the age should have dis- graced themselves by so shameless a degree of moral turpitude, is surely a supposition beyond the bounds of credibility. Death and Cosmo uow approachcd the period of his chai'acter of , Cosmo de* mortal existence, but the faculties of his mind yet remained unimpaired. About twenty days before his death, when his strength was visibly on the decline, he entered into conversation with Ficino, and, whilst the faint beams of a setting sun seemed to accord with his situation and his feelings, began to lament the miseries of life, and the imperfections inseparable from human nature. — As he continued his discourse, his sentiments and his views became more ele- vated ; and from bewailing the lot of humanity, he began to exult in the prospect of that happier state towards which he felt himself approaching. Ficino replied by citing corresponding senti- ments from the Athenian sages, and particularly from Xenocrates ; and the last task imposed by Cosmo LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 81 Cosmo on his philosophick attendant, waste chap. translate from the Greek the treatise of that !» author on death ^. Having prepared his mind to wait with composure the awful event, his next concern was the welfare of his surviving family, to whom he was desirous of imparting, in a solemn manner, the result of the experience of a long and active life. Calling into his cham- ber his wife Contessina and his son Piero, he entered into a narrative of all his publick trans- actions ; he gave a full account of his extensive mercantile connexions, and adverted to the state of his domestick concerns. To Piero he recom- mended a strict attention to the education of his sons, of w^hose promising talents he expressed his hopes and his approbation. He requested that his funeral might be conducted with as much privacy as possible, and concluded his paternal exhortations with declaring his willing- ness to submit to the disposal of Providence whenever he should be called upon. These admonitions were not lost on Piero, who com- municated by letter to Lorenzo and Giuliano the '^ This information we derive from the introduction of Ficino to his translation of that work, inserted in the Collectiones Cosmiana, g2 THE LIFE OF CHAP, the impression which they had made upon his I. own mind^ At the same time, sensible of his own infirmities, he exhorted them to consider themselves not as children, but as men, seeing that circumstances rendered it necessary to put their abilities to an early proof. A physician^ says Piero, is hourly expected to arrhe from Milariy but^ for my o%vn part, I place my confi- dence in God, Either the physician did not arrive, or Piero's distrust of him was well founded, for, about six days afterwards, being the first day of August 1464, Cosmo died, at the age of seventy-five years, deeply lamented by a great majority of the citizens of Florence, whom he had firmly attached to his interest, and who feared for the safety of the city from the dissensions that were likely to ensue''. The ^ This letter yet remains, and gives us a very interest- ing account of the conduct of Coslno shortly before his death. I have therefore inserted it in the Appendix, from the collection of Fabroni. App, Ao. V. ^ In the Ricordi of Piero de' Medici is a particular account of the death of his father, a character of whom is there given, drawn with great truth and simplicity by the hand of filial affection. It is with pleasure I illus- trate my work with these authentick documents. The family of the Medici thus become their own historians. Jpfi. Ao. VL LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 83 The character of Cosmo de' Medici exhibits chap. a combination of virtues and endowments rarely !» to be found united in the same person. If in his publick works he was remarkable for his magnificence, he was no less conspicuous for his prudence in private life. Whilst in the cha- racter of chief of the Florentine republick, he supported a constant intercourse with the sove- reigns of Europe, his conduct in Florence was devested of all ostentation, and neither in his retinue, his friendships, or his conversation, could he be distinguished from any other respect- able citizen. He well knew the jealous temper of the Florentines, and preferred the real enjoy- ment of authority, to that open assumption of it, which could only have been regarded as a perpetual insult, by those whom he permitted to gratify their own pride, in the reflection that they were the equals of Cosmo de' Medici. In affording protection to the arts of archi- tecture, painting, and sculpture, which then began to revive in Italy, Cosmo set the great example to those who, by their rank, and their riches, could alone afford them effectual aid. The countenance shewn by him to those arts, was not of that kind which their professors generally experience from the great ; it was not conceded as a bounty, nor received as a favour ; but 84 THE LIFE OF CHAP, but appeared in the friendship and equality that i» subsisted between the artist and his patron ^ In the erection of the numerous publick buildings in which Cosmo expended incredible sums of money, he principally availed himself of the assistance of Michellozzo Michellozzi and Fi- lippo Brunelleschi ; the first of whom was a man of talents, the latter of genius"'. Soon after his return from banishment, Cosmo en- gaged these two artists to form the plan of a mansion for his own residence. Brunelleschi gave ^ Of this nature was the intercourse between Cosmo and Donatello. The treasures of the citizen were ap- plied, under the direction of the sculptor, in the acqui- sition of the most beautiful specimens of ancient art. Donatello survived his patron ; but Cosmo on his death recommended him to the attention of Piero his son, who amply provided for the wants of his age. Donatello died in 1466, and was buried in the church of S. Lorenzo, adjoining to the sepulchre of Cosmo, according to his own directions, for which he alleged as a reason, that as his soul had always been with Cosmo whilst living, so he desired their bodies might be near each other when dead. "^ Before the time of Brunelleschi, the Italians had imitated in their publick buildings the Gothick structures of their German neighbours. He was the first who at- tempted to restore the Grecian orders of architecture, and under his control this important branch of art attained a degree of perfection which it had not known froni the times of the ancients. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 85 gave scope to his invention, and produced the chap. design of a palace which might have suited the ^' proudest sovereign in Europe ; but Cosmo was led by that prudence which, in his personal accommodation, regulated all his conduct, to prefer the plan of Michellozzi, which united extent with simplicity, and elegance with con- venience". With the consciousness, Brunel- leschi possessed also the irritability of genius, and in a lit of vexation he destroyed a design which he unjustly considered as disgraced by its not being carried into execution". Having com- pleted " This venerable edifice is now the residence of the noble family of Riccardi, who, in the year 1659, pur- chased it from the grand duke Ferdinand II. Under the auspices of its present owner, the marquis Riccardi, whose extensive collection of manuscripts and antiquitic is open to publick inspection, this mansion yet emulates its ancient glory. In the year 1715 an inscription was placed in one of the fagades of the inner court, which will be found in the Appendix, No. VII. ° Cosmo had employed Brunelleschi in completing the church of S. Lorenzo, and in erecting the church and monastery of S. Bartolomeo, and acknowledged him, on a.11 occasions, as the first architect of his time. After his death Cosmo also raised a monument to his memory. V. Fab, in vita Cos, v, i. /i, 1 55. VOL. I, (^ 86 THE LIFE OF c H AP. pleted his dwelling, Cosmo indulged his taste I* in ornamenting it with the most precious remains of ancient art, and in the purchase of vases, statues, busts, gems, and medals, expended no inconsiderable sum. Nor was he less attentive to the merits of those artists which his native place had recently produced. With Masaccio a better style of painting had arisen, and the cold and formal manner of Giotto and his dis- ciples had given way to more natural and ex- pressive composition. In Cosmo de' Medici this rising artist found his most liberal patron and protector. Some of the works of Masaccio were executed in the chapel of the Brancacci, where they were held in such estimation, that the place was regarded as a school of study by the most eminent artists who immediately succeeded him. Even the celebrated Michelagnolo, when observ- ing these paintings many years afterwards, in company with his honest and loquacious friend Vasari," did not hesitate to express his decided approbation of their merits. The reputation of Masaccio was emulated by his disciple Filippo, Lippi, who executed for Cosmo and his friends many celebrated pictures, of which Vasari has given a minute account. Cosmo however found no small difficulty in controlling the temper and regulating the eccentricities of this extraordinary character. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 87 character''. If the efforts of these early masters chap. did not reach the true end of the art, they i» afforded considerable assistance towards it ; and whilst Masaccio and Filippo decorated with their admired productions the altars of churches and the apartments of princes, Donatello gave to marble a proportion of form, a vivacity of expression, to which his contemporaries ima- gined that nothing more w^as wanting ; Brunel- leschi raised the great dome of the cathedral of Florence ; and Ghiberti cast in brass the stu- pendous doors of the church of St. John, which Michelagnolo deemed worthy to be the gates of paradise. In P His attachment to women was extreme ; and if the favourite object resisted his assiduities, he found some consolation in painting her likeness. By this unconquer- able propensity his labours were often interi'upted, and an expedient adopted by Cosmo to remedy it nearly cost Filippo his life. Having engaged the painter to com- plete a piece of work for him, Cosmo made him a pri- soner in his chamber ; but a confinement of two days exhausted the patience of the artist. At the risk of his life he made his escape through the window, and devoted himself for several days to his pleasures, nor did he return till sought out and solicited by Cosmo, who heartily repented of a proceeding which, however friendly in its motive, was certainly somewhat too arbitrary. 88 THE LIFE OF CHAP. In his person Cosmo was tall ; in his youth I- he possessed the advantage of a prepossessing countenance; what age had taken from his comeliness, it had added to his dignity, and in his latter years, his appearance was so truly venerable, as to have been the frequent subject of panegyrick*!. His manner was grave and complacent, but upon many occasions he gave sufficient proofs that this did not arise from a want of talents for sarcasm ; and the fidelity of the Florentine historians has preserved many of his shrewd observations and remarks ^ When Rinaldo de' Albizi, who was then in exile, and meditated an attack upon his native place, sent a message to Cosmo, importing that the hen would shortly hatch, he replied. She will batch •with an ill grace out of her own nest. On an- other occasion, when his adversaries gave him to understand that they v/ere not sleeping, / belieiie ^ Thus Bartolomeo Scala, on a portrait of Cosmo, painted when he was young : " Qux vera est Cosmi facies, haucl vera videtur ; " Dissimiles adeo longa senecta facit ; " Talis erat quondam, quem nunc perfectior sctas, « Ex homine, incepit fingere velle deum." Carm, illust. Poet, ItaL v, 8. p. 489. *■ Mac, 1st. Fior, lib, vii. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 89 belieue it, said Cosmo, I bave spoiled their sleep, chap. — Of what colour is my hair ? said Cosmo, ^* uncovering his head to the ambassadours of Venice who came with a complaint against the Florentines : White, they replied : It ivill not be long, said Cosmo, before that of your senators ijoill be so too. Shortly before his death, his wife inquiring why he closed his eyes. That I may perceive more clearly, was his reply. If, from considering the private character of Cosmo, we attend to his conduct as the mode- rator and director of the Florentine republick, our admiration of his abilities will increase with the extent of the theatre, upon which he had to act. So important were his mercantile concerns, that they often influenced in a very remarkable degree the politicks of Italy. When Alfonso king of Naples leagued with the Venetians against Florence, Cosmo called in such immense debts from those places, as deprived them of resources for carrying on the war'. During the contest between the houses of York and Lancaster, one of his agents in England was resorted to by Edward IV. for a sum of money, which was accordingly furnished, to such an extraordinary 8 Mac, 1st. Fior, lib, vii. 90 THE LIFE OF CHAP, extraordinary amount, that it might almost be I- considered as the means of supporting that monarch on the throne, and was repaid when his successes enabled him to fulfil his engage- ment ^ The alliance of Cosmo was sedulously courted by the princes of Italy ; and it was remarked, that by a happy kind of fatality, who- ever united their interests with his, were always enabled either to repress, or to overcome their adversaries* By his assistance the republick of Venice resisted the united attacks of Filippo duke of Milan, and of the French nation ; but when deprived of his support, the Venetians were no longer able to \A^thstand their enemies. With * La Maison de Medicis estoit la plus grande, que je croy que jamais ait este au monde : car leurs serviteurs & facteurs ont eu tant de credit soups couleur de ce nom de Medicis, que ce seroit merveilles a croire ace que j'en ay veu en Flandres & en Angleterre. J'en ai veu un appele Guerard Quanvese presque etre occasion de sou- tenir le Roy Edouard le quart en son etat, estant guerre en son royaume d' Angleterre, £c fournir par fois au dit roy plus de six vingt mille escus : ou il fit peu de profit pour son maitre : toutes fois il recouvra ses pieces a la longue. Un autre ay vu nomme e appele Thomas For- tunary, estre pleige entre le dit roy Edouard 8c le due Charles de Bourgogne, pour cinquante mille escus, & une autre fois en un lieu, pour quatre vingt mille. Mem, de P, de Commines, a/u Fabr, in vita Laurentii^ V. ii.//. 224. I. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 91 With whatever difficulties Cosmo had to en- chap. counter, at home or abroad, they generally termi- nated in the acquisition of additional honour to his country and to himself. The esteem and gratitude of his fellow-citizens were fully shewn a short time before his death, when by a publick decree he was honoured with the title of Pater Patrice^ an appellation which was inscribed on his tomb, and which, as it was founded on real merit, has ever since been attached to the name of Cosmo de' Medici. CHAP. II. lit ARLT accomplishments of Lorenzo — Educa- tion — Lorenzo 'uisits different parts of Italy — Conduct of Piero — Conspiracy of Liica Pitti — Frustrated by Lorenzo — The exiles instigate the Venetians to attack the Florentines — Battle near Bologna — Piero promotes the interests of learn- ing — Leo Battista Alberti — Cristoforo Landino — Piero patronises other eminent scholars — Giostra of Lorenzo and Giuliano — Poem of Luca Pulci — Poem of Angelo Politiano — Dis- puTATioNEs Camaldulense s — Loreuzo^s description of his mistress — Sonnets in her praise — Lucretia Donati the object of his pas- sion — Lorenzo marries Clarice Orsini — Visits the duke of Milan — Death of Piero de"" Medici, VOL. I, R^^:^-^^^x^^^^.^L^ii^ CHAP. IL JLoRENzo de' Medici was about sixteen years Eanyac- of age when Cosmo died, and had at that time mems of given striking indications of extraordinary- talents. From his earliest years he had exhi- bited proofs of a retentive and vigorous mind, which was cultivated, not only by all the atten- tion which his father's infirmities would permit him to bestow, but by a frequent intercourse with his venerable grandfather. He owed also great obligations in this respect to his mother Lucretia, who was one of the most accom- plished 464. 96 THE LIFE OF CHAP, plished women of the age, and distinguished ^^' herself not only as a patroness of learning, but by her own writings. Of these some specimens yet remain, which are the more entitled to approbation, as they were produced at a time when poetry was at its lowest ebb in Italy ^. The disposition of Lorenzo, which afterwards gave him a peculiar claim to the title of magniji' centy ^ Several of her Laudi, or hymns, are printed in the collection of sacred poems by the Medici family, pub- lished by Cionacci at Florence, 1680, and since reprinted at Bergamo in 1763; but a much more favourable spe- cimen of her talents is given by Crescimbeni^ (Delia volgar jioesia^ v, iii. Ji, 277,) who is of opinion that she excelled the greater part of, not to say all, the poets of her time. Her versifications of scripture history, though never printed, are noticed by Luigi Pulci^ in his Morgante^ which poem he was induced to complete by her encou- ragement, and in which he thus adverts to the writings of his patroness. " Quivi si legge della sua Maria " La vita, ove il suo libro e sempre aperto ; " E di Esdram di Judith e di Tobia " Quiv! si rende giusto premio e merto ; " Quivi s'intende hor I'alta fantasia " A descriver Giovanni nel deserto ; " Quivi cantano hor gli angeli i suoi versi, " Dove il ver d' ogni cosa puo vedersi." Morgante, Ed» Yen, per Comin, de Trino^ 1546. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 97 xent, was apparent in his childhood. Having c h ap. received as a present a horse from Sicily, he n- sent the donor in return a gift of much greater value ; and on being reproved for his profuse- ness, he remarked that there was nothing more glorious than to overcome others in acts of generosity. Of his proficiency in classical learning, and the different branches of that phi- losophy which was then in repute, he has left indisputable proofs. Born to restore the lustre of his native tongue, he had rendered himself conspicuous by his poetical talents before he arrived at manhood. To these accomplishments he united a considerable share of strong natural penetration and good sense, which enabled him, amidst the many difficulties that he was involved in, to act with a promptitude and decision which surprised those who were witnesses of his conduct ; whilst the endowments which entitled him to admiration and respect were accompanied by others that concilitated, in an eminent degree, the esteem and affection of his fellow- citizens. Tall in his stature, robust in his form, Lorenzo had in his person more the appearance of strength than of elegance. From his birth he laboured under some peculiar disadvantages ; his sight was weak, his voice harsh and unpleas- ing, 98 THE LIFE OF CHAP, ing, and he was totally deprived of the sense of II' smell''. With all these defects his countenance was dignified, and strongly indicated the mag- nanimity of his character ; and the effects of his eloquence were conspicuous on many important occasions. In his youth he was much addicted to active and laborious exercises, to hawking, horsemanship, and country sports. Though not born to support a military character, he gave sufficient proofs of his courage, not only in publick tournaments, which were then not unfrequent in Italy, but also upon more trying occasions. Such was the versatility of his talents, that it is difficult to discover any depart- ment of business, or of amusement, of art, or of science, to which they were not at some time applied ; and in whatever he undertook, hp arrived at a proficiency which would seem to have required the labour of a life much longer than that which he was permitted to enjoy. Education of Uudcr thc iustitutiou of Gentile d'Urbino, who afterwards, by the patronage of his pupil, became bishop of Arezzo, Lorenzo received the first rudiments of his education, and from the instructions of his tutor, aided perhaps by the Valoriusy in vita Laur, Med,p, 9* LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 99 the exhortations of his pious mother, acquired chap. that devotional temper which is so conspicuous n* in some of his writings ^ This disposition was however only occasional, nor was the mind of Lorenzo overshaded with the habitual gloom of the professed devotee. In his hours of serious- ness, or of sickness, the impressions made upon him by his early instructors became sufficiently apparent ; but the vivacity of his temper often hurried him to a contrary extreme ; and the levity, not to say the licentiousness, of some of his writings, is strikingly contrasted with the piety and seriousness of his other productions. The vigour of his intellect seems to have throwii an indiscriminate lustre on every object that pre- sented itself. So various, yet so extensive were his ^ Valo dwells with apparent satisfaction on his early piety. " Audivi/' says he " sxpius a Gentile ejus pre- " ceptore, cum quo et in Gallia, quum ibi legatum " ageret, et in patria familiarissime vixi, Laurentium a " latere suo discessisse nunquam. Die in Templo, donee " res divina perageretur, permansisse semper ; nocte " etiam secum ire solitum ad divi Pauli societatem, quo " conveniebant plurimi, Immortali Deo in sobrietate et " vigiliis ac precibus gratias agentes : obvios Christi " pauperculos eleemosynis prosequi ad unum omnes ; <' nihil in eo puerile, nihil delicatum apparuisse." Val, in vita Laur. p» 5. 100 THE LIFE OF CHAP, his powers, that they are scarcely reconcileable II. to that consistency of character ¥/ith which the laws of human nature seldom dispense^. In superintending the subsequent progress of Lorenzo, several other persons eminent for their learning concurred. In the year 1457, Cristoforo Landino w^as appointed by the magi- stracy of Florence to the office of publick pro- fessor of poetry and rhetorick in that city, and w^as soon afterwards intrusted by Piero de' Medici with the instruction of his two sons. Between Landino and his pupil Lorenzo a reci- procal attachment took place ; and such was the opinion that the master entertained of the judgment of his scholar, that he is said frequently to have submitted his various and learned works to his perusal and correc- tion. ^ This peculiarity in the character of Lorenzo was not unobserved by his contemporaries. " Jam vero quo '< unquam in homine tam diversce inter se fuerunt partes '^ virtutum maximarum ? Quid enim longius abest " quam a gravitate facihtas ? Quis tamen te constan- " tior ? Contra vero quis clementior aut lenior ? Quid " tam mirabile quam magnitudinem istam animi huma- " nitatis condimentis temperari ?" Sec. Fauli Cortesii Efi, ad Laur, Med, ad. Dial, de Hominibus doctis Pnef, Ed^Flor* 1734. vide et Val, in vita Laur, p, 14. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 101 tion^ In the Greek language, in ethicks, and chap, in the principles of the Aristotelian philosophy, i^* Lorenzo had the advantage of the precepts of the learned Argyropylus^, and in those of the Platonick sect he was sedulously instructed by Marsilio Ficino, for whom he retained through life an unalterable friendship. But for many of his accomplishments he was not indebted to any preceptor. That exquisite taste in poetry, in musick, and in every department of the fine arts, which enabled him to contribute so powerfully towards their restoration, was an endowment of nature, the want of which no education could have supplied. With such qualiiications, Lorenzo, soon after the death of his grandfather, entered on the stage of publick life ; for it was the laudable custom of the Florentines early to habituate their youth to serious and important occupa- tions. "^ Bend, spec. Lit, Flor, v, i, fi, 183. ^ Argyropylus Byzantius insigni fuit et auctoritate et gratia apud Cosmum Medicem, hujus filium Petrum, nepotemque Laurentium, quein non modo Grsscis Uteris sed et dialecticis imbuit, eaque philosophic parte qua de moribus prxcipitur. Politian, in Proem, ad Miscell. VOL. I. S 1465. 102 THE LIFE OF CHAP, tions. Besides, the infirmities of Piero de^ Ji* Medici rendered such a coadjutor as Lorenzo was likely to prove, of great importance to him. His domestick education being therefore com- pleted, his father judged it expedient for him to visit some of the principal courts of Italy ; not so much for the purpose of gratifying an idle curiosity, as to conciliate, by a personal inter- course, the friendship of those with whom he was in future to maintain a correspondence on matters of great moment, and to inform him- self of such local circumstances as might en- able him to transact the affairs of the republick with every possible advantage. In the year 1465, he had an interview at Pisa with the son of Ferdinand king of Naples, Federigo, who after the death of his eldest brother Alfonso, and his nephew Federigo, succeeded to the crown. The prince was then on his journey to Milan, to escort Ippolita, the daughter of Francesco Sforza, from thence to Naples, where she was to marry his elder brother Alfonso, duke of Calabria^. At this interview some instances of mutual respect and attachment took place between Federigo and Lorenzo, which we shall hereafter have occasion to relate. In s Muratori, Annali d' Italia^ v, ix. //. 493. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 103 In the following year Lorenzo made a visit chap. to Rome, where he was kindly received by i^* Paul II. one of the most arrogant pontiffs that ever sat in the chair of St. Peter. A few months afterwards he proceeded through Bologna and Ferrara to Venice, and thence to Milan. During his absence he had frequent letters from his father, several of which yet remain, and sufficiently evince the confidence that Piero placed in his son, with whom he enters into a detail of all political occurrences, and to whom he transmits such letters of importance as were received on publick affairs during his absence^. That the respect paid by Piero to the judgment of Lorenzo did not arise from a blind partiality, may appear from the intercourse that already subsisted between Lorenzo and some of the most celebrated scholars of the age ; several of whom, on his occasional absence from Florence, addressed themselves to him by letter, as their acknowledged patron and warmest friend'. The h Atifi. J^o, VIII. ^ Some specimens of these, which have been preserved in the Palazzo Vecchio at Florence, and not before pub- lished, are given in the Appendix, No. IX. The first is an extract of an Italian letter from the celebrated Luigi Pulci, the author of the Morgante, and is as strongly marlfcd 104 THE LIFE OF CHAP. The death of Pius II. who had preceded II' Paul II. in the pontifical chair, happened a few Conduct of (j^yg after that of Cosmo de' Medici, and not Medici. long afterwards died Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, who had governed that state with great ability for the space of sixteen years ^. This event inarked by affection for Lorenzo, as by the whimsical peculiarities of its author's character. The second is from Peregrino Allio, whose Latin Poems in the Carmina Illust, Poet, v', i. /2. 12. are a better testimony of his abi- lities than the exaggerated account of M-gri {Scrittori Fiorentiniy p, 450.) " Fu mostrato non dato al mondo ** questo mostro d' ingegno e di memoria; affinche si *< vedesse che nel secolo de' Ficini, de' Mirandolani, de' " Benevieni, de' Barbari, de' Poliziani, ingegni tutti *' portentosi e grandissiini, poteva ancora far qualche " cosa di piu marvaglioso la natura." This author is mistaken in placing the death of Allio in 1458, although the accurate Bandini has in this instance adopted his authority. {Mgri^ 450. Band, Spec, Lit, Flor, p, 204.) I have before cited the epitaph by Allio on John de' Medici, the son of Cosmo, who died in 1463 ; and amongst the letters which I have procured from the Palazzo Vecc/no, is one from him to Lorenzo, dated the 25th of may 1466. That he died young may however be inferred from Verini. {De illustr, Urbis^p, 34.) " Te pariter juvenem tetricje rapuere sorores : " Aequasses priscos, AUi Peregrine, poetas." ^ The Sforza were a family of adventurers. Sforza degli Attendogli, the father of Francesco, from the condi- tion LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 105 event gave no small alarm to Piero de' Medici, chap. whose family had long supported a close inti- ^^' macy with that of Sforza, from which they had mutually derived important advantages. Lo- renzo was then at Rome, where his father addressed to him several letters, in some of which his anxiety for the peaceable establish- ment of the widow and children of Francesco in the government of Milan is strongly expressed. By the death of so many of the Italian princes within so short a space of time, the minds of men began to be turned towards new commo- tions, particularly in Florence, where the bodily imbecility tion of a peasant, acquired such a high degree of mili- tary reputation, as enabled his son, who was also a soldier of fortune, to obtain in marriage the daughter of Filippo Maria Visconti, duke of Milan, and the Milanese terri- tory, at that period one of the most extensive in Italy, as her portion. According to tradition, Sforza was em- ployed in turning the soil, when he was invited by some of his companions to enter into the army. His determi- nation was a matter of difficulty, for the solution of which he resorted to his spade. — Throwing it into an oak, he declared that if it fell to the ground he would continue his labours, if it hung in the tree he would pursue his fortunes. {Murat. Ann, voL ix. p, 2.) He became the father of a line of princes who were regarded as the most splendid sovereigns of Italy, and formed alliances with the chief families in Europe. 106 THE LIFE OF CHAP, imbecility of Piero gave grounds to hope that a II' vigorous attempt to deprive the house of Medici of its influence might be crowned with success. Nor was the conduct of Piero, on his succession to the immense inheritance of his father, calcu- lated to strengthen the friendship of those whom Cosmo had attached to his interest. Appre- hensive that his commercial concerns were too widely extended, and prompted by the trea- cherous advice of Dietisalvo Neroni, a man of ability and intrigue, who owed his fortunes to the protection and generosity of Cosmo, he began indiscriminately to collect the sums of money which his father had advanced to the citizens of Florence. The result was such as Neroni expected. Those who were friends of the father became enemies of the son ; and had not Piero discovered the snare, and desisted from such rigorous proceedings, he might too late have found, that in supporting the character of the merchant, he had forgotten that of the statesman. Conspiracy Amougst tlic uumbcr of opulent and aspiring pitti"^^ citizens who had reluctantly submitted to the superiour talents of Cosmo de' Medici, Vi as Luca Pitti, whose name has been transmitted to posterity as the founder of the magnificent palace which has for some centuries been the residence LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 107 residence of the sovereii^ns of Tuscany. The chap. death of Cosmo, and the infirmities of Piero, ^^' afforded an opportunity that Luca conceived to be highly favourable to his ambitious pur- poses'. Having formed a combination with the powerful family of the Acciajuoli, he attempted, in conjunction with them, to supplant the au- thority and destroy the influence of the Medici, with the magistrates and council of Florence. Being defeated in their exertions, they resorted to more violent methods, and resolved upon the assassination of Piero de' Medici ; believing, that if they could succeed in such a project, his sons were two young to occasion any formidable opposition to their views. Debilitated by the gout, Piero was generally caiTied in a chair by his domesticks from his house at Careggi to his residence at Florence. Having received inti- mation of an intended commotion, and being alarmed at the sudden approach of Ercole d'Este, brother of Borso, marquis of Ferrara, whom the conspirators had engaged to enter the terri- tories of the republick, at the head of 1300 cavalry, he conceived his presence to be neces- sary in Florence, and accordingly set out from Careggi, accompanied only by a few attend- ants. * Amm, 1st, Fior. ^•, Wufi. 93. 108 THE LITE OF CHAP, ants'". Lorenzo, who had left Careggi a short ii» time before his father, was surprized to find the road to the city beset by armed men, and imme- diately suspecting their purpose, despatched one of his followers to him with directions to pro- ceed by a more retired and circuitous path, whilst taking himself the direct road, he in- formed those who inquired with apparent anxiety for his father, that he was following at a short distance ; by which means Lorenzo rescued his father from the impending danger, and gave a striking proof of that promptitude of mind which so eminently distinguished him on many subsequent occasions. The suspicions that fell upon Luca Pitti and his party, induced the conspirators to abandon their design of open violence ; and the intrigTies of the politician were again substituted for the dagger of the assassin. Encouraged by the sup- port of the marquis of Ferrara, they daily in- creased in numbers and audacity, but when an open contest between the opposite parties was hourly expected, and the citizens apprehended a renewal of those sanguinary commotions, from which, under the guidance of the Medici, they had "^ Val, in vita Laur» fu 10. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 109 had been a long time exempted, Luca suddenly chap. withdrew himself from his party, and effected a ii' reconciliation witli the Medici. Several of the malecontents followed his example, and their desertion gave a decided superiority to the cause of Piero, which was also most opportunely strengthened by the appearance of a body of two thousand Milanese troops, that kept in awe the army of the insurgents, and frustrated the hopes founded on its assistance. The friends of the Medici failed not to take advantage of this favourable concurrence ; Piero Acciajuoli and his two sons, Dietisalvo Neroni, and two of his brothers, and Niccolo Soderini, with his son Geri, were declared enemies of the state, and condemned to banishment". The archbishop of Florence, who had taken a decided part against the Medici, retired to Rome. A few other citizens, unable to support their disgrace, adopted a voluntary exile ; but the kindness of Lorenzo allayed the apprehensions of the greater part of the conspirators, and rendered them in future more favourable to his interests. — He only knonjos hovj to conquer , said Lorenzo, who knoivs bo%v to/orghe°. Though " Amm, 1st, Fioi\ v, iii, /?. 99. • VciL in vita, /?. 1 1. Fabr, in vita Laiir, v, u /?. 22, VOL. I, T 110 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Though exempted from the fate of the other XI* leaders of the faction, Luca experienced a pu- nishment of a more galling and disgraceful kind. From the high estimation in which he had before been held, he fell into the lowest state of degra- dation. The progress of his magnificent palace was stopped ; the populace who had formerly vied with each other in giving assistance, refused any longer to labour for him ; many opulent citizens, who had contributed costly articles and materials, demanded them back, alleging that they were only lent. The remainder of his days was passed in obscurity and neglect, but the extensive mansion which his pride had planned, still remains to give celebrity to his name p. The P It is deserving of remark that Machiavelli is mis- taken not only in the period he assigns for the commence- ment of this building, but in the motives that led to it. After relating the successful interposition of Luca Pitti in the affairs of the republick, in the year 1453, by which he rose to great eminence, and obtained a reward from his fellow-citizens, which was supposed to amount to 20,000 ducats, he adds, {Hist, lib, vii.) " Donde egli " sail in tanta riputatione che non Cosimo ma Messer " Luca la Citta governava. Da che egli venne in tanta " confidanza, ch' egli incomincio due edificii, I'uno a " Firenze, I'altro a Ruciano, luogo propinquo un miglio « alia LORENZO DE' MEDICI. Ill The defection of Luca Pitti, and the conse- chap, qiient establishment of the authority of the ii* Medici in Florence, have been uniformly attri- Frustrated by Lorenzo. buted by the Florentine historians to the abilities and prudence of Lorenzo ; who, instead of resorting to forcible opposition, employed his own eloquence, and the influence of his friends, in subduing the resentment of his adversaries, and particularly of Luca Pitti, whose versatile dispo- sition fluctuated a long time between the remon- strances of his associates, and the pacifick repre- sentations of Lorenzo. A short time previous to this contest, Lorenzo had paid a visit to Naples, " alia citta, tiitti superbi et regii ; ma quello della Citta *' al tutto maggiore che alcun' altro che da privato citta- " dino fino a quel giorno fiisse stato edificato." It is however certain, that both these places were designed, and in part executed, by Filippo Brunelleschi, who died in 1446, seven years before the event related by INIachia- velli took place. ( Vasari in vita di Filififio,) " Ordino " ancor Filippo a M. Luca Pitti, fuor della porta a *^ S. Niccolo di Fiorenza, in un luogo detto Ruciano un " ricco e magnifico palazzo ; ma non gia a gran pezza " simile a quello che per lo medesimo comincio in Fi- ** renze, e condusse al secondo finestrato, con tanta gran- " dezza et magnificenza, che d' opera Toscana, non si " e ancor veduta il piu raro, ne il piu magnifico." This palace was afterwards purchased by Leonora of Toledo, wife of Cosmo L duke of Florence, and was completed under the directions of Bartolomeo Ammanati. 112 THE LIFE OF CHAT. Naples, probably with a view of influencing the ii« king to countenance his cause, in case the dis- sensions.at Florence, which were then a subject of alarm, should terminate in an open rupture. The magnanimity of his conduct, as well in defeating this formidable conspiracy, as in his lenity towards his enemies, extended his repu- tation throughout Italy. No sooner was the result known at Naples, than Ferdinando addres- sed to him a letter strongly expressive of admi- ration and esteem ; which being the testimony of a monarch whose character for sagacity and political knowledge was superiour to that of anV other potentate in Europe, must have been highly gratifying to the 3^outhful ambition of Lorenzo'^. The success of Lorenzo in this critical business increased also the confidence which his father had before placed in him, and from this time he was intrusted with a consider- able share in the conduct of the republick, as well as in the management of the extensive private concerns of the family. But if the pru- dence of Lorenzo was conspicuous in defeating his adversaries, it was more so in the use he made of his victory. He well knew that huma- nity and sound policy are inseparable, and either did 9 This leUer will be found in App. No. X. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 113 , did not feel, or wisely suppressed, that vindictive chap. j spirit which civil contests seldom fail to excite. ^^- | *' I have heard from my brother Filippo," says Valori, " that upon his introducing to Lorenzo, \ *' for the purpose of reconciliation, Antonio ** Tebalducci, who had by different means ] " attempted his ruin, Lorenzo, observing that 1 ** my brother hesitated in requesting his indul- '^ gence towards an avowed enemy, said to him ; *' with great kindness, I should owe you no obliga- \ ^' doily FilippOy for introducirig to me a friend ; \ " but by converting an enemy into a friend ^ you ' *^ ha^ue done me a favour , which I hope you will ^ '' as oftefi as possible repeat,'''' \ instigate the enetians tt- attack the Florentines. The exiled party, which consisted principall}^ The exiles of men of abihties and intrigue, soon began to v stir up new commotions. But Agnolo Accia- juoli, who had retreated only to Sienna, was desirous, before he engaged in further opposi- tion, of trying whether a reconciliation with the Medici yet remained practicable. His letter to Piero on this subject, and the answer it occa- sioned, are yet extant^ Many of the other conspirators >■ Machiavelli informs us that Agnolo withdrew to Naples, and professes to cite the particulars of the letters between him and Piero. The accuracy of this historian may 114 THE LIFE OF i I CHAP, conspirators retired to Venice, where they ex- \ II. erted their utmost endeavours to exasperate that ! formidable state against their countrymen. Tliis attempt might have failed of success, had they not, in seeking to gratify their private resentment, flattered the ambitious aims of the Venetians on the rest of Italy. With this view they insinu- ated to the senate, that the support given by the Florentines, under the influence of Cosmo de' Medici, to Francesco Sforza, had enabled him to defend his states against their pretensions, and prevented their possessing themselves of all Lombardy. These representations had their full effect. Under the command of Bartolomeo Coglione, one of the most celebrated com- manders of the time, a considerable army was collected for the purpose of attacking the states of Florence. Several of the Italian princes joined in person the standard of Bartolomeo, and amongst others Ercole d'Este, Alessandro | Sforza prince of Pesaro, the lords of Forli, I of Faenza, and Mirandula; insomuch that i this army was not more formidable for its S numbers, may appear by comparing the aiithentick letters published in the Appendix, from the collection of Fabroni, with the recital of them by Machiavelli in the 7th book of his history. J/i/u Ab. XI. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. J15 numbers, than respectable for the rank and the chap* talents of its leaders. ^^* Nor were the Florentines in the mean time Battle near ignorant of the intended hostilities, or inattentive ° °^"** to their own defence. Besides the support derived from the duke of Milan, the king of Naples sent his son Federigo with a powerful reenforcement to their assistance. Galeazzo, the young duke of Milan, joined the army in person, as did also Giovanni Bentivogiio, prince of Bologna ; and the command of the whole was intrusted to Federigo count of Urbino% whose character as a soldier w^as not inferiour to that of Coglione. The adverse forces ap- proached each other near Bologna, but no great alacrity was shewn on either side to begin the engagement. Wearied with apprehensions, and sinking under the expense of supporting so numerous an army, the Florentines began to complain of the indecisive conduct of their general, which they at length understood was chiefly s" Principe di accorgimento e di valore non ordi- " nario ; per cui da tutti i piu potenti sovrani d* Italia, *' era a gara richiesto per condurre le loro truppe, e " accolto co' i piu singolari onori." Tirab. Storia della Lett, ItaUv^ vi. fiarte u fi. 13. .467. 116 THE LIFE OF | ■J CHAP, chiefly to be attributed to the duke of Milan, ! ^i* who reserving to himself great authority, and ) having little experience in military affairs, threw i continual obstacles in the way of the chief com- ' mander. A message was therefore despatched ; to the duke, requesting his presence in Flo- j rence, where he soon after arrived, and took | up his residence in the palace of the Medici'. ; The count of Urbino being freed from this ' restraint, or having no apology for longer delay, i attacked the advanced guard of the enemy, j under the command of Alessandro Sforza. The | engagement soon became general, and conti- i nued from noon till evening. Machiavelli \ assures us, that at the close of the battle both > parties kept the field, that not a soldier lost his ; life, and that only a few horses were wounded, ; and some prisoners taken ; but historians of ■ more veracity have given a different relation •". : It i ^ 1/ anno 1467 di Luglio, ci venne il duca Galeazzo j di Milano, ch' era in campo contro Bartolomeo da Ber- j game, in Romagna, die vessava lo stato nostro, e allog- ! gio in casa nostra, che cosi voile, benche dalia signoria ] gli fusse sta.to apparecchiato in Santa Maria novella. \ Hicordi di Lorenzo^ in A/ip, J\^o, XII. \ \ ^ Platina, ( T quote the Italian translation,) in refer- ence to this battle, says, " Quelli, ch' in questa batta- " glia si retrovarono, dicono che nel eta nostra la mag- LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 117 It is however certain, that no important conse- chap. i quences resulted from a contest that had excited ^^' so much expectation. The troops shortly after- wards withdrew into their winter quarters, which ^ afforded the Florentines an opportunity, by the mediation of the marquis of Ferrara, of nego- tiating for a peace. This was accordingly ] effected widiout any stipulation being introduced on the part of the exiles ; and thus the storm which seemed for a while to threaten the destruc- tion of the Florentine state, after having been repressed in its first fury, gradually abated, and ; at length settled in a perfect calm. j Although Piero de' Medici was inferiour in ^'^''° i'"""- ^ ^ ^ motes the talents both to his father Cosmo and his son interests ot Lorenzo, yet he gave repeated proofs of a strong ^^'^"'"^* attach - »' gior non si vedesse, e vi morirono molti." (Fiat, v. i, \ p. 448. Fen, 1774.) And Ammirato expressly informs '■ us, in direct contradiction to Machiavelli, Avho, says he, " schernendo, come egli suol far, quella milizia, dice che " non vi mori niuno," that both armies fought with ' great corn-age ; that according to the most moderate f accomits 300 men and 400 horses were killed ; that '] another account stated the loss at 800, and another at >' 1000 men. He also cites the Venetian history of Sabel- , lico, who denominates this a very bloody engagement. \ " Cosi," says he, " siamo trascurati a saper la verita \ • delle cose." Jmm, v, iii./2. 102. i VOL. I. -q ] 1 118 THE LIFE 01 CHAP, attachment to the cause of letters, and contmiied II. an hereditary protection to those men of learn- ing who, under the patronage of his father, had arisen in, or been attracted to Florence. In the year 1441 he had been engaged in pro- moting a literary contest in that city, by pro- posing a premium for the best poem on a given subject. The reward of the victor was to be a coronet of silver imitating a laurel wreadi. The secretaries of the pope were appointed to decide upon the merits of the candidates. Splendid preparations were made. Several competitors appeared, and publickly recited their poems ; but the laudable intentions of Piero were de- feated by the folly or the knavery of the eccle- siasticks, who gave the prize to the church of S. Maria, pretending that the merits of the pieces were so nearly equal that a decision was impossible. This absurd determination occa- sioned great dissatisfaction to the Florentines, and was probably considered not only as ob- liquely satirizing the candidates, but the city itself^ The ^ These poems are however yet preserved in the I.au- rentian library, Plut. xc. cod. xxxviii. The subject is Friendship. The derided candidates were Michele di Noferi, Francesco Altobianco, Antonio Allio, after- wards LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 119 The coadjutor of Piero de' Medici on this chap. occasion was the celebrated Leo Battista Alberti, ^^* who, independent of his extraordinary^ talents ^ibefu"''^'' as an artist, deserves particular notice as one of the earliest scholars that appeared in the revival of letters '''. He first distinguished himself by his Latin comedy entitled Philodoxios, copies of which he distributed amongst his friends, a» the work of Lepidus, an ancient Roman poet. The literati were effectually deceived, and be- stowed the highest applauses upon a piece which they conceived to be a precious remnant of antiquity. wards bishop of Fiesole, Mariotto Davanzati, Anselmo Calderoni, and Francesco Malecarni. Pozzetti, some- what unfortunately, denominates this contest The triumph of literature, (v, L, B, Alberti^ laud, a Pompilio Pozzetti^ 4to. Flor, 1789.) '^ Alberti was of a noble family of Florence, but was born at Venice in 1404. In his youth he was remarkable for his agility, strength, and skill in bodily exercises. An unquenchable thirst of knowledge possessed him from his earliest years* In the learned languages he made a speedy and uncommon proficiency, and had perhaps a more general acquaintance with the sciences than any ma.n of that age. Of all the fine arts he had a thorough and practical knowledge ; and as a painter, a sculptor, but particularly as an architect, obtained no small share of celebrity. Vasari. vita di Alberti. L, B, Jbl, laud* a Pozzetti^ iit aufu 120 , THE LIFE OF c H AP. antiquity. It first appeared about the year II' 1425, when the rage for ancient manuscripts was at its height, and Lepidus for a while took his rank with Plautus and with Terence''. As Alberti advanced in years, he turned his atten- tion to practical knowledge, and the present times are indebted to him for many useful and amusing inventions^. In his Latin treatises, which have been translated into Italian by Cosimo Bartoli, and published under the name of '^ This piece was written by Alberti during the con- finement of sickness, occasioned by too close an applica- tion to study. It was printed in the succeeding centiny by the younger Aldo Ma.nutio, who had procured a manuscript copy, and not aware of the deception, gravely confesses in the proem his ignorance of Lcjildus the Roman poet. y On the authority of Vasari we may attribute to Alberti the discovery of the Camera oscura^ though that invention is generally given to GiambaUista Porta in the succeeding century. " L'anno \i37 trovo per via d'uno " strumento il modo di lucidare le prospettive naturali et " diminuire le figure. Sec. (Vamri^ in vita di Alberti^ da Bottari^ Fir. 1771.) The invention of the optical ma- chine for exhibiting drawings so as to imitate nature, is indisputably due to him. " Opera ex ipsa arte pingendi " effecit inaudita, et spectatoribus incrcdibilia, qusc qui- " dam parva in capsa conclusa puslllum per foramen " ostenderet. Vidisses illic montes maximos," c^c. ,4lb, viia, ab Anon-ymo* aji, Vasari, ut sup. MEDICI. 121 of Opiiscoli Moral i, he appears as an author on c h ap» a great variety of subjects, but he is better ^^* known by his treatise on architecture, which has been translated into many languages. Nor ought it to be forgotten, that Alberti made an attempt to reconcile the measure of the Latin distich with the genius of his native tongue, in which he has been followed by Claudio Tolomei, and other \\Titers^ Thie reputation of Alberti as an architect, though it deservedly stands high in the estima- tion of posterity, must however be considered as inferiour to that of Filippo Brunelleschi, who is the true father of the art in modern times. Vasari expresses his disapprobation of some part of the labours of Alberti. His paintings were not numerous, nor on a large scale ; nor did ^ Of this Vasari has preserved the following speci- men : " Questa per estrema miserabile pistola mando, " A te, che spregi miseramente noi." Some of the sonnets of Alberti are yet extant, and are printed with those of Burchiello, with whom he seems to have been on terms of intimacy ; and Pozzetti, who has lately favoured the publick with a very full accomit of this extraordinary man, has also pointed out several of his poetical pieces, which are yet preserved in different libraries of Italy. 122 THE LIFE OF CHAP, did he in this branch of art arrive at great ii» practical perfection, which, as Vasari observes, is not much to be wondered at, as his time was mostly devoted to other studies. His principal merit is certainly to be sought for in his useful discoveries, and his preceptive writings. He was the first author who attempted practical treatises on the arts of design, all of which, but more particularly his treatise on architec- ture, are allowed to exhibit a profound knowledge of his subject, and will long continue to do ho- nour to his memory, cristoforo Had all the other professors of letters been LandinOr silent as to the merits of Piero de' Medici, the applauses bestowed on him by Cristoforo Lan- dino, would alone be sufficient to rescue his memory from neglect. Landino had indeed every motive of gratitude to the family of his patron. He was born a Florentine, and being early disgusted with the study of the civil law, devoted himself to that of poetry and polite letters. In pursuing his inclinations he had the good fortune to find the road that led him to honour and to affluence. The bounty of a private friend supported him through the early part of his education, to which the finances of his family were inadequate, and the munificence of Cosmo de' Medici completed what the kind- ness LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 123 -fiess of Angelo da Todi had begun. His pro- chap. ficiency in the Greek language was remarkable, even at a period when the study of it was in its highest vigour, and immediately supplied from its native fountain. The philosophy of Aristotle, and the dogmas of the stoicks, had early engaged his attention ; but from his intercourse with the Medici, and his intimacy with Ficino, he after- wards became a decided partisan of the new philosophy, and Avas among the few learned men whom Ficino thought proper to consult on his translation of the works of Plato. The Latin elegies of Landino^ bear ample testimony to the virtues, the liberality, and the accomplishments of Piero de' Medici, whom he constantly ho- nours with the appellation of his Mecenas, and seems to have selected from the other indivi- duals of that illustrious family, as the object of his particular affection and veneration. Ill- i 1 nises other eminent scholacs. If we consider the numerous testimonies piero patro that remain of the liberality of Piero de' Medici to * To these poems Landino prefixed the name of Xandra, being the diminutive of Alessandra^ the appella- tion of his poetical mistress. This work has not beeii published ; but the Canonico Bandini has given us some extracts from it in his Sfiec, Lit, Flor, v, i. /?. 110, &c. The prefatory verses to his second book, addressed to Piero de Medici, are given in the Appendix, No. XIII. 124 THK LIFE OF CHAP, to men of learning, and advert at the same time 'J* to the infirm state of his health, and the short period during which he enjoyed the direction of the republick, we shall not hesitate in allotting to him a distinguished rank amongst the early promoters of letters. To Piero, Benedetto Ac- colti addressed, in terms of high commendation, his history of the wars between the christians and the infidels^, a work of considerable histori- cal credit, and which, in the succeeding cen- tury, served as a guide to Torquato Tasso, in his immortal poem the Geriisalemme liherata". An ^ This work, written in Latin, was first printed at Venice in 1532 ; again, at Basil, 1544, and at Florence, 1623 ; the last-mentioned edition being accompanied by the annotations of Thomas Dempster, a Scotcliman, and professor of hmiianity in the college of Bologna. It was translated into Greek by Irone Ducas, and printed at Paris in 1620 ; and into Italian by Francesco Baldelli, and published by Giolito at Venice in 1549. Zeno, Diss, Foss,v,i./i. 163. ^ Accoiti is not less celebrated as a civilian than as a polite scholar. He was born at Arezzo in 1415, whence his usual appellation of Benedetto Aretino. Having been sent on an embassy from that place to Florence, he took up his residence there, and in the year 1459 succeed- ed Poggio Bracciolini as secretary to the republick, in which office he continued till his death, in 1466. Be- sides his history, he is the author of a dialogue, enti- tled, 125 An uninterrupted friendship subsisted between chap. Piero and the celebrated Donate Acciajuoli, ^^- who inscribed to him several of his learned works'^. The Laurentian library contains many similar instances of the gratitude and observance of the scholars of the time. Amongst those deserving of more particular notice is Francesco Ottavio, who dedicated to Piero his poem De ccetu poetarum^ in which he hesitates not to represent his patron as surpassing the example of his father, in his attention to the cause of literature, and in his kindness to its profes- sors ^ No sooner was the city of Florence restored *^'°'^''^ °^ •^ Lorenzo and to peace, and the dread of a foreign enemy Giuiiano. removed, than the natural disposition of the inhabitants for splendid exhibitions began to revive. Amongst other amusements, a tourna- tied De fir^stantia virorum sui from its poetical excellence '"^ . A considerable part of it is employed in describing the prepar- ations for the tournament, and the habits and appearance of the combatants. The umpires were, Roberto da Sanseverino, Carlo Pandolfini, Tomaso Soderini, Ugolino Martelli, Niccolo Giugni, and Buongianni Gianfigliazzi. The candidates for the prize were eighteen in number. The steed upon which Lorenzo made his first appearance was presented to him by Ferdinand king of Naples. That on which he relied in the combat, by Borso marquis of Ferrara. The duke of Milan had furnished him with his suit of armour. His Motto was Le terns rement. His device, the Jieiirs de lys, the privilege of using the arms of France having shortly before been conceded to the Medici by Louis XL by a solemn ^^ Of this poem I have seen only two editions ; the first printed without note of date or place, but apparently about the year 1500, under the title of la giostra di LORENZO DE' MEDICI MESSA IN RIMA DA LUIGI DE' PULCI ANNO MjCccc.Lxviii. in which it is to be observed, that this work is erroneously attributed to Lidg-i the author of the AJorgante, instead of Luca, his brother. The other edition is printed in Florence by the Giunti, in 1572, accompanied by the Ciriffo Calvaneo^ and the Efiistole of Luca J^ulci^ and is there attributed to its proper author. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 133 solemn act"". His first conflict was with Carlo chap. Borromei ; his next with Braccio de' Medici, H' who attacked him with such strength and courage, that if the stroke had taken place, Orlando himself, as the poet assures us, could not have withstood the shock. Lorenzo took speedy vengeance, but his spear breaking into a hundred pieces, his adversary was preserved from a total overthrow. He then assailed Carlo da Forme, whose helmet he split, and whom he nearly unhorsed. Lorenzo then changing his steed, made a violent attack upon Benedetto Salutati, who had just couched his lance ready for the combat. Vedestu mai falcon calare a piombo, E poi spianarsi, e batter forte 1' ale, C ha tratto fuori della schiera il Colombo ? Cosi Lorenzo Benedetto assale ; Tanto che 1' aria fa fischiar pel rombo, Non va si presto folgor, non che straie ; Dettonsi colpi che parvon d'Achille Et balza un mongibel fuori di faville. Hast thou not seen the falcon in his flight, When high in air on balanced wing he hung, On ^ The grant of this privilege yet remains. F. Afifu No. XIV. VOL. I, 134 THE LIFE or CHAP. O^ some lone straggler of the covey light ? J J , — On Benedetto thus Lorenzo sprung. Whistled the air, as ardent for the fight, Fleet as the arrow flies, he rushed along ; Achilles' rage their meeting strokes inspires, Their sparkling armour rivals Etna's fires. PoUtiano. Poem of The poem of Politiaiio is of a very different \ character, and though produced about the same period of time, is a century posterior in point of refinement^. The age of Politiano, when he i wrote it, scarcely exceeded fourteen years, audit j must i y The Stanze of Politiano on the Giostra of Giuliano de' Medici have been frequently printed. In the earliest edition I have seen, they are accompanied by his Fable of Orseo, stamfiate in Firenze^ per Gianstejihano di Carlo da Pavia, a stanza dl Ser Piero Pacini da Pescia^ quest o di xv. d'Ottobre m.d.xiii. This, however is not the first edi- tion, they having been printed in the lifetime of Politiano, though without his concurrence, as appears by the dedi- cation from Alessandro Sartio to Galeazzo Bentivoglio, reprinted in the edition of 1513, wherein Sartio alludes to their having been printed by Plato de Benedictis, one of the best printers of the fifteenth century ; and adds, " Credo ancora che se alquanto al Politiano dispiacera " che queste sue Stanze dallui gi^ disprezzate, si stam- " pino ; pur all incontro gli piacera che havendosi una " volta a divulgare, sotto il titolo e nome di tua Signoria ^< si divulghino." Many subsequent editions have been published at Venice, 1521, 1537, Sec. and at Padua, by Comino, 1728, 1751, and 1765. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 135 must not be denied that the poem bears upon the chap. face of it the marks of juvenility — but what a ^^' manhood does it promise ? — From such an early exuberance of blossom what fruits might we not expect ? The general approbation with which it was received, must have been highly flattering both to the poet and the hero ; nor has posterity appealed from the decision. On the contrary, it has been uniformly allowed that this was one of the earliest productions in the revival of letters, that breathed the true spirit of poetry ; and that it not only far excelled the Giostra of Pulci, but essentially contributed towards the establishment of a better taste in Italy. It may seem strange, that although this poem be of considerable length, containing about fourteen hundred lines, it is left unfinished, and breaks off even before the tournament begins. Instead of giving us, like Pulci, a minute descrip- tion of the habiliments of the combatants, the poet takes a wider circuit, and indulges himself in digressions and episodes of great extent. The express purpose for which it was written w ould not indeed be very apparent, were it not i for the information afforded us in the commence- ment ; and even here the author does not pro- pose to confine himself to one subject in par- ticular. 136 THE LIFE OF CHAP, ticiilar, but professes to celebrate the feats of ^^' arms and pomps of Florence, and the loves and studies of Giuliano de' Medici'. Althou^^h Giuliano be the subject, the poem is addressed to Lorenzo, whose favour Politiano earnestly supplicates. E tu, ben nato Laur', sotto il cui velo Fiorenza lieta in pace si riposa, Ne teme i venti, o'l minacciar del cielo, O Giove irato in vista piu crucciosa ; Accogli al ombra del tuo santo ostelo La voce umil, tremante, e paurosa ; Principio, e fin, di tutte le mie voglie, Che sol vivon d' odor delle tue foglie. Deh sara mai che con piu alte note, Se non contrasti al mio voler fortuna, Lo spirto delle membre, che divote Ti fur da' fati, insin gia dalla cuna Risuoni te dai Numidi a Boote, Dagl' Indi, al mar che'l nostro criel imbruna, E, posto'l nido in tuo felice ligno, Di roco augel diventi un bianco cigno ? High =^ " Le gloriose pompe, e i fieri ludi " Delia citta che '1 freno allenta e stringe " A' magnanimi Toschi : e i regni crudi " Di quella dea che'l terzo ciel dipinge : " E i premj degni a gli onorati studi." LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 137 High born Lorenzo ! laurel ! — in whose shade CHAP. Thy Florence rests, nor fears the lowering storm, II. Nor threatening signs in heaven's high front displayed, Nor Jove's dread anger in its fiercest form ; O to the trembling muse afford thine aid, — The muse that courts thee, timorous and forlorn, Lives in the shadow of thy prosperous tree, And bounds her every fond desire to thee. Ere long the spirit that this frame inspires. This frame, that from its earliest hour was thine. If fortune frown not on my vast desires. Shall spread to distant shores thy name divine i To lands that feel the sun's intenser fires. That mark his earliest rise, his last decline ; Nurs'd in the shade thy spreading branch supplies. Tuneless before, a tuneful swan I rise. The poet then proceeds to describe the youthful employments and pursuits of Giuliano de' Medici, and particularly adverts to his repug- nance to surrender his heart to the attacks continually made upon it by the fair sex. Ah quante Ninfe per lui sospiix)rno ! Ma fu SI altero sempre il giovinetto, Che mai le Ninfe amanti lo piegorno, Mai pote riscaldarsi '1 freddo petto. Facea sovente pe' boschi soggiorno ; Inculto sempre, e rigido in aspetto ; 11 volto diffendea dal solar raggio Con ghirlMida di pino, o verde faggio. E poi, 138 THE LIFE O? CHAP* ^ P^^' quando nel ciel parean le stelle, jj^ Tutto gioioso a siio magion tornava j E'n compagnia'dclle nove sorelle, Celesti versi con disio cantava : E d' antica virtii mille fiammelle, Con gli alti carmi ne' petti destava : Coal chiamando amor lascivia umana, Si godea con le Muse, e con Diana. For Julian many a maiden heav'd the sigh, And many a glance the tender flame confest ; But not the radiance of the brightest eye Could melt the icy rigour of his breast. Wide thro' the trackless woods the youth would hie. Severe of aspect, and disdaining rest : Whilst the dark pine, or spreading beech supplied A wreath, from summer suns his head to hide. When evening's star its milder lustre lends, The wanderer to his cheerful home retires, There every muse his lov'd return attends. And generous aims, and heavenly verse inspires ; Deep through his frame the sacred song descends, With thirst of ancient praise his soul that fires ; And Love, fond trifler, mourns his blunted dart. That harmless flies where Dian shields the heart. After some beautiful verses^ in wfiich Giu- liano reproaches the weakness of those who devote themselves to the tender passion, he goes to LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 139 to the chace which gives the poet an oppor- chap. tunity of displaying his talent for description, ^' in which he particularly excels. Love, who feels his divinity insulted, employs a stratagem to subdue the obdurate heart of Giuliano. A beautiful white hind crosses his way, which he pursues, but which perpetually eludes his endea- vours to wound it, and leads him far distant from his companions. When his courser is almost exhausted with fatigue, a nymph makes her appearance, and Giuliano, astonished at her beauty, forgets the pursuit, and accosts her with trepidation and amazement. Her answer completes her triumph. Evening comes on, and Giuliano returns home, alone apd pensive. The poet then enters upon a description of the court of Venus in the island of Cyprus, which extends to a considerable length, and is orna- mented with all the graces of poetry. Cupid^ having completed his conquest, returns thither to recount his success to his mother ; who, in order to enhance its value, is desirous that Giu- liano should signalize himself in a tournament. The whole band of loves accordingly repairs to Florence, and Giuliano prepares for the combat. In a dream sent by Venus, he seems to come off with victory. On his return, crowned with olive and laurel, his mistress appears to him, but 140 THE LIFE OF CHAP, but is soon enveloped in a thick cloud, and II' carried from his sight ; which incident the poet applies to the sudden death of the beautiful Simonetta, the mistress of Giuliano\ Some consolatory verses are applied to the lover, who, awaking, invokes Minerva to crown his attempt with glory. But here the narrative is inter- rupted, nor does it appear that the author resumed his task at any subsequent period, having probably thrown the work aside as a production of his younger years, scarcely deserv» ing of his riper attention. Disputati- The proficiency made by Lorenzo and Giu- tosi'?^ liano in active accomplishments, did not however retard their progress in the pursuits of science, or the acquisition of knowledge. About the year 1468, Landino wrote his Disputationes CamaldulenseSy which, at the same time that they open to us the means of instruction adopted by him in the education of his pupils, give ^ On this lady we have an epitaph by Politiano, (the substance of which is said to have been sugj^ested to him by Giiiliano,) printed amongst his smaller poems, in Op. Aid, 1498. And Bernardo Pulci has also left an elegy on her death, published by Miscomini at Florence in U94. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 141 ,i^ive us the fairest evidence of their proficiency'', chap. In the infancy of science, particular departments ^^' of knowledge are frequently cultivated with great success; but it is only in periods of high improve- ment that men are accustomed to comprehend the general plan of human life, and to allot to every occupation and pursuit its proper degree of importance. The Dlsputationes Camaldulenses afford us sufficient proof that the Florentines had, at this early period, arrived at that mental elevation, which enabled them to take a distinct view of the various objects by which they v^ere surrounded, and to apply all that was then known of science to its best uses. In the intro- duction ^ This work was first published without note of place or date, but, as Bandini supposes, about the year 1472, {Spec, Lit. Flor, v, \u p. 3.) or 1475. {lb, v. lu fi, 192.) De Bure conjectures it was printed about the year 1480. {Bibliographie Instructive, v, iv,/i. 272, £d, 1763.) This edition is extremely scarce. Bandini could not find a copy in the Vatican library, although it appears in the catalogue. It was reprinted at Strasburg in the year 1508. The title of this last edition is, christophori LANDINI FLORENTINI LIBRI QIIATTUOR. PHmUS de vita activa et contemfilativa, Secundus de ^ummo bono, Tertius et quartus in Publii Virgilii Maronis Mlegorias ; and at the close, " Has Camaldulenses Disfiutationes fiulchrioribus typis *' Mathias Scfmrerius-f artium doctor excussit in officina sua " litteratoria Argentoraci die xxvi. Augusti, Anno Chriati " M.D.viii. Regnante Casare Maximiliano August o.'* VOL. I. ^ 2 142 THE LIFE OF CHAP, duction to this wotk Landino informs us, that II. having, in company with his brother Piero, made an excursion from his villa in Casentina to a monastery in the wood of CamaldoH, they found that Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici had arrived there before them, accompanied by Ala- manni Rinuccini, and Piero and Donato Accia- juoli ; all men of learning and eloquence, who had applied themselves with great diligence to philosophical studies. The pleasure of their first meeting was enhanced by the arrival of Leo Battista Alberti, who, returning from Rome, had met with Marsilio Ficino, and had prevailed upon him to pass a few days, during the heat of autumn, in the healthful retreat of Camaldoli. Mariotto, abbot of the monastery, introduced to each other his learned friends ; and the remainder of the day, for it was then drawing towards evening, was passed in attending to the conversation of Alberti, of whose disposition and accomplishments Landino gives us a most favour- able idea^ On the following day, after the perform- ^ Erat enim vir ille, omnium quos plura jam secula produxerint, omni luimanitatis, ac salium genere cumula- tassimus ; nam qiiidde litteris loquar ? cum nihil omnino extet, quod quidem homini scire fas sit, in quo ille sci- enter, prudentcrque, non versaretur. Land, Dis/iut, Carnal, ]i, 7. Ed, 1508. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 143 performance of religious duties, the whole com- c H a i\ pany agreed to ascend through the wood towards ii» the summit of the hill, and in a short time arrived at a solitary spot, where the extended branches of a large beech overhung a clear spring of Avater. At the invitation of Alberti, a conversation here takes place, which he begins by observing, that those persons may be esteemed peculiarly happy, who, having improved their minds by study, can withdraw themselves at intervals from publick engagements and private anxiety, and in some agreeable retreat indulge themselves in an ample range through all the objects of the natural and moral world. '' But '* if this be an occupation suitable for all men '' of learning, it is more particularly so for ^' you," continued Alberti, addressing himself to Lorenzo and Giuliano, *' on whom the direc- " tion of the affairs of the republick is likely, * ' from the increasing infirmities of your father, '* soon to devolve '^. For although Lorenzo, ** you ^ Land, Disiiut, CamaLfi.7, Bandini conjectures that Landino composed this work about the year 1460, {Spec, Lit. Flor, -v. ii. /z. 2.) at which time Lorenzo was only- twelve years of age. But from the above passage it is evident that it was written towards the latter part of the life of Piero de' Medici, and probably about the year 1468, when Lorenzo had already distinguished himself by his successful interference in publick affairs. 144 THB LIFE OF CHAP, ** you have given proof of such virtues as would II' " induce us to think them rather of divine << than human origin ; although there seems to *' be no undertaking so momentous as not to be ** accomplished by that prudence and courage " which you have displayed, even in your early ^' years; and although the impulse of youthful ** ambition, and the full enjoyment of those ^* gifts of fortune which have often intoxicated " men of high expectation and great virtue, ** have never yet been able to impel you beyond " the just bounds of moderation ; yet, both you, '* and that republick which you are shortly to *' direct, or rather which now in a great mea- '' sure reposes on your care, will derive import- " ant advantages from those hours of leisure, ** which you may pass either in solitary medi- " tation, or social discussion, on the origin and *' nature of the human mind. For it is impos- *' sible that any person should rightly direct ** the affairs of the republick, unless he has pre- " viously established in himself virtuous habits, '' and enlightened his understanding with that ** knowledge, which will enable him early to '* discern why he is called into existence, what *' is due to others, and what to himself." A conversation then commences between Lorenzo and Alberti, in which the latter endeavours to shew, that as reason is the distinguishing charac- teristick 145 teristick of man, the perfection of his na- chap. ture is only to be attained by the cultivation ^^' of his mind, and by a total abstraction from worldly pursuits. Lorenzo who is not a mere silent auditor, opposes a doctrine which, if carried to its extreme, would separate man from his duties ; and contends, that no essential distinction can be made between active and contemplative life, but that each should mutually assist and improve the other ; and this he illus- trates in such a variety of instances, that although it is evidently the object of Landino, through the medium of Alberti, to establish the pure Platonick dogma, that abstract contemplation can alone constitute the essence of human happiness, yet Lorenzo appears to have raised objections which the ingenuity of the philosopher in the sequel of the dispute seems scarcely to have invalidated^ . On the following day the same subject ^ Albert! appears, from the following passage, to liave almost given up the contest : " Nam quod aiebas " maximum idcirco inde provenire reipublicae detri- " mentum, quod occupatis excellentioribus ingeniis^ circa " veri cognitionem, ipsa a deterioribus regatur, nun- •* quam profecto cessabit sapiens, quin se de rebus arduis " consulentes recta semper moneat ; unde si non opera, " consilio tamen juvabit." {Quasi, Carnal, /i, 28,) Thus the philosopher is obliged to stoop from his celestial height, 146 THE LIFE OF CHAP, subject is pursued, and Albert! fully explains i^' the doctrine of Plato respecting the true end and aim of human life ; illustrating it by the opinions of many of the most celebrated followers of that philosopher. The third and fourth days are spent in a commentary by Alberti on the Eneid, in which he endeavours to shew, that under the fiction of the poem are represented the leading doctrines of that philosophy which had been the subject of their previous discussion. Whatever may be thought of the propriety of such a con- struction, certain it is that there are many pas- sages in this poem which seem strongly to coun- tenance such an opinion ; and at all events, the idea is supported by Alberti with such a display of learning, and such a variety of proofs, as must have rendered his commentary highl)/ amusing and instructive to his youthful audi- tors. deTcriptioti It must not however be supposed, that amidst of his mis- j^][g studious avocations, Lorenzo was insensible tress. ' to that passion which has at all times been the soul of poetry, and has been so philosophically and height, and to disturb the cahn repose of his mind with the cares of this grosser world. — Beautiful, but imprac- ticable system of philosophy ! which must perhaps wait for its completion till another state of being. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 147 and so variously described in his OAvn writings, chap. To this subject he has indeed devoted a consider- ^^' able portion of his works ; but it is somewhat extraordinary that he has not thought proper upon any occasion, to inform us of the name of his mistress ; nor has he gratified our curio- sity so far as to give her even a poetical appella- tion. Petrarca had his Laura, and Dante his Beatrice ; but Lorenzo has studiously concealed the name of the sovereign of his affections, leaving it to be ascertained by a thousand bril- liant descriptions of her superlative beauty and accomplishments. In the usual order of things it is love that creates the poet ; but Avith Lo- renzo, poetry appears to have been the occasion of his love. The circumstances, as related by himself, are these^: — *' A young lady of great ** personal attractions happened to die in Flo- <* rence ; and as she had been very generally ** admired and beloved, so her death was as ** generally lamented. Nor was this to be won- *' dered at ; for, independent of her beauty, her *' manners were so engaging, that almost every " person ^ Commento cli Lor, de' Medici sofira alcuni de' suoi Sonetti nel Jine delie sue Poesie voigari, /i, 123, 129, ^c. Ed. Aid, 1554. 148 THE LIFE OF CHAP. ^' person who had any acquaintance with her, II. '' flattered himself that he had obtained the *' chief place in her aflections. This fatal event '' excited the extreme regret of her admirers ; *' and as she was carried to the place of burial, " with her face uncovered, those who had *' known her when living pressed for a last look " at the object of their adoration, and accom- ^' panied her funeral with their tears ^, " Whilst death smil'd lovely in her lovely face." Morte bella parea nel suo bel vollo. tetr. '' On 8 From this singular circumstance, compared with the evidence of one of the epigrams of Politiano, we are enabled to determine that this lady was the beautiful Simonetta, the mistress of Giuliano de' Medici, to whose untimely death we have before adverted. ^ " T?i Simoneitanu ^' Dum pulchra effertur nigro Simonetta feretro, " Blandus et exanimi spirat in ore lepos, " Nactus amor tempus quo non sibi turba caveret, " Jecit ab occlusis mille faces oculis : " Mille animos cepit viventis imagine risus ; " Ac morti insultans, est mea, dixit, adhuc ; " Est mea, dixit, adhuc, nondum totam eripis illam, " Ilia, vel exanimis militat ecce mihi. ^' Dixit— -et ingemuit — neque enim satis apta triumphis " Ilia puer vidit tempora — sed lachrymis." Poh lib. Epigram, in Op. Aid, 1498. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 149 *' On this occasion all the eloquence and the chap. *' wit of Florence were exerted in paying due n* ** honours to her memory, both in prose and in ** verse. Amongst the rest, I also composed a *' few sonnets ; and in order to give them *^ greater effect, I endeavoured to convince " myself that I too had been deprived of the *' object of my love, and to excite in my own '* mind all those passions that might enable me *' to move the affections of others. Under the ** influence of this delusion, I began to think *' how severe was the fate of those by whom she ** had been beloved; and from thence was led '* to consider, whether there was any other lady *' in this city deserving of such honour and *' praise, and to imagine the happiness that ** must be experienced by any one whose good '* fortune could procure him such a subject for '* his pen. I accordingly sought for some time ** without having the satisfaction of finding any '* one, who, in my judgment, was deserving of *' a sincere and constant attachment. But when '< I had nearly resigned all expectations of suc- '* cess, chance threw in my way that which had " been denied to my most diligent inquiry ; as if ** the god of love had selected this hopeless " period, to give me a more decisive proof of *' his power. A publick festival was held in Flo- '* rence, to which all that was noble and beau- '' tiful VOL. I. A a 150 THE LIFE OF GHAP. *' tiful in the city resorted. To this I was II' '' brought by some of my companions (I suppose " as my destiny led) against my will, for I had ** for some time past avoided such exhibitions ; " or if at times I attended them, it proceeded *' rather from a compliance with custom, than *' from any pleasure I experienced in them. *< Amongst the ladies there assembled, I saw '* one of such sweet and attractive manners, that <* whilst I regarded her, I could not help saying, " If this person ^vere possessed of the delicacy, the '* understanding, the accomplishments of hern.vho ** is lately dead — most certainly she excels her in *' the charms of her person,'^'' *^ Resigning myself to my passion, I endea- <' voured to discover, if possible, how farherman- ** ners and her conversation agreed with her ap- *« pearance, and here I found such an assemblage *' of extraordinary endowments, thatit wasdiffi- *' cult to say whether she excelled more in her ** person, or in her mind. Her beauty was, as I *' have before mentioned, astonishing. She was '' of a just and proper height. Her complexion ** extremely fair, but not pale ; blooming, but '' not ruddy. Her countenance was serious, '* without being severe ; mild and pleasant, with- *' out levity or vulgarity. Her eyes were lively, '' without LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 151 ^' without any indication of pride or conceit, chap. *^ Her whole shape was so finely proportioned, ^^' *' that amongst other women she appeared with '* superiour dignity, yet free from the least degree ** of formality or affectation. In walking, in *^ dancing, or in other exercises which display '* the person, every motion was elegant and ** appropriate. — Her sentiments were always '* just and striking, and have furnished materials '' for some of my sonnets ; she always spoke at '' the proper time, and always to the purpose, ' ' so that nothing could be added, nothing taken '* away. Though her remai^ks were often keen ** and pointed, yet they were so tempered as not *' to give offence. Her understanding was '' superiour to her sex, but without the appear- '' ance of arrogance or presumption ; and ^* she avoided an errour too common among ** women, who, when they think themselves ** sensible, become for the most part insupport- ** able^ . To recount all her excellencies would '' fer ^ Let it not be thought that I should hazard such a sentiment without the full authority of my author, who has indeed expressed it in more general terms. — " Lo " ingegno," says he " meraviglioso e cio senza fasta o i^ presunzione, e fuggendo un ceito vitio commune a ** donne, a quali parendo d'intendere assai, divengono " insup- 152 THE LIFE OF CHAP. *< far exceed my present limits, and I shall there- J^' '^ fore conclude with affirming, that there was ^* nothing which could be desired in a beautiful *' and accomplished woman, which was not in *' her most abundantly found. By these qua- " lities I was so captivated, that not a power or *' faculty of my body or mind remained any " longer at liberty, and I could not help consi- '* dering the lady who had died, as the staf of " Venus, which at the approach of the sun is *' totally overpowered and extinguished." Such is the description that Lorenzo has left us of the object of his passion, in his comment upon the first sonnet which he wrote in her praise ; and if we do not allow great latitude to the partiality of a lover, we must confess that few poets have been fortunate enough to meet with a mistress so well calculated to excite their zeal, or to justify the effects of their admiration. Sonnets in her praise. The first poetical offspring of this passion was the following SONETTO : " insupportabili ; volendo giudicare ogni cosa, che vol- " garmente le chiamiamo Saccenti." — But we must recollect that Lorenzo de' Medici wrote in the fifteenth century I LORENZO DEMiEDICI. 153 SONETTO : Lasso a me, qiiando io son la dove sir: Queir angelico, altero, e dolce voko, 11 freddo sangue intorno al core accolto I.ascia senza color la faccia mia : Poi mii;ando la sua, mi par s\ pia, Ch'io prendo ardire, e torna il valor tolto ; Amor ne' raggi de' begli occhi involto Mostra al mio tristo cor la cieca via : E parlandogli alhor, dice, io ti giuro Pel santo lume di questi occhi belli Del mio stral forza, e del mio regno onorc;, Ch'io saro sempre teco ; e ti assicuro Esser vera pieta die mostran quelli : Credogli lasso ! e da me fugge il core. CHAP, II. Alas for me ! whene'er "my footsteps trace Those precincts where eternal beauty reigns, The sanguine current from a thousand veins Flows round my heart and pallid grows my face : But when I mark that smile of heavenly grace. Its wonted powers my drooping soul regains ; Whilst Love, that in her eyes his state maintains, Points to my wandering heart its resting place ; And stooping from his beamy mansion swears, " By all that forms my power and points my dart, " The living lustre of those radiant eyes, " I still will guide thy way ; dismiss thy fears ; " True are those looks of love." My trusting heart Believes th* insidious vow — and from me flies. The 154 THE LIFE OF CHAP. The effects of this passion on Lorenzo were ii» such as might be expected to be produced on a young and sensible mind. Instead of the glaring exhibitions to which he had been accustomed, the hurry of the city, and the publick avocations of life, he found in himself a disposition for silence and for solitude, and was pleased in associating the ideas produced by every rural object with that of the mistress of his affections. Of these sentiments he has afforded us a spe cimen in the following sonnet : SONETTO : Cerchi clii vuol, le pompe, e gli alti honoii, I.e piazze, e tempi, e gli edifici magni, Le delicie, il tesor, qual accompagni Mille duri penr.ier, mille dolori : Un verde praticel pien di bei liori, Un rivolo, die 1' erba intorno bagni, Un augelletto, che d' amor si lagni, Acqueta molto meglio i noslri ardori. L' ombrose selve, i sassi, e gli alti monti, Gli antri oscuri, e le fere fuggitive, Qualche leggiadra Ninfa paurosa ; Quivi veggio io con pensier vaghi, e pronti Le belle luci, come fossin vive : Qui me le toglie hor una, hor altra cosa. Seek he \tho will in grandeur to be blest, Place in proud halls, and splendid courts, his joy For LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 155 For pleasure, or for gold, his arts employ, CHAP. Whilst all his hours unnumbered cares molest. II. — A little field in native flow 'rets drest, ' " A rivulet in soft murmurs gliding by, A bird whose love-sick note salutes the sky, With sweeter magick lull my cares to rest. And shadowy woods, and rocks, and towering hills. And caves obscure, and nature's free-born train, And some lone nymph that timorous speeds along, Each in my mind some gentle thought instills Of those bright eyes that absence shrouds in vain ; — Ah gentle thoughts ! soon lost the city cares among. Having thus happily found a mistress that deserved his attention, Lorenzo was not negli- gent in celebrating her praises. On this, his constant theme, he has given us a considerable number of beautiful sonnets, canzoni, and other poetical compositions, which, like those of Petrarca, are sometimes devoted to the more general celebration of the person, or the mind of his mistress, and sometimes dwell only on one particular feature or accomplishment ; whilst at other times these productions advert to the effects of his own passion, which is analyzed and described with every possible illustration of poetick ingenuity and philosophick refinement. But having thus far traced the passion of Lucrem 1 Donati WnO object o was P^^^'^"' Lorenzo, we may now be allowed to ask who oblectUhl 156 THE LIFE OF CHAP, was the object of so refined a love ; adored wilh- Ji' out being defined, and celebrated without a name ? Fortunately the friends of Lorenzo were not in this respect equally delicate with himself. Politiano, in his Giostra of Giuliano, has cele- brated the mistress of Lorenzo by the name of Lucretia. And Ugolino Verini, in his Fiametta, has addressed to her a Latin poem • in elegiack verse, in which he shews himself a powerful advocate for Lorenzo, and contends, that whatever might be her accomplishments, he was a lover deserving of her favour'. Valori affords us more particular information : from him we learn that Lucretia was a lady of the noble family of the Donati, equally distinguished by her beauty and her virtue ; and a descend- ant of Curtio Donato, who had rendered himself eminent throughout Italy by his military achieve- ments'". Whether the assiduities of Lorenzo, and the persuasions of his friends, were sufficiently powerful to soften that obduracy which there is reason to presume Lucretia manifested on his first addresses, yet remains a matter of doubt. The sonnets of Lorenzo rise and fall through every degree of the thermometer of love ; he exults ' V, Ajiju No, XV. J^ Valor, in vita Laur, /?. 8. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 157 exults and he despairs — he freezes and he chap. burns— he sings of raptures too great for ^^' mortal sense, and he applauds a severity of virtue that no solicitations can move. From such contradictory testimony what are we to conclude ? Lorenzo has himself presented us with the key that unlocks this mystery. From the relation which he has beforc given, we find that Lucretia was the mistress of the poet, and not of the man. Lorenzo sought for an object to concentrate his ideas, to give them strength and effect, and he found in Lucretia a subject that suited his purpose, and deserved his praise. But having so far realized his mistress, he has dressed and ornamented her according to his own imagination. Every action of her person, every motion of her mind, is subject to his control. She smiles, or she frowns; she refuses, or relents ; she is absent, or present ; she in- trudes upon his solitude by day, or visits him in his nightly dreams, just as his presiding fancy directs. In the midst of these delightful visions Lorenzo was called upon to attend to the dull realities of life. He had now attained his twenty- first year, and his father conceived that it was time for him to enter into the conjugal state. To this end he had nes-otiated a marrias:e be- ^ fJ Lorenzo tween Lorenzo and Clarice, the daughter of™*''"^^ Giacopo Orsini, of the noble and powerful orsir.;. Roman VOL. I. B b 158 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Roman family of that name, which had so long* II' contended for superiority with that of the Colonna. Whether Lorenzo despaired of suc- cess in his youthful passion, or whether he subdued his feelings at the voice of paternal authority, is left to conjecture only. Certain however it is, that in the month of December 1468, he was betrothed to a person whom it is probable he had never seen, and the marriage ceremony was performed on the fourth day of June following'. That the heart of Lorenzo had little share in this engagement is marked by a striking circumstance. In adverting to his marriage in his Ricordi, he bluntly remarks that he took this lady to wife, or rather ^ says he, she was ghen to me, on the day before men- tioned"". Notwithstanding this indifference, it appears from indisputable documents, that a real affection soon afterwards subsisted between them ; ^ Bayle is mistaken in supposing that the marriage of Lorenzo took place in 1471. Speaking of Machiavelli, he says ; " II ne marque pas V annee de ce mariage, ce " qui est un grand defaut dans un Ecrivain d' histoire, " mais on pent recueillir de sa narration que ce fut 1' an " 1471." Diet. Hist, Art, Politien, In correcting Bayle, Menckenius falls into a greater errour, and places this event in 1472. Mtnck, in vita Pol, ii, 48. '" Ricordi di Lor, Jpfi. m, XII. XORENZO DE' MEDICI. 159 them; and there is reason to presume that chap. Lorenzo always treated her with particular i^ ' respect and kindness. Their nuptials were ce- lebrated with great splendour. Two military spectacles were exhibited, one of which re- presented a field battle of horsemen, and the other the attack and storming of a fortified citadel. In the month of July following, Lorenzo J^^J'' took another journey to Milan, for the purpose ^iian. of standing sponsor, in the name of his father, to Galeazzo, the eldest son of Galeazzo Sforza, the reigning duke. In this expedition he was '^^9- accompanied by Gentile d'Urbino, who gave a regular narrative of their proceedings to Clarice. A letter from Lorenzo himself to his wife is also yet preserved, written upon his arrival at Milan, which, though very short, and not distinguished by any flights of fancy, exhibits more sincerity and aifection than the greater part of his amorous sonnets". Lorenzo de"* Medici to his wife Clarice. *' / arrived here in safety^ and am in good *' health. This I belie'oe imll please thee better ** than " Fabr, in vita Lor, Adnot,\Sf Mon, v, ii./z. 56. 160 THE LIFE OF CHAP. ** than cmy thing else except my return : at least II' ^* so I judge from my own desire to he once more ** %\)ith thee. Associate as much as possible with '' ^ly f cither and my sisters, I shall make all ** possible speed to return to thee^ for it appears a ** thousand years till I see thee again. Pray to *■'- God for me. If thou want any thing from this '' place write in time. From Milan^ twenty- '* second July 1469. ^* Thy Lorenzo de"^ Medici, "^^ From the Ricordi of Lorenzo and the letters of Gentile, it appears that Lorenzo was treated at Milan with great distinction and honour. More indeed^ says he, than were shewfi to any other person present^ although there %vere many much better entitled to it. On his departure he presented the duchess with a gold necklace, and a diamond which cost about three thousand ducats, whence^ says he in his Ricordi, it fol- lowed^ that the duke requested that I would stand sponsor to all his other children. Death of Piero de' Medici did not long survive the Medici. marriage of his son. Exhausted by bodily sufferings, and wearied with the arrogant and tyrannical conduct of many of those who had espoused his cause, and which his infirmities prevented him from repressing, he died on the LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 161 the third day of December 1469, leaving his chap. widow Lucretia, who survived him many years. n* His funeral was without ostentation ; " perhaps," says Ammirato, '' because he had in his lifetime *' given directions to that effect; or because ^' the parade of a magnificent interment might ** have excited the envy of the populace towards '' his successours, to whom it was of more im- ** portance to ^^ great, than to appear to be so°." Before Piero was attacked by the disorder which for a long time rendered him almost inca- pable of attending to publick business, he had been employed in several embassies of the greatest importance, which he had executed much to his own honour, and the advantage of the republick. Even after he was disabled from attending in the council, he continued to regu- late the affairs of Florence, and to discuss with the principal citizens the most important subjects, in such a manner as to evince the solidity of his judgment and the integrity of his heart. He possessed a competent share of eloquence, some specimens of which are given by Machiavelli, who asserts that the extortions and abuses prac« tised ^ Amm. 1st, Fior, v, i'lu/u 106. 162 THE LIFE, ETC. I CHAP, tised by his friends and adherents were so flagi- II' tious, and so hateful to his temper, that, if he had lived, it was his intention to have recalled the exiled citizens ; for which purpose he had an interview, at his seat at CafFagiolo, with Agnolo Acciajuoli ; but the numerous errours of this celebrated historian give us just reason to doubt on those points which have not the con- current testimony of other writers. *' It is " probable," says Tiraboschi, ''that had Piero '' enjoyed better health and longer life, he might *' have done more for the interests of literature, <' but if he had only been known as the father '< of Lorenzo de' Medici, it would have been " a sufficient title to the gratitude of posterity." } CHAP. IIL Political state of Italy— Venice— Naples — Milan — Rome — Florence — Lorenzo succeeds to the direction of the republick — Giuliano de'' Medici — Attack on Prato — League against the Turks — Riches of the Medici — Their commer- cial concerns — Other sources of their re'oenue — The duke of Milan visits Florence — Lorenzo devotes his leisure to literature — Angelo Poli- tiano — His temper and character — Death of Paul II. — A persecutor of learned men — Suc- ceeded by Sixtus IV. — Lorenzo deputed to con- gratidate him — Revolt and sackage of Volterra — Lorenzo establishes the academy of Pisa — Negotiation for a marriage betvjcen the dauphin and a daughter of the king of Naples — The king declines the proposal — Ambition and rapa- city of Sixtus IV. — League between the duke of Milan^ the Venetians, and the Florentines — The King of Denmark at Florence — Progress of the Platonick academy — Poem of Lorenzo entitled altercazione — Platonick festival — Effects of this i?istitution — Number and cele- brity of its members. CHAP, m, 1469. At the time of the death of Pier o de' Medici, the republick of Florence was not engaged p^^^^-^^^^ in any open war. The absentees were however ^^^"^^^^ a cause of continual alarm, and the situation of the Italian states was such, as to give just grounds of apprehension that the tranquillity of that country would not long remain undisturbed. Of these the most powerful was that of Venice, Venice. which aspired to nothing less than the dominion of all Lombardy, and the supreme control of Italy itself. The superiority which it had acqui- red was in a great degree derived from the exten- sive commerce then carried on by the Venetians to different parts of the East, the valuable pro- voL. I. e c ductions 165 THE LIFE OF CHAP, cluctions of which were conveyed by way of III. Egypt into the Mediterranean, and from thence distributed by the Venetians throughout the rest of Europe. In this branch of commerce the Genoese and the Florentines had successively attempted to rival them ; but although each of these people, and particularly the latter, had obtained a considerable portion of this lucrative trade, the Venetians maintained a decided supe- riority, until the discovery of a new and more expeditious communication with India, by the Cape of Good Hope, turned the course of eastern traffick into a new channel. The nume- rous vessels employed in transporting their com- modities to different countries, rendered the state of Venice the most formidable maritime power in Europe. Ever intent on its own aggrandize- ment, it has only been restrained within its limits by formidable leagues between the Italian sovereigns, and by the seasonable intervention of foreign powers. Its internal tranquillity is remarkably contrasted with the turbulence of Florence ; but the Venetian nobility had erected their authority on the necks of the people, and Venice was a republick of nobles, with a populace of slaves. In no country was despotism ever reduced to a more accurate system. The pro- ficiency made by the Venetians in literature has accordingly born no proportion to the rank which LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 167 which they have in other respects held among chap. the Itahan states. The talents of the higher i^J* ■orders were devoted to the support of their authority, or the extension of their territory ; and among the lower class, with their political rights, their emulation was effectually extin- guished. Whilst the other principal cities of Italy were daily producing works of genius, Venice was content with the humble, but more lucrative employment of communicating those works to the publick by means of the press. Other governments have exhibited a different aspect at different times, according to the temper of the sovereign, or the passions of the multi- tude ; but Venice has uniformly preserved the same settled features, and remains to the present day a phenomenon in political history. The kingdom of Naples was at this time Napi«5. governed by Ferdinand of Arragon, who had in the year 1458 succeeded his father Alfonso. Under his administration that country expe- rienced a degree of prosperity to which it had long been a stranger. At the same time that Ferdinand kept a watchful eye on the other governments of Italy, and particularly on that ^ of Venice, he v\^as consulting the happiness of his own subjects by the institution of just and equal laws, and by the promotion of commerce aiKl 168 THE LIFE OF CHAP, and of letters ; but the virtues of the monarch III. were sullied by the crimes of the man, and the memory of Ferdinand is disgraced by repeated instances of treachery and inhumanity. Gale- azzo Maria, son of the eminent Francesco Milan. Sforza, held the states of Milan, Avhich were then of considerable extent. Of the virtues and talents of the father little however is to be traced in the character of the son. Immoderate in his pleasures, lavish in his expenses, rapacious in supplying his wants, he incurred the contempt and hatred of his subjects. Like another Nero, he mingled with his vices a taste for science and for arts. To the follies and the crimes of this man, posterity must trace the origin of all those evils which, after the death of Lorenzo de' Medici, depopulated and laid waste the most flourishing governments of Italy. Rome. The pontifical chair was filled by Paul II. the successour of Pius II. A Venetian by birth, he had been educated in the profession of a merchant. On his uncle Eugenius IV. being promoted to the papacy, he changed his views, and betook himself to study, but too late in life to make any great proficiency. To compensate for this defect, Paul assumed a degree of mag- nificence and splendour before unknown. His garments were highly ornamented, and his tiara was LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 169 was richly adorned with jewels. Of a tall and chap. imposing figure, he appeared in his processions J^^* like a new Aaron, and commanded the respect and veneration of the multitude. His dislike to literature was shewn by an unrelenting perse- cution of almost all the men of learning who had the misfortune to reside within his domi- nions. In the pontifical government, it may with justice be observed, that the interests of the prince and the people are always at variance with each other. Raised to the supremacy at an advanced period of life, when the claims of kindred begin to draw closer round the heart, the object of the pope is generally the aggran- dizement of his family ; and as he succeeds to the direction of a state whose finances have been exhausted by his predecessor, under the influ- ence of similar passions, he employs the short space of time allowed him, in a manner the most advantageous to himself, and the most oppressive to his subjects. Such is nearly the uniform tenour of this government ; but in the fifteenth century, when the pope by his secular power held a distinguished rank among the sovereigns of Italy, he often looked beyond the resources of his own subjects, and attempted to possess himself by force of some of the smaller independent states which bordered upon his dominions, and over which the holy see always pretended 170 THE LIFE OF CHAP, pretended a paramount claim, as having at some III* previous time formed a part of its territory, and having been either wrested from it by force, or wrongfully granted away by some former pon- tiff. These subordinate governments, though obtained by the power of the Roman state, were generally disposed of to the nominal ne- phew^s of the pope, who frequently bore in fact a nearer relationship to him ; and were held by them until another successour in the see had power enough to dispossess the family of his predecessor, and vest the sovereignty in his own. Florence. With auy of thcsc governments, either in extent of territory, or in point of military esta- blishment, the city of Florence could not con- tend ; but she possessed some advantages that rendered her of no small importance in the con- cerns of Italy. Independent of the superiour activity and acuteness of her inhabitants, their situation, almost in the centre of the contending powers, gave them an opportunity of improving circumstances to their own interest, of which they seldom failed to avail themselves ; and if Florence was inferiour to the rest in the particu- lars before mentioned, she excelled them all in the promptitude with which she could apply her resources when necessity required. The battles of LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 171 of the Florentines were generally fought by chap. Condottieriy who sold, or rather lent their troops n^- to those who offered the best price ; for the skill of the commander was shewn in these contests, not so much in destroying the enemy, as in preserving from destruction those followers on ^vhom he depended for his importance or his support. The Florentines were collectively and individually rich ; and as the principal inhabit- ants did not hesitate, on pressing emergencies, to contribute to the credit and supply of the republick, the city of Florence was generally enabled to perfonn an important part in the transactions of Italy, and if not powerful enough to act alone, was perhaps more desirable as an ally than any other state of that country^. Such 3 Of the population and finances of Florence, in the fifteenth century, I am enabled to give some interesting particulars, from a manuscript of that period, hitherto vmpublished, entitled Inventiva d* una imposilione di nuova gravezza^ or " A proposition for a new mode of taxation," by Lodovico Ghetti. In this document the projector calculates the number of Florentine citizens capable of bearing arms at 80,000 men, which, by computing four persons with each, so as to include infirm people, women, and children, he estimates as a population of 400,000 inhabitants. He then calculates the amount of the con- sumption, by this number of inhabitants, of the necessary articles of life, of which he proposes to take a tenth part 172 THE LIFE Of" CHAP. Such was the situation of the different III* governments of Italy at the time of the death of Piero de' Medici ; but, besides these, a number of inferiour states interfered in the politicks of the times, and on some occasions with no inconsider- able effect. Borso d' Este, marquis of Ferrara, although of illegitimate birth, had succeeded to the government on the death of Leonello, to the exclusion of his own legitimate brqthers, and administered its affairs with great reputa- tion^. Torn by domestick factions, the Genoese were in one general tax upon the produce of the soil and the labour of the country, amounting to 475,815 florins, which, after making all due allowances, would be sufli- cient to support the military establishment of the republick, and to discharge the other necessary expenses of the government. Many other particulars, respecting the ancient state of Florence may be found in this piece, which I have given in the Appendix, as accurately as the state of the manuscript will admit, v, Jjiji. JVo, XVI. The florin is no longer a current coin in Tuscany ; it may therefore be proper to observe, that the value of the ancient florin, or Fiorino d' oro, was about two shillings and sixpence, having been of the value of three lire and ten soldi. Amm. 1st, Fior* x^. ii. /2. 753. ^ The family of Este may be considered as powerful rivals of the Medici in the encouragement of learning and arts. This taste seems to have arisen with Leonello, who had studied under Guarino Veronese. {Tirab, v. Vu fi, 2. p. 259.) LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 173 were held in subjection by the duke of Milan, chap. whilst Sienna and Lucca, each boasting a free m* government, were indebted for their indepen- dence rather to the mutual jealousy of their neighbours, than to any resources of their own. We have already seen, that during the indis- Lorenao position of Piero de' Medici, Lorenzo had thedh-ec-^ frequently interfered in the administration of ^'J'p"^^^. J^^ the republick, and had given convincing proofs of his talents and his assiduity. Upon the death of fu 259) and is not less entitled to a place in the annals of letters than in those of political events. Under his pro- tection the university of Ferrara was splendidly reesta- blished and endowed. His court was resorted to by men of learning from all parts of Italy. Of his ov/n poetical productions some specimens yet remain which do honour to his memory. " Principe," says Muratori, " d' im- " mortale memoria ; perche, secondo la Cronica di Fer- " rara, fu amatore della pace, della giustitia, e della " pieta ; di vita onestissima, studioso delle divine scrit- " ture, liberale massimamente verso i poveri ; nelle " awersita paziente, nelle prosperita moderato, e che " con gran sapienza governo e mantenne sempre quieti « i suoi popoli ; di modo che si merito il pregiatissimo " nome di Padre della Patria.*' Mur, Ann, -v, ix./i. 439.) His successour was not inferiour to him as a patron of learn- ing ; and Ercole I. who succeeded Borso in 1471, conti- nued his hereditary protection of literature to the ensuing century. VOL. I. D d 174 THE LIFE OF CHAP, of his father, he therefore succeeded to his III' authority as if it had been a part of his patri- mony. On the second day after that event, he was attended at his own house by many of the principal inhabitants of Florence, who requested that he would take upon himself the admini- stration and care of the republick, in the same manner as his grandfather and his father had before done^ Had Lorenzo even been devested of ambition, he well knew the impossibility of retiring with safety to a private station, and without long hesitation complied with the wishes of his fellow- citizens''. Sensible, however, of the c Ricor. di Lor. in Jpju M, XII. ^ If we give implicit credit to Macliiavelli, Lorenzo was in a great degree indebted for this high distinction to Tomaso Soderini, who (as that author informs us) had, after the death of Piero de' Medici, obtained such influence in the city, that he was consulted on all afiairs of import- ance, and was even addressed by foreign powers as the principal person in the republick. On this, trying occasion, Tomaso, we are told, gave a striking proof of his moderation and fidelity. He assembled by night the principal citizens in the convent of S. Antonio, when Lorenzo and Giuliano were present, to take into con'si- deration the state of the republick ; where, by many argu- ments, he convinced his auditors of the expediency of continuing the Medici in the elevated station which their ancestors had so long enjoyed. {Mac, 1st. lib. 7) This ' account, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 175 the difficulties which he had to encounter, he chap. took every precaution to obviate the ill effects iJi* of envy and suspicion, by selecting, as his prin- cipal advisers, such of the citizens as were most esteemed for their integrity and their prudence, whom he consulted on all occasions of import- ance. This practice, which he found so useful to him in his youth, he continued in his maturer years ; but after having duly weighed the opi- nions of others, he w^as accustomed to decide on the measures to be adopted, by the strength of his account, though so chxumstantially rela,ted, and adopted even by Ammirato and Fabroni, I am led to reject, on the simple narrative of Lorenzo in his Ricordi. If Lorenzo was in fact called upon to take the direction of the republlck two da.ys after the death of his father, there seems to have been but little time allowed for the honours paid by the citizens, and by foreign powers, to Tomaso Soderini. And if Lorenzo accepted of this honourable distinction in his ovm house, as he expressly informs us was the case, there was no occasion for his attendance in the convent of S. Antonio, whilst the citizens debated, v/hether he should preserve the rank which his family had so Ions: held in Florence. His continuance in this rank was not oAving to the favour or the eloquence of an indi- vidual, but to the extensive wealth and influence of his family, its powerful foreign connexions, and above all, perhaps, to the remembrance of the many benefits which it had conferred upon the republick. 176 THE LIFE OF CHAP, his own judgment, and not seldom in opposition III' to the sentiments of those with whom he had advised. Letters of condolence were addressed to him on the death of his father, not only by- many eminent individuals, but by several of the states and princes of Italy, and from some he received particular embassies, with assurances of friendship and support. eiuiiano Between Lorenzo and his brother Giuliano de' Medici. , i rr there subsisted a warm and unmterrupted aftec- tion. Educated under the same roof, they had always participated in the same studies and amusements. Giuliano was therefore no stranger to the learned languages, and, in his attention to men of talents, emulated the ex- ample and partook of the celebrity of his bro- ther. He delighted in musick and in ix)etry, particularly in that of his native tongue, which he cultivated with success ; and by his generosity and urbanity gained in a great degree the affec- tions of the populace, to which it is probable his fondness for publick exhibitions not a little con- tributed. At the death of his father, Giuliano was only about sixteen years of age, so that the administration of publick affairs rested wholly on Lorenzo, whose constant attention to the im- provement of his brother may be considered as LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 177 as the most unequivocal proof of his affec- chap. tion ' . m* A hasty and ill- conducted attempt by Ber- Attack on nado Nardi, one of the Florentine exiles, to ^''^^^' surprise and possess himself of the town of Prato, « " Gaudeo mirum in modum Julianum nostrum se " totum Uteris tradidisse ; illi gratulor, tibique gratias " ago, quod eum ad hxc prosequenda studia excitaveris." Laur. Med, ad Pol, in Ep, Pol, lib, 10. " Julianus tuus vere frater, hoc est ut docti putant " fere alter, ipse sibi in studiis est non modo jam miri- " ficus hortator, sed et preceptor ; nihilque nobis ad " summam voluptatem deest nisi quod abes," Sec. Pol, ad Laur, Med, ib. If we may admit the evidence of a poet, the two brothers exhibited a striking example of fraternal affec- tion. In Laurentiinn^ Juliumqiie Petri F, Fratres Jiiissimos, ^'' Nee tanta Ebalios tenuit concordia fratres, " Nee tanto Atridas foedere junxit amor, *' Implicuit quanto Medicum duo pectora nexu " Mitis amor, concors gratia, pura fides ; *' Unum velle animis, unum est quoque nolle duobus, " Corque sibi alterna dant capiuntque manu ; *' Esse quid hoc dicam Juli^ et tu maxime Laurens^ " Anne duos una mente calere putem ?" Pol, lib. Epigram^ in Op, Aid. 1498. 178 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Prato, a part of the Florentine dominions, was III, one of the first events that called for the inter- position of the republick. A body of soldiers '470. ^ras despatched to the relief of the place, but the intrepidity of Cesare Petrucci, the chief magi- strate, assisted by Giorgio Ginori, a Florentine citizen and knight of Rhodes, had rendered further assistance unnecessary ; and Bernado being made prisoner, was sent to Florence, where he paid with his life the forfeit of his folly ^ Being interrogated previous to his exe- cution, as to his motives for making such an attempt with so small a number of followers, and such little probability of success, he replied, that having determined rather to die in Florence than to live longer in exile, he wished to ennoble his death by some splendid action^ . No sooner had this alarm subsided, than apprehensions arose of a much more formidable nature. Pur- suing his destructiA^e conquests, the Turkish emperour, Mahomet 11. had attacked the island of Negropont, which composed a part of the Venetian territory, and after a dreadful slaughter of both Turks and Christians, had taken the capital city by storm, and put the inhabitants to the Jmm, 1st, Fior, v, iii. /2. 107. s Mac, Hist, lib, 7, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 179 the svvord^. Encouraged by success, he vowed chat. not to lay down his arms until he had abolished m- the religion of Christ, and extirpated all his fol- lowers. A strong sense of common danger is perhaps of all others the most powerful incentive to concord, and the selfish views of the Italian states w^ere for a short time lost in the contem- plation of this destructive enemy, whose success was equally dreaded by the prince, the scholar, and the priest. In tlie month of December League 1470, a league vras solemnly concluded, for the Ss!^ common defence, between the pope, the king of Naples, the duke of Milan, and the Florentines, to which almost all the other states of Italy acceded'. In the same month Lorenzo de' Medici received a further proof of the confi- dence of his fellow-citizens, in being appointed syndick of the republick, by virtue of which authority he bestowed upon Buongianni Gian- filiazzi, then Gonfaloniere, the order of knight- hood in the church of S. Reparata^'. The multiplicity of his publick concerns did Roches of T p, 1 . , . the MedicL not prevent Lorenzo irom attending to his domestick affairs, and taking the necessary pre- cautions h Mur a u Jnn, v. ixc/u 507. "■ Id, fu SOS, ^ Amm^ 1st, Fior, V. i'n, fi, 107. 180 THE LIFE OF CHAP, cautions for continuing with advantage those III* branches of commerce which had proved so lucrative to his ancestors. Such were the profits which they had derived from these sources, that besides the immense riches which the family actually possessed, the ancestors of Lorenzo had in a course of thirty- seven years, computing from the return of Cosmo from banishment in 1434, expended in works of publick charity or utility, upwards of 660,000 florins ; a sum which Lorenzo himself justly denominates incredible, and which may serve to give us a striking idea of the extensive traffick by which such munifi- cence could be supported ^ In relating this circumstance, Lorenzo gives his hearty sanction to the manner in which this money had been employed. Some persons ivould perhaps think^ says he, in his private Ricordi, that it would be more desirable to ha^oe a part of it in their purse ; but I concei'oe it has been a great adiiantage to the publick, and %vell laid out, and am therefore per- fectly satisfied. Of this sum the principal part had been acquired and expended by Cosmo de' Medici, who had carried on, in conjunction with his brother Lorenzo, a very extensive trade, as well in Florence as in foreign parts. On the death ' Ricordi di Lor. de* Med, in Ap}u Ao. XII, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 181 death of Lorenzo, in the year 1440, his pro- chap. portion of the riches thus obtained, which iii« amounted in the whole to upwards of 235,000 florins, w^as inherited by his son Pier Francesco de' Medici, for whose use Cosmo retained it until the year 1451, when a distribution took place between the two families. From that time it was agreed, that the traffick of the family- should be carried on for the joint benefit of Pier Francesco, and of Piero and Giovanni, the sons of Cosmo, who were to divide the profits in equal shares of one third to each, and immense riches were thus acquired'"" ; but whilst Cosmo and his descendants expended a great part of their wealth in the service of the country, and supported the hereditary dignity of chiefs of the republick, Pier Francesco preferred a private life, and equally remote from the praise of munifi- cence or the reproach of ostentation, transmitted to his descendants so ample a patrimony, as enabled them, in concurrence Vvdth other favour- able circumstances, to establish a permanent authority in Florence, and finally to overturn the liberties of their native place. Of « Ricordidi Lor, de' Med. in J/i/i. M. XII. VOL. X. E e 182 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Of the particular branch of traffick by which III, the Medici acquired their wealth, little infor- Their mation remains ; but there is no doubt that a commercial considerable portion of it arose from the trade concerns. *■ which the Florentines, in the early part of the fifteenth century, began to carry on to Alex- andria for the productions of the east, in which they attempted to rival the states of Genoa and of Venice. To this they were induced by the representations of Taddeo di Cenni, who having resided at Venice, and being apprized of the advantages which that city derived from the traffick in spices and other eastern merchandise^ prevailed upon his countrymen^ in the year 1421, to aim at a participation in the trade. Six new officers were accordingly created, under the title of maritime consuls, who were to prepare at the port of Leghorn (the dominion of which city the Florentines had then lately obtained by purchase) two large galleys and six guard- ships". In the following year the Florentines entered on their new commerce with great solemnity. A publick procession took place, and the divine favour, which had always accompanied their domestick undertakings, was solicited upon their maritime " J7nm, 1st, Fior. v, .ii./z. 994. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 183 maritime concerns. At the same time the first chap. armed vessel of the republick was fitted out on ^^^' a voyage for Alexandria, in which twelve young men of the chief families in Florence engaged to proceed, for the purpose of obtaining expe- rience in naval affairs. Carlo Federighi and Fe- lice Brancacci were appointed ambassadours to the sultan, and were provided with rich presents to conciliate his favour. The embassy was emi- nently successful. Early in the following year the ambassadours returned, having obtained per- mission to form a commercial establishment at Alexandria, for the convenience of their trade, and with the extraordinary privilege of erecting a church for the exercise of their religion °. In this branch oftraffick, which was of a very lucra- tive nature, and carried on to a great extent, the Medici were deeply engaged, and reciprocal presents of rare or curious articles were ex- changed between them and the sultans, which sufficiently indicate their friendly intercourse. Besides the profits derived from their mer- ^*^'" . ■T sources oi cantile concerns, the wealth of the Medici was thei^ revr- uue. obtained « J/nm, 1st, Fior. v, ii. p, 999. ^y^ 184 THE LIFE OF CHAP, obtained through many other channels. A very III. large income arose to Cosmo and his descend- ants from their extensive farms at Poggio- Cajano, Caffagiolo, and other places, which were cultivated with great assiduity, and made a certain and ample return. The mines of allum in different parts of Italy were either the property of the Medici, or were hired by them from their respective owners, so that they were enabled almost to monopolize this article, and to render it highly lucrative. For a mine in the Roman territory it appears that they paid to the papal see the annual rent of 100,000 florins i'. But per- haps the principal sources of the riches of this family arose from the commercial banks which they had established in almost all the trading cities of Europe, and which were conducted by agents in whom they placed great confidence. At a time when the rate of interest frequently depended on the necessities of the borrower, and was in most cases very exorbitant, an incon. ceivable profit must have been derived from these establishments, which, as we have before noticed, were at times resorted to for pecuniary assist- ance by the most powerful sovereigns of Europe. In P Fabr. in vita Laur, v, i. /?; 39. 182. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 185 In the month of March 1471, Galeazzo c h ap. Sforza, cUike of Milan, accompanied by his duchess ^^^' Bona, sister of Amadeo, duke of Savoy, paid a Thedukeof , Milan visits visit to Florence, where they took up their resi- Florence. dence with Lorenzo de' Medici ; but their attend- '471- ants, who were very numerous, were accommo- dated at the publick charge^. Not sufficiently gratified by the admiration of his own subjects, Galeazzo was desirous of displaying his magni- ficence in the eyes of the Florentines, and of partaking with them in the spectacles and amuse- ments with which their city abounded. His equipage was accordingly in the highest style of splendour and expense'^ ; but notwithstanding this ^ They consisted of one hundred men at anns, and five hundred infantry as a guard, fifty running footmen richly dressed in silk and silver, and so many noblemen and courtiers, that, with their different retinues, they amounted to two thousand horsemen. Five hundred couple of dogs, with an infinite number of falcons and hawks, completed the pageantry. Amm, 1st, Fior, v. iii./z. 108. ^ Muratori, {Jnnali cV Italia^ v, ix. /2, 511.) after Corio ,{Ist, di Milan 0,) informs us, that this journey was under- taken by Galeazzo under the pretext of the performance of a vow. Valori supposes that the motive of the duke was to confirm the authority of Lorenzo in Florence. Galeazzo was not remarkable either for his piety or his pi-udence ; 186 THE LIFE OF CHAP, this profusion, his wonder, and perhaps his envy, i^^' was excited by the snperiour magnificence of Lorenzo, which was of a kind not always in the power of riches to procure. Galeazzo observed with admiration the extensive collection of the finest remains of ancient art, which had been selected throughout all Italy for a long course of years with equal assiduity and expense. He examined with apparent pleasure the great variety of statues, vases, gems, and intaglios, with which the palace of Lorenzo was ornamented, and in which the value of the materials was often excelled by the exquisite skill of the workman- ship ; but he was more particularly gratified by the paintings, the productions of the best masters of the times, and owned that he had seen a greater number of excellent pictures in that place, than he had found throughout the rest of Italy. With the same attention he examined the cele- brated collection of manuscripts, drawings, and other curious articles of which Lorenzo was possessed ; and notwithstanding his predilection for courtly grandeur, had the taste, or the address, prudence ; and it seems more probable that this excursion was undertaken merely to gratify his vanity, which he did at the expense of 200,000 gold ducats. In tracing the motives of conduct, historians frequently forget how many are to be sought for in the follies of mankind. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 187 address, to acknowledge, that in comparison chap, with what he had seen, gold and silver lost their ^^^' value. The arrival of the duke at Florence seems to have been the signal for general riot and dissipation. Machiavelli affects to speak wdth horrour of the irregular conduct of him and of his courtiers : and remarks, with a gravity that might well have become a more dutiful son of the church, that this w^as the first time that an open disregard was avowed in Florence of the prohibition of eating flesh in lent'. For the amusement of the duke and his attendants three pubiick spectacles v/ere exhibited ; one of which was the annunciation of the virgin, another the ascension of Christ, and the third the descent of the holy spirit. The last was exhibited in the church of the S. Spirito ; and as it required the frequent use of fire, the building caught the flames, and was entirely consumed — a circum- stance which the piety of the populace attri- buted to the evident displeasure of Heaven. There is however abundant reason to believe Lorenzo devotes his that Lorenzo was induced to engage in the avo- leisure to cations and amusements before mentioned, rather by necessity than by choice, and that his happiest hours s Mac. Hist, lib, 7. 188 THE LIFE OF CHAP, hours were those which he was permitted to iiJ* devote to the exercise of his talents, and the improvement of his understanding, or which were enlivened by the conversation of those eminent men who sometimes assembled under his roof in Florence, and occasionally accom- panied him to his seats at Fiesole, Careggi, or CafFagiolo. Those who shared his more imme- diate favour, were Marsilio Ficino, the three brothers of the family of Pulci, and Matteo Angeio Franco ; but of all his literary friends, Politiano pohtiano. ^^^g ^1^^ most particularly distinguished. It has been said that this emment scholar w^as educated under the protection of Cosmo de' Medici ; but at the death of Cosmo he was only ten years of age, having been born on the fourteenth day of July, 1454. Politiano was indebted for his education to Piero, or rather to Lorenzo de' Medici, whom he always considered as his pecu- liar patron, and to whom he felt himself bound by every tie of gratitude ^ The place of his birth ^ Ficino, addressing himself to Lorenzo, denominates Politiano " Angelus Politianus noster, alumnus tuus, acer- " rimo vir judicio." And Politiano himself says, " In- " nutritus autem fiene a fiucro sum castissimis illis pene- "tralibusmagni viri, et in hac sua florentissima republica *< principis Laurenti Medicis." Pol. Ell, ad Johanncm Regem Portugallioi, in Efim lib, X. Efu\, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 189 birth was Monte-Pulciano, or Mons-Folitiamis, a chap. small town in the territory of Florence "", whence __£I£i__ he derived his name, having discontinued that of his family, which has given rise to great diver- sity of conjecture respecting it' . The father of Politiano, * MoJite-Pulciano is remarkable also for producing the best wine not only in Italy, but in Europe. In the Ditirambo of Redi, Bacchus, after enumerating every known species of wine, declares, by a definitive sentence, that ■-♦• Monte-Pulciano d^ogn'i "vino e il Re» ^ Some authors have given him the name of Angelus Bassus, but more modern criticks have contended that his real name was Cini, being a contraction of Ambrogini, {Menage Antibaillet, lib, i. c. 14. Bayle Diet, Hist, Art, Fo- litien,) Menckenius, in his laborious history of the life of this author, employs his first chapter in ascertaining his real name, and constantly denominates him Angelus Am- broginus Politianus, The Abate Serassi, in his life of Poli- tiano, prefixed to the edition of his Italian poems by Co- mino, {Padua^ 1765,) is also of opinion, that the name of Bassus is supposititious, and endeavours, on the authority of Salvini, to account for the rise of the mistake. Not- withstanding these respectable authorities, indisputable evidence remains, that in the early part of his life Poli- tiano denominated himself by the Latin appellation of Bassiis, Not to rely on the epigram " ad Bassum^" printed VOL. I. F f 190 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Politiano, though not Avealthy, was a doctor of' III" the civil law, which maybe an answer to the many invidious tales as to the meanness of his birth. On his arrival at Florence he applied himself with great diligence to the study of the Latin language under Cristoforo Landino, and of the Greek, under Andronicus of Thessalonica. Ficino and Argyropylus were his instructers in the different systems of the Platonick and Aris- totelian philosophy ; but poetry had irresistible allurements for his young mind, and his stanzc on the Giostra of Giuliano, if they did not first recommend him to the notice of Lorenzo, cer- tainly obtained his approbation, and secured his favour. printed amongst his works, and certainly addressed ta him, which Menckenius supposes led Vossius into his errour, we have the most decisive evidence on this subject from different memoranda in the hand-writing of Poiltiano yet remaining in the Laurentian library, which I sliall hereafter have occasion more particularly to state, and in which he subscribes his name Angcliis Bassus Politianus. Bandini, who has had every possible opportunity of in- formation on this subject, accordingly gives him that denomination. {S/iec. Lit. Flor, v, i./i, 172.) That Bassus was an academical name, assumed by Politiano in his youtlft, might be contended with some degree of probabi iity. De Bure has given him the name of Jean Petit {Bibliogr, Insir, x;. iv. /. 271.) in which absurdity he was preceded by another of his countrymen, Guy Patin. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 191 iavour"^. The friendship of Lorenzo provided chap. for all his wants, and enabled him to prosecute m- his studies free from the embarrassments and interruptions of pecuniary affairs''. He was early enrolled among the citizens of Florence, and appointed secular prior of the college of S. Giovanni. He afterwards entered into cle- rical orders, and having obtained the degree of doctor "^ Etenim ego tenera adhuc jetate sub duobus excellen- tissimis hominibus, Marsilio Ficino Florentino et Argy- ropulo Bizantino Peripateticorum sui temporis, longe clarissimo, dabam quidem philosophic utriqiie operam, sed non admodum assiduam ; videlicet ad Homeri poetse blandimenta natura et setate proclivior. Pol. in fine Miscell. ^ Omnia tibi ad ingenue philosophandum adjumenta suppeditat favor ac gratia Laurentii Medices, maximi hac tempestate studiorum patroni : qui missis per universum terrarum nunciis, in omni disciplinarum genere libros conquirit, nulli sumptui parcit, quo tibi ac reliquis prse- claris ingeniis, bonarum artium studia semulantibus, instrumenta abundantissima paret. {JVic, Leoniceiiuti ad Pol. in Pol. Efi. lib. ii. Ep. 7.) Nor did Politiano hesitate, upon occasion, to trouble his patron with his personal wants. From one of his epigrams it appears that his inattention to dress had rendered it necessary for him to request immediate assistance from Lorenzo's wardrobe ; and from another we find that such assistance was not denied him. These epigrams merit a place in the Ap- pendix, vide A'b. XVII. 192 THE LIFE OF < CHAP, doctor of the civil law, was nominated a canon III' of the cathedral of Florence. Intrusted by Lo- | renzo with the education of his children, and the ! care of his extensive collection of manuscripts | and antiquities, he constantly resided under his ■; roof, and was his inseparable companion at those I hours which were not devoted to the more important concerns of the state. His temper Rcspccting thc tcmpcr and character of ' andcharac Politiaiio, his cpistlcs afFord us ample inform- j ation. In one of these, addressed to Matteo Corvino king of Hungary, a monarch eminently j distinguished by his encouragement of learned i men, he hesitates not, whilst he pays a just tribute of gratitude to the kindness of Lorenzo, i to claim the merit due to his own industry and ; talents^ . From a humble situation^ says he, / | ha'de^ by the favour and friendship of Lorenzo de"* \ Medici^ been raised to some degree of rank and ' celebrity^ ivithoiit any other recommeiidation than \ 7ny proficiency in literature. During many years \ I hai^e not only taught in Florence the Latiji tongue \ with great approbation^ but e'uen in the Greek Ian- ; guage I have contendedwith the Greeks themselves — ; a species of merit that I may boldly say has not been | attained '' PoL Ep, lib, ix. EJu 1, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 193 attained by any of my countrymen for a thousand chap. years past. In the intercourse which Politiano m« maintained with the learned men of his time, he appears to have been sufficiently conscious of his own superiority. The letters addressed to him by his friends were in general well calculated to gratify his vanity ; but although he was in a high degree jealous of his literary reputation, he was careful to distinguish how far the applauses bestowed upon him were truly merited, and how far they were intended to conciliate his favour. If he did not always estimate himself by the good opinion entertained of him by others, he did not suffer himself to be depressed by their envy or their censured / am no more raised or dejected^ says he, hy the flattery of my friends^ or the accusations of my adversaries^ than I am by the shado'iv of my oivn body ; for although that shadows maybe some%\)hat longer in the morning and the e^oening than it is in the middle of the day^ this %mll scarcely induce me to think myself a taller man at those times than I am at noon. The impulse which Lorenzo de' Medici had given to the cause of letters soon began to be felt 2 PoL Efu lib, iii. Ep, ?4. 194 THE LIFE OF CHAP, felt not only by those who immediately surrounded ^^^* him, but throughout the Tuscan territories, and from thence it extended itself to the rest of Italy. By the liberal encouragement Avhich he held out to men of learning, and still more by his condescension and affability, he attracted them from all parts of that country to Florence ; so that it is scarcely possible to name an Italian of that age, distinguished by his proficiency in any branch of literature, that has not shared the attention or partaken of the bounty of Lorenzo. Death of Paul II. between whom and the family of the Medici there subsisted an irreconcilable enmity, died on the 26th of July 1471, leaving behind him the chai^acter of an ostentatious, profligate, and illiterate priest. This antipathy, which took place in the lifetime of Piero de' Medici, though Fabroni supposes it arose after his death^, was occasioned by the ambition of Paul, who under the influence of motives to which we have before adverted, was desirous of possessing himself of the city of Rimini, then held by Roberto, the natural son of Gismondo Malatesti, whose virtues had obliterated in the eyes ^ Fabr, in vita Laur, v, up. 29. Paul II. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 195 eyes of the citizens the crimes of his father^ . chap. Finding his pretensions opposed, Paul attempted i^^- to enforce them by the sword, and prevailed upon his countrymen the Venetians to afford him their assistance. Roberto had resorted for suc- cour to the Medici, and by their interference the Roman and Venetian troops were speedily opposed in the field by a formidable army, led by the duke of Urbino, and supported by the duke of Calabria and Roberto Sanseverino. An engagement took place, which termi- nated in the total rout of the army of the pope, who, dreading the resentment of so power- ful an alliance, acceded to such terms as the conquerors thought proper to dictate ; not how- ever without bitterly inveighing against the Medici for the part they had taken in opposing his ambitious project. During the pontificate of Paul II. letters and ^f ""r''" O JT cutor of science experienced at Rome a cruel and unre- leamed men. lenting persecution, and their professors exhi- bited in their sufferings a degree of constancy and resolution, which in another cause might have advanced them to the rank of martyrs. The ^ ji7nm, 1st, Fior, v, iii./?. 105. Murat, Ann, v, ix. p* 505. 196 THE LIFE OF CHAT. The imprisonment of the historian Platina, who III' on being arbitrarily deprived of a respectable office to which he w^as appointed by Pius II. had dared to thunder in the ears of the pope the dreaded name of a general council, might per- haps admit of some justification ; but this was only a prelude to the devastation which P^ul made amongst the men of learning, who, during his pontificate, had chosen the city of Rome as their residence'' . A number of these uniting together, had formed a society for the research of antiquities, chiefly with a view to elucidate the works of the ancient authors, from medals, inscriptions, and other remains of art. As an in- citement to, or as characteristick of theii" studies, they had assumed classick names, and thereby gave the first instance of a practice which has since become general among the academicians of Italy. Whilst these men were employing themselves in a manner that did honour to their age and country, Paul was indulging his folly and his vanity in ridiculous and contemptible exhibitions'^; and happy had it been if he had confined c Platina nelki vita di Paolo II. Muratori Ann, v, ix» /?. 508. *^ Correvano i vecchi, correvano i giovani, correvano quelli che erano di mezza eta, correvano i giudei, e li facevana LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 197 confined his attention to these amusements ; but chap. on the pretext of a conspiracy against his per- i^^* son, he seized upon many members of the academy, which he pretended to consider as a dangerous and seditious assembly, accusing them of having, by their adoption of heathen names, marked their aversion to the Christian religion. Such of them as were so unfortunate as to fall into his hands he committed to prison, where they underwent the torture, in order to draw from them a confession of crimes which had no existence, and of heretical opinions which they had never avowed. Not being able to obtain any evidence of their guilt, and finding that they had resolution to suffer the last extremity rather than accuse themselves, Paul thought proper at length to acquit them of the charge, but at the same time, by a wanton abuse of power, he ordered that they should be detained in facevano ben saturare prima, perche meno veloci corres- sero. Correvano i cavalli, le cavalle, gli asiiii, e i buf- fali con piacere di tutti, che per le risa grandi potevano appena star le genti in pie. II correre che si faceva, era dair arco di Domiziano sino alia chiesa di S. Marco, dove stava il papa, che supremo gusto e piacere di queste feste prendeva ; e dopo il corso usava anche a fanciulli, lordi tutti di fango, questa cortesia, che ad ogni uno di loro faceva dare un carlino. Plat, ut suji, VOL. I. G g 198 THE LIFE or ( CHAP, in prison during a complete year from the time ' JJi' of their commitment, alleging that he did it to ; fulfil a vow which he had made when he first imprisoned them^ , Succeeded Xo Paul II. succecded Francesco dell a Ro- j ' vere, a Franciscan monk, who assumed the name of Sixtus IV. His knowledge of theology and the canon law had not conciliated the favour of the populace ; for during the splendid ceremony of his coronation a tumult arose in the city, in ; Lorenzo whlcli liis Ufc was endangered^ To congratu- ' congmu- late him on his elevation , an embassy of six of ] i.ue him. ^Y^^ most eminent citizens was deputed from ] Florence, at the head of which was Lorenzo de' ' Medici. Between Lorenzo and the pope mutual instances of good-will took place ; and Lorenzo, who under the direction of his agents had a bank i established at Rome, was formally invested with : the office of treasurer of the holy see, an ap- i pointment which greatly contributed to enrich | his maternal uncle, Giovanni Tornabuoni, who, whilst he executed that office on behalf of • Lorenzo, had an opportunity of purchasing ' from i ^ Platiria ndla vita di Paolo II. — Zeno. Dissert, Voss, Jrt, Platijia — Tirab, Storia delta Lett, Ital, v, vi. pa7\ i. p, 82. ^ Muratori Ann, v, ix. //. 511. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 199 from Sixtus many of the rich jewels that had chap. been collected by Paul II. which he sold to dif- ui' ferent princes of Europe to great emolument^. During this visit Lorenzo made further additions to the many valuable specimens of ancient sculpture, of which, by the diligence of his ancestors, he was already possessed. On his return to Florence he brought with him two busts, in marble, of Augustus and Agrippa, which were presented to him by the pope, with many cameos and medals, of the excellence of which he w^as an exquisite judge \ In the warmth of his admiration for antiquity, he could not refrain from condemning the barbarism of Paul, who had demolished a part of the Flavian amphitheatre in order to build a church to S. Marco'. At this interview it is probable that Lorenzo solicited from Sixtus the promise of a cardinal's hat for his brother, and it is certain that he afterwards used his endeavours to obtain for Giuliano a seat in the sacred col- lege, through the medium of the Florentine envoy at Rome ; but the circumstances of the times, and the different temper of the pope and of g Fabr. in vita Laur, v. i. p, 38. ^ Ricordi di Lor, in Afip, jVo. XII« i Fabroni in vita Laur, v, i. /?. 40. 200 THE LIFE OF CHAP, of Lorenzo, soon put an end to all friendly JJ^' intercourse between them, and an enmity took place which was productive of the most sanguin- ary consequences. Revolt and Soou after the return of Lorenzo to Flo voSrZ^ rence, a disagreement arose between that repub- lick and the city of Volterra, which composed a part of its dominions. A mine of alum had been discovered within the district of Volterra, which being at first considered as of small importance, was suiFered to remain in the hands of individual proprietors ; but it afterwards appearing to be very lucrative, the community of Volterra claimed a share of the profits as part of their municipal revenue. The proprietors appealed to the magistrates of Florence, who discountenanced the pretensions of the city of Volterra, alleging, that if the profits of the mine were to be applied to the use of the publick, they ought to become a part of the general revenue of the government, and not of any particular district. This determination gave great offence to the citizens of Volterra, who resolved not only to persevere in their claims, but also to free themselves if possible, from their subjection to the Florentines. A general commotion took place at Volterra. Such was the violence of the insurgents, that they put to dearth several of their LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 201 their own citizens who disapproved of their chap. intemperate proceedings. Even the Florentine ^^^* commissary, PieroMalegonelle, narrowly escaped with his life. This revolt excited great alarm at Florence, not from the idea that the citizens of Volterra were powerful enough to succeed in an attempt which they had previously made at four different times without success, but from an apprehension that if a contest took place, it might afford a pretext for the pope or the king of Naples to interfere on the occasion. Hence a great diversity of opinion prevailed amongst the magistrates and council of Florence, some of whom, particularly Tomaso Soderini, strongly recommended conciliatory measures. This ad- vice Vv^as opposed by Lorenzo de' Medici, who, from the enormities already committed at Vol- terra, was of opinion that the most speedy and vigorous means ought to be adopted to repress the commotion. In justification of this apparent severity, he remarked, that in violent disorders, where death could only be prevented by bold and decisive measures, those physicians were the most cruel, who appeared to be the most com- passionate. His advice was adopted by the council, and preparations were made to suppress the revolt by force. The inhabitants of Vol- terra exerted themselves to put the city in a state of defence, and made earnest applications for 202 THE LIFE OF CHAP, for assistance to the neighbouring governments. iii» About a thousand soldiers were hired and received within the walls, to assist in supporting the expected attack ; but the Florentines having surrounded the place with a numerous army^, under the command of the count of Urbino, the citizens soon surrendered at discretion. The Florentine commissaries took possession of the palace, and enjoined the magistrates to repair peaceably to their houses. One of them on his return was insulted and plundered by a sol- dier ; and notwithstanding the utmost exertions of the duke of Urbino, who afterwards put to death the offender, this incident led the way to a general sackage of the city, the soldiers who had engaged in its defence uniting with the con- querors in despoiling and plundering the unfor- tunate inhabitants. Lorenzo was no sooner apprized of this event than he hastened to Vol- terra, where he endeavoured to repair the inju- ries done to the inhabitants, and to alleviate their distresses by every method in his power^ Although ^ Ten thousand foot and two thousand horse, accord- ing to Machiavelli, {lib, 7.) but Ammirato, with more probability, enumerates them at five thousand of the former and five hundred of the latter. 1st, Fior, V, iiu/i, 3. 1 Fabr, in vitay v, i, ji, 45. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 203 Although the unhappy termination of this affair chap. arose from an incident, which as the sagacity of ni' Lorenzo could not foresee, so his precaution could not prevent, yet it is highly probable, from the earnestness which he shewed to repair the calamity, that it gave him no small share of regret. Nor has he on this occasion escaped the censure of a contemporary historian, who being himself an inhabitant of Volterra, pro- bably shared in those distresses of which he considered Lorenzo as the author, and has therefore, on this and on other occasions, shewn a disposition unfriendly to his character"'. About the close of the following year, great — ~ — apprehensions of a famine arose in Florence, and five citizens were appointed to take the necessary precautions for supplying the place. The dread- Lorenzo eaa- ful effects of this calamity were however obviated, academy of principally by the attention of Lorenzo, who ^'^^* shortly afterwards took a journey to Pisa, where he made a long residence^ . The object of this visit "^ Raffaelle da Volterra^ in Commentar, Urban, Geogr. lib, 5, p. 138. Ed,Lugch 1552. " The coincidence of these circumstances is adverted to in an epigram of Politiano, whose poems illustrate almost all the principal incidents in the life of Lorenzo : " Cum 204 THE tiFE OF CHAP, visit was the reestablishment and regulation of JJi' the academy of that place, which, after having existed nearly two centuries, and having been celebrated for the abilities of its professors, and the number of its students, had fallen into dis- repute and neglect. An institution of a similar nature had been founded in Florence in 1348 — a year rendered remarkable by the dreadful pes- tilence of which Boccacio has left so affecting a narrative ; but Florence w^as on many accounts an improper situation for this purpose. The scar- city of habitations, the high price of provisions, and the consequent expense of education, had greatly diminished the number of students, whilst the amusements with which that place abounded were unfavourable to a proficiency in serious acquirements. Sensible of these disadvantages, the Florentines, who had held the dominion of Pisa from the year 1406, resolved to establish the academy " Cum commissa sibi telius malefida negasset " Semina, et agricols falleret herba fidem, " Protinus optatas patrise tua dextera fruges " Obtulit) et celerem jussit abire famem. " Nee mora, Piseis commutas sedibus urbem " Servatam, et nimio tempore lentus abes. ••' Heu quid agis ? Patriae Laurens te redde gementi. " Noil facta est donis Isetior ilia tuis. *" McKsta dolet, malletque famem perferre priorem, . " Quam desiderium patria ferre tui." Pol, in lib, Epigr, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 205 academy of that place in its former splendour, c h a i'. Lorenzo de' Medici and four other citizens were ui' appointed to superintend the execution of their purpose"; but Lorenzo, who was the projector of tlie plan, undertook the chief direction of it, and in addition to the six thousand florins annu- ally granted by the state, expended, in eifecting his purpose, a large sum of money from his private fortune. Amongst the professors at Pisa were speedily found some of the most emi- nent scholars of the age, particularly in the more serious and important branches of science. At no period have the professors of literature been so highly rewarded''. The dissensions and misconduct ° The other deputies were Tomaso de' Ridolfi, Donato degli Acciajuoli, (after whose death his place was sup- plied by Piero Minerbetti,) Andrea de' Puccini, and Alamanno de' Rinuccini. Fabron, in vita Laitr. ju SQ* This author, who was lately, and perhaps is yet, at the head of the Pisan academy, has, in his life of Lorenzo, given a very full account of its renovation, and of the different professors who have contributed towards iu celebrity. P The teachers of the civil and canon law were Bar- tolommeo Mariano Soccini, Baldo Bartolini, Lancclotto and Filippo Tristano, Pier Filippo Corneo, Felice Sandeo, and Francesco Accoiti ; all of whom had great professional reputation. In the department of medicine we find the names VOL. I. H h 206 THE LIFE OF CHAP, misconduct of these teachers, whose arrogance m» was at least equal to their learning, gave Lorenzo no small share of anxiety, and often called for his personal interference^. His absence from his native place was a frequent cause of regret to Politiano, who consoled himself by composing verses expressive of his affection for Lorenzo, and names of Albertino de Chizzoli, Alessandro Sennoneta, Giovanni d' Aquila, and Pier Leoni. In philosophy, Nicolo Tignosi. In polite letters, Lorenzo Lippi and Bartolommeo da Prato. In divinity, Domenico di Flan- dria and Bernardino Cherichini. Of these the civilians had the highest salaries — that of Soccini was 700 florins annually ; that of Baldo 1050, and that of Accolti 1440. ements at Pisa, and to carry off with him to Venice sundry books and property of the academy intrusted to his care, which he had artfully concealed in wine casks. Being taken and brought to Florence, he was there con- demned to death ; but Lorenzo exerted his authority to prevent the execution of the sentence, alleging as a reason for his interference, that so accomjilished a scholar ought not to suffer an ignominious death. An observation which may shew his veneration for science, but which will scarcely be found sufficient to exculpate a man v/hose extensive knowledge rather aggravated than alleviated his offence. Soccini, however, not only escaped punishment, but in the space of three years was reinstated in his professorship, with a salary of 1000 florins. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 207 and soliciting his speedy return^ To this cir- chap. ciirastance we are however indebted for several lU' of the familiar letters of Lorenzo that have reached posterity, many of which have been published with those of Ficino, and perhaps derive some advantage from a comparison with the epistles of the philosopher, whose devotion to his favourite studies is frequently carried to an absurd extreme, and whose flattery is sometimes so apparent as to call for the reprehension even of Lorenzo himself'. The increasing authority of Lorenzo, and his importance in the aftairs of Europe, now began to be more apparent. In the year 1473, he took part in a negotiation, which, had it been Negotiation successful, might have preserved Italy from age\TtwIen many years of devastation, and at all events ^'^^/^^jp'^i'^ •'V ' and a daugh- must have eiven a different complexion to the terofthe *^ ^ king of affairs not only of that country, but of Europe. Naples. Louis XI. of France, who laid the foundation of that despotism which, after having existed for r I give the following for its conciseness rather than its merit : " Invideo Pisis Laurenti, nee tamen odi, " Ne mihi displiceat quje tibi terra placet." PoL in lib, F.pigr. s " Scribis ut in te laudando posthsec parcior esse " velim," Sec. Fie, ad Laur, in Ep, Ficfi, 34. Ed, 1502, 208 1'"^ LIFE OF CHAP, for three centuries, was at length expiated in III- the blood of the most guiltless of his descend- ants, and whose views were uniformly directed towards the aggrandizement of his dominions and the depression of his subjects, was desirous of connecting his family with that of Ferdinand king of Naples, by the mari>age of his eldest son with a daughter of that prince. To this end he conceived it necessary to address himself to some person, whose general character, and influence with Ferdinand, might promote his views, and for that purpose he selected Lorenzo de' Medici. The confidential letter from Louis to Lorenzo on this occasion is yet extant, and affords some striking traits of the character of this ambitious, crafty, and suspicious monarclf . After expressing his high opinion of Lorenzo, and his unshaken attachment to him, he gives him to understand, that he is informed a nego- tiation is on foot for a marriage between the eldest daughter of the king of Naples and the duke of Savoy, upon which the king was to give her a portion of 300,000 ducats. With- out apologizing for his interference, he then mentions his desire that a connexion of this nature should take place between the princess and ' For this letter, first published by Fabrorii, v. Apji M. XVIII. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 209 and his eldest son the dauphin, and requests chap. that Lorenzo^ would communicate his wishes 1 1 J' to the king of Naples. To this proposal Louis stipulates as a condition, that Ferdinand should, in consequence of such alliance, not only assist him in his contest with the house of Anjou, but also against the king of Spain, and his other enemies ; alluding to the duke of Burgundy, whom he was then attempting to despoil of his dominions. After making further arrangements respecting the proposed nuptials, he requests that Lorenzo would send some confidential per- son to reside with him for a time, and to return to Florence as often as might be requisite, but with particular injunctions that he should have no intercourse with any of the French nobility or princes of the blood. The conclusion of the letter conveys a singular request ; conscious of his guilt, Louis distrusted all his species, and he desires that Lorenzo VvOuld furnish him with a large dog, of a particular breed, ^vhich he was known to possess, for the purpose of attending on his person and guarding his bed-chamber". Notwithstanding the apparent seriousness with which Louis proposes to connect his family by marriage Vigilum canum Tristes excubise. Hor. 210 THE LIFE OF CHAP, marriage with that of the king of Naples, it Is Jii' probable that such proposal was only intended to delay or prevent the marriage of the princess Ferdinand with tlic dukc of Savoy. Whether Ferdinand vTo^sL considered it in this light, or whether he had other reasons to suspect the king of France of sinister or ambitious views, he returned a speedy answer"", in which, after the warmest professions of personal esteem for Lorenzo, and after expressing his thorough sense of the honour he should derive from an alliance v/ith a monarch who might justly be esteemed the greatest prince on earth, he rejects the proposition on account of the conditions that accompanied it ; declaring that no private considerations should induce him to interrupt the friendship subsisting between him and his ally the duke of Burgundy, or his relation the king of Spain ; and that he would rather lose his kingdom, and even his life, than suffer such an imputation upon his honour and his character. If in his reply he has alleged the true reasons for declining a connexion apparent- ly so advantageous to him, it must be confessed that his sentiments do honour to his memory. The magnanimity of Ferdinand affords a striking contrast to the meanness and duplicity of Louis V V. Apiu No, XIX. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 211 i i Louis XL It is scarcely necessary to add that chap. the proposed union never took place. The m* dauphin, afterwards Charles VIII. , married the j accomplished daughter of the duke of Bretagne, ' and some yeai's afterwards expelled the family of his once-intended father-in-law from their i dominions, under the pretence of a will, made ' in favour of Louis XL by a count of Provence, one of that very family of Anjou, against whose ' claims Louis had himself proposed to defend the ; king of Naples. Sixtus IV. at the time he ascended the pon- Ambitioa tincal chair, had several sons, upon whom, in city of the character of nephews, he afterwards bestowed ^'''^"' ^ the most important offices and the highest dig- nities of the church. The indecency of Sixtus, in thus lavishing upon his spurious offspring the riches of the Roman see, could only be equaled ] by their profuseness in dissipating them. Piero Riario, in whose person were united the dignities ' of cardinal of S. Sisto, patriarch of Constanti- I nople, and archbishop of Florence, expended at ' a single entertainment in Rome, given by him in \ honour of the dutchess of Ferrara, 20,000 j ducats, and afterwards made a tour through ] Italy with such a degree of splendour, and so . i numerous a retinue, that the pope himself i could I 212 THE LIFE or j i CHAP, could not have displayed greater magnificence''', " III' His brother Girolamo was dignified with the ^ appellation of count ; and that it might not be 1 regarded as an empty title, 40,000 ducats were expended in purchasing from the family of 1 Manfredi the territory of Imola, of which he : obtained possession'', and to which he after- 1 wards added the dominion of Forli. The city of Castello became no less an object of the ambi- ! tion of Sixtus ; but instead of endeavouring \ to possess himself of it by compact, he made an attempt to wrest it by force from Niccolo ' Vitelli, who then held the sovereignty ; for ; which purpose he despatched against it another \ of his equivocal relations, Giuiiano della Rovere, ; who afterwards became pope under the name of ] Julius II., and who, in the character of a mili- \ tary cardinal, had just before sacked the city of Spoleto, and put the inhabitants to the sword. \ Niccolo, having obtained the assistance of the duke of Milan and of the Florentines, made a i vigorous defence, and, though obliged at length \ to capitulate, obtained respectable terms. His I long resistance was attributed by the pope, and j not without reason, to Lorenzo de' Medici, i who, ; Muratori Jnn, v, ix. //. 515. ^ Ibid^ju 516, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 213 who, independent of his private regard for chat. Niccoio, could not be an indifferent spectator i-i* of an unprovoked attack upon a place which immediately bordered on the territories of Flo- rence, and greatly contributed towards their security^. These depredations, which were supposed to be countenanced by the king of Naples, roused the attention of the other states of Italy; and, towards the close of the year 1474, a league was concluded at Milan between the J^^fn^thJ" duke, the Venetians, and the Florentines, for ^^^^°fMi. ^ ' ' ^ ^ ' laff, the Ve- their mutual defence, to which neither the pope netians and nor the king were parties ; liberty was however ^j^^^ °""" reserved for those potentates to join in the league if they thought proper ; but this they afterwards refused, probably considering this article of the treaty as inserted rather for the purpose of deprecating their resentment, than with the expectation of their acceding to the compact "= . In this year, under the magistracy of Donato The king ot Denmark vi- sits Florence. Acciajuoli, a singular visiter arrived at Florence. ^^""'^'^'^ ^'- This was Christian, or Christiern, king of Den- mark y Amm» 1st, Fior, v» iii./2. 1 13. ^ j^m?n* Ist, Fior,v, uup, 113. Muratori Aim, v, ix. p. 5 IS. VOL. I. I i 214 THE LIFE OF CHAP, mark and Sweden, who was journeying to Rome, ^^^* for the purpose, as was alleged, of discharging a vow. He is described by the Florentine historians ''^^^- as of a grave aspect, with a long and white beard ; and, although he was considered as a barbarian, they admit that the qualities of his mind did not derogate from the respectability of his external appearance. Having surveyed die city, and paid a ceremonial visit to the magistrates, who re- ceived their royal visiter with great splendour, he requested to be favoured with a sight of the celebrated copy of the Greek Evangelists, which had been obtained some years before from Con- stantinople, and of the Pandects of Justinian, brought from Amalfi to Pisa, and thence to Florence. His laudable curiosity was accord- ingly gratified ; and he expressed his satisfaction by declaring, through the medium of his inter- preter, that these were the real treasures of princes, alluding, as was supposed, to the con- duct of the duke of Milan, who had attempted^ to dazzle him with the display of that treasure of which he had plundered his subjects, to gra-' tify his vanity and his licentiousness ; on which occasion Christian had coldly observed, that the accumulation of riches was an object below the attention of a great and magnanimous sove- reign. Ammirato attempts to shew that this remark is rather specious than just ; but the authority LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 215 authority of the Roman poet is in favour of the chap. Goth"". It was a spectacle worthy of admira- ^^^' tion, says the same historian, to see a king, peaceable and unarmed, pass through Italy, whose predecessors had not only overthrown the armies of that country, and harassed the king- doms of France and of Spain, but had even broken and overturned the immense fabrick of the Roman empire itself. If we do not implicitly join in the applauses I'rogressof bestowed by Landino on the professors and the mck acade- tenets of the Platonick or new^ philosophy % we must not, on the contrary, conceive, that the study of these doctrines was a mere matter of speculation and curiosity. From many circum- stances, there is great reason to conclude that they Avere applied to practical use, and had a considerable influence on the manners and the morals of the age. The object towards which mankind have alwavs directed their aim, and in the acquisition of which every system both of religion and philosophy proposes to assist tlieir endeavours, a Hor. lib, ii. Ode, 2. ^ Land, in proem, ad lib. 1. de vera nobilitate ad mag- num vereque nobilem Laurentium Medicem^ Petri, F, afi. Band, Sjiec, Lit, Flor, v, ii. /z. 38. 216 THE LIFE OF CHAP, endeavours, is the sinnmum boniini, the greatest J^^' possible degree of attainable happiness ; but in what this chief good consists has not been universally agreed upon, and this variety of opinion constitutes the essential difference be- tween the ancient sects of philosophy. Of all these sects there was none whose tenets were so elevated and sublime, so calculated*to with- draw the mind from the gratifica-tions of sense, and the inferiour objects of human pursuit, as that of the Platonists ; which, by demonstrating the imperfection of every sensual enjoyment, and every temporal blessing, rose at length to the contemplation of the supreme cause, and placed the ultimate good in a perfect abstraction from the world, and an implicit love of God. How far these doctrines may be consistent with our nature and destination, and whether such sentiments may not rather lead to a dereliction than a completion of our duty, may perhaps be doubted ; but they are well calculated to attract a great and aspiring mind. Mankind, however, often arrive at the same conclusion by different means '^ ; and we have in our own days seen a sect rise up, whose professors, employing a mode Sono infinite vie e diffe rente, E quel che si ricerca solo e uno. Poesie di Lor, de* Medici^ p. 33. Ed, 1554. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 217 mode of deduction precisely opposite to the c h a p. Platonists of the fifteenth century, strongly iii. resemble them in their sentiments and manners. Those important conclusions which the one derived from the highest cultivation of intellect, the other has found in an extreme of humiliation, and a constant degradation and contempt of all .• human endowments. Like navigators who steer a course directly opposite, they meet at last at the same point of the globe. And the sub- lime reveries of the Platonists, as they appear in the works of some of their followers, and the doctrines of the modern Methodists, are at times scarcely distinguishable in their respective writings. In this system Lorenzo had been educated ^^'""''^ Lorenzo, from his earliest years. Of his proficiency in entitled it he has left a very favourable specimen in a ^' '"''''''""''' poem of no inconsiderable extent. The occasion that gave rise to this poem appears from a letter of Ficino, v. ho undertook to give an abstract of the doctrines of Plato in prose, whilst Lorenzo agreed to attempt the same subject in verse**. Lorenzo ^ Cum ego ac tu nuper in agro Careggio multa de felicitate ultro citroque disputavissenius, tandem in sen- tentiam eandem, duce ratione, convenimus. Ubi tu novas quasdam rationes, quod felicitas in voluntatis potius 218 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Lorenzo completed his task with that facility for iii» which he was remarkable in all his compositions, and sent it to the philosopher, who performed the part he had undertaken by giving a dry and insipid epitome of the poem of Lorenzo^. What seems yet more extraordinary is, that •^ Ficino, in a letter to Bernardo Rucellai, (who had married one of the sisters of Lorenzo,) transmits to him a prosaick paraphrase of the beautiful address to the Deity at the conclusion of the poem, affirming that he daily made use of it in his devotions, and recommending it to Ber- nardo for the like purpose. At the same time, instead of attributing the composition to its real author, he adverts to it in a manner that Ber- nardo might well be excused from understand- ing^. It is needless to add, that this subject appears potius quam intellectus actu consistat, subtiliter invenisti. , Placuit autem tibi, ut tu disputationem ill am carminibus, i ego soluta oratione conscriberem. Tu jam eleganti j poemate tiium officium implevisti. Ego igitur nunc, aspirante dec, munus meum exequar quam brevissime. ^ Fie, Eji. lib. 1. /?. 38. Ed, 1497. : * Lege feliciter, Laurenti felix, qux Marsilius Ficinus | tuus ; hie breviter magna ex parte a te inventa, de feli- j citate perstrinxit. Ib,/i,4\. i ^ Audivi Laurentium Medicem nostrum, nonnulla horum similia ad lyram canentem, furore quodam divino, i ut arbitror, concitum. Fie. Ep,lib, i./?. 41. j LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 219 appears to much greater advantage in the native chap. dress of the poet, than in the prosaick garb of m. the philosopher^. The introduction is very pleasing. The author represents himself as leaving the cit} , to enjoy for a few days the pleasures of a country life. Da piu dolce pensier tirato e scorto, Fuggito avea 1' aspra civil tempesta, Per ridur 1' alma in piu tranquillo porto. Cosl tradutto il cor da quella, a questa Libera vita, placida, e sicura, Che e quel po del ben ch' al mondo resta : E per levar da mie fragil natura Mille pensier, che fan la mente lassa, Lasrsai il bel cerchio delle patrie mura. E pervenuto in parte ombrosa, e bassa, Amena valle che quel monte adombra, Che'l vecchio nome per eta non lassa, La ove un verde laur' facea ombra, Alia radice quasi del bel monte, M'assisi ; e'l cor d' ogni pensier si sgombra. Led s Printed without date, apparently about the close of the fifteenth century, and not since reprinted, nor noticed by any bibliographer. It is entitled alter- CATIO^TE OVERO DIALOGO COMPOSTO DAL MAGNIEICO LO- RENZO Di PiERO Di cosiMO de' MEDICI, nel quale si dis^iuta tra el cittadino el pafitore quale sia piii felice vita o la civile la rusticana con la determinatione facta dal fihilosopho dove solamente si truovila verafelicitd. In 12°. 220 TH E LIFE OF CHAP. Led on by pensive thought, I left erewhile, jjj^ Those civil storms the restless city knows, Pleased for a time to smooth my brow of toily And taste the little bliss that life bestows. Thus with free steps my willing course I sped, Far from the circle of nriy native walls ; And sought the vale with thickest foliage spread On w^hose calm breast the mountain shadow falls* Charmed with the lovely spot, I sat me down, Where first the hill its easy slope inclined, And every care that haunts the busy town, Fled, as by magick, from my tranquil mind. Whilst the poet is admiring the surrounding scenery, he is interrupted by a shepherd, who brings his flock to drink at an adjacent spring ; and who, after expressing his surprise at meet- ing such a stranger, inquires from Lorenzo the reason of his visit. Dimmi per qual cagion sei qui venuto ? Perche i theatri, e i gran palazzi, e i templi Lassi, & r aspro sentier ti e piu piaciuto ? Deh I dimmi in questi boschi hor che contempli ? Le pompe, le richezze, e le delitie, Forse vuoi prezzar piu pe' nostri exempli ? — ^Ed io a lui — lo non so qual divitie, O qual honor sien piu suavi, & dulci, Che questi, fuor delle civil malitie. Tra voi lieti pastori, tra voi bubulci, Odio non regna alcuno, o ria perfidia, Ne LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 221 \ Ne nasce ambition per questi sulci. CHAP* II ben qui si possiede senza invidia ; III, j Vostra avaritia ha piccola radice ; ' 1 Contenti state nella lieta accidia. Qui una per un altra non si dice ; , Ne e la lingua al proprio cor contraria ; ' Che quel cli' oggi el fa meglio, e piu felice. ; Ne credo che gli avvengha in si pura aria, Che'l cuor sospiri, e fuor la bocca rida ; Che piu saggio e chi '1 ver piu copre e varia. Thy splendid halls, thy palaces forgot, Can paths o'erspread with thorns a charm supply ; Or dost thou seek from our severer lot. To give to wealth and power a keener joy ? — Thus I replied — I know no happier life. No better riches than you shepherds boast, Freed from the hated jars of civil strife, Alike to treachery and to envy lost. The weed ambition midst your furrowed field Springs not, and avarice little root can find ; Content with what the changing seasons yield, You rest in cheerful poverty resigned. What the heart thinks the tongue may here disclose ; Nor inward grief with outward smiles is drest. Not like the world — where wisest he who knows To hide the secret closest in his breast. Comparing VOL. I. K k 222 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Comparing the amusements of the city with ^^^' the more natural and striking incidents of the country, he has the following passage : S' advien ch' iin tauro con un altro giostri, Credo non manco al cuor porgha diletto, Che feri ludi de' theatri nostri, E tu giudicatore, al Piu perfetto Doni verde corona, ed in vergogna Si resta 1' altro, misero, ed in dispetto» If chance two bulls in conflict fierce engage. And, stung by love, maintain the doubtful fight ; Say, can the revels of the crowded stage In all its pomp afford a nobler sight ? Judge of the strife, thouweav'st a cliaplet gay, And on the conqueror's front the wreath is hung : Abash'd the vanquish'd takes his lonely way, And sullen and dejected moves along. The shepherd however allows not the supe- riour happiness of a country life, but in reply represents, in a very forcible manner, the many hardships to which it is inevitably liable. In the midst of the debate the philosopher Marsilio approaches, to whom they agree to submit the decision of their controversy. This affords him an opportunity of explaining the philosophical tenets LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 223 tenets of Plato ; in the course of which, after chap. an inquiry into the real value of all subordinate iii» objects and temporal acquisitions, he demon- strates, that permanent happiness is not to be sought for either in the exalted station of the one, or in the humble condition of the other, but that it is finally to be found only in the knowledge and the love of the first great cause. In order to give additional stability to these piatonick studies, Lorenzo and his friends formed the intention of renewing, wuth extraordinary pomp, the solemn annual feasts to the memory of the gi'eat philosopher, which had been celebrated from the time of his death to that of his disciples Plotinus and Porphyrius, but had then been discontinued for the space of twelve hundred years. The day fixed on for this purpose was the seventh of November, which was supposed to be the anniversary not only of the birth of Plato, but of his death, which happened among his friends at a convivial banquet, precisely at the close of his eighty-first year. The person appointed by Lorenzo to preside over the cere- mony at Florence was Francesco Bandini, whose rank and learning rendered him extremely pro- per for the ofiice. On the same day another party 224 THE LIFE OF G H A P. party met at Lorenzo's villa at Carreggi, where JJJ* he presided in person. At these meetings, to which the most learned men in Italy resorted, it was the custom for one of the party, after dinner, to select certain passages from the works of Plato, which were submitted to the elucida^ tion of the company, each of the guests under- taking the illustration or discussion of some important or doubtful point. By this institution, which was continued for several years, the philo- sophy of Plato was supported not only in credit but in splendour, and its professors were consi- dered as the m.ost respectable and enlightened men of the age. Whatever Lorenzo thought proper to patronise became the admiration of Florence, and consequently of all Italy. He was the glass of fashion ; and those who joined in his pursuits, or imitated his example, could not fail of sharing in that applause which seemed to attend on every action of his life. this instl tution. Effects of Of the particular nature, or' the beneficial effects of this establishment, little further is now to be collected, nor must we expect, either on this or on any other occasion, to meet with the transactions of the Florentine academy in the fifteenth century. The principal advantages of this institution seem to have been the collecting together LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 225 together men of talents and erudition, who had chap. courage to dissent from established modes of __li^: belief, and of supplying them with new, rational, and important topicks of conversation. From these discourses it was not difficult to extract the purest lessons of moral conduct, or the sub- limest sentiments of veneration forthe Deity ; but good sense was the only alembick through which the true essence could be obtained, and this was not at hand on all occasions. The extravagancies of some of the disciples contributed to sink into discredit the doctrines of their master. Even Ficino himself, the great champion of the sect, exhibits a proof, that when the imagination is once heated by the pursuit of a favourite object, it is difficult to restrain it within proper bounds. Habituated from his earliest youth to the study of this philosophy, and conversant only with Plato and his followers, their doctrines occupied his whole soul, and appeared in all his conduct and conversation. Even his epistles breathe nothing but Plato, and fatigue us Vvith the end- less repetition of opinions which Lorenzo has more clearly exhibited in a few luminous pages. Ficino was not, however, satisfied with following the track of Plato, but has given us some trea- tises of his own, in which he has occasionally taken excursions far beyond the limits which his master 226 THE LIFE OF CHAP, master prescribed to himself' . We might be i^J* inclined to smile at his folly, or to pity his weakness, did not the consideration of the follies and weaknesses of the present times, varied indeed from those of past ages, but per- haps not diminished, repress the arrogant emo- tion. Number and cele Of those who more particularly distinguished bi-Tty ofits themselves by the protection which they aiForded members. ^^ ^j^^ ^^^ philosophy, or by the progress they made in the study of it, Ficino has left a nume- rous catalogue in a letter to Martinus Uranius, in which he allots the chief place to his friends of the family of the Medici'. Protected and esteemed by Cosmo, the same unalterable attach- ment subsisted between the philosopher and his patrons for four successive generations. If ever the love of science was hereditary, it must have been in this family. Of the other eminent men whom Ficino has enumerated, Bandini has given us ^ In his treatise de vita c(xUius comparanda^ v/e have a chapter, de-virtntevcrborum atque cantus ad beiieficium cceleste cafitandmn^ and another, d^e aatronomica dilic^entiainlibcris iirocreandis^ with other disquisitions equally instructive. Fie, de vita. Fen, 1548, 8**. Fie, Eju lib, xi. Ep, 30. Ed, 1497. v, Jpp, jYo, XX. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 227 lis some interesting particulars", to which con- chap. siderable additions might be made ; but the iiJ- number is too great, and the materials are too extensive, to be comprised within moderate limits. In perusing the catalogue of the disciples of this institution, we perceive that the greatest part of them were natives of Florence, a circum- stance that may give some idea of the surprising attention which was then paid in that city to literary pursuits. Earnest in the acquisition of wealth, indefatigable in improving their manu- factures and extending their commerce, the Florentines seem not, however, to have lost sight of the true dignity of man, or of the pro- per objects of his regard. A thorough acquaint- ance as well with the ancient authors as with the literature of his own age, was an indispensa- ble qualification in the character of a Florentine; but few of them were satisfied with this inferi- our praise. The writers of that country, of whose lives and productions some account is given by Negri, amount in number to upwards of two thousand, and among these may be found many names of the first celebrity. In this respect the city of Florence stands unrivalled. A species of praise as honourable as it is indis- putable. ^ Band, Spec, Lit, Flor, passim. CHAP. IV. Assassination of the duke of Milan— Am- hition of Lodomco Sforza — Conspiracy of the Pazzi — Parties engaged in it — Family of the Pazzi — Origin of the attempt — Arrangements for its execution — Giuliano assassinated, a?id Lorenzo wounded — The co?ispirators attack t/je palace — Repulsed by the Gonfaloniere — Pmiish- ment of the conspirators — Conduct of Lorenzo — Memorials of the conspiracy — Lorenzo prepares for his defence against the pope and the king of Naples — Latin ode of PoUtiano — Kindness of Lorenzo to the relatives of the conspirators — Violence of Sixtus IV. — He excomnnmicates Lo- renzo and the magistrates — Singular reply of the Florentine synod — Sixtus attempts to prevail on the Florejitines to deliver up Lorenzo — Danger of his situation — Conduct of the war — Lorenzo negotiates for peace — Death of Don at o Accia- juoli — Various success of the war — Lorenzo resolves to visit the king of Naples — His letter to the magistrates of Florence — He embarks at Pisa — Concludes a treaty with theking — Sixtus perseveres in the war — The Turks make a descent upon Italy — Peace concluded with the pope. L 1 CHAP. IV. Whilst Lorenzo was dividing his time ;'^^';'^f "h; between the cares of s-overnment and the '^''.''*'"^ ^ Milan. promotion of literatm^e, an event took place that attracted the attention of all Italy towards Milan. This was the death of the duke Gale- azzo Maria, w^ho was assassinated in a solemn procession, and in his ducal robes, as he was entering the church of S. Stefano. This daring ''^^^' . act, which seems to have originated partly in personal resentment, and partly in an aversion to the tyranny of the duke, was not attended with the consequences expected by the perpe- trators ; two of whom were killed on the spot ; and 232 • THE LIFE OF CHAP, and the third, Girolamo Olgiato, a youth of iv« ' twenty-three years of age, after having been refused shelter in his father's house, died upon the scaifold. On his execution he shewed the spirit of an ancient Roman^. The conspirators undoubtedly expected to meet with the coun- tenance and protection of the populace, to whom they knew that the duke had rendered himself odious by every species of cruelty and oppression. The delight which he seemed to take in shedding the blood of his subjects had rendered him an object of horrour — his insatiable debauchery, of disgust*" ; he was even suspected of having de- stroyed ^ Ne fu nel morire tneno animoso, che nell' operarc si fusse stato ; perche trovandosi ignudo, e con il carne- lice davanti, che aveva il coltello in mano per ferirlo, disse queste parole in lingua Latina, perche litterato era, ♦' Mors acerba^ fama fierfietua^ stabit vetus memoriafacti" Mac. Hist, lib, vii. It appears, however, from the ancient chronicle of Donalo Bossi, that more than one of the conspirators suffered the horrid punishment which he there relates : — " Post questionem de participibus conjurationis, in vesti- '*• bulo arcis, urbem versus, in quaterna membra vivi *' discerpti sunt." Chronic, Bossiana. Ed, Mil, 1492. ^ Era Galeazzo libidinoso, e crudele ; delle qual due cose gli spessi essempi I'havevano fatto odiosissimo ; perche non solo non gli bastava corrompere le donne nobili> LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 233 ^troyed his mother, who, as he thought, inter- c h ap. fered too much in the government of Milan ; ^^' and who suddenly died as she was making her retreat from thence to Cremona. But no com- motion whatever took place in the city, and Giovan Galeazzo, a child of eight years of age, peaceably succeeded his father in the dukedom % The imbecility of his youth tempted the daring spirit of his uncle, Lodovico, to form a sytem- atick plan for obtaining the government of Mi- lan, in the execution of which he drew ruin upon himself, and entailed a long succession of misery upon his unfortunate country. The connexion that had long; subsisted Ajnbitionof '-' Lodovico between the houses of Sforza and of Medici, sforza. rendered it impossible for Lorenzo to be an indifferent spectator of this event. At his instance Tomaso Soderini was despatched to Milan, to assist by his advice the young prince and his mother, who had taken upon herself the regency during the minority of her son. The ambitious designs of Lodovico soon became apparent. Having persuaded his three brothers, Sforza nobili, che prendeva ancora piacere di publicarle ; ne era contento fare morire gli huomini, se con qualche modo crudele non gli ammazzava. Mac, lib, vii. ^ Murat, Ann, v, ix. p, 522. 234 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Sforza duke ofBari, Ottaviano, and Ascanio, ^^' to second his views, he began to oppose the authority of the dutchess, and attempted to devest her of the assistance of her faithful and expe- rienced counsellor Cecco Simoneta, a native of Calabria, whose integrity and activity had re- commended him to the patronage of the cele- brated Francesco Sforza'^ Simoneta, aware of his design, endeavoured to frustrate it, by\ im- prisoning and punishing some of his accomplices of infer i our rank. The four brothers immedi- \ ately resorted to arms, and of this circumstance Simoneta availed himself to obtain a decree, that either banished them from Milan or prohibited their return. Ottaviano, one of the brothers, soon afterwards perished in attempting to cross the river Adda. These rigorous measures, instead of depressing the genius of Lodovico, gave a keener edge to his talents, and superadded to his other motives the desire of revenge. Nor was it long before his resentment was gra- tified '^ Cecco was brother to the historian Simoneta, whose elegant I^atin history of the life of Francesco Sforza has furnished future historians with some of the most inte- resting particulars of that period. This work was first published at Milan in 1479, and reprinted therein 1486. The Italian translation by Cristoforo Landino, was al- so published at Milan in 1490, under the title of La Sforziada, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 235 tifiedby the destruction of Simoncta, who ex- chap. piated by his death the offence which he had iv« committed against the growing power of the brothers% No sooner was the dutchess deprived of his support, than Lodovico \vrested from her feeble hands the sceptre of Milan, and took the young duke under his immediate protection ; where, like a weak plant in the shade of a vigor- ous tree, he languished for a few miserable, years, and then fell a victim to that increasing strength in which he ought to have found his perservation. The publick agitation excited by the assassi- conspiracy nation of the duke of Milan had scarcely sub- sided, before an event took place at Florence of a much more atrocious nature, inasmuch as the objects destined to destruction had not afforded a pretext, in any degree plausible, for such an attempt. Accordingly we have now to enter mts. on a transaction that has seldom been mentioned without emotions of the strongest horrour and detestation, and which, as has justly been ob- served, is an incontrovertible proof of the prac- tical atheism of the times in which it took place. « Murat. Ann, v, ix. fi, 532. 236 THE LIFE OF CHAP, placed — A transaction in which a pope, a car- ^v* dinal, an archbishop, and several other eccle- siasticks, associated themselves with a band of ruffians, to destroy two men who were an honour to their age and country ; and purposed to per- petrate their crime at a season of hospitality, in the sanctuary of a Christian church, and at the very moment of the elevation of the host, when the audience bowed down before it, and the assassins were presumed to be in the immediate presence of their God. Parties en- gaged ill it. At the head of this conspiracy were Sixtus IV. and his nephew Girolamo Riario. Raifaello Riario, the nephew of this Girolamo, who, although a young man then pursuing his studies, had lately been raised to the dignity of cardinal, was rather an instrument than an accomplice in the scheme. The enmity of Sixtus to Lorenzo had for some time been apparent, and if not occasioned by the assistance which Lorenzo had afforded to Niccolo Vitelli, and other indepen^ dent nobles, whose dominions Sixtus had either threatened or attacked, was certainly increased by it. The destruction of the Medici appeared therefore *" Voltaire Essai sur les mxurs^ljfc, des nations^ v, ii./?. 283. Ed, Genev. 1769,4°. 237 therefore to Sixtus as the removal of an obstacle chap. that thwarted all his views, and by the accom- iv. plishment of which the small surroundins^ states would soon become an easy prey. There is, however, great reason to believe that the pope did not confine his ambition to these subordinate governments, but that, if the conspiracy had succeeded to his wish, he meant to have grasped at the dominion of Florence itself^. The alliance lately formed between the Florentines, the Vene- tians, and the duke of Milan, which was prin- cipally effected by Lorenzo de' Medici, and by which the pope found himself prevented from disturbing the peace of Italy, was an additional and powerful motive of resentment-'. One of the first proofs of the displeasure of the pope was his depriving Lorenzo of the office of trea- surer of the papal see, which he gave to the Pazzi, g At least Ferdinand of Naples, the ally of Sixtus in the contest that ensued, assured the Florentine ambas- sadour that such was the intention of the pope, " che " sapeva lui, che Sisto non tenne meno fantasia in capo " d' occupare e farsi signore di Firenze, che il presente " sommo pontefice si habbi tenuta di occupare questo " regno." — Alluding to the subsequent attack made by Innocent VIII. upon the kingdom of Naples. Fabr. in vita Laur, v, n./i, 107. ^ Murat, Jinn* v. ix, /i* 526. VOL. !• Mm the Pazzi. 238 . THE LIFE OF CHAP. Pazzi, a Florentine family, who, as well as IV' the Medici, had a publick bank at Rome, and who afterwards became the coadjutors of Sixtus in the execution of his treacherous pur- pose. Family of Tliis family was one of the noblest and most respectable in Florence ; numerous in its mem- bers, and possessedofgreat wealth and influence. Of three brothers, two of whom had filled the office of gonfaloniere, only one was then living. If we may credit the account of Politiano', Gia- copo ^ CONJURATIONIS PACTIAN^ COMMENT ARIUM. ThlS piece, written by a spectator, and printed in the same year in which the event took place, is as remarkable for the vehemence of its invective, as for the elegance of its style, and proves how deeply Politiano felt, and how keenly he resented the injury done to his great patrons. Not being republished with the other works of this author in 1498 or 1499, or in the Paris edition of 1519, it became extremely rare, " tam rarum deventum quidem, ut inter " doctos sxpe dubitatum est, an unquam typis impres- " sum fuerit, ac inter alios ignoratus etiam libri titulus." Adi mariiui infirmf^ ad Pact, Conj, Comment. Ed, Nap, 1769. Adimari having procured the ancient copy from the Strozzi library, and collated it with various manuscripts, republished it at Naples in 1769, with great elegance and copious illustrations, forming an ample quarto volume ; from which accurate edition this piece is given in the Appendix, No. XXI. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 539 copo de' Pazzi, the surviving brother, who was chap. regarded as the chief of the famih', and fiir iv- advanced in years, was an unprincipled libertine, w^ho having by gaming and intemperance dissi- pated his paternal property, sought an oppor- tunity of averting, or of concealing his own ruin in that of the republick. Giacopo had no children ; but his elder brother Piero had left seven sons, and his younger brother Antonio three; one of whom, Guglielmo de' Pazzi, had in the lifetime of Cosmo de' Medici married Bianca, the sister of Lorenzo. Francesco, the brother of Guglielmo, had for several years resided principally at Rome. Of a bold and aspiring temper, he could not brook the supe- riority of the Medici, which was supposed to have induced him to choose that place as his residence in preference to Florence. Several of the Florentine authors have endea- voured to trace the reason of the enmity of this family to that of the Medici ; but nothing seems discoverable, which could plausibly ope- rate as a motive, much less as a justification of their resentment. On the contrary, the affinity between the two families, and the favours con- ferred by the Medici on the Pazzi, memorials of which yet remain in the hand- writing of Giacopo, 240 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Giacopo'', might be presumed to have prevented ^v* animosity, if not to have conciliated esteem ; and that they lived on terms of apparent friend- ship and intimacy is evident from many circum- stances of the conspiracy. Machiavelli relates a particular injury received by one of the Pazzi, which, as he informs us, that family attributed to the Medici. Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Borromeo, whose immense property upon his death should have descended to his daughter. But pretensions to it being made by Carlo, his nephew, a litigation ensued, in the event of which the daughter was deprived of her inheritance'. There is, however, reason to believe that this decree, whether justi- fiable or not, and of which we have no docu- ments to enable us to form a judgment, was made many years before the death of Piero de' Medici, when his sons were too young to have taken a very active part in it ; and it is certain that it produced no ostensible enmity between the families. It is also deserving of notice, that this transaction happened at a time when Lo- renzo « ^ In letters from him to Lorenzo, two of v/hich are given by Fabroni, and will be found in the Appendix, No. XXII. ^ Mac, Hist, lib, 8. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 241 renzo was absent from Florence, on one of his chap. youthful excursions through Italy"". Jv- This conspiracy, of which Sixtus and his 0"sinof . the attempfc nephew were the real instigators, was first agi- tated at Rome, where the intercourse between the count Girolamo Riario and Francesco de' Pazzi, in consequence of the office held by the latter, afforded them an opportunity of commu- nicating to each other their common jealousy of the power of the Medici, and their desire of depriving them of their influence in Florence ; in which event it is highly probable, that the Pazzi were to have exercised the chief authority in the city, under the patronage, if not under the avowed dominion of the papal see. The principal agent engaged in the undertaking was Francesco Salviati, archbishop of Pisa, to which rank he had lately been promoted by Sixtus, in opposition to the wishes of the Medici, who had for some time endeavoured to prevent him from exercising his episcopal functions. If it be allowed ^ This fact is authenticated by the letter from Luigi Pulci to Lorenzo de' Medici, dated the twenty-second of April 1465, and now first published in the Appendix from the MS. in the Palazzo Vecchio at Florence. J/i/i, A^. IX. 242 THE' LITE or CHAP, allowed that the unfavourable character given of IV* him by Politiano is exaggerated, it is generally- agreed that his qualities were the reverse of those which ought to have been the recommendations to such high preferment. The other conspi- rators were, Giacopo Salviati, brother of the archbishop ; Giacopo Poggio, one of the sons of the celebrated Poggio Bracciolini, and who, like all the other sons of that eminent scholar, had obtained no small share of literary reputation"; Bernardo " Giacopo not only translated the Florentine history of his father from Latin into Italian, but has also left a specimen of his talents in a commentary on the Triovfo della Fama of Petrarca, which v/as published in folio, without a date, but, as Bandini conjectures about the year 1485 or 1487. It may liowever be presumed, from the dedication of this book to Lorenzo de' Medici, that it was printed previous to the year 1478, when the author joined in this conspiracy to destroy a man, of whom and of whose family, he had shortly before expressed himself in the following affectionate and grateful terms : " E " perche, charissimo Lorenzo, io conosco quel poco di " cognitione e in me, tutto essere per conforto e acer- <^ rimo stimolo ne miei teneri anni, da Cosimo tuo avolo, " pari per certo a Camillo, o Fabi'itio, o Scipione, o " qualunche altro, i quali appresso di noi sono in vene- ^< ratione, se fussi nato nella Romana republica, mi pare " essere obligato e costretto ogni frutto producessi per " alcun tempo le sue gravissime monitioni e exortationi, " come persona grata, a te, vero e degno suo herede " dentin arlo ; LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 243 Bernardo Bandini, a daring libertine, rendered chap. desperate by the consequences of his excesses ; ^^ * Giovan Battista Montesicco, who had distin- guished himself by his military talents as one of the Condottieri of the armies of the pope ; Antonio Maffei, a priest of Volterra ; and Stefano da Ba- gnone, one of the apostolick scribes, with several others of infer iour note. In the arrangement of their plan, which Arrange. , - 1 • 1 meutsfor it5 appears to have been concerted with great pre- execution. caution and secrecy, the conspirators soon dis- covered, that the dangers which they had to encounter were not so likely to arise from the difficulty of the attempt, as from the subsequent resentment of the Florentines, a great majority of whom were strongly attached to the Medici. Hence it became necessary to provide a military force, the assistance of which might be equally requisite whether the enterprise proved abortive or successful. By the influence of the pope, the king of Naples, ^vho w^as then in alliance with him, and on one of whose sons he had recently " destinarlo ; acioche intenda quel tanto di lume d' alcuna " virtu e in me, leconoscerlo dalla casa tua, alia quale " tanto sono obligato quanto giudicherai sieno da stimare " queste mie lettere." Giac, Poggio in Proem, 244 THE LIFE OF c H AP. recently bestowed a cardinal's hat, was also IV' induced to countenance the attempt. These preliminaries being adjusted, Girolamo wrote to his nephew, the cardinal Riario, then at Pisa, ordering him to obey whatever directions he might receive from the archbishop. A body of two thousand men were destined to approach by different routes towards Florence, so as to be in readiness at the time appointed for striking the blow. Shortly afterwards, the archbishop requested the presence of the cardinal at Florence, whither he immediately repaired, and took up his resi- dence at a seat of the Pazzi, about a mile from the city. It seems to have been the intention of the conspirators to have effected their purpose at Fiesole, where Lorenzo then had his country residence, to which they supposed that he would invite the cardinal and his attendants. Nor were they deceived in this conjecture, for Lorenzo prepared a magnificent entertainment on this occasion : but the absence of Giuliano, on account of indisposition, obliged the conspirators to postpone the attempt". Being thus disap- pointed • Valor, in vita Laur. fi. 23. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 245 pointed in their hopes, another plan was now chap. to be adopted ; and on further deUberation ^^' it was resolved, that the assassination should take place on the succeeding Sunday, in the church of the Reparata, since called Sa?ita Maria del Flore ^ and that the signal for execution should be the elevation of the host. At the same mo- ment the archbishop and others of the conspi- rators were to seize upon the palace, or resi- dence of the magistrates, whilst the office of Giacopo de' Pazzi was to endeavour, by the cry of liberty, to incite the citizens to revolt. The immediate assassination of Giuliano was committed to Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, and that of Lorenzo had been intrusted to the sole hand of Montesicco. This office he had willingly undertaken whilst he understood that it was to be executed in a private dwelling ; but he shrunk from the idea of polluting the house of God with so heinous a crimed Two ecclesiasticks were therefore selected for the com- mission P Disse die non gli bastarebbe mai V animo, com- mettere tanto eccesso hi chiesa^ ed accompagnare il tradi- mento col sacrilegio ; il che fu il principio della rovina dell' impresa loro. Mac» lib, 8. VOL. I. N n 246 THE LIFE OF CHAP, mission of a deed, from which the soldier was iv» deterred by conscientious motives. These were Stefano da Bagnone, the apostolick scribe, and Antonio Maffei. Giuiiano xhe young cardinal having expressed a desire ated, and to attcnd divlnc service in the church of the toundlcL Reparata, on the ensuing Sunday, being the twenty-sixth day of April 1478, Lorenzo invited him and his suit to his house in Florence. He accordingly came with a large retinue, supporting the united characters of cardinal and apostolick legate, and was received by Lorenzo with that splendour and hospitality with which he was always accustomed to entertain men of high rank and consequence. Giuiiano did not appear, a circumstance that alarmed the conspirators, whose arrangements would not admit of longer delay. They soon however learned that he intended to be present at the church. — The service was already begun, and the cardinal had taken his seat, w^hen Francesco de' Pazzi and Bandini, observing that Giuiiano was not yet arrived, left the church and went to his house, in order to ensure and hasten his attend- ance. Giuiiano accompanied them ; and as he walked between them, they threw their arms round him with the familiarity of intimate friends, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 247 friends, bat in fact to discover whether he had chap. any armour under his dress '^ ; possibly conjee- iv. turing, from his long delay, that he had sus- pected their purpose. At the same time, by their freedom and jocularity, they endeavoured to obviate any apprehensions which he might entertain from such a proceeding ^ The con- spirators having taken their stations near their intended victims, w^aited with impatience for the appointed signal'. The bell rang — the priest raised 1 Conclottolo nel tempio, e per la via e nella chiesa con motteggi, e giovenili ragionamenti 1' intratenero. Ne manco Francesco sotto colore di carezzarlo, con le mani e con le braccia strignerlo, per vedere se lo trovava o di corazza, o d' altra simile difesa munito. Mac. lib, 8. "^ Giuliano was indisposed, and totally unarmed, hav- ing left at home even his dagger, which he was generally accustomed to vrear. " Infirmus quidem, Sc qui ea die, " proster morem, gladiolum, qui ei ulceratum crus " quatiebat, domi reliquerat." Synod, Flor, Act. afi, Fabr. v, ii. /?. 134. ^ In the point of time fixed for the perpetration of this deed, historians are nearly agreed. " Cum Eucha- " ristia attolleretur," says Raffaello da Volt, Geogr, 151. " Cum sacerdos manibus Eucharistiam frangeret." VaU in xntd^ p. 24. " Peracta sacerdotis communione," says Politiano, " Post Eucharistise consecrationem." In Prov, Rep, Flor, ap. Fabr, v, u, p. 111. " Qu&ndosi commu- ^* nicava il sacerdote." Mac, lib, 8. 248 THE LIFE or CHAP, raised the consecrated wafer — the people bowed ^^* before it — and at the same instant Bandini plunged' a short dagger into the breast of Giu- liano. — On receiving the wound he took a few hasty steps and fell, when Francesco de' Pazzi rushed upon him with incredible fury, and stabbed him in diiferent parts of his body, con- tinuing to repeat his strokes even after he was apparently dead. Such was the violence of his rage that he wounded himself deeply in the thigh. The priests who had undertaken the murder of Lorenzo were not equally successful. An ill-directed blow from Maffei, which was aimed at the throat, but took place behind the neck, rather roused him to his defence than disabled him'. He immediately threw ofi' his cloak, and holding it up as a shield in his left hand, with his right he drew his sword, and repelled his assailants. Perceiving that their purpose was defeated, the two ecclesiasticks, after having wounded one of Lorenzo's attejidants who had interposed to defend him, endeavoured to save themselves by flight. At the same moment, Bandini, his dagger streaming with the blood of Giuliano, rushed towards Lorenzo ; but ' " II primo colpo fu nella collotola, perche non pole <^ tenerlo pel braccio per dargli nel petto, e cosi confesEo." Sirinatus^ aji, yldimar. in not, p, 25. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 249 but meeting in his way with Francesco Nori, a c h ap. person in the service of the Medici, and in ^^' whom they placed great confidence, he stabbed him Avith a wound instantaneously mortal **. At the approach of Bandini the friends of Lorenzo encircled him, and hurried him into the sacristy, where Politiano and others closed the doors, which were of brass. Apprehensions being entertained that the weapon which had wounded him was poisoned, a young man attached to Lorenzo sucked the wound''. A general alarm and consternation commenced in the church ; and such was the tumult which ensued, that it was at first believed by the audience that the building " When Leo X. many years afterwards paid a visit to Florence, he granted an indulgence to all those who should^pray for the soul of Francesco Nori, under the idea that his death had preserved the life of his father Lorenzo, yldimar, iiin-jt. ju 20. V « Aggressus in eos factus fuit a Francisco de Pazzis, " et aliis piuribus suis sotiis armatis armisveneno irtfcctis'' says Matteo de Toscano, cited by Adimari, Documenta Conj. Face, fi, 142. I do not find that any other author mentions this circumstance. The young man who gave this striking proof of his affection to Lorenzo was Antonio Ridolfo, of a noble family of Florence. Fol, Conj, Pact. Commait. in .ijifu 250 THE LIFE or CHAP, building was falling in''' ; but no sooner was it iv« understood that Lorenzo was in danger, than several of the youth of Florence formed them- selves into a body, and receiving him into the midst of them, conducted him into his house, making a circuitous turn from the church, lest he should meet with the dead body of his brother. Theconspi- WMlst tlicsc trausactions passed in the theTaitcT church, another commotion arose in the palace ; where the archbishop, who had left the church, as agreed upon before the attack on the Medici, and about thirty of his associates, attempted to overpower the magistrates, and to possess them- selves of the seat of government''. Leaving some of his followers stationed in different apart- ments, ^ " Qui in templo fuerant, ciamoribus territi, hue « atque illuc cursitantes veluti attoniti, quidnam rei " fuisset quxrilabant. Fuere qui crederent tempium " mere." Valor, in vita Laur, p, 25. ^ " Con la sua compagnia, ch' eraiio circa persone " ventotto," says Belfredello Strinato, aju Jdima?: in not, fi. 17. Ammirato infornris us, that the archbishop had about thirty followers, and that he left the church on the pretence of paying a visit to his mother. Jmm. I&U V, iii. //. 1 17. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 251 ments, the archbishop proceeded to an inter iour chap. chamber, where Cesare Petrucci, then gonfa- iv. loniere, and the other magistrates, were assem- bled. No sooner was the gonfaloniere informed of his approach, than out of respect to his rank he rose to meet him. Whether the archbishop was disconcerted by the presence of Petrucci, who was known to be of a resolute character, of which he had given a striking instance in frus- trating the attack of Bernardo Nardi upon the town of Prato, or whether his courage was not equal to the undertaking, is uncertain ; but instead of intimidating the magistrates by a sudden attack, he began to inform Petrucci that the pope had bestowed an employment on his son, of which he had to deliver to him the credentials^. This he did with such hesitation, and in so desultory a manner, that it was scarcely possible to collect his meaning. Petrucci also observed that he frequently changed colour, and at times turned tov/ards the door, as if giving a signal to some one to approach. — Alarmed at his manner, and probably aware of his character, Petrucci suddenly rushed out of the chamber, and called together the guai'ds and y Sub nomine et colore prjesentandi cujusdani brevis papalis. M» Tuscanu% aju Adirnar. int» docp, 142. 252 THE LIFE Of CHAP. IV. Repulsed by the gon- f;iloniere and magi- strates. and attendants. By attempting to retreat, the archbishop confessed his guilt'. In pursuing him, Petrucci met with Giacopo Poggio, whom he caught by the hair, and, throwing him on the ground, delivered into the custody of his followers. The rest of the magistrates and their attendants seized upon such arms as the place supplied, and the implements of the kitchen became formidable weapons in their hands. Having secured the doors of the palace, they furiously attacked their scattered and intimidated enemies, who no longer at- tempted resistance. During this commotion they were alarmed by a tumult from without, and perceived from the windows Giacopo de' Pazzi, followed by about one hundred soldiers, crying out liberty, and exhorting the people to revolt. At the same time they found that the insurgents 2 He was deprived of his expected support by a sin- gular incident. Some of his followers had retired into an adjoining chamber to wait his signal. It was customary for every succeeding magistrate to make an alteration in the doors of that place, as a precaution against treachery ; and Petrucci had so constructed them that they closed and bolted on the slightest impulse. The followers of the archbishop thus found themselves unexpectedly se- cured in the chamber, without the possibility of afford- ing- assistance to their leader. Fabr, v, i. p, 67. v, ii. /i, 108. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 253 insurgents had forced the gates of the palace, chap. and that some of them were entering to defend ^^' their companions. The magistrates however persevered in their defence, and repulsing their enemies, secured the gates till a reenforcement of their friends came to their assistance. Petrucci w^as now first informed of the assassination of Giuliano, and the attack made upon Lorenzo. The relation of this treachery excited his highest indignation. With the concurrence of the state counsellors, he ordered Giacopo Poggio to be hung in sight of the populace, out of the palace windows ; and secured the archbishop, with his brother and the other chiefs of the conspiracy. Their follow^ers were either slaugh- tered in the palace, or thrown half alive through the windows. One only of the whole number escaped. He was found some days afterwards concealed in the wainscots, perishing with hunger, and in consideration of his sufferings received his pardon"". The youns: cardinal Riario, who had taken p^n'^hmeat refuge at the altar, was preserved from the rator*. rage of the populace by the interference of Lorenzo, who appeared to give credit to his assever- a Jmm,v, iii./2. 118. VOL. I. O O 254 THE LIFE OF CHAP, asseverations, that he was ignorant of the inten- IV' tions of the conspirators'". It is said that his fears had so violent an effect upon him that he never afterwards recovered his natural com- plexion^ His attendants fell a sacrifice to the resentment of the citizens. The streets were polluted with the dead bodies and mangled limbs of the slaughtered. With the head of one of these unfortunate wretches on a lance, the populace paraded the city, which resounded with the cry of Palky Palle^! Perish the traitors'! Francesco de' Pazzi being found at the house of his uncle Giacopo, where on account of his wound b Valor, in vita Laur»^u 26. « " Tali tan toque metu arreptum, ut exinde nunquam •* naturalem colorem acquisierit. Ciacconius a/?. Adimar,. in not, p. 26. *i The palle d' ore, or golden balls, the arms of the family of Medici. Un prete del vescoTO fu morto in piazza, e squartato, e levatogli la testa, e per tutto il di fu portata la detta testa in sur una lancia per tutto Firenze ; e strascinato le gambe, e un quarto dinanzi con un braccio portato in su uno spiede per tutta la cita, gridando sempre muoiano I TRABiTORi. Landuccius afi, Jdimar, in not,p, 26. Tutti gridando viva le palle, e muoiano i traditori. Chron, Caroli e Florentiola a/i, idem. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 25S wound he was confined to his bed, was dragged chap, out naked and exhausted by loss of blood, and iv. being brought to the palace, suffered the same death as his associate. His punishment was immediately followed by that of the archbishop, who was hung through the windows of the palace, and was not allowed even to devest himself of his prelatical robes. The last moments of Salviati, if we may credit Politiano, were marked by a singular instance of ferocity. Being suspended close to Francesco de' Pazzi, he seized the naked body with his teeth, and relaxed not from his hold even in the agonies of death^. Jacopo de' Pazzi had escaped from the city during the tumult ; but the day following he was made a prisoner by the neighbouring pea- sants, who, regardless of his entreaties to put him to death, brought him to Florence, and delivered f In the opinion of Politiano, the crime of the arch- bishop was not expiated by his death. Amongst his poems, printed in the edition of Basil, are several epi- grams that strongly speak his unquenchable resentment. The following is a specimen : Salviatus mitra sceleratus honore superbit : Et quemquam coelo credimus esse deum ? Scilicet hsec scelera, hoc artes meruere nefandx ? At laqueo, en ! pendet. Estis io superi 1 256 THE LIFE OF CHAP, delivered him up to the magistrates^. As his iv» guilt was manifest, his execution was instan- taneous, and afforded from the windows of the palace another spectacle that gratified the resent- ment of the enraged multitude. His nephew Renato, who suffered at the same time, excited in some degree the commiseration of the spec- tators. Devoted to his studies, and averse to popular commotions, he had refused to be an actor in the conspiracy, and his silence was his only crime. The body of Giacopo had been interred in the church of Santa Croce, and to this circumstance the superstition of the people attributed an unusual and incessant fall of rain that succeeded these disturbances. Partaking in their prejudices, or desirous of gratifying their revenge, the magistrates ordered his body to be removed without the walls of the city. The following morning it was again torn from the grave by a great multitude of children, who, in spite of the restrictions of decency, and the interference of some of the inhabitants, after dragging s Am, Ist,Fior, -v, iii. fi, 119. " L' altro di ne venne " preso Messer Jacopo de' Pazzi che era fviggito ; e' fu " preso in Romagna, che fu a di 27, e fu isaminato, e di *< subito impiccato a detta finestra del palagio." Strinat.afi, Adimar, in not,p, 27. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 257 dragging it a long time through the streets, and chap. treating it with every degree of wanton oppro- iv» brium, threw it into the river Arno''. Such was the fate of a man who had enjoyed the highest honours of the republick, and for his services to the state had been rewarded with the privileges of the equestrian rank'. The rest of this devoted family were condemned either to impri- sonment ^ Qiiando furono all' uscio della sua casa, messono il capestro nella campanella dell' uscio, e lo lirarono su, dicendo, picchia V uscio. Landuccius aji, Adimar, in not, /2. 43. Politiano, who seems to dwell with pleasure on the excesses of an enraged populace, relates more parti- larly their insults to the lifeless body of Jacopo. » Machiavelli, who bore no partiality towards the Medici, gives us a more favourable idea of the character of Jacopo. " Narronsi de i suoi alcuni vitii, tra i quali '' erano giuochi e bestemmie, piu che a qualunque per- " duto huomo non si converebbe ; i quali vitii con le '' molte elemosine ricompensava ; perche a molti biso- " gnosi, e luoghi pii largamente sovveniva. Puossi " ancora di quello dire questo bene, che il sabbato da- " vanti a quella Domenica diputata a tanto homicidio, *' per non fare partecipe dell' aversa sua fortuna alcun* *' altro, tutti i suoi debiti pago, tutte le mercantie che' <' egli haveva in dogana ed in casa, le quali ad altrui ap- " partenessero, con maravigliosa soUecitudine a i padroni " di quelle consegno." Mac, lib, 8. 258 THE LIFE OF CHAP, sonment or to exile'', excepting only Guglielmo IV' de' Pazzi, who, though not unsuspected, was first sheltered from the popular fury in the house of Lorenzo, and was afterwards ordered to remain at his own villa, about twenty-five miles distant from Florence. Although most diligent search was made for the priests who had undertaken the murder of Lorenzo, it was not till the third day after the attempt that they wxre discovered, having ob- tained a shelter in the monastery of the Benedic- tine monks. No sooner were they brought from the place of their concealment, than the populace after cruelly mutilating them, put them to death ; and with difficulty were pre- vented frsom slaughtering the monks them- selves^ Montesicco, who had adhered to the cause of the conspirators, although he had refused to be the active instrument of their project, was taken a few days afterwards, as he was ^ Furono presi Andrea di Piero de' Pazzi, Giovanni, e Nicolo, e Galeotto e Antonio de' Pazzi fratelli, troA^ati nell' orto de' Monaci degli Angeli. Nicolo, Giovanni, e Galeotto furono menati nella Torre di Volterra. Cod, jibbati(Z Flor. ap, Jdimar, iii not. p. 36. ^ Pol, Cov.j, Pact, Comment, in Jjpi, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 259 was endeavouring to save himself by flight, and chap. beheaded, having first made a fall confession of ^v- all the circumstances attending the conspiracy, by which it appeared that the pope was privy to the whole transaction'". The punishment of Bernardo Bandini was longer delayed. He had safely passed the bounds of Italy, and had taken refuge at length in Constantinople ; but the sultan Mahomet, being apprized of his crime, ordered him to be seized, and sent in chains to Florence ; at the same time alleging, as the motive of his conduct, the respect which he had for the character of Lorenzo de' Medici. He arrived in the month of December in the ensuing year, and met with the due reward of his treachery. An embassy was sent from Flo- rence "^ Montesiccus in Ipsa fuga comprehensus, postquam omnia uti gesta erant, et non solum consilia, sed etiam dicta pontificis, et comitis Hieronymi de tota conjuratione aperuisset, reste suspenditur. Fabr. in vita Laiir. v, i. fi. 69. But Adimari had before produced documents from the libraries of Florence, which shew that Monte- sicco was decapitated. " A di 1. maggio venne preso " M. Gio. Bat. da Montesecco, e a di 4. di detto mese, " gli fu tagliato la testa al palazzo del podesta." Bibl. Abbat, Flor, Cod. JVo. 67. ap. Jdimar. " Fu tagliato il " capo sulla porta del podesta, a Gio Battista da IVIonte- " secco." In not. ad lib, cui titulu?^ II Priorista, «/'. idem. 260 THE LITE OF CHAP, rence to return thanks to the suUan in the name IV' of the republick". Lorenzo. Conductor Throughout the whole of this just but dreadful retribution, Lorenzo had exerted all his influence to restrain the indignation of the populace, and to prevent the further effiision of blood. Soon after the attempt upon his life, an immense multitude surrounded his house, and not being convinced of his safety, demanded to see him°. He seized the opportunity which their " " Bernardo di Bandino Bandini ne venne preso da " Constantinopoli, a di 14 Dicembre 1479, e disami- " nato che fu al Bargello, fu impiccato alle finestre di " detto Bargello, allato alia Doana, a di 29 Dicembre " 1479, che pochi dl stette." Strinatus ap, Adimar, in notis ad Conj. Fact, Comment. /?. 29. Adimari, on the au- thority of the Chronicle of Carlo a Florentiola, attributes the seizure of Bandini to the orders of the sultan Bajazet ; but the capture of Bandini took place in the reign of his predecessor Mahomet II. whose death did not happen till the year 1481. Murat, Ann. v. ix. /2. 537. Sagrado, Mem. Istor. de' Monarchi Ottomani^ p. 95. Ed. Ven. 1688. ° " Jam ante Laurentianas aedes, populus ingens de " illius salute sollicitus convencrat, quibus ut animum " confirmaret, quum se e fenestris vulneratum quidem, " sed alioqui incolumem ostendisset, tanto plausu, tantis- " que acclamationibus exceptus est, ut exprimi non pos- " sit." Valor, in vitdy p. 25. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 261 their aiFectioii afforded, and, notwithstanding c h a r. his wound, endeavoured by a pathetick and iv. forcible address to moderate the violence of their resentment. He entreated that they would resign to the magistrates the task of ascertaining and of punishing the guilty, lest the innocent should be incautiously involved in destruction*'. His appearance and his admonitions had a power- ful and instantaneous effect. With one voice the people devoted themselves to the support of his cause, and besought him to take all possible precautions for his safety, as upon that depended the hopes and welfare of the republick. How- ever Lorenzo might be gratified with these proofs of the affection of his fellow-citizens, he could not but lament that inconsiderate zeal which was so likely to impel them to a culpable excess. Turning to some of the Florentine nobility by whom he was attended, he declared that he felt more anxiety from the intemperate acclamations of his friends, than he had expe- rienced even from his own disasters^. The general sorrow for the loss of Giuliano was strongly marked. On the fourth day after his P Amm, 1st. V. nufu 1 18. q Valor, in vita Lavr,p. 27. VOL. I. P P 262 THE LIFE OF CHAP, his death his obsequies were performed, with IV. great magnificence, in tlie chiuch of S. Lorenzo. It appeared that he had received from the daggers of Bandini and Francesco de' Pazsi no less than nineteen wounds'. Many of the Florentine youth changed their dress in testimony of respect to his memory. In the predilection of the Flo- rentines for Gialiano, historians are agreed. Even Machiaveili allows, that he possessed all the humanity and liberality that could be wished for in one born to such an elevated station, and that his funeral was honoured by the tears of his fellow-citizens'. Tall of stature — strong in his person — his breast prominent — his limbs full and muscular — dark eyes — a lively look — an olive complexion — loose black hair turned back from his forehead : — such is the portrait given of Giuliano by his intimate associate Politiano, who to these particulars has further added, that he excelled in active exercises, in horsemanship, in wrestling, in throwing the spear : that he ¥/as habituated to thirst and to hunger, and fre- quently passed a day in voluntary abstinence : possessed of great courage, of unshaken forti- tude, a friend to religion and order, an admirer of •■ poL Co7ij. Pact, Com* in App: » Mac. hi fit, lib, 8. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 263 of painting, musick, and other elegant arts^ chap. From the same author we also learn, that Giu- ^v- liano had given proofs of his political talents in several pieces remarkable for their strength of diction and plenitude of thought ; but of these no specimens now remain. Shortly after this trans- action, Lorenzo received a visit from Antonio da San Gallo, who informed him that the untimely death of Giuliano had prevented his disclosing to Lorenzo a circumstance, with which it was now become necessary that he should be acquainted'. This was the birth of a son, whom a lady of the family of Gorini had born to Giuliano about twelve months before his death, and whom Antonio had held over the baptismal font, where he received the name of Giulio. Lorenzo immediately repaired to the place ' PoL Co'nj, Pact, Com. in Ajifi, " " Antonio da S. Gallo ando allora a trovar Lo- " renzo, dicendo, che essendo morto Giuliano, ei non " aveva potuto far noto, come aveva avuto da una donna " de' Gorini, sua arnica, un figlio, gia un anno, quale *< aveva tenuto egli a battesimo, e stava al rincontro " della sua casa antica, nella via di Pinti. II detto " Lorenzo 1' ando a vedere, e dettolo alia cura del mede- " simo Antonio, dove stette lino al settimo anno." Cod, Abhat* Flor, aji, Jdimar, hi notis ad Conj, Pact* Com, /2. 40. 264 THE LIFE OF CHAP, place of the infant's residence, and taking him IV. under his protection, delivered him to Antonio, with whom he remained until he arrived at the seventh year of his age. This concealed off- spring of illicit love, to whom the kindness of Lorenzo supplied the untimely loss of a father, was destined to act an important part in the aifairs of Europe. The final extinction of the liberties of Florence ; the alliance of the family of Medici with the royal house of France ; the expulsion of Henry VIII. of England from the bosom of the Roman church ; and the conse- quent establishment of the doctrines of the reformers in this island, are principally to be referred to this illegitimate son of Giuliano de' Medici, who, through various vicissitudes of fortune, at length obtained the supreme direc- tion of the Roman see, and under the name of Clement VII. guided the bark of St. Peter through a succession of the severest storms wjiich it has ever experienced''. The ^ Machiavelli, who wrote his history in the pontificate of Clement VII. informs us, that this pontiff was born a few months after the death of his father, in which he has been generally followed by succeeding writers. " Ri- " mase di lui (Giuliano) un figliuolo, il quale dopo a " pochi mesi che fu morto, nacque, e fu chiamato " Giulio ; LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 265 The publick grief occasioned by the death of c hap. Giuliano was however mingled with, and alle- ^^* viated by exultation for the safety of Lorenzo. Memorials Every possible method was devised to brand spiracy. with infamy the perpetrators of the deed. By a publick decree, the name and arms of the Pazzi were ordered to be for ever suppressed. The appellations of such places in the city as were derived from that family were directed to be changed. All persons contracting marriage with the descendants of Andrea de' Pazzi were declared to be ammoniti, and prohibited from all offices and dignities in the repub- lick. <' Giulio ; il quale fu da quella virtu Sc fortuna ripieno, " che in qiiesti presenti tempi tutto il mondo conosce." Mac, lib, 8. A full account of the political transactions of Clement VII. will be found in the Florentine history of Benedetto Varchi, written under the auspices of Cosmo I. grand duke of Florence, who granted the au- thor access to all the archives of his family. The favour of an absolute sovere-ign did not seduce Varchi from the duty of an historian ; but the extreme freedom with which he commented upon the events which led to the subjugation of his country, and animadverted on the characters of Clement VH. and others who contributed towards it, prevented for nearly two centuries the publi- cation of his work, which first appeared at Cologne in 1721 in folio, and afterwards without date at Leyden, a/u Pietro v under Aa, 266 THE LIFE OF CHAP, lick'^ The ancient ceremony of conducting ^^' annually the sacred fire from the church of S. Giovanni to the house of the Pazzi was abo- lished, and a new method was adopted of con- tinuing' this popular superstition''. Andrea dal Castagno was employed, at the publick expense, to represent the persons of the traitors on the walls of the palace, in the execution of which he obtained great applause, although the figures, as a mark of infamy, were suspended by the feet^. On ^^ The descendants of Andrea de' Pazzi are thus ac- curately given by Adimari : Guillelminus. I Dom. x\ndrea^» I I I Dom. Petrus. Dom. Jacobus. Antonius. I I II I I I Dom.Antonius. Renatus. Andreas.Joannes.Nicolaus.Galeottus.Leo- Episcop. nardus. Melatensis. Franciscus. Gulielmus. Joannes, cum Blanca Medicea. ^ The decree on this occasion appears amongst the documents published by Fabroni, and is given in tlie Appendix, No. XXIII. y " L'anno 1478, quando dalla famiglia de' Pazzi Sc " altri loro adherenti 8c congiurati ; fu morto in S. Maria " del LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 267 On the other hand the skill of the Florentine chap. artists was exerted in soothing the feelings, and iv. gratifying the curiosity of the publick, by perpe- tuating the remembrance of the dangers which Lorenzo had escaped. By the assistance of Andrea Verocchio, Orsini, a celebrated modeller in wax, formed three figures as large as the life, which bore the most perfect resemblance of the person and features of Lorenzo, and wliich were placed in different churches of the ter- ritory of Florence. One of these represented him in the dress which he wore when he re- ceived the vround, and as he appeared to the populace " del Fiore Giuliano de' Medici, e Lorenzo suo fratello " ferito, fu deliberato dalla Signoria, die tiitti qiielli della " congiura fussino, come traditori, dipinti nella fac- " ciata del palagio del podesta ; onde essendo questa " opera offerta ad Andrea, egli, come servitore, ed obli- " gato alia casa de' Medici I'accetto molto ben volontieri " e messovisi, la fece tanto bella, che fu uno stupore ; " ne si potrebbe dire quanta arte e giudizio si conosceva " in quei personaggi ritratti per lo piu di naturale, ed " impiccati per i piedi in strane attitudinij e tutte varie " e bellissime. La qua.! opera, perche piacque a tutta la " citta, 8c particolarmente agli intendenti delle cose di " pittura, fu cagione che da quella in poi, non plu " Andrea dal Castagno, ma Andrea degli Impiccati " fusse chiamato." Fcsat'i, nella vita di jindrca dal Ca^tag^no, i 'i 268 THE LIFE or 1 i CHAP, populace at the window of his palace^. A more j IV* lasting memorial was devised by Antonio Polla- juoli, Avho struck a medal on this occasion, exhibiting in the ancient choir of the Reparata, '■ the assassination of Giuliano, and the attack i made upon Lorenzo. In this medal the con- spirators are all represented naked, not merely for the purpose of displaying the knowledge of the artist in the human figure, in which he excelled all his contemporaries, but, as some have conjectured, as being character! stick of the i flagitious act in which they were engaged^. Lorenzo Although thc body of troops destined to ^ prepares for guDport thc cousoirators had kept aloof from the his defence •'•■'■ ^ ^ ^ against t]ie sccjic of actiou, and with difficulty effected their retreat 1 ''- r. Vasari^ nclla vita di yJnch', Vcrocchio^ where a par- ticular account is given of these figures, which were " tanto ben fatti, che rappresentavano non piu nomini cli " cera, ma vivissimi ;" one of them was placed in the church of the Chiariti " dinanzi al Crucifisso che fa " miracoli,'' It appears they were all remaining at the time Vasari wrote. ^ Vasari vita di Ant» PoUaiuoli. — " Fece il medesimo ^ alcune medaglie bellissime, e fra 1' altre in una la con- " giura de' Pazzi ; nella quale sono le teste di Lorenzo " e Giuliano de' Medici, e nel riverso il choro di S. Maria " del Fiore, k tutto il caso come passo appunto." LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 269 retreat from the Florentine dominions^, yet chap. Lorenzo was v»ell aware of the storm that was iv« gathering around him, and with equal prudence pope and the and resolution prepared to meet it. By the Napks. confession of Montesicco he was fully informed of the implacable hatred of the pope, which was inflamed almost to madness by the miscarriage of his designs, and the publicity of his trea- chery. Lorenzo also knew that the king of Naples, who was not less formidable to Italy from the ferocity and military reputation of his son Alfonso, duke of Calabria, than from the extent and resources of his own dominions, would most probably concur with the pope. His comprehensive eye saw at one glance the extent of the danger to wdiich he was exposed, and he accordingly adopted every measure that might be likely to oppose or to avert it. He addressed himself to all the Italian states, with strong representations of the conduct of the pope, and entreated them, by every motive which was likely to influence them, to shew their open disapprobation of a species of trea- chery. ^ " Adfuit eodem die e conjiiratis Joannes Franciscus " Tollentinas ex agro Forocorneliensi, cum peditibus " mille, totidemque Laurentiiis Tifernas ex alia parte, " qui, ubi rem infectam viderunt, magno se periculo " domumi receperunt." Raph, Volater, in Geogr. lib, 5. VOL. I. q^q 270 THE LIFE OF CHAP, chery, from which neither rank, nor talents^ IV. nor virtue, could afford protection. He ad- verted to the fatal consequences which must arise to Italy from the subjugation of the Flo- rentine republick, and connected his cause with that of the country at large. In the same terms he wrote to the kings of France and of Spain, endeavouring to obtain their interference in his behalf, and to convince them of the injustice of his enemies, and of his own innocence and moderation''. Nor was he negligent in the mean time, in providing for his own defence. By every possible means he incited the citizens of Florence to make preparation for repelling their enemies. He procured from all quarters large supplies of provisions, with every other requisite for supporting an obstinate siege. The activity of Lorenzo infused a similar spirit into those around him ; and the hopes of the people were supported by the early appearance, in Mu- gello, of Giovanni Bentivoglio, the firm ally of the Medici, with a chosen band of soldiers, which ^ Louis XI. had anticipated his communication by a letter written to Lorenzo, immediately after the intelli- gence of the assassination had arrived at Paris, in which lie expressed the warmest resentment against the authors of the treachery. These letters are yet extant, and are given from the documents of Fabroni, in the Appendix* No. XXIV. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 271 which he led to the relief of Lorenzo as soon as chap. he was apprized of his danger. Moved by iv* his representations, or jealous of the power of the pope and of the king of Naples, several other states of Italy warmly espoused the cause of the Florentines. Ercole cl'Este, duke of Fer- rara, attended in person with a powerful reen- forcement. The Venetians, although cautious in their determination, displayed a manifest partiality to the Florentines ; and even the kings of Spain, and of France, transmitted to Lorenzo the fullest assurances of their conviction of the rectitude of his conduct, and of their willingness to interpose with all their authority in his behalf^. So ^ Philip de Commines was sent by Louis XI. to Florence, from whence he afterwards went to Milan to request the Milanese to send a body of soldiers to the relief of the Florentines, with which he informs us they complied, " tant a la, requete du Roi, que pour faire leur " devoir." Speaking of the Florentines, he further adds, " La faveur du Roi leur fait quelque chose : mais non '' pas tant que jeusse voulu. Car je n'avoye armee pour " les aider; mais seulement avoye mon train. Je de- " mouray au dit lieu de Florence un an, ou en leurs terri- '< toircs, & bien traitte d'eux, & a leurs despens, Sc mieux « le dernier jour que le premier." Mem, de, P. de Corn- mines^ lib, vi. c, 5. For this last assertion the French statesman had sufficient reason ; for Ammirato informs us, that at his departure from Florence, the republick presented him with fifty-five pounds weight of wrought silver for the use of his table. Jmm, iii. 126. 272 THE LIFE OF CHAP. So favourable a concurrence of circumstances IV' gave fresh spirits to the Florentines, and removed in a great degree the apprehensions of the friends Ode of of the Medici. At this juncture Politiano ad- dressed to Gentile d'Urbino, bishop of Arezzo, a Latin ode, which is not less entitled to notice for its intrinsick merit, than as an authentick indication of the publick opinion at the time it was vi^ritten% Ad Gentilem Episcopum, Gentiles animi maxima pars miei, Communi nimium sorte quid angeris 1 Quid curis animum lugubribus teris, Et me discrucias simul ? Passi * Politiano afterwards sent this poem, with the follow- ing address, to Lorenzo de' Medici : " Qua ode Gentilem nostrum nuper sum consolatus, " eandem* quoque ad te mittendam statui, visa est enim " mihi res, quse non minus ad te, quam ad eum, atque t' ad meipsum pertineret. Omnia coUegi qux communem " hunc nostrum dolorem, etsi'minus tollere, levare procul " dubio aliqua ex parte possint : Tu, cum tot videas tusc " saluti tam diligenter invigilare, potes admoneri quam " tibi necesse sitmagni teipsum facere ; nequetuam, hoc " est publicam totius (ita me deus amet) Italise salutem " neglectampati. Lege et vale." Pol. Ofi.Ed. Aid, 1498. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 273 Passi digna quidem perpetuo sumus CHAP. Liictu, qui mediis (heu miseri) sacris IV, Ilium, ilium juvenem, vidimus, O nefas I Stratum sacrilega mianu I At sunt attonito quae dare pectori Solamen vale ant plurima, nam super Est, qui vel gremio creverit in tuo, Laurens Etruriac caput. Laurens quern patriae caelicolum pater Tutum terrifica gorgone praestitit ; Quern Tuscus pariter, quem Venetus Leo Servant, et Draco pervigil. Illi bellipotens excubat Hercules ; Illi fatiferis militat arcubus ; Illi mittit equos Francia martios, Felix Francia regibus. Circumstat populus murmure dissono ; Circumstant juvenem purpurei patres ; Causa vincimus, et robore militum ; Hac Stat Juppiter, hac favet. Quare, O cum misera quid tibi Nenia, Si nil proficimus ? quin potius gravis Absterisse bono laetitiae die Audes nubila pectoris. Nam 274 THE LIFE OF CHAT. Nam cum jam gelidos umbra reliquerit jY^ Artus, non dolor hanc perpetuus retro, — ■ "^ Mordacesve trahunt solUcitudines, Mentis, curaque pervicax. O Friend, whose woes this bosom shares, Why ceaseless mourn our mutual cares ? Ah why thy days to grief resign, With thy regrets recalling mine ? Eternal o'er the atrocious deed, 'Tis true our kindred hearts may bleed , When He, twin glory of our land. Fell by a sacrilegious hand ! But sure, my friend, there yet remains Some solace for these piercing pains. Whilst He, once nurtur'd at thy side, Lorenzo lives, Etruria's pride. Lorenzo, o'er whose favour'd head, Jove his terrifick gorgon spread ; Whose steps the lion-pair await. Of Florence and Venetians state. For him his crest the dragon rears : For him the Herculean band appears ; Her martial succour Gallia brings : Gallia that glories in her kings ! See LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 275 See round the youth the purpled band CHAP. Of venerable fathers stand ; IV. Exulting crowds around him throng And hail him as he moves along. Strong in our cause and in our friends, Our righteous battle Jove defends ; Thy useless sorrows then represt, Let joy once more dilate thy breast. To animate the clay-cold frame No sighs shall fan the vital flame ; Nor all the tears that love can shed, U Recall to life the silent dead. Notwithstanding the vigour and activity of Lorenzo in preparing for the war, he was anxiously desirous of preventing, if possible, such a calamity. By his moderation, and even Kindness of kindness to the survivins; relatives of the con- J;°'"^"^°*° O the relatives spirators, he thouQ-ht to obliterate the remem- oftheconspi- •"■ ^ ^ , rators. brance of past disturbances, and to unite all the citizens in one common cause. Upwards of one hundred persons had already perished, some by the hands of justice, and others by the fury of the populace^. Many had absconded or concealed f In tal che la citta tutto era soUevata per il rumore, furono tagliati a pezzi circa venti persone della famiglia del 276 THE LIFE OF CHAP, concealed themselves under apprehensions of iv» being charged with a participation of the crime. Among the latter was Averardo Salviati, a near relation of the archbishop of Pisa. Lorenzo being informed that he had secreted himself in his house, requested, by the mediation of a common friend, an interview with him, and on his arrival received him with such tokens of kindness and benevolence as drew tears from all who were present-. Salviati was not ungrate- ful : a closer intimacy took place between them, and a few years afterwards Lorenzo gave one of his daughters in marriage to Giacopo Salviati, the nephew of Averardo, whose character and accomplishments merited such an honour. The cardinal Raifaello Riario was liberated as soon as the tumult had subsided, and was suffered to return to Rome^. To Raffaello Maffei of Volterra, del cardinale, ed altrettanti di quella del Arcivescovo ; e tra le fenestre del palagio della Signoria e quelle del podesta furono impiccati circa sessanta persone, tutti congiurati, e molt' altri malconci dalle ferite. Orig. e descend, della casa de' Med, M. S. K Valor i in vita, /i, 35. *^ Whatever share the cardinal had in the conspiracy, he was by no means insensible of the lenity that had been shewn him. In a letter to the pope of the 10th of June 1478, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 277 Volterra, the brother of Antonio, one of the chap. priests who had undertaken the assassination of iv« Lorenzo, a man distinguished by his uncommon learning and indefatigable spirit of research, Lorenzo wrote a Latin letter, full of kindness and urbanity, which, on account of the elegance of its diction, MafFei erroneously attributed to the pen of Politiano'. Even the survivers of the Pazzi family, although they had at first been treated with great severity, were, by the interference of Lorenzo, in a short time restored to their former honours. The only publick mo- nument that remained of this transaction was the painting 1478, some days after he was liberated, he expresses the strongest sense of his obligations to the Florentines, and in particular to Lorenzo de' Medici : he remonstrates with the pope in warm terms on the injustice of subjecting to ecclesiastical censures those persons to whom he is indebted for hib preservation ; and declares his resolution not to leave Florence until the sentence of excommuni- cation issued by Sixtus be annulled, v, Ap.ji„ JVo. XXV. ^ Mihi quoque, quem Antonii supradicta fratris mei gravis causa suspectum reddere debuerat, Epistolam humanitatis ac ofncii plenissimam scripsit, adeoque ele» gantem, ut earn a Politiano scriptam omnino putaverim, nisi ille postea jurasset Laurentii ingenio dictatam, qui paucis, si quando a curis esset vacuus, in hoc genere cederet. Rafih. Volt, Com, Urb, /?. 153. Ed, Liigd, 1 552. VOL. I. B r 278 'fHE LIPE OF CHAP, painting on the walls of the palace by Andrea IV. dal Castagno, which was suffered to remain, long after the family of the Pazzi had been rein- stated in their ancient rights and dignity. Sixtus IV. Violence of Thc STenerositv and moderatlon of Lorenzo, although they endeared him still more to his fellow-citizens, had no effect upon the temper of Sixtus, who no sooner heard of the miscar- riage of his design, the death of the archbishop, and the restraint imposed upon the cardinal, than he gave a loose to his impetuositj^, and poured out against Lorenzo the bitterest invec- tives » In the first paroxysms of his anger, he directed that the property of the Medici and of all Florentine citizens then in Rome should be confiscated, and the Florentines themselves im- prisoned ; and had he not entertained apprehen- sions respecting the fate of the cardinal, it is probable that he would have treated them with still greater severity. To appease his wrath the republick despatched to Rome Donato Acciajuoli, a person no less celebrated for his talents and his learning, than for the credit with which he had performed the most important embassies and filled the highest offices of the state. This measure, far from pacifying the pope, seemed to add fresh fuel to his anger. Instead of attending to the representations of the ambas- sadour, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 279 i sadour, he threatened to send him as a prisoner to c h a p. | the castle of S. Angelo, and would certainly have ^^' i executed his purpose, had not the legates from Venice and from Milan interfered in his favour, i and declared that they should consider such a ;< breach of the faith of nations as an insult to ' themselves. The resentment of Sixtus then burst forth through another channel. He at- i tacked the Florentines with his spiritual weapons, and anathematized not only Lorenzo de' Medici, '. but the gonfaloniere and other magistrates of the I republick. In the document which Sixtus issued He cxcom- on this occasion, Lorenzo is emphatically styled ToTenzVLid ^' the child of iniquitv and the nurselino: of per- ^^^''"'^s''- *' dition." After bestowing similar epithets on the magistrates, Sixtus proceeds to relate the nmnifold offences of Lorenzo against the holy see. Adverting to the gentleness and mode- ration of his own character, he then declai'es, that according to the example of our Saviour, he had long suffered in peace the insults and the injuries of his enemies, and that he should still have continued to exercise his forbearance, had not Lorenzo de' Medici, with the magistrates of Florence, and their abetters, discarding the fear of God, inflamed with fury, and instigated by diabolical suggestions, laid violent hands on ecclesiastical persons, p?'o/j dolor et inauditum scelus ! hung up the archbishop, imprisoned the cardinal, 280 THE LIFE OF CHAP, cardinal, and by various means destroyed and iv» slaughtered their followers. He then solemnly excommunicates Lorenzo, the gonfaloniere, and other officers of the state, and their immediate successours ; declaring them to be incapable of receiving or transmitting property by inheritance or will ; and prohibiting their descendants from enjoying any ecclesiastical employment. By the same instrument he suspended the bishops and clergy of the Florentine territories from the exercise of their spiritual functions ^. Singular Whatcvcr mi8;ht have been the effect of this reply of the ^-^ Florentine dcuunciation, if directed solely against the ^'^"° " persons immediately concerned in the trans- actions to which the pope referred, it appears,- that in extending his censures to the dignitaries of the church, who were not personally impli- cated in the imputed guilt, Sixtus had exceeded his authority; and the exasperated ecclesiasticks, availing ^ Although this piece be of considerable length, I have thought proper to give it a place in the Appendix. First, because Sixtus, labouring under such imputations, ought to be allowed to relate his own story. Secondly, because this document will throw farther light on many of the facts before adverted to; and lastly, because it is one of the most extraordinary specimens of priestly arro- gance that ever insulted the common sense of mankind. V, jpti, m. XXVI. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 281 availing themselves of his imprudence, retorted chap. upon tlie pope the anathemas which he had iv» poured out against them. The most eminent civilians of the time were consulted on this occa- sion, many of whom asserted the nullity of the prohibition. By the exertions of Gentile d'Ur- bino, bishop of Arezzo, a convocation was summoned in the church of the Reparata, and Fabroni has produced, from the archives of Flo- rence, a document yet remaining in the hand- writing of Gentile, which purports to be the result of the deliberations which there took placed The professed tendency of this piece is to criminate the pope as being the chiet instigator of ^ Fabroni conjectures that this convocation was not held ; but for this opinion he adduces no reasons ; and other historians have related it as a well-known circum- stance. Some doubt may perhaps remain whether the document, purporting to be the act of the synod, was in fact adopted there, or whether it was merely proposed for the approbation of the assembly ; though the presump- tion is in favour of the former opinion. For producing a document addressed in such contumelious terms to the head of the church, Fabroni thinks it necessary to apo- logize : " Vererer reprehensionem prudentum, quod " talia, injuriosa sane Sixto pontifici ediderim, nisi his- " torici munus esset referre omnia qusc dicta et acta sunt." Fabr»invitd Laur, v, ii. //. 136. Happily I can lay this piece before my readers without a similar precaution. V. Jpp, Xo, XXVIII. 282 THE LIFE OF CHAP, of the enormities committed at Florence, and to IV. exculpate Lorenzo de' Medici and the Floren- tines from the charges which Sixtiis had brought against them ; but this vindication would have lost nothing of its effect, if, in exposing the guilt of the pontiff, it had consulted the dignity of those he had injured, and exhibited a more temperate and dispassionate refutation. How so unmodified and daring an attack can be reconciled to the catholick idea of the infallibility of the holy see, it is not easy to discover. If it be acknowledged that the bull of Sixtus had exceeded all the limits of decorum, it must also be allowed that the reply of the synod is in this respect equally censurable ; nor is it in the power of language to convey a more copious torrent of abuse, than was poured out upon this occasion by the Florentine clergy, on the supreme director of the Roman church. sixtus at. Sixtus did not however relax from his pur* pirvlTion pose. Whilst he brandished in one hand the the Flore... spiritual weapon, which has impressed with deliver up tcrrour the proudest sovereigns of Europe, in the other he grasped a temporal sword, which he now openly, as he had before secretly, aimed at the life of Lorenzo. At his instigation the king of Naples despatched an envoy to Florence, to prevail upon the citizens to deliver up Lorenzo into Lore.izo. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 283 into the hands of his enemies, or at least to ^ " ap, banish him from the Tuscan territories. The ^^' alternative denounced to them was the imme- diate vengeance of jDoth the king and tlie pope. These threats had not, however, the intended effect, but on the contrary produced another instance of the attachment of the Florentines to Lorenzo. They not only refused to comply with the proposition of the king, but avowed their firm resolution to suffer every extremity, rather than betray a man with whose safety and dignity those of the republick were so nearly con- nected. They also directed their chancellor Bartolomeo Scala to draw up an historical memo- rial of all the proceedings of the conspiracy"" ; b^v' which it clearly appeared, that throughout the whole transaction the conspirators had acted with the privity and assent of the pope". Lorenzo °i V, Ajip, Ao. XXVIII. Several eminent scholars also testified their readiness to transmit to posterity the memory of this transaction. Even Filelfo, the ancient adversary of the family, offered his pen to Lorenzo on this occasion, -v. Alifi, Js'o, XXIX. " As to the atrocity of the crime, and the turpitude of the authors of it, contemporary historians are agreed. It is only in our days that an attempt has been made to transfer the guilt from its perpetrators, to those who sufl'ered 284 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Lorenzo was now fully apprized of the Jv* danger of his situation. It was sufficiently Danger of CvideUt his situation. suffered by it. The Consjiiracy X)f the Pazzi has afforded a subject for a tragedy to a celebrated living author, who in his various dramatick works, has endeavoured, not without success, to accustom his countrymen to bolder sentiment, and to remove the idea that the genius of the Italian language is not adapted to the purposes of tra- gedy. It must however be confessed, that in attempting to render this transaction subservient to the interests of freedom, by his Congiura de' Pazzi^ he has fallen greatly short of that effect v.'hich several of his other pieces pro- duce. The causes of this failure are not difficult to dis- cover. In selecting a subject for tragedy, the author may either derive his materials from his own fancy, or he may choose some known historical transaction. The first of these is the creature of the poet, the second he can only avail himself of so far as acknowledged histo- rical facts allow. In the one the imagination is predomi- nant ; in the other, it is subservient to the illustration of truths previously understood, and generally admitted. What then shall we think of a dramatick performance in which the Pazzi are the champions of liberty ? in which superstition is called in to the aid of truth, and Sixtus consecrates the holy weapons devoted to the slaughter of the two brothers ? in which the relations of all the parties are confounded, and a tragick effect is attempted to be produced by a total dereliction of historical veracity, an assumption of falsehood for truth, of vice for virtue ? In this tragedy Guglielmo de' Pazzi, (there called Rai- mondi,) v.ho married Bianca the sister of Lorenzo is the ehief of the conspirators, and, failing in his attempt, executes LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 285 evident that this powerful league was not formed chap. against the Florentines, but against himself; and ^^' that the evils of war might be avoided by a com- pliance with the requisition of the king. Under '-i^y- these circumstances, instead of sheltering him- self in the affections of his fellow-citizens, he boldly opposed himself to the danger that threat- ened him, and resolved either to fall with dignity, or to render his own cause that of the republick at large. He therefore called together about three executes vengeance on himself: but Machiavelli expressly informs us, that " Gulielmo de' Pazzi, di Lorenzo " cognato, nelle case di quello, e per 1' innocenza sua, e " per r auta di Bianca sua moglie, si salvo :" Hist, lid, 8. whereas Francesco, the leader of the assassins, and who was not related to the Medici, died by a halter. If we are surprised at so extraordinary a perversion of incident and character, we are not less so in perusing the remarks with which the author has accompanied his tragedy, in which he avows an opinion, that Lorenzo would be too insignificant even to be the object of a conspiracy, if he had not lent him a fictitious importance ! It is to be hoped that the better information, or the riper judgment of this feeling author, will induce him to form a more just estimation of the character of a man, whose name is the chief honour of his country ; and to adopt the converse of the assertion with which he concludes his remarks on this tragedy, " che per nessuna cosa del " mondo non vorrebbe 1* aver fatta." Trag, del Conte Vittorio Aljieri* vol, iv. Paris, ap, Didot, 1788. VOL. J, S S 286 THE LIFE OF CHAP, three hundred of the principal citizens, whom he iv» addressed in a striking and energetick harangue, at the close of which he earnestly besought them, that as the publick tranquillity could not be pre- served by other means, nor a treaty effected with iheir enemies unless it was sealed with his blood, they would no longer hesitate to comply with the terms proposed, nor suffer their atten- tion to the safety of an individual to bring destruction upon the state. When Lorenzo had concluded, Giacopo de' Alessandri, with the concurrence of every person present, de- clared it to be the unanimous resolution of the whole assembly to defend his life at the hazard of their own". All was now prepared for war, the approach- ing horrours of v/hich were increased by the appearance of the plague at Florence. In this emergency Lorenzo thought it advisable to send his wife and children to Pistoia. '' I now *' remove from you," said he to the citizens, ** these objects of my affection, whom I would, ^* if necessary, willingly devote for your welfare; ^* that whatever may be the result of this contest, " the o Mac, Hist, lib, 8. Jmm, v, iii. /}, 123. Fabr, in vit.r^ V. i. /u 87. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 287 ^* the resentment of my enemies may be appeased chap. ** with my blood only. " iv- Though the duke of Calabria and the count conduct of oi Urbmo were esteemed the most formidable commanders of Italy, the Florentines could boast of men of great eminence and experience in the military art ; but the supreme command was intrusted to Ercole d' Este, duke of Fer- rara. The enemy were now approaching to- w^ards Florence, and marked their way with devastation. After possessing themselves of several smaller places, they at length besieged Arezzo, but on the approach of the Florentine troops they prepared for an engagement. Not- withstanding the inferiority of the latter in the reputation of their generals, and in the number ^ of their soldiers, they possessed such advantages as it was supposed would, in case of a general engagement, have ensured their success. The citizens of Arezzo by a vigorous defence had damped the spirits of the Papal and Neapolitan troops, who experienced also a scarcity of provi- sions, and were very disadvantageously posted ; but after the two armies had regarded each other for some time with mutual apprehensions, a truce was proposed by the duke of Urbino, v/hich was acceded to by the duke of Ferrara, to the great dissatisfaction of the Florentines, who 288 THE LIFE OF CHAP, who conceived that their general had betrayed IV. their cause. The two armies retired into their winter quarters ; and the Florentines found themselves encumbered with great and increas- ing expense, without being relieved from their fears P. Lorenro TBs seas6n, however, afforded Lorenzo for^plact another opportunity of trying the result of fur- ther negotiation ; but whilst he endeavoured on the one hand to reconcile himself to the pope, on the other hand, he made preparations to meet his enemies, in case his negotiations should prove unsuccessful. From the connexion be- tween his family and that of Sforza, he had promised himself powerful support from Milan ; ^ #* but the disagreement between the dutchess and Lodovico Sforza, which terminated in the latter assuming the regency during the minority of the young duke, in a great degree disappointed his hopes. The Venetians had sent Bernardo Bembo, the father of the celebrated Pietro Bembo^, as their ambassadour to Florence, and professed P Mac. Hhtj lib, 8. 1 On this occasion Bernardo was accompanied by his son, then only nine years of age. He remained there H])OUt LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 289 professed themselves inimical to the proceedings chap. of the pope and the king. They did not, how- ^v- ever, yet think proper to engage in the war ; but with that species of policy by which they were always distinguished, looked on for the purpose of taking advantage of any opportunity of ag- grandizing themselves at the expense of their neighbours. In the course of the winter, dif- ferent envoys arrived at Florence from the em- perour and the kings of France and Bohemia, who repeated to Lorenzo their assurances of attachment and support, at the same time advi- sing him once more to attempt a reconciliation with the pope, under the sanction of their names and influence. A deputation, consisting of seve- ral of the most respectable citizens of Florence, was about two years ; and to this circumstance his historian, Casa, attributes the proficiency he made in the Italian tongue, of v/hich he was destined to be one of the brightest ornaments. " Nee vero patris consilium filii fefeliit in- " dustria : sic enim excitatum puerile Bembi ingenium " Florentix est, sic tenerse pueri aures, animusque, puro " ac dulci illo Etruscorum sermone imbutus, ut jam inde " a prima adolescentia, multa cum Latine, turn vero " Tusce, a se scripta ediderit, quibus nihil hominum " auribus politius, nihil omnino elegantius aut suavius ** accidere possit." Joh, Casa in vita P. Bembi, vi Ofi. Cas, v, iv. /?. 46. Ed, Vai, 1728. 290 THE LIFE OF CHAP, was accordingly sent to Rome ; but Sixtus still IV' remdined inflexible, and paid no more regard to the recommendations of the European sove- reigns, than he had before done to the en- treaties and remonstrances of Lorenzo himself. In order to testify to the king of France the sense which they entertained of his interposition, the Florentines despatched Done.to Acciajuoli as Death ot their ambassadour to Paris. Shortly after his Acciajuoii. departure, intelligence w^as received at Florence of his death, which happened at Milan as he was pursuing his journey. This circumstance was a subject of the sincerest grief to the Flo- rentines, who M ell knew how to appreciate the virtues of their fellow-citizens, and omitted no opportunity of inciting the patriotism of the living, by the honours they bestowed on the memory of the dead. A sumptuous funeral w^as decreed to his remains ; Lorenzo de' Medici and three other eminent citizens were appointed curators of his children, who were declared to be exempt from the payment of taxes ; and the daughters had considerable portions assigned them from the publick treasury'. Besides '' Jir.vu Ist»v,m.fu 126. LORENZO BE- MEDICI. 291 Besides the duke of Ferrara, the Florenthies chap. had, during the course of the winter, prevailed ^^* upon several other experienced commanders, various suc- amongst whom were Roberto Malatesta, Con- ^„. stantino Sforza, and Rodolfo Gonzaga, to espouse their cause. The states of Venice also at length sent a reenforcement under the com- mand of Carlo Montone and Deifebo d' Anguil- lari : by these powerful succours the Florentines found themselves enabled to take the field in the ensuing spring with great expectations of suc- cess. Imboldened by this support, they deter- mined to carry on a war not merelv defensive. Their troops were divided into two bodies, one of which was destined to make an irruption into the territories of the pope, and the other to oppose the duke of Calabria. At the approach of Montone, Vvho intended to attack Perugia, the troops of the pope made a precipitate retreat ; but the unexpected death of that com- mander relieved them in some degree from their fears, and they at length ventured to oppose the further progress of the Florentines. The tw^o armies met near the lake of Perugia, the ancient Thrasy menus, rendered remarkable by the defeat which the Romans experienced there from the arms of Hannibal. Struck with the similarity of their situation, a sentiment of terrour pervaded the papal troops, who were soon. 292 THE LIFE OF CHAP, soon repulsed, and obliged to quit the field with IV- considerable loss, whilst the successful army proceeded to invest Perugia. The other divi sion of the Florentine troops was not equally successful. The mercenary views of the differ- ent commanders, who preferred plunder to victory, defeated the hopes which the Floren- tines had justly formed of their success. A disagreement took place among the leaders ; in consequence of which the duke of Ferrara, w ith his own immediate followers, retired from the service of the republick. Availing himself of this opportunity, the duke of Calabria made an instantaneous attack upon the Florentines, wdio having lost all confidence in their com- manders, pusillanimously deserted their stand- ards, and consulted their safety by a shameful flight. The consternation occasioned at Flo- rence by this disaster is scarcely to be described, as it was supposed that the duke of Calabria w^ould immediately proceed to the attack of the city ; and this distress was heightened by the ravages of the plague, and by impending famine. Happily, however, the apprehensions of the Florentines on this occasion were not wholly realized. Instead of proceeding towards Flo- rence, the duke rather chose to employ himself in plundering the surrounding country. The capture of the town of Colle, which made an obstinate LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 293 obstinate resistance, and of some adjacent c h ap. places of less importance, engaged his atten- iv- tion till the detachment that had been sent to the attack of Perugia, having suddenly raised the siege, returned towards Florence, and alle- viated the fears of the citizens. An unex- pected proposition made by the duke of Calabria for a truce of three months, was cheerfully assented to by the Florentines, who thus once more obtained a temporary relief from a state of anxiety and a profusion of expense, which were become equally insupportable'. But although by this cessation of hostilities Lorenzo 1 •11* r> 1 • p • resolves t the tranquillity of the city was lor a time re- visit the stored, the situation of Lorenzo de' Medici was Naples, in the highest degree critical and alarming. He had witnessed the terrours of the populace on the approach of the Neapolitan army ; and although he had great confidence in the affec- tion of the citizens, yet as the war was avow- edly w^aged against him as an individual, and might at any time be concluded by delivering him up to his enemies, he knew enough of human nature to be convinced that he had just grounds s Mac, Hist, lib, 8. Jjnm, v, iiup, 142. T t 294 THE LIFE OF CHAP, grounds to dread the event. The rising dis- ^v* contents and murmurs of the people increased his suspicion ; even the truce was unfavourable to him, as it gave the Florentines an opportunity of estimating the injuries they had sustained by the war, which, like wounds received by an individual in the ardour of action, were not fully felt till the heat of the contest had subsided^ Complaints began to be heard that the publick treasure was exhausted, and the commerce of the city ruined, whilst the citizens were bur- dened with oppressive taxes. Insinuations of a more personal nature were not always sup- pressed ; and Lorenzo had the mortification of being told, that sufficient blood had been already shed, and that it would be expedient for him rather to devise some means of effecting a peace than of making further preparations for the war"". Under these circumstances, he resolved to adopt some measure which should effectually close the contest, although with the hazard of his life. In deliberating on the mode of accomplishing his purpose, his genius suggested to him one of those bold expedients, which only great minds can conceive and execute. This was secretly to quit t Mac, Hist, lib, 8. ^' Fabr. in vita Laur, v, up, 100. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 295 quit the city of Florence, to proceed imme- chap. diately to Naples, and to place himself in the ^^' hands of Ferdinand, his avowed enemy ; with the determination either to convince him of the injustice and impolicy of his conduct, and thereby induce him to agree to a separate peace, or to devote himself to the preservation of his country. In the commencement of the month of De- "^^ i^"*"^ ^o the magi- cember 1479, Lorenzo accordingly left the city, stratesof without having communicated his intentions to his fellow-citizens, and proceeded to San Miniato, a town in the Florentine state, whence he addressed a letter to the magistrates of Flo- rence, which places the motives of his conduct in a very clear point of view'"". Lorenzo ^^ It is somewhat surprising that this letter, so expli- citly stating the purpose of Lorenzo, should have escaped the attention of Fabroni ; who has, however, favoured us with the oration of Lorenzo to Ferdinand, on his arrival at Naples, the authority of which may perhaps be doubted ; as well as that of Lorenzo to the magistrates of Florence before his departure for Naples, attributed to him by Ammirato. 1st. v. iii. /z. 143. The efforts of imagin- ation should not be substituted for the documents of his- tory. This letter is published in the Lettcre di Princi/ii, V, u /2, 3. £d. Ven, 1581. Florence. 296 THE LIFE OF CHAP. IV. Lorenzo de^ Medici to the States of Florence. *' If I did not explain to you, before I left ** Florence, the cause of my departure, it was ** not from want of respect, but because I '' thought, that in the dangerous circumstances '^ in which our city is placed, it was more neces- " sary to act than to deliberate. It seems to me '' that peace is become indispensable to us ; and *' as all other means of obtaining it have proved << ineffectual, I have rather chosen to incur ** some degree of danger myself, than to suffer *' the city to continue longer under its present *' difficulties : I therefore mean, with your *' permission, to proceed directly to Naples ; *^ conceiving that as I am the person chiefly ** aimed at by our enemies, I may, by deliver- *•' ing myself into their hands, perhaps be the *' means of restoring peace to my fellow-citizens. *^ Of these two things, one must be taken for *' granted ; either the king of Naples, as he has *' often asserted, and as some have believed, is *' friendly to the Florentine state, and aims, *' even by these hostile proceedings, rather to *' render us a service, than to deprive us of our " liberties ; or he wishes to effect the ruin of '^ the republick. If he be favourably disposed *' towards us, there is no better method of '* putting his intention to the test, than by " placing LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 297 *' placing myself freely in his hands, and this I c h ap. '' will venture to say is the only mode of iv. ** obtaining an honourable peace. If, on the *' other hand, the views of the king extend to *' the subversion of our liberties, we shall at *' least be speedij^ apprized of his intentions ; *' and this knowledge will be more cheaply '' obtained by the ruin of one, than of all. I ** am contented to take upon myself this risk, *' because, as I am the person principally sought ** after, I shall be a better test of the king's ^' intentions ; it being possible that my destruc- *' tion is all that is aimed at: and again, as I ** have had more honour and consideration *' amongst you than my merits could claim, '' and perhaps more than have in our days been *^ bestowed on any private citizen, I conceive ^' myself more particularly bound than any *' other person to promote the interest of my ** country, even with the sacrifice of my life. ^' With this full intention I now go ; and per- ^' haps it may be the will of God, that as this war '' was begun in the blood of my brother, and " of myself, it may now by my means be con- *' eluded. All that I desire is, that my life and *' my death, my prosperity and my misfortunes, " may contribute tovrards the welfare of my '^ native place. Should the result be answer- *' able to my Vvishes, I shall rejoice in having " obtained 298 THE LIFE or CHAP. *^ obtained peace to my country, and security to IV. *< myself. Should it prove otherwise, my mis- '' fortunes will be alleviated by the idea that '' they were requisite for my country's welfare ; *' for if our adversaries aim only at my destruc- *' tion, I shall be in their p^wer ; and if their *' views extend further, they will then be fully '' understood. In the latter case, I doubt not *' that all my fellow-citizens will unite in defend- " ing their liberties to the last extremity, and I " trust with the same success as, by the favour *' of God, our ancestors have heretofore done. *' These are the sentiments with which I shall '* proceed ; entreating Heaven that I may be *' enabled on this occasion to perform what '* every citizen ought at all times to be ready *' to perform for his country. From San " Miniato, the 1th December 1479\" The departure of Lorenzo upon so novel and so dangerous an expedition, occasioned various opinions and conjectures at Florence. Those who ^ Valori informs us, that when the letter of Lorenzo was recited in the senate, not one of the assembly could refrain from tears. " Litterzc recitatse sunt in Senatu, " assensu vario, ita tamen, ut nemo a lachrymis tempe- " raret. Movebat omnes tanti viri desiderium, qui pro " salute patrix nullis suis laboribus, aut periculis par- '■'- ceret." Val, in vita Laur,p, 33. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 299 who were friendly to the Medici, or who were chap. interested in the personal welfare of Lorenzo, iv. could not regard this measure without great anxiety. Even those who entertained the highest opinion of his prudence were inclined to consider his conduct in this instance as rash and inconsiderate, and as having resulted rather from the impulse of the moment, than from thatmature deliberation which generally preceded his determinations^. They remembered the fate of Giacopo Piccinini, who with more claims on the favour of Ferdinand than Lorenzo could pretend to, had, on a visit to him at Naples, in violation of all the laws of honour and hospi- tality, been thrown into a dungeon, and soon afterwards secretly murdered \ Those who enter- y Murat, Ann, v, ix,p. 533. 2 Piccinini was one of the most eminent Condottieri of his time, and by his valom^ had acquired the absolute sovereignty of several towns in Italy, and raised himself to such consideration as to obtain in marriage Drusiana, one of the daughters of the great Francesco Sforza duke of Milan. Soon after his marriage he was invited by Ferdinand, who had some secret cause of enmity against him, to pass a short time at Naples, whither he went, accompanied by his new bride, and fell an easy victim to the treachery of Ferdinand ; who, not being able to allege anv 300 THE LIFE OF CHAP, entertained better hopes, founded them on a iv« conjecture that Lorenzo had previously obtained an assurance from Ferdinand of a welcome recep- tion, and a safe return ; which assurance was supposed to be sanctioned by the other states of Italy. In proportion as his friends were alarmed at the dangers that threatened him, those who feared, or who envied the authority which he had obtained in Florence, rejoiced in the pro- bability of his destruction ; and by affecting on all occasions to express their apprehensions of his ruin, and of a consequent change of govern- ment in Florence, endeavoured as far as in their power to prepare the way for those events'*. He embarks From Sau Miuiato, Lorenzo went to Pisa, where he received from the magistrates of Flo- rence their unlimited authority to enter into such conditions with the king as he might think advisable^. Thence he embarked for Naples, and any plausible reason for this atrocious act, endeavoured to propagate a report that Piccinini had broken his neck by a fall from the window of the place of his confinement. V, Murat, Ann, v, ix. p» 493. a Mac, 1st, lib, 8. ^ The instructions sent by the magistracy of Flo- rence to Lorenzo on this occasion were drawn up by Bartolomeo at Pisa- 301 and on his arrival there was surprised, but chap. certainly not displeased, to find that the king iv- had information of his approach, and had di- rected the commanders of his gallies to receive him V. ith due honour. This token of respect was confirmed by the presence of the king's son Federigo, and his grandson Ferdinand, who met Lorenzo on his landing, and conducted him to the presence of the king*". The Nea- politans testified their eagerness to see a man w^ho had been the object of such contention, and whose character and accomplishments were the subject of general admiration. On his inter- view with Ferdinand, Lorenzo omitted nothing that was likely to conciliate his esteem., and attach him to his cause. Fully acquainted w ith the political state of Italy, and with the temper and intentions of its different potentates, he demonstrated to Ferdinand the impolicy of separating the interests of the Neapolitans from those of the Florentines. He reminded him of the dangers which the kingdom of Naples had repeatedly Bartolomeo Scala, the chancellor of the republick, who transmitted them to Lorenzo, accompanied by a private letter, strongly expressive of his anxiety for the success of his patron in this dangerous expedition. V. Jpfu A'o. XXX. c Valor, in vita Laur,}i, 34. VOL. I. U U 302 THE LIFE OP- CHAP, repeatedly experienced from the pretensions JV' of the holy see, and thence adverted to the imprudence of contributing to the aggrandize- ment of the papal power. Nor was he silent on that flagrant breach of divine and human laws, which had deprived him of a brother, and endangered his own life ; from which he justly inferred, that the perpetrators of such a crime could be bound by no engagements but such as suited their own interest or ambition. To repre- sentations thus forcibly urged, it was impossible that the king could be inattentive ; and although he did not immediately comply with the wishes of Lorenzo, yet he gave him hopes of eventual success, and treated him with every distinction due to his character, expressing his approbation of him in the words of Claudian, <' vicit prce- " scntia famam^. Lorenzo Duriug thc abodc of Lorenzo at Naples, trrrtvtith ^vhich w^as protracted by the cautious hesitation the king, of the king, he rendered his liberality, his taste, and his urbanity, subservient to the promotion of his political views, and was careful that the expectations formed of him by the populace should not be disappointed. His wealth and his VaL in vita JLaur, p, 34. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 303 liis munificence seemed to be equally boundless, chat. and were displayed amongst other instances, in i v* apportioning out in marriage young women of the lower rank, who resorted to Naples from the remotest parts of Calabria and Appulia to share his bounty^ The pleasures which he expe- rienced from thus gratifying his natural dispo- sion, were however counterbalanced by the anxiety of his solitary moments, when the diffi- culties which he had to encounter pressed upon his mind with a weight almost irresistible*". The disposition of Ferdinand was severe and unre- lenting ; from an appeal to his feelings little was to be expected ; his determination could only be influenced by motives of policy or of interest. The conquests of his son Alfonso had rendered him less favourable to the views of Lorenzo ; and it was particularly unfortunate, that whilst the negotiation was depending, Alfonso broke the stipulated truce, and gained advantages over the Florentine troops. The pope had also received intelligence of the arrival of ^ Fal. in vita., p* 35 » ^ Adclebant, qui se in die omnibus hilarem, gratum- que prxbebat, eundem in nocte, quasi duas personas i^ereret, secum ad miserationem usque lamentari solitum, nunc siiam ipsius, nunc patris vicem dolere. Vai,tnvita,/u36. 304 THE LIFE 01 CHAP, of Lorenzo at Naples, and exerted all his interest ^^- with Ferdinand to prevail upon him either to detain Lorenzo there, or to send him to Rome, on pretence of accommodating his difference with the holy see, and effecting a general peace. Notwithstanding these unfavourable circum- stances, Lorenzo did not relax in the pursuit of his object, nor betray in publick the least appear- ance of dejection. He had already obtained the confidence of Caraffa, count of Metalonica, the minister of Ferdinand, and made daily pro- gress in the affections of the king himself, who was at length induced seriously to weigh his propositions, and to consider the advantages that might result to himself and his family, by attaching to his interests a man of such talents and influence, now in the prime of life, and daily rising in the publick estimation. Led by these considerations, and by the unwearied assi- duities of Lorenzo, he at length gave way to his solicitations ; and having once adopted a decided opinion, became as warmly devoted to Lorenzo, as he before had been inimical to him. The conditions of the treaty were accordingly agreed on*^ ; and Lorenzo, who had arrived at Naples s These conditions were, that the parties should mu> tually assist each other in the defence of their dominions. That LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 305 Naples not merely an unprotected stranger, but chap. an open enemy, left that place at the end of ^v* three months, in the character of an ally and a friend. Having thus accomplished his purpose, he instantly embarked for Pisa, notwithstanding the entreaties of Ferdinand, who wished to prolong his stay. His apology to the king for this appa- rent want of respect, was the desire that he had to communicate to his fellow-citizens, as speedily as possible, the happy result of his expedition ; but the excuses of Lorenzo were urged with a levity and jocularity which he judged most likely to conceal his real motives, and to prevent the suspicions of Ferdinand, Shortly before his departure the king presented to him a beautiful horse, and Lorenzo returned his thanks by observing, That the messenger of joyful news ought to be n.vell mounted. He had, however, more urgent That the places which had been taken from the Floren- thies should be restored at the discretion of the king. That the survivers of the Pazzi family should be liberated from the tower of Volterra ; and that the duke of Cala- bria should receive a certain sum^ of money to defray the expenses of his return. Amm. 1st* v, iii. fi» 145. 306 THE LITE Of CHAP, urgent reasons for his haste : every moment that iv» delayed his return gave encouragement to his enemies, and endangered his authority at Flo- rence ; but above all, he was apprehensive that the repeated remonstrances of the pope might induce the king to weaver in his resolution, or to change his opinion. The event proved that his distrust was not unfounded ; Lorenzo had no sooner sailed from Naples, than a messenger arrived there from Rome, with such propositions to the king, on the part of the pope, as would in all probability not only have defeated the treaty, but have led the way to the ruin of Lorenzo de' Medici. Such was the effect which this communication had on the mind of the king, that he despatched a letter to Lorenzo, entreating him, in the most pressing language, that at whatever place he might receive it, he would immediately return to Naples, where the ambassadour of Sixtus was ready to accede to the articles of pacification. Having once escaped from the jaws of the lion, Lorenzo did not think proper a second time to con- fide in his clemency ; and his determination was probably confirmed by the tenour of the letter from Ferdinand, which discovers such an extreme degree of anxiety for the accom- plishment of his purpose, as seems scarcely consistent LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 307 consistent with an open and generous inten- chap. tion'^, iv« After touching at Leghorn, Lorenzo re- turned to Pisa, where the event of his embassy being known, he was received with the utmost demonstrations of joy. Thence he hastened to Florence, where the exultation of the populace was unbounded. Secured from the storm that had so long threatened to burst upon their heads, and restored to tranquillity by the magnanimity of a single citizen, they set no limits to their applause. All ranks of people surrounded and congratulated Lorenzo on his return. His faithful associate Politiano, having struggled in vain to approach his patron, expressed his affec- tion in a few extempore stanzas, in which is given a lively picture of this interesting scene ; where Lorenzo is represented as towering above his fellow citizens, by his superiour stature, and expressing his sense of their kindness by all the means in his power, by his smiles, his nods, his voice, and his hands'. The 1^ V. J/1/1, JVo. XXXI. ^ j^d Laurenihim J^Iedicem, " O ego quam cupio reducis contingere dextram " Laurenti 1 et l«to dicere Isctus, ave ! " Maxima CHAP. IV. Sixtus perse- veres in the war. >08 THE LIFE OF The reconciliation which had thus been effected between the king of Naples and the republick of Florence, was a cause of vexation not only to the pope, but to the Venetians, who expressed great dissatisfaction that a measure of such importance should have been adopted with- out their previous concurrence. In order to excuse to the pope the step which he had taken, Ferdinand alleged his apprehensions from the Turks, who had long threatened a descent upon Italy. Sixtus did not, however, relinquish the prosecution of his favourite object, the destruc- tion of Lorenzo de' Medici, in which he was constantly " Maxima sed densum capiunt vix atria vulgus, " Tota salutantum vocibus aula fremit. " Undique purpurei Medicem pia turba senatus " Stat circum ; cunctis celsior ipse patet. " Quid faciam ? accedam ? — nequeo ; — vetat invida " turba. " Alloquar ? — at pavido torpet in ore sonus. " Aspiciam I — licet hoc, toto nam vertice supra est, " Non omne officium, turba molesta, negas. *' Aspice sublirni quum vertice fundit honorem, " Sidereo quantum spargit ab ore jubar. ♦' Quse reducis facies, Ixtisquam Ixtus amicis ! " Respondet nutu, lumine, voce, manu. " Nil agimus : cupio solitam de more salutem " Dicere, et officium persoluisse meum. " Ite mei versus, Medicique hxc dicite nostro, " Ang-elus hoc mittit Politanus, ave" Pol, in Oju ap. JUL I LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 309 constantly incited to persevere, by his nephew chap. Girolamo Riario, whose hatred to Lorenzo was ^v* unalterable. To no purpose did the Florentines despatch a nev/ embassy to Rome to deprecate the \^Tath, and entreat the clemency of the pope. Riario began to niake preparations for renewing the war; and at his instance the duke of Calabria, instead of withdrawing his troops from Tuscany, remained at Sienna, Avhere he continued to exercise great authority, and to fill with apprehensions the surrounding country. But while the affairs of Florence remained in this state of suspense, a more general alarm took place, and speedily accom- plished what the intercessions and humiliation of the Florentines might have failed of effecting, Mahomet II. the conqueror of Constantinople, was yet living, and meditated further victories. In turning his arms ^vestward, he first attacked the island of Rhodes ; but being delayed and irritated by a vigorous defence, he determined to retrieve his military credit by making a descent upon Italy, where he captured the important city of Otranto, and threatened the whole extent of that country with devastation and slavery. This alarming incident roused the adjacent Descent of states of Italy to their defence. So opportunely uponiuiy. did it occur for the safety of Lorenzo, that it has VOL. I. XX 310 THE LIFE OF CHAP, has given rise to an opinion that he incited and iv> encouraged it's But if Mahomet had in fact any invitation upon this occasion, it was most probably from the Venetians, w ho were strongly suspected of having favoured his purpose ; and this suspicion was afterwards strengthened by the reluctance which they shewed to unite with the other.states of Italy in expelling the Turks from Otranto'. Compelled to attend to the defence of his own country, the duke of Calabria sud- denly withdrew his troops from Sienna ; and the pope of his own motion gave the Florentines to understand, ^ Jlbinus, /2. 35. de bello Etrusco. Camillus Fortius la Conguira de' Baroni di Napoli contro il Re Ferdinando T. et Jannonius ap. Fabronium, v, ii, /?. 216. v, also Siuin- burn's Travels in the tivo Sicilies, p, 377. 1 " Sospettarono i Napolitani," says Muratori, " che " Maometto, o pure il suo Bassa Achmet, fosse stato " mosso a questa impresa dai Veneziani, per Todio grande " che portavano al Re Ferdinando." Murat* Ann, v» ix. p. 535. That Ferdinand did not suppose Lorenzo had any share in instigating Mahomet to this enterprise, is evident from his subsequent letters to him, several of which yet remain. Fabroni has also preserved a letter from Lorenzo de' Medici to Albino, who attended the duke of Calabria on his expedition to Otranto, in which he expresses his strong aversion to the Cant Turchi^ as he denominates the invaders, and his extreme and per- haps courtly solicitude for the success and personal safety of the duke, v, Jppu JVo. XXXH. 311 understand, that, on a proper submission, he chap. should now listen to terms of reconciliation. ^^* Twelve of the most respectable citizens were p^^" <=<>"- eluded with sent to Rome, as a deputation in the name of the pope. the republick ; but although the pope expressed his desire that Lorenzo should be of the number, he wisely judged that such a measure would neither be consistent with his honour nor his safety. Francesco Soderini, bishop of Vol terra, made the oration to the pope ; who, in his reply, once more gave way to his anger, and, in very severe language, reproached the Floren- tines wdth their disobedience to the holy see. Having vented his rage, he received their sub- mission ; and in milder terms reconciled them to the church ; at the same time touching their backs with a wand, according to the usual ceremony, and releasing the city from his inter- dict. CHAP. V. Studies of Lorenzo de' Medici— Rise of Ita- lian literature in the fourteenth century — Its sub- sequent degradation — Reiiivers of it in the fif- teenth century — Burchiello — The three brothers of the Pulci — Writings of Bernardo Pulci — Of Luc a Pulci — Of Luigi Pulci — Of Matteo Franco — Early productions of Lorenzo — Inqui- ry into his merits as a poet — Object and charac- teristicks of poetry — Description — Talents of Lorenzo for description — Poetick comparison — Instances of it from the wiritings of Lorenzo — Personification of material objects — Of the pas- sions and affections — Comparatiije excellence of the ancients and moderns in the PRosoroFOEi a — Instances of this figure in the writings of Loren- zo — Various species of poetry cidtivatedby him — Origin of the Italian sonnet — Character of the sonnets of Dante — OfPetrarca — OfLcrcnzo de"* Medici — Selve d' amore ^"^ Lorenzo — His poem of Am b r a — On hawking — Moral pieces — Sacred poems — The Beoni — Rise of the jocose Italian satire — Stanze contadinesche — State of the Italian Drama — The musical drama — Canti Carnascialeschi — Canzone a BALLo — Critique of Pico of Mirandula on the poems of Lorenzo — Opinions of other authors on the same subject — The poems of Lorenzo cele- brated in the NuTRiciA of Politiano, Ihe establishment of peace was a blessing studies of Lorenzo dc* which Lorenzo felt in common with the rest Medici. of his fellow-citizens ; but to him it was pe- culiarly grateful, as it left him at liberty to attend to the prosecution of those studies in which he had always found his most unembit- tered pleasures, and the surest alleviation of his cares. '* When my mind is disturbed with the " tumults of publick business," says he, writing to Ficino, '* and my ears are stunned with the *' clamours of turbulent citizens, how would it **^ be possible for me to support such contention ** unless I found a relaxation in science ?" Nor was it to any particular study, in exclusion of all 316 THE LIFE OF CHAP, all Others that he addicted himself during* his V' hours of leisure, although poetry Kad in his younger years a decided preference. '•' So ". vigorous and yet so various was his genius," says Pico of Mirandula, ''that he seemed <' equally formed for every pursuit ; but that *' which principally excites my w^onder is, that ' ' even when he is deeply engaged in the affairs '' of the republick, his conversation and his '' thoughts should be turned to subjects of lite- *' rature as if he were perfect master of his *' time'"." Lorenzo was not, however, insensible that, amidst his serious and important avocations, the indulgence of a poetical taste might be con- sidered as indicating a levity of disposition in- consistent with his character. There are " some," says he'\ " who may perhaps accuse '' me of having dissipated my time in writing *' and commenting upon amorous subjects, par- *' ticularly in the midst of my numerous and " unavoidable occupations : to this accusation I <> have to reply, that I might indeed be justly " condemned if Nature had endowed mankind " with ^ In Proem, ad tract, de enteetuno^ ad An^elum Politia- num in op, Pici, Ed, Fen, 1498. " Commento di Lorenzo sopra alcimi dl suoi aonctti, Ed, Mdo, 1554. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 317 '' with the power of performing, at all times, chap. '' those things which are most traly commenda- v- ^' ble ; but inasmuch as this power has been "• conceded only to few, and to those few the *' opportunity of exercising it cannot often '^ occur in the course of life, it seems to me, '* that considering our imperfect nature, those '' occupations may be esteemed the best in ** which there is the least to reprove. — If the " reasons I have before given," he afterwards adds, " be thought insufficient for my exculpa- *^ tion, I have only to confide in the kindness of ** my readers. Persecuted as I have been from '* my youth, some indulgence may perhaps be *' allowed me for having sought consolation in *' these pursuits." In the sequel of his com- mentary he has thought it necessary to touch more fully on the peculiarity of his situation. ** It was my intention," says he, '' in my expo- *^ sition of this sonnet "", to have related the '' persecutions which I have undergone ; but an *' apprehension that I may be thought arrogant *' and ostentatious, induces me to pass slightly *' over them.. In relating our own transactions *' it is not indeed easy to avoid these imputations. ** When the navigator informs us of the perils '' which ° " Se tra gli altri sos/iir eh' escon di fore* VOL. I. y y 318 THE LIFE OF CHAP. V. which his ship has escaped, he means rather to give us an idea of his own exertions and prudence, than of the obligations which he owes to his good fortune, and perhaps en- hances the danger beyond the fact, in order to increase our admiration. In the same manner physicians frequently represent the state of their patient as more dangerous than it is in reality, so that if he happen to die, the cause may be supposed to be in the disorder, and not in their want of skill ; and if he recover, the greater is the merit of the cure. I shall therefore only say, that my sufferings have been very severe, the authors of them having been men of great authority and talents, and fully determined to accomplish, by every means in their power, my total ruin. Whilst I, on the other hand, having nothing to oppose to these formidable enemies, but youth and inexperience, saving indeed the assist- ance which I derived from divine goodness, was reduced to such an extreme of misfortune, that I had at the same time to labour under the excommunication of my soul, and the dispersion of my property, to contend with endeavours to devest me of my authority in the state, and to introduce discord into my family, and with frequent attempts to deprive me of my life, insomuch that I should have " thought LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 319 ^ *' thought death itself a much less evil than those chap. *' with which I had to combat. In this unfor- v« i '* tunate situation it is surely not to be wondered ' '' at, if I endeavoured to alleviate my anxiety ] ''- by turning to more agreeable subjects of *' meditation, and in celebrating the charms of *' my mistress sought a temporary refuge from '' my cares." In taking a retrospect of the state of letters ^'"^ of ^... . . t.i Italian lite- m Italy, it is impossible not to be stiuck with rature inth. | the great superiority which that country pos- ceatlrv'^^ I sessed over the rest of Europe. " To the Com- *' media of Dante, the sonnets of Petrarca, and *' the Decamerone of Boccaccio, three little , *' books written for the purposes of satire, of \ *' gallantry and of feminine amusement, we " are to trace the origin of learning and true j " taste in modern times''." Whether Dante was stimulated to his singular work by the suc- cess of his immediate predecessors, theprovengal \ poets, or by the example of the ancient Roman authors, has been doubted. The latter opinion j seems, however, to be the more probable. In .; his Inferno he had apparently the descent of i Eneas in view. " Virgil is the guide of Dante '' through I P Andres^ DeW Origine progrcssi e st(Uo attuale cV ogrii * letterdtuj-a, v. i. p. 339. 320 THE LIFE OF CHAP. *' through these regions of horrour'^" In the V' rest of his poem there is little resemblance to any antecedent production. Compared with the Eneid, it is a piece of grand Gothick architecture at the side of a beautiful Roman temple. Dante was immediately succeeded by Boccaccio and by Petrarca, not as imitators, but as origi- nals in the different branches to which their talents led them. Though they followed Dante, they did not employ themselves in cul- tivating the ground which he had broken up, but chose each for himself a new and an untried field, and reaped a harvest not less abundant. The ^ Landino considered Dante as a close imitator of Virgil. " Nonne e nostris Danthem, virum omni doc- " trina excultum, gravissimum auctorcm habemus ? " qui ejus itineris quo mundum omnem ab imis tartaris " ad supremum usque coelum peragrat, in eo sibi ilium " (Virgilium) ducem fmgit. In quo summum hominis " bonum perquirens, miro quodam ingenio unicam " jEneida imitandam proponit ; ut cum pauca omnino " inde excerpere videatur, nunquam tamen, si diligen- " tins inspiciemus, ab ea discedat." Land. DUfiui. Carnal, lib, 4. Ed, 1508. Even the form of his hell and his purgatory, the first of which resembled the cavity of an inverted cone, the other the exterior of an erect one, may perhaps be traced to the follow^ing passage : « Tum Tartarus ipse " Bis patet in prxceps tantum, tenditque sub umbras, " Quantusadsetherium coeli suspectus olympum." jTlii, lib, vi. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 321 The merits of these writers have been frequently chap. recognised and appreciated, but perhaps by no ^' one with more accuracy than by Lorenzo him- self. In attempting to shew the importance and dignity of the Italian tongue, he justly remarks, that the proofs of its excellence are to be sought for in the writings of the three authors before mentioned; '* who," says he, *' have fully '' shewn with what facility this language may be '' adapted to the expression of every sentiment." He then proceeds as follows ^ '' If we look *' into the Commedia of Dante, we shall find '* theological and natural subjects treated with *' the greatest ease and address. We shall there '' discover those three species of composition so " highly commended in oratory, the simple, the *^ middle style, and the sublime ; and shall find *' in perfection, in this single author, those ^' excellencies which are dispersed amongst the " ancient Greek and Roman writers. Who ^' can deny that the subject of love has been * ' treated by Petrarca with more consistency and ** elegance than by Ovid, Catullus, Tibullus, ^' Propertius, or any other of the Latin poets ? '^ The prose compositions of the learned and '' eloquent ^ Com, di Lorenzo sofira alcuni dc' suoi sonetti, ap, Akh 1554. 522 THE LIFE OF CHAP. " eloquentBoccaccio may be considered as unri- v* ** vailed, not only on account of the invention ** which they display, but for the copiousness *' and elegance of the style. If on perusing the " Decamerone we attend to the diversity of the " subjects, sometimes serious or tragical, at *' others conversant with common life, and at *' others humorous or ridiculous ; exhibiting ** all the perturbations incident to mankind, of ** affection and of aversion, of hope, and of " fear ; if we consider the great variety of the ** narrative, and the invention of circumstances " which display all the peculiarities of our nature, " and all the effects of our passions, we may " undoubtedly be allowed to determine, that no ** language is better adapted to the purposes of *' expression than our own." ^tssubse- -g^^^ althouarh the career of these first re- quent degra- *-> dation. formers of Italian literature was wonderfully rapid, the disciples they formed were few, and of those none maintained the reputation of their masters. Petrarca died in 1374, and Boccaccio in the year following. The clouds that had been awhile dispersed by the lustre of their abi- lities, again collected, and involved the world in their gloom. A full century elapsed with- out producing any literary work that can be ranked with the compositions of those great men. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 323 men*. The attempt of Piero de' Medici, in the c h a p. year 1441, to create a spirit of poetical emula- ^- tion in Florence, while it serves as a proof of his munificence, sufficiently indicates the low degree of estimation in which this study was then held, and the insignificance of its professors. If phi- losophy in the fourteenth century went poor and naked, in the next she had changed her destiny with her sister poetry^ The state of prose composition was equally wretched. No longer the vehicle of elegant or learned sentiment, the Italian language was consigned over to the use of the vulgar, corrupted by neglect, and de- based by the mixture of provincial dialects. It was only on the most common occasions, or in the freedom of epistolary intercourse, that men of ' The Bella Mano of Giusto da Conti, a Roman civi- lian by profession, but a poet by inclination, who wrote in the beginning of the fifteenth century, may perhaps be exempted from this general censure. It consists of a series of sonnets in praise of the author's mistress, some of which may contend, in point of elegance, with those of Petrarca, on the model of which they are professedly written. " Benche pur," says Tiraboschi, not without some reason, " vi abbia molto di stentato e di languid©." Scoria della Lett, Ital, v, vi. /larte u./u 146. ^ Povera e nuda vai Filosofia, Petr. 324 THE LIFE OF CHAP, of learning condescended to employ their native ^' tongue ; and even then it appears to have been considered as inadequate to the purpose, and the assistance of the Latin language was often resorted to, and hitermixed with it, in order to render it intelligible''. The " Some authors, who have taken too general and indistinct a view of this subject, Avould induce us to believe, that a continual improvement in Italian litera- ture took place from the time of Petrarca, till it arrived at its summit in the sixteenth century ; and have had influence enough to establish this as a popular opinion ; but to say nothing of the evidence of the best Italian criticks, by whom this singular degradation of their lan- guage is fully attested, it is yet capable of being ascer- tained by an appeal to facts. If the rise of literature had been gradual during this period, some memorials of it must have remained ; but from the death of Petrarca to the time of Lorenzo de' Medici, Italy did not produce a single specimen of this boasted improvement ; whilst, on the other hand, innumerable instances remain, both in verse and prose, of the barbarous and degraded style then in use. Even the celebrity of Cosmo de' Medici, the great patron of Fetters, never gav^ rise to a panegyrick in his natrve tongue that has any pretensions to the ap- probation of the present time, although there yet remain among the manuscripts of the Laurentian library, innu- merable pieces in his praise, of which the two sonnets given in the Appendix (No. XXXIII.) are a fair, and perhaps will be thought a sufficient specimen. Voltaire indeed informs us, " that there was an uninterrupted " succession of Italian poets, who are all known to pos- « terity ; LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 325 The only symptoms of improvement which chap, had appeared in Italy, at the time that Lorenzo '^' de' Medici first began to distinguish himself by Revivers of his writings, are to be found in the productions tegnth^cen^* of Burchiello, or in those of the three brothers "^y- of the family of Pulci, to some of which we have before adverted. Burchiello, who flou- Burchieuo. rished about the middle of the fifteenth century, and who exercised in Florence a profession, in which, as he informs us, " T/ie mitaes ninth the razor were at strife^^^ has left a great number of sonnets, which ex- hibit no inconsiderable share of wit and viva- city. *' terity ; that Pulci wrote after Petrarca ; that Bojardo " succeeded Pulci ; whilst in the fertility of liis imagi- nation, Ariosto surpassed them all." Essai sur les incmrs^ Isfc, v, ii./i. 163. Pulci, it is true, is the next author of popular estimation that followed Petrarca ; but the period between them is precisely the time in question. The Morgante was not written till upwards of a century after the death of Petrarca. The errours into which many writers on this subject have fallen, have been occasioned by a want of discrimination between the pro- gress of Italian and of classical literature ; a distinction which I shall hereafter have occasion to develop more at large. ^ " La Poesia comhatte col rasoio,'' Burch. VOL. I. Z Z 326 THE LIFE OF CHAP, city, and occasionally display a felicity of expres- V' sion, that might have done honour to better subjects than those which generally employed his pen, but it is to be regretted that the excel- lencies of these pieces are too often lost in their obscurity, and that, although we may at times perceive the vivid sallies of imagination, it is only as we see coruscations from a cloud by night, which leave us again in total darkness. This obscurity has been the cause of great regret to his admirers, several of whom have under- taken to comment upon and illustrate his works. Crescimbeni is of opinion, that these extrava- gant productions were intended to satirize the absurdities of his poetical contemporaries, and the folly of their admirers ; but satire, too obscure to be generally understood, is not likely to effect a reformation^. The y The sonnets of Burchiello were several times printed in the fifteenth century, generally without date. The earliest edition is supposed to be that of Bologna, 1475. In the following century they were commented by Anton Francesco Doni, and published at Venice, 1553 : but the commentator stands no less in need of an intei^oreter than the author. This edition is inscribed by the editor to the celebrated artists Tintoretto and Romanelli, and is printed by Francesco Marcolini, in a singular but not inelegant type Bernardo Pulci. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 327 The Pulci were of a noble family of Flo- chap. reiice, but seem to have declined any partici- v. pation in the offices of the repubiick, for the The three purpose ofdevotino: themselves to their favourite ^'^^^^^"of ^ ^^ *^ ^ the Pulci. Studies. That a close intimacy subsisted be- tween them and the Medici is apparent from many of the works of these brothers, some of which are inscribed to their great patrons, and others entirely devoted to their praise. The writings of earliest production of any of this family is proba- bly the elegy by Bernardo, to the memory of Cosmo de' Medici, which he has addressed to Lo- renzo. To his elegy on the death of the beautiful Simonetta, we have before assigned its proper date. He afterwards translated the Eclogues of Virgil, which type. Besides his sonnets, Burchiello is also the author of a satire in iei^za rhna, in which he has attempted to imitate the manner of Dante. The objects of his ani- madversion are the practitioners of what are called the liberal professions in Florence, amongst whom the phy- sicians have their full share of ridicule. Of this poem, which has not been printed, a copy is preserved in the Gaddi library, now incorporated with that of the great duke of Florence. {Band, Cat, vol, v. Plut, xliv. cod, 30.) Another transcript of the fifteenth century is in my pos- session, from which I shall give a short extract in the Appendix ; whence the reader may be further enabled to judge of the state of Italian literature immediately pre- vious to the time of Lorenzo de' Medici. Jpfi. M. XXXIV. 328 THE LIFE OF CHAP, which he also inscribed to Lorenzo de' Medici*. V' Bernardo is likewise the author of a poem on the passion of Christ, which is by no means devoid of poetical merit. It is preceded by a dedication ^ This was the first attempt to translate the Eclogues of Virgil into the Italian language. From the dedication of these pieces, it is not difficult to determine that they were translated about the year 1470, as the author adverts to the recent death of Piero de' Medici, and at the same time mentions his translation as having been commenced in the year preceding his address to Lorenzo ; that they are not to be referred to a much later period, is evident from his congratulating Lorenzo on his know- ledge of the Latin tongue, which he asserts is far beyond his years. These translations were first published in 1481, and again at Florence in 1494. Tiraboschi is mis- taken in supposing that the Eclogues of Bernardo, and his version of the Bucolicks are different v/orks. {Storia della Let, ItaL v, vi. parte ii. /u 174.) In both these edi- tions, the works of Bernardo are united with those of other writers, although in the latter some additional pieces are included. The title of this edition is as fol- lows : BUCOLICHE ELEGANTISSIMAMENTE COMPOSTE DA BERNARDO PULCI FIORENTING. ET DA FRANCESCO DE ARSOCHI SENESE ET DA HIERONYMO BENIVIENI FIOREN- TINO ET DA JACOPO FIORINO DE BONINSEGNI SENESE. At the close we read — Finite sono le quattro Boccoliche sofira decte con una elegia della morte di Cosimo. Et un altra elegia della morte della diva Simoneta, Et un altra elegia di nuovo adgiunta, Impresse in Firenze per maestro an- TONio MiscHOMiNi ANNO MCCccLxxxxiiii a dt xviii dcl mese Aprile* LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 329 dedication to a pious nun; from which it appears chap. that the good sister had not only prescribed this v» subject to the poet, but that by her pressing instances he had been induced to complete the work, which he affirms had cost him many a tear"". In the Laurentian library some other poems of this autlior are yet preserved, that have not hitherto been published ''. Of Luca Pulci, whose verses on the tour- LucaPuiei. nament of Lorenzo have before been noticed, we have two other poems. The first of these, entitled ^ This poem was published at Florence fier Franc, Bonaciirsio^ die 3 J\'ove?yibrisy mino 1490, in 4to. {Haym, BibL liaL p, 95.) But I conceive that the edition also printed at Florence without note of the year, or name of the printer, and having at the close only the mark Flo- r&rftia: imfirsssum^ is of earlier date. The lady to whom it is inscribed is Jnnaltna de' Tanini nel monasterio delle inurate, who was probably sister of the author's wife, as it appears that he married a lady of the family of Tanini, v/ho, as well as her husband, was distinguished by her talents for poetry. b From these I shall give two sonnets addressed to Lorenzo de' Medici, which are followed by thirty-eight others, all on the exhaustless subject of love. At what time they were written is uncertain ; but from their being addressed to Lorenzo, we may conjecture that he was then of manly age, before which time he had given some specimens of his own poetical talents. Jp/i, yVo. XXXV. 330 THE LIFE OF CHAP, entitled II Ciriffo Cahaneo, is an epick romance, ^' and was probably the first that appeared in Italy ; it being certainly produced some years prior to the Morgante of Luigi Pulci, and to the Orlando Innamorato of Bojardo, two pieces which have generally been considered as the first examples of this species of poetry. In relating the wars between the Christians and the Infidels, the author seems to have prepared the way for the more celebrated works on the same subject which soon afterwards followed''. This poem was <= // Ciriffo Calvaneo^ and his companion // Povero Avve^ duto^ the heroes of the poem, are the illicit cfTspring of two unfortunate ladies, who, being- abandoned by their Iovei*s, are indebted to the shepherd Lecore for their preservation. As the young men grew up, they displayed their courage in pursuing wild beasts, and tlieir generosity in giving away ^ the old shepherd's cattle and effects ; in consequence of which he breaks his heart. Massimo^ the mother of II Ciriffo, then informs them of the nobility of their origin, and of the distress which she has herself suffered ; in con- sequence of which her son piously swears to accomplish the death of his father, which vow he accordingly fulfils. Repenting of his crime he hastens to Rome, obtains Christian baptism and the remission of his sins. In the mean time II Povero Avveduto is carried off by Epidoniffo, a pirate of Marseilles, who stood in fear neither of God nor his saints. " Egli harebbe rubata quella nave " Dove Christo a San Pier venne in ajuto ; « E sc LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 331 was left unfinished by the author, but, at the chap, instance of Lorenzo de' Medici, was, after the v» death of Luca, completed by Bernardo Giam- bullari^ The Driadeo cP amove is a pastoral romance " E se vi fusser stato su, le chiave " Tolte, e poi I'oro e I'argento fondiito ; " E preso in terra I'angel che disse ave, " Menato a fusta, e ne' ferri tenuto, " E spogliato Gioseppe vecchiarello, " Ma col baston prima scosso il mantello." After many adventures, II Povero Avveduto goes to the assistance of Tebaldo, sultan of Egypt, who was besieged by Luigi, king of France. The combatants on each side are particularly described. A battle takes place, after wliich II Povero is made a cavalier by the sultan, for whose particular amusement he tilts with his newly-discovered brother Lionetto. Such is the hetero- geneous mixture which composes this poem ; the inven- tion of which is not, however, to be wholly attributed to Luca. In the Gaddi library is a MS. anteriour to his time by 150 years, entitled, by Bandini, " Liber paujieris " prudentis," {Cat, BibL Laur, vol, v. Plut, xliv. cod, 30.) From which it sufficiently appears, that, in this instance, Luca is only an imitator. It is to be regretted that his judgment did not lead him to select a better model. '^ It was printed, with the continuation of Giambul- lari, at Florence in 1535 ; and had probably been printed before, as it is dedicated to Lorenzo de' Medici, the grandson of Lorenzo the Magnificent, who died in the year 1519. It there consists of four books, of which the first 332 THE LIFE OF CHAP, romance in otta'oa r'lma^ and is dedicated by the V' author to Lorenzo de' Medici, for whose parti- cular amusement he professes to have written it^ The heroick epistles of Luca Pulci do credit to their author. These epistles are eighteen in number, and are composed in terza rima. The first is from Lucre tia to Lauro ; that is, from the accomplished Lucretia Donati to Lorenzo de' Medici. The others are founded on diifer- ent incidents in the ancient Greek and Roman history^ Luigi first only is the work of Pulci. Tlie Ciriffo Calvaiieo was reprinted with the Giostra of Lorenzo, and other works of Luca, by the Gzwyz^z" at Florence, in 1572 : but the con- tinuation by Giambullari is there omitted. e Printed at Florence in 1479. (Z)e Bure Bibliogr, Instruc. JS:''o, 3411.) I have seen two other ancient edi- tions of this poem, without date ; at the close of one of which we VQdi^Finito il Driadeo per Luca Pulci ad Petitionc di ser Pievo Pacini, Haym erroneously attributes this poem to Luigi Pulci, and I conceive he is also mistaken in citing an edition of 1489. Bibl, IiaL p. 9\* These epistles have been several times printed. Ti- raboschi refers to on edition of 1481, and I have met with three others : the first, Im/u'e&no in Firenze fin- ser Francesco Bonacorsi et fier Antonio di Francesco Venetiano nelV anno MCCCCLxxxviii, a di xxviii di Febraio ; the second at Florence in 1513 : and the last in 1572. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 333 Luigi Piilci, the 3'oiiiigest of these brothers, chap. was born on the thh'd day of December 1431, v* and appears, from many circumstances, to have Luigipuki. lived on terms of the utmost friendship with Lorenzo de' Medici, who in one of his poems mentions him with great freedom and jocula- rity ^. The principal w ork of this author is the Morgante maggiore^ a poem which has given rise to vai'ious opinions and conjectures, as to it's tendency and its merits. Whether this poem, or the Orlando Innamorato of the count Bojardo, was first written, has been a matter of doubt ; certain it is, that in publication the Morgante had the priority, having been printed at Venice in 1488, after a Florentine edition of uncertain date, whilst the Orlando Innamorato did not appear till the year 1496^. Accordingly the Morgante s In his poem on hawking, entitled La Caccia col FaU cone^ first published at the close of the present work. ^ It is evident, from the following lines at the conclu- sion of the poem of Bojardo, that it was not finished when the French made an irruption into Italy, in the year 1494 : " Mentre ch'io canto, Ahime Dio redentore, " Veggio r Italia tutta a fiam.ma e a fuoco " Per questi Galli, che con gran furore " Veneon per rovinar non so che luoco." Bojardo Orl, Innam, lib» 3. Canto 9. £.d. Veu. 1548. VOL. I. 3 A 334 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Morgante is generally regarded as the prototype V* of the Orlando Furioso of Ariosto. It has been said that Ficino and Politiano had each a share in the composition of this work ; but the poetry of Politiano is of a very difterent character, and there is no instance on record that Ficino ever attempted poetical composition'. The same degree of credit is due to the opinion, that Luigi Pulci was accustomed to recite his poem at the table of Lorenzo de' Medici, about the year 1450^^ ; for it must be remembered that Lorenzo de' ^ Limerno Pitocco {Teofilo- Folengi) in his extravagant and licentious poem of Orlandino^ ridicules the idea of Politiano being the author of the Morgante. " Politian fu quello ch' altamente " Canto del gran gigante dal bataio : " Et a Luigi Pulci suo cliente " L'honor die senza scritto di notajo. " Pur dopo si penti ; ma chi si pente " Po'l fatto, pesta 1' acqua nel mortajo. " Sia o non si a pur cotesto vero, " So beii, chi credde troppo, ha del liggero." Orlandino^ Cap, i, Ed, Vtn, 1550. ^ Dr, Burneifs History of Music k^ v, iv.fi, 14. For this the learned and ingenious author has cited the authority of Crescimbeni, (vol, n, fiart n, fi, 273. Ed, Ven, 1730,) who informs us, as is probably the truth, that Pulci was accustomed to recite his poem in the manner of ancient rhapsodists, at the table of Lorenzo de' Medici, but does not LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 335 de' Medici was only born 'in 1448. It may chap. further be observed, that although the Morgante V' was written at the particular request of Lucretia, the mother of Lorenzo, it was not finished till after her death, which did not happen till the year 1482 ^ This singular offspring of the w^ayward genius of Pulci has been as im- moderately commended by its admirers, as it has been unreasonably degraded and con- demned by its opponents ; and whilst some have not scrupled to give it the precedence, in point of poetical merit, to the productions of Ariosto and of Tasso, others have decried it as vulgar, absurd, and profane ; and the censures of the church have been promulged in confir- mation of the latter part of the sentence'". From the not fix this event at any particular period, though he after- wards informs us, that Luigi flourished about the year 1450. i Morgant, Magg, Caw^ xxviii. Stan, 124. Ed. 1546. ^ Folengi, however, ranks the poem of Pulci as canonical, with those of Bojardo, Ariosto, Francesco Cieco, and himself ; and freely condemns those of the other romancers to the flames, as apocryphal. " Trabisonda, Ancroia, Spagna, e Bovo, " Con r altro resto al foco sian donate : •< Apocrife 336 THE LIFE OF CHAP, the solemnity and devotion with which every v» canto is introduced, some have judged that the author meant to give a serious narrative ; but the improbability of the relation, and the bur- lesque nature of the incidents, destroy all ideas of this kind. By others, this author has been accused of a total want of elegance in his expres- sions, and of harmony in his verse ; but this work yet ranks as classical in Italian literature, and, if it be not poetry of the highest relish, has a flavour that is yet perceptible". The " Apocrife son tutte ; e le riprovo " Come nemighe d'ogni veritate. " Bojardo, I'Ariosto, Pulci, e'l Cieco, " Autenticati sono, ed io con seco." Orlandino^ caju i. " A very judicious French critick has given the follow- ing just and accurate character of this work : " C'est un " poeme en Rime octave, de 28 chants, d'un gout ori- " ginal. L'auteur s'y est mis au dessus des regies, non " pas de dessein, comme Vincent Gravina lui a fait " I'honneur de le croire, mais parcequ'il ies a entiere- " ment ignorees. Fort en repos du jugement des cri- " tiques, il a confondu Ics lieux et Ies tems, allie le " comique aux serieux, fait mourir burlesquement de " la morsure d'un cancre marin au talon, le geant son " heros, et cela des le 20 livre, en sorte qu'il n'en est . " plus parle dans Ies huit suivans. La naivete de sa " narration a convert tons ces defauls. Les amateurs " de la diction F'iorentine font encore audjourd'hui leurs " del ices LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 337 The sonnets of Luigi Pulci, printed with chap, those of Matteo Franco, have the same capri- ^' cious character as his other writings; and bear a Matteo resemblance to those of his predecessor Bur- ^'^^'^°' chiello. Franco, the poetick correspondent of Pulci, was a canon of Florence, and was by no means inferiour to him in pungency and humour. It is to be regretted that these authors so far ex- ceeded at times the bounds of civility and deco- , rum, that it is scarcely possible to suggest an expression of reproach and resentment which is not to be found in their writings. The family name of Pulci [Pidex) affords an ample subject for the satirical powers of Franco °, His person is " delices de la lecture de Morgante, sur tout quand ils " en peuvent rencontrer un exemplaire de I'edition de " Venice 1546, ou 1550, accompagnee des explications dc ^' Jean Pulci neveu de 1' auteur." M, de let Moimoye. v. Baillet Jugem, des Scav. v. i\, Ji. 30. I must, however, add, that these explications amount to nothing more than a glossary of a very few words, placed at the end of each canto. o A che credi ch'io pensi, o ch'io balocchi Tanti de' Pulci le persone stolte ? Perche de' Pulci hai sol tre cose tolte, Leggerezza, colore, e piccini occhi, Ma il nome tuo e Gigi de' Pidocchi, &c. So7i, ix. , q 338 THE LIFE OF CHAP, is a theiTTC equally fertile. Famine, says his ^* antagonist, was as naturally depicted in his countenance as if it had been the work of Giotto''. He had made an eight days' truce with death, which was on the point of expiring, when he would be swept away to Giudecca, (the lowest pit of Dante,) where his brother Luca was gone before to prepare him a place*^, Luigi supports this opprobrious contest by telling his adversary tliat he was marked at his birth with the sign of the halter, instead of that of the cross, and by a thousand other imputations, of which decency forbids a repetition'. We are, however, in- formed by the editor of the ancient edition of these poems, that although, for the amusement of their readers, these autiiors so lavishly abused and P E gia la fame in fronte al naturale Port! dipinta, e pare opra di Giotto. Son, xxxvii. ^ Tenuto hai con la morte, Otto di triegua ; hor che sofferto ha troppo, Con la falce fienaja vien di galoppa. Tu n' andrai a pie zoppo, A trovar Luca tuo, ladro di zecca, Che per te serba un luogo alia Judecca. Son. xxxvii. *■ Tu nascesti col segno del capresto, Come in Francia si dice della croce. Son, XXX. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 339 and satirized each other, they continued in c ii a p. reality intimate fi iends^ ; and this information ^* is rendered highly probable, by their having equally shared the favour of Lorenzo de' Medici, whose authority would have suppressed the first indications of real dissension. The freedoms in which they indulged themselves, called, hov/ever, for the interference of the inquisition ; and a prohibition was issued against the further circulation of this work^ But although * Et benche M. Matteo & Luigi in qiiesti loro soneUi dimonstrino esser poco amici I'uno dell' altro, niente di manco nel sccreto erono amicissimi. Ma per dare pia- cere Sc dilectare altri, alcuna volta si mordevano 8c svi!- laneggiavono in tal modo come se proprio stati fussono nimici capital!. * I have seen an edition of these poems, without note of date or place, but apparently printed about the close of the fifteenth century, and entitled, "sonetti di " MISSERE MATTHEO FRANCO ET DI LUIGI PULCI " JOCOSI ET FACETI CIOE DA RIDERE." Many of these sonnets are addressed to Lorenzo de' Medici, for Avhose favour the rival poets seem to have contended, by endeavouring to surpass each other in eccentricity and scurrility. A nev/ edition was published in the year 1759, by the marchese Filippo de' Rossi, who informs us, that they were tJiree times printed in the fifteenth century ; to which he adds, " II S. S. tribunale dell* " inquisizione gli fulmino una giustissima proibizione, « che 340 THE LIFE OF c H AP. although the productions of the before-men- ^* tioned authors disphiy some share of vivacity and imagin- " die avendone sempre meritamente impedita la ri- " stampa, ha talmente resi rari quest! sonetti, che da " ogn' uno oramai si cercano invano." If my readers be curious to know the style of these formidable compo- sitions, which excited the vigilance of the holy tribunal, they may take as a specimen the following sonctto of Luigi Pulci : LUIGI PULCI A UN SUO AMICO PER RIDERE, Costor, che fan si gran disputazione Deir anima, ond' eii' entri, o ond' ell' esca, O come il nocciol si stia nella pesca, Hanno studiato in su n' un gran mellone. Aristotile allegano, e Platone, E voglion ch' ella in pace requiesca Fra suoni, e canti, e fannoti una tresca, Che t' empie il capo di confusione. L' Anima c sol come si vede espresso In un pan bianco caldo un pinnocchiato, O una carbonata in un pan fcsso. E chi crede altro ha il fodero in bucato, E que' clie per Tun cento hanno promesso Ci paghcran di succiole in mercato. Mi dice un che v' e stato Neir altra vita, e piu non puo tornarvi Clie appena con la scala si puo andarvi. Costor credon trovarvi E' bcccafichi, e gli ortolan pelati, E' buon vin dolci, e letti spiumacciati, E vanno dricto a' Frati. Noi ce n' andrem, Pandolfo, in val di buja, benzasentir piii cantare : AUeluja. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 341 imagination, and exhibit at times a natural and chap. easy vein of poetry ; yet upon the whole they "^^ are strongly tinctured with the rusticity of the age in which they were produced. That Lorenzo de' Medici had begun to exer- Eariypro- cise his talents for poetry at a very early age, Lorc°zo. there remains decisive proof. We have before adverted to his interview with Federigo of Naples, at Pisa, in the year 1465. On this oc- casion he was requested by that prince to point out to him such pieces of Italian poetry as were most deserving of his attention. Lorenzo wil- lingly complied with his request ; and shortly afterw^ards selected a small volume, at the close of which he added some of his own sonnets and canzoiii, addressing them to Federigo in a few prefatory lines, as a testimony of his affec- tion and regard ''. Hence it appears, that at the age * This singular circumstance, which so decisively ascertains the early period at which Lorenzo began to exercise his poetical talents, was first discovered by Apostolo Zeno, who having, in the year 1742, found in the possession of his friend Jacopo Facciolati, at Padua, a manuscript collection of ancient Italian poems, Avas, after mature deliberation, induced to conjecture that they were collected and arranged by Lorenzo de' Medici. To this supposition he was prin- cipally VOL. I. 3 B 342 THE LIFE OF CHAP, age of seventeen, Lorenzo had attempted dif- ^' ferent kinds of composition, which may be con- sidered not only as anteriour to the celebrated poem of Politiano, on the Giostra of Giuliano, which w^e have before noticed, but probably to any of the writings of the Pulci. But, how- ever the Pulci may contend with Lorenzo in priority, they fall greatly short of him in all the essential requisites of a poet ; and whilst their produc- cipally led by the introductory address to Federigo of Arragon, in which the compiler adverts to the visit of Federigo to Pisa, in the preceding year, and afterwards addresses that prince in the following terms : At the close of the book, f conceiving that it might afford you some satis- faction,) I have inserted a fexo of my own sonnets and CANZONi, wz7A the expectation, that luhenyou fieruse them they may recall to your remembrance tlie fidelity and attachment of their author* On comparing the productions of the ano- nymous compiler, with the Poesie Volgari of Lorenzo, prin- ted by Aldo, in 1554, the conjectures of the critick were amply confirmed ; he having there discovered almost every poem which appeared in the manuscript, except five p.ieces, which he conceived might probably be inserted in the Canzone a ballo of Lorenzo and Politiano, but which in fact he could not then ascertain for want of that work. I shall give the letter of Zeno on this subject, in the Appendix, No. XXXVI. I must, however, observe, that the visit of Federigo to Pisa was not in 1464, as mentioned by Zeno, who has too hastily quoted Ammi- rato (v. iii. p. 93.), but in 1465, as will appear by a reference to the before-cited passage of the Florentine, historian. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 343 ; J productions bear the uniform character of a c h a P. rude and uncultivated age, those of Lorenzo v» \ de' Medici are distinguished by a vigour of ' imagination, an accuracy of judgment, and an elegance of style, which afforded the first great example of improvement, and entitle him, almost exclusively, to the honourable appellation of the restorer of Italian literature. Within the course of a few years Politiano, Benivieni, | and others, imbibed the true spirit of poetry, ^ and Florence had once more the credit of rekindling that spark which was soon to diffuse • a lustre through the remotest parts of Europe. i If, in order to justify the pretensions of |;:^^^^^^'^° ^ Lorenzo to the rank here assigned him, it were ^sapQct. ^ sufficient merely to adduce the authority of sue- 'j ceeding criticks, this would be productive of little difficulty. But to found our opinion of an author whose works are yet open to examination, on that of others, however it may sooth our i indolence, or gratify our curiosity, cannot ) inform our judgment. It is from the writings i which yet remain of Lorenzo de' Medici that we are to acquire a just idea of his general clia- j racter as a poet, and to determine how far they I have been instrumental in effecting a reforma- tion in the taste of his countrymen, or in open- j ing the way to subsequent improvements. i The ] 344 THE LIFE OF CHAP. The great end and object of poetry, and ^' consequently the proper aim of the poet, is to Object and coiTimunicate to us a clear and perfect idea of isticksof his proposed subject. What the painter exhibits poetry. ^^ ^^ |^^ Variety of colour, by light and shade, the poet expresses in appropriate language. The fi mer seizes merely the external form, and that only in a given attitude ; the other sur- rounds his object, pierces* it, and discloses its most hidden qualities. With the former it is inert and motionless ; with the latter it lives and moves, it is expanded or compressed, it glares upon the imagination, or vanishes in air, and is as various as nature herself. Description. "^he simplc description of natural objects is perhaps to a young mind the most delightful species of poetry, and was probably the first employment of the poet. It may be compared to melody in musick, which is relished even by the most uncultivated ear. In this department, Virgil is an exquisite master"". Still more lively are the conceptions of Dante, still more precise the language in which they are expressed. As / we ^ How grateful to our sensations, how distinct to our imaginations, appear the " Speluncce, vivique lacus, ac frigida Tempe, " Mugitusque bodm, mollesque sub arbore somni." LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 345 we follow him, his wildest excursions take the chap. appearance of reality. Compared with his vivid ^' hues, how faint, how delicate, is the colouring of Petrarca ! yet the harmony of the tints almost compensates for their want of force. With Jaientsof J- Lorenxo for accurate descriptions of the face of nature the description. w^orks of Lorenzo abound ; and these are often heightened by those minute but striking charac- teristicks, which, though open to all observers, the eye of the poet can alone select. Thus the description of an Italian winter, wdth w^hich he opens his poem of Ambra^^ ^ is marked by seve- ral appropriate and striking images. The foliage of the olive appears of a dark green, but is nearly white beneath. L'uliva, in qualche dolce piaggia aprica, Secondo il vento par, or verde, or bianca. On some sweet sunny slope the olive grows, Its hues still changing as the zephyr blows. The flight of the cranes, though frequently noticed in poetry, was perhaps never described in '^^ Published for the first time at the close of the present work. 346 THE LIFE OF CHAP, in language more picturesque than the following, v« from the same poem : Stridendo in ciel, i gru veggonsi a lunge L'aere stampar di varie e belle forme ; E r ultima col coUo steso aggiunge Ov' e quella dinanzi alle vane orme. Marking the tracts of air, the clamorous cranes Wheel their due flight, in varied lines descried ; And each with out-stretched neck his rank maintains. In marshall'd order through th* ethereal void. The following picture from his Sehe d'ainorc is also drawn with great truth and simplicity : Al dolce tempo il bon pastore informa Lasciar le mandre, ove nel verno giacque : E '1 lieto gregge, che ballando in torma, Torna all 'alte montagne, alle fresche acque, L' agnel, trottando pur la rnaterna orma Segue ; ed alcun, che pur or ora nacque, L' amorevol pastore in braccio porta : 11 fido cane a tutti fa la scorta. Sweet spring returns ; the shepherd from the fold Brings forth his flock, nor dreads the wintry cold ; Delighted once again their steps to lead To the green hill, clear spring, and floAvery mead. True LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 347 True to their mother's track, the sportive young CHAP. Trip light. The careful hind slow moves along, V, Pleased in his arms the new-dropt lamb to bear ; His dog, a faithful guard, brings up the rear. In the same poem is a description of the golden age, in which the author seems to have exerted all his powers, in selecting such images as are supposed to have been peculiar to that happy state of life. But the description of natural objects awakes poetickcom- in the poet's mind corresponding emotions ; as his heart warms his fancy expands, and he labours to convey a more distinct or a more ele- vated idea of the impressions of his own imagi- nation. Hence the origin of figures, or figurative language ; in the use of Vvhich he aims at de- scribing his principal subject, by the qualities of some other object more generally known, or more striking in its nature. These figures of poetry have furnished the philologists of ancient and modern times with a great variety of minute distinctions, but many of them consist rather in form than in substance ; comparison, express or implied, will be found to be the essence of them all. panson. In 348 THE ilFE OF CHAP. In the employment of comparative illus- V' tration, Lorenzo de' Medici is often particularly Instances hapDV. An attcntivc observer of the works of from tke "^^ *' writings of nature, as well in her s^eneral appearances, as in her more minute operations, intimately ac- quainted with all the finer productions of art, and accustomed to the most abstruse speculations of philosophy, whatever occurred to his mind excited a profusion of relative ideas, either bear- mg a general resemblance to his immediate sub- ject, or associated with it by some peculiar cir- cumstance. The first of these he often employed for the purpose of explanation or of ornament in his more serious compositions, the latter with great wit and vivacity in his lighter productions. At some times one external object, or one cor- poral action, is elucidated by another ; at other times natural phenomena are personified, and illustrated by sensible images ; and instances occur where abstract ideas and metaphysical sentiments are brought before the mind, by a comparison with the objects of the material world. Of the simplest mode of comparison the following is no inelegant instance : Quando sopra i nevosi ed alti monti, Apollo spande il huo bel luine adorno, Tal i crin suoi sopra la bianca gonna. So?i, Ixxiii. O'er i LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 349 \ O'er her white dress her shining tresses flow'd ; CHAP. Thus on the mountain heights with snows o'erspread, v. , The beams of noon their golden histre shed. ' In his pastoral of Corydon, the shepherd thus addresses his scornful mistress, elucidating one i action by another : i i Lasso quanto dolor io aggio avuto, i Quando fuggi da gli occhi col pie scaizo ; ! Et con quanti sospir ho gia temuto i Che spine, o fere venenose, o il balzo * Non offenda i tuoi piedi ; io mi ritegno, j Per te fuggo i pie invano, e per te gli alzo : j Come chi drizza stral veloce al segno, Poi die tratt' ha, torcendo il capo credc j Drizzarlo, egli e gia fuor del curvo legno. ■ Ah nrmph 1 what pangs are mine, when causeless fright \ O'er hill, o'er valley, wings thy giddy flight. Lest some sharp thorn thy heedless way may meet, < Some poisonous reptile wound thy naked feet. ; Thy pains I feel, but deprecate in vain, , And turn, and raise my feet, in sympathetick pain. •: So when the archer, with attentive glance, • Marks his fleet arrow wing its way askance, j He strives Avith tortuous act and head aside, j Right to the mark its devious course to guide. i The •' VOL. I. 3 C 3SiO THE LIFE OF CHAP, The following sonnet affords an instance, ^^* not only of the illustration of one sensible object by another, but of the comparison of an abstract sentiment, with a beautiful natural image : SONETTO. Oime, che belle lagrime fur quelle Che'l nembo di disio stillando mosse ! Quando il giusto dolor che'l cor percosse, Sail poi su nell' amorose s telle ! Rigavon per la delicata pelle Le bianche guancie dolceinente rosse, Come chiar rio faria, che'n prato fosse, Fior bianchi, e rossi, le lagrime belie ; Lieto amor stava in I'amorosa pioggia, Com'uccel dopo ii sol, bramate tanto, Lieto riceve rugiadose stille^. Poi ^ Spenser has a similar passage in his Mourning' Muse of Thestylis : The blinded archer boy, Like larke in showre of rain, Sate bathing of his wings, And glad the time did spend Under those chrystall drops Which fell from her faire eyes, And at their brightest beams, Him proyn'd in lovely wise. Mr. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 351 Poi piangendo in quelli occhi ov' egli allog^a, CHAP. Facea del bello e doloroso pianto, V. Visibilmente uscir dolce faville. Ah pearly drops, that pouring from those eyes, Spoke the dissolving cloud of soft desire ! What time cold sorrow chill'd the genial lire, " Struck the fair urns and bade the waters rise.'* Soft down those cheeks, where native crimson vies With ivory whiteness, see the crystals throng ; As some clear river winds its stream along, Bathing the flowers of pale and purple dies. Whilst Mr. Wharton, in his observations on the Fa.iry Queen (x'. i. p., 223.) lias traced this passage to Ariosto {Canto 1 1. Stanza 65.) : Cosl a le belle lagrime le piume, Si bagna amore, e gode al chiaro lume. Though he thinks Spenser's verses bear a stronger resemblance to those of Nic. Archias (or the count Nicolo d'Arco, a Latin poet of the 16th century) : • Turn suavi in pluvia nitens Cupido, Insidebat, uti solet volucris, Ramo, vere novo, ad novos tepores Post solem accipere aetheris liquores Gestire et pluvia ore blandiendo. I have only to add, that as Lorenzo de' Medici is the earliest author who has availed himself of this beautiful idea, so his representation of it has not been surpassed by any of those who have since adopted it. 352 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Whilst Love, rejoicing in the amorous shower, V, Stands like some bird, that after sultry heats ~""~~"'^~ Enjoys the drops, and shakes his glittering wings ; Then grasps his bolt, and, conscious of his power, Midst those bright orbs assumes his wonted seat, And thro' the lucid shower his living light'ning flings. To examples of this kind I shall only add another, in which the poet has attempted to explain the mysterious intercourse of Platonick affection, by a familiar but fanciful comparison : Delle caverne antiche Trahe la fiamma del sol, fervente e chiara, Le picciole formiche. Sagace alcuna e sollecita impara, E dice air altre, ov' ha il parco villano Ascoso astuto un monticel di grano ; Ond' esce fuor la nera turba avara ; Tutte di mano in mano Vanno e vengon dal monte ; Porton la cara preda in bocca, e'n mano ; Vanno leggieri, e pronte, E gravi e carche ritornon di fore. Fermon la picciola orma Scontrandosi in cammino ; e mentre posa L' una, quell' altra informa Dell' alta preda ; onde pid dlsiosa Alia dolce fatica ogn'or I'invita. Calcata e spessa e la via lunga, e trita ; E se riporton ben tutte una cosa, Piu cara e piu gradita Sempre LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 353 ' Sempre e, quant 'esser deve CHAP. ' Cdsa, senza laqualmancala vita. V. j Lo ingiusto fascio e lieve, 1 Se'l picciol animal senz 'esso more. Cosi li pensier miei < Van piu leggieri alia mia Donna bella ; ] Scontrando quei di lei Fermonsi, e I'un con Taltro allor favella. Dolce preda s'e ben quanto con loro, Porton dal caro ed immortal tesoro. Canz. xiiv As from their wint'ry cells, The summer's genial warmth impels The busy ants — a countless train, That with sagacious sense explore, Where provident for winter's store. The careful rustick hides histreasur'd grain ;. Then issues forth the sable band. And seizing on the secret prize. From mouth to mouth, from hand to hand> His busy task each faithful insect plies. And often as they meet. With scanty interval of toil. Their burthens they repose awhile. For rest alternate lenders labour sweet. The travell'd path their lengthened tracks betray, And if no varied cates they bear. Yet ever is the portion dear. Without whose aid the powers of life decay. Thus 554 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Thus from my faitliful breast, V, The busy messengers of love, Incessant towards my fair one's bosom move ; But in their way some gentle thought They meet with kind compassion fraught, Soft breathing, from that sacred shrine. Where dwells a heart in unison with mine. And in sweet interchange delight awhile to rest. personifi. But thc poct docs iiot confine himself to the material Hvely description of nature, or of the corre- objects. sponding emotions of his own mind. His next attempt is of a bolder kind, and the inanimate objects by which he is surrounded seem topossess life and motion, consciousness and reason, to act and to suffer. The mountains frown, the rivers murmur, the woods sigh, and thefabie of Orpheus is revived. In the use of this figure, Petrarcais inexhaustible ; and there are few rural objects that have not been called upon to share his emo- tions ; the tenderness of the lover inspires the fancy of the poet, he addresses them as if they were conscious of his passion, and applauds or reproaches them as they are favourable or adverse to the promotion of it. The works of Lorenzo afford also frequent instances of the use of this figure, which more than any other gives action and spirit to poetry. In the following sonnet he not only animates the violets, but represents them LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 355 them as accounting, by a beautiful fiction, for chap. their purple colour : ^* SONETTO. Non di verdi giardin, ornati, e colti j Del soave e dolce aere Pestano, Veniam Madonna, in la tua bianca mano ; < Ma in aspre selve, e valli ombrose colli ; ; Ove Venere aSiitta, e in pensier molti, Pel periglio d'Adon correndo in vano, J Un spino acuto al nudo pie villano Sparse del divin sangue i boschi fold : ! Noi soinmettemnio allora il bianco fiore, Tanto che'l divin sangue non aggiunge "' A terra, ond' il color purpureo nacque. ! Non aure estive, o rivi tolti a lunge Noi nutrit' anno, ma sospir d'amore * L'aure son sute, e pianti d'Amor I'acque. ] Not from the verdant garden's cultur'd bound, That breathes of Poestum's aromatick gale, We sprung ; but nurslings of the lonely vale, 'Midst woods obscure, and native glooms were found. 'Midst woods and glooms, whose tangled brakes around Once Venus sorrowing traced, as all forlorn She sought Adonis, when a lurking thorn Deep on her foot impress'd an impious wound. Then prone to earth we bow'd our pallid flowers, And caught the drops divine ; the purple dies Tinging >56 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Tinging the lustre of our native hue : V. Nor summer gales, nor art-conducted showers Have nursed our slender forms, but lovers' sighs Have been our gales, and lovers' tears our dew. Of the pas- The province of the poet is not, however, sions and n i • affections, confined to the representation, or to the com- bination of material and external objects. The fields of intellect are equally subject to his con- trol. The affections and passions of the human mind, the abstract ideas of unsubstantial exist- ence, serve in their turn to exercise his powers. In arranging themselves under his dominion, it becomes necessary that they should take a visible and substantial form, distinguished by their attributes, their insignia, and their effects. With this form the imagination of the poet invests them, and they then become as subser- vient to his purpose as if they were objects of external sense. In process of time, some of these children of imagination acquire a kind of prescriptive identity ; and the symbolick forms of pleasure, or of wisdom, present themselves to our minds in nearly as definite a manner as the natural ones of Ajax, or of Achilles. Thus embodied, they becom.e important actors in the drama, and are scarcely distinguishable from human character. But the offspring of fancy is infinite ; and however the regions of poetry may LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 357 may seem to be peopled with these fantastick* chap. beings, gei. 'us. will still proceed to invent, to v* vary, and to combine. If the moderns excel the ancients in any comparative •^ excellence of department of poetry, it is in that now under ti.^ a.icients . , . ^ • 1 -I 1 1 ^^'^ moderns consideration. It must not indeed be supposed in the use of that the ancients were insensible of the effects '^"JJ,""'^'" produced by this powerful charm, which more peculiarly than any other may be said To give to airy nothings A local habitation and a name. But it may be safely asserted, that they have availed themselves of this creative faculty, much more sparingly, and with much less success, than their modern competitors. The attribution of sense to inert objects is indeed common to both; but that still bolder exertion which imbodies abstract existence, and renders it susceptible of ocular representation, is almost exclusively the boast of the moderns^. If, hov/ever, we advert to y If Virgil have given us a highly finished personifi- cation of rumour ; if Horace speak of his atra ciira ; if Lucretius present us with an awful picture of supersti- tion ; their portraits are so vague as scarcely to commu- nicate any discriminate idea, and are characterised by their operation and effects, ratber than by their poetical insignia. VOL. I. 3 B 358 THE LIPE OF CHAP, to the few authors who preceded Lorenzo de' v» Medici, we shall not trace in their writings many striking instances of those imbodied pic- tures of ideal existence, which are so conspicu- ous in the works of Ariosto, Spenser, Miiton, and subsequent writers of the higher class, who are either natives of Italy, or have formed their taste upon the poets of that nation \ The insignia- Of the ancient Roman authors, perhaps there is no one that abounds in these personifications more than the tragedian Seneca ; yet what idea do v/e form of labour when we are told, that Labor exoritur durus, et omnes Agitat curas, aperitque domos. Or of hope or fear from the following passage : Turbine magni, spes solicitze Urbibus errant, trepidique metus. The personification of hope by Tibullus {Lib, \\, Eh'g. 6.) is scarcely worthy of that charming author ; and if he has been happier in his description of sleep, {Lib. i. Eleg, i.) it is still liable to the objections before mentioned. 2 One of the finest personifications of Petrarca is that of liberty, in a beautiful canzone ; which, on account of its political tendency, has been excluded from many edi- tions of his works. Liberta, dolce e desiato bene 1 Mai conosciuto a chi talor no'l perde ; Qaanto LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 359 The writings of Lorenzo afford many in- chap. stances of genuine poetical personification ; "^' some of which will not suffer by a comparison instances of with those of any of his most celebrated succes- sours. Of this his representation of jealousy may afford no inadequate proof. Solo una vecchia in un osciiro canto, Pallida, il sol fuggendo, si sedea, Tacita sospirando, ed un ammanto D'un incerto color cangiante havea : Cento occhi ha in testa, e tutti vers^n pianto E cent' oiecchie la maligna dea : Quel ch' e, quel die non e, trista ode e vede ; Mai dorrae, ed ostinata a se sol crede. Sad in a nook obscure, and sighing deep, A pale and haggard beldam shrinks from view ; Her Quanto gradito al buon mondo esser dei. Per te la vita vien fiorita e verde, Per te stato gioioso mi mantiene, Ch'ir mi fa somiglianti a gli alti dei : Senza te, lungamente non vorrei Ricchezze, onor, e cio ch'uom piu desia, Ma teco ogni tugurio acqueta I'alma. Yet the painter who would represent the allegorical form of liberty, would derive but little assistance from the imagination of the poet. 360 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Her gloomy vigils there she loves to keep, ^1 V. Wrapt ill a robe of ever-changing hue ; ;; A hundred eyes she has, that ceaseless weep, ■ A hundred ears, that pay attention due. ; Imagin'd evils aggravate her grief, I Heedless of sleep, and stubboi*n to relief. If his personification of hope be less discri- ! minate, it is to be attributed to the nature of that passion, of which uncertainty is in some ' degree the characteristick. I E una donna di statura imiiiensa, ; La cima de' capelli al ciel par monti ; ,) Formata, e vestita e di nebbia densa ; Abita il sommo de' piu alti monti, i '-^ Se i nugoli guardando un forma, pensa , Nove forme veder d'animal pronti, Che'l vento muta, e poi di novo figuc \ Cosi Amor questa vana dipigne. ; Immense of bulk, her towering head she shews. Her floating tresses seem to touch the skies. Dark mists her unsubstantial shape compose, And on the mountain's top her dwelling lies. As when the clouds fantastick shapes disclose, For ever varying to the gazer's eyes. Till on the breeze the changeful hues escape, Thus vague her form, and mutable her shape. Her LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 361 Herattendantsarealsohighlycharacteristick. chap. V. Seguon questa infelice in ogni parte II sogno, e r augurio, e la bugia, E chiromanti, ed ogni fallace arte, Sorte, indovini, e falza profezia ; La vocale, e la scritta in sciocche carte, Che dicon, quando e stato, quel che fia ; L'archimia, e chi di terra il ciel misura, E fatta a volonta la conjettura. Illusive beings round their sovereign wait, Deceitful dreams, and auguries, and lies, -j Innumerous arts the gaping crowd that cheat, \ Predictions wild, and groundless prophecies ; With vrondrous words, or written rolls of fate, i Foretelling — when 'tis past — what yet shall ris.e ; ' And alchymy, a.nd astrologick skill, j And fond conjecture — always form'd at will. [ Though not perhaps strictly to be ranked m this department, I shall not deprive my readers of the following fanciful description of tne formation of the lover's chain. Non gia cosi la niia bella catena Stringe il mio cor gentil, pien di dolcezza : Di tre nodi composta lieto il mena Con le sue mani ; il primo fe bellezza, La 362 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Lapieta I'altro per si dolce pena, V. E I'altro amor ; ne tempo alcun gli spezza " La bella mano insieme poi gli slrinse E di SI dolce laccio ii cor avvinse. Quando tessuta fu questa catena, L'aria, la terra, il ciel lieto concorse : L'aria non fu giammai taiito serena^ Ne il sol giammai si bella luce porse : Di frondi giovinette, e di fior plena La terra lieta, ov'un chiar rivo corse : Ciprigna in grembo al padre il dl si mise, I^ieta miro dal ciel quel loco, e rise. Dal divin capo, ed amoroso seno, Prese con ambo man rose diverse, E le sparse nel ciel queto e sereno ; Di questi fior la mi a donna coperse- Giove benignoj di letizia pieno, Gli umani orecchi quel bel giorno aperse A sentir la celeste melodia, Che in canti, ritmi, e suon, dal ciel venia. Dear are those bonds my willing heart that bind, Form'd of three chords, in mystick union twin'd ; The first by beauty's rosy fingers wove. The next by pity, and the third by love. — The hour that gave this wondrous texture birth, Saw in sweet union, heaven, and air, and earth ; Serene LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 363 | Serene and soft all ether breath'd delight, CHAP. The sun diffus'd a mild and temper'd light ; V. New leaves the trees, sweet flowers adorned the mead, " ] And sparkling rivers gush'd along the glade. 1 Repos'd. on Jove's own breast, his favourite child ' The Cyprian queen, beheld the scene and smil'd ; ^ Then with bold hands, from her ambrosial head, ^ And amorous breast, a shower of roses shed, ' The heavenly shower descending soft and slow, , Pour'd all its fragrance on my fair below ; i Whilst all benign the ruler of the spheres j To sounds celestial open'd mortal ears. I From the foregoing specimens we may be various sp«. j enabled to form a general idea of the merits of cuitL^rby i Lorenzo de' Medici, and may perceive, that of ^°'"^"''°- the essential requisites of poetick composition, instances are to be found in his writings. The / talents of a poet he certainly possessed. But before w^e can form a complete estimate of his poetical character, it will be necessary to inquire to what purpose those talents were applied, and this can only be done by taking a view of the different departments of poetry in which he j employed his pen. In the execution of this task, we may also be enabled to ascertain how a far he has imitated his predecessors, and how far he has himself been a model to those who have succeeded him. j The : 1 364 THE LIFE OF CHAP. The Italian sbimet is a species of composi- ^' tion almost coeval with the lanj^ua.^e itself; and Italian son netk wliSsIn!'' ^^y ^^ traced back to that period when the Latin tongue, corrupted by the vulgar pronun- ciation, and intermixed with the idioms of the different nations that from time to time over-ran Italy, degenerated into what was called the lingua 'Dolgare ; which language, though at first rude and unpolished, was, by successive exertions, reduced to a regular and determinate standard, and obtained at length a superiority over the Latin, not only in common use, but in the written compositions of the learned. The form of the sonnet, confined to a certain versification, and to a certain number of lines, was unknown to the Roman poets, who adopting a legitimate measure, employed it as long as the subject required it, but was probably derived from the Provengals ; although instances of the regular stanza, now used in these compositions, may be traced amongst the Italians, as early as the thir- teenth century "". From that time to the present, the sonnet has retained its prepise form, and has been the most favourite mode of composition in the ^ For a learned and curious disquisition on the origin of the Sonetto, v ditirambo di Bacco in Toscana^ ji, 99. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 365 the Italian tongue. It may, however, be justly chap. doubted, whether the Italian poesy has, upon the v* whole, derived any great advantage from the fre- quent use of the sonnet. Confined to so narrow a compass, it admits not of that extent and range of ideas which suggest themselves to a mind already warm with its subject. On the contrary, it illustrates only some one distinct idea, and this must be extended or condensed, not as its nature requires, but as the rigid laws of the composition prescribe. One of the highest excellencies of a master in this art consists, therefore, in the selection of a subject neither too long nor too short for the space which it is intended to oc- cupy^. Hence the invention is cramped, and the free excursions of the mind are fettered and restrained. Hence, too, the greater part of these compositions display rather the glitter of wit than the fire of genius ; and hence they have been almost solely appropriated to the illus- tration of the passion of love : a subject which, from ^ The following remarks by Lorenzo de' Medici, on this kind of composition, are as judicious as they are pointed and concise : " La brevita del sonetto non com- " porta, che una sola parola sia yana, ^d ii vero subietto " e materia del sonetto debbe essere qualche acuta e " gentile sentenza, narrata attamente, ed in pochi versi " ristretta, e fuggendo la oscurita e durezza." Comment, dlLor, de' Med, sofira isiioi Scnetfl^fu 1 20. Ed, AkL 15 54. VOL. I. 3 E 366 THE LIFE OF CHAP, from its various nature, and the endless analo.Gjies ^' of which it admits, is more susceptible than any other, of being apportioned into those detached sentiments of which the sonnet is composed. To these restraints, however, the stern genius of Dante frequently submitted. In his Fita JVuova we have a considerable numl^er of his sonnets, which bear the distinct m^arks of his character, and derogate not from the author of the Divina Commedia''. These sonnets are uniformly devoted to the praises of his Beatrice ; but his passion is so spiritualized, and so remote from gross and earthly objects, that great doubts have arisen among his commentators, whether the object of his adoration had a substantial existence, or was any thing more than the abstract <^ If written in later times, some of these sonnets might have been thought to border on impiety. Thus the poet addresses the faithful — in love — " A ciascun alma presa, e gentil core, " Nel cui cospetto viene il dir presente, " In cio che mi rescrivan suo parvente, " Salute in lor signore — cioe Amore." And again, in allusion to a well-known passage, " O voi che per la via d'amor passate, " Attendete e guardate, " S'egli e dolore alcun quanto '1 mio grave." Vita JVuova di Dante^ Fir, 1723. LORENZO DE' MEDICI, 367 abstract idea of wisdom, or philosophy. Certain chap. it is, that the abstruse and recondite sense of these V' productions seems but little suited to the com- prehension of that sex to which they are ad- dressed, and ill calculated to promote the success of an amorous passion. The reputation of Dante as a poet is not, however, founded on this part of his labours ; but Petrarca, whose other works have long been neglected, is in- debted to his sonnets and lyrick productions for the high rank which he yet holds in the publick estimation. Without degrading his subject by gross and sensual images, he has rendered it susceptible of general apprehension ; and, whe- ther his passion was real or pretended, for even this has been doubted"^, he has traced the effects of love through every turn and winding of the human bosom ; so that it is scarcely possible for a lover to find himself so situated, as not to meet with his own peculiar feelings reflected in ^ " Interpretabar olim nostri Petrarchze Elegias, Ly- " ricosque, quibus Lauram canit ; aderantque advei'- " sarii, qui Lauram fuisse negarent, as&ererentque noii " illo nomine puellam a se amatam inteiligi, sed aliud *' allegorice ibi latere." {Land, in Intevji. Carm, Hor. lib, 2. 0/2. Band, Spec. Lit, Flor, v, i. p, 232.) where it ap- pears thatLandino passed a tolerable jest on these refined criticks. 368 THE LIFE OF CHAP, in some passage or other of that engaging ^' author. Without possessing the terseness of those of Dante, or the polish and harmony of those of Petrarca, the sonnets of Lorenzo de' Medici have indisputable pretensions to high poetical excellence. It is indeed to be regretted, that, like those of his two celebrated predecessors, they are almost all devoted to one subject — the illustration of an amorous passion ; but he has so diversified and embellished them with images drawn from ether sources, as to rescue them from that general censure of insipidity, which may properly be applied to the greater part of the productions of the Italians, in this their favourite mode of composition. These images he naa sought for in almost all the appearances of nature, in the annals of history, the wilds of mythology, and the mysteries of the Piatonick philosophy ; and has exhibited them with a splendour and vivacity peculiar to himself. If the productions of Dante resemble the austere grandeur of Michael Agnolo, or if those of Petrarca remind us of the ease and graceful- ness of Raifaeilo, the works of Lorenzo may be com.pared to the less correct, but more ani- mated and splendid labours of the Venetian school. The poets, as well as the painters, each formed LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 369 formed a distinct class, and have each had their chap. exchisive admirers and imitators. In the begin- ^* ning of the succeeding century, the celebrated Pietro Bembo attempted again to introduce the style of Petrarca ; but his sonnets, though cor- rect and chaste, are too often formal and insipid. Those of Casa, formed upon the same model, possess much more ease, and a greater flow of sentiment. Succeeding authors united the cor- rectness of Petrarca with the bolder colouring of Lorenzo ; and in the works of Ariosto, the two Tassos, Costanzo, Tansillo, and Guarini, the poetry of Italy attained its highest degree of perfection. The sonnets of Lorenzo de' Medici are inter- mixed v.ith Canzoni^ Sestine^ and other lyrick productions, Vvhich in general display an equal elegance of sentiment, and brilliancy of expres- sion. One of his biographers is, however, of opinion, that the merit of his odes is inferiour to that of his sonnets^; but it is not easy to dis- cover any striking evidence of the propriety of this remark. It must not, however, be denied, that his writings occasionally display too evident proofs ^ Felicior mihi fuisse videtur in brevioribus epigram- matibus, quam in odis. Fub, in vud Laur, v, i. /z. 10. 370 THE LIFE OF CHAP, proofs of that haste with which it is probable ^' they were all composed ; or that they are some- times interspersed with modes of expression, which would scarcely have been tolerated among the more accurate and polished writers of the succeeding century. The language of Lorenzo de' Medici appears even more obsolete, and is more tinctured with the rusticity of the vulgar dialect, than that of Petrarca, who preceded him by so long an interval. But, with all these defects, the intrinsick merit of his writings has been acknowledged by all those who have been able to devest themselves of an undue partiality for the fashion of the day, and wdio can discern true excellence, through the disadvantages of a dress in some respects antiquated, or negligent. Muratori, in his treatise on the poetry of Italy, has accordingly adduced several of the sonnets of Lorenzo, as examples of elegant composition: '* It is gold from the mine V says that judi- cious critick, adverting to one of these pieces, *' mixed indeed with ruder materials, yet it is " always gold^. The ^ E^ oro di miniera, mischiato, con rozza terra, ma sempre e oro. Murat, della fierfetta jioesia ItuRarM^ v, ii. //. 376. & In the general collection of the poems of Lorenzo, printed by Aldo in 1554, his sonnets are accompanied with LORENZO DE' MEDIC^. 371 The Sehe d^ amore of Lorenzo de' Medici is a c h a p. composition in ottai^a rima,ixnd, though it extend ^' to with a copious commentary, which exhibits many striking traits of his character, and is a very favourable specimen of his prose composition. This commentary has not been reprinted ; and the copies of this edition have long been of such rare occurrence in Italy, that even Cionacci, thti editor of the sacred poems of Lorenzo, and of others of the Medici family, in 1680, had never been able to obtain a sight of the book. " Di qucsti due," says he, adverting to the Sclve d' amore^ and the Libro di Rime, intitolato Poe- sie volgarij " fa menzione 11 Poccianti, e il Valori, sopra " citati ; ma io non ho veduto se non il prima, stampato " in ottavo." Cio7u o&serz', 28.- This volume is entitled " POESIE VOLGARI, NUGVAMENTE STAMPATE DI LORENZO " de' MEDICI, CHE FU PADRE DI PAPA LEONE." Col COm- mento del mededmo sopra alcuni de' suoi sonetti. In Vinegia M.D.Liiii. From the expression nuovamente stamjiate, we might infer, that these poems had before been printed ; but I have not been able to discover any trace of a former impression ; and Apostolo Zeno, in his notes on the Bib- lioteca Italiana of Fontanini, v, ii. p, 59. Ed, Fen, 1753, expressly informs us that this is the only edition known^ " Tunica edizione delle poesie del Magnifico." A varia- tion, however, occurs in the copies : the sheet marked with the letter O having, in the greater part of the edi- tion, been reduced from eight leaves to four, as appears by a defect in the numeration of the pages. This is gene- Tally understood to have arisen from the scrupulous deli* cacy of the printer, who, having discovered some indecent pieces, inserted from the Canzoni a ballo, cancelled the leaves in such copies as rernained unsold, and hence the copies 372 THE LIFE OF CHAP, to a considerable length, deserves to be held at V- least in equal esteem with his sonnets and lyrick productions^. The stanza in which it is written is the copies which contain the sheet O complete have, in the perverse estimation of bibliographers and collectors, acquired an additional value. On an examination of the pieces thus omitted, I have, hov.ever, some doubts, whe- ther the reason above assii^ned be the true motive for the caution of the printer ; a caution which I conceive was rather occasioned by an apprehension of the censures of the inquisition, for his having unaccountably blended in the same poem some pious stanzas with otliers of a more terrestrial nature, intended for a different poem, Avithout giving the reader due notice, by a proper separation or distinct title, of so unexpected a change of sentiment. In consequence of which a poem on the resurrection of Christ is terminated by some stanzas that relate only to a mere mortal passion. The works of Lorenzo were reprinted, with the addition of several pieces, at Ber- gamo, in octavo, in 1763. ^ This poem has been several times printed. The earliest edition which I have seen is " I/npresso in Pesaro " per Hieronymo So7icino nd m.cccccxiii a di xv di Luglio^^ under the title of stanze bellissime et ornatissime INTITULATE LE SELVE d' AMORE COMPOSTE DAL MAG- NIFICO LORENZO DI PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI. It was again printed by Matthio Pagan at Venice, in 1554, and is also inserted in the Akline and Bergamo edition of his works. In the last mentioned edition it is, however, preceded by thirty stanze^ which form a poem entirely dis- tinct in its subject, though not inferiour in merit ; and the reader ought to commence the^erusal of the Sclve d' amorc at the thirty-first stanza, " Dojio tanti sospiri e tanti omei,'* LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 373 the most favourite mode of versification amongst chap. the Italians, and has been introduced with great V' success into the English language. It was first reduced to its regular form by Boccaccio, who employed it in his heroick romances, the Theseide and the Filostrato'- ; but the poems of Ariosto and of Torquato Tasso have established it as the vehicle of epick composition^. These stanze were produced by Lorenzo at an early age, and are undoubtedly the same of which Landino and Valori expressed such warm approbation ^ The estimation i Crescim,v,\.p, '200, Manrd 1st aria del Decamer one ^ p, 52. ^ Notwithstanding- these illustrious authorities, it may perhaps be allowable to doubt, whether a series of stanzas be the most eligible mode of narrating an epick, or indeed any other extensive kind of poem. That it is not natural miust be admitted ; for naturally we do not apportion the expression of our sentiments into equal divisions ; and that which is not natural cannot in general long be pleasing. Hence the works of Ariosto, of Tasso, and of Spenser, labour under a disadvantage which it required all the vigour of genius to surmount ; and this is the more to be regretted, as both the Ita.lian and the English languages admit of compositions in blank verse, produc- tive of every variety of harmony. 1 Legere memini opusculum ejus amatorium, cum eodem Gentile, lepidum admodum, et expolitum, miul- tiplex, varium, copiosum, elegans, ut nihil supra. Chris- vox. I, 3 F 374 THE LIFE OF CHAP, estimation in which they were held may be deter- V' mined by the many imitations which have appear- edfromBenivieni'",Serafinod'Aquila',Politiano^, Lodovico Christophorus certe Landinus per ea tempora poeta et orator insignis, viso carmine, in hoc, inqiiit, scribendi genere, ceteros hie sine controversia superabit : id quod etiam suis scriptis testatum reliquit. Nee mirum quum ingenium alioqui maximum, vis ingens amoris accen- derit. VaL in Fitd, /?. 8. "^ I dllettevoli amori di inesser Girolamo Benivieni Fioren- tino, printed at Venice, by JVicolo d' Aristotile di Ferrara, detto Zofipino^ 1537, with another poem entitled, Caccia bellissinia del Reverendissi/no Egldio^ and several pieces cf the count Matteo Bojardo. This piece of Benivieni is not printed in the general edition of his works. Ven, 1524. ^ Strambotti di Serafino rf' Aquila, This celebrated poet and improvvisatore, " A quo," says Paolo Cortese, " ita " est verborum et cantuum conjunctio modulata nexa, " ut nihil fieri posset modorum ratione dulcius," was born in 1466, and died in 1500. Tirab, Storia dtlla Let, Ital, V, vi. Jmrte 2. fi, 154. His works have been fre- quently printed ; but the edition most esteemed is that of Florence, by the Giunti, in 1516. Zeno has cited no less than sixteen editions of the works of Serafino, the latest of which is in the year 1550. Bibl, Ital, v, i. /2. 429. ° Some of these Stanze of Politiano Avere first pub- lished in the edition of his works by Comino, Padua^ 1765 ; but, being there left imperfect, I have given a complete copy in the Appendix, as they have been pre- served in the Laurentian library. V, Band, Cat, Bib, Laur, t, v. fi, 51. Jfip* Ab. XXXVII. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 375 Lodovico Martelli'', and others; who seem to chap. have contended with each other for superiority v* in a species of poetry which gives full scope to the imagination, and in which the author takes the liberty of expatiating on any subject, which he conceives to be likely to engage the attention and obtain the favour of his mistress. Among the poems of Lorenzo de' Medici, which have been preserved for three centuries in manuscript, in the Laurentian Library, and which are given to the publick for the first time at the close of the present work^^, is a beautiful Ovidian allegory, entitled Amhra^ being the name of a small island, formed by the river Ombrone, near Lorenzo's villa at Poggio Cajano, the destruction of which is the subject of the poem. This favourite spot he had improved and ornamented with great assiduity, and P Stanze in lode delle JDonne, printed in the works of this author. Floi'. 1548. 1 About a dozen copies of these poems were printed in the year 1791, chiefly for the purpose of regulating the text ; which have since been distributed by the editor amongst his friends. This he thinks it necessary to men- tion, to prevent any misapprehension on the part of those into whose hands such volume may chance to fall. 376 THE LIFE OF CH AP. V* Poem of Ambra. Poem on hawking. and was extremely delighted with the retired situation and romantick aspect of the place'". He was not, however, without apprehensions that the rapidity of the river might destroy his improvements, which misfortune he endeavoured to prevent by every possible precaution ; but his cares were ineffectual ; an inundation took place, and sweeping away his labours, left him no consolation but that of immortaUzing his Ambra in the poem now alluded to . The same stanza is employed by Lorenzo in his poem on hawking, now also first published under the title o{ La Cacc'ia col Falcone. This piece is apparently founded on a real incident. The author here gives us a very circumstantial, and *■ Laurentius Medices — qui scilicet Ambram ipsam Cajanam, prsedium (ut ita dixerim) omniferuni, quasi pro laxamento sibi delegit civilium laborum. Pol. ad Laur, Tornabonum in Oji, a/i. Aid, s This is not the only occasion on which Ambra has been celebrated in the language of poetry. Politiano has given the same title to his beautiful Latin poem devoted to the praises of Homer ; in the close of which is a particular description of this favourite spot, which was at that time thought to be sufficiently secured against the turbulence of the flood : " Ambra mei Laurentis amor, quam corniger Umbro " Umbro senex genuit, domino gratissimus Arno ; " Umbro, suo tandem non erupturus ab alveo." LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 377 and at the same time a very lively account of ch ap. this once popular diversion, from the departure v. of the company in the morning, to their return in the heat of the day. The scene is most probably at Poggio-Cajano, where he frequently partook of the diversions of hunting and of hawking, the latter of which he is said to have preferred ^ In this poem, wherein the author has introduced many of his companions by name the reader will find much native humour, and a striking picture of the manners of the times. Lorenzo has, however, occasionally assumed Moral pieces. in his writings a more serious character. His Alter cazio7ie^ or poem explanatory of the Plato- nick philosophy, has before attracted our notice ; but notwithstanding this attempt has great merit, and elucidates with some degree of poetical ornament a dry and diiticult subject, it is much inferiour to his moral poems, one of which in particular exhibits a force of expression, a grandeur and elevation of sentiment, of which his predecessors had set him no example, and which ^ Circa quoque praetorium Cajanum, quod regali mag- nificentia a fundamentis erexit, przedia habuit proventus maximi, et amcKnitatis plurimae, quibus in locis frequens esset venationibus deditus, sed multo magis falconum et ejusmodi avium volatibus. Valor* in vita Laur. iu 39. 378 THE LIFE OF CHAP, which perhaps none of his countrymen have V. since excelled. This piece, in which the author calls upon the faculties of his own mind to exert themselves to great and useful purposes, thus commences : Destati pigro ingegno da quel soniio, Che par che gli occhi tuoi d'un vel ri copra, Onde veder la verita non ponno ; Svegliati omai ; contempla, ogni tua opra Quanto disutil sia, vana, e fallace, Poi che il desio alia ragione e sopra. Deh pensa, quanto falsamente place, Onore, utilitate, ovver diletto, Ove per piu s'afferma esser la pace ; Pensa alia dignita del tuo intelletto, Non dato per seguir cosa mortale, Ma perche avessi il cielo per suo obietto. Sai per esperienza, quanto vale Quel, ch' altri chiama ben, dal ben piu scosto, Che I'oriente dall' occidentaie. Quella vaghezza, ch' a gli occhi ha proposto Amor, e comincio ne' teneri anni, D' ogni tuo viver lieto t' ha disposto. Brieve, fugace, falsa, e pien d' afianni, Ornata in vista, ma e poi crudel mostro, Che tien lupi e delfin sotto i bei panni. Deh pensa, qual sarebbe il viver nostro, Se quel, che de' tencr la prima parte, Preso avesse il cammin, qual io t'ho mostro, Pensa, se tanto tempo, ingegno, o arte, Avessi volto al piu giusto desio, Ti potresti hor in pace consolarte% Sc LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 379 Se ver te fosse il tuo voler piu pio, CHAP, ; Forse quel, che per te si bram :, o spera, V. i Conosceresti me', s' e buono o rio. ~ Dell eta tua la verde primavera Hai consumata, e forse tal fia il resto, Fin che del verno sia Tultima sera ; j Sotto falsa ombra, e sotto rio pretesto, | Persuadendo a te, che gentilezza Che vien dal cuor, ha causato questo. Questi tristi legami oramai spezza : Leva dal collo tuo quella catena ' Ch' avolto vi tenea falsa bellezza : E la vana speranza, che ti mena, ; Leva dal cuor, e fa il governo pigli i Di te, la parte piu bell a e serena : } Et sottometta questa a' suoi artigli ^ Ogni disir al suo voler contrario, Con maggior forza, e con maggior consigli, i Sicche sbattuto il suo tristo aversario, Non drizzi piu lavenenosa cresta. | \ Rise from thy trance, my slumbering genius risCj That shrouds from truth's pure beam thy torpid eyes 1 Awake, and see, since reason gave the rein To low desire, thy every work how vain. Ah think how false that bliss the mind explores, In futile honours, or unbounded stores ; How poor the bait that would thy steps decoy To sensual pleasure, and unmeaning joy. Rouse 380 THE LIFE OF C H A V. Rouse all thy powers, for better use designed, V, And know thy native dignity of mind ; "~~~~~~ Not for low aims and mortal triumphs given, Its means exertion, and its object heaven. Hast thou not yet the difference understood, 'Twixt empty pleasure, and substantial good ? Not more opposed — by all the v/ise confest, The rising orient from the farthest west. Doom'd from thy youth the galling chain to prove Of potent beauty, and imperious love. Their tyrant rule has blighted all thy time. And marr'd the promise of thy early prime. Tho' beauty's garb thy wondering gaze may win, Yet know that wolves, that harpies dwell within. Ah think, how fair thy better hopes had sped, Thy v/idely erring steps had reason led ; Think, if thy tinae a nobler use had known, Ere this the glorious prize had been thine own. Kind to thyself, thy clear discerning will Had wisely learnt to sever good from ill. Thy spring-tide hours consum'd in vain delight. Shall the same follies close thy wintry night ? With vain pretexts of beauty's potent charms, And nature's frailty, blunting reason's arms ? •—At length thy long-lost liberty regain. Tear the strong tie* and break the inglorious chain, Freed from false hopes, assume thy native powers, And give to reason's rule thy future hours ; To her dominion yield thy trusting soul. And bend thy wishes to her strong control ; Till love, the serpent that destroy'd thy rest, Crush'd by her hand shall mourn his humbled crest. The LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 381 The sacred poems of Lorenzo de' Medici, chap. distinguished by the names of Orazioni, and v* LaucW\ have been several times printed in sacred various ancient collections, from which they ^^"^^ were selected and published (with others by dif- ferent persons of the same family) by Cionacci at Florence, in the year 1680"^. The authors of the other poems in this collection are Lucretia the mother of Lorenzo, Pier Francesco his cou- sin, and Bernardo d'Alamanni de' Medici ; but the reputation of Lorenzo as a poet will not be much increased by our assigning to him a decided superiority over his kindred. The poems of Lo- renzo need not, however, the equivocal appro- bation of comparative praise, as they possess a great degree of positive excellence. In the following beautiful and affecting address to the Deity, the sublimity of the Hebrew original is tempered *^ Of the union of poetry and musick in the Laude S/ii- rituali, or sacred songs, Dr. Burney has traced the origin in Italy, and has given a specimen of a hymu to the Trinity, with the musick, so early as the year 1336, from the MS. which he had himself consulted in the Maglia- bechi library, v. Hist, of Mu&ick, vol, \\, pag, 326. ^ Rime sacre dal Magmjico lorenzo de* medici il Vecchio^ di Madonna lucrezia sua madre, e d' altri dellu stessa famiglia, Raccolte e d' osservazioni corredate per Francesco Cionacci. In Firenze 1680. VOL. I. 3 G 382 THE LIFE OF CHAP, tempered with the softer notes of the Italian V* muse"''. ORAZIONE. Oda il sacro inno tutta la natura, Oda la terra, e nubilosi e foschi Turbini, e piove, che fan 1' acre oscura. Silenzj ombrosi, e solitari boschi : Posate venti : udite cieli il canto, Perche il creato il creator conoschi. II creatore, e '1 tutto, e '1 uno, io canto ; Queste sacre orazion sieno esaudite Dell* immortale Dio dal cerchio santo. ^ Since the above was written, I have discovered this hymn to be a paraphrase of " The Secret Song, or Hymn " oj" Regeneration," in the Pymander of Hermes Trisme- gistus, who is said to have been the lawgiver of Egypt, and the inventer of hieroglyphick writing, and to have lived sixteen centuries before Christ. In the Lam'entian library {Plut, xxi. Cod. 8. v. Band, Cat. 1. 668.) is a translation of this work from the Greek by Ficino, bear- ing the date of 1463, and dedicated to Cosmo de* Pvle- dici ; from which Lorenzo undoubtedly translated or imi- tated the ensuing poem. The translation by Ficino also appears in his printed works, vol. ii. fu 7^9. ed. Par, 1641. An English version of the same author, said to be from the Arabic, by Dr. Everard, was published at London by Thomas Breivster, 1657. I scarcely need to observe, that the authenticity of this work is doubtful, it being generally regarded as a pious fraud, produced about the second century of the Christian era. LORENZO DE' MEDICI, 383 11 Fattor canto, che ha distribuite Le terre ; e '1 ciel bilancia ; e quel che vuole, Che sien dell' ocean dolci acqiie uscite Per nutrimento dell' umana prole ; Per quale ancor comanda, sopra splenda II fuoco, e perche Dio adora e cole. Grazie ciascun con una voce renda A lui, che passa i ciel ; qual vive e sente, Crea, e convien da lui natura prenda. Questo e solo e vero occhio della mente, Dellepotenzie ; a lui le laude date, Questo ricevera benignamente. O forze mie, costui solo laudate ; Ogni virtu dell' alma questo nume Laudi, conforme alia mia voluntate. Santa e la cognizion, che del tuo lume Splende, e canta illustrato in allegrezza D' intelligibil luce il mio acume. O tutte mie potenzie, in gran dolcezza Meco cantate, o spirti miei costanti, Cantate la costante sua fermezza. La mia giustizia per me il giusto canti : Laudate meco il tutto insieme e intero, Gli spirti uniti, e membri tutti quanti. Canti per me la veritate il vero, E tutto '1 nostro buon, canti esso bene, Ben, che appetisce ciascun desidero. O vita, o luce, da voi in noi viene La benedizion ; grazie t' ho io, O Dio, da cui potenzia ogn' atto viene. II vero tuo per me te lauda Dio ; Per me ancor delle parole sante Riceve il mondo il sacrificio pic. Questo C H AP. V. 384 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Questo chieggon le forze mie clamante : V. Cantato il tutto, e cosi son perfette Da lor r alte tue voglie tutte quante. II tuo disio da te in te reflette ; Ricevi il sacrificio, o santo Re, Delle parale pie da ciascun dette. O vita, salva tutto quel ch' e in me ; Le tenebre, ove I' alma par vanegge Luce illumina tu, che luce se'. Spirto Dio, il verbo tuo la mente regge, Opifice, che spirto a ciascun dai, Tu sol se' Dio, onde ogni cosa ha legge. L* ucfmo tuo questo chiama sempre mai ; Per fuoco, aria, acqua, e terra t' ha pregato, Per lo spirto, e per quel che creato hai. Dair eterno ho benedizion trovato, E spero, come io son desideroso, Trovar nel tuo disio tranquillo stato ; Fuor di te Dio, non e vero riposo. All nature, hear the sacred song ! Attend, O earth, the solemn strain 1 Ye whirlwinds wild that sweep along ; Ye darkening storms of beating rain ; Umbrageous glooms, and forests drear ; And solitary deserts, hear ! Be still, ye winds, whilst to the Maker's praise The creature of his power aspires his voice to raise. O may the solemn breathing sound Like incense rise before the throne. Where he, whose glory knows no bound, Great cause of all things, dwells alone. 'Tis LORENZO DE' MEDICI* 385 'Tis he I sing, whose powerful hand CHAP. Balanc'd the skies, outspread the land ; V. Who spoke — from ocean's stores sweet waters came, And burst resplendent forth the heaven-aspiring flame. One general song of praise arise To him whose goodness ceaseless flows ; Who dwells enthron'd beyond the skies, And life, and breath, on all bestows. Great source of intellect, his ear Benign receives our vows sincere : Rise then, my active powers, your task fulfil, And give to him your praise, responsive to my will. Partaker of that living stream Of light, that pours an endless blaze, O let thy strong reflected beam, My understanding speak his praise : My soul, in stedfast love secure, I Praise him whose word is ever sure : To him, sole just, my sense of right incline. Join every prostrate limb, my ardent spirit join. Let all of good this bosom fires, j To him, sole good, give praises due : ; Let all the truth himself inspires. Unite to sing him only true. i To him my every thought ascend, | To him my hopes, my wishes, bend. ' From earth's wide bounds let louder hymns arise, ' And his own word convey the pious sacrifice. In 386 THE LIFE or CHAT. Ii"* ardent adoration join'd, V. Obedient to thy boly will. Let all my faculties combin'd, Thy just desires, O God, fulfil. From thee deriv'd, eternal king, To thee our noblest powers we bring : O may thy hand direct our wandering way, O bid thy light arise, and chase the clouds away. Eternal spirit ! whose command Light, life, and being, gave to all ; O hear the creature of thy hand, Man, constant on thy goodness call : By fire, by water, air, and earth, That soul to thee that owes its birth, By these, he supplicates thy blest repose, Absent from thee no rest his wandering spirit knows. th. Been! or rj.^^ Italian lans-uaq-e had not yet been Lorenzo. O o J applied to the purposes of satire, unless we may be allowed to apply that name to some parts of the Coimnedia of Dante, or the unpub- Riseofthe lished poem of Burchiello before noticed. The jocoscitaiian ;Beoni'^ of Lorenzo de' Medici is perhaps the satire. * ^ earliest ^ The Beo7ii^ or Sim/iosio of Lorenzo, was first pub- lished by the Giunti, at Florence, 1568, with the sonnets of Burchiello, Ahimanni, and Risoluto ; and was after- wards inserted in the third volume of the collection of the LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 33 i earliest production that properljr ranks under chap. this title ; the Canti Carnasciakscbi, or cai'nival v« songs, which we shall hereafter notice, and which are supposed by Bianchini to have set the first example of the jocose Italian satire, being a very different kind of composition- . This piece is the Ofiere Burlesche^ printed with the date of (London) 1723. In the former edition many of the objectionable passages are omitted, which are, however, restored in the latter. The editors of the poems of Lorenzo, published at Bergamo in 1763, have arrain mutilated this poem, having- totally omitted the 8th capitolo, as mancante e licenzioso. In all the editions the work is left imperfect, and ends in the midst of the 9th capitolo ; after v/hich, m the edition of 1558, it is added, " Dicon ch' el magnifico " Autore lascio Voficra cost imlierfetta,''* y *' Or questi Canti Carnascialeschl^ fatti per intrat- " tenere allegramente il popolo, io gli considero come " non solamente primi, ma grandi avanzamenti altresi " della giocosa satira Italiana ; a quali aggiugnere dob- " biamo / Beoni^ e La Camfiagnia del Mantellaccio, compo- " nimenti dello stesso Lorenzo de' Medici, i quali furono " scritti da quel grand' uomo per sollievo delle pubbliche " gravose occupazioni, e dagli studj piu sublimi delle " scienze, Sec." Bianchini^ della satira Italiana^ fi, 33. Ed, Fir, 1729. La Cornhagma del Mantellaccio was not however written by Lorenzo, though it has frequently been attributed to him. In the earliest edition I have seen of this poem, w^hich is without a date, but was pro- bably printed before the year 1500, it appears without the 388 THE LIFE OF CHAP, is also composed in terza rima, and is a lively ^' and severe reprehension of drunkenness. The author represents himself as returning, after a short absence, to Florence ; when, as he ap- proached towards the Porta di Faenza^ he met many of his fellow- citizens, hastening along the road with the greatest precipitation. At length he had the good fortune to perceive an old acquaintance, to whom he gives the appellation of Bartolino, and whom he requests to explain to him the cause of this strange commotion. Non altrimente a parete ugelletto, Sentendo d' altri ugelli i dolci versi, Sendo in cammin, si \61ge a quell' effetto ; Cosi lui, benche appena puo tcnersi, Che li pareva al fermarsi fatica ; Che e' non s' acqiiista in fretta i passi persi. — As when some bird a kindred note that hears, His well known mate with note responsive cheers, He recognised my voice and at the sound Relaxed his speed ; but difficult he found The the name of its author. A more complete copy is an- nexed to the sonetti of Burchiello, Alamanni, and Riso- hito, by the Giunti in 1568, where it is attributed to Lorenzo de' Medici ; but it is by no means possessed of those characteribtick excellencies that distinguish the ge- nerality of his works. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 389 The task to stop, and great fatigue it seem'd, CHAP. i For whilst he spoke, each moment lost he deem'd ; v. ] Then thus : ~ i Bartolino informs him that they are all hastening to the bridge of Rifredi, to partake of a treat of excellent wine, -che presti facci i lenti piedi. That gives new vigour to the crippled feet. He then characterizes his numerous com- panions, who, although sufficiently discriminated in other respects, all agree in their insatiable thirst. Three priests at length make their ap- pearance ; Lorenzo inquires Colui chi e, che ha rosse le gote ? E due con seco con lunghe mantella ? Ed ei : ciascun di loro e sacerdote ; Quel ch' e piu grasso, e il Piovan dell' Antella, Perch' e' ti paja straccurato in vise, Ha sempre seco pur la metadella : L'altro, che drieto vien con dolce riso, Con quel naso appuntato, lungo, e strano, Ha fatto anche del ber suo paradiso ; Tien dignita, ch'e pastor Fiesoluno, Che ha in una sua tazza divozione. Che ser Anton seco ha, suo cappellano. Per vol.. I. 3 H 390 THE LIFE OF CHAP, Per ogni loco, e per ogni stagione, V, Sempre la fida tazza seco porta, *— ~- ;^Qj^ ^ (jjj^Q altro, sino a processione ; E credo questa fia sempre sua scorta, Quando lui mutera pacse o corle, Questa sara che picchicra la porta : Questa sara con lui dopo la morte, E messa seco fia nel monimento, Accioche morto poi lo ricon forte ; E questa lascera per testamento. Non hai tu visto a procession, quand' elli Ch' ognun si fermi, fa coma.ndamcnto ? E i canonici chiama suoi fratelli ; Tanto che tutti intorno li fan cerchio, E mentre lo ricuopron co' mantelli, Lui con la tazza, al viso fa coperchio. j i With rosy cheeks who follows next, my friend, 1 And who the gownmen that his steps attend ? ' — Three pious priests — the chief in size and place, | Antella's rector-»-shows his vacant face ; \ He who, with easy smile and pointed nose, ! In social converse with the rector goes. Of Fesule a dignified divine, ; Has wisely placed his paradise in wine. The favourite cup that all his wants supplies | Within whose circle his devotion lies, \ i His faithful curate, Ser Antonio brings — See, at his side the goodly vessel swings. On all occasions, and where'er he bends ; His way, this implement its lord attends ; * Or i LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 391 \ I Or more officious, marches on before, CHAP. Prepares his road, and tinkles at the door ; V. This on his death-bed shall his thoughts employ, i And with him in his monument shall lie. Hast thou not seen — if e'er thou chanc'd to inect i The slow procession moving through the street, As the superiour issues his command. His sable brethren close around him stand ; ^ Then, whilst in pious act with hands outspread, Each with his cassock shrouds his leader's head, j His face the toper covers with his cup, And, ere the prayer be ended, drinks it up. The fiery temperament of an habitual drunk- ard is described by the following whimsical hyperbole : Come fu giunto in terra quell' umorc, Del fiero sputo, nell' arido smalto, Unissi insieme I'umido e'l calore ; E poi quellavirtii, che vien da alto, Li diede spirto, e nacquene un ranocchio, E inanzi a gli occhi nostri prese un salto. He sneez'd : and as the burning humour fell, The dust with vital warmth began to swell. Hot, moist, and dry, their genial powers unite, Up sprang a frog, and leapt before our sight. So S92 CHAP. V. THE LIFE OF So expeditious was Lorenzo in his compo- sitions, that he is said to have written this piece nearly extempore, immediately after the inci- dent on which it was founded took place^ Posterity ought to regard this poem with parti- cular favour, as it has led the way to some of the most agreeable and poignant productions of the Italian poets, and is one of the earliest models of the satires and capitoli of Berni^, Nelli, 2 Ex Caregio suo in mbem rediens, Satyram in bibaces, argumento e re nato, inchoavit simul et ab- solvit ; opus in suo genere consummatissimum, salibus plurimis et lepore conditum. Fuit enim in hoc homine cum gravitate urbanitas multa. Quum jocabatur, nihil hilarius : quum niordebat, nihil asperius. Valor, in vita Laur. ju 14. a Francesco Berni, availing himself of the examples of Burchiello, Franco, Luigi Pulci, and Lorenzo de' Medici, cultivated this branch of poetry with such suc- cess, as to have been generally considered as the inventer of it ; whence it has obtained the name o{ Berncsche, Tlie characteristick of this poetry is an extreme simplicity of provincial diction, which the Italians denominate /r/Zo^?/*;??'?. The most extravagant sentiments, the most severe strokes of satire, are expressed in a manner so natural and easy, that the author himself seems unconscious of the effect of his own work. Perhaps the only indication of a simi- lar taste in this country appears in the writings of the face- tious Peter Pindar ; but with this distinction, that the wit of the Italians generally consists in giving a whim- sical LORENZO de' medigi. i 393 Neiii", Ariosto% Bentivoglio'*, and others, chap. who form a numerous class of writers, in a v* mode of composition almost peculiar to the natives of Italy. Italy sical importance to subjects in themselves ridiculous or contemptible, whilst that of our countryman is for the most part shown in rendering things of importance ridiculous. The principal work of Berni is his Orlando Innamorato^ being the poem of Bojardo, newly versified, or rather travestied ; in the third book and 7th chapter, of which he has introduced, without much ceremony, some particulars of his own history, which the reader may not be displeased to find in the Appendix, No. XXXVIII. ^ The satires of Pietro Nelli wxre published under the name of x\ndrea da Bergamo. Ve?!, 1546, 1584. c In the satires of Ariosto, the author has faithfully recorded his family circumstances and connexions, the patronage with v/hich he v/as honoured, and the mortifi- cations and disappointments which he from time to time experienced : whilst his independent spirit, and generous resentment of the oppressive mandates of his superiours, are exhibited in a lively and interesting style. In the Orlando Furioso we admire the poet ; but in the satires of Ariosto, we are familiarized with and love the man. ^ Ercole Bentivoglio was of the same family that for many years held the sovereignty of Bologna. His satires do him infinite credit as a poet, and arc scarcely inferiour to those of Ariosto, his friend and coutemporary. 394 THE LIFE OF G H A p . Italy has alwa3^s been celebrated for the Y^ talents of its Lnpi'O'D'Disaton^ or extempore poets. stanzecon. Throuj^hout Tuscanv, in particular, this custom tadinesche. ^ . ^ ^ r ^ \ of recitms: verses has lor aa:es been the constant and most favourite amusement of the villagers and country inhabitants. At some times the subject is a trial of wit between two peasants ; on other occasions a lover addresses liir^ mistress in a poetical oration, expressing his passion by such images as his uncultivated fancy suggests, and endeavouring to amuse and engage her by the liveliest sallies of humour. These recita- tions, in which the eclogues of Theocritus are realized, are delivered in a tone of voice between speaking imd singing, and are accompanied with the constant motion of one hand, as if to mea- sure the time and regulate the harmony ; but they have an additional charm from the simpli- city of the country dialect, which abounds with phrases highly natural and appropriate, though incompatible with the precision of a regular language, and forms what is called the Li?igua Contadinesca'' ^ of which specimens may be found in ^ Few attempts have been made in England to adapt the provincial idiom of the inhabitants to the language of poetry. Neither the Shepherd's Calendar of Spenser, nor .the LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 395 in the writings of Boccaccio^. The idea of c h a p. adapting this language to poetry first occurred v* to the Pastorals of Gaj', possess that native simphcity, and close adherence to the manners and language of country life, which ought to form the basis of this kind of compo- sition. Whether the dialect of Scotland be more favour- able to attempts of this nature, or whether we are to seek for the fact in the character of the people, or the peculiar talents of the writers, certain it is, that the idiom of that country has been much more successfully employed in poetical composition, than that of any other part of these kingdoms, and that this practice may there be traced to a very early period. In later times, the beautiful di^- matick poem of The Gentle ShepJierd has exhibited rusticity wdthout vulgarity, and elegant sentiment v/ithout affec- tation. Like the heroes of Homer, the characters of this piece can engage in the humblest occupations without degradation. If to this production we add the beautiful and interesting poems of the Ayrshire ploughman, we may venture to assert, that neither in Italy nor in any other country has this species of poetry been cultivated with greater success. The Cotter's Saturday Alght is per- haps unrivalled in its kind in any language. f Decam. Giorn, viii. J^ov, 2. Bentivegna del Mazzo being interrogated Avhither he went, replies, Gnaffe^ Sere, in buona veriid to vo hifino a Citta fier alcuna mia vicenda^ e jiorto queste cose a Sere Bonacorri di Ginestreto, che m'ajuti di non sachem'' ha fattorichiedere per una comjiarigione del par en- torioper to pericolator 6uo il guidice del deficio. That the ancient Romans Jiad also a marked distinction between the 396 THE LIFE OF CHAP, to Lorenzo de' Medici, who, in his verses entided ^' La Nencia da Barberino'\ has left a very pleasing specimen of it, full of lively imagery and rustick pleasantry''. This piece no sooner appeared, than Luigi Pulci attempted to emulate it, in another poem, written in the same stanza, and called La Beca da Dicomano' ; but instead of the more chastised and delicate humour of Lorenzo, the poem of Pulci partakes of the character of his the written tongue and the dialect of the country inha- bitants, may be inferred from the following lines of Tibullus. Lib, ii. Eleg, 3. Ipsa Venus laetos jam nunc migravit in agros, Verbaque aratoris rustica discit amor. s Nencia is probably the rustick appellation of Lorenza or Lorenzina ; thus from Lorenzo^ in the same dialect, is formed Nencio and Renzo ; and from the diminutive Lorenzino^ JVencino and Cencino, In this poem, the rustick, Vallero, also addresses his mistress by the augmentative of JVenciozsa. These variations are frequently used in the Florentine dialect to express the estimation in which the subject of them is held : thus /^zo, and indj denote a cer- tain degree of affection and tenderness, similar to that which is felt for infants ; whilst the a.ugmentatives of uccio, iiccia^ one, ona, usually imply ridicule or contempt. ^ A few stanze from the original will be found in the Appendix, No. XXXIX. * Published with La jVaicia^ in the Canzonia hallo. Flor. 1568. LOREXZO DE' MEDICI. 397 his Morgante, and wanders into the burlesque chap. and extravagant. In the following century, V' Michelagnolo Buonaroti, the nephew of the celebrated artist of the same name, employed this style with great success in his admirable rustick comedy, La Tancia' ; but perhaps the most beautiful instance that Italy has produced, is the work of Francesco Baldovini, who, towards the close of the last century, published his Lamento di Cecco da Varlungo^ ; a piece of inimitable wit and simplicity, and which seems to have carried this species of poetry to its highest pitch of perfection. If, during the darkness of the middle ages, state of th* | the drama, that great school of human life and drama. manners, j 'i ^^ The learned Anton Maria Salvini has given an \ excellent edition of this comedy, with another by the same ' author, entitled La Fiera. Fivpv.z. 1T26. The annota- \ tions of Salvini upon these pieces are highly and deserv- ; edly esteemed. 1 An elegant edition of this poem v/as also published | at Florence in 1755, in quarto, with copious notes and | illustrations by Orazio Marrini ; in which the editor has, with great industry and learning, traced the history of ! rustick poetry in Italy, from the time of Lorenzo de' Me- \ dici, to whom he attributes the invention of it {Pref, p. i 10.), to that of his author Baldovini ; and has illus- \ trated the text in the most judicious and satisfactory manner. VOL. I. 3 I ' 398 THE LIFE OF c H A P. manners, as established among the ancients, was '^* totally lost, it was not without a substitute in most of the nations of Europe, though of a very imperfect and degraded kind. To this factitious species of dramatick representation, which led the minds of the people from the imitation of the ancient Greeks and Romans, and closed their eyes to their excellencies, we are probably to attribute the slow progress which, in the revival of letters, took place in this important depart- ment. Innumerable attempts have indeed been made to trace the origin of the modern drama, and the Italians, the Germans, the Spaniards, the French, and the Enghsh'"", have successively claimed "^ Several of our most celebrated criticks have warmly contended for the antiquity of the English stage, which they suppose may be traced higher than the Italian by 150 years; in proof of which is adduced the miracle- play of St. Catherine, said to be written by Geoffry, abbot of St. Alban's, and performed at Dunstable in the year 1110. v. Malone'a Shakspeare, in Pref. Hence we might be led to conclude that this miracle-play was com- posed in dialogue ; but there is reason to conjecture that the whole consisted of dumb shew, and that the author's only merit lay in the arrangement of the incidents and machinery. Of the same nature were the grotesque exhibitions, well known in this country under the name of the harrowing of Hell {TxjrnvhiVs Chaucer^ v, iv. /z. 243.) ; and the representations at Florence, mentioned by Villani {lib, viii. c. 10.) and Ammirato {lib, iv.), who inform LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 399 claimed priority of each other. But questions chap, of this kind scarcely admit of decision. Imita- v* tion is natural to man in every state of society ; and where shall we draw the line of distinction between the polished productions of Racine, and inform us, that in the year 1304, the inhabitants of the district of S. Borgo pubiickly proclaimed that they would give an insight into the next world to those who would attend upon the bridge of Carrara. A great number of people Avere accordingly collected together to witness a representation of the infernal regions, which was displayed in boats or rafts upon the river. In this spectacle the damned appeared to be tormented by demons in various forms, raid with dreadful shrieks struck the spectators with terrour : when, in the midst of the performance, the bridge, which v/as of wood, gave way, and the unfor- tunate attendants became the principal actors in the drama. The interludes preserved among the Harleian MSS. said to have been performed at Chester in 1327, and adverted to by Mr. Malone, are manifestly antedated by nearly two centuries ; nor do I conceive it possible to adduce a dramatick composition in the English language that can indisputably be placed before the year 1500, previous to which time they were common in Italy ; though possibly not so early as Mr. Malone allows, Avhen he informs us, on the authority of the liistriomastix, that pope- Pius II. about the year 1416, composed, and caused to be acted before him, on Corpus Christi day, a mystery, in which was represented the court of the kingdom of heaven. Eneas Sylvius, who assumed that title, was not raised to the pontincial dignity till the year 1458. In the extensive catalogue of his writings by Apostolo Zeuo {Dissert, Foss,) I find no notice of any such composition. 400 THE LIFE OF 10 J CHAP, and the pantomimes of Bartholomew fair ? ^' This propensity to imitation, operating upon the religious or superstitious views of the clergy, produced at length that species of exhibition which was formerly knov/n throughout Europe by the name of Mysteries ; but it is probable, that for a long time they were merely calcu- lated to strike the eyes of the spectators. In the city of Florence they were often prepared at the publick expense, and at times by rich indivi- duals, for the purpose of displaying their wealth, and conciliating the publick favour. Four days in the year were solemnly celebrated by the four districts of the city, in honour of their patron saints ; but the feast of St. John, the tutelary saint of Florence, was provided, not at the expense of the particular district which bore his name, but of the city at large. The fabrication of these spectacles employed the abilities of the best artists and engineers of the time''. It was not, however, till the age of Lorenzo de'Medici, that these ill-judged representations began to assume a more respectable form, and to be united with dialogue. One of the earliest examples of the sacred drama is the Rappre- sentaziojie " Vasariyvita di Cecca Ingegnereedi Filippo Bru7iclleschi, 401 scntazioneoiS, Giova?mi eS, Paolo°, by Lorenzo chap. de' Medici. Cionacci conjectures that this piece ^' was written at the time of the marriage of Maddalena, one of the daughters of Lorenzo, to Francesco Cibo, nephew of Innocent VIIL and that it was performed by his own children ; there being many passages which seem to be intended as precepts for such as are intrusted with the direction of a state, and which particu- larly point out the line of conduct which he and his ancestors had pursued, in obtaining and preserving their influence in Florence^. The coadjutors ° Of this piece I have two ancient editions without date ; one of which, printed at Florence by Francesco Bonacorsi^ bears sufficient evidence of its having been published during the life of the author. " Se errore " alchuno," says the editor, " trovate nella impressa " opera, quello non ascriviate alle occupazioni del nostro " miignifico Lorenzo ; sed indubitatamente lo imputate " alio impressore ; peroche chi e solerte, che significa in " onini re prudente, in nessuno tempo e occupato ; ma '• occupato e sempre che non e solerte." It is also republished by Cionacci amongst the sacred poems of Lorenzo and others. Fir, 1680. P Sappiate che chi vuol popol regere, Debbe pensare al bene universale, E chi vuol altri dalli error correggere, Sforzisi prima lui di non far male ; Pero 402 THE LIFE OF CHAP, coadjutors of Lorenzo, in this attempt to melio- v« rate the imperfect state of the drama, were Feo Belcari, Bernardo Pulci and his wife Madonna Antonia de' Tanini'. That Lorenzo had it in contemplation to employ dramatick composition in other subjects is also apparent. Among his poems published at the end of the present work will be found an attempt to substitute the deities of Greece and Rome, for the saints and martyrs of Pero conviensi gliista vitii eleggere, Perche lo esemplo al popol molto vale ; E quel che fa il Signor, fanno poi molti, Che nel Signer son tiitti gli occhi volti. It must be observed, that St. John and St. Paul, the heroes of this drama, are not the personages of those names mentioned in the sacred writings, but two eu- nuchs, attendant on the daughter of Constantine the Great, who are put to death by Julian the apostate, for their adherence to the Christian religion. 1 A considerable collection of the ancient editions of the Rafifiresentazioni of the fifteenth century, printed without date, and formerly in the Pinelii library, has fallen into my hands. I may say of them, with Apo- stolo Zeno, '* trattone alquanti che hanno qualche suco " di buon sapere, mescolato pero di agro Sc di spiace- " vole, son rancidumi ed inezie ; cavate anche da legende " apocrife, e da impure fonti, con basso e pedestre stile, " e d'arte prive, e di grazia poetica." Annot, alia Bib, Ital, di Fontan, v* up, 489. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 403 of the Christian church ; but the jealous temper chap. of the national religion seems for a time to have ^' restrained the progress which might otherwise have been expected in this important department of letters. Some years after the death of Lorenzo, a more decided effort was made by- Bernardo Accolti, in his drama of Firginia, founded on one of the novels of Boccaccio' ; and this again was followed, at a short interval, by the Sofonisba of Trissino, and the Rosmiinda of Giovanni Rucellai ; two pieces vvhich are justly ^ Decani, Gior, iii. A6X'. 9. The argument of this piece is given by Accolti in the following sonetto, prefixed to the edition of Flor. 1514 : Virginia amando el Re giiarisce, e chiede Di Salerno el gran principe in marito ; Qual costretto a sposarla, e poi partito Per mai tornar fin lei viva si vede : Cerca Virginia scrivendo, mercede. Ma el principe da molta ira assalito Gii domanda. s' a lei vuol sia redito, Due condizion qual impossibil crede. Pero Virginia sola, e travestita, Partendo, ogn' impossibil conditione Adempie al fin con prudentia infinita. Onde el principe pien d' amiratione Lei di favore, e grazia rivestita Sposa di nuovo con molta affectione. 404 THE LIFE OF CHAP, justly considered as the first regular productions ^' of the drama in modern times. The musu 'Y\iQ orio^iu of the musical drama, or Italian eal drama. ^ '-' opera, is by general consent attributed to Poli- tiano, who gave the first example of it in his Orfeo, The idea of this species of composition seems to have been first suggested by the Ec- logues of the ancient Greek and Roman authors ; nor does there appear to have been any extraor- dinary exertion of genius in adapting to musick the sentiments and language of pastoral life ; but it should be remembered that the intrinsick merit of any discovery is to be judged of rather by the success with which it is attended, than by the difficulties that were to be surmounted. Of the plan and conduct of this dramatick attempt, a particular account has been given by a very judicious and amusing author'. Little, how- ever, is to be expected in point of arrange- ment, when we understand that it was the hasty production of two days, and was intended merely for the gratification of Gonzaga, cardinal of Mantua, before whom it was first represented. Accordingly, its principal merit consists in the simplicity Dr, Burney's Gen, Hist, of Musick^ v, iy./i. 14. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 405 simplicity and elegance of some of the Lyrick chap. pieces with which it is interspersed. From the V* early editions of this poem, it appears that the character of Orpheus was first exhibited by the celebrated Improwisatore ^2iccioUgo\im, whose personal obligations to the cardinal occasioned the introduction of the beautiful Latin ode, in which, by a singular exertion of the quidlibet audendi, the Theban bard is introduced singing the praises of the cardinal, but which was after- wards superseded by the verses in praise of Hercules, generally found in the subsequent editions. In a dedicatory epistle prefixed to this piece, and addressed to Carlo Carnale, the author, whilst he professes himself willing to comply with the wishes of some of his friends by its publication, openly protests against the propriety of such a measured A species of conduct which, in modern times, might perhaps savour of affectation ; but of this we may safely acquit Politiano, who, in the midst of his learned labours, * Viva adunque poi che cosl ad voi place, ma ben vi protest© che tale pieta e una expressa crudelta ; e di questo mio giudlzio desldero ne sia questa epistola testU monio. FoL in Pre/, VOL. I. 3 K 406 THE LITE OF CHAP, labours, certainly regarded a slight composition V' in the vulgar tongue as much below his talents and his character. canti Car. Durius: thc time of carnival, it was customary to celebrate that festival at Florence with extra- , ordinary magnificence. Among other amuse- ments, it had long been usual to collect toge- ther, at great expense, large processions of people, sometimes representing the return of triumphant warriours with trophies, cars, and similar devices ; and at other times some story of ancient chivalry. These exhibitions afforded ample scope for the inventive talents of the Florentine artists, who contended with each other in rendering them amusing, extravagant, or terrifick. The pageantry was generally dis- played by night, as being the season best calcu- lated to conceal the defects of the perform- ance, and to assist the fancy of the spectators. ** It w^as certainly," says Vasari"", *' an extraor- ** dinary sight, to observe twenty or thirty ^' couple of horsemen, most richly dressed in *' appropriate characters, with six or eight *' attendants upon each, habited in an uniform '* manner, and carrying torches to the amount '' of several hundreds, after whom usually fol- ^' lowed ^ Vasari, vita di Ficro di Cosimo, LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 407 ^' lowed a triumphal car with the trophies and chap. '* spoil's of victory" — of imaginary victories V' indeed, but not on that account less calculated to display the ingenuity of the inventer, or less pleasing in the estimation of the philosopher. The promised gaiety of the evening was some- times unexpectedly interrupted by a moral lesson, and the artist seized the opportunity of exciting those m^ore serious emotions, which the astonished beholders had supposed it was his intention to dissipate. Thus Piero di Cosimo, a painter of Florence, appalled the inhabitants by a representation of the triumph of Death, in which nothing was omitted that might impress upon their minds the sense of their own mor- tality "". Prior, however, to the time of Lorenzo de' V Of this exhibition, which took place about the year 1512, Vasari has left a very particular account. {Fiia di Piero di Cosi?-no.) The same author has preserved the following lines of the Carro delta Morte^ sung upon this occasion, v/hich was the composition of Antonio Ala- manni : " Morti si am come vedete, " Cosi morti vedrem voi, " Fummo gia come voi siete, " Voi sarete come noi." The whole piece is published in the Canti Carnascia^ Itschi. fu 131. Ed, 1559. 408 THE LIFE OF CHAP, de' Medici, these exhibitions were calculated V' merely to amuse the eye, or were at most accompanied by the insipid madrigals of the populace. It was he who first taught his coun- trymen to dignify them with sentiment, and add to their poignancy by the charms of poetry'^. It is true, the examples which he has himself given of these compositions, in the Canti Camas- cialeschij or carnival songs, being calculated for the gratification of the m.ultitude, and devoted only to the amusement of an evening, exhibit not auy great energy of thought, nor are they distinguished by an equal degree of poetical ornam.ent with his other works. Their merits are therefore principally to be estimated by the purify of the Florentine diction, which is allowed to be there preserA^ed in its most unadulterated state''. The intervention and patronage of Lorenzo ^'^ Qucsto mocio di festeggiare fu trovato dal Mag. Lorenzo de' Medici, uno dei primi e piu chiari splendcri ch' abbia havuto won pure la illiistrissima e nobilissima casa vGStra, e Firenze, ma Italia ancora, e il mondo tutto quanto ; degno veramente di non esser ricordalo niai iij senza lagrime, r^. senza riverenza. // Lci^ca^ ad S/'g, Francesco de' Medici. Canii CarviasciaLsch:., in fircf. Flor, 1559. ^ These pieces, as well as the other poems of Lorenzo de' Medici, are frequently cited by the aradcmicians dclla Cm sea. LOREN^ZO DE' MEDICI. 409 Lorenzo gave new spirit to these amusements, chap. Induced by his example, many of his contem- v» porarics employed their talents in these popular compositions, which were continued by a nume- reus succession of writers, till the middle of the ensuing century, when they were diligently collected by Anton Francesco Grazzini, com- monly called IlLasca, and published at Florence in the year 1559'. The Criisca, in their celebrated dictionary, as authorities for the Italian tongue : and consequently compose a part of those works selected for the purity of their style, and known by the name of Testi di lingua, y This was not, however, the fu'st edition of the Canti Carnascialeschi, Zeno, in his notes on the Bibl. ItaL of Fontanini {y, ii. p, 83.), has cited two editions printed without note of date or place, but prior, as he thought, to the year 1500 ; the first entitled Canzone per andare in Maschera^ the latter Ballattctte del Magnijico Lorenzo de' Medici^ di M. Jgndo Poliziano^ e di Bernardo Giamburlari. The edition of 1559 is, however, the first general collec- tion of these pieces, towards which a great number of the natives of Florence contributed. Of this edition the greater part of the copies are mutilated, having been deprived of 100 pages about the middle of the book ; viz. from page 298 to page 398, in which space were con- tained the pieces of Battista dell' Ottonajo, whose brother Paolo having remonstrated against their publication in a surreptitious manner, end in an inaccurate state, had sufficient Canzoni a balk. 410 THE LITE OF CHAP. The Canzoni a hallo are compositions of a ^' much moie singular and inexplicable kind. From their denomination it is probable, that they vv^ere sung by companies of young people, in concert with the musick to which they danced; and the measure of the verse appears to be so constructed as to fall in with the ciiferent move- ments and pauses. It may perhaps be thou^>•ht that sufficient infiuence with the government of Florence to obtain an order that the printer, Torrentino, should deliver up all the copies in his hands, vvhich appeared to be 495 ; after a year's litigation the poems of Ottonajo were ordered to be cut out from the bock, and Paolo was left at liberty to publish another editi.;n of them, which he accordingly did. This dispute gave rise to another contest during the present century, betv/een the Canonico Biscioni, late librarian of the grand duke's library at Florence, and Sig. Rinaldo Maria Bracci, who published at Pisa, under the date of Cosmopoli 1760, a new edition of the Canti Carnascials^chi^ in two vokimes quarto, in- cluding those of Ottonajo, from the impression of his brother Paolo ; in the introduction to which he justifies the decree that suppressed these pieces in the edition of 1559, contrary to tiie opinion of Biscioni, who considered it as severe and unjust. The dispute seems of little importance ; but the result of it was unfavourable to the modern editor, whose elegant and apparently correct edi- tion of these poems has never obtained that credit amongst the literati of Italy, to which, on many accounts, it appears to be entitled. I shall give one of these poems in tlie Appendix, being the Triumph of Bacchus and Ari- adne, by Lorenzo de' Medici, ■;-•. JJiJk .Vb. XL. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 411 that the extreme licentiousness of some of chap. these pieces militates against such an idea ; but ^* in the state of manners in Italy at that period, this objection can have but little weight. In- deed, if we trace to its source this favourite amusement, we shall probably discover, that a dance is in fact only a figurative representation of the passion of love, exhibited with more or less delicacy according to the character and state of civilization of those who practise it. To improve its relish, and heighten its enjoyment, seems to have been the intention of the Canzoni a hallo. From the known affability of Lorenzo de' Medici, and the festivity of his disposition, as well as from other circumstances % there is reason ^ In the edition of the Canzoni a ballo^ published at Florence in 1568, the title-page is ornamented with a print in wood, of which the following is a copj^, repre- senting twelve women dancing before the palace of the Medici, knovrn by the arms affixed to it, and singing, as we may presume, a dancing song. Towards the front of the print appears Lorenzo de' Medici ; two females kneel before him., one of Avhom presents him with a garland taken from her head, of which he seems to decline the acceptance. Behind Lorenzo stands Agnolo Politiano, his associate in this work. This print seems to have a more particular reference to one of the songs written by Lorenzo, which became extremely popular by the name of Ben xyevga Maggio, and which the reader will find in the Appendix, No. XLL In an ancient collection of 4,12 THE LIFE or CHAP, reason to conclude, that he was accustomed to V. mingle with the populace on these mirthful occa- sions, Laude^ or hymns, printed at Venice in 1512, I find that several of these devout pieces are directed to be sung to the air of Ben venga Maggio. From this collection it appears 413 sions, and to promote and direct their amuse- chap. ments. Nor are we to wonder that the arbiter V' of the politicks of Italy should be employed in the streets of Florence, participating the mirth, and directing the evolutions, of a troop of dancing girls. On the contrary, this versatility of talent and of disposition may be considered as the most distinguishing feature in the cha- racter of this extraordinary man ; who, from the most important concerns of state, and the highest speculations of philosophy, could stoop to partake of the humblest diversions of the populace, and who in every department obtained, by general consent, the supreme direction and control. Thus far w^e have taken a review of the chief part of the poems which yet remain of Lorenzo appears that it was then a general custom in Italy, as it now is, or lately was, the practice of a certain sect in this country, to sing pious hymns to the most profane and popular melodies, for the purpose of stimulating the languid piety of the performers, by an association with the vivacity of sensual enjoyments. Thus the hymn Jesu sommo diletto^ is sung to the musick oi Leggiadra dami- gella ; Jesu fammi viorire^ to that of Vaga bella e gentile ; Genetrice di Dio, to that oi Dolce anima mia ; and Crucijisso a capo chino^ to that of Una Donna d* amor Jino, one of the most indecent pieces in the Canzoni a ballo, VOL. I. 3 L 414 THE LIFE OF CHAP. Lorenzo de' Medici, and have seen him, by his ^* own example, stimulating his countrymen to the pursuits of literature. The restorer of the Lyrick poetry of Italy, the promoter of the dra- matick, the founder of the satirick, rustick, and other modes of composition, he is not merely entitled to the rank of a poet, but may justly be placed among the distinguished few, who, by native strength, have made their way through paths before untrodden. Talent may follow and improve ; emulation and industry may polish and refine ; but genius alone can break those barriers that restrain the throng of mankind in the common track of life. Critique of Tlic poctical mcHts of Lorenzo de' Medici mnciuia.on wcrc pcrccivcd and acknowledged by his con- iorlZo!^ °^ temporaries. Were we to collect the various testimonies of respect and admiration that were produced in honour of him in different parts of Italy, they would form a very unreasonable addi- tion to the present volume. We must not, however, omit to notice the opinion of Pico of Mirandula, who, in a letter addressed to Lo- renzo, has entered into a full discussion of the character of his writings, comparing them with those of his predecessors Dante and Petrarca, and contending that they unite the vigour of thought apparent in the former, with the har- mony LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 415 mony and polish of the latter\ Succeeding ch a p, criticks have, however, appealed against a deci- v» sion, which seems to attribute to Lorenzo de' Medici a superiority over the great masters of the Tuscan poetry; and have considered the opinion of Pico either as an instance of courtly adulation, or as a proof of the yet imperfect taste of the age . Without contending for the opinion ^ This letter, which has occasioned so much animad- version, is given in the Appendix, No. XLII. •^ " A qiiesto s'aggiunge che Giovanni Pico Conte ** della Mirandola, uomo di singolarrissimo ingegno e " dottrina, in una lettera latina, la quale egli scrisse al " Mag. Lorenzo de' Medici vecchio — non solo lo pareg* " gia> ma lo prepone indubitatamente cosi a Dante come " al Petrarca, perch> al Petrarca (die' egii) mancano le <' cose, cio^ i concetti, e a Dante le parole, cios 1' elo- " quenza ; dove in Lorenzo non si desideremo ne I'une " ne I'altre. Le quali cose egli mai affermate cosl preci- ** samente non arebbe, se i giudicj di quel secol fossero " stati sani, e gli orecchi non corrotti." Fare hi Ercolano^ p, 27. Ed, Com, 1744. The same author, however, after acquitting Pico of the charge of adulation, subjoins : " Ne sarebbe mancata materia al Pico di potere vera- " mente commendare Lorenzo, senza biasimare non " veramente il Petrarca, e Dante ; perche nel vero egli " con M. Agnolo Poliziano, e Girolamo Benevieni furono " i primi i quali comminciassero nel comporre a ritirarsi " e discostarsi dal volgo, e, se non imitare, a volere, o " pk.rere di volere imitare il Petrarca, e Dante, lasciando " *in parte quella maniera del tutto vile, e plebea, la quale " assai 4l6 THE LIFE OF CHAP, opinion of Pico in its full extent, we may be v« allowed to remark, that the temper and cha- racter both of him and of Lorenzo are equally- adverse to the idea, that the one could offer, or the other be gratified, with unmerited appro- bation and spurious praise ; and that Pico was not deficient in the qualifications of a critick may appear even from the very letter which has been cited as an impeachment of his taste. For although he there treats the writings of Dante and Petrarca with great severity, and asserts not only the equality, but, in a certain point of view, the superiority of those of Lorenzo, yet he clearly proves that he had attentively studied these productions, and by many acute and just observations demonstrates, that he was well qualified to appreciate their various merits and defects. Nor does Pico, in avowing this opi- nion, stand alone amongst his countrymen. Even in the most enlightened period of the ensuing century, the pretensions of Lorenzo de' Medici to rank with the great fathers of the Italian tongue, are supported by an author whose testimony cannot be suspected of par- tiality, and whose authority will be acknowledged as '* assai chiaramente si reconosce ancora eziandio nel I '^ Morgante Maggiore di Luigi Pulci, e nel Cinffo Calva- \ ^< neo di Luca suo Fratello." LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 417 as generally as his writings are known*". The chap. most celebrated literary historians of Italy, in ^' adverting: to the asre of Lorenzo, have acknow- ^1'^"^°"^°^ C-> o 7 Other aa- ledged the vigour of his genius, and the success thorson _ , . _ , _, . , . . . the same of his labours ; Crescimbeni, in tracing the subject, vicissitudes of the Tuscan poetry, informs us, that it had risen to such perfection under the talents of Petrarca, that not being susceptible of farther improvement, it began, in the common course of earthly things, to decline ; and in a short time w^as so debased and adulterated, as nearly to revert to its pristine barbarity. '^ But at this *' critical juncture," saysthe same well-informed author"^, " a person arose who preserved it " from ruin, and who snatched it from the ^' dangerous precipice that seemed to await it. " This ^ Non so adunque come sia bene in luogo d' arrichir questa lingua, e darle spirito, grandezza, e lume, farla povera, esile, umile ed oscura, e cercare di metterla in tante angustie che ognuno sia sforzato ad imitare sola- mente il Petrarca e'l Boccaccio, e che nella lingua non si debba ancor credere al Poliziano, a Lorenzo de' Medici^ a Francesco Diaceto e ad alcuni altri, che pur sono Toscani, e forse di non minor dottrina e giudicio, che si fosse il Petrarca e'l Boccaccio. Castiglione II Cortegiano^ lib, i. ^ Delia volgar Poesia, v, ii, fi, 323. 418 THE LIFE OF CHAP. " This was Lorenzo de' Medici, from whose V* ** abilities it received that support of which it " then stood so greatly in need ; who, amidst <* the thickest gloom of that barbarism which " had spread itself throughout Italy, exhibited, <* whilst yet a youth, a simplicity of style, a << purity of language, a happiness of versifica- ** tion, a propriety of poetical ornament, and *' a fulness of sentiment, that recalled once * * more the graces and the sweetness of Petrarca. ' ' If, after paying due attention to these autho- rities, we consider, that the two great authors with whose excellencies Lorenzo is supposed to contend, employed their talents chiefly in one species of composition, whilst his were exercised in various departments ; that during a long life, devoted to letters, they had leisure to correct, to polish, and to improve their works, so as to bear the inspection of critical minuteness, whilstthose of Lorenzo must in general have been written with almost extemporaneous haste, and, in some instances, scarcely perhaps obtained the advantages of a second revisal ; we must be compelled to acknowledge, that the inferiority of his reputation as a poet has not arisen from a deficiency of genius, but must be attributed to the avocations of his publick life, the multipli- city of his domestick concerns, the interference of other studies and amusements , and his untimely death. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 419 death '^. When therefore we estimate the num- chap* ber, the variety, and the excellence of his ^* poetical works, it must be admitted, that if those talents, which, under so many obstacles and disadvantages, are still so conspicuous, had been directed to one object, and allowed to exert themselves to their fidl extent, it is in the highest degree probable, that, in point of poetick excellence, Italy had not boasted a more illus- trious name than that of Lorenzo de' Medici. In dismissing this subject, it may yet be '^l^"^* allowed to point out one tribute of respect to celebrated the poetical character of Lorenzo, which may da of pou- serve at the same time to illustrate a passage in ^'*'*'* an author, who, though a modern, deserves the appellation of classical. This will be found at the close of the Sylva of Politiano, entitled Nutricia, which will scarcely be intelligible to the reader, without some previous acquaintance with the writings of Lorenzo, as the author has there, in a small compass, particularly cele- brated most of the productions of his patron's pen. Nee « Se la sua vita fosse piu lungamente durata, e se quella ch' egli meno, fosse stata piu sciolta dalle cure famigliari, e politiche, sto per dire, che avrebbe ancor quel secolo avuto il suo Petrarca. Murat, delta Ferfetta Poesia ItaL v, i. /^ 20. 420 THE LIFE or CHAP. ^^^ tamen Augerum fraudarim hoc muncre V, Dantem, ~~~~~~~ Per Styga, per stellas, mediique per ardua montis Pulchra Beatricis sub virginis ora volantem. Quique cupidineum repetit Petrarcha triumphum. Et qui bis quinis centum argumenta diebua Pingit, et obscuri qui semina monstrat amoris : Unde tibi immensx veniunt prsconia laudis, Ingeniis, opibusque potens, Florentia mater. Tu vero seternum per avi vestigia Cos mi, Perque patris (quis enim pietate insignior illo 1} Ad famam ebictans, cujus securus ad umbram Fulmina bellorum ridens procul aspicit Arnus. Nor Alighieri, shall thy praise be lost, Who from the confines of the Stygian coast, As Beatrice led thy willing steps along, To realms of light, and starry mansions sprung ; Nor Petrarch thou, whose soul-dissolving strains Rehearse, O love ! thy triumphs and thy pains : Nor HE, whose hundred tales the means impart, To wind the secret snare around the heart. Be these thy boast, O Florence ! these thy pride, Thy sons ! whose genius spreads thy glory wide. And thou Lorenzo, rushing forth to fame, Support of Cos3io's and of Piero's name I Safe in whose shadow Arno hears from far, And smiles to hear, the thunder of the war ; Mseonist j LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 421 Mxonine caput, O Laurens, quern plena senatu CHAP. Curia, quemque gravi populus stupet ore loquentem, V. Si fas est, tua nunc humili patere otia cantu, "^^ Secessusque sacros avidas me ferre sub auras. Namque importunas mulcentem pectine curas, Umbrosse recolo te quondam vallis in antrum Monti colam traxisse deam ; vidi ipse corollas Nexantem, numerosque tuos prona aure bibentem : Viderunt socii pariter, seu grata Dians Nympha fuit, quamquam nulla: sonuere pharetrx : Seu soror Aonidum, et nostrjc tunc hospita sylvsc. Ilia tibi, lauruque tua, semperque recenti Flore comam cingens, pulchrum inspiravit amorem, Mox et Apollineis audentem opponere nervis Pana leves calamos nemoris sub rupe Pher*ei, Endow'd with arts the listening throng to move, The senate's wonder, and the people's love, Chief of the tuneful train ! thy praises hear, — If praise of mine can charm thy cultur'd ear ; For once, the lonely woods and vales among, A mountain-goddess caught thy soothing song, As swelled the notes, she pierc'd the winding dell, And sat beside thee in thy secret cell ; I saw her hands the laurel chaplet twine. Whilst with attentive ear she drank the sounds divine. Whether the nymph to Dian's train allied, — ^But sure no quiver rattled at her side ; Or from th' Aonian mount, a stranger guest, She chose awhile in these green woods to rest — Carmine VOL. I. 3 M 422 THE LIFE OP CHAP. Carmine dum celebras ^, eadem tibi virgovocanti V. Astitit, et sanctos nee opina afflavit honores. """ " Ergoet nocticanum perte Galatea Corinthum^ Jam non dura videt : nam quis flagrantia nescit Vota, Cupidineoque ardentes igne querelas ? Seu tibi Phoebeis audax concurrere flammis'^ Claro Stella die, seu lutea floro sequaci Thro' all thy frame while softer passions breathe, Around thy brows she bound the laureate wreathe ; — And still — as other themes engaged thy song, She with unrivall'd sweetness touch'd thy tongue ; To tell the contest on Thessalia's plains. When Pan with Phoebus tried alternate strains^. Or Galatea, who no more shall slight Corynthus' song, that soothes the ear of nights. — But who shall all thy varying strains disclose, As sportive fancy prompts, or passion glows ? When to thine aid thou call'stthe solar beams, And all their dazzling lustre round thee flames^. Infeli IX ^ Cafiitolo del Canto del Pan, a dramatick pastoral. s The address of the Shepherd Corynthus to Galatea, commencing, " La luna in mezzo alle minori stellc.''* ^ Sonetto 66. " O chiara Stella che co' raggi tuoi** LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 423 Infelix ClytieS sen mentem semper oberrans CHAP. Forma subit dominx^^, seu pulchrae gaudia mortis^, V. Atque pium tacto jurantem pectore amorem"^, Atque oculos canis'', atque mamis°, niveisque capillos Or sing'st of Clj/tie, sunward still inclined^ ; Or the dear nymph whose image fills thy mind^ ; Of dreams of love, and love's extremest joy* ; Of vows of truth and endless constancy"^ ; Or of those eyes a thousand flames that dart" ; That hand that binds in willing chains thy heart° ; Infusos i Sonetto 67, " Quando il sol giu daW oriente scendeJ" ^ Sonetto 103. " Lasso, or la bella donna mia che face ?'* 1 Sonetto 86. " O veramente felice e beata Mtte»'* m Sonetto 99. " jimorosi sosfiir, e quali uscite*^ n Sonetto 88, " Ove Madonna volge gli occhi begli" o Sonetto 78. " man mia soavissima c decora," 424 .^ THE LIFE OF CHAP. Infusos humerisP, et verba*i, et lene sonantis V, Murmur aqux'', viol x que comas % blandumque sopo- rem, LiBtaque quam dulcis suspiria fundat amaror*^ ; The tresses o'er those ivory shoulders thrown^; The secret promise, made to thee alone ^ ; The stream's soft murmur •■, and the violet's glow% And love's embittered joys and rapturous woe*^ ; Quantum P Sonet to 73. " Sfiesso mi torna a mnite anzi giammai,'' 1 Sonetto 91. " Mandomia io veg-go ne' vostrz occhi belli J^ ^ Sonetto 75. " C/iiar' acqiie i sento del voslro mormorio,^' I f ^ Sonetto 80. " Belle fresche c purfiuree viole,''* Or perhaps 114. " JVon di verdi giardin ornati e colli." ^ Sonetto 39. " Io son si certo amor di tiia incertezza.'' LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 425 ] Quantum addat formce pietas", quam sxpe decenter CHAP Palleat, utque tuum foveat cor pectore Nymphe^. y^ ] Non vacat argutosque sales, Satyraque Bibaces ' ' Descriptos memorare senes^^; non carmina festis Excipienda choris, querulasve animantia chordas^. , ^ Idem etiam tacitx referens pastoria vitse : Otiay, et urbanos thyrso extimulante labores ; Mox fugis in coelum, non ceu per lubrica nisus, Extremamque boni gaudes contingere metam^. j How pity adds to beauty's brightest charms"; And how thy bosom beats with soft alarms v; , Nor wants there sprightly satire's vivid beam, . Whose lustre lights th' inebriate fools to fame"^ ; Nor choral songs whose animating sound -■ Provokes the smile, and bids the dance go round ^, i — Then free from babbling crowds, and city noise, ] Thou sing'stthe pleasures rural life enjoys y ; ■ Or vrith no faltering step, pursue st thy way, i To touch the confines of celestial day^. ^ Quodque " Sonetto 56. ! " Talbor mi firega dolcemente a?nore," J V Sonetto 141. j " Dura memoria^ perche non tispegni,'* ^ The Beoni, or satire against drunkenness. ^ ^ Canzoni a hallo* ij y Altercazione^ or a dialogue between a shepherd and i citizen. ' ^ Kime sacre, cj/c. 426 THE LIFE, ETC, CHAP* Quodque alii studiumque vocant, dm umque laborem V, Hie tibi ludus erit ; fessus civilibus actis , """^ Hue is emeritas aeuens ad earmina vires. Felix ingenio, felix cui peetore tantas Instaurare vices, cui fas tarn magna capaci. Alternare animo, et varias ita nectere curas. — These the delights thy happiest moments share, Thy dearest lenitives of publick care : Blest in thy genius ! thy capacious mind Nor to one science, nor one theme confined, By grateful interchange fatigue beguiles, In private studies and in publick toils. tHE END OF tHE FIRST' VOLUME, r ."* -.